TWO HISTORIES OF IRELAND.  
The one written by Edmund Campion, the other by Meredith Hanmer Dr of Divinity.  
DUBLIN, Printed by the Society of Stationers. M.DC.XXXIII.   

elsewhere these Histories do afford to the knowledge of former times, and the good use which may be made of them by any who have leisure, desire, and ability to erect and polish a lasting structure of our Irish affairs, I am embouldned to present them to your Lordship's patronage, whose government I beseech the Almighty so to bless; that it may be a long happiness to this land.  
Your Lordships ever humbly at commandment. JAMES WARE.   

THE PREFACE TO THE SUBSEQVENT HISTORIES.  
WHat variety of choice matter the affairs of this Kingdom do afford to an Historian, especially since the middle of the reign of King Henry the VIII. any one that is but meanly versed in our Histories can testify: But if we consider how little hath hitherto been published, we cannot but blame the slowness of our learned men, who have (for by-respects) forborn to take pains in so worthy a subject. England hath had the happiness that some parts of her History have been lately excellently performed, by the right honourable Francis late Viscount St. Alban, the right Reverend Francis Lo: Bishop of Hereford, the most learned William Camden and others. Some will hereafter, I hope, do the like for Ireland: In the mean while we are to accept of these tastes, the one left unto us by Edmund Campion, and the other by Doctor Hanmer, who died (of the plague at Dublin in the year M.DC.IIII.) before he had finished his intended work: out of whose collections, what now beareth his name hath been preserved by our most Reverend and excellently learned Primate. Other helps (to pass by those which are already divulged) may be plentifully had by him who will undertake this task, out of the ancient and modern records, both in this Kingdom and in England, as also out of divers manuscript annal and Chartularies, which are yet extant among us, besides those authors of English birth, as john Wallingford a Monk of St Alban, Thomas Wike a Canon of Osney, and others, (which I have seen) in that excellent library and treasury of MSS. antiquities, gathered by Sir Robert Cotton knight and Baronett deceased, who do only obiter touch upon our affairs. An intention there was not long since by Sir james Ley knight then Lord chief justice of the King's Bench in Ireland, (afterwards Lord high Treasurer of England and Earl of Marleburgh) to have published some of our country writers in this kind, for which end he caused to be transcribed and made fit for the Press, the Annals of john Clynne a Friar minor of Kilkenny, (who lived in the time of King Edw. the 3.) the Annals of the Priory of S. john the Evangelist of Kilkenny, and the Annals of Multifernan, Rosse and Clonmell, etc. But his weighty occasions did afterwards divert his purpose. The copies are yet preserved, and I hope ere long with other Annals and fragments of the same nature will be divulged. We come now to the Authors in hand.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE ROBERT DUDLEY, Baron of Denbigh, Earl of Leicester, Knight of the noble Order of the garter, and S. Michael's, Master of the Queen's Majesty's horse, and one of her Privy Council, high Chancellor of the University of Oxford, my singular good Lord.  
THat my travail into Ireland, might seem neither causeless, nor fruitless, I have thought it expedient, being one member of your Lordship's honourable charge to yield you this poor book, as an account of my poor voyage, happily not the last, nor the most beautiful present that is intended to your Honour by me, but surely more full of unsavoury toil for the time, than any plot of work that ever I attempted, which I write, not of vanity to commend my diligence, but of necessity to excuse mine imperfection. For whereas it is well known to the learned in this land, how late it was ere I could meet with Gerald of Wales, the only Author that ministereth some indifferent furniture to this Chronicle, and with what search I have been driven to piece out the rest by help of foreign Writers (incidently touching this Realm) by a number of brief extracts of rolls, records and scattered papers. These things (I say) considered, I trust this little volume shall seem great enough in such barren shift, & my defect in penning the same shallbe imputed partly to my haste, who must needs have ended all before I should leave the land, and am now even upon point of my departure. So as to handle and lay these things together, I had not in all the space of ten weeks. Such as it is, I address and bequeath it to your good Lordship, for two causes. First that by the patronage of this Book you may be induced to weigh the estate and become a patron to this noble Realm, which claimeth kindred of your eldest ancestors, and loveth entirely your noble virtues: The fame whereof is now carried by those strangers that have felt them into many foreign countries that never saw your person. Secondly because there is none that knoweth me familiarly, but he knoweth withal how many ways I have been beholding to your Lordship. The regard of your deserts and of my duty hath easily won at my hands this testimony of a thankful mind. I might be thought ambitious, if I should recount in particular the times & places of your several courtesies to me. How often at Oxford, how often at the Court, how at Rycot, how at Windsor, how by letters, how by reports, you have not ceased to further with advice and to countenance with authority, the hope and expectation of me a single Student. Therefore in sum it shall suffice me to acknowledge the general heap of your bounties, and for them all to serve your honour frankly, at least wise with a true heart: Let every man esteem in your state and fortune, the thing that best contenteth and feedeth his admiration; But surely to a judgement settled and rectified, these outward felicities which the world gazeth on, are there, and therefore to be denied, praisable when they lodge those inward qualities of the mind, which (saving for suspicion of flattery) I was about to say are planted in your breast. Thirteen years to have lived in the eye and special credit of a Prince, yet never during all that space to have abused this ability to any man's harm, to be enriched with no man's overthrow, to be kindled neither with grudge nor emulation, to benefit an infinite resort of daily suitors, to let down your calling to the need of mean subjects, to retain so lowly a stomach, such a facility, so mild a nature in so high a vocation, to undertake the tuition of learning and learned men. These are indeed the kirnels for the which the shell of your nobility seemeth fair and sightly; This is the sap, for whose preservation the bark of your noble tree is tendered. This is the substance which maketh you worthy of these Ornaments wherewith you are attired, and in respect of these good gifts as I for my part have ever been desirous to discover an officious and dutiful mind towards your Lordship, so will I never cease to betake the uttermost of my power and skill to your service, nor to beg of Almighty God your plentiful increase in godliness, wisdom and prosperity. Fare you well: From Dublin 27. May, 1571.  
Your Lordships humbly to command. EDMUND CAMPION.   

To the loving Reader.  
AT my times of leisure from ordinary studies, I have since my first arrival hither, enquired out antiquityes of the land, wherein being holpen by divers friendly Gentlemen, I have given th'adventure to frame a Story, which I bring from the very first original until th'end of this last year 1570. I follow these Authors, Giraldus Cambrensis, who divideth his work into two parts, from the first (which is stuffed with much impertinent matter) I borrow so much as serveth the turn directly, the second which containeth two books, and discourseth the conquest of Henry Fitz Empress, I abridge into one Chapter: where Cambrensis endeth, there beginneth a nameless Author, who in certain short notes containeth a Chronologie until the year● of Christ 1370. From thence to Henry the Eight, because nothing is extant orderly written, and the same is time beyond any man's memory, I scamble forward with such records as could be sought up, and am enforced to be the briefer. From Henry th'eight hitherto, I took instructions by mouth, whatsoever I bring besides these helps, either mine own observation hath found it, or some friend hath informed me, or common opinion hath received it, or I read it in a pamphlet, or if the Author be worthy the naming I quote him in the margin. Scottish Histories I used these twain, famous in their times, john Major, and Hector Boethius. For English, wherein the state of Ireland is oft employed, because I am not in place to examine the ancient, I have credited these late writers, Fabian, Polidore, Cooper, Hall, Grafton, and Stowe: diligent and thanks-worthy collectors. Touching the rest of all sorts, from whose books I pick matter to my purpose, they are mentioned as they fall in ure, which here I list not to reckon, being loath to fill the page with a rank of empty names. Irish Chronicles, although they be reported to be full fraught of lewd examples, idle tales, and genealogies: Et quicquid Graecia mendax audet in historiâ, yet concerning the state of that wild people specified before the conquest. I am persuaded that with choice and judgement, I might have sucked thence some better store of matter, and gladly would have sought them, had I found an interpreter, or understood their tongue. th' one so rare, that scarcely five in five hundred can skill thereof, th'other so hard, that it asketh continuance in the Land, of more years than I had months to spare about this business, my special meaning was to gather so much as I thought the civil subjects could be content to read, and withal to give a light to the learned Antiquaries of this Country birth, who may hereafter at good leisure supply the want of this foundation, and polish the stone rough hewed to their hand. Notwithstanding as naked and simple as it is, it could never have grown to any proportion in such post-haste, except I had entered into such familiar society, and daily tabletalk with the worshipful Esquire james Stanihurst, Recorder of Dublin. Who beside all courtesy of Hospitality, and a thousand loving turns not here to be recited, both by word and written monuments, and by the benefit of his own Library, nourished most effectually mine endeavour. It remaineth that I request my Countrymen to bend their good liking to my goodwill, and the English of Ireland to favour the memory of their noble ancestors, both twain to deliver me from all undue and wrong suspicions, howsoever the privilege of an history hath tempered mine ink with sweet or sour ingredients. Verily as touching the affairs and persons here deciphered, how little cause I have with any blind and corrupt affection, either ways to be miscarried, themselves know best that here be noted yet living, and other by enquiring may conjecture. Farewell. From Droghedah the 9 of june. 1571.   

CAMPIONS' HISTORY OF IRELAND. The First Book.  

CAP. I. The Site and special parts of Ireland.  
IRELAND lieth aloof in the West Ocean, 
This Book includeth the first part of Cambrensis, divided by him into 3, distinctions. Which was delivered me, by james Stanihurst.  and is deemed by the later Survey, to be in length well-nigh three hundred miles north & south: broad from East to West one hundred and twenty. In proportion it resembleth an egg, blunt and plain on the sides, not reaching forth to Sea, in nooks and elbows of Land, as Britain doth.  
Long since it was divided into four regions, Leinster East, Connaght West, Ulster North, Monster South, 
Lagenia. Conatia. Hultonia. Momonia. Medi●.  and into a fifth plot defalked from every fourth part, lying together in the heart of the Realm, called thereof Media, Meath.  
Each of these five (where they are framable to civility, and answer the writts of the Crown,) be sundered into shires and counties, after this manner.  

Leinster.  In Leinster lie the counties of Dublin, Kildare, Weixford, Catherlagh, Kilkenny, King & Queen's counties, these two lately so named by Parliament in the reigns of Philip and Mary, 
An. Philip & Mar. 3o. & 4ᵒ.  having Shire-townes accordant, Philipstown and Marryborrow.  
Septes, Irish of name planted in these quarters, they reckon, 
Irish families taken out of S. Henry Sidneys' collections.  the Birneses, Tooleses, Cavanagheses, which is the nation of Macmurrow, Omores, Oconnores, Odempsyes, Odun.  

Dublinum.  Cities of best account, Dyvelin: the beauty and eye of Ireland, fast by a goodly river which Cambrensis calleth Avenlifius. 
Lib. fl.  Ptolemy Libnius, they call the Lyffie. The seat hereof is in many respects comfortable, but less frequented of merchant strangers, because of the bard haven. Kildare hath Kildare and the Naass. Weixford hath Weixford and Ross. Kilkenny hath Kilkenny the best dry town in Ireland on the Southside of the river Suirus, 
Suir fl.  also Callan and Thomastowne.  

Meath.  Meath is divided into East and West Meath, and the counties of Longford. Here dwelleth ancient Irish families (sometime Princes & Potentates) Omalaghlen, 
Irish families.  Mac-Coghlan Obrien, Omulloy, Omadden, Macgoghigan, the Fox. This whole part, and the vein of Finegale in Leinster, are best employed with husbandry, and taken to be the richest soils in Ireland.  

Connaght. Galvia.  Connaght hath as yet but the county Clare, the town of Athenry: & Galway, a proper neat city at the sea side. Herein Turlogh More Oconner was a peer, & parted the whole betwixt his two Sons, Cahal, and Bryen Oconnor. In it are now chief Irish, 
Irish fam. Ororicke▪  Breni Oreli, Breni Oruarke, Oconnor Sligo, Odoude, Ohara, Macphilippin, Mac-dermot, Oconnor-donn, Oconnor-Roe, the O-kellies, Macglomore, of Langues, L. Bermingham, Omaly, Mac-william Euter, Oflaherty, Clanricarde.  

Ulster.  Ulster wherein Oneale & Odonil are chief Irish, containeth the counties, Louth, Down, Antrim, one moiety of Droghdah (for the rest is in Meath) chief town of Louth Dundalk, of Down, Down, & Carlingford, of Droghdagh, Droghdaghe, of Antrim, Cnockfergus called also Cragfergus.  
This part is dissevered from Meath and Leinster by the river Boandus, which breaketh out beside Loghfoyle, 
Boyn. fl. Lacus zoilus.  a bog between Ardmagh, and S. Patrick's Purgatory. Cambrensis reputeth the bog at 30. miles in length, 
Dist. 1.  and half so much in breadth, and the same once firm Land, to have been suddenly overflown, for the bestial incest committed there, unfit to be told.  
In Monster lie the counties of Waterford, Limericke, 
Monster.  Cork, counties Palatine of Tipperary, Kerry, and exempt from privilege the Cross of tipperary.  
Waterford hath Dongarvon, and Waterford full of traffic with England, France, and Spain, by means of their excellent good Haven.  
Limericke hath Kilmallocke lately sacked by james Fitz Morice, and the City Limiricum, coasting on the sea, hard upon the river Shannon, whereby are most notably severed Monster and Connaght. 
Shanon. fl.   
Cork hath Kinsale, Yowghall, and the City Cork, Tipperary hath Tipperary, Clonmell, Fidderstown, 
Irish families.  cassel. Monster was of old time divided into East-Mounster, Ormond, West-Mounster, Desmond, South-Monster, Thomond. Here dwell Obrenes, Macnemarraes, Mack-ma●ownes, and one sept of the Offlherties.  
In these quarters lieth the Countries of O-Carroll, O-Magher, the white Knight, Mac-Ibrine, O-Gaunaghe.  
Waterford containeth the Powers, and Deces.  
Cork the Barries Lands, Imokillie, Carbarrie, Maccarty-more, Maccarty-reagh, L. Roches lands, Osulivan, Muscry, L. Courcy, and divers more, some of Irish blood, some degenerate and become Irish.  
Limericke hath in it the Knight of the valley, William Burcke, Mac-Ibrine Ara, part of the white Knights Lands, Cosmay, Obrenes, and upon the edge of Kerry the green knight, alias the knight of Kerry.  
Leinster butteth upon England, Monster and Connaght upon France and Spain, Ulster upon the Scottish Lands (which face with Hebrides) scattered between both realms; wherein at this day, the Irish Scot Successor of the old Scythian Pict or Redshancke dwelleth.  

Bishops in Ireland. Bern. in vita Malach. An. 1148.  The spiritual jurisdiction is ordered into 4. Provinces whereof the primacy was ever given (in reverence toward Saint Patrick their Apostle) to the Archbishop of Ardmagha, now called Ardmagh, which custom was since confirmed by Eugenius the 3. who sent withal 3. other prelate's to be placed, one at Dublin, one at Cashell, & the last at Tuam. To these are suffragans in right 29. and all they inferior to the Primate of Ardmaghe: 
Province of Ardmagh.  under his province are the Bishopprickeses of Meath, Derry, Ardagh, Kilmore, Clogher, Downe, Coner, Clonmacknoes, Rapho, and Dromore.  

Dublin. an. 1212. S. Pat. book of Recorde●▪  Under Dublin (whereunto Innocentius 3. united Glandelagh) are the Bishop of Elphine, Kildare, Ferne●, Ossorie and Laighlein.  

Cashell.  Under Cashell are B. of Waterford, Lysmore, Cork, & Clone, Rosse, Ardigh, Limericke, Emely, Killalo, Ardferte.  

Tuam.  Under Tuam the B. of Kilmaco, Olfine, Anaghdoune, Clonfert, Mayo. In this recount some diversities have happened by reason of personal and real union of the Seas and for other alterations.  
An old distinction there is of Ireland into Irish & English pales, 
English pale.  for when the Irish had raised continual tumults against the English planted here with the Conquest. At last they coursed them into a narrow circuit of certain shires in Leinster, which the English did choose as the fattest soil, most defensible, their proper right, and most open to receive help from England. Hereupon it was termed their pale, as whereout they durst not peep. But now both within this pale, uncivil Irish and some rebels do dwell, and without it, Countries and cities English are well governed.   

CAP. II. The temporal Nobility.  
BY conference with certain gentlemen, attendants upon Sir Henry Sidney, Lord deputy, (who excelleth in that knowledge) I took notice of the most noble English families in Ireland, which here ensue with their surnames as they stand at this present.  
Gerald Fitz Gerald Earl of Kildare, this house was of the nobility of Florence, came thence to Normandy, and so with earl Strangbow his kinsman, (whose Arms he giveth) into Wales, near of blood to Rice ap Griffin Prince of Wales, by Vesta the mother of Morice Fitz Gerald, and Robert Fitz Stephens: with the said Earl it removed into Ireland, one of the special conquerors thereof. 
Flatsbury.  One record that I have seen, nameth a Geraldine the first Earl of Kildare, in anno 1289. But another saith, there died a Geraldine the fourth Earl of Kildare in anno 1316. the family is touched in the sonnet of Surrey, made upon Kildares' sister, now Lady Clinton.  
From Tuscan came my Lady's worthy race,  
Fair Florence was sometime her ancient seat,  
The western Isle whose pleasant shore doth face,  
Wild Cambres cliffs did give her lively heat.  
His eldest son Lord Gerald, Baron of Ophalye, I read the Geraldine Lord of Ophalye, in anno 1270.  
Sir Thomas Butler, Earl of Ormond and Ossorye: the Butlers were ancient English Gentlemen, preferred to the Earldom of Ormond in the first of Edward the 3. Anno 1327. which fell upon heirs general, 
Stowe.  lastly upon Sir Thomas Butler Earl of Wiltshire, after whose disfavour it reversed to the name of Pierce Butler, whom little before King H. 8. had created Earl of Ossorye. Theo. Butler was Lord of the Carrack. 
Flatsbury.  An. 1205. And Earl of tipperary 1300. or sooner: the Latin History calleth him Dominum de Pincerna, the English Le Bottiller, whereby it appeareth that he had some such honour about the Prince, his very surname is Becket, who was advanced by H. le 2. in recompense of the injury done to Thomas of Canterbury their kinsman.  
His eldest son Lord Butler, Viscount Thurles.  
Gerald Fitz Gerald, Earl of Desmond, Morice Fitz Thomas a Geraldine, was created Earl of Desmond the same year: soon after that the Butler became Earl of Ormond. The Irish say, that the elder house of the Geraldines was made Earl of Desmond, though Kildare be the more ancient Earl.  
His eldest son L. Fitz Gerald of Desmond, Baron of Inshycoin.  
Sir Richard Burcke, Earl of Clanriccard, a branch of the English family, de Burge Lord Burgh, who were noble men before their arrival into Ireland.  
His eldest son Vlioke Burghe Baron of Donkeline.  
Conegher Obrene, Earl of Tumond: the name of Earl given to Murroughe Obrene for term of life, and after to Donoghe Obrene, An. 5. Edw. 6. now confirmed to the heirs male.  
His eldest son Lo. Obrene, Baron of Ibrecane.  
Mac Cartimore, Earl of Clarcar, created An. 1565.  
His eldest son Lo: Baron of Valentia.  
Viscount Barrie.  
Viscount Roohe.  
Preston, Viscount of Gormanston, whereunto is lately annexed the Barony of Lounders, their ancestor Preston, then chief Baron of the Exchequer, was made Knight in the field by Lionel Duke of Clarence, Lieutenant of Ireland.  
Eustace alias power, Viscount of Baltinglasse, Lord of Kilkullen, to him and his heirs male An. H. 8.33. Their ancestor Robert le Powere was sent into Ireland with commission, and in his Offspring hath rested here since An. 1175. power alias Eustace is written Baron of Domvile An. 1317.  
Sir Richard Butler, Viscount Mongaret, to him and his heirs males An. Edw. 6.5.  
Viscount Deces.  
Lord Bermingham, Baron of Athenrye, now degenerate and become mere Irish, against whom his ancestors served valiantly in An. 1300.  
Sir Richard Bermingham was Lord of Athenrye. 1316. 
Baron of A●ry. Baron of Ardigh.   
john Bermingham Baron de Atrio dei, Anno 1318.  
Mac Morice alias Fitz Gerald, Baron of Kerye.  
Lord Courcye a poor man, not very Irish, the ancient descent of the Courcyes planted in Ireland with the Conquest.  
Lord Fleming Baron of slain, Simon Fleming was Baron of Slain in Anno 1370.  
Plonket, Baron of Killyne: this family came in with the Danes, whereof they have as yet special monuments.  
Nugent, Baron of Delvin.  
Saint Laurence, Baron of Hothe.  
Plonket, Baron of Doonesawny.  
Barnewall, Baron of Trimleston: they came from little Britain, where they are at this day a great surname, upon their first arrival they won great possessions at Beirnhaven, where at length by conspiracy of the Irish, they were all slain, except one young man, who then studied the common Laws in England, who returning, dwelled at Dromnaghe besides Divelin, and his heirs are there at this day: from thence a second brother removed to Sirestone, and so to Trimlestone, and married the Lady Bruns, who caused him to be made Baron.  
This writeth the Lord of Donsany.  
Edward Butler, Baron of Donboyne, given to Edmund Butler esquire, and his heirs males, An. 33. H. 8.  
Fitz Patrick, Baron of upper Ossory, given to Barnaby Mac Gilpatricke, and his heirs males, An. 33. H. 8.  
Donnate Clonnaghe Mac Gilpatricke, was a peerless warrior in Anno 1219.  
Plonket Baron of Louthe, to Sir Christopher Plonket and his heirs males, An. 33. H. 8. This Barony was an Earldom in An. 1316. appertaining to Bermingham.  
Oneale, Baron of Dongannon, to whom the Earldom of Terone was entailed by gift of H. 8.  
Powere, Baron of Curraghmore.  
Mac Suretan Lord Deseret, whom Sir Henry Sidney called jordan de Exeter. This was Lord in the time of Lionel Duke of Clarence, An. 1361. now very wild Irish.  
Murroghe Obrene, Baron of Insickeyne, to him and his heirs males, An. 35. H. 8.  
Mac Costilaghe, L Nangle, whom Sir Henry Sidney called the Angulo, now very Irish.  
Mac William Burcke, Lord of eighter Connaght, now very Irish.  

Baronet's.  Seintleger, Baronet of Slemarge, mere Irish.  
Den, Baronet of Pormanston, waxing Irish.  
Fitz Gerald, Baronet of Burnchurch.  
Welleslye, Baronet of Narraghe.  
Husee, Baronet of Galtrim.  
S. Michael, Baronet of Reban.  
Marwarde, Baronet of Scryne.  
Nangle, Baronet of the Navan.  
English gentlemen of longest continuance in Ireland are the race of those which at this day, either in great poverty, 
Gentlemen most ancient in Ireland of English blood.  or peril, do keep the properties of their ancestors lands in Ulster, being then companions to Courcy the conqueror and Earl of that part. These are the Savages, jordanes, Fitz Symonds, Chamberlains, russel's, benson's, Audleyes', Whites, Fitz Vrsulyes', now degenerate, & called in Irish, Mac Mahon the Bear's son.   

CAP. III. Nature of the soil, and other incidents.  
THe soil is low and waterish, & includeth divers little Lands, environed with bogs and marshes: Highest hills have standing pools in their top, Inhabitants (especially new come) are subject to distillations, rheums and flixes, for remedy whereof they use an ordinary drink of Aquavitae, so qualified in the making, that it drieth more, 
Aquavitae,  and inflameth less, than other hot confections. The air is wholesome, not altogether so clear and subtle as ours of England. 
Camb. part. 1.  Of Bees good store, no vineyards, 
Io. Bohem. lib. 3 c. 26. Munst. lib. 1.  contrary to the opinion of some writers, who both in this and other errors touching the land, may easily be excused, as those that wrote of hearsay.  
Cambrensis in his time, 
Dist. 3.  complaineth that Ireland had excess of wood, and very little champagne ground, but now the English pale is too naked: Turf and Sea-coals is their most fuel: it is stored of kine, of excellent horses, & hawks, of fish and fowl. They are not without wolves, and greyhouds to hunt them, bigger of bone and limb than a colt. Their kine, as also their cattle, and commonly what else soever the Country engendereth (except man) is much less in quantity than ours of England. Sheep few, and those bearing course fleeces, whereof they spin notable rug mantle. The country is very fruitful both of corn and grass, the grass for default of Husbandry (not for the cause alleged in Polychronicon, 
lib. 12.32. ) groweth so rank in the north parts, that oft times it rotteth their kine. Eagles are well known to breed here, but neither so big nor so many as Books tell. Cambrensis reporteth of his own knowledge, 
Barnacles.  and I hear it averred by credible persons, that Barnacles, thousands at once, are noted along the shores to hang by the beaks, about the edges of putrified timber, ships, oars, anchor-holdes, and such like: which in process taking lively heat of the Sun, become water-foules, and at their time of ripeness either fall into the sea, or fly abroad into the air. Aeneas Silvius (that after was Pope Pius the second) writeth himself, 
Anseres arborei  to have perceaved the like experiment in Scotland, where he learned the truth hereof, to be found in the Island Orchades. Horses they have of pace easy, in running wonderful swift. Therefore they make of them great store, as wherein at times of need they repose a great piece of safety. 
Volat. lib. 3. de grege.  This brood, Raphael Volateranus saith, to have come at first from Arturia the country of Spain, between Gallicea and Portugal, whereof they were called Asturcones a name now properly applied to the Spanish jennet.  
I heard it verified by Honourable to Honourable, that a Nobleman (offered and was refused) for one such horse, an hundred kine, five pound Lands, & an Airy of Hawks yearly during seven years. In the plain of Kildare stood that monstrous heap of stones brought thither by Giants from Africa and removed thence to the plain of Sarisbury at the instance of Aurel. Ambrose King of Britain. 
Camb. dist. 1.  No venomous creeping beast is brought forth or nourished, or can live here, being sent in, and therefore the spider of Ireland is well known, not to be venomous.  
Only because a frog was found living, in the Meadows of Waterford, 
lib. 1. Anglor. hist. cap. 1.  somewhat before the conquest, they construed it to import their overthrow. S. Bede writeth that Serpents conveyed hither did presently die being touched with smell of the land; and that whatsoever came hence was then of Sovereign virtue against poison. He exemplifieth in certain men stung with Adders, who drank in water the scrape of Books that had been of Ireland, and were cured.  
Generally it is observed, the further West the less annoyance of pestilent creatures. The want whereof is to Ireland so peculiar, that whereas it lay long in question, to whether Realm, 
I'll of Man.  (Britain or Ireland) the I'll of Man should pertain, the said controversy was decided, that forsomuch as venomous beasts were known to breed therein, it could not be counted a natural piece of Ireland.  
Neither is this property to be ascribed to S. Patrick's blessing (as they commonly hold) but to the original blessing of God who gave such nature to the situation and soil from the beginning. And though I doubt not, but it fared the better in many respects for that holy man's prayer, yet had it this condition notified hundred of years ere he was borne.   

CAP. four Of the Irish tongue and the name Hibernia, Ireland.  
I Find it solemnly avouched in some of their pamphlets, that Gathelus, 
Gathelus. Simon Brecke.  and after him Simon Brecke, divised their language out of all other tongues then extant in the world. But considering the course of interchanging and blending speeches together, not by invention of Art, but by use of talk, I am rather led to believe (seeing Ireland was inhabited within one year after the division of the tongues) that Bastolenus a branch of japheth who first seized upon Ireland, brought hither the same kind of Speech, some one of the seventy two Languages, 
Epiph. cont. heros. l. ●. tom. 1.  that to his family befell at the dissolution of Babel, unto whom succeeded the Scythians, Grecians, Egyptians, Spaniards, Danes: of all which this tongue must needs have borrowed part, but specially retaining the steps of Spanish then spoken in Granado, as from their mightiest ancestors. 
Munst. l. 2.  Since then to Henry Fitz Empress the Conqueror, no such invasion happened them, as whereby they might be driven to infect their native language, untouched in manner for the space of 1700. years after the arrival of Hiberius. 
Irish tongue.  The tongue is sharp and sententious, offereth great occasion to quick apothegms and proper allusions, wherefore their common jesters, Bards, and Rymers, are said to delight passingly those that conceive the grace and propriety of the tongue. But the true Irish indeed differeth somuch from that they commonly speak, that scarce one among five score, can either write, read, or understand it. Therefore it is prescribed among certain their Poets, and other Students of Antiquity.  

Hibernia.  Touching the name Ibernia, the learned are not yet agreed. Some write it Hibernia, and suppose that the strangers finding it in an odd end of the world, wet and frosty, took it at the first for a very cold country, and accordingly named it, as to say, the winter land: Another bringeth a guess of Irlamal, 
Irlamale Fab. part. ●. cap. 32.  of whom because I read nothing, I neither build upon that conjecture, nor control it. Thirdly, 
Hiberus.  they fetch it from Hiberus the Spaniard. Most credibly it is held that the Spaniards their founders for devotion toward Spain, called then Iberia, and the rather for that themselves had dwelled besides the famous river Iberus, named this land Iberia, 
in Cign. cant.  (for so john Leland, and many foreign Chroniclers write it,) or Ibernia, adding the letter n. for difference sake, there being a rich City which Ptolemy recounteth called then Ibernis, 
Pliny writeth it Iwernia. Ibernis. juerland. I●●land.  & from Ibernia proceedeth Iberland or juerland, from juerland by contraction Ireland for so much as in corruption of common talk, we find that v, with his vowel, are easily lost and suppressed. So we say ere for ever, over for over, even for even, ne'er for never, shoole for shovel, dile for devil. At the same time it was also named Scotia in reverence of Scota, the wife of Gathelus, ancient Capitaine of those Iberians, that flitted from Spain into Ireland. And the said Scota was old grandam to Hiberus and Hirimon, after the Scottish Chronicles, who in any wise will have their Countrymen derived from the Irish, 
Io. Ma. Sco. l. 1. c. 9  and not from the Britons.   

CAP. V. Dispositions of the People.  
THE People are thus inclined; religious frank, amorous, ireful, sufferable, of pains infinite, very glorious, many sorcerers, excellent horsemen, delighted with Wars, great almes-givers, passing in hospitality: the lewder sort both Clerks and Laymen, are sensual and loose to lechery above measure. The same being virtuously bred up or reform, are such mirrors of holiness and austerity, that other Nations retain but a show or shadow of devotion in comparison of them. As for abstinence and fasting which these days make so dangerous, this is to them a familiar kind of chastisement: In which virtue and divers other, how far the best excel, so far in gluttony and other hateful crimes the vicious they are worse than too bad. They follow the dead corpses to the grave with howl and barbarous outcries, pitiful in appearance, whereof grew (as I suppose) the Proverb, to weep Irish. The uplandish are lightly abused to believe and avouch idle miracles and revelations vain and childish, greedy of praise they be, and fearful of dishonour. And to this end they esteem their Poets who write Irish learnedly, and pen their sonnets heroical, for the which they are bountifully rewarded. But if they send out libels in dispraise, thereof the Gentlemen, especially the mere Irish, stand in great awe. They love tenderly their foster children, and bequeathe to them a child's portion, whereby they nourish sure friendship, so beneficial every way, that commonly five hundreth kine and better are given in reward to win a noble man's child to foster. They are sharp-witted, lovers of learning, capable of any study whereunto they bend themselves, constant in travail, adventurous, intractable, kindhearted, secret in displeasure.  
Hitherto the Irish of both sorts mere, and English, are affected much indifferently, saving that in these, by good order, and breaking the same, virtues are far more pregnant. In those others, by licentious and evil custom, the same faults are more extreme and odious, I say, by licentious and evil custom, for that there is daily trial of good natures among them. How soon they be reclaimed, and to what rare gifts of grace and wisdom, they do and have aspired. Again, the very English of birth, conversant with the brutish sort of that people, become degenerate in short space, and are quite altered into the worst rank of Irish Rogues, such a force hath education to make or mar. It is further to be known, that the simple Irish are utterly another people than our English in Ireland, whom they call despitefully boddai Sassoni's, and boddai Ghalt, that is, English and Saxon churls, because of their English ancestors planted here with the Conquest, and sithence with descent hath lasted now 400. years. Of this people therefore severally by themselves I must entreat. Yet none otherwise then as they stand unfiled, and serve their accustomed humours, with whom I join all such as either by living near them, or by liking their trade are transformed into them.   

CAP. VI Of the mere Irish.  
TOuching the mere Irish, I am to advertise my Reader, that he impute not to them the faults of their Ancestors, which here I have noted for two causes. First, that when the same are read in Cambrensis, Solinus, or others, he confounds not the times, but may be able distinctly to consider their manners, then different from these days. Secondly, that it may appear how much Ireland is beholding to God for suffering them to be conquered, whereby many of these enormities were cured, and more might be, would themselves be pliable.  
In some corners of the land they used a damnable superstition, 
Old customs of the Irish.  leaving the right arms of their Infant's males unchristened (as they termed it) to the intent it might give a more ungracious and deadly blow.  
I found a fragment of an Epistle, wherein a virtuous Monk declareth, 
Epistle of an Irish Monk.  that to him (travailing in Ulster) came a grave Gentleman about Easter, desirous to be confessed and houseled, who in all his life time had never yet received the blessed Sacrament. When he had said his mind, the Priest demanded him, whether he were faultless in the sin of Homicide? He answered, that he never wist the matter to be heinous before, but being instructed thereof, he confessed the murder of five, the rest he left wounded, so as he knew not whether they lived or no. Then was he taught that both the one, and the other were execrable, and very meekly humbled himself to repentance.  
Solinus writeth that they wonted (because they would seem Terrible and Martial,) to imbrue their faces in the blood of their Enemies slain. Strabo the famous Geographer, who flourished under Augustus and Tiberius Caesar, more than fifteen hundred years ago, telleth (without asseveration) that the Irish were great Gluttons, eaters of man's flesh: and counted it Honourable for Parents deceased, to be eaten up of their Children, and that in open sight they meddled with their Wives, Mothers, and Daughters: which is the less incredible, considering what Saint Hierome avoucheth of the Scots their Offspring and Allies, and what all Histories do witness of the Scythians their ancient founders. See Strabo lib. 4. Geograph.  
Although since the time of Saint Patrick, Christianity was never extinct in Ireland, yet the government being hailed into contrary factions, the Nobility lawless, the multitude wilful, it came to pass that Religion waxed with the temporal common sort cold and feeble, until the Conquest did settle it, especially in cases of restrainte and Discipline. The Honourable state of Marriage they much abused, either in contracts, unlawful meetings, the levitical and Canonical degrees of prohibition, or in divorcementes at pleasure, or in ommitting Sacramental solemnities, or in retaining either Concubines or Harlots for Wives. Yea even at this day, where the Clergy is faint, they can be content to Marry for a year and a day of probation, and at the years end, to return her home upon any light quarrels, if the Gentlewoman's friends be weak and unable to avenge the injury. Never heard I of so many dispensations for Marriage, as those men show, I pray God grant they be all authentic and builded upon sufficient warrant.  
Covenant and Indent with them never so warily, never so precisely, yet they have been found faithless and perjured. Where they are joined in colour of surest Amity, there they intended to kill. This ceremony reporteth Cambrensis. The parties to be coupled in League, meet at Church, become God-septes, or Allies, bear each other on his back certain paces in a Ring, kiss together holy reliquees, take blessing of the Bishop, offer each to other a drop of his own blood, and drink it up between them: Even in the doing hereof, they practise mutual destruction.  
They have been used in solemn controversies, to protest and swear by Saint Patrick's Staff, called Bachal esu, which oath, because upon breach thereof heavy plagues ensued them, they feared more to break, then if they had sworn by the holy Evangelist.  
In Vl●ter thus they used to Crown their King, a white cow was brought forth, which the King must kill, and seeth in water whole, and bathe himself therein stark naked, then sitting in the same Cauldron, his people about him, together with them, he must eat the flesh, and drink the broth, wherein he sitteth, without cup or dish or use of his hand. So much of their old Customs. Now a few words of their trade at this present.  
Clear men they are of Skin and hue, but of themselves careless and bestial. Their Women are well favoured, clear coloured, fair handed, big and large, suffered from their infancy to grow at will, nothing curious of their feature and proportion of body.  
Their infants of the meaner sort, are neither swaddled, nor lapped in Linen, but folded up stark naked into a Blankett till they can go, and then if they get a piece of rug to cover them, they are well sped. Linen shirts the rich do wear for wantonness and bravery, with wide hanging sleeves playted, thirty yards are little enough for one of them. They have now left their Saffron, and learn to wash their shirts, four or five times in a year. Proud they are of long crisped glibbes, and do nourish the same with all their cunning: to crop the front thereof they take it for a notable piece of villainy▪ Shamrotes, Water-cresses, Roots, and other herbs they feed upon: Oatemale and Butter they cram together. They drink Whey, Milk, and Beef broth, Flesh they devour without bread, corn such as they have they keep for their horses. In haste and hunger they squeses out the blood of raw flesh, and ask no more dressing thereto, the rest boileth in their stomaches with Aquavitae, which they swill in after such a surfeit, by quarts & pottles. Their kine they let blood which grown to a jelly they bake and overspread with Butter, and so eat it in lumps.  
One office in the house of great men is a tale-teller, who bringeth his Lord on sleep, with tales vain and frivolous, whereunto the number give sooth and credence. So light they are in believing whatsoever is with any countenance of gravity affirmed by their Superiors, whom they esteem and honour, that a lewd Prelate within these few years needy of money, was able to persuade his parish: That S. Patrick in striving with S. Peter to let an Irish Galloglass into Heaven, had his head broken with the keys, for whose relief he obtained a Collation.  
Without either precepts or observation of congruity they speak Latin like a vulgar language, learned in their common Schools of Leach-craft and Law, whereat they begin Children, and hold on sixteen or twenty years cunning by roate the Aphorisms of Hypocrates, and the Civil Institutions, and a few other parings of those two faculties. I have seen them where they kept School, ten in some one Chamber, grovelling upon couches of straw, their Books at their noses, themselves lying flat prostrate, and so to chaunte out their lessons by piecemeal, being the most part lusty fellows of twenty five years and upwards.  
Other Lawyers they have, liable to certain families which after the custom of the country determine and judge causes. These consider of wrongs offered and received among their neighbours, be it murder, or felony, or trespass, all is redeemed by composition, (except the grudge of parties seek revenge:) and the time they have to spare from spoiling and pruning, they lightly bestow in parling about such matters. The Breighoons (so they call this kind of Lawyer) sitteth him down on a bank, the Lords and Gentlemen at variance round about him, and then they proceed.  
They honour devoute Friars and Pilgrims, suffer them to pass quietly, spare them and their mansions, whatsoever outrage they show to the country besides them. To rob and pray their enemies, they deem it none offence, nor seek any means to recover their loss, but even to watch them the like turn. But if neighbours and friends send their Cators to purloin one another, such Actions are judged by the Breighoones aforesaid.  
Toward the living they are noisome and malicious, the same being dead they labour to avenge eagerly and fiercely. They love and trust their Foster Brethren more than their own. Turlogh Leinagh Oneale that now usurpeth, is said to repose in them his greatest surety.  
Strumpets are there too vile and abominable to write of, which not only without fear, but also without remorse do advance themselves in numbering what noblemen have had liking to their bodies. He that can bring most of his name into the field, base or other, triumpheth exceedingly. For increase of which name, they allow themselves not only whores, but also choice & store of whores. One I heard named which hath (as he calleth them) more than ten wives, in twenty places.  
There is among them a brotherhood of Carroweses that profess to play at Cards all the year long, and make it their only occupation. They play away Mantle and all to the bare skin, and then truss themselves in straw or in leaves, they wait for passengers in the high way, invite them to a game upon the green, and ask no more but companions to hold them sport, for default of other stuff they pawn portions of their glibbe, the nails of their fingers and toes, their privy members; which they lose or redeem at the courtesy of the winner.  
Where they fancy and favour, they are wonderful kind, they exchange by commutation of wares for the most part, and have utterly no coin stirring in any great Lords houses. Some of them be richly plated: their Ladies are trimmed rather with massy jewels, then with garish apparel, it is counted a beauty in them to be tall, round and fat.  
The inheritance descendeth not to the Son, but to the Brother, Nephew, or Cousin germane elder and most valiant: for the Child being oftentimes left in nonage or otherwise young and unskilful, were never able to defend his patrimony, being his no longer than he can hold it by force of arms. But by that time he grow to a competent age, and have buried an Uncle or two, he also taketh his turn, and leaveth it in like order to his Posterity. This custom breedeth among them continual Wars and treasons.   

CAP. VII. The most ancient Inhabitants of Ireland.  

In praefat. l. 1. dec. 1.  THe honourable Historian Titus Livius, yieldeth certain privilege to antiquity, and will have it held excused, if percase for advancement of their Cities, they strain a point of truth, and derive a first foundation from one or other, of their supposed Gods: wherefore though I can no less do then reject a fable concerning the arrival of noah's Niece into this Island, yet this kind of forgery being somewhat universal, seeing every Chronicler paineth himself, to fetch his reckoning with the farthest let him hardly be pardoned, who led by relation of his elders, committed first to writing so dull a tale. As for the multitude of writers that agree thereon, they are in effect but one writer, seeing the latest ever borrowed of the former, and they all of Cambrensis, who affirmeth it not, but only allegeth the received opinion of Irish Histories, yea rather in the foot of that Chapter, he seemeth to mistrust it, and posteth it over to the credit of his authors: so than if the greatest weight hereof do consist in Irish antiquities, which the learned here confess to be stuffed with such implements, notoriously felt to be vain and frivolous, I trust I shall not seem contentious, nor singular in damning such a fable, not only false, but also impossible. Thus they say, In the year of the world, 1536. The Patriarch No began to preach vengeance upon the people for their accursed lives, to build his Ark, ●o inform his kindred and special friends severally, that within few years the earth should be sunk in waters, if they amended not. This did he before the general flood one hundred and twenty years, when every man foreslept the monition, 
Cesara▪  only a Niece of his named Cesara misdoubting the worst, and hearing her Uncle prophesy that all should be drowned for sin, determined with her adherents, to seek adventures into some foreign Island, persuaded that if she might happily find a Country never yet inhabited, and so with sin undefiled, the general sentence of God's anger should there take no place. Whereupon she furnished a navy, and fled into Ireland, with three men, Bithi, Laigria, Fintan, and fifty women, left unto her after many shipwracks. The shore where she landed, & where she lieth entombed, is at this day called Navicularum littus. The very stones wherein the memory hereof hath been preserved from the violence of waters, were said to be seen of some. Within forty days after her footing in Ireland, the deluge prevailed universally, and all this coast was cast away. 
An. Dom. 1656  Now to ommit that part of this device, which is too flat, and ridiculous, if we consider that before the flood, no part of the Earth was known, nor touched beside Syria, 
Rab. Isaac. in Gen. 5.  where the first age dwelled, that sailing was then utterly unheard of in the world, the first vessel being by Gods own direction wrought, that she might have sped at home, would she repent with more ease and surety, that japheth with the Hebrews, and jason with the greeks, were the first pilots: that the Records hereof graven in stone, is but a borrowed invention from josephus. These things I say considered, it willbe no hard matter to descry the falsehood, wherein I would be more exquisite, were it worth my labour. We need not so ambitiously run to Cesara, to beg a forged evidence, seeing without her help, Ireland must be confessed to have been known and peopled with the same kindred, even with the first Lands of the world. For within three hundred years after the general Flood, immediately after the confusion of tongues, when japheth and his posterity, emboldened by the example of No, adventured by ship into divers West Lands, there was in his retinue one of his progeny, 

Anno mundi 1957. after the best authors, which make 300. years, and not 100, between noah's flood and Babe●l.  
Bastolenus. Clem. recogn. l. 4.   Bastolenus, who conceiving stomach and courage at the late success of Nemrodus, Ninus his kinsman (than newly intruded upon the Monarch of Assyria) & wandered so far West, intending to rule without compeers, till Fortune cast him and his people upon the coast of Ireland. There he settled with his three sons, Languinus, Salanus, Ruthurgus, active and stout gentlemen, who searching the Land through & through, left their own names by three notable places, Languini stagnum, mons Salangi, since named S. Dominicks hill, and Ruthurgi stagnum. Of Bastolenus is little remembered, save that in short space with many hands working at once, he plained a great part of the Country, then overgrown with woods and thickets. This posterity kept the Land under the government of these three sons & their offspring, about 300. years. Together with Bastolenus, arrived in Ireland certain godless people of the stock of Nemrod, worthily termed a giant, 
Giant's first in Ireland.  as one that in bodily shape exceeded proportion, & used his strength to win sovereignty, & to oppress the weak with rapine and violence: That lineage (Cham's breed) grew to great numbers, & always bethought them of getting mastery, wheresoever they tarried. One cause was their bodily force answerable to their hugeness of quantity: 
Clem recognit. l. 4.  another the example of Cham Zoroaster, that magician, and Nemrodus, Ninus his Nephew, which two in themselves and their progenies, were renowned throughout the world, as victorious Princes over two mighty Kingdoms Egypt and Assyria. Thirdly they maligned the blessings bestowed upon Sem and japheth, counting it necessary for themselves, to stir, and prevent Dominions, lest the curse of slavery prophesied by No should light upon them, as notwithstanding it did at last. 
Gen. 9   
Thus irked, they began to kick at their Governors, and taking head, set up a King of their own faction, nourishing the same, and annoying the Subjects incessantly, the success on both sides was variable, quarrels increased, the enemy caught handfast, & every day bred a new skirmish. It seemed intolerable, & very necessity compelled them to try their whole force in one Battle, either utterly to weed out the Giants, or to die free. Peace therefore concluded among themselves, for any private grudge hitherto maintained, all sorts broke truce and amity with the Giants, and straited them up so, that from all corners of the land, they must needs assemble into one field and fight for the better, maynelie they tugged certain hours, but in conclusion the lawful Kings prevailed, the miscreants done to death. See now the mockery of Fortune, Victors they were, and promised themselves a security: Anger & insolency over-turned all, for what with spoiling the dead carcases, what with murdering the remainder of that generation, man, woman, and child, in all parts of the Realm, vouchsafing them no burial, but casting them out like a sort of dead dogs, 
Anno mundi 2257.  there ensued through the stench of those carryons such a mortal pestilence, infecting not only the places where they lay, but the air round about by contagion, that beside those few which by sea returned homeward, few escaped alive, and hereby hangeth a tale, From this plague (say the Irish) was preserved Ruanus the Giant, who from time to time kept true record of their histories, 
Ruanus, who is of some thought to be Fin Macoole.  else utterly done away by sundry casualties of death, war, spoil, fire, foreign victories, and he (forsooth) continued till the year of Christ 430. and told S. Patrick all the news of the country requiring of him to be baptised, and so died, when he had lived no more but two thousand and forty one years: which is above twice the age of Methusalem. Had it been my chance in Ireland, 
Gen. 5.  to meet & confer with this noble Antiquary, he might have eased me of much travel. These things I note for no other purpose, but that the simple stumbling upon such blind legends should be warned to esteem them as they are, idle fantasies, wherewith some of their Poets, dallied at the first, and after through error and rudeness it was taken up for a sad matter.   

CAP. VIII. The several Inhabitants of Ireland since Bastolenus.  
OF an infinite number of Giants slain, certain hid families lurked and escaped the common mischief, whom at length penury constrained to forsake their dens, and to pilfer for meat, when they perceived the murrain of men and beasts, and that none gave them resistance, they waxed hardy, & searching the land, found it well-nigh desolate, wherefore they harboured themselves in the clearest coast: and easily subduing the poor souls remaining, revived their blood, and became Lords of the whole Island 60. years.  

Gen. 10.  Among the Sons of japheth, Genesis recounteth Magog who had now planted his people in Scythia within Tanaris, from whom at this day the Turks are descended. They hearing the hard hap of their father's line, cast out by the collateral branches of Cham, the late King of the Bactrians, their odious neighbours, 
Anno Mundi ●●17.  sent into Ireland Nemodus with his four sons, 
Nemodus.  Starius, Gerbavel, Amimus, Fergusius, captains over a fair company, who passing by Greece and there taking up such as would seek fortunes, finally landed here, held the country, multiplied, but not without continual war upon the Giant's aforesaid, who in th'end vanquished and chased them thence again into Greece, after 216. years, from Anno mundi 2533. from which time until the coming of Dela his sons, the Giants possessed it peaceably without foreign invasion. But themselves being disordered, and measuring all things by might, seditiously vexed each other, nor were they ever able to frame a commonwealth.  
That espied five brethren, sons to Dela the Grecian, 
Ann. mundi 2714.  notorious Pilots, named Gaudius, Genandius, Sagandius, Rutheragius, Slanius, the posterity of Nemodus expulsed successors, 
The sons of Dela.  who fortified their navyes, and finding the Country but weak, won it entirely, rooted out the old enemy, divided the Island into five parts, & in each of them severally reigned, for better contentation of all sides, they agreed to fix a mere stone in in the middle point of Ireland, to which stone every of their Kingdoms should extend, and be partakers of the commodities then chiefly found in that soil. These are also supposed to have invented the distribution of shires into Cantredes, 
Cantredes.  every Cantrede or Barony, containing an hundred Towneships, wherewith the name and use of hundreds, well known in England, might seem to accord.  
Variance for the chiefty set the four brethren at a low ebb, and then Slanius perched over them all, encroached every way round about the middle stone certain miles for provision and furniture of his own household, which plot in time obtained the name of one general part, and now maketh up the fifth, Media. 
Meth.  Meth it was called either for moiety of Cantredes, being but sixteen, whereas the rest comprised thirty two apiece, or for the site thereof in the navel of Ireland. This he assigned to the Monarch a surplus over and above his Inheritance, which notwithstanding grew to a several Kingdom, and allowed thereof certain parts by composition. Not long after died Slanius, & was buried in a mountain of Meth that carrieth his name. Thirty years the Monarchy was possessed in this order, but shortly the Prince's owing fealty, began to stomach the Intrusion of Slanius, & when he was once rid, they disdained his successor, whereupon ensued everlasting Battles. The Monarchy was laid down, then fell they at debate for the land of Meth, which strife could never be appeased. In the neck of those troubles came over a new army of Scythians, who claimed also from Nemodus their forefather, and they took parts, and made parts, set all in uproar with sword, 
Ann. mundi 2800.  and havoc. To be short, they spent themselves one upon another so fiercely and furiously, that now they reckoned not what nation or what soldier they received in, to keep up or beat down a side. By which occasion the Britons also put in a foot, who discovering the state of the land to their Princes, 
Brennus.  opened a gap for Brennus the brother of Belinus, to direct his course thither with the same Navy which he had furnished to serve Signimius then King of Lions amid the Galls in France. But Brennus took small effect. Before him also divers Kings of Britain had scope in Ireland. Insomuch that Gurguntius the son of Beline, reputed the same by lineal descent among his own Dominions. Notwithstanding they never enjoyed it longer than they could keep possession perforce, and often were they repelled and wearied with seeking after it, as wherein they found small fruit, and blows enough. Lastly came the Spaniards from Biscaye, conducted by four Captains, of whose arryvall before I speak, I must repeat their original somewhat farther, and so give a light to the assoiling of a controversy, that is, whether the Irish came from Egypt, or from Spain. It shall appear they came from both.   

CAP. IX. The arrival of the Spaniards, then called Iberians, into Ireland.  
IN the year of the World 2436. after the universal flood 780. while the children of Israel served in Egypt, Gathelus the son of Neale, 
Hector. Bo●th. l. 1. Hist. Scot  a great Lord in Greece, was upon disfavour exiled the Country with a number of his faction, adherents, and friends. The young Greek being very wise, valiant and well spoken, 
joh. Major. de gestis Scot lib. 1. cap. 9  got honourable entertainment with Pharaoh surnamed Amaenophis king of Egypt, and in short space reached to such a credit that he espoused the King's base Daughter Scota, whereof the Scots are thought to be named. This match bred to the King some tumult, 
Gathelus.  and to the young Gentleman much envy, 
Exod. 14.  wherefore as soon as the foresaid Amaenophis was drowned in the Red Sea, the Princes of Egypt so vexed Gathelus and his wife, that they were fain to busk them, withal their train into Europe, and came first to Lusitania, where divers of his people tired with travail, would needs abide, he builded there the city of Brigantia, called afterwards Novium, now Compostella. 
Hector. Both. lib. 1.  The remnant passed with him into Ireland, where the Barbarians highly honoured him, for his cunning in all languages, who also greatly perfected and beautified the Irish tongue, taught them letters, sought up their antiquities, practised their youth in martial feats, after his Greek and Egyptian manner. Finally so well he pleased them that to gratify such a Benefactor, they were content to name the Island after him Gathelia, and after his wife Scotia. Truly that Scotia is the ancient appellation of Ireland, all Chroniclers agree, as it shallbe more plain, when we touch the Scottish pedigree. A brute there is in Ireland but uncertainelie fathered, that in remembrance of Pharaoh, their good lord, the Kern pitching his Dart, cryeth of courage faro, faro; but the learned think that to be taken from the Spaniard, who in his joco dicano exclaimeth fabo, fabo.  
The people left in the coast of Spain, founded the city of Bayon, now part of Gascoigne, and replenished all the shore towards afric, 
Ann. mundi 2642.  and the edges of Portugal, Castille, Galaecia, towards the sea Cantabricum, well nigh 200. years, after which time some of them began to mind another travail, because they were pestered with Inhabitants, and whether they ever sped to Ireland, it is unknown, at the leastwise in the reign of Gurguntius the Britain, then chief Lord of Bayon, four brethren Spaniards, whereof two are noted, Hiberus and Hirimon, 
Hiberus and Hirimon.  not the sons of Gathelus (as writeth Boethius) but his offspring, understanding that divers Western Lands were empty, desirous to live in ease and elbow-room, sailed Westward with a great retinue of men, 
The head Captain was Bartholomew, as many Authors affirm.  women and babes, hover long about the Island Orchades in 60. great ships, until by good hap they met with Gurguntius, then returning from the conquest of Denmark, 
Fab. part. 2.  who had refused to pay him the tribute, which Belinus his father wan, him they besought (considering their want of victuals, 
Grafton. p. 60.  unable any longer to devil in their ships, accumbred with carriage of women & children) to direct & further them to some place of habitation, proffering to become his liege people to hold the same of him & his heirs for ever. The King advising himself, remembered with what difficulty he kept the Irish in subjection, & conceived hope that these strangers would endeavour either to stub out that unruly generation, or to nurture them. 
Ann. mundi 3●92.  & so taking their oaths and hostages, he manned their ships, stored them with victual & munition, & seated them in Ireland. Thus had the Britons an elder right to the Realm of Ireland, then by the conquest of Henry the 2. which title they never surceased to claim, & sometimes prevailed, as in the days of King Arthur, to whom the Irish Princes agnized their tribute and appearance, made at his Parliament in urbe Legionum, which I take to be Westchester, called of old Carleon, as divers other cities were, wherein the Romans placed the legions. Again the Kings of Britain were then Lords of the place whence this people came, so as their winnings must have been the King's Dominion.  
To all this when their own free assent, the dedition of other Princes, lawful conquest and prescription is adjoined, it forceth an invincible title. But to prosecute our purpose, Those Iberians being substantially aided of Gurguntius, enjoyed the Lands, bestowed themselves four brethren into four parts thereof, until their pride and ambition armed two against other two, Hiberus and his brother against Hirimon and his. In this conflict Hirimon slew Hiberus, and reigned quietly. At this time the country was first named Ibernia, as I have declared in the third Chapter. The King to avoid obloquy and slander, purged himself to his subjects, that neither maliciously nor contentiously, but for his necessary defence and safeguard he had borne arms against his brother. And to witness how far he was from desire to rule alone, he nominated special Captains to be Kings under him of their several Countries, reserving to himself but one fourth part, and the portion of Meth allotted to the Monarchy for the better maintenance of his part.  
These afterward clambered into five Kingdoms incompatible, Leinster, Connaght, Ulster, 
Several Kingdoms in Ireland.  Monster in two portions, and sometimes to more by usurpations and compositions. but ever one was elected the Monarch over all.  
An hundred and thirty chief Kings are reckoned of this Nation from Hirimon to Laigirus the son of Nealus magnus, in whose time the blessed Bishop Patricius converted them to Christianity.   

CAP. X. The coming of the Picts into Ireland. 
An. Dom▪ 120.   

Bed. l. 1. c. 1.  NOW lived the Irish in tolerable order under their sundry Kings, and applied themselves to peace and gathering of wealth, when suddenly Roderick a Red-shank of Scythia fled thither with a small company of Galleys, and wind-driven in compassing round about the British coast, 
Picts.  were happily blown ashore into Ireland. These are the Picts, a people from their cradle dissentious, land-leapers, merciless, sour and hardy, being presented to the King, they craved Interpreters, 
joh. Maior▪ de gest. Scot▪ l. 1. c. 10.  which granted, Roderick their Chieftain uttered for him and his, the request in this manner.  

The words of Roderick King of Picts.  Not as degenerate from the courage of our ancestors, but inclining ourselves to the bent and sway of fortune, we are become suppliants to Ireland, that never before have humbled ourselves to any, Look Sir King, eye us well, It is not light prowess that hath caused these valiant bodies to stoop. Scythians we are, and the Picts of Scythia, great substance of glory lodgeth in these two names, what shall I tell of the civil Tumult that hath made us leave our home? or rip up old Histories to make strangers bemoan us? Let our vassals and children discourse it at large and leisure, if perhaps you vouchsafe us any leisure in the Land: To which effect and purpose your infinite necessities pray your favours. A King of a King, Men of Men, Princes can consider how near it concerneth their honour and surety to prop up the state of a King defaced by Treason, and men will remember nothing better beseemeth the nature of man, then to feel by compassion the griefs of men. Admit we beseech you these scattered relics of Scythia, If your Realms be narrow, we are not many▪ If the soil be barren, we are born to hardness. If you live in peace, we are your subjects. If you war, we are your Soldiers. We ask no kingdom, no wealth, no triumph in Ireland. We have brought ourselves, and left these casualtyes with the enemy. Howsoever it like you to esteem of us, we shall easily learn to like it, when we call to mind, not what we have been, but what we are.  
Great consultations was had upon this request, 
The Answer.  and many things debated too and fro. In the end they were answered, that their antiquities laid forcible arguments, wherefore it could not be expedient to accept the Scythians into Ireland, that mingling of nations in a Realm breedeth quarrels remediless, that Ireland finding scarcity rather of room then of people, that those few inferred amongst a many might quickly disturb and put the whole out of joint. But quoth they, though we may not dwell together yet shall you find us your very good neighbours and friends. Not far hence lieth the Island of Britain, in the north thereof: your manhood and policies shall win you scope enough, our Captains shall conduct you the way, our strength shall help to settle you, address your ships and hie you thither. With this persuasion they shaped course towards the north of Britain, now called Scotland, 
john Stow.  where contrary to all expectation Marius the King awaited their coming, and gave them there a sharp battle, wherein Roderick was slain, with divers of his band. Them which remained and appealed to mercy, he licenced to inhabit the uttermost borders of Scotland: Wives they wanted to increase their Issue, and because the Britons scorned to match their daughters with such a froward and beggarly people, the Picts continued their first acquaintance with the Irish and by entreaty obtained wives from them, conditionally that if the Crown should hap to fall in question they should then yield thus much prerogative to the woman as of the female blood royal, rather than of the male to choose their Prince, which Covenant, saith S. Bede, the Picts are well known to keep at this day. 
Bede lived an. Dom. 7●0.   
But long afore this time the Scottish Chronicles mention the arrival of Almain Picts into the marches now of England and Scotland, with whom certain Irish called then also scott's joined against the Britons, 
Anno Mundi 57●7. ante Christum 330.  devising to erect a kingdom there, aswell to fortify themselves as to gratify the Irish, who detracting their obedience lately promised to Gurguntius, practised all they might to abridge the kingdom of the Britons. First therefore came from Ireland, Fergusius the son of Ferchardus, a man very famous for his skill in blasoning of arms. Himself bore the Red Lion rampant in a golden field. 
joh. Major. lib. 2. cap. 1.  There was in Ireland a monument of Marble fashioned like a Throne, which Simon Brecke a companion to Hiberus and his brethren found in the journey, & because he deemed the finding thereof to be ominous to some Kingdom, he brought it along with him, and laid it up in the country for a jewel. This marble Fergusius obtained towards the prospering of his voyage, and in Scotland he left it, which they used many years after in Coronation of their King at Scona. But Fergusius though he be scored in the row of Kings, for one, and the first, yet he held himself there obscurely, sundry times beat back into Ireland, where he was finally drowned by misfortune within the Creek of Knockfergus. That Fergusius encountered with Coilus the Britain and slew him, as writeth the Scots, it is impossible except they mistake the name of Coilus for Calius, with whom indeed the age of Fergusius might well meet, and the rather for that in the first year of his reign, the Picts entered, and then Fergusius immediately after them, 330. years ere Christ was borne. Now Coilus reigned in the year of our Lord, 124. about which time befell the second arrival of the Picts in Britain, so it seemeth they mistake by a slight error, Coilus for Calius, and the second arrival of the Picts, for the former. This confusion of Histories is learnedly noted by Cooper in his general collection of Chronicles.   

CAP. XI. How the Irish settled themselves in Scotland.  
Return we now to the course of our History, 
An. Dom. 160. joh Major. l. 1. cap. 11. Bed. l 1. c. 1.  while the Picts were bestowed in the north of Britain and waxed populous, the Irish made sundry errands over to visit their Daughters, Nephews, and kindred. In often coming and going, they noted waste places, and little Lands not replenished, but rather neglected and suffered to grow wild. Hereof in Ireland they advertised their Prince, namely Reuther or Rheuda, 
Rheuda.  who being the Issue of Fergusius, bethought himself of his interest to certain pieces of land beside the nation of the Picts. He therefore well appointed, partly by composition, and some deal perforce stepped into those hamlets which no man occupied, & proceeded handsomely to rear his kingdom. By little and little he edged forward, and got between the Picts and Britons on this side the Scottish bank, which he possessed but a season. The place was thereof named Rheudisdale, now Riddesdale, (as much to say, as the part of Rheuda) for dahal in their language, signifieth part. In those quarters after sundry conflicts with the borderers, he was by them slain, but the kingdom lasted in his successors still, and the two nations the Picts and the Irish lovingly suffered each other to thrive. The Scots caught up the Islands & the Frontiers. The Picts dwelled in the middle: Soon after the peace between them, went suspicions & the diversities of people, place, custom, language, with the memory of old grudges stirred up such inward jealousies and hate, that it seemed they were easy to kindle, & as in such factions, there never wanteth drift to drive a tumult, so it happened that certain of the Nobility of the scott's resciant next them had with some difficulty, received out of Greece a Molossian Hound, 
joh. Maior. de gest. Scot l. 5▪ c. 15.  which breed both in swiftness of foot, and in sweetness of opening, was reputed peerless.  
This Hound, a wilful Gentleman, a Pict stole home, and therewith gratified his Prince, glad of the novelty, and little thoughtful of the displeasure. 
Lucan. li. 5.  Contrariwise the Irish, wood for anger at this dishonour, and injury, assembled in post haste under Eugenius their King, and after brawling, fell to spoil, and so to blows; whereof parts and stomaches being even, 
An. Dom. 2●8.  the fortune was variable. In this division they scambled out a few years, until the malice of Carassus a Britain forced a quietness between them to abuse their help against th'Empire. But he was shortly slain by Alectus the Roman Captain, and hereupon the old sore waxed raw: To heap the mischief, a British Lord named Maximus, aspiring to the kingdom, sent an ambassage to Ethodius king of Picts, pleading with him a league of friendship, utterly to expulse the Irish Scot: conditioning withal their assistance to chase the Romans out of Britain, which was concluded, and by this confederacy, after many lamentable skirmishes, the Irish were betrayed, Eugenius the King, Ethai his brother, and Ericus his nephew, and also the residue, such as could escape the enemy's sword, fled thence, some into Norway, some into Ireland their first home.  

An. Dom. 353.  Maximus watching his time, despairing of the British Kingdom, and espying the Picts tired with continual wars, turned his power upon them, and brought them to such an exigent, that they had no readier shift then to crave help from Ireland, 
To. Maior. li. 2. c. 1.  and so by degrees when some private persons, nourishers of the quarrel, were outworn, the matter of malice was qualified, and the remnant of the Irish Scots, with their friends and offspring called home to their dwelling, after their first banishment, 43. years expired.  
From this time forward the amity waxed steady, and the Irish under Fergusius the second their King wan such credit, 
An. Dom. 398.  that finally the nation of Picts were afflicted by the Britons, than the Scots encroached into the heart of the Realm, and became the mightier and more populous, of whom the Country was ever since under one General name called Scotland.  
Thus you see the Scots a lively, stirring, ancient, 
An. Dom. 423·  & victorious people, are mixed first of Britons, (though the Chronicles dissemble it) whom Brutus planted there with Albanactus: Secondly, of Picts: Thirdly and chiefly, of the Irish, which after this time left the name of Scott, for those in Britain, and delighted rather to be called Irish. Then came up the distinction of Scotia major for Ireland, and Scotia minor for the Scots in Britain.  
But most effectually (as saith Cambrensis) the Scots prevailed under the guiding of six valiant Gentlemen, 
Distinct. 3.  Sons to Muridus King of Ulster, who in the time that Neale the great enjoyed the monarchy of Ireland, going to succour their countrymen there, at last also took up for themselves no little portions of ground, which their posterity kept in Cambrensis time, the year of Christ 1200. who treateth their exploits more largely in his Topography of Ireland. Ever since then, they were utterly named and esteemed Scots: 
joh Major. l. 1. cap. 10.  The nation of the Picts driven into corners, albeit the most parts & the out Isles retain at this day a people mongrel betwixt both, called Redshanks. The Scots write that their King Gregorius, 
Pol. l. 1. Angl. hist.  in an. Dom. 875. invaded Ireland as his lawful inheritance, and the same conquered, who lieth buried in one of their out-Iles, called jona, beautified with the Sepultures of Scottish Kings, where the Irish tongue is their native language, & therefore they call the submission of the Irish to Henry the 2. a defection from Scotland, which nevertheless they reck, ne regard not, but wilfully did forgo it, as reaping less than they expended, and unable to defray the growing charge, which cost considered little better than nothing, say they, the King of England winneth by keeping of Ireland. Yet in the late government of S. Henry Sidney, Ulster being conveyed by descent, & act of Parliament to the Crown, which Earldom was in the time of Edward the third reckoned at thirty one thousand marks yearly, the same being but one fifth part of Ireland, It seemeth that if this right be well prosecuted that Ireland might pay itself of necessaries, and yield sufficient benefit to the Prince's Coffers.   

CAP. XII. The conversion of the Irish to Christianity.  

An. Dom. 42●.  ABout this time, Holy Church being stayed in peace, enriched with possessions, supported with authority, many noble Clerks flourishing in divers Realms, the Holy Doctor Augustine yet in life: 
Nicephor. l. 14· cap. 40· Plat. in Caelestin. 1.  Theodosius the second, suppressing Idols in all the Empire: Celestinus 1. Bishop of Rome, conferred with his clergy touching the instruction specially of the western parts, wherein the faith of Christ was hitherto, either not planted, or by persecution extinct, or by corruption of Heretics defaced: of them all, no country was more lamented than Ireland, which partly for distance from the heart of Christendom, partly for their infinite rudeness, had yet received no fruit of true Religion. In that assembly was Palladius Archdeacon of Rome, a good Priest and well learned, who proffered his charitable travail towards the conversion of any those lands, whither he should be by them directed and appointed. The Pope knowing the sufficiency of the man, did consecrate Palladius a Bishop, 
Vita S. Patricij.  authorized his journey, furnished his wants, associated to him, divers religious persons, delivered him the Holy Bible, with great solemnities, and certain monuments of Peter and Paul, whereat divers miracles had been showed. He arryved in the North of Ireland, whence he escaped hardly with his life, into the Lands adjoining, there preaching and converting many, erecting monasteries, and ensueing his vocation so painfully, that the only report of his holiness and cunning, excited the Scots (late christened, but abiding in schism, and committing the function of Bishops to single Priests,) to call him thither, whereunto he assented, upon the Pope's answer, and leaving his Disciples in the Isle, became the special apostle of Scotland, where he spent the residue of his time, with more fruit then among the Irish. Hereunto Celestinus condescended the easier, 
joh. Major. l. ●. cap, 2. Prosp. Acquit. in Chroni.  for that in the very point of Palladius his departure, Patricius attended at Rome to be sent with leave and benediction into Ireland. In which attempt he found such joyful success, so far different from their accustomed frowardness, that a man would ween the Realm had been reserved for him. And because it pleased God to work to the Land such an universal benefit by the means of this holy Patriarch, I take it convenient to set down briefly here his course of life, after the most approved Chronicles that I could find.  
Patricius was borne in the marches of England and Scotland, in a sea town called than Taburnia, 
The life of S. Patrick.  whose father Calphrune (as writeth joseline) was a Deacon and a Priest's son, his mother Conches was sister to S. Martin, 
joselin. of Furness.  the famous Bishop of Toures in France. The child was from his cradle brought up in the Faith, and much given to devotion.  
Now were the Irish through the help of the Scots and Picts, arch-pirats of the narrow seas, and used to sack little weak villages scattered along the shore, and for want of other prey, to bring the Inhabitants home Captives, with others also was taken this Patricius, 
Ex Epist. Patricij.  a lad of sixteen years old, being then a student of secular learning, 
An. Dom. 386.  and became the Villain of an Irish Lord called Mackbiam, from whom after six years he redeemed himself with a piece of gold which he found in a clod of earth, newly turned up by the swyne he kept the time of his Banishment (as affliction commonly maketh men religious.) This with the regard of his former education, printed in him such remorse and humility, that being from thenceforth utterly weaned from the world, he betook himself to contemplation, ever lamenting the lack of grace and truth in that Land, wherefore not despairing, but that in continuance, some good might be wrought upon them, he learned their tongue perfectly, and alluring one companion with him for his exercises, he departed thence into France, ever casting back his eye to the conversion of Ireland, whose babes yet unborn, seemed to him in his dream (from out their mother's wombs) to call for Christendom. In this purpose he sought out Martinus his Uncle, by whose means the young man entered under the government of Germanus then Bishop of Antisiodore, whose scholar and familiar he was forty years, bestowing all that time in prayer and study of eloquence and holy Scriptures. Then at the age of threescore and two years, being renowned through the Latin Church for his wisdom, virtue, and skill, he came home to Rome, recommended with letters from the French Bishops, 
An Dom· 430.  to Pope Celestine, to whom he uttered his full mind, and the secret vow which long since he had conceived touching Ireland. The Pope invested him Archbishop and Primate of the whole Island, blessed him, commanded public prayer and fasting, brought him and his disciples onward on the voyage. Therefore in the twenty third year of Theodosius the younger, which was the year of our Lord 430. Patrick landed in Ireland: and because he spoke the tongue plentifully, being a reverend personage, he took holy Bible, adding thereto divers miracles in the Name & virtue of JESUS whom he preached: many listened unto him, namely such as in the late entertainment of Palladius and Albius the Irish Bishops his Disciples, had some little feeling in the Gospel. In continuance, he won the better part of that Kingdom, except Laigirus himself son of Neale the great Monarch, who (notwithstanding he relied nothing to the Gospel yet) because he stopped not the course thereof, nor forbid any that list to embrace it, the Bishop denounced to him a curse from God, accordingly tempered with mercy and judgement, that during his life he should be victorious, but after him, neither the Kingdom should stand, nor his lineage inherit. Thence he journeyed with a great number of his Disciples and friends to Conill Lord of Connaght, (who honourably reputed him, and with all his people was converted) and then sent him to Logan his Brother, King of Leinster, whom he likewise persuaded. In Monster he was highly honoured of the Earl of Daris, who gave him a dwelling in the East angle of Ardmagh, called Secta, where he erected many Cells and Monasteries, replenished with votarious men and women. Thirty years continually he travailed in preaching through the Land, ever leaving behind him Bishops and Priests, whose learning and holiness by the special grace of God shortly repaired the faith so begun, other thirty years he spent in his Province of Ardmagh among his ghostly brethren, in visitation of those religious Houses, which by his means were founded, so he lived in the whole one hundred twenty two years, 
An. Dom. 492.  and lieth buried in Downe.   

CAP. XIII. Of Saint Patrick's Purgatory.  
EVery History of Ireland that I have seen, maketh one several title De mirabilibus Hiberniae, and therein with long process treateth of several Lands, some full of Angels, some full of devils, some for male only, some for female, some where poor may live, some where none can dye: finally such effects of waters, stones, trees, and trinkets, that a man would ween them to be but heedless and uncertain tales by their complexion.  
Verily, being inquisitive of these matters, I could find no one of them soothed by such persons upon whose relation I am disposed to venture. Only the place behind Ardmagh called S. Patrick's Purgatory, because it is known and confessed, and because I would be discharged of my Readers expectation, who perhaps with the name of S. Patrick looketh to be informed thereof, I can be content to put so much in writing, as Books and reports affirm with most likelihood.  
Two things I muse at, that neither the time nor the author of so strange erection was preserved. Concerning the time one Record putteth it in Anno Domini 302. which is 128. years before S. Patrick converted Ireland, and sixty six years before his birth. Again Cambrensis who maketh curious recital of wonders in the land, never uttereth word of this Purgatory; & though a negative authority be not invincible, yet considering the property of that man, and what a sort of trifles he taketh pain to justify, it may serve for a vehement suspicion, that the place was then either not found, or not miraculous. Concerning the Author, very few there are that refer it to this Patrick their Apostle, but rather to an Abbot of the same name, whom I marvel I find not in the mighty big volume of their Saints: Notwithstanding these Originals might be either lost or altered, but the thing itself being extant, must needs have had a beginning, whereof possibly there are monuments in that Church, or in the Irish tongue to me unwitting.  
Therefore I hold him unwise that will utterly mistrust the principal, because the circumstances vary; or condemn the whole, because he could not reach to the undoubted truth of some part. If any man be so delicate, that not a jote thereof will sink into his head, who shall control him? neither he nor we are bound to believe any story besides that which is delivered us from the Scriptures, and the consent of God's Church. Let the discreet Reader judge of it.  
This I learn, that the holy Abbot Patricius secundus, not the Bishop their Apostle, laboured the conversion of the people of Ulster, which being now Christians, could yet at no hand be won to renounce their old sensuality, cruelty, 
Polichro l. 1. ca 35. Trevis. ibid.  murders, extortion. And when he much enforced the life to come, they replied unto him with contempt, that unless they saw proofs of these joys and pains he preached, they would never lose possession of the pleasures in hand, for hope or dread of things to come they witted not when. At their importunacy he besought God, were it his good pleasure to give out some evident token of the matters they required: finally by the special direction of God he found in the north edge of Ulster a desolate angle hemmed in round, & in the mids thereof a pit, where he reared a Church, closed the same with a wall, bestowed therein Canons regular, at the East end of this Church yard, a door leadeth into a closet of stone, which they call the Purgatory, because devout people have resorted thither for penance, and reported at their return, strange visions of pain and bliss appearing to them. They used to continue therein four & twenty hours, which doing one while with ghostly meditations, and another while a dreadful conscience of their deserts, they saw as they say, a plain resembling of their own faults and virtues, with the horror and comfort thereto belonging, that one so terrible, the other so joyous, that they verily deem themselves for the time to have sight of heaven and hell. The revelations of men that went in (Saint Patrick yet living) are kept written within the said Abbey. When any person is disposed to enter (for the door is ever sparred) he repaireth first for advice to the Archbishop, who casteth all perils, and dissuadeth him, because they say divers never came back again, but if the party be resolute, he recommendeth him to the Prior, who in like manner favourably exhorteth him not to hazard such a danger, if notwithstanding he find the party fully bend, he conducteth him to this Church, enjoineth him to begin with prayer, fast and vigil o● 15. days, so long together as in discretion can be endured. This time expired, if he yet persevere in his former purpose, the whole Convent accompanieth him with solemn procession and benediction to the mouth of the cave, where they let him in, & so bar up the door till the morrow, & then with like ceremonies they await his return, & reduce him to the Church. If he be seen no more, they fast & pray 15. days after. Touching the credit of those matters, I see no cause but a Christian man assuring himself that there is both hell & heaven, may without vanity upon sufficient information, be persuaded that it might please God at sometime for considerations to his infinite wisdom known to reveal by miracles the vision of joys & pains eternal, but that altogether in such sort, & so ordinarily, & to such persons, and by such means as the common fame & some records thereof do utter, I neither believe, nor wish to be regarded. It appears by Trevisa in his additions to Polichronicon, that a superstitious opinion of this Purgatory was then conceived, which he disproveth. And a man of indifferent judgement may soon suspect that in the drift and strength of Imagination, a contemplative person would happily suppose the sight of many strange things which he never saw. Since writing hereof I met with a Priest, who told me that he had gone the same pilgrimage, and affirmed the order of the premises: But that he for his own part saw no sight in the world, save only fearful dreams when he chanced to nod, and those he saith were exceeding horrible: further he added, that the fast is rated more or less, according to the quality of the penitent, and that the place seemed to him scarcely able to receive six persons.   

CAP. XIIII. The Irish Saints.  
THough my search thereof in this my haste out of the land be very cumbersome, yet being loath to neglect the memory of God's friends, more glorious to a Realm then all the victories and triumphs of the world, I think it good to furnish out this chapter with some extracts touching the Saints of Ireland, namely those that are most notable, mentioned by authors of good credit. 
Distinct, 3.6. Brigid. Colum.  Cambrensis telleth, that in S. Patrick's time flourished S. Bride the virgin, and S. Columbe in Down, where their bodies soon after the conquest, and also S. Patrick's body were found, Sir john Courcye being then Precedent of Ulster. In viewing of the sepulture he testifieth to have seen three principal jewels, which were then translated as honourable monuments worthy to be preserved.  
Of S. Columbe it is doubted, whether he lived in that age. 
Ex Vitis sanctorum Hiberniae.  Brigide was base Daughter of Dubtachus a Captain in Leinster, who perceiving the Mother with child, sold her secretly, fearing the jealousy of his wife, to a Irish Poet, reserving to himself, the fruit of her womb, she was there delivered of this Brigide, whom the Poet trained up in letters, and so conveyed her home to her father. 
An. Dom. 439.  The damosel was schooled in the faith by S. Patrick, preaching then in those parts, she became so religious, and so ripe in judgement, 
An Dom. 4●8.  that not only the multitude, but a whole synod of Bishops assembled by Dublin, used her advice in weighty causes, and highly esteemed her. One fact of hers being yet a child, made her famous. The King of Leinster had given to Dubtachus in token of singular affection, for his good service, a rich sword. Now it befell, that the maiden visiting her sick neighbours, diversely distressed for hunger, (her father being a stern man, his Lady a shrew) she saw none other help to relieve these wretched people, but to part the jewels of that idle sword among them. This matter was heinous taken, and came to the King's ears, who (coming shortly after to a Banquet in her father's house) demanded the Girl, not yet nine years old, how she durst presume to deface the gift of a King, she answered, that it was bestowed upon a better King, than he was, whom (quoth she) finding in such extremity, I would have given all my father hath, and all that thou hast, yea yourselves and all, were ye in my power to give, rather than Christ should starve.  
At convenient age she professed virginity, and alured other noble Virgins to her fellowship, with whom she lived in her own Monastery, until the year of our Lord 500 and was buried at down, in the Tomb of S. Patrick, what Cambrensis reporteth of his own knowledge and sight, I will be bold to add hereunto.  
Among her relics, was found a concordance of the 4. Evangelists, seeming to be written with no mortal hand, beautified with mystical pictures in the margin, whose colours and workmanship, at the first blush were dark and unpleasant, but in the view wonderful lively and artificial. Senanus first a Soldier, 
Senanus.  succeeded S. Patrick in the See of Ardmagh, 
An. Dom. 493.  when he had been certain years a minor and doctor to the Campe. 
Brendan.  Brendan Abbot at the age of ten years, was of such incomparable holiness, and thereto so wise and lettered, that his parents thinking themselves to have won the most notable fruit, that could ensue their marriage, by mutual consent professed continency. He flourished in the time of S. Bride, lived familiarly with Ercus the Bishop, and Finan the Abbot.  
Madoc alias Edan of noble parentage, taken prisoner with the King of Temore, 
An. Dom 456.  
Edan, or Madoc.  and kept in his court with divers youngmen his schoolfellows, openly adjured the King to suffer him and them to depart and serve God, as they were accustomed, which being now sundered and distrained of liberty they had partly discontinued, immediately they were dismissed: he died Bishop of Fernes, and laid the foundation of that Burrogh. 
Molingus.  Molingus the successor of S. Madoc being Bishop took himself to voluntary labour, & with his own hands, drived a running spring to his Monastery, enduring that travail daily after prayer and study, 
Fintan.  eight years together. Fintan the Abbot was had in such veneration, that whereas Colm King of Leinster, kept prisoner Cormak the King's son of Kensill: He went boldly with 12. of his Disciples through the press of the Soldiers, and in sight of the King, rescued the young Prince, for the Irish in no ways are outrageous against holy men. I remember, Cambrensis writeth himself, merrily to have objected to Morris then Archbishop of Cashell, that Ireland in so many hundred years had not brought forth one Martyr. The Bishop answered pleasantly, (but alluding to the late murder of Thomas of Canterbury,) Our people (quoth he) notwithstanding their other enormities yet have ever more spared the blood of Saints, marry now we are delivered to such a nation, that is well acquainted with making Martyrs, henceforwards I trust this complaint shall cease.  

Malachias·  Malachias was borne in Ardmagh of noble parents, 
An. Dom. 1014  cherished in virtue by example of his Mother, and trained up in learning, even yet a very babe, he was ofttimes espied to steal from his companions to pray in secret, so grave & modest, that of himself he choosed always the most severe and rigorous Schoolmasters, and refused an excellent Clerk, only because he saw him, somewhat lightly demeaned at game. In the beginning of his youth he yielded himself the Disciple of Imarius, an old recluse, 
Bernard. in vita Malach.  whose austerity of conversation, the whole town admired. There he became a Deacon, and at twenty five years a Priest. The Archbishop for the fame and opinion of his worthiness, made him his Coadjutor, in the which office he reform superstitions and revived the strength of religion, specially the uniformity of their Church service, wherein before time they jarred. 
Banchor.  The famous monastery of Banchor he re-edified, of the patrimony & legacies by his Uncle left him. The same Monastery was of old time, first governed by Congellus, and then proceeded Columbanus, the father of many religious houses in France. Banchor had been so stored with Monks, that no hour of day nor night they ceased, but some company or other was in continual succession at divine service. Of which brethren there were in one day murdered 900. and the place spoilt, whose possessions conveyed to Malachias by his Uncle, he restored forthwith, and bettered the foundation. At the age of thirty years, he was by Canonical election forced to accept the Bishopric of Conereth, a people of all the Irish than most savage and bestial, whom he with inestimable toil reclaimed.  
In the mean while died Celsus Archbishop of Ardmagh, to whom succeeded Malachias, at the age of thirty eight years. But ere this well-nigh the space of 200. years together, a pestilent custom had crept into the country, that the metropolitans See, was inferred upon mere lay persons of the blood royal in manner by inheritance, wherefore Nigellus the next of kindred animated by the partiality of some Princes, & getting into his custody the Bible and Staff, and other Ornaments of S. Patrick (whereunto the ears of the common people tied the prelacy) came to the Palace, with a band of Soldiers to have slain the Bishop. When all the people wept and howled, for his peril, he alone stepped into the bosom of his enemies, demanding their purpose. The very Tyrants letting fall their weapons in stead of the murder conspired, fell to reverence him and departed friends. Three years he sat in the primacy, rather to discontinue the horrible corruption before used, then with intent to abide there: and their error having disannulled the abuse, he procured Gelasius to be his Successor, and returned to his former Bishopric of down. For to down was then annexed Coner. But Malachias understanding that in times past, they were several, sundered them again, and preferred another to the Diocese of Coner, desirous rather to discharge his cure, then to enlarge the fruits, while he preached, a woman fell at his feet, and besought his prayer, for that she had gone now with child fifteen months and twenty days, nor could by any means be delivered, which done, the news of her delivery was reported before the assembly broke up. He threatened vengeance to a Captain, unless he would turn away the Concubine he kept, the same being also his brother's Concubine. The Captain took it disdainfully, and within one hour, was slain by a conspiracy of women, whose Daughters and servants he had defiled. There dwelled in Lismore a notable Clerk, of conversation upright, but corrupt in judgement of religion, this fellow advancing his doctrine, offered disputation to the Bishop, before the multitude, when he was forced to silence with the weight of truth, yet he cavelled maliciously, that not the cause nor learning, but the countenance and credit of Malachias had won the victory. To whom the Bishop answered, our Lord compel thee, even maugre thine own wilfulness to acknowledge thine errors. At these words the Clerk and intending to fly the sight of men, was prevented with a mortal infirmity, and beseeching the Bishop of his peace and communion, died immediately, reconciled to God and holy Church. Being demanded of his Brethren, the Monks of Banchor, where and when he would wish to dye, and be buried, if it lay in his choice, he answered: If in Ireland, beside the body of S. Patrick: If beyond the seas, at Clarivall, where S. Bernard was then famous and in the feast of All Souls. He cast in his mind, within a few days to sue to Eugenius the third, for the increase of the number of metropolitans, which request, was shortly after sped, and in this voyage he rested at Clarivall, and there divers times, openly foretold that his year of departing was come: accordingly when he had taken leave of S. Bernard and the brethren, descended from his chamber to Church, and received the rites of a christian man, he returned to his lodging, and died on All Souls day, in the year of his age fifty four, 
1148.  so mildly and peaceably that it seemed rather a sleep, than a death. There his obsequies was solemnised and miracles wrought at his tomb, and from thence his body was translated to Ardmagh, in the year 1192.  
Malchus, though borne Irish, yet he spent most part of his time in the monastery of Winchester, in England, from thence assumpted Bishop of Lismore, him also remembreth S. Bernard upon occasion. A lunatic child he cured in Bishopping him. This miracle was through the world seen and confessed of many hundreds. There happened the same time, a discord between the King of Monster, and his Brother, 
King of Monster.  wherein the King was overmatched and fled into England, visited Malchus in his Abbey, and would at no hand be said nay, but so long as it should please God to afflict him, he would live there under his government, and ensue his conversation, he contented himself with a poor Cell, used daily a cold bath to repress the wantonness of his flesh, dieted himself with none other fare, than bread, water and salt, passed days and nights in sobbing and remorse of sin. At length the Kings and Nobles of Ireland began to stomach the usurper, vanquished him, called home the good King to his right, who with many persuasions of Malchus and Malachias could scarcely be gotten to forsake ghostly company, & trade of life.   

CAP. XV. The most noble events in Ireland, between the time of Saint Patrick, and the conquest under Henry the 2.  

586.  IN the year of Christ 586. the people of Norway were Lords and victors of the Islands in the West Ocean called Orchades, and great scowrers of the seas: A nation desperate in attempting the conquest of other Realms: as being sure to find warmer dwelling any where, then at their own home. These fellows lighted into Ireland by this means, 
Careticus K. of Britain.  Careticus King of Britain (odious to his subjects) fell with them at civil war. joyful was the news hereof to the Saxons, who then in the six several kingdoms, possessed the Island sundry ways, so they laid together their force, & associated to them Gurmondus, a Rover out of Norway, who having a navy still in a readiness, and an army thereafter furnished, holp the Saxons, to hunt the Britons into the marches of Wales, builded the town of Gormond-chester, and then having holpen the Saxons, made a voyage into Ireland where he sped but meanly, and therefore the Irish account not this for any of their conquests, as some of their antiquities have informed me. The same Gurmondus finding hard success, did but build a few slight castles and trenches in the frontiers, and then leaving the land, got him home into France, where he was finally slain, him our Chonicles name King of Ireland. But the Irish affirm that before Turgesius no Easterlings obtained a Kingdom. 
Turgesius.  Here Cambrensis to salve the contradiction, thinketh Gurmundus to have conquered the land by Turgesius his Deputy, sent thither at his provision, which answer breedeth a contrariety more incurable, for himself numbereth between Laigirius King of Ireland, in an. 430. and ●edlemidius whom Turgesius vanquished, Monarch's 33. and years 400. so that Turgesius lived in an. 830. and could not possibly deal with Gurmondus, who joined with the Saxons against Careticu in Anno 586. This knot might be untwyned with more facility. Gurmondus made much of that little he caught, and wrote himself King, which Title our Histories do allow him, because he opened a gap, enjoyed it for a while, and broke a way for his Countrymen. Turgesius' brought this attempt to perfection, and in these respects each of them may be called first King and Conqueror.  
Secondly therefore Turgesius with his Normans, 
●10▪  assaulted Ireland, sustained loss and many overthrows, but in the end fastening his power to the sea coasts, and receiving in his friends at will, he subdued the land through and through, ever as he went building up Castles and fortresses, wherewith the Irish had not been yet acquainted, for hitherto they knew no fence, but woods or bogs, or strokes. Turgesius' bridled the Kings, and awed them so, that without interruption he reigned thirty years, cried havoc & spoil where any wealth was heaped, spared neither Lay nor Clergy, nor Church, nor Chapel, but very insolently abused his victory. Omalaghlien king of Meth, was in some trust with the Tyrant, his only Daughter Turgesius craved for his concubine. The father having a present wit, and watching some subtle opportunities, Saving your fancy, my Lord, quoth he, there are divers Ladies of my blood sweeter bedfellows for a king, than that brown girl; and then he began to count nieces and cousins a number forsooth, endowed with angel-like beauties, painted so lively with his Tale, that the Tyrant doted already upon them ere he saw them: But ever he doubted, lest Omalaghlien extolled them to exempt his own, and the wise father cloaked his drift with modesty in answeres, and linger his grant to inflame the lechers folly, as he that would any thing to be suspected rather than his thought indeed. And at the last when the other took his delay somewhat unkindly, and bade his Queen speak to him. If I said (quoth he) that with my very goodwill my sole daughter should be sent to you to be deflowered, your high wisdom would guess I did but fain and flatter, and yet if ten daughters were dearer unto me than your good pleasure and contentation, by whose bounty, both she & I, and we all are supported, I were unworthy the secret friendship, wherein it lieth in you to use me. As for the wench, it will in part seem honourable to be asked to the bed of such a Prince, seeing Queens have not sticked to come from far, and prostrate their bodies to noble Conquerors, in hope of issue by them, and howsoever it be taken, time will redeem it. But such a friend as you are to me and mine, neither I nor mine shall live to see, and I purpose not to offend your amity with saving a greater matter than twenty maidenheads, seeing fathers have not sticked to yield their own wives to quench the loves and lusts of their sons.  
Therefore I am thus agreed, name you the day and place, sever yourself from the open eye of your Court, confer with those that have a curious insight and skill in beauties, I will send you my daughter, and with her the choice of twelve or sixteen gentlewomen, the meanest whereof may be an Empress in comparison, when all are before you, make your game at will, and then if my child shall please your fancy, she is not too good to be at your commandment: Only my request is, that if any other presume upon your leave, your Majesty will remember whose fathers child she is. This liberal proffer was accepted of him, whose desire was insatiable, with many fair promises and thanks. To be short, the same day Omalaghlien attired Princelike his own Daughter, and with her sixteen beautiful striplings, which presented to the King in his privy Chamber, accompanied only with certain wantoness of the Nobility, drew forth from under their woman-like garments, their skeanes, and valiantly bestirred themselves, 
Turgesius' murdered.  stabbing first the Tyrant, next the youth present that prepared but small resistance, surely sit mates to supply the office they took in hand, of Paris, not of Hector.  
Out flew the fame thereof into all quarters of Ireland, and the Princes nothing dull to catch hold of such advantage, with one assent, rose ready to pursue their liberty. All Meth and Leinster were soon gathered to Omalaghlien, the father of this practice, who lightly leapt to horse, and commanding their forwardness in so natural a quarrel, said, Lordings and friends, 
The words of Omalaghlien, King of Meth.  this case neither admitteth delay, nor asketh policy, heart and haste is all in all, while the feat is young and strong, that of our enemies some sleep, some sorrow, some curse, some consult, all dismayed, let us anticipate their fury, dismember their force, cut off their flight, occupy their places of refuge and succour. It is no mastery to pluck their feathers, but their necks, nor to chase them in, but to rouse them out, to weed them, not to rake them; nor to tread them down, but to dig them up. This lesson the Tyrant himself hath taught me, I once demanded him in a parable, by what good husbandry the Land might be rid of certain Crows that annoyed it, he advised to watch where they bred, and to fire the nests about their ears. Go we then upon these Cormorants that shroud themselves in our possessions, and let us destroy them so, that neither nest, nor root, nor seed, nor stalk, nor stub may remain of this ungracious generation.  
Scarce had he spoken the word, but with great shouts and clamours, they extolled the King as patron of their lives and families, assured both courage and expedition, joined their confederates, and with a running camp, swept every corner of the Land, razed the castles to the ground, & chased the strangers before them, slay all that abode the battle, recovered each man his own precinct and former state of government. The Irish delivered of slavery, fell to their old vomit in persecuting one another, & having lately defaced their fortified castles & towns, as coverts to the enemy; all sides lay now more open in harms way. This considered, the Princes that in the late rule of Turgesius espied some towardness to wealth and ease, began to discourse the madness of their fathers, who could not see the use of that which their enemies abused, they began to loathe their unquietness, to wish either less discord, or more strength in every man's dominion to cast out the danger of naked Territoryes, as ready to call in the enemy, as the contrary was to shroud them, fain would they mend, and they witted not how. The former subjection though it seemed intolerable, yet they felt therein a growing to peace, fruits of merchandise, rest & surety; for it fared diversely betwixt those Easterlings, & these Irish: they knew how to thrive, might they get some commodious soil. These had all the commodities of the soil, & reckoned them not. While the Princes & Potentates pawsed in this good mood, certain merchants out of Norway, called Ostomanni, Easterlings, because they lay East in respect of us, though they are indeed properly Normans, & partly Saxons, obtained licence safely to land & utter their wares. By exchanging of wares & money, finding the Normans civil and tractable, delighted also with gay conceits, which they never esteemed needful until they saw them, they entered into a desire of traffic with other nations, to allure merchants, they licenced the strangers aforesaid to build, if they were disposed, Haven-townes, which was done. 
Waterford. Limericke. Dublin.  Amellanus founded Waterford; Sitaricus, Limericke; Inorus, Dublin, more at leisure by others. Then were repaired by help and counsel of these men, castles, forts, steeples, and Churches everywhere. Thus are the Irish blended also in the blood of the Normans, who from thenceforth continually flocked hither, did the Inhabitants great pleasure, lived obediently, till wealth made them wanton and rebellious. But they could not possibly have held out, had not the conquest ensuing determined both their contentions. The mean while they waxed Lords of Havens and Bur-Townes, housed their soldiers, and oftentimes skirmished taken their fortune, crept no higher, only a memory is left of their field in Clantarfe, 
1050. al. 1014.  where divers noble Irish men were slain, that lie buried before the Cross of Kilmaynam.  
And it is to be noted, that these are the Danes, which people (than Pagans) wasted England, and after that, France. From whence they came again into England with William the Conqueror. So that Ostomani, Normans, 
Guil. de Nangiac. Polid l. 8. Angl. hist.  Easterlings, Danes, and Norway-men are in effect the same, and as it appeareth by conference of times and Chronicles, much about one time or season, vexed the French men, subdued the English, and multiplied in Ireland. But in the year of CHRIST 1095. perceiving great envy to lurk in the distinction of Easterlings and Irish utterly west, and because they were simply Northern, 
An. Dom. 900.  not Eastern, and because they magnified themselves in the late conquest of their Countrymen, who from Normandy flourished now in the Realm of England, they would in any wise be called and counted Normans. 
Flatsbury.   
Long before this time, as ye have heard, Ireland was bestowed into two principal Kingdoms, 
An. Dom. 94●.  and sometime into more, whereof one was ever elected Monarch, whom they term in their Histories, maximum regem, or without addition, regem Hiberniae. The rest were written Reguli or Reges by limitation, as the King of Leinster, of Connaght, of Ulster, of Monster, of Meth. To the Monarch besides his allowance of ground, and titles of Honours, and other privileges in jurisdiction, was granted a negative in the nomination of Bishops at every vacation. The Clergy and Laity of the Diocese, recommended him to their King, the King to their Monarch, the Monarch to the Archbishop of Canterbury, for that as yet the metropolitans of Ireland had not received their palles: In this sort was nominated to the Bishopric of Divelin, then void Anno 1074. (at the petition of Godericus King of Leinster, by sufferance of the clergy & people there, with the consent of Terdilvachus the Monarch) a learned prelate called Patricius: whom the blessed archbishop Lanfrancus consecrated at S. Paul's Church in London, & swore him to the obedience after the manner of his antecessors. 
11●2▪  Christian Bishop of Lismore Legate to Eugenius 3. summoned a Provincial Council in Ireland, wherein were authorized four Metropolitan See●, Ardmagh, Dublin, Cashell, & Tuam: Bishops thereof being Gelasius, Gregorius, Donatus, Edanus; for hitherto, though they yielded a primacy to the Bishop of Ardmagh, in reverence of Saint Patrick, yet was it partly voluntary, and ratified rather by custom, then by sufficient decree: neither did that Archbishop take upon him to invest other Bishops, but sent them to Canterbury (as I said before) which henceforth they did not. Namely the next Bishop S. Laurence, sometimes Abbot of S. Kevynes in Glandilagh, 
1162,  was ordered and installed at home by Gelasius Primate of Ardmagh.    

THE SECOND BOOK OF CAMPION'S HISTORY OF IRELAND.  

CAP. I. The conquest of Ireland by Henry the second, King of England, commonly called Henry Fitz Empress.  
DErmot Mac Murrough, 
1167.  King of Leinster, halt and lecherous, 
This Chapter concludeth the 1. and 2. book Cambrens de conquest Hiberniae: delivered unto me by Francis Ag●rd.  vowed dishonestly to serve his lust on the beautiful Queen of Meath, and in the absence of her husband, alured the woman so far, that she condescended to be stolen away. This dishonourable wrong to avenge, Ororick the King her husband, besought assistance of Roderick Oconor, King of Connaght, at that season the general Monarch of all Ireland. The subjects of Leinster detesting the quarrel, and long ere this time hating their Prince, left him desolate in his greatest need, so as with much difficulty he caught his boat, and fled over for succour to Henry the 2. King of England, than warring upon the Frenchmen, within his Dukedom of Aquitaine. Somewhat before this season sat in the See of Rome, 
Polichron. Plat. in Ad●. 4. Io. Stell. in Chr▪  Adrianus 4. an English man borne, who having in his youth taken a painful pilgrimage into Norway, and reduced the whole Island unto Christianity, learned distinctly the state of Ireland, and how their countrymen which daily repaired thither, 
john Stow.  being themselves the most part infidels, meeting with a people there, wild and furious, were like very shortly (but if God found remedy) to deface religion: for though Christ were believed and taught, yet the multitude eft soon, grew to a shameless kind of liberty, making no more of necessary points of Doctrine, than served their loose humour. Besides these occasions Henry the 2. builded upon the Pope's favour, his born subject, had sent Ambassadors to Rome, in the first year of his reign, ask leave to attempt the conquest of Ireland. Adrian trusting and requiring a diligent reformation of the premises, granted his Bull, which Alexander his Successor confirmed, and ratified upon the same conditions. Now when Dermot was come in the very neck of these consultations, and put up his complaint, wherein he preferred the interest of his Crown, and craved a restitution of some piece of his lands, the matter did seem not all untowardly broached, Henry having his hands full with the French, because Mac Murrough urged all possible haste, could not personaly intend that offer, but sent him honourably guarded into England, with letters patents bearing this Tenor.  
HENRY the second, King of England, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, 
The King's letter.  Earl of Angiow. To all our true subjects, English, Normans, Welshmen, Scots, and to all nations within our Dominions whatsoever. Greeting. Wit ye that the Bearer hereof, Dermot Mac Murrough King of Leinster, we have received into the sovereign protection of our Grace and bounty, wherefore who so of you all our loving subjects will extend towards him, your aid for his restoring, as to our trusty and well-beloved, know ye that he is thereto authorized by these presents, and shall deserve at our hands high favour in so doing.  
With these letters and many gay additions of his own, he arrived at Bristol, where he fell at conference with Richard Strongbow, 
Lo. Strongbow al. Chepstowe.  Earl of Pembroke, with whom he covenanted, the delivery of his only daughter and heir unto marriage, and so the remainder of his Kingdom: If the said Earl would recover him his home. That day were planted in Wales two gentlemen, Robert Fitz Stephens, and Maurice Fitz Gerald, brethren of a Mother, allied to Rice ap Griffin, 
Fitz Stephens. Fitz Gerald.  than Prince of Wales, whose Grandfather was surnamed Rice the great. Fitz Stephens had been high Constable there under the King, and for executing rigour upon the Prince's servants, was with him detained prisoner three years, ne would in any wise pay ransom or accept the liberty promised him, but if the conditions were loyal to the Crown, and to his person no dis-worship. Lastly by the mediation of David Bishop of S. David's, the third brother; and of Fitz Gerald, and at the instance of Mac Murrough whom the Prince entertained in that distress, Fitz Stephens was conditionaly delivered, that he and his brother Maurice, should the next spring, while Strongbow provided his army, assist the Irish outcast, who in consideration thereof assured them an estate for ever in the town of Weixford, and two canters adjoining.  
Thus much firmly concluded on all sides, the King stolen secretly home, and wintered closely among the Clergy of Fernes.  
According to covenant came Fitz Stephens, with 30. Knights of his blood, 60. Squires, & 300. footmen Archers, to whom at his landing, Dermot sent in aid his base son Duvelnaldus, and five hundred spears. The town and suburbs of Weixford marched forth against him: But when they saw Soldiers in array, diversely dighted and weaponed, furnished with artillery, barbed horses and harness, they retired to their walls and strengthened them, burning the villages thereabouts, and all the provision they could not carry. The assault lasted 3. days, in the 4. certain Bishops resciant there, took up the variance, pacified the Townsmen to their King, and procured the rendering of the Town. Dermot having tried the valiantness of the Welshmen, immeadiately kept his touch, and gave possession of Weixford with the appurtenances aforesaid, to Fitz Stephens and his brother. After success of these matters, they leavyed to the number of 3000. Soldiers, and devised to vex the Lords of Upper Ossory, who had been to the King of all other most cruel and injurious. Them they compelled to deliver Trewage and swear fealty.  
Roderick the monarch appalled at these news, reared up all the Kings, in defence of the land, verily supposing that all would to wreck, were it not prevented. And first they directed courteous messages and gifts to Fitz Stephens, moving him to depart the land quietly, and not to molest them without cause. To whom he answered, that much he wondered at the folly of those Princes, who to satisfy their choler had opened such a gap to their own prejudice, as though the subjects whom they had schooled, to break alliance towards the King of Leinster, would not be as ready by this example to learn to withstand the King of Connaght, for his own part, though he might with better reason invade strangers, than they could expel their neighbours and their peer, yet would they suffer the King to reenter his right, they should not find him stiff, nor untractable, otherwise they should well feel that the Britons wanted neither ability, nor truth, to maintain their word.  
Roderick perceived it was no boot to spurn, and therefore bethought himself of composition upon agreement, they resolved thus.  

Conditions of peace.  Inprimis, that Mac Murrough swearing afresh his obedience to the Monarch, should quietly, repossess the parts of Leinster, which Roderick withheld by suspensation.  
Secondly, that for insurance thereof, he should pledge his dearest base son Cnothurn, to whom Roderick promised his daughter, if this peace were found effectual.  
Thirdly, that being rested in his kingdom, he should discharge the Welsh army, nor should henceforwards call them over in defence.  
About this time, Donatus the good King of Ergall, founded the Abbey of Mellyfont, which is the eldest that I find recorded since the Danes arrival, except S. Marry Abbey, besides Divelin, erected in an. 948.  
The mean while was landed at Weixford, Maurice Fitz Gerald with his provision, ten Knights, thirty Squires, and an hundred Bowmen, hereupon Dermot and the two Brethren, set their force against Divelin, which being the chief City of his Realm, refused to yield, when Divelin and the country about it was recovered, there befell hostility between Roderick, and Duvenaldus Prince of Limericke, whom Dermot his father holp in field, foiled the enemy, and then withdrew his obedience from the Monarch. Shameful was Roderickes flight, and Dermot insinuated into the favour of his people, began to recount the confederates of his first misfortune, and consulted with the two Captains for the invasion of Connaght, finding them pressed, he wrote over to the Earl Strongbow, renewed their covenants, prayed his help. Richard Earl Strongbow (whose ancestors came in with the Conquest, but commonly of the King and his successors disfavoured) having read the letters, he passed to King Henry, besought him either to answer him his rightful heritage, which other men occupied, or to licence him else where in uncouth lands, to seek his fortune. The King half in derision bade him on in the name of God, even as far as his feet could bear him. The Earl dissembling to perceive the hollownesses of the king, furnished his Cousin Reymond le Grose, 
Reymond le Grose.  Nephew to the brethren aforesaid, with ten Knights, and 70. Bowmen, himself ensued with about 200. Knights, and 1000 lusty Welshmen, tried Soldiers, shortly they won the City of Waterford, and then immediately Mac Murrough accomplished his convention, gave to the Earl in marriage his daughter Eve, with the succession of his Kingdom. When Waterford was gotten, and Leinster pacified, and the Princes of Ossory tamed, and a chosen band ever in garrison, Mac Murrough became so terrible, that none durst encounter him. The Clergy assembled themselves at Ardmagh, and with one accord did protest that for all their sins, and especially for the Turkish kind of Tyranny which they used in buying and selling, and with vile slaveries oppressing the bodies of the English, (whom their pirates took) their land was like to be translated to that nation, whose captives they handled so cruelly. To appease in part, the indignation of God, they decreed, that all English, wheresoever in hold within the realm, should forthwith be loosed, Further, if it pleased God to scourge them, it should be meekly suffered, as far beneath the debt of their deserts. King Henry, though he was well apayed that the Earl should be from him, yet he liked no deal, his growing in Ireland to such power, as percase in time to come, with his faction in Wales, then living under a Prince of their own, he might be able to face the Crown of England. An edict was therefore drawn, whereby all subjects were charged upon their peril, to reverte into England by a day, and a caveat annexed, that upon pain of death, none should presume to pass over without a new warrant, nor ship over any wares, money, munition, or victuals into Ireland.  

11●0.  Thus had the Irish a breathing space, and would perhaps have picked greater benefits thereby, 
Divelin assaulted 〈◊〉 the Normans.  had not the Normans been in their top immediately after. Great force they laid to Divelin, but were valiantly repelled, and their Captain Hasculphus taken prisoner, 
Hasculphus the Norman.  who being calmly entreated, began to overview himself, and to imagine that the Citizens durst not use him extremely, & once in open audience broke forth his unseasonable courage, in these words. Take this (quoth he) but for handsel, the game is to come: which heard they delayed him no longer, but pushed him down on a block, and swapped off his head.  
Strongbow perceiving the Kings jealously not yet allayed, having well-nigh spent his army in defence of divers good towns, 
1171.  impugned by Roderick and the Irish, left sufficient ward till his return: and met the King at Gloucester. To whom he writeth, declaring the envy that lurked in his preferment, yielded the tittle of all his win, craved good countenance with his grace, contented himself with any portion whatsoever his Majesty should relinquish: a final quietness was driven between them, Dublin with th'appurtenances, and all port towns of Leinster, & all fortresses reserved to the King. The Earl should enjoy with good leave whatsoever he had gotten beside. This year died Mac Murrow, and the Abbey de Castro Dei was founded.  
Soon after the King with five hundred Knights with archers and horsemen many more taken shore at Waterford, 
1172.  
Regni sui 17. Aetatis 41.  and was such a terror to the Irish, that incontinently all Monster submitted themselves to his peace. There the men of Wexford to feed the surmises of Henry conceived against the gentlemen, betrayed their Lord Fitz Stephens, and him delivered to the King. The King to gratify them, for a while tremely chained and hampered the prisoner, quarrelling with him, notwithstanding the inhibition he had proceeded in achieving the conquest of Ireland, but shortly he enlarged him, and ratified the grants of Wexford abovementioned.  
These Princes of the South swore fidelity and tribute to Henry. Dermot Car●ye King of Cork, Donald Obrene king of Limericke, Donald and Omalaghlien, puissant Lords of Ossory, and in brief, all the states of Monster, from thence he journeyed to Dublin, where in like manner all the Captains of Leinster, and Ororicke king of Meth, and Roderick Oconor, king of Connaght, and of all Ireland for himself, and the whole Island, humbly recognized his sovereignty: finally, no man there was of name in the land (except them of Ulster) but they to him bowed and swore obeisance. All which he feasted royally with a dinner of Crane's flesh, a fowl till then utterly abhorred of the Irish.  
Merlin had prophesied, that five should meet, and the sixth should scourge them. 
Merlin's Prophecy.  This sixth they now construed to be Henry, in whom the five petty Kingdoms were united. Of the same conquest prophesied their four notable Saints, Patrick, Brachon, Colme, 
Irish Prophets. Fab. part 7. c. 237.  and Moling.  
The King not unmindful of his charge, enjoined by the Pope's Adrian and Alexander, entered into a reformation of the Church: and moved the famous Bishop of Lismore, 
Pol Virg lib. 13 Angl. Hist. Synod of Cashell-  Saint Christian, their Legate, to call a Synod at Cashell, wherein they defined Eight Articles.  
1. First, that their people should abandon unlawful contracts of their cousins and allies, and observe the Canons of Matrimony.  
2. That their Infants should be primestened of the Priest's hand at the Church door, and then baptised in the font of their mother Church.  
3. That all faithful duly pay their Tithes.  
4. That holy Church be for ever quit of those cursed exactions of diet and harborough whereunto they had been accustomably strained four seasons in the year, and else against right.  
5. That the fine levied for manslaughter, be not borne by the Clerks, and kinsmen to the malefactor, but if he were accessary or faulty to the deed doing.  
6. That the sick do his Testament to be made or read in the presence of credible persons.  
7. That the funerals of the dead be devoutly and solemnly kept.  
8. That forasmuch as GOD hath universally delivered them into the government of the English, they should in all points, rights, and ceremonies, accord with the Church of England.  
To these things Gelasius Primate of Ardmagh, because he was old and impotent, gave his consent at Divelin in the presence of the King, he died two years after, so aged, that his sustenance was the milk of a white Cow, which he carried with him wheresoever he traveled. This year the Abbey de fonte vivo was founded.  
While all went well in Ireland, news came that Henry the son (whom his father had for good purpose crowned King of England) was misled to intrude upon the actual possession of the Crown in his father's life-time, which stir to appease, the King left the custody of Ireland with Hugh de Lacie, to whom he gave Meth in fee, with Fitz Stephens, Fitz Gerald, and Philip de Bruise, and divers others, 
King Henry returneth into England.  and sailed into England.  
In absence of King Henry, Ororick King of Meth, surnamed Monoculus, required conference and parley with Hugh de Lacie, in which communication the King had traitorously murdered Lacie, had not Fitz Gerald rescued him. Then stepped out an ambushment of the Irish, but Griffin a Gentleman of the blood royal in Wales, flighted the Kyrneghes, 
Ororick with one eye.  and slay Ororick.  
The English perceived such practices daily sought and attempted, took from the Irish as far as they durst, all trust of government, fenced themselves with garrisons, made Captains, Keepers and Constables, wheresoever they won the better. But King Henry was so affrighted with his son's rebellion, and grew into such envye both at home and abroad for the death of Thomas late Archbishop of Canterbury, that he had no will to mind his proceedings in Ireland. Ever his jealousy increased towards the Earl Strongbow, whom he supposed easy to be carried away with any light occasion of tumult. 
Earl Strongbow.  The Earl was a man of great birth, but not of great port until this good marriage befell him, & knowing himself neither to be brooked in sight, nor trusted out of sight, kept still one certain rate in all his doings, bore but low sail, fed no quarrels, shunned all suspicious conference.  
While they stood thus in a mammaring, and Letters ctme daily over, how faintly the States and Princes of Ireland performed obedience; for except in Leinster, all other parts retained still their ancient kind of government, and did only acknowledge Tribute. It was thought expedient by Henry's Counselors, to discharge his mind of that care, and seeing there was trouble on all sides, and all could not be intended one way, they determined to venture the custody of Ireland to Strongbow, being likely for his own wealth and assurance, to procure all possible means of bridling and annoying the Irish.  
No sooner was the Earl landed with his Commission Lord Warden of Ireland, 
Strongbow Lord Warden of Ireland.  but Donald King of Limericke met him at the vantage, and coursed him within the walls of Waterford, whereof hearing the residue their mates were animated, so that up they start in every corner, tag and rag to expel the English.  
It went hardly, than the Earl remembered himself of his cousin Lord Reymond, left behind him in Wales a suitor to Basil his sister, whose marriage nothing stopped but the Earl's consent. Now therefore he writeth lovingly to the Wooer, and upon condition that he came speedily to succour him, he yielded the Lady and all else at pleasure. Reymond in his first entry broke into Divelin, married his Wife in complete Armour, and the very next day sprang forth, whipped the Rebels, quieted Leinster.  

Pol. Virg. lib. 13 Angl. Hist.  Also the Clergy having lately perused the Pope's Bull, wherein he entitleth Henry Lord of Ireland, and under strait pains commandeth allegiance unto him, busily repressed the fury of their Countrymen. And forsomuch as immediately after Christianity planted there, the whole Island had with one consent given themselves not only into the spiritual, but also into the temporal jurisdiction of the See of Rome, which temporal right the two Bishops Adrian and Alexander had freely derived into King Henry, as by their public instruments read in their counsel at Cashell appeareth, they denounced curse and excommunication to any that would maliciously gainsay or frustrate the same.  
When these broils were rocked asleep and hushed for a time, the familiars of Strongbow greatly forethought them of the credit and rule committed to Reymond, whom in conclusion they procured home again when he had served their turn at need. The mean while died Strongbow, as some say, betrayed and wounded, he lieth buried in the Body of Christ Church in Divelin, 
1175. Flatsbury.  leaving behind him one only daughter Isabel, married after 14. years to William Earl marshal. Closely they concealed Strongbowes death, until they had compassed from the King another Governor after their own tooth. For ever they dreaded, that Reymond being in the Prince's eye, and friended in the Court, would catch his opportunity, and wound himself (might he get an inkling in time of the Earl's death) into the succession of his office, which even then waxed sweet and savoury. Coodgellors of this drift, stopped messengers, intercepted letters, hasted on their own course. Basil the wife of Reymond, 
Basil the wife of Reymond le Grose.  more dutiful to her husband, then natural to her brother, continued still in Ireland sick, but having privy knowledge of those news, ere the breath was quite out of the Earl's body, pained herself to disturb this whole array. And whereas she knew well her letters should be searched, and her own servants stayed, she let it be delivered at all a very venture to one of the mariners, and therein draweth a long process of her affairs and household, but in the middle shuffles in a few lines of her meaning, under these terms: To all my afflictions is added now lately the toothache, so that except that one master-tooth had fallen (which I send you for a token) I ween I were better out of my life. Now was the tooth tipped with gold, and burnished featly like a present, which Reymond wist well to be none of hers, and therefore quickly smelled the construction, lingered not for Letters Patents, but stepped over presently, 
Reymond Lord Protector of Ireland.  and made his pack, and was elected by the King's Agents there, Lord Protector of Ireland, till the King's pleasure were further known: During his authority flourished the Geraldines, but shortly after they quailed again, under the government of William Fitz Aldelin, with him was joined in commission the valiant Knight john de Courcy, conqueror, and Earl of Ulster, 
Ulster conquered.  which hitherto the King had not obtained.  
That year was founded the Abbey of Crockesden, 
1176.  by Bertramus de Verdon.  
To establish the conquest of Ulster, and other victories of the parts of Ireland before enjoyed, 
1177.  Alexander the third sent his Cardinal Vivianus, who declareth the Title that Henry held of the Pope, the reservation of the Peter-pences, the indignation of GOD and holy Church against the rebels, who being themselves contemners and breakers of Canons Ecclesiastical, yet for maintenance of their unruly stomaches, had found the means to make Churches their barns, bestowing therein both corn and pulse, that the victuallers and purveyors of the Prince's camp should not dare to require the sale thereof for peril of sacrilege. Therefore he licenseth Officers in this behalf soberly and discreetly to convent such persons, as made the Church a Sanctuary for their Corn, and in need to take thereof at reasonable prices.  
Little good did Fitz Aldelin, and less was like to do, because he delighted to cross his Peers, and was of them stopped in his course of government.  
Hugh de Lacye was made Protector general over the Land. 
Hugh Lacye Protector.  But Miles Cogan, Philip de Bruise, Fitz Stephens, Power, and divers other more preferred to several countries under him.  
This Lacye builded a sort of castles and forts throughout all Leinster and Meth, and the next six years continually devout gentlemen erected sundry Abbeys, as the Abbey of Roseglasse, 
Flat●bury.  
1178.  of Donbrothy by Hervy a Welshman, one of the special conquerors of Ireland, who himself after that, 
1179.  entered into religion in Trinity Priory at Canterbury, 
1180.  The Abbeys of Geripont, and Choro Benedicti, the Abbey de lege Dei, with repairing of many Chapels, Chauncells, 
1182.  Bell-houses, Highways, and Bridges. Then died Saint Laurence Archbishop of Divelin, to whom succeeded john Comyn an Englishman, brought up in the Abbey of Evesham, 
S. Patrick's Church in Divelin founded.  Founder of Saint Patrick's in Divelin, which was before that time a Parish Church, & now by the said Archbishop endowed with Prebends, Viccars, Clerks, Chorists, and many notable possessions for their maintenance, whereout from time to time have proceeded Clergymen of greatest learning & reputation in the Diocese. Divers contentions were raised betwixt Christ's Church and it, for antiquity, wherein they of S. Patrick's, are (no doubt) inferior, as shall appear. 
Infra cap. 4●  They are both written Cathedral Churches, and both are the Bishop's Chapter, in whose election they both aught to convent within the Church of the blessed Trinity, called Christ's Church, which in all records hath the preeminency of place. The party that disturbeth this order of election, forfeiteth by deed to th'Archbishop of Divelin, 200. pounds. 
S. Patrick's book of records.  This foundation was much enriched by King john.  
The same year died the young King Henry, reconciled to his father, but preparing war against his brother Richard Duke of Aquitain: soon after also deceased jeffry his other son, Duke of Britain. Thus were left Richard, his inheritor, and john afterwards Earl of Gloucester, heretofore surnamed without land, to whom the father conveyed all his interest and Lordship of Ireland, sent him thither honourably accompanied, being then but twelve years old, and with him in special trust, Giraldus Cambrensis Clerke, 
Girald. Camb.  a diligent searcher of the antiquities of Ireland, surely well learned, and in those days counted Eloquent.  
About the young Earl were servants and counsellors, 
joh. Lord of Ireland.  three sorts, first Normans, great quaffers, lourdens, proud, belly swains, fed with extortion and bribery; to whom he most relied: secondly, the English brought with him, meetly bold: Thirdly, the English found in the land, whom being best worthy and most forward in all good services, he least regarded, hereof sprang parties and disdain, and to the knights that hardiest were and readiest of courage no small discomfort, to the enemies a spur.  
With the brute of his arrival at Waterford, the Kings of Thomond, Desmond and Connaght, put themselves in the bravest manner they could, to meet him and to submit their countries to his Grace, before them came the Irish Franklyns with rich presents, (and as they are very kind hearted where they list to show obedience,) made unto the Child, their Lord, the most joy and gladness that might be, and though rudely, yet lovingly, and after the custom of their country, offered to kiss him, with such familiarity as they used towards their Princes at home. Two of the Guard, Normans, pickthanks, shaken and tore the Clowns by the glibs & beards unmannerly, and churlishly thrust them out of the presence, whom they should have instructed courteously, & born with. The Irish thus rejected, went against the forenamed Kings, opened the rebukes and villainies done to them, for their meekness, that their Lord whom they thought to honour, was but a Boy, peevish and insolent, governed by a sort of flatterers, younglings and prowlers: That sithence to them that buxom were and tractable, such despite and dishonour (that term they have borrowed of the Spaniards) was proffered so soon, little good should the states of Ireland look for in continuance, when the English had once yoked and penned them in their clutches.  
This report lightly alienated the minds of those Princes, not yet very resolute, and turned them home with great oaths and leagues, entered among themselves, caused also the mightiest Captains elsewhere to stick together, while their lives lasted, and for no manner earthly thing to slack the defence of their ancient liberties.  
Immediately walked abroad mutinies of broil & commotion, so that the young Earl and his army, were content to commit the trial thereof, to Lacie, Bruise, Courcy, Fitz Gerald, and the rest, himself departing away the same year he came, and leaving the Realm a great deal worse bestedde than he found it.  
From the Conquest hitherto Giraldus Cambrensis, and from hence to the year 1370. I am specially holpen by certain brief extracts, whose author is nameless, and therefore I quote him by the name of Philip Flatsbury who wrote them, 
In these notes I used the conference of 3. copies, much different, sent me, the one by my Lord of Trimlestone, another from M Agard, the third from M. Stanyhurst.  and enriched them with collections of his own, for Gerald the father of the Earl of Kildare then being. An. 1517.  
Lacie the rather for these whisperings, did erect and edify a number of Castles, well and substantially, provided in convenient places, one at Derwath, where divers Irish prayed to be set on work, for hire. Sundry times came Lacie to quicken his labourers, full glad to see them fall in ure with any such exercise, wherein, might they once be grounded & taste the swetenesse of a true man's life, he thought it no small token of reformation to be hoped, for which cause he visited them often, and merrily would command his Gentlemen to give the labourer's example in taking pains, to take their instruments in hand, and to work a season, the poor souls looking on and resting. But this game ended Tragically, while each man was busy to try his cunning: some lading, some plastering, some heaving, some carving; the General also himself, digging with a pykeaxe, a desperate villain of them, he whose tool the General used, espying both his hands occupied and his body, with all force inclining to the blow, watched his stoop, and clove his head with an axe, 
Lacie murdered.  little esteeming the torments that ensued. 
1189.  This Lacie was conqueror of Meth, his body the two Archbishops, john of Divelin and Matthew of Cashell, 
Monast. de beatitudine.  buried in the monastery of of Becktye, his head in S. Thomas abbey at Divelin. The next year, was builded the abbey of Ines in Ulster, 
1187.  and soon after, the abbeys of jugo Dei, and of Comer, 
1198. 1199. 1●●●▪  and then the abbey of Knockmoy, or de Colle victoriae, by Cathel Cronderg King of Connaght.   

CAP. II. The Titles of the Crown of England to every part of Ireland, and to the whole divers ways.  
I Will begin with the pedigree of William Earl marshal, for thereupon depend many records in Ireland, and the Queen's right to Leinster. Walter Fitz Richard, who came from Normandy, with William Conqueror, died Lord Strongbow of Strigule alias Chepstow without issue, to whom succeeded his sister's son Gilbert, who was created the first Earl of Pembroke, & had issue Richard the inheritor of Leinster, by a covenant & marriage of Eva the sole daughter of Mac Murrough King of Leinster. This Richard conveyed to Henry the second all his title, and held of him the Lordship of Leinster in four counties, Weixford, Catherlagh, Ossory, and Kildare. Richard left issue, a daughter Isabel, married to William Earl marshal of England, now Earl of Pembroke, Lord Strongbow, and Lord of Leinster. William had issue five sons, who died without issue, when every of them, except the youngest, had successively possessed their father's lands, and five daughters, Maude, ●oane, Isabel, Sibil, and Eve, among whom the patrimony was parted in an. 31. H. 3. Of these daughters bestowed in marriage, are descended many noble houses, as the Mortimers, Bruises, Clares, etc. borne subjects to the Crown of England, paying ever to the King his duties reserved.  

Title to Meth.  Hugh de Lacie Conqueror of Meth, had issue Walter de Lacie, who held the same of King john, paying a fine of four thousand marks sterling, and hence began all the several claims there at this day, with allegiance sworn and done by their ancestors.  

Title to Monster.  At the very first arrival of Henry the second, the Princes of Monster came universally, and did homage voluntarily, and acknowledged to him and his heirs, duties and pays for ever.  

Title to Ulster, & Connaght.  john de Courcy Conqueror and Earl of Ulster, died without issue, King john Lord of Ireland, gave the Earldom to Hugh de Lacie, who had issue, Walter and Hugh, dead without issue, 
Burke Earl of Ulster and Connaght.  and one daughter married to Reymond Burke Conqueror and Lord of Connaght.  
Connaght descended to divers heirs, owing service to the Prince, but Ulster is returned by devolution to the special inheritance and revenues of the Crown of England, in this manner The said De Burgo, had issue Richard, who had issue john, who had issue William, who was slain without issue, and a Daughter Elizabeth entitled to thirty thousand marks yearly, by the Earldom of Ulster, whom Edward the 3. gave in marriage to Leonel his second son, Duke of Clarence, who had issue a daughter Philippe, married to Edmund mortimer, who had issue Edmund, Anne, Elinor. Edmund and Elinor died without issue, Anne was married to Richard, Earl of Cambridge, son to Edmund of Laugley Duke of York, fifth son to Edward the third, which said Richard had issue Richard Plantagenet, father to Edward the fourth, father to Elizabeth wife to Henry the seventh, and mother to Henry the eight, father to Mary, Edward the sixth, and Elizabeth.  

Several claims to the Land of Ireland.  

1. First that the Irish (for of the rest there is no question) were subjects to the the Crown of Britain, before they set foot in Ireland. Thus it appeareth. They dwelled on that side of Spain, whereof Bayon was then chief imperial City, and the same then in possession and obedience to Gurguntius 376. years ere Christ was borne, as it was to his successors many a day after, namely to Henry, the which as I find noted in certain precepts of government, dedicated by james Young, to james Butler Earl of Ormond, than Lieutenant of Ireland. an. 1416.  
From this coast and City, now part of Gascoigne came the fleet of those Iberians, who in 60. ships met Gurguntius on the sea, returning from the conquest of Denmark, to whom they yielded oath and service, sued for dwelling, were by him conducted and planted in Ireland, and became his liege people.   
2. Mac Gil-murrow King of Ireland, with all his petty Princes, Lords, and Captains, summoned to King Arthur's court held in Carlion, an. 519. did accordingly their homage, and attended all the while his great feast and assembly lasted.  
3. The Monarch of Ireland and all other, both reges and reguli for them and for theirs for ever, betook themselves to Henry the second in an. Dom. 1172. namely those of the south, whiles he lay at Waterford, Dermot King of Cork, which is the nation of Mac Cartyes, at Cashell, Donald King of Limricke, which is the nation of the Obrenes, Donald King of Ossory, Mac Shaghlen King of Ophaly, at Divelin did the like, Okeruell King of Vriell, Ororicke king of Meth, Roderick King of all Ireland, and of Connaght. This did they with consents and shouts of their people: and king Henry returned without any Battle given. Only Ulster remained which john de Courcy soon after conquered, and Oneale Captain of all the Irish there, came to Dublin to Richard the 2. in an. 1399. And freely bound himself by oath and great sums of money, to be true to the crown of England.  
4. The same time Obrene of Thomond, Oconor of Connaght, Arthur Mac Murrow of Leinster, and all the Irish Lords which had been somewhat disordered, renewed their obedience.  
5. When Ireland first received Christendom they gave themselves into the jurisdiction both spiritual & temporal, of the See of Rome. The temporal Lordship, Pope Adrian conferred upon Henry the second, and he gave the same to john his younger son, afterwards King of England, and so it returned home to the Crown.  
6. Alexander the 3. confirmed the gift of Adrian as in both their Charters is expressed at large.  
7. Vivian the legate on the Pope's behalf doth accurse and excommunicate all those that flit from the obeisance of the Kings of England.  
8. The clergy twice assembled, once at Cashell, secondly at Ardmagh, plainly determined the conquest to be lawful, and threatened all people, under pain of Gods, and holy Church's indignation, to accept the English kings for their Lords, from time to time.  
9 It would ask a volume to recite the names of such Irish Princes, who since the conquest have continually upon occasions, revolts or petitions, sworn truth and faith to the kings of England, from time to time, received honours, wages, fees, pardons, and petitions. And thus I think no reasonable man will doubt of a right so old, so continued, so ratified, so many ways confessed.    

CAP. III. Richard the first, and King john.  
BY occasion of Lacies mishap, john Courcye, 
11●9.  and Hugh de Lacye the younger, with all their assistants, did straight execution upon the Rebels, and preventing every mischief ere it fell, stayed the Realm from uproars. Thus they continued lovingly, and lived in wealth and honour all the days of Richard the first, until the first year of King john's reign.  
Henry the second had issue male, William, Henry, Richard, 
1199·  jeffrey, and john. William, Henry, and Richard died without issue. jeffrey Earl of Britain died before his father, and left issue two daughters, and an after-borne son called Arthur, 
S●ow▪ Gra●ton. Arth●rus. P●sthumas.  whose title to the Crown, as being the undoubted line of the elder brother, Philip King of France, and certain Lords of England and Ireland stoutly justified: Him had King john taken prisoner in Normandy, and dispatched, if the same be true, with his own hands at Roan. Of this barbarous cruelty all men's ears were full, and Courcye either of zeal or partiality, spoke bloody words against it, which mean his undermyners caught, and did not only heave him out of credit, but also got commission to attach his body, and to send him into England.  
The Earl mistrusted his part, and kept aloof, 
120●.  till Hugh de Lacye Lord justice, was fain to levye men in arms, and to invade Ulster. Thence he was often put to flight, 
john Courcye.  whereupon he proclaimed Courcye Traitor, and hired sundry gentlemen with rewards, to bring him in quick or dead, so long he wooed the matter, that Courcyes own Captains were inveygled to betray their Lord. Therefore upon good Friday, when the Earl did off his armour, and in secret meditations visited religious places barefooted, they laid for him, took him as a rebel, 
1●04.  and shipped him into England the next way, where he was adjudged to perpetual prison: Sentleger addeth in his collections that Lacie paid the Traitors their money, and then immediately hanged them.  
This Courcye translated the Church and Prebendaryes of the Trinity in down, to an Abbey of black Monks brought thither from Chester, and the same did hollow to S. Patrick, for which alteration of the name of God to his servant, he deemed himself justly punished.  
Not long after (as say the Irish) certain French knights came to King john's Court, and one of them asked the combat for trial of the Duchy of Normandy. It was not thought expedient to jeopard the title upon one man's luck, yet the challenge they determined to answer: some friend put them in mind of the Earl imprisoned, a Warrior of noble courage, and in pitch of body like a giant. King john demanded Courcye whether he would be content to fight in his quarrel: Not for thee (said the Earl) whose person I esteem not worthy the adventure of my blood, but for the Crown and dignity of the Realm, wherein many a good man liveth against thy will. The words were haply taken without dudgeon, as proceeding from stomach, and from one counted more plain than wise.  
Courcye therefore being cherished to the field, and refreshed with diet, fed so wonderfully after his hard keeping, that the French Challenger took him for a monster, and privily stale into Spain. Then was the Earl enlarged, and crossed the seas towards Ireland, fifteen times, evermore beaten back to the shore, went thence into France to change the coast, and there died: after whose decease without heirs of his body, the Earldom of Ulster was entirely bestowed upon Hugh de Lacye for his good service. 
Hugh de Lacie Earl of Ulster.   
In Ireland remained one of the Courcyes, Lord of Rathenny and Kilbarrock, whom as a spy of all their practices, and an informer thereof to the King, Walter and Hugh the sons of Hugh had slain, and great seditions raised, bearing themselves after the decease of their father for Governors out of check. 
King john entereth Ireland the second time. Anno 1210. Stow.  To settle the Realm of Ireland, King john brought thither a main Army, banished the Lacies, subdued the remanents, took pledges, punished malefactors, established the execution of English Laws, coined money of like value currant sterling in both Realms. The two Lacies repentant of their follies and tyrannies, fled into France, despoiled of sumptuous apparel, and unknown, meekly they served in Saint Taurines Abbey, as gardener's, until the Abbot by their countenance and behaviour, began to smell their estates, and pressed them so far, that they detected their offences, and the due desert of much harder chastisement, eftsoon beseeching the Abbot to keep their counsels, who commending their humilities, yet advising them to say hold upon their Prince's favour, if it might be had, laboured the King his familiar and godsip earnestly for their pardons and obtained it.  
Each of them were fined, Walter at 4000 and Hugh at 2500. marks, and restored him to the Lordship of Meth, this to the Earldom of Ulster: King john made his Vicegerent, and returned home, subdued the Welshmen, met with Pandulphus the Legate of Innocentius the third, who came to release him of the sentence wherein he stood excommunicate for his spoil and extortion of Church goods, to whom being the Pope's Attorney, he made a personal surrender of both his Realms in way of submission, and after his assoylement, received them again: some add that he gave away his Kingdom to the See of Rome, for him and his successors, recognising, to hold the same of the Popes in fee, 
Polid. lib. 15.  paying yearly therefore one thousand marks, and in them three hundred for Ireland. Blundus saith, Centum pro utroque auri marchas. Sir Thomas Moor, a man in that calling & office likely to sound the matter to the depth, writeth precisely, that neither any such writing the Pope can show, nor were it effectual if he could. How far forth, 
In the supplication of soul▪  and with what limitation a Prince may or may not addict his Realm feodary to another, john Maior a Scottish Chronicler, and a Sorbonist, not unlearned, partly scanneth, who thinketh 300. marks for Ireland a very hard pennyworth. The instrument which our English Chronicle rehearseth, 
Fabian.  might haply be motioned and drawn, and then dye unratified, although the copy of that record continue: But certain it is, that his successors never paid it, and thereto assenteth john Bale in his Apology against vows.  
To john Coming Founder of S. Patrick's Church, succeeded Henry Lounders in the Archbishops See of Divelin, 
1212.  who builded the king's Castle there, being Lord Chief justice of Ireland, him they nicknamed (as the Irish do commonly give additions to their Governors in respect of some fact or quality) Scorch villain, 
Henry Scorchbill Lord justice.  and Burnebill, because he required to peruse the writings of his Tenants, colourably pretending to learn the kind of each man's several tenure, and burned the same before their faces, causing them either to renew their estates, or to hold at will. In the fourth year of King john's reign, was founded the Abbey of Dowske, in the sixth, the Abbey of Wethny in the County of Limericke, by Theobald le Butler, Lord of the Carrack, and in the twelfth, Richard Tute builded the Monastery of Granard.   

CAP. four Henry the third, and Edward the first.  

●228.  AFter the death of Lownders, Henry the third (informed of the Truth and good service done by the Geraldines ever since their first arryvall in the Country) made Morris Fitz Gerald the son of Morris aforesaid Lord justice. 
Morris Fitz Gerald, Lord justice.   
To him sent Edward the Prince, surnamed Longshank, for assistance and power of men against the Welsh Rebels, who leaving Warders in the Castle of Sligaghe, by him lately founded, together with Phelim Oconnor, and a lusty band of soldiers met the king at Chepstow, returned victoriously, and by this means increased favour, & straightway they two joining with Cormack mac Dermot, Mac Rory, made a noble hosting upon Odonill the Irish enemy that invaded and grieved the King's subjects of Ulster, when Lacie was once dead.  
Odonill being vanquished, the Lord justice forced pledges and Trowages of Oneale, to keep the King's peace, and divers other exploits did he during his time of government, which in particular rehearseth Flatsbury in his notes collected for Gerald Fitz Gerald, Earl of Kildare, Anno 1517.  
To him succeeded in office Sir john Fitz Geffrey knight, 
124●. 1259· 1260. 1261.  Geffrey Allan de la Zowche, whom Earl Warren slay, to Zowch, Stephen de longa spata, who slay Oneale in the streets of Down, and there died. Him followed William Den, in whose time Mac Cartye played the devil in Desmond, and to Den, Richard Capell, who envied the Geraldines, and was of them taken prisoner, together with Theobald le Butler, and Miles Cogan. The king took up the variance, and discharged Den, preferring David Barrye to his room, 
1267· 126●. 1270.  who tamed the insolency of Morrice Fitz Morrice, cousin german to Fitz G●rald: upon Barrye came ufford, upon Vfford, james Audeley, who died of a fall from his horse in Thomond: and then for the time Fitz Morrice governed, till the king sent over Sir jeffrey de Genevill, newly returned in pilgrimage from the Holy Sepulture: Him called home again Edward the first, in the fourth year of his reign, and sent in his stead Robert ufford the second time, who made his Vicegerent, Friar Fulborne, Bishop of Waterford, and resumed his charge at his next arryvall into Ireland.  
At this time the city of Divelin was miserably wasted with fire, 
1280.  
Divelin fired.  and the Bellhouse of Christ's Church utterly defaced, which the citizens before they repaired their private harms jointly came to succour, & collections made to redress the ruins of that ancient building first begun by the Danes, 
Records of Christ Church.  as I find in a monument of that foundation, continued by Sitricus; Prince of Divelin, at the motion of Donate, than Bishop, & dedicated to the Blessed Trinity, finished by Richard Earl Strangbow, Fitz Stephens, and S. Laurence the Archbishop, 
It was first a Priory and Canons, now Deane and Chapter▪  and his four successors, john of Evesham, Henry Scorchbill, Lord justice, & Lucas, and lastly by john de S. Paul, which work at the decay by fire, and since, many devout citizens of Divelin have beautified.  
The same Strongbowes Tomb spoilt by fall of the roof, Sir Henry Sidney Lord Deputy, restoreth at this present, who hath also given a sightly countenance to the Choir, by doing cost upon the Earl of Kildares' Chapel, 
Cap. Randolfe,  over against the which he hath left a monument of Captain Randolfe, late Colonel of Ulster, Valiantly dead in that service, john Samford Archbishop of Divelin Lord justice, William Vescy Lord justice, who pursued Omalaghli●n king of Meth, that soon after was slain.  

●●87.  The Sultan of Babylon determined to vex the Christians cities of the East▪ Tripoli, Tyrus, Berinthus, Sidon, Ptolemais, now parts of Turkey, whom to redeem, & with their helps to get again the Holy Land, Edward the first had four years passed obtained by licence of Mar●in the fourth, and by confirmation o● Honorius his successor, 
Blundus lib. ●.  the whole tenth of all ecclesiastical revenues in Ireland for 7. years, whereafter followed a fifteen of the Temporalty: And the same year john Balliol Earl of Galway, founded Balliol College in Oxford, made his homage to King Edward for his Kingdom of Scotland, and to the Lord justice for his Earldom of Ireland.  

1281.  Vescey was a stern man, and full of courage, but rash and impudent of his tongue: he convented before him, john Earl of Kildare, & charged him with riots & vagaries unseasonable, for that he ranged with his men abroad, & preyed upon private enemies inordinately, for malice & grudge, not for advancement of the public weal: whom the Earl as impatient as the other, 
1294.  answered thus: By your honour and mine, my Lord, & by king Edward's hand, you would if you durst, appeach me in plain terms of ●elony: for whereas I have the title, and you the fleece of Kildare, I wot well how great an eye sore I am in your sight, who if I could be handsomely trussed up for a felon, then might my young Master your son, become a Gentleman: justice, Gentleman (quoth he) thou proud Earl, the Vescyes were gentlemen, before Kildare was an Earldom, and before the Welsh bankrupt thy Cousin feathered his Nest in Leinster. But seeing thou darest me, I will surely break thy heart, and with that word he called the Earl a notorious thief & murderer. Then followed clattering of swords by Soldiers on both parties, until either side appeased his own, and the Lord justice leaving his Lieutenant William Hay, sped over to the King, whom immediately followed the Earl, & as fast as Vescey charged Kildare with felony, no less did Kildare appeach the justice of high treason, and in trial thereof he asked the Combat. But when the lists royal were provided, Vescey was slipped away into France, and so disherited of all his lands in the county of Kildare, which were bestowed upon the Earl of Kildare and his heirs for ever.  
The Earl waxed insolent upon this success, and squared with divers Nobles English and Irish of the Land, he took prisoner, Richard Earl of Ulster, and him detained until the Parliament then assembled at Kilkenny, commanded his delivery, and for that unruliness, disseised the Geraldines of the Castle of Sligagh, and of all his lands in Connaght.  
William Dodding●ale Lord justice. 
1294.  This year for the defence of Wales, and commodity of Passengers, to and from Ireland, the King did coast upon the Isle of Anglisey, called the mother of Wales, and builded there the castle de bello marisco, or Bewmarishe. Thomas Fitz Morice Lord justice.  
john Wogan Lord justice pacified the former strife, 
Bewmarishe.  
12●6.  between Ulster and Kildare, and all the Geraldines, with their associates, together with Theobald Lord Butler, gathered strength of men, and met the king's army before Edinburgh, won the City, slew 25. thousand Scots, hampered john Balliol king of the Scots, in such sort, 
1299▪  that glad and fain was he to renew his homage.   

CAP. V. Edward the second.  

1307.  THomas Fitz Morice Lord justice.  
I will begin this Chapter with the modesty of a good Clerk, Richard Havering who five years by dispensation had received the fruits and revenues of the Bishopric of Divelin, and long might have done, had he been so disposed. But now feeling in sleep a weight upon his stomach, heavyer to his weening then any mass of mettle, whereof to be released he vowed in his dream, all that ever he could make in this world: Suddenly the next morn, resigned the custodium of the Bishopric, and contented himself with other ecclesiastical cures incident to his vocation. 
Templars. 1.  The same year was the bane of the Templars in Ireland, to whom succeeded the Knights of the Rhodes. This profession began at jerusalem, by certain Gentlemen that kept their abode next to the Temple there, who till the Council of Creetz increased not above the number of nine. 
Ty●. l. 12. c. 7.  But thenceforth in little more than fifty years, being enriched by contribution of all Christian Realms, every where their houses were erected and endowed bountifully: they grew to 300. Knights of the order and into inferior brethren innumerable. But with ease and wealth they declined now to such intolerable deformities of life and other superstitious errors, 
Gaduin hist. Gal. l. 7.  nothing less regarding then the purpose of this their foundation, that the general Council assembled at Vienna, 
Tom. 3 Con●.  disannulled the same for ever. And thereupon as in other countries so in Ireland, they confessed the public fame of their enormities, and themselves culpable, their persons they yielded to perpetual penance, their lands were given (though with some difficulty) to the Knights of S. john's hospital at jerusalem, who since then for recovering the Island of Rhodes from the Saracens, 
Plat. in Clem. 5 chargeth them with treason against the Christians.  became famous, and multiplied much more honourably than did the Templars. Of this latter foundation was the priory of S. john's at Kilmaynam besides Divelin. 
1309.   
john Decer Major of Divelin builded the high Pipe there, 
john Decer.  and the Bridge over the Liffy, toward S. Wolstans', and a chapel of our Lady at the Friar minors, where he lieth buried, repaired the Church of the Friar's preachers, and every friday tabled the Friars at his own costs.  
In absence of Wogan, Sr William Burcke was Lord Warden of Ireland, to whom King Edward recommended Pierce of Gavestone the disquieter of all the nobility in England, 
Pierce of Gavestone. S●ow.  a companion to the King in vice, bolstered up by the King so peremptorily against the will of his Council, that whereas the said Pierce was by them exiled, Edward sent him now into Ireland with much honour and many jewels, assigning him the commodities royal of that Realm, which bred some bickering between the Earl of Ulster Sir Richard Burke, and Gavestone, who notwithstanding bought the hearts of the Soldiers with his liberality, subdued Obrene, edified sundry Castles, cawswayes, and bridges, but within three years he retired from Flaunders, into England, where the nobles besieged him at Scarborough and smit off his head.  
john Wogan Lord justice, summoned a Parliament at Kilkenny, where wholesome laws were ordained, 
1311.  but never executed: There fell the Bishops in argument about their jurisdictions and in especial the Archbishop of Divelin forbade the Primate of Ardmagh to lift up his crosyer within the province of Leinster. In ratifying of which privilege I have seen the copy of Pope Honorius Bull exemplified among the records of S. Patrick's Church, shortly after Rowland joice, than Primate, stale by night in his pontificals from Howth to the priory of Gracedieu, where the Archbishop's servants met him, and violently chased him out of all the diocese. This Archbishop was named john Aleeke, after whose death were elected in schism & division of sides, two successors, Thorneburgh Lord Chancellor, and Bignore Treasurer of Ireland. The Chancellor to strengthen his election, hastily went to sea, and perished by shipwreck, the other submitting his cause to the process of law tarried at home, and sped.  
Theobald de Verdon Lord justice. Six thousand Scots fight men, under the conduct of Edward Bruise brother to Robert King of Scotland, 
1313. 1314.  also the Earl Murray, john Menteith, john Steward, and others landed in the north of Ireland, joined with the Irish, and conquered Ulster, gave the Englishmen three notable overthrows, crowned the said Bruise King of Ireland, burned Churches and Abbeys, with all the people found therein, men, women, and children. Then was Sir Edmund Butler chosen Lord justice, 
1315.  who combined the Earl of Ulster, and the Geraldines in friendship, himself with Sir john Mandevill, and preserved the rest of the Realm.  
In the neck of these troubles, arose four Princes of Connaght, to impair and scatter the English force. But then the Burckes and the Berninghams' discomfited and slew the number of eleven thousand besides Athenry. To Sir Richard Berningham belonged a lusty young swain, 
john Hussee.  john Hussee, whom his Lord commanded to take a view of the dead carcases about the walls, and bring him word whether Okelly his mortal foe were slain among them. Hussee passed forth with one man to turn up and peruse the bodies. All this marked Okelly, who lurking in a bush thereby, being of old time well acquainted with the valiantness & truth of Hussee, sore longed to train him from his Captain, and presuming now upon this opportunity, 
The words of Okelly.  disclosed himself & said▪ Hussee, thou seest I am at all points armed, and have my Esquire, a manly man, besides me, thou art thin and thy page a youngling so that if I loved not thee for thine own sake, I might betray thee for thy Masters. But come and serve me at my request, & I promise thee by S. Patrick's staff, to make thee a Lord in Connaght, of more ground, than thy Master hath in Ireland. When these words weighed him nothing, his own man (a stout lubber) began to reprove him, for not relenting to so rich a proffer, assured him with an oath, whereupon he proffered to gauge his soul for performance. Now had Hussee three enemies, and first he turned to his own knave, and him he slew, next he reached to Okellyes Squire a great rap under the pit of his ear, which overthrew him▪ Thirdly he bestirred himself so nimbly that ere any help could be hoped for, he had also slain Okelly, and perceiving breath in the Squire, he drawed him up again, & forced him, upon a truncheon to bear his Lord's head into the high town, which presented to Bermingham, and the circumstances declared, he dubbed Hussee Knight and him advanced to many preferments, whose family became afterwards Barons of Galtrime. While the Scots were thus matched, Robert de Bruise King of Scots, took shore at Cragsergus, to assist his brother, whose Soldiers committed sacrilege and impiety, against Monasteries, Tombs, Altars, Virgins, robbed Churches of all their plate and ornaments. They of Ulster, sent to the Lord justice pitiful supplication, for aid in this misery, who delivered them the King's power and standard, wherewith under pretence to expel the Scots, they ranged through the country with more grievance and vexation to the subjects, than did the strangers. Le Bruise proceeded and spoilt Cashell, and wheresoever he lighted upon the Butler's lands, those he burned and destroyed unmercifully. By this time had the Lord justice, 
1317.  and Thomas Fitz john Earl of Kildare, Richard de Clare, and Arnold de power, 
This is of some called the first Earl of Kildare·  Baron of Donoile, furnished and armed thirty thousand men ready to set forward. Then came news that William de Burgo the Earl's brother was taken by the Scots, whereof the Irish of Ulster emboldened with the presence of the Scotish Army, and with the late discomfiture which Earl Richard Burcke sustained at Coins, denied their allegiance openly, and conspired in the behalf of Edward le Bruise, whom they proclaimed King. The Lord justice had assembled such force against them, under the leading of the Geraldines and Poweres, that each of them was thought sufficient, by himself to win the field. But suddenly the two Captains, and their adherents squared, so as no good conclusion might be inferred: Roger Mortimer, trusting by their dissension to imbeazell a victory, 
Mortimer·  culled out fifteen thousand Soldiers, and met the Scots at Kenles, where he was shamefully foiled, his men (as folk supposed) wilfully forsaking him, and bearing false hearts. up start the Irish of Monster at these news, the Ocooles, Obrines, and Omores, and wasted with fire and sword from Arkloe to Leix; with them coped the Lord justice and made a great slaughter, fourscore of their heads were set upon Divelin Castle.  

Edward Bruise reigneth in Ulster.  The mean while Edward Bruise reigned in Ulster, held his courts, pronounced his enemy's traitors, abandoned the English blood, exhorted the Irish of Leinster to do the like, whereupon Donald the son of Arthur Mac Morrow, 
Donald son of Arthur Mac Murrowe.  a slip of the royal family, displayed his banner within two miles of Divelin, but him Traherone took prisoner, sent him to the castle of Dublin, whence he escaped, sliding down from the Turret, by a cord that one Adam Maugle brought him. The said Maugle was drawn and hanged.  

1317.  Roger Mortimer Lord justice pacified the displeasure, between Richard Earl of Ulster, and the Nobles that had put the said Earl under surety, misdeeming him of certain riots committed against the king's subjects, whereby the Scots caught strength and courage, whose ravening, caused such horrible scarcity in Ulster, that the Soldiers which in the year before abused the King's authority, to purvey themselves of wanton fare, surfeited with flesh and aquavitae all the Lent long, prolled and peeled insatiably without need, and without regard of poor people, whose only provision they devoured: 
Famine horrible.  Those (I say) now living in slavery under Le Bruise, starved for hunger, when they had first experienced many lamentable shifts, as in scratching the dead bodies out of their graves, in whose skulls they boiled the same flesh, and fed thereof. mortimer went over to the King indebted to the Citizens of Divelin for his viands, a thousand pounds, whereof he paid not one smulkin, and many a bitter curse carried with him to the sea.  

1318.  William Archbishop of Cashell Lord Chancellor was left Lord Warden of Ireland, in whose time Bermingham aforesaid being general of the field, and under him Captains, Tute, Verdon, Tripton, Sutton, Cusacke and Manpas, led forth the King's power against Edward Bruise, pitching by Dundalke, the Primate of Ardmagh personally accompanying our soldiers, blessing their enterprise, and assoiling them all, ere ever they began to encounter. 
The Scots vanquished.  In this conflict the Scots were vanquished full & whole, 2000 slain, & Manpas that pressed into the throng to meet with Bruise, was found in the search, dead, covering the dead body of Bruise. Thus dissolved the Scottish Kingdom in Ireland, and Bermingham sending his head to the King, received in recompense the Earldom of Lowth, and to his heirs for ever the Barony of Ardee, and Athenry.  
Alexander Bigmore, Archbishop of Divelin, 
An. 1320.  sued to Pope john the 21. (so I reckon, omitting the schismatic and dame joan) for privilege of an University to be ordained in Divelin, which took effect, 
University at Dublin.  and the first three Doctors of Divinity the said Bishop did create, William Hardit a Friar preacher, Henry Coggy a Friar minor, Friar Edmund Kermerdin, & one Doctor of the Canon law, William Rodiard Deane of S. Patrick's, Chancellor of the said University, who kept their terms & commencements solemnly, neither was the same ever disfranchised, but only through variety of time discontinued, and now since the subversion of monasteries, utterly extinct, wherein the Divines were cherished, and open exercise maintained. A motion was made in this last Parliament to erect it again, contributions laid together, Sir Henry Sidney then Lord Deputy, proffered 20. pound lands, & one hundred pounds in money, others followed after their abilities & devotions, the name devised Master Acworth, Plantolinum of Plantagenet and Bullyne. But while they disputed of a convenient place for it, and of other circumstances, they let fall the principal.  
Thomas Fitz john, Earl of Kildare, Lord justice, to whom succeeded Bermingham Earl of Lourh, 
1321.  and to him Sir john Darcy. At this time lived in the Diocese of Ossorye, the Lady Alice Kettle, whom the Bishop ascited to purge the fame of enchanting and Witchcraft objected to her, and to Petronilla, and Basill her complices. 
Alice Kettle a Sorceress.  They charged her mightily to have carnal conference with a spirit called Robin Artison, to whom she sacrificed in the high way nine red Cocks, and nine Peacock's eyes, she swept the streets of Kilkenny between compleere and twilight, raking all the filth towards the doors of her son William Outlawe, murmuring these words, To the house of William my son, hie all the wealth of Kilkenny town. At the first conviction they abjured and accepted penance, but were very shortly found in relapse, and then Petronilla was burned at Kilkenny, the other twain could not be had: she at the hour of her death, accused the said William as privy to their sorceries, whom the Bishop held in durance nine weeks, forbidding his keepers to eat or drink with him, or to speak with him more than once in the day, by procurement of Arnold le Power, than Senischall of Kilkenny he was delivered, & corrupted the Senischall to vex the Bishop, which he did, thrusting him into prison for three months. In rifling the closet of Alice, they found a wafer of Sacramental bread, having the devils name stamped thereon, in stead of JESUS, and a pipe of ointment, wherewith she greased a staff, whereon she ambled through thick and thin, when and how she listed. This business troubled all the Clergy of Ireland, the rather for that the Lady was supported by Noble men: and lastly, conveyed into England, since which time no man wotteth what became of her.   

CAP. VI Edward the third, and Richard the second.  

13●7.  SCarcely was this business ended, but another devil possessed another frantic gentleman of the nation of the O-tooles in Leinster, named Adam duff, 
Adam Duffe·  who denied obstinately the Incarnation of Christ, the Trinity of persons in unity of the Godhead, the resurrection of the flesh. He called the Holy Scripture, a fable; the blessed Virgin, a whore; the See Apostolic, erroneous; for which assertions he was burned in Hogging green besides Divelin.  
Roger Outlaw, Prior of S john's of jerusalem at Kilmainam, 
1●2●.  became Lord justice. Great variance arising between the Geraldines, Butlers, and Berminghams' on the one side, and the Powers and Burkes on the other side, for terming the Earl of Kildare a Rymer. The Lord justice summoned a Parliament to accord them, wherein he himself was fain to clear the slander of heresy fathered upon him by Richard Ledred, Bishop of Ossory. The Bishop had given a declaration against Arnold le Power, convented and convict in his consistory of certain heretical opinions; but because the beginning of Powers accusations concerned the justice's kinsman, and the Bishop was mistrusted to prosecute his own wrong, and the person of the man, rather than the fault, a day was limited for the justifying of the bill, the party being apprehended and respited thereunto. This dealing, the Bishop (who durst not stir out of Kilkenny, to prosecute his accusation) reputed partial; and when by means thereof the matter hanged in suspense, he infamed the said Prior, as an abbettour and favourer of Arnolds' heresy. The Prior submitted himself to the trial, and three several Proclamations were cried in Court, that any man might lawfully come in and indict, 
The Lord justice cleared of a slander·  accuse or say evidence against the justice: none came: then passed the Council a decree, commanding to appear at Divelin, all Bishops, Abbots, Pryors, the Majors of Divelin, Cork, Limericke, Waterford, Droghedah, the Sheriffs, Knights, and Senischalls of every shire. Out of them all they sorted six Inquisitours, which in secrecy examined the Bishops and persons aforesaid one by one, who with universal consent deposed for the Prior, that to their judgements he was a zealous and faithful child of the Catholic Church. The mean while deceased le Power prisoner in the Castle, and because he stood unpurged, long he lay unburied.  
Sir john Darcye Lord justice.  
The Irish of Leinster made insurrections, 
1229.  so did Magoghigan in Meth, and Obrien in Monster, whom William Earl of Ulster, and james of Ormond vanquished. In which stir, William Bermingham, a warrior incomparable, was found halting, and was condemned to dye by Roger Outlaw, Pryor of Kilmainam, 
Bermingham hanged.  than Lieutenant to the Lord justice, and so hanged was he, a Knight among thousands odd and singular. So outrageous were the Leinster Irish that in one Church they burned 80. innocent souls, ask no more but the life of their Priest then at Mass, whom they notwithstanding sticked with their savelins, spurned the blessed Sacrament, and wasted all with fire, neither forced they the Pope's interdiction, nor any censures ecclesiastical denounced against them: But maliciously persevered in that fury, till the Citizens of Weixford tamed them, slay four hundred in one skirmish, the rest flying, were all drenched in the water of slain.  

1335·  Thomas Burgh Treasurer and Lieutenant of Ireland, while Darcy Lord justice pursued the murderers of William Bourk Earl of Ulster, a young gentleman of twenty years old, whom the seditions of Maundevill murdered besides Cragfergus. And when he had scourged those Traitors, he entered Scotland with an army and might have possessed the Lands besides, had they been worth the keeping, into which Lands besides him and Sussex the late Lieutenant of Ireland no Governor ever yet adventured. 
Darcye and Sussex.   

1337.  Sir john Carleton Lord justice, with whom came his brother Thomas Bishop of Hereford, Lord Chancellor, and john Rice Treasurer, and two hundred Welshmen soldiers. The Bishop became Lord justice, 
1338.  in whose time all the Irish of Ireland were at defiance with the English, but were shortly calmed by the Earls of Kildare and Desmond.  
Sir john Darcy by the King's Letters Patents Lord justice of Ireland during life, in the fourteenth year of Edward the third, which king abused by some corrupt informers, called in under his signet royal, 
1340.  franchises, and liberties, and grants whatsoever his predecessors had ratified to the Realm of Ireland, and to every person thereof. This revocation was taken very displeasantly.  
The English of birth, 
The first notable dissension of the English in Ireland.  and the English of blood falling to words, and divided in factions about it. The Irish lay waiting for the contention, so as the Realm was even upon point to give over all and rebel. For remedy the justice began a Parliament at Divelin, whereto the nobles refused to make appearance, & assembled themselves quietly without disturbance at Kilkenny, where they with the Commons agreed upon certain questions to be demanded of the King by way of supplication, by which questions they partly signified their griefs: Those in effect were,  
1. How a Realm of war might be governed by one, both unskilful and unable in all warlike service.  
2. How an officer under the king that entered very poor, might in one year grow to more excessive wealth, than men of great patrimony in many years.  
3. How it happened seeing they all were called Lords of their own, that the Lord of them all was not a penny the richer for them.  
The Prince of this repining was Morris Earl of Desmond, whom Vfford the now Lord justice in pain of forfeiture of all his lands commanded to the Parliament at Dublin, 
1345.  and there put him under arrest, delivered him by main prize of the two Earls Ulster & Ormond, & of 28. knights & squires: All which, except the Earls & two knights, lost their inheritance by rigour of the said ufford, because Desmond had escaped.  
Therefore at the decease of the Lord justice, which ensued the next year, Bonfires and gauds were solemnised in all the Land: his Lady was a miserable sot, and led him to extortion and bribery, much he clipped the prerogatives of the Church, and was so hated, that even in the sight of the country, he was robbed without rescue, by MacCarty, notwithstanding he gathered power, and dispersed the rebellions of Ulster.  
Robert Darcy Lord justice, chosen by the Council, 
1346.  until the King's charter came to Sir john Fitz Morrice, who enlarged Fitz Thomas Earl of Kildare, left in hold by Vfford, Fitz Morrice was deposed, and Sir Walter Bermingham elected, who procured safe conduct for Desmond to plead his right before the King, where he was liberally entreated & allowed towards his expenses there twenty shillings a day at the Prince's charge, in consideration of which courtesy to his kinsman, the Earl of Kildare, accompanied with divers Lords, Knights, and chosen horsemen, served the King at Calais, a town thought impregnable, and returned after the winning thereof in great pomp and jollity.  
john Archer of Kilmainam, Lieutenant to the Lord justice, to whom succeeded Baron Carew, 
1348.  
Bar. Carew.  after Carew followed Sir Thomas Rokesby knight.  

1350.  This year died Kemuricke Shereman, sometimes Major of Divelin, 
Sherman Major of Divelin.  a Benefactor to every Church and religious house twenty miles round about the city: his legacies to poor and others, besides the liberality showed in his life time, amounted to 3000. marks: with such plenty were our father's blessed, that cheerfully gave of their true win to needful purposes, whereas our time that gaineth excessively, and whineth at every farthing to be spent on the poor, is yet oppressed with scarcity and beggary.  

Sir Robert Savage.  The same time dwelled in Ulster Sir Robert Savage, a wealthy Knight, who the rather to preserve his own, began to brickwall & fortify his Manor houses, with castles and piles against the Irish enemy, exhorting his heir Sir Henry Savage, to intend that Work so beneficial for himself and his posterity. Father (quoth he) I remember the Proverb, better a Castle of bones, then of stones, where strength and courage of valiant men are to help us. Never will I, by the grace of God, cumber myself with dead walls, my fort shall be wheresoever young bloods be stirring, and where I find room to fight. The father in a fume let lie the building, and forswore it. But yet the want thereof, and such like, hath been the decay aswell of the Savages, as of all the English Gentlemen in Ulster, as the lack of walled towns is also the principal occasion of the rudeness and wildness in other parts of Ireland. This Savage having prepared an army against the Irish, allowed to every Soldier before he buckled with the enemy, a mighty draught of Aquavitae, Wine, or old Ale, and killed in provision for their return, beeffes, venison, and foul great plenty, which divers of his Captains misliked, & considering the success of war to be uncertain, esteemed it better policy to poison the cates or to do them away, then to cherish a sort of Caitiffs with princely food: If aught should happen to themselves in this adventure of so few, against so many. Hereat smiled the Gentleman and said: Tush ye are too full of envy, this world is but an Inn whereunto you have no special interest, but are only tenants at the will of the Lord. If it please him to command us from it, as it were from our lodging, & to set other good fellows in our rooms, what hurt shall it be for us to leave them some meat for their suppers, let them hardly win it, and wear it, If they enter our dwellings, good manners would no less but to welcome them, with such fare as the country breedeth, and with all my heart much good may it do them: Notwithstanding I presume so far upon your noble courage, that verily my mind giveth me, that we shall return at night, and banquet ourselves with our own store, and so they did, having slain 3000. Irishmen.  
Morris Fitz Thomas Earl of Desmond, 
1356.  Lord justice during life, whom followed Sir Thomas Rokesbye a knight, sincere and upright of conscience, who being controlled for suffering himself to be served in wooden Cups; Answered, these homely Cups and dishes pay truly for that they contain, I had rather drink out of wood, and pay gold and silver, then drink out of gold, and make wooden payment.  
Almericus de Sancto Amando, james Butler Earl of Ormond, 
1357.  and Morris Fitz Thomas Earl of Kildare, 
1359.  justices of Ireland by turns. To this last, the King's letters appointed in yearly fee, for his office 500 pounds, 
1360.  with promise that the said governor should find twenty great horse to the field, and should be the twentieth man in going out against the enemy, which allowance and conditions at these days, I think were ordinary.  

1361.  Leonell the third son of Edward the third Duke of Clarence, 
Leonell Duke of Clarence.  and in the right of his wife, Earl of Ulster, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. He published an inhibition, to all of Irish birth, that none of them should approach his army, nor be employed in service of the wars. Obrene he vanquished suddenly, but no man wist how, an hundred of his principal Soldiers in garrison were miss, whose dispatch, that seditious decree was thought to have procured, wherefore he advised himself and united the people, showing alike fatherly care towards them all, and ever after prospered, Knights he created these Gentlemen, the worthiest then in Chivalry, and at this day continuing in great worship, Preston, now the house of Gormanstowne, Holywood, Talbot, Cusacke, Delahide, Patrick, Robert and john de Fraxinis. The exchequer he removed to Catherlagh, and bestowed in furnishing that town 500 pounds.  
Gerald Fitz Morice Earl of Desmond, Lord justice, until the coming of William de Windsor, 
1367. 1369. 1377.  Lieutenant to the King, then in the last year of Edward the third ruling the realm, under the name of Lord Governor, and keeper of Ireland.  
¶ At the year 1370. all the Notes written by Flatsbury do end, and from hence to this day, nothing is extant orderly gathered, the rest I have collected out of sundry monuments, authorityes, and pamphlets.  
During the reign of Richard the second, Lieutenants and justices of Ireland, 
Records of th'exchequer fought up by M. john Thomas remembrancer. john Stow. Records of excheq. an. 9 Rich. 2.  are specially recorded, the two Mortimers, Edmund and Roger Earls of March, Philip Courtney the king's cousin, james Earl of Ormond, and Robert Vere Earl of Oxford, marquis of Divelin, and Lord Chamberlain, who was created Duke of Ireland by Parliament, and was credited with the whole Dominion of the Realm by grant for term of life, 
1385.  nothing paying therefore, passing all writs, all offices, as Chancellor, Treasurer, Chief justice, Admiral, his own Lieutenant, and other inferior charges under his own Teste.  

1394.  The mean while King Richard afflicted impatiently with the decease of Queen Anne his wife, nor able without many tears to behold his palaces, and chambers of Estate, which represented unto him the solace past, and doubled his sorrow, sought some occasion of business and visited Ireland, where divers Lords and Princes of Ulster renewed their homage, and he placing Roger Mortimer his Lieutenant, returned quietly, but within four years after, informed of the traitorous death of Mortimer, whom he loved entirely, and being wonderful eager in hastening the revenge thereof upon the Irish, he journeyed thither the second time, levied infinite subsidies of money, by penal exactions, and with his absence as also with those injuries, 
1399▪  fed the hatred and opportunity of conspirators at home, for Henry Duke of Lancaster, intercepted the Kingdom, whose son with the Duke of Glocesters' son, King Richard shut up in the Castle of Trim, and then shipped course into England, took land at Milford Haven, found his defence so weak and unsure, that to avoid further inconvenience and peril of himself and his friends, he condescended to resign the Crown.   

CAP. VII. The house of Lancaster, Henry the fourth, Henry the fifth, Henry the sixth.  
ALexander Bishop of Meth, Lieutenant of Ireland, under Thomas Lancaster the King's brother, 
1329.  
Records of Exch.  so was also the worshipful Knight Sir Stephen Scroop, whom for his violence and extortion before used, in the same office under King Richard, the common voice and outcry of poor people damned. 
james Young in precepts of government to the Earl of Ormond cap. 5  This report hearing the Lady his wife, she would in no wise assent to live in his company there, but if he swore a solemn oath on the Bible, that wittingly he should wrong no Christian creature in the land, that duly and truly he should see payment made for all expenses, and hereof, she said, she had made a vow to Christ so deliberately, that unless it were on his part firmly promised, she could not without peril of her soul go with him: her husband assented, and accomplished her boon effectually, recovered a good opinion, schooled his Cators, enriched the country, continued a plentiful house, remissions of great fines, remedies for persons endamaged to the Prince, pardons of lands and lives he granted so charitably and discreetly, that his name was never uttered among them, without many blessings and prayers, and so cheerfully they served him against the Irish, that in one day he spoiled Arthur Mac Murrough, brent his country, restored O-Carrol to the town of Callane, withheld by Walter Burke, slew a multitude of Kerneghes, and quieted Leinster. Not long before, the Major of Divelin john Drake, 
1402.  with his band out of the City, had slain of the same Irish Outlaws 400.  
In this King's reign the inhabitants of the county & town of Cork, 
Records of Christ-church in Divelin.  being tired with perpetual oppressions of their Irish borderers, complained themselves in a general writing, directed to the Lord of Rutheland and Cork, the King's Deputy, and to the Council of the Realm, then assembled at Divelin, which Letter because it openeth the decay of those parts, and the state of the Realm in times past, I have thought good to enter here as it was delivered me, by Francis Agard Esquire, one of her Majesty's privy Council in Ireland.  

A letter from Cork copied out of an old Record bearing no date.  It may please your wisdoms, to have pity of us the Kings poor subjects, within the county of Cork, or else we be cast away for ever, for where there was in this county these Lords by name, besides Knights, Esquiers, Gentlemen, and Yeoman, to a great number, that might dispend yearly 800. pounds, 600. pounds, 400. pounds, 200. pounds, 100 pounds, 100 marks, 20. pounds, 20. marks, 10. pounds, some more, some less, to a great number, besides these Lords following.  
First the Lord marquis Caro his yearly revenues was, besides Dorzey Haven and other Creeks, 2200. pounds sterling.  
The Lord Barnevale of Bearehaven, his yearly revenues was, beside Bearehaven and other Creeks, 1600. pounds sterling.  
The Lord Vggan of the great Castle, his yearly revenues was, besides havens and creeks, 1300. pounds sterling.  
The Lord Balram of Emforte, his yearly revenues was, besides havens and creeks, 1300. pounds sterling.  
The Lord Courcy of Kilbretton his yearly revenues, besides havens and creeks, 1500. pounds sterling.  
The Lord Mandevil of Barrenstelly his yearly revenues, besides havens and creeks, 1200. pounds sterling.  
The Lord Arundel of the strand his yearly revenues, besides havens and creeks, 1500. pounds sterling.  
The Lord Baron of the Guard his yearly revenues, besides havens and creeks, 1100. pounds sterling.  
The Lord Sleynie of Baltimore his yearly revenue, besides havens and creeks, 800 pounds sterling.  
The Lord Roche of Poole-castle his yearly revenue, besides havens and creeks, 1000 pounds sterling.  
The King's Majesty hath the Lands of the late young Barry by forfeiture, the yearly revenue whereof, besides two rivers and creeks, and all other casualties is, 1800. pounds sterling.  
And at the end of this Parliament Your Lordship with the Kings most noble Council may come to Cork, and call before you all these Lords and other Irish men, and bind them in pain of loss of life, lands and goods, that never any of them do make war upon another, without licence or commandment of you my Lord Deputy, & the King's Council, for the utter destruction of these parts, is that only cause, and once all the Irish men, and the King's enemies were driven into a great valley, called Glanehought, betwixt two great mountains, called Maccorte or the leprous Island, and their they lived long and many years, with their white meat till at the last these English Lords fell at variance among themselves, and then the weakest part took certain Irish men to take his part, and so vanquished his enemy, and thus fell the English Lords at variance among themselves, till the Irish men were stronger than they, and drove them away and now have the whole country under them, but that the Lord Roche, the Lord Courcy, and the Lord Barry only remain, with the least part of their ancestors possessions, and young Barry is there upon the King's portion, paying his Grace never a penny Rent. Wherefore we the King's poor subjects, of the City of Cork, Kinsale, and Yowghall, desire your Lordship to send hither two good justices, to see this matter ordered, and some English Captains, with twenty English men that may be Captains over us all, and we will rise with them to redress these enormities, all at our own costs. And if you do not, we be all cast away, and then farewell Monster for ever. And if you will not come nor send, we will send over to our Liege Lord, the King, and complain on you all. Thus far the letter.  
And at this day the City of Cork is so encumbered with unquiet neighbours of great power, that they are forced to watch their gates continually, to keep them shut at service times, at meals, from sun set, to sun arising; nor suffer any stranger to enter there with his weapon, but to leave the same at a lodge appointed. They walk out for recreation at seasons, with strength of men furnished, they match in wedlock among themselves, so that well-nigh the whole city is allied together. It is to be hoped that the late sent over Lord Precedent of Monster, Sir john Parrot, who hath chosen the same place to abide in, as having greatest need of a Governor resident, would ease the inhabitants of this fear, and scourge the Irish Outlaws that annoy the whole region of Monster.  

An. 1408.  Henry the 4. in the 10. year of his reign, gave the Sword to the City of Divelin, which City was first governed, as appeareth by their ancient seal, 
Register of Majors.  called, Signum propositurae, by a Provost, and in the 14. year of H. the 3. by a Major, & two Bailiffs, which Bailiffs were changed into Sheriffs, by Charter of Edward the 6. an. 1547. This Majorality both for state and charge of that office, and for the bountiful hospitality exceedeth any City in England, except London. While Henry the 5. reigned, 
Records of Exch.  I find lieutenants and deputyes of Ireland specially remembered, john Talbot of Hollamshire Lord of Furnyvall. Thomas de Lancaster, Senischa of England, and Stephen le Scroop his Deputy, john Duke of Bedford then also Lord Keeper of England, and the noble Earl of Ormond.  
Sir james Butler, 
1421.  whose grandsire was james surnamed the chaste, 
The chaste Earl of Ormond.  for that of all vices he most abhorred the sin of the flesh, and in subduing of the same gave notable example. In the red Moor of Athye (the sun almost lodged in the West, and miraculously standing still in his epicycle the space of three hours till the feat was accomplished, 
james Yong.  and no pit in that bog annoying either horse or man on his part) he vanquished Omore and his terrible Army with a few of his own, and with the like number Arthur Mac Murrough, at whose might and puissance, all Leinster trembled. 
In the translation of Cambrensis. c. ●7.  To the imitation of this man's worthiness, the compiler of certain precepts touching the rule of a Commonwealth, exciteth his Lord the said Earl in divers places of that Work incidently, eftsoons putting him in mind that the Irish been false by kind, that it were expedient, and a work of Charity to execute upon them (wilful and malicious transgressors) the King's Laws somewhat sharply, 
Prec of government. c 27.  That Odempsye being winked at a while, abused that small time of sufferance, to the injury of the Earl of Kildare, intruding unjustly upon the Castle of Ley, from whence the said Deputy had justly expelled him, and put the Earl in possession thereof, 
ca 2●.  that notwithstanding their oaths and pledges, yet they are no longer true than they feel themselves the weaker.  
This deputy tamed the Obrienss, the Burckes, 
ca 41.  Mac-banons, Ogaghnraghte, Manus Mac Mahowne, all the Captains of Thomond, and all this in three months. The clergy of Divelin twice every week in solemn procession praying for his good success against these disordered persons, which now in every quarter of Ireland, had degenerated to their old trade of life, and repined at the English.  

Lieutenants & their deputyes▪ Records of exchequer.  Lieutenants to Henry the sixth over the Realm of Ireland were Edmund Earl of March, and james Earl of Ormond his Deputy, 
An. 7. An. 1●.  john Sutton Knight, Lord Dudley, and Sir Thomas Strange, his Deputy Sir Thomas Standley, and Sir Christopher Plonket his Deputy Lion Lord Welles, and the Earl of Ormond his Deputy, james Earl of Ormond, the King's Lieutenant by himself, 
An. 20. An. 22. An. 26.  john Earl of Shrewesbury, and the Archbishop of Divelin, Lord justice in his absence.  
Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, father of Edward the fourth, 
An. 27▪  and Earl of Ulster, had the office of Lieutenant by letters Patents, 
Richard Duke of York.  during the space of ten years, who deputed under him at several times, the Baron of Delvin, Roland Fitz Eustace knight, james Earl of Ormond, and Thomas Fitz Morrice Earl of Kildare. To this Richard then resciant in Divelin, was borne within the castle there, his second son George, Duke of Clarence, afterwards drowned in a butt of Malmsey: 
Records of Christ-church.  his god fathers at the font were the Earls of Ormond and Desmond.  
Whether the commotion of jack Cade an Irishman borne, naming himself Mortimer, and so claiming cousinage to divers noble houses, 
1450.  
Io. Ma. l. 6▪ c. 16  proceeded from this crew, it is uncertain: surely the Duke was thereof vehemently mistrusted, & immediately began his tumults, which because our English histories discourse at large, I omit as impertinent.  
Those broils being couched for a time, Richard held himself in Ireland, being lately by Parliament ordained Protector of the Realm of England, leaving his agent in the Court his brother the Earl of Salisbury Lord Chancellor, to whom he declared by letters, the trouble then toward in Ireland, 
1458.  which letter exemplified by Sir Henry Sidney, Lord Deputy, a great searcher and preserver of Antiquities, as it came to my hands, I think it convenient here to set down.  
To the right worshipful and with all my heart entirely beloved brother, the Earl of Shrewesbury.  
RIght worshipful and with all my heart entirely beloved Brother, I commend me unto you as heartily as I can. 
The Letter.  And like it you to wit, that sith I wrote last unto the King our sovereign Lord his Highness, the Irish enemy, that is to say, Magoghigan, and with him three or four Irish Captains, associate with a great fellowship of English rebels, notwithstanding, that they were within the King our Sovereign Lord his power, of great malice, and against all truth, have maligned against their legiance, and vengeably have brent a great town of mine inheritance, in Meth, called Ramore, and other villages thereabouts, and murdered and brent both men, women and children, without mercy. The which enemies be yet assembled in woods and forts, waiting to do the hurt and grievance to the King's subjects that they can think or imagine, for which cause I write at this time unto the King's Highness, and beseech his good grace for to hasten my payment for this land, according to his letters of warrant, now late directed unto the Treasurer of England, to the intent I may wage men in sufficient number, for to resist the malice of the same enemies, and punish them in such wise, that other which would do the same, for lack of resistance in time, may take example; for doubtless, but if my payment be had in all haste, for to have men of war in defence and safeguard of this Land, my power cannot stretch to keep it in the King's obeisance. And very necessity will compel me to come into England to live there, upon my poor livelode, for I had lever be dead, than any inconvenience should fall thereunto in my default; for it shall never be chronicled, nor remain in scripture, by the grace of God, that Ireland was lost by my negligence. And therefore I beseech you right worshipful brother, that you will hold to your hands instantly, that my payment may be had at this time, in eschewing all inconveniences, for I have example in other places, more pity it is for to dread shame, and for to acquit my truth unto the King's Highness, as my duty is. And this I pray and exhort you good brother, to show unto his good grace, and that you will be so good, that this language may be enacted at this present Parliament for my excuse in time to come, and that you will be good to my servant Roger Roe the bearer hereof, and to mine other servants in such things as they shall pursue unto the king's Highness: And to give full faith and credence unto the report of the said Roger, touching the said matters Right worshipful, and with all my heart entirely beloved brother, our blessed Lord God preserve and keep you in all honour, prosperous estate and felicity, and grant you right good life and long. Written at Divelin the 15. of june.  
Your faithful true brother, Richard York.  
Of such power was Magoghigan in those days, who as he won and kept it by the sword, so now he liveth but a mean Captain, yielding his win to the stronger. This is the misery of lawless people, resembling the wideness of the rude world, wherein every man was richer or poorer than other, as he was in might and violence more or less enabled.  
here began factions of the nobility in Ireland, favouring divers sides that strove for the Crown of England, for Richard in those ten years of government, exceedingly tied unto him the hearts of the noblemen and gentlemen in this land, whereof divers were scattered and slain with him at Waterford, as the contrary part was also the next year by Edward Earl of March, 
1459.  the Duke's brother, at Mortimer's cross in Wales, in which mean time the Irish waxed hardy, and usurped the English Countries insufficiently defended, 
1460.  as they had done by like opportunity in the latter end of Richard the second. These two seasons did set them so afloat, that henceforwards they could never be cast out from their forcible possessions, holding by plain wrong all Ulster, and by certain Irish Tenors, no little portions of Monster and Connaght, left in Meth and Leinster, where the civil subjects of English blood did ever most prevail.   

CAP. VIII. Edward the fourth, and Edward his son. Richard the third, & Henry the seventh. 
Ann Reg 1.   
THomas Fitz Morice Earl of Kildare, 
Ann. D. 1460.  Lord justice until the third year of Edward the fourth, since which time the Duke of Clarence aforesaid, 
Duke of Clarence Lieutenant, and his Deputies. 4·  brother to the King, had the office of Lieutenant, while he lived, and made his Deputies in sundry courses, Thomas Earl of Desmond, john Tiptoft, 
An. Reg. ●. An. Reg. 7. An. 10. An. 18.  Earl of Worcester the King's cousin, Thomas Earl of Kildare, Henry Lord Graye. Great was the credit of the Geraldines, ever when the house of York prospered, and likewise the Butlers thryved under the blood of Lancaster, for which cause the Earl of Desmond remained many year's Deputy to George Duke of Clarence his godbrother, but when he had spoken certain disdainful words against the late marriage of King Edward with the Lady Elizabeth Gray, the said Lady being now Queen, caused his trade of life, (after the Irish manner, contrary to sundry old statutes enacted in that behalf) to be sifted & examined by john Earl of Worcester his successor. Of which treasons he was attaint and condemned, and for the same beheaded at Droghedah. 
1467.  james the father of this Thomas of Desmond, being suffered and not controlled, 
Patrick Sein●leger in his collections.  during the government of Richard Duke of York his godsip: and of Thomas Earl of Kildare his kinsman put upon the King's subjects within the Counties of Waterford, Cork, Kerry, and Limericke the Irish impositions of Coin and Lyverie, Carting, carriages, loadings, coshering, bonnaght, and such like, which customs are the very nurse and teat of all Irish enormities, and extort from the poor tenants everlasting Sesse, allowance of meat and money, their bodies and goods in service, so that their horses and their Galloglashes lie still upon the Farmers, eat them out, beggar the Country, foster a sort of idle vagabonds, ready to rebel if their Lord command them, ever nuzzled in stealth and robberies. These evil precedents given by the Father, the son did exercise being Lord Deputy, to whom the reformation of that disorder especially belonged, notwithstanding the same fault being winked at in others, and with such rigour avenged in him, it was manifestly taken for a quarrel sought and picked.  

1469.  Two years after, the said Earl of Worcester lost his head, while Henry the 6. taken out of the tower, was set up again, and King Edward proclaimed Usurper, and then was Kildare enlarged, whom being likewise attainte, they thought also to have rid, and shortly both the Earls of Kildare and Desmond were restored to their blood by Parliament.  

1470.  Sir Rowland Eustace, Knight, sometimes Treasurer, and Lord Chancellor, 
Flatsbury.  and lastly, Lord deputy of Ireland, founded Saint Francis Abbey besides Kilkullen bridge.  

1481.  Edward, a year before his death, honoured his younger son Richard the infant, Duke of York, with the title of Lieutenant over this Land. But his unnatural Uncle Richard the Third, 
Edw. 5. Rich 3.  when he had murdered the child, and the elder brother called Edward the 5. He then preferred to that Office his own son Edward, whose Deputy was Gerald Earl of Kildare, and bore that office a while in Henry the 7. his days. To whom came the wily Priest, 
Henr. 7.  Sir Richard Symonds, & presented a lad his scholar, named Lambert, whom he feigned to be the son of George Duke of Clarence, lately escaped the tower of London. And the child could his pedigree so readily, and had learned of the Priest such princely behaviour, that he lightly moved the said Earl, and many Nobles of Ireland tendering the Seed Royal of Richard Plantagenet, and George his son, as also maligning the advancement of the house of Lancaster, in Henry the seventh, either to think or make the world ween, they thought verily this child to be Edward Earl of Warwick, the Duke of Clarence's lawful Son.  
And although King Henry more than half marred their sport, in showing the right Earl through all the streets of London, yet the Lady Margaret Duchess of Burgoine, sister to Edward the fourth, john de la Poole her Nephew, the Lord Lovel, Sir Thomas Broughton Knight, and divers other Captains of this conspiracy devised to abuse the colour of this young Earl's name, for preferring their purpose, which if it came to good, they agreed to depose Lambert, and to erect the very Earl indeed now prisoner in the tower, for whose quarrel had they pretended to fight, they deemed it likely he should have been made away: Wherefore it was blazed in Ireland, that the King to mock his subjects, had schooled a Boy to take upon him the Earl of Warwick's name, and had showed him about London to blind the eyes of simple folks, and to defeat the lawful Inheritor of the good Duke of Clarence, their countryman and Protector during his life, to whose lineage they also derived a title of the Crown. In all haste they assembled at Divelin, and there in Christ-Church they Crowned this Idol, honouring him with titles imperial, feasting and triumphing, rearing mighty shouts and cries, carrying him from thence, to the King's Castle upon tall men's shoulders, that he might be seen and noted, as he was surely an honourable Boy to look upon. Thereupon ensued the Battle of Stoke, wherein Lambert and his Master were taken, but never executed, the Earl of Lincoln, the Lord Lovel, Martin Swart, the Almaigne Captain, and Morris Fitz Thomas Captain of the Irish, were slain, and all their power discomfited.  
jasper Duke of Bedford and Earl of Penbroke, 
1490.  Lieutenant, and Walter Archbishop of Divelin his Deputy. In this time befell another like illusion of Ireland, procured from the Duchess aforesaid, and certain Nobles of England, whereby was exalted as rightful King of England, and undoubted Earl of Ulster, the counterfeit Richard Duke of York preserved from King Richard's cruelty, as his adherents faced the matter down, and with this maygame lord, named indeed Peter (in scorn Perkin) Warbeck, flattered themselves many years.  
Then was Sir Edward Poynings Knight, sent over Lord Deputy, 
1494.  with commission to apprehend his principal partners in Ireland, amongst whom was named Gerald Fitz Gerald Earl of Kildare, whose purgation the King (notwithstanding divers avouching the contrary) did accept. After much ado Perkin taken, confessed under his own hand-writing the course of all his proceedings, whereof so much as concerneth Ireland, 
an. Hen. 7.14.  I have here borrowed out of Halles Chronicles.  

Perkins confession.  I being borne in Flaunders, in the town of Turney, put myself in service with a Britton, called Pregent Meno, the which brought me with him into Ireland, and when we were there arrived in the town of Cork, they of the town (because I was arrayed with some clothes of silk of my said Masters) threeped upon me, that I should be the Duke of Clarence's son, that was before time at Divelin, and forasmuch as I denied it, there was brought unto me the Holy Evangelists and the Cross, by the Major of the town, called john Lewellin, and there I took my oath that I was not the said Duke's son, nor none of his blood. After this came to me an English man whose name was Stephen Poytowe, with one john Walter, and swore to me, that they knew well that I was King Richard's Bastard son, to whom I answered with like oaths that I was not. And then they advised me not to be afraid, but that I should take it upon me boldly: And if I would so do, they would assist me with all their power, against the King of England, and not only they, but they were assured that the Earls of Desmond and Kildare, should do the same, for they passed not what part they took, so they might be avenged upon the King of England. And so against my will they made me to learn English, and taught me what I should do and say: and after this, they called me Richard Duke of York, second son to Edward the fourth, because King Richard's Bastard son was in the hands of the King of England: And upon this, the said john Walter, and Stephen Poytowe, john Tyler, Hubbert Burgh, with many others, as the foresaid Earls, entered into this false quarrel, and within short time after the French King sent ambassadors into Ireland, whose names were Lyot, Lucas, and Stephen Frayn, and thence I went into France, and from thence into Flanders, and from Flanders again into Ireland, and from Ireland into Scotland, and so into England.  
Thus was Perkins brag twighted, 
1499.  from a milpost to a pudding prick, and hanged was he the next year after.  
Then in the year 1501. King Henry made Lieutenant of Ireland, his second son Henry as then Duke of York, 
1501.  who afterwards reigned. To him was appointed Deputy, 
Records of Christ-Church  the aforesaid Gerald Earl of Kildare, 
1504  who accompanied with john Black Major of Divelin, warred upon William de Burgo, O-Brien, and Mac Nemarra, Occarrol, and the greatest power of Irish men, that had been seen together since the conquest, under the hill of Knoctoe, in English the hill of Axes, six miles from Galway, and two miles from Ballinclare, the Burgoes manor town. Mac William and his Complices were there taken, his Soldiers that escaped the sword were pursued, flying five miles, great slaughter done, and many Captains gotten, not one English man killed. The Earl at his return was created knight of the Noble Order, and flourished all his life long, of whom I shall be occasioned to say somewhat in the next Chapter.   

CAP. IX. Henry the eight.  

1513. From henceforward I hav● followed the relation of the wi●est and most indifferent persons that I could acquaint myself withal in Ireland.  GErald Fitz Gerald Earl of Kildare a mighty made man, full of honour and courage, who had been Lord Deputy and Lord justice of Ireland thirty four years, deceased the third of September, and lieth buried in Christ's Church in Divelin. Between him and james Butler Earl of Ormond, their own jealousies fed with envy and ambition, kindled with certain lewd factions, abettors of either side: ever since the ninth year of Henry the seventh, when james of Ormond with a great army of Irish men, camping in S. Thomas Court at Divelin, seemed to face the countenance and power of the Deputy: 
Register of Majors.  these occasions I say fostered a malice betwixt them and their posterities, many years after incurable, causes of much ruffle and unquietness in the Realm, until the confusion of the one house, and nonage of the other, discontinued their quarrels, which except their Inheritors have the grace to put up, and to love unfeignedly, as Gerald and Thomas do now, may hap to turn their countries to little good, and themselves to less.  
Ormond was nothing inferior to the other in stomach, and in reach of policy far beyond him; Kildare was in government a mild man, to his enemies intractable, to the Irish such a scourge, that rather for despite of him then for favour of any part, they relied upon the Butlers, came in under his protection, served at his call, performed by starts, as their manner is, the duty of good subjects.  
Ormond was secret and drifty, of much moderation in speech, dangerous of every little wrinkle that touched his reputation. Kildare was open and passionable, in his mood desperate, both of word and deed, of the English well-beloved, a good lusticier, a warrior incomparable, towards the Nobles that he favoured not somewhat headlong and unruly, being charged before Henry the seventh, for burning the Church at Cashell, and many witnesses prepared to avouch against him, the truth of that article, he suddenly confessed the fact, to the great wondering and detestation of the Council, when it was looked how he would justify the matter, By jesus (quoth he) I would never have done it, had it not been told me that the Archbishop was within. And because the Archbishop was one of his busiest accusers there present, merrily laughed the King at the plainness of the man, to see him allege that intent for excuse, which most of all did aggravate his fault. The last article against him they conceived in these terms, finally all Ireland cannot rule this Earl: No (quoth the King) then in good faith shall this Earl rule all Ireland. Thus was the accusation turned to a jest, the Earl returned Lord Deputy, shortly after created Knight of the Garter and so died. Marvel not if this success were a corrosive to the adverse party, which the longer it held aloof and bit the bridle, the more eagerly it followed his course, having once the sway and room at will, as you may perceive hereafter.  
Gerald Fitz Gerald son of the aforesaid Earl of Kildare, 
1516. Gerald Earl of Kildare.  and Lord Deputy, who chased the nation of the Tools, battered Ocarrols Castles, awed all the Irish of the land more & more. A Gentleman valiant and well spoken, yet in his latter time overtaken with vehement suspicion of sundry Treasons. He of good meaning to unite the families, matched his Sister Margaret Fitz Gerald, with Pierce Butler Earl of Ossory, whom he also holp to recover the Earldom of Ormond, whereinto after the decease of james, a Bastard brother had intruded.  
Seven years together Kildare kept in credit and authority, notwithstanding the bushes given against him by secret heavers, enviers of his fortune, and nourishers of the old grudge, who fett him up to the Court of England by commission, and caused him there to be opposed with divers interrogatories, touching the Earl of Desmond his Cousin, a notorious traitor, as they said. He left in his room Morice Fitz Thomas Lord justice. After whom came over Lord Lieutenant, 
1521.  Thomas Howard Earl of Surrey, Grandfather to this Duke of Norfolk, accompanied with 200. of the King's guard. While he sat at Dinner in the Castle of Divelin, he heard news that Oneale with a mighty army was even in the mouth of the borders, ready to invade: Immediately men were levied by the Major, and the next morrow joining them to his band, the Lieutenant marched as far as the water of slain, where having intelligence of Oneales' recoil, he dismissed the footmen, and pursued Omore with his horsemen, which Omore was said to lurk within certain miles. That espied a Gunner of Omore, and watching by a wood side discharged his piece at the very face of the Deputy, strake the vizard of his helmet, and pierced no further (as God would.) This did he in manner reckless what became of himself, so he might amaze them for a time, break the swiftness of their following, and advantage the flight of his Captain, which thing he won with the price of his own blood, for the Soldiers would no further, till they had searched all the corners of that wood, verily suspecting some ambush thereabout, and in several knots ferretted out this Gunner, whom Fitz William's and Bedlowe of the Roche were fain to mangle and hew in pieces; because the wretch would never yield.  

1523.  In the mean while defiance proclaimed with France & Scotland both at once, moved the King to return Surrey out of Ireland, that he might employ him in those services, his prowess, integrity, good nature and course of government, the country much commendeth, and honoureth the name and family to this day.  
Pierce Butler Earl of Ossory Lord Deputy, Kildare attending the King's pleasure for his dispatch, recovered favour at the instance of the Duke of Suffolk whose daughter, 
15●4.  Dame Elizabeth Graye he espoused royally, and so departed home. Now there was a great partaker of all the Deputies Council, one Robert Talbot of Belgard whom the Geraldines hated deadly, him they surmised to keep a Calendar of all their doings and to stir the coals that incensed brother against brother. In which fury, james Fitz Gerald meeting the said Gentleman besides Ballimore, slew him even there; 
Talbot of Belgard slain.  journeying to keep his Christmas with the Deputy. With this despiteful murder both sides broke out into open rage, and especially the Countess of Ossory, Kildares' sister, a rare woman, and able for wisdom to rule a Realm, had not her stomach overruled herself. here began intimation of new Treasons passing to and fro, with complaints and replies. But Suffolk had wrought the canvas so fast in his son in law's behalf, that he was suffered to rest at home, and only Commissioners directed thither with Authority to examine the root of their griefs, wherein if they found Kildare but even tolerably purged, their instructions was to depose the plaintiff, and to swear the other Lord Deputy. The Commissioners were, Sir Ralph Egerton, a Cheshire Knight, Anthony Fitzherbert, second justice of the Common-pleas, and james Denton, Deane of Lichfield, who huddeled up those accusations as they thought good, and suddenly took the sword from the Earl of Ossory, swore the Geraldine Lord Deputy, before whom Con Oneale bore the sword that day. Concerning the murderer whom they might have hanged, they brought him prisoner into England, presented him to Cardinal Wolsey, who was said to hate Kildares' blood: And the Cardinal intending his execution with more dishonour to the name, caused him to be led about London streets manacled and haltered, which asked so long time, that the Dean of Lichfield stepped to the King, and got the Gentleman his pardon.  
This untimely shift inflamed the Cardinal, and ripened the malice hitherto not so rank, and therefore hereafter Ossory brought evident proofs of the Deputies disorder, that he wilfully winked at the Earl of Desmond, whom he should have attached by the King's letters, that he curried acquaintance and friendship with mere Irish enemies, that he had armed them against him being the King's Deputy, that he hanged and hewed rashly good subjects, whom he mistrusted to leave to the Butler's friendship. Yet again therefore was Kildare commanded to appear, which he did, leaving in his room Fitz Gerald of Leixlip, whom they shortly deprived, 
1527  and chose the Baron of Delvin, whom O-Connor took prisoner, and there the Earl of Ossory to show his ability of service, brought to Divelin an army of Irishmen, having Captains over them Oconnor, Omore and O-Carroll, and at S. Marry Abbey, was chosen Deputy by the King's Council.  
In which office (being himself, save only in feats of Arms, a simple gentleman) he bore out his honour, and the charge of government, very worthily, through the singular wisdom of his Countess, 
The Countess of Ossory.  a Lady of such port, that all Estates of the Realm couched unto her, so politic, that nothing was thought substantially debated without her advice, manlike and tall of stature, very rich and bountiful, a bitter enemy, the only mean at those days whereby her Husband's Country was reclaimed from the sluttish and unclean Irish custom to the English habit, bedding, housekeeping, and civility.  
But to those virtues was yoked such a selfe-liking, and such a Majesty above the tenure of a subject, that for insurance thereof she sticked not to abuse her husband's honour against her brother's folly. Notwithstanding I learn not that she practised his undoing, (which ensued, and was to her undoubtedly, great heaviness, as upon whom both the blemish thereof, and the sustenance of that whole family depended after,) but that she by indirect means wrought her Brother out of credit to advance her husband, the common voice, and the thing itself speaketh.  
All this while abode the Earl of Kildare at the Court, and with much ado found shift to be called before the Lords, to answer solemnly. They sat upon him diversely affectioned, and especially the Cardinal, Lord Chancellor, disliked his cause, comforted his accusers, and enforced the Articles objected, and what else soever could be gathered thereof in these words.  
I wot well, my Lord, 
The Cardinal's accusation against the Earl of Kildare.  that I am not the meetest man at this Board to charge you with these treasons, because it hath pleased some of your pewfellows to report, that I am a professed enemy to all Nobility, and namely to the Geraldines, but seeing every cursed boy can say as much when he is controlled, and seeing these points are so weighty, that they should not be dissembled of us, and so apparent, that they cannot be denied of you. I must have leave, notwithstanding your stale slander, to be the mouth of these honourable persons at this time, and to trump your Treasons in your way, howsoever you take me.  
First, you remember how the lewd Earl your kinsman, 
Treasons laid to the Earl.  who passeth not whom he serve, might he change his Master, sent his confederates with letters of credence to Francis the French King, and having but cold comfort there, to Charles' the Emperor, proffering the help of Monster and Connaght towards the conquest of Ireland, if either of them would help to win it from our King. How many letters? what precepts? what messages? what threats have been sent you to apprehend him? and yet not done: why so? forsooth I could not catch him: Nay nay, Earl, forsooth you would not nighly watch him. If he be justly suspected, why are you partial in so great a charge? If not, why are you fearful to have him tried? Yea Sir, it will be sworn & deposed to your face, that for fear of meeting him, you have winked, wilfully shunned his sight, altered your course, warned his friends, stopped both eyes and ears against his detectors, and whensoever you took upon you to hunt him out, then was he sure beforehand to be out of your walk: surely this juggling and false-play, little became either an honest man, called to such honour, or a Nobleman put in such trust. Had you lost but a Cow, or a Garron of your own, two hundred Kyrneghes would have come at your whistle, to rescue the prey from the uttermost edge of Ulster: All the Irish in Ireland must have given you the way. But in pursuing so weighty a matter as this, merciful God, how nice, how dangerous, how wayward have you been? One while he is from home, another while he keepeth home, sometimes fled, sometimes in the borders where you dare not venture: I wish, my Lord, there be shrewd bugs in the borders for the Earl of Kildare to fear: The Earl, nay, the King of Kildare, for when you are disposed, you reign more like than rule in the Land: where you are malicious, the truest subjects stand for Irish enemies; where you are pleased, the Irish enemy stands for a dutiful subject: hearts and hands, lives and lands are all at your courtesy, who fawneth not thereon, he cannot rest within your smell, and your smell is so rank, that you track them out at pleasure.  
Whilst the Cardinal was speaking, the Earl chafed and changed colour, & sundry proffers made to answer every sentence as it came, at last he broke out, and interrupted him thus.  
My Lord Chancellor, I beseech you pardon me, I am short witted, and you I perceive intend a long tale. If you proceed in this order, half my purgation willbe lost for lack of carriage: I have no school tricks, nor art of memory, except you hear me while I remember your words, your second process will hammer out the former.  
The Lords associate, who for the most part tenderly loved him, and knew the Cardinal's manner of terms so loathsome, as wherewith they were tired many years ago, humbly besought his grace to charge him directly with particulars, and to devil in some one matter, till it were examined through. That granted.  

Kildares' reply to the Cardinal's oration.  It is good reason (quoth the Earl) that your Grace bear the mouth of this chamber. But my Lord, those mouths that put this tale into your mouth, are very wide mouths, such indeed as have gaped long for my wreck, & now at length for want of better stuff, are fain to fill their mouths with smoke. What my cousin Desmond hath compassed, as I know not, so I beshrew his naked heart for holding out so long. If he can be taken by my agents that presently wait for him, then have my adversaries betrayed their malice, and this heap of heinous words shall resemble a man of straw, that seemeth at a blush to carry some proportion, but when it is felt and poised, discovereth a vanity, serving only to fray crows, and I trust your Honours will see the proof hereof and mine innocence testified in this behalf by the thing itself within these few days. But go to, suppose he never be had, what is Kildare to blame for it, more than my good brother of Ossory, who notwithstanding his high promises, having also the King's power, is glad to take eggs for his money, and bring him in at leisure. Cannot the Earl of Desmond shift, but I must be of counsel? cannot he be hid, except I wink? If he be close, am I his mate? If he be friended, am I a Traitor? This is a doughty kind of accusation, which they urge against me, wherein they are stabled and myred at my first denial; You would not see him, say they, who made them so familiar with mine eyesight? or when was the Earl within my Equinas? or who stood by when I let him slip, or where are the tokens of my wilful hood-winking? Oh, but you sent him word to beware of you; Who was the messenger? where are the letters? convince my negative: See how loosely this idle reason hangeth, Desmond is not taken, well, we are in fault: why? because you are: who proves it? no body. What conjectures? so it seemeth. To whom? to your enemies who told it them? What other ground? none. Will they swear it? they will swear it. My Lords, than belike they know it, if they know it, either they have my hand to show, or can bring forth the messenger, or were present at a conference, or privy to Desmond, or some body bewrayed it to them, or themselves were my carrier's or vice-gerents therein, which of these parts will they choose, I know them too well to reckon myself convict by their bare words or headless hearesayes, or frantic oaths, my letter were soon read, were any such writing extant, my servaunts and friends are ready to be sifted. Of my cousin Desmond they may lie lewdly, since no man can here well tell the contrary. Touching myself, I never noted in them either so much wit, or so much faith, that I could have gauged upon their silence the life of a good hound, much less mine own, I doubt not may it please your Honours to oppose them, how they came to knowledge of these matters which they are so ready to depose, but you shall find their tongues chained to another man's trencher, and as it were, Knights of the Post, suborned to say, swear and stare the uttermost they can, as those that pass not what they say, nor with what face they say it, so they say no truth. But of another thing it grieveth me, that your good grace, whom I take to be wise and sharp, and who of your own blessed disposition wish me well, should be so far gone in crediting those corrupt informers, that abuse the ignorance of their state and country to my peril. Little know you my Lord, how necessary it is not only for the governor, but also for every Nobleman in Ireland, to hamper his vincible neighbours at discretion, wherein if they waited for process of Law, and had not these lives and lands you speak of within their reach, they might hap to lose their own lives and lands without Law. You hear of a case as it were in a dream, and feel not the smart that vexeth us. In England there is not a mean subject that dare extend his hand to fillip a Peer of the Realm. In Ireland, except the Lord have cunning to his strength, and strength to save his own, and sufficient authority to rack thiefs and varlets when they stir, he shall find them swarm so fast, that it will be too late to call for justice. If you will have our service take effect, you must not tie us always to the judicial proceedings, wherewith your Realm, thanked be God, is enured.  
As touching my Kingdom (my Lord) I would you and I had exchanged Kingdoms but for one month, I would trust to gather up more crumbs in that space, than twice the revenues of my poor Earldom; but you are well and warm, and so hold you, and upbraid not me with such an odious storm. I sleep on a cabin, when you lie soft in your bed of down, I serve under the cope of heaven, when you are served under a Canopy, I drink water out of a skull, when you drink wine out of golden Cups▪ my courser is trained to the field, when your jennet is taught to amble, when you are begraced and belorded, and crouched and kneeled unto, than I find small grace with our Irish borderers, except I cut them off by the knees.  
At these girds the Council would have smiled if they durst, but each man bit his lip, and held his countenance, for howsoever some of them inclined to the Butler, they all hated the Cardinal: A man undoubtedly borne to honour, 
Cardinal Woolsey.  I think some Prince's Bastard, no Butcher's son, exceeding wise, fair spoken, high minded, full of revenge, vicious of his body, lofty to his enemies, were they never so big, to those that accepted and sought his friendship wonderful courteous, a ripe Schooleman, thrall to affections, brought a bed with flattery, insatiable to get, & more princelike in bestowing: as appeareth by his two Colleges at Ipswich, and at Oxenford, th'one suppressed with his fall, th'other unfinished and yet as it lieth an house of Students (considering all appurtenances) incomparable, through Christendom, whereof Henry the eight is now called Founder, because he let it stand. He held and enjoyed at once the Bishoprics of York, Durham, and Winchester, the dignities of Lord Cardinal, Legate, and Chancellor: The Abbey of S. Alban, divers priories, sundry fat Benefices in Commendam: A great preferrer of his servants, advauncer of learning, stout in every quarrel, never happy till his overthrow. Therein he showed such moderation, and ended so patiently, that the hour of his death did him more honour than all the pomp of life passed.  
The Cardinal perceived that Kildare was no Babe, and rose in a fume from the Council table, committed the Earl, deferred the matter till more direct probations came out of Ireland.  
After many meetings and objections wittily refelled, they pressed him sore with a traitorous errant, sent by his daughter the Lady of slain, to all his brethren, to Oneale, Oconnor, and their adherents, wherein he exhorted them to war upon the Earl of Ossory then Deputy, which they accomplished, making a wretched conspiracy against the English of Ireland, and many a bloody skirmish.  
Of this Treason he was found guilty, and reprived in the Tower a long time, the Gentleman betook himself to God and the King, was heartily loved of the Lieutenant, pitied in all the Court, and standing in so hard a case altered l●●tle his accustomed hue, comforted other Noblemen, prisoners with him, dissembling his own sorrow. One night when the Lieutenant and he, for disport were playing at slide-groat, suddenly cometh from the Cardinal a mandat to execute Kildare on the morrow. The Earl marking the Lieutenants deep sigh, in reading the bill; By Saint Bride, quoth he, there is some mad game in that scroll, but fall how it will, this throw is for a huddle; when the worst was told him, now I pray thee, quoth he, do no more but learn assuredly from the Kings own mouth, whether his Grace be witting thereto or not. Sore doubted the Lieutenant to displease the Cardinal, yet of very pure devotion to his friend, he posteth to the King at midnight, and said his errant, (for all hours of the day or night, the Lieutenant hath access to the Prince upon occasions.) King Henry controlling the sawcynesse of the Priest, those were his terms, gave him his Signet in token of countermand, which when the Cardinal had seen, he begun to break into unseasonable words with the Lieutenant, which he was loath to hear, and so he left him fretting: 
1528. 15●0.  Thus broke up the storm for a time, and the next year Wolsey was cast out of favour, & within few year's Sir William Skevington sent over Deputy, who brought with him the Earl pardoned, and rid from all his troubles. Who would not think but these lessons should have schooled so wise a man, and warned him rather by experience of adversities past, to cure old sores, then for joy of this present fortune, to mind seditious drifts to come. The second year of Skevingtons' government, there chanced an uproar among the Merchants and their Apprentices, in Divelin, which hard and scant the Deputy and Major both, could appease. Then was also great stir about the King's divorce, 
1532.  who hearing the forwardness of Ireland under Skevington, and thinking it expedient in so fickle a world to have a sure post there, made Kildare his Deputy, 
1533  the Primate of Ardmagh Lord Chancellor, and Sir james Butler Lord Treasurer. But Kildare reviving the old quarrels, fell to prosecute the Earl of Ossory, excited Oneale to invade his country, his Brother john Fitz Gerald to spoil the country of Vriell and Kilkenny, being himself at the doing of part, namely in robbing the town, and killing the King's subjects. 
1534.  The next year going against O-Carrol he was pitiful hurt with a Gun in the thigh, so that he never after enjoyed his limbs, nor delivered his words in good plight, otherwise like enough to have been longer forborn, in consideration of his many noble qualities, great good service, and the state of those times. Strait ways complaints were addressed to the King of these enormities, & that in the most heinous manner could be devised, whereupon he was again commanded by sharp letters to repair into England, & to leave such a substitute, 
1535.  for whose government he would undertake at his peril to answer: He left his heir the Lord Thomas Fitz Gerald, and ere he went, furnished his own piles, forts, and castles, with the King's artillery & munition, taken forth of Divelin. Being examined before the Council, he staggered in his answer, either for conscience of the fact, or for the infirmity of his late maim: Wherefore a false muttering flew abroad that his execution was intended. That rumour helped forward Skevingtons' friends and servants, who sticked not to write into Ireland secret letters, that the Earl their Master's enemy (so they took him, because he got the government over his head,) was cut shorter, and now they trusted to see their Master again in his Lordship, whereafter they sore longed as crows do for carrion. Such a letter came to the hands of a simple Priest, no perfect English man, who for haste hurled it among other papers in the Chimneys end of his chamber, meaning to peruse it better at more leisure: The same very night a Gentleman retaining to Lord Thomas (than Lord Deputy under his father) took up his lodging, with the Priest, and reached in the morning for some paper to draw on his straight hosen, and as the devil would he hit upon the letter, bore it away in the heel of his his hose, no earthly thing misdeeming, at night again he found the paper unfretted, and musing thereof began to poor on the writing, which notified the Earl's death. To horseback got he in all haste, and spreading about the country these unthrifty tidings, Lord Thomas the Deputy rash and youthful, immediately confedered himself with Oneale, and O-Connor, with his Uncles and Father's friends, namely, john, Oliver, Edward Fitz Gerald, james and john Delahide, Welsh parson of Loughseudy, Burnel of Balgriffen, Rorcks a pirate of the seas, Bath of Dullardston, Feild of Busk, with others, and their adherents guarded, he rideth on S. Barnabyes' day to S. Marry Abbey where the Council sat, and when they looked he should take his place, and rose to give it him, he charged them to sit still, and stood before them and then spoke.  

The words of Lord Thomas.  Howsoever injuriously we be handled and forced to defend ourselves in arms, when neither our service nor our good meaning towards our Prince's crown availeth, yet say not hereafter but in this open hostility, which we profess here and proclaim, we have showed ourselves no villains nor churls, but warriors and Gentlemen. This Sword of estate is yours and not mine, I received it with an oath, and have used it to your benefit, I should offend mine honour, if I turned the same to your annoyance, now have I need of mine own sword, which I dare trust, as for this common sword, it flattereth me with a golden scabbard, but hath in it a pestilent edge, already bathed in the Geraldines blood, and whetted itself in hope of a destruction: save yourselves from us, as from your open enemies. I am none of Henry's Deputy, I am his foe, I have more mind to conquer, then to govern, to meet him in the field, then to serve him in office, If all the hearts of England and Ireland that have cause thereto, would join in this quarrel (as I trust they will) then should he be a byword (as I trust he shall) for his heresy, lechery, and tyranny, wherein the age to come may score him among the ancient Princes, of most abominable and hateful memory. With that he rendered up the sword, and flung away like a Bedlam, adding to his shameful Oration many other slanderous and foul terms, which for regard of the King's posterity, I have no mind to utter.  
They concluded, first to murder all of the English birth in Ireland, and sent an ambassador to Paulus the 3, called Mac Granell, archdeacon of Kelles, and rejected thence to Charles the fifth, whose Aunt Queen Katherine the King had lately cast off, with much indignation of all the Spaniards, him he thought eith to be kindled, and craved assistance to conquer the land, which he promised to hold under him, & his heirs for ever. The mean while he forced an oath upon Gentlemen of every shire to aid him, camped within the pale, reared a great army of English, Irish, and Scots, invaded the Earl of Ossory, and james his son Lord Butler, who having intelligence thereof, prevented his fury and kept those parts in order.  
When the Butlers had stopped his rage in Monster, he fell to parlyes and treatyes with them, sent them divers messengers and letters, whereby he covenanted to divide with them half the Kingdom, would they assist his enterprise, james Lord Treasurer, in whom for their youth and acquaintance he most affied, and often accumbred with such temptations, finally returned his brokers with letters.  
Taking pen in hand to write you my resolute answer, 
The letter of james Lord Butler, and Lo. Treasurer: to Lord Thomas·s  I muse in the very first line, by what name to call you, my Lord, or my Cousin, seeing your notorious treason hath distained your honour, and your desperate lewdness shamed your kindred, your are so liberal in parting stakes with me, that a man would ween you had no right to the game, so importunate in craving my company, as if you would persuade me to hang with you for good fellowship. And think you that james is so mad to gape for gudgens, or so ungracious to sell his truth for a piece of Ireland, were it so, (as it cannot be) that the Chickens you reckon were both hatched and feathered, yet be thou sure I had rather in this quarrel die thine enemy, then live thy partner: for the kindness you proffer me, and good love in the end of your letter, the best way I can I purpose to requite, that is, in advising you though you have fetched your feaze, yet to look well ere you leap over. Ignorance and error, and a certain opinion of duty hath carried you unawares to this folly, not yet so rank, but it may be cured. The King is a vessel of bounty and mercy, your words against his Majesty shall not be counted malicious, but rather balked out for heat and impotency, except yourself by heaping offences, discover a mischievous and wilful meaning. Farewell.  
Nettled with this round answer, forth he passed to increase his power, offered violence to very few, except that one despitous murder at Tartaine, the twenty five of july, where in a morning early he caused to be brought before him, the honourable Prelate Doctor Allen, Archbishop of Divelin, and Lord Chancellor, who being a reverend personage, feeble for age and sickness, kneeling at his feet in his shirt and mantle, bequeathing his soul to God, his body to the Traitor's mercy, the wretched young man commanded there to be brained like an ox. 
Doctor Allen Archbishop of Divelin and L. Chancellor murdered.  The place is ever since hedged in, overgrown and unfrequented, in detestation of the fact. The people have observed that all the accessaries thereof, being after pardoned for rebellion, ended miserably. Allen had been in service with Cardinal Wolsey, of deep judgement; in the Cannon law, the only match of Stephen Gardener another of Wolseyes' Chaplains, for avoiding of which emulation he was preferred in Ireland, rough and rigorous in justice, hated of the Geraldines for his Master's sake, & his own, as he that crossed them divers times, and much troubled both the father and son in their governements, nor unlike to have promoted their accusations.  
All this while the King's army was looked for, and no succour came to the rebels, which greatly quailed them, being of themselves, though stored with soldiers, yet unfurnished with any sufficient munition to stand in a main battle. Moreover the number of wise Gentlemen did not greatly incline to his purpose. And therefore when he besieged the City of Divelin, the most part of those arrows which were shot over the walls, were unheaded, and little or nothing afraid them. That espied the citizens, and gathering the faintness of his soldiers thereby, blazed abroad upon the walls triumphant news, that the King's Army was arryved, and as it had been so indeed, suddenly rushed out of their gates upon the Rebels, who at the first sight of armed men, weening no less but the truth was so, otherwise assured that the City would never dare to encounter them, gave ground, forsook their Captains, dispersed and scattered into divers corners, and never after met together.  
A little before this time died the Earl of Kildare in the tower of London for thought and pain. 
john Stow.  Sir William Skevington (whom the Irish men call the gunner, because he was preferred from that office of the King's Master-gunner to govern them, and that they can full evil brook to be ruled of any that is but meanly borne) brought over an Army, and with him Leonard Gray, a younger son to the marquis Dorset, Lord Martial. To whom Fitz Gerald yielded, and was sent into England, where he with his Uncles, and other principals of the conspiracy, were afterwards drawn, hanged and quartered at Tyburn. Soon after was the house of the Geraldines attainted by Parliament, and all of the name busily trained out for fear of new commotions. But Thomas Leurus, 
Young Fitz Gerald preserved.  late Bishop of Kildare, schoolmaster to a younger brother, Gerald Fitz Gerald, the Earl that now liveth, secretly stale away with the child, first into Scotland, then into France, and misdoubting the French, into Italy, where Cardinal Pole his near kinsman preserved him, till the reign of Edward the sixth, with whom he entered into high favour, and obtained of him his old Inheritance of Meinothe.  
Lastly, by means of the said Cardinal, and Sir Anthony Browne, Lord Montague, whose sister he married (a woman worthy of such a brother) Queen Mary (Founder and restorer of many Noble houses) repealed his attainder, and set him in his father's Earldom, wherein since that time he hath showed himself sundry ways officious and serviceable towards his Commonwealth, and the Crown of England, beside other good qualities of honour and courtesy, they repute him here for the best horseman in these parts of Christendom. With this escape of young Fitz Gerald, the Lord Leonard Gray his Uncle on the mother's side was held suspect, & the same was one special article urged against him when he lost his head, 
1542.  Anno 1542.  

Hall. An. H 8. 32. & 34.  Sir William Skevington, a worthy Governor, and among all virtues very just of his word, deceased Lord Deputy at Kilmaynam, 
1537.  & the Lord Leonard Gray succeeded him. Oneale and Odonill colourably required a parley with the Deputy, but in the way as they road, they burned the Navan, and the town of Ardee. Wherefore the Deputy with the help of the Mayor of Divelin james Fitz Symonds, and the Mayor of Droghedagh, and the English pale met them, flighted them, slay 400. of their train, and there the Mayor of Divelin for notable service in that journey, 
Sir ●ames Fitz-Simons Mayor of Divelin.  was knighted.  
Sir Anthony Seintleger Knight of the Garter, Lord Deputy. He summoned a Parliament, wherein the Geraldines were attainted, 
1542.  Abbeys suppressed, the King named supreme head and King of Ireland, because he recognized no longer to hold it of the Pope. At this Parliament appeared Irish Lords Mac Gilpatricke, Lord Barry, Mac Cartimore, Obrene, and divers more, whom followed Con Oneale, submitting himself to the King's Deputy, and after to the King himself, who returned him richly plated, 
Con Oneale Earl of Tyrone.  created him Earl of Tyrone, his base son Matthew Oneale Baron of Donganon. As for Shane Oneale the only son of his body mulier begotten, he was then little esteemed and of no proof. The same time james Earl of Desmond came to the King, and was of him both Princely entertained and rewarded.   

CAP. X. Edward the 6. Marry, and Elizabeth.  
BEfore the decease of Henry the 8. Seintleger was twice in England, leaving at both time's Sir William Brabason Lord justice. In his second return An. 1546. Sir Edward Bellingham, Captain general, landed at Waterford, and skowred the coast, where Omore and Ocomore used to prey.  
This year the city of Divelin obtained a Charter for two Sheriffs in stead of Bailiffs. 
154●.   
The Geraldines Outlaws were taken and executed, Bellingham appointed Lord deputy, erected a Mint within the Castle of Divelin, which quickly wearied them for want of fuel. Andrew Brereton with 300. horsemen, and 40. footmen, inhabited the North as far as Lecale, where he with 35. horsemen gave the charge upon 240. Scots, that from the out Islands came to succour the Irish, and wasted the Country. In one year he cleared those quarters, that the King's subjects might pass in peace.  
Sir Francis Bryan the King's Minion was left Lord justice, while Bellingham repaired into England, where he died a man made up by service in the wars, by continual toil therein diseased and feebled, 
Sir Edward Bellingham.  but of courage a lion to his dying day, true as steel, as far from flattery as from hearing flatterers, an exceeding fervent Protestant, very zealous and careful in tendering the wealth of Ireland, wherein the country giveth him the praise over all his predecessors and successors within memory, he spent his whole allowance in hospitality, calling the same, his dear Master's meat, none of his own cost. Letters commendatory offered him by the Council, when Brian had wrought his trouble before the nobility of England he rejected as vain and superfluous, professing, that if of his own innocence he could not uphold him, he would never seek other shift, then Credo resurrectionem mortuorum, for (quoth he) well they may kill me, but they shall never conquer me. Sour he was, and thundering in words, indeed very temperate, applied himself altogether to severity, lordliness, and terror, Brian died within six weeks, and Brabason became Lord justice, till Saintleger the fourth time was sent over deputy. To him crept Mac Cartye, that had lately roved and denied his obedience, with an halter about his neck, and got his pardon.  
Upon Saintleger came Sir james Croftes, of whose bounty and honourable dealing towards them, they yield at this day a general good report. Crofts tarried in office two years, and left Sir Thomas Cusack (who died five hours before the writing hereof, and Gerald Ailmer, while they both were coursing Oneale from Dundalke.  

Queen Mary.  Queen Mary established in her Crown, committed her government once more to Saintleger, whom sundry Noblemen pelted and lifted at, till they shouldered him quite out of all credit. 
1553.  He to be counted forward and pliable to the taste of King Edward the sixth his reign, 
Sir Anthony Seintleger.  rhymed against the Real Presence for his pastime, and let the papers fall where Courtiers might light thereon, who greatly magnified the pith and conveyance of that noble sonnet But the original of his own hand-writing, had the same firmly (though contrary to his own judgement) wandering in so many hands, that his adversary caught it, and tripped it in his way: the spot whereof he could never wipe out. Thus was he removed, a discreet Gentleman, very studious of the State of Ireland, enriched, stout enough, without gall.  
While the Deputy staggered uncertain of continuance, the Tools, and the Cavenaghes waxed cockish in the County of Divelin, rangeing in flocks of seven or eight score, on whom set forth the Marshal and the Sheriffs of Divelin, Buckley and Gygen, with the city's help, and overlayde them in sudden skirmishes, of which, threescore were executed for example.  
Thomas Earl of Sussex, Lord Deputy, 
1554.  with whom came his Brother in law Sir Henry Sidney, Treasurer. This Deputy, 
Earl of Sussex.  to the inestimable benefit of the Realm, brought under obedience the disordered countries of Leix, Slewmarge, Ofalie, Irrye, and Glinmalire, then late possessed by the Oconnore, Omores, Odempsyes, and other Irish rebels. He molested james Mac Conell the Scottish Islander, that in those days joined with the Irish, and disquieted Ulster. In which voyage Divelin assisted the Governor with a fair company, conducted by john Usher, Sheriff, and Patrick Buckley. He held a Parliament, wherein it was made high Treason to retain Scots for soldiers, and felony to contract with them matrimony. 
1557.  At his return from England (in which time Sir Henry Sidney was Lord justice) he pursued the Scots to their Lands, and there entered, did them much scathe, won himself full great commendation of hardiness, sailed back with the glory of that adventure, wherein (I trow) two more of his matches are not remembered, nor read. With the news of mary's death, he crossed the seas again into England, leaving Sir Henry Sidney, Lord justice, and yet again the next year leaving Sir William Fitzwilliams Lord justice, than returned he Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 
Queen Elizabeth.  by Proclamation reform and abated their base Coin, being as yet perfect in all the proportions, measures, alleys and values thereof, as by mintanor, took with him soldiers out of Divelin, victualled for six weeks at that city's charge, 
1560.  under the leading of Petaboghe Sheriff, and joining him to his power, went upon Shane Oneale, the Irish enemy of greatest force than living. Thereupon Shane hied him into England, the Lieutenant after him, Fitz William's Lord justice, till Sussex sped his business, and came back the next and last time of his departure. 
Sir Nic. Arnold  Sir Nicholas Arnold directed thither with Commission, tarried behind him Lord justice, and too short a while as the country speaketh, who testifieth his upright and reasonable provision of household cates, the abuses whereof with sesse and soldiers, do so impoverish and alienate the needy Farmers from us, that they say they might as easily bear the Irish oppressions of Coneys & Cuddies, from which we pretend to deliver them.  
Arnold for his better success in government, linked himself entirely with Gerald Earl of Kildare, who likewise endeavoured to support the same with all diligence, being authorized to strain the rebels at his discretion, wherefore he disposed himself to serve, and presented the Governor many times with a number of principal Outlaw's heads.  

The Earl of Sussex.  In the mean while Sussex became Lord Precedent of the North of England, a spare man of body, but sound & healthful, brought up with Stephen Gardiner, passing valiant, a deep reacher, very zealous in friendship, quick in resolution of extremities in the field, wonderful patient, able to tire ten soldiers, learned and languaged, ever doing with his pen, of utterance sharp and sententious, wary, busy, painful, and speedy, meeter to rule, then to be overruled.  
Sir Henry Sidney, Knight of the Garter, Lord Precedent of Wales, and Lord Deputy of Ireland. He found the Realm distempered with Oneales' rebellion, and the same did extinguish, whereof before I speak, I must look back a little into certain years past, and lay together the circumstance of this lamentable tumult.  
Of all the Irish Princes, though none was then comparable to Oneale for antiquity and nobleness of blood, yet had the same endured sundry varieties and vexations, until the divion began in England of the two royal families, York and Lancaster, at which time the English Lords of Ireland, either for zeal, or for kindred and affection transporting their force thither to uphold a side, the mere Irish waxed insolent, and chiefly Oneale encroached upon the full possession of Ulster, 
Oneales' rebellion.  abiding so uncontrolled, till Shane Oneale fearing the puissance of Henry 8. exhibited to him a voluntary submission, surrendered all titles of honour, received at his hands the Earldom of Ter-owen, commonly called Tirone, to be held of the King of English form and tenure: Arms he gave the bloody hand a terrible cognizance. This Oneale had two sons, Matthew a bastard, and Shane legitimate, but because Matthew was a lusty horseman, well-beloved, and a tried Soldier, Shane but a Boy, and not of much hope, the father obtained the Barony of Donganon, and the remainder of his Earldom to Matthew. When Shane and his foster brethren grew to years, they considered of the injury and tyranny, done by policy of the base Oneale, with rearing hue and cry at the side of a Castle where he lay that night, when the Gentleman ran suddenly forth to answer the cry, as the custom is, they betrayed and murdered him. The father not utterly discontent with his dispatch, when he saw the proof of his lawful son and heir, thenceforward fancied Shane Oneale, put him in trust with all, himself being but a Cripple, notwithstanding that Matthew left issue male which liveth, to whom the inheritance appertained, yet after his father's decease, Shane was reputed for the rightful Oneale, took it, kept it, challenged superiority over the Irish Lords of Ulster, warred also upon the English part, subdued Oreyly, imprisoned Odonil, his wife, and his son, enriched himself with all Odonils forts, castles, and plate, by way of ransom, detained pledges of obedience, the wife (whom he carnally abused) and the Child, fortified a strong Island in Tyrone, which he named spitefully, Foogh-ni-Gall, that is, the hate of English men, whom he so detested, that he hanged a Soldier for eating English biscuit, another by the feet mistrusted for a spy, another Captain of the Galloglaghes he slew with torture. After this usurpation and tyranny, he was yet persuaded by Melchior Husse sent unto him from Gerald Earl of Kildare, to reconcile himself to good order, and to remember the honourable estate wherein King Henry placed his father, which monition he accepted, besought his protection, and made a voyage into England, where the Courtiers noting his haughtiness and barbarity devised his stile thus. Oneale the great, Cousin to S. Patrick, friend to the Queen of England, enemy to all the world besides. Thence he sped home again, graciously dealt with, used Civility, expelled the Scots out of all Ulster, where they intended a conquest, wounded and took prisoner, Captain james Mac Conill their Chieftain, whereof the said james deceased: ordered the North so properly, that if any subject could approve the loss of money or goods within his precinct, he would assuredly either force the robber to restitution, or of his own cost redeem the harm to the loser's contentation. Sitting at meat, before he put one morsel into his mouth, he used to slice a portion above the daily alms, and send it namely to some beggar at his gate, saying, it was meet to serve Christ first: But the Lords of Ulster, and elsewhere, whom he yoked and spoiled at pleasure, abhorring his pride and extortion, craved assistance of the Deputy, for redress thereof: Oneale advertised, increaseth his rage, disturbeth and driveth out Mac Gwire, the plaintiff, burneth the Metropolitan Church of Ardmagh, because no English army might lodge therein, for which sacrilege the Primate accursed him, besiegeth Dundalke, practiseth to call strangers into the land for aid, as appeareth by those letters which Sir Henry Sidney Lord Deputy intercepted, occupieth all the North of Ireland, being 100 miles broad, 120. long. Then addressed he plausible letters to the Potentates of Monster, exhorting them to rebel, that the force of England at once might be dismembered. This message the Deputy prevented, stayed the country, abridged him of that hope, and then proclaimed him Traitor. An Irish jester standing by, and hearing Oneale denounced with addition of a new name, traitor: Except (quoth he) traitor be a more honourable title than Oneale, he shall never take it upon him, by my consent.  
While the Deputy was absent in England, the town of Droghedagh was in hazard to be taken by the Rebels, which to preserve, 
1566.  at the motion of the Lady Sidney, then abiding in Droghedagh, came Master Sarsfield then Major of Divelin, with a chosen band of goodly young men Citizens, and broke the rage of the enemies. The Deputy returning made him Knight, and finding it now high time utterly to weed and root out the Traitor, he furnished a substantial army, and with the readiness thereof heartened the Irish, whom Oneale had impoverished, cut off his adherents, and all access of succour, chased him and his into corners, spent him, cast him into such despair, that he consulted with his Secretary Neale Mac Connor, 
Oneale vanquished.  to present himself unknown and disguised to the Deputy, with an halter about his neck, begging his pardon. Ere you do so (quoth his Clerk) let us prove an extreme shift, and there he persuaded him to join with the Scots, whom he had lately banished: of whom, should he be refused or find inconvenience, at any time, submission to the Deputy might then be used, when all faileth. Shane knew himself odious to the Scots, especially to them whom he thought to link with the brother and kindred of james Mac Conill, 
Mac Conil the Islander.  yet in those hard odds he devised rather to assay their friendship, then to grate upon mercy, which so oft and so intolerably he had abused.  
Mac Conill whom Shane overthrew left two brethren, and a Sister, whereof one Suarly Torwy remained with Oneale, entertained after his brother's death. The other was Alexander Oge, who with 600. Scots encamped now in Clanebov. The woman was Agnes Ilye, whose husband Shane slew in the said discomfiture, Agnes had a son Mac Gillye Aspucke, who betrayed Oneale to avenge his Fathers and Uncle's quarrel. At the first meeting, (for thither he came accompanied with Torwy and his Secretary, and 50. horsemen) the Captains made him great cheer, and fell to quaffing, but Aspucke minding to enter into his purpose, there openly challenged his Secretary, as the Author of a dishonourable report, that Mac Conils wife did offer to forsake her country and friends, and to marry with Shane Oneale her husband's destruction; Marry (quoth the Secretary) if thine Aunt were Queen of Scotland, it might beseem her full well, to seek such a marriage. To this brawl Oneale gave ear, upheld his man, advanced his own degree: The comparison bred a fray between their Soldiers; Out sprang Aspucke, and beat Oneales' man, and then suddenly brought his band upon them in the tent, where the Soldiers with their slaughter-knives, killed the Secretary and Shane Oneale, 
Oneale murdered.  mangled him cruelly, lapped him in an old Irish shirt, and tumbled him into a pit, within an old Chapel hard by whose head four days after, Captain Pierce cut off and met therewith the Deputy, who sent it before him staked on a pole, to the Castle of Divelin, where it now standeth. It is thought that Tirlagh who now usurpeth the name of Oneale, practised this devise with Agnes, Alexander, and Torwy, when he perceived Shane discouraged, and not able to hold out.  
Thus the wretched man ended, who might have lived like a Prince, had he not quenched the sparks of grace that appeared in him, with arrogancy and contempt against his Prince.  

The Butler's rebellion.  The next Tumult in Ireland proceeded of the folly, especially of Sir Edmund Butler, Pierce and Edward his Brethren, who being unable in law, to maintain his title to certain lands, whereof he held possession, whereunto Sir Peter Carew laid very direct and manifest claim, (for Carew is an ancient Baron's house in Ireland) confedered with james Fitz Morris of the south, and others, began commotion, more dangerous to the Realm than the late stir of Oneale, such was their opportunity of place, the rebels so friended, their number so furnished, that the Deputy passing forth against them in haste, requisite with such shift as the sudden mischief asked, was thought to have put his person in great adventure, but in conclusion he won by that journey, great martial honour, started them from hole to hole, and ransacked every vein of the land, so as the Butlers craving protection, shortly recoiled, and stand now at the Queen's mercy. To appease the country, & reform the lewdness of his Brethren, Thomas Earl of Ormond came from the Court of England home, and in quieting the said broils, showed also for his part, a right good piece of service, worthy to be remembered. After this ensued a Parliament, the particulars whereof, are expressed in the acts lately drawn, to be published in Print, somewhat before the last session, a seditious libel entitled, Tom Troth, (let fall in the streets of Divelin) nipped by name divers honourable and worshipful of the Realm, & certain officers of the Deputyes household, for grieving the land with impositions of Cease, whereupon followed a proclamation, bearing date the twenty eight of january, which if it may be executed in all points, would cut off many such murmurs, and leave a blessed memory of the Governor that devised it. 
12. Decembris 1570.  The day of prorogation when the Knights and Burgesses of the Cominalty resorted to the Lords of the upper house, much good matter was there uttered between the Deputy and the Speaker, whereof coming home to my lodging I took notes, and here I will deliver them, as near as I can call them to mind, in the same words and sentences, that I heard them. First the Speaker james Stanihurst an Esquire of worship, Recorder of Divelin, and for the City Burgess at that present, began thus.  
Rather of custom and dutiful humility, 
The oration of James Stanihurst Speaker of the Parliament.  then for doubt of your honourable disposition, (so well known to us all, and to every of us in private, that it little needeth my praise) we are to request your Lordship in the behalf of ourselves, and our countries, whom we represent in this Parliament, to accept our service and endeavour in driving these conclusions, where by to the uttermost of our skill we have intended without injury, the Crown to enrich, treasons to chastise, to better the state, traffic to further, learning to cherish, and in brief, to maintain with our best advice those benefits, which the Prince hath inferred upon this Realm by you, and you with your sword and wisdom have performed. An ordinary suit it is, in the end of such assemblies to crave executions of law, for it sufficeth not, to keep a statute tanquam inclusum in tabulis, as a thing shut up in parchment rolls, but law must speak and walk abroad, to the comfort and behoof of good subjects: Otherwise, we shall resemble the folly of him, that once in every hour saluted his gold, never using it, but only bade it lie still and couch. Of the necessity thereof, I cannot say so much as your Lordship conceiveth, and I desire not to discourse a matter generally felt and confessed. In particular the zeal which I have to the reformation of this Realm, and to breed in the rudest of our people, resolute English hearts, moveth me to pray your Lordship's helping hand for the practice, namely of one statute which is for the erecting of Grammar Schools, within every diocese, the stipends to be levied in such proportion, as in the late act hath been devised, whereunto the royal assent is already granted, and yet the point in no forwardness, nor in none is like to be, except by some good means, the onset be given & freshly followed, surely might one generation sip a little of this liquor, and so be induced to long for more, both our country men that live obeisant, would ensue with a courage the fruits of peace, whereby good learning is supported, and our unquiet neighbours would find such sweetness in the taste thereof, as it should be a ready way to reclaim them. In mine experience, who have not yet seen much more than forty years, I am able to say that our Realm is at this day an half deal more civil than it was, since noble men and worshipful, with others of ability, have used to send their sons into England to the Law, to Universities, or to Schools. Now when the same Schools shall be brought home to their doors, that all that will may repair unto them, I doubt not, considering the numbers brought up beyond the Seas, and the good already done in those few places, where learning is professed, but this addition discreetly made, will foster a young fry, likely to prove good members of this common wealth, and desirous to train their children the same way. Neither were it a small help to the assurance of the Crown of England, when Babes from their Craddles should be enured under learned Schoolmasters, with a pure English tongue, habit, fashion, discipline; and in time utterly forget the affinity of their unbroken borderers, who possibly might be won by this example, or at the least wise loose the opportunity, which now they have, to infect others▪ And seeing our hap is not yet, to plant an University here at home, which attempt can never be remembered without many thanks to your good Lordship for your bountiful offer, me seemeth it is the more expedient to enter so far forth as our commission reacheth, and to hope for the rest: I have said enough, especially to a learned governor, to whom an inkling were sufficient in such a plausible and needful motion. It resteth that we pray your Lordship to fold up whatsoever squarings or diversities of judgements, wise men have here uttered in our often meetings, and by the sequel of all our doings to measure the good meaning of every several person.  
When the Speaker had done, the Deputy having a rich and plentiful kind of utterance, mere natural, but not without judgement, answered at length, as he that knew no end of his good, the points whereof, as I can remember, were these.  
In good faith, M. Speaker, I cannot less do, but record and testify the readiness, travail and good service of you all, 
The Lord Deputies answer.  and namely of yourself, who in the whole course of this Parliament, & now lastly in this charitable request for training your youth, have confirmed the opinion which myself and the general voice long since retained of your rare virtues, devotion, wisdom, learning, and modesty, so as the case cannot be misdoubted that is preferred by such a Proctor, the substance whereof toucheth you my Lords spiritual and temporal, & you the knights and worshipful of every Shire, to you belongeth the quickening of this godly statute, which here again I recommend unto you, & will not let to inquire after your diligence therein from time to time, & the most effectual order that may be for this purpose, shall assuredly be taken in place convenient. Show yourselves forward and frank in advancing the honour, wealth, ease and credit of your countries, envy not to your posterity the same path that yourselves have trodden, and namely you that flourish at this day in the light & eye of your commonwealth. Had your opinions matched with mine, concerning the University which M. Speaker remembreth, no doubt the name and reputation thereof would have been a spur to these erections, as nurses for babes to suck in, till they might repair thither to be wained: But I trust your consents therein are only suspended for a time, and that so much good labour shall not be utterly lost and frustrate: What though certain imperfections cannot as yet be salved? What though the sum arise not to make a muster of Colleges at the first day? What though the place be not also commodious? What though other circumstances infer a feeble and raw foundation? These are indeed objections of the multitude, whose backwardness breedeth an unnecessary stop in this our purpose. But your wisdoms can easily consider that time must ripen a weak beginning, that other Universities began with less, that all experience telleth us so, shall we be so curious or so testy that nothing will please us, but all in all, all absolute, all excellent, all furnished, all beautified, all fortified in the prime and infancy thereof. I remember a tale of Apuleius ass, who being indifferently placed between two bottles of hay, because he could not reach them both at once, forbore them both. Let us not so do, but content ourselves by little and little to be fed as the case requireth. The rest of your Bills debated and passed by your wisdoms in this Parliament, I must confess, they are as you say, beneficial to the Queen my Mistress, and to her Crown, but how? Verily as the Husbandman soweth his seed, and reapeth much more than he laid down, so whatsoever this benefit amounteth unto, it returneth to yourselves in a circle, here it groweth, here it is eaten, here it multiplieth, here it is spent, they have their due, the Prince is bettered, you are quieted, justice executed, malefactors terrified. Were they never so dear collopps of your own flesh and blood, I see not how you could either have coloured their offence, or qualifyed their punishment, the one so notorious, that it cannot be dissembled, the other so ordinary, that course of law prescribeth it. Therefore as you have well done, so you have done but your duties, allowed an inch to receive an ell, abridged your own foes, avenged your own Injuries, condemned your own oppressors. And yet this duty being on your parts, so cheerfully and painfully, so lovingly and advisedly performed, deserveth great thanks, and shall find it too, If I be the man, either in office able to consider you, or out of office in place to friend you. I am to depart into England shortly, lay your heads together, and article the points, whereby this Realm may be furthered, use me either as a mouth to speak for you, or an eye to direct you, or as a hand to underprop you, aut consilio, aut auxilio. Besides, the general care which I ought to have for you all, as your governor, and yoked together under one obedience, English bloods, and English hearts, I am linked to you as to my continual acquaintance these many years, hither I came in my spring, here I have spent my summer, I return in the fall of the leaf, now is the time, intimate your defects in demands, or what else soever may content you, and see whether I will tender your commonwealth. I mean not the pretended commonwealth, seditiously promoted in Tom Loodles rhyme, but some good and substantial matter worth the hearing, which upright and equal men will indeed esteem. As for his complaint of Cease and Imposition, it savoureth either hateful malice, or childish folly, malice if he would decay the garrison that preserveth the Realm, folly if he think the Realm can be preserved without a garrison, wherein I will show you my fancy by the way, perhaps out of all order, but I pray bear with me, I take matters as they come next to hand, I can not skill of written tales. Many a goodfellow talks of Robin Hood, that never drawn in his Bow, and many an idle head is full of Proclamations, and conceiveth certain far fetches, able in his weening to wield a Realm. But let me see which of them all can justify, that Ireland may spare the Army they kick so much against. Are your enemies more tractable than they have been? Are they fewer? Are you by yourselves of force to match them? If you be, than were England stark mad, to disburse twenty or thirty thousand pounds a year, for none other purpose but to vex and grieve you: that were like the husband who gelded himself to anger his wife. You must not think we love you so evil, nay rather think truly we tender your quietness and preservation, as a nation derived from our ancestors, ingraffed and incorporate into one body with us, disturbed with a sort of barbarous people, odious to God and man, that lap your blood as greedily as ours. The abuse of soldiers, their horse, boys, and harlots, the Legerdemain of Captains, chequerelles, the purloining of Cessors & Constables, the number of freedoms holding only by concordatum, the annoyance and hurt which the poor farmer endureth, as I know them to be intolerable, so I know them to be redressed with the first detection, whose complaint hath not been heard? whose enormity winked at? what can you ask more? would you have soldiers nothing insolent, nothing sensual, nothing greedy, no quarrellers? so wish I, but scarce hope for it, would you hazard a misery certain, extreme, and incurable, to avoid a trouble casual, transitory, and remediless? so would not I, if you can prove a garrison needless, I undertake to ease you thereof, If you need it, they must be fed, find another way than this, to provide for them victual, that carrieth as much readiness to service, and more contentation to yourselves, and I assure you mine assistance to set it forward. But the Brokers of this libel are want to reason, Why should not we live without an Army as well as in England? Why cannot our Noblemen of might in every border, our tenants and servaunts withstand the Irish next them, as well as the Northern Lords and Inhabitants of Riddesdale and Tiddesdale, and those about the Scottish bank resist the Scots, facing and pilfering as fast as our enemies. Very good, what say they then to France, which is no worse governed than England, and hath an Army. Italy notwithstanding as well ordered as France without an Army? Spain aswell as either of them both, and continually keeps an Army? I tell you, these are dangerous and hollow kinds of Arguments, which are deduced ab exemplo, by example of other Realms. Many subtle diversities, many varieties of circumstance, many exceptions alter the case, and make it utterly desperate. Touching Scotland it is well known, they were never the men whom England need to fear: They are but a corner cut out, and easily tamed when they wax outrageous. Your foes lie in the bosom of your Countries; more in number, richer of ground, desperate thiefs, ever at an inch, impossible to be severed from you without any fence, beside your own valiantness, and the help of our Soldiers. England is quiet within itself, thoroughly peopled on that side of Scotland, which most requireth it, guarded with an army, otherwise the Lords and Gentlemen, and lusty Yeoman, that dwell on a row are ready to master their private vagaries. From all foreign invasions walled with the wide Ocean. Were there such a Sea betwixt you and the Irish, or were they shut up in an odd end of the land, or had they no such opportunityes of bogs and woods as they have, or were they Lords of the lesser part of Ireland, or were they severed into handfuls, not able to annoy whole towneships and Baronies as they do, the comparison were somewhat like, but alack it fareth not so with you, you are beset round, your towns be feeble, the land empty, the commons bare, every county by itself cannot save itself. Take away the terror and fear of our Band, which increaseth your strength, many an Irish Lord would be set agog that now is full lowly, and holdeth in his horns, and the open enemy would scour your quarters that now dares not venture lest he pay for his passage. Consider me the effect of an Army wrought in these few years, for doubt whereof you are nothing so oft nor so lamentably pelted at, as your ancestors were, which of them durst be stored with coin, knowing the rebels teeth watered thereat, and himself not able to hold him out? which of them had leisure to build, to lie soft and warm, to take his ease in his own home? which of them were plated, or jewelled, or attired themselves, their viwes and children sumptuously, after their calling as you do now? If your bags be full where theirs were lank, if you dwell neatly where they dwelled homely, if you sleep on featherbeds where they slept on couches, if you be sumptuous where they were scant, you have the more cause to honour that Sceptre, that so directeth you, and to love the warrant that procureth you this quietness, the mother of all your wealth and prosperity.  
Therefore to conclude where I began, weigh well the sick and wounded parts of your common wealth, cure the root, regard the foundation, the principal pillars, the summer posts, the stone walls, as for the roof and the tiles, if ye repair them only, and suffer the ground work to perish, a tempest of weather, a flow will shake your building. Of some such good and substantial reformation I would advise you friendly to consult, and you shall find me as willing to prefer the general welfare of you all, as I have been desirous to benefit every singular person of you, that hath in any lawful suit attempted me.  
¶ These last words gave Sidney to the Realm, as it were for a farewell, and thenceforwards looked for Sir William Fitz William's his brother in law, a politic and stout gentleman, now Lord justice, and for Sir john Perrot Lord precedent of Monster, to be settled there, before his departure. He was honoured at the point of his going, with such recourse, pomp, music, shows & interludes, as no man remembreth the like. He took ship towards England at the key of Divelin, in Lent following, 
Sir Henry Sidney, Lord Deputy faileth into England. 25. Mar. 1571.  accompanied to sea with the Estates & Worshipful of Ireland, with innumerable hearty prayers, & with that wish of his return, whereof but few Governors in these last 60. years, have held possession. The man was surely much loved of them, from his first office of Treasurer in the 2. year of Queen Mary, stately without disdain, familiar without contempt, very continent & chaste of body, no more then enough liberal, learned in many languages, & a great lover of learning perfect in blazoning of arms, skilful of antiquities, of wit fresh and lively, in consultations very Temperate, in utterance happy, which his experience and wisdom hath made artificial, a preferrer of many, a father to his servants, both in war and peace of commendable courage.   
FINIS.   

Faults escaped.  
PAge 2. line 19 countie· p. 6. l. 24. Inchequin. l. 26. de Burgo. l. 28. Vlick. 29. Thomond. & 34. Clancar. p. 7. l. ●7. Killeene. l. 32. Donsany. & 35. Beare-haven. p. 8. l. 4. Brune. l. 19 Doceter or D'exeter. l. 22. Inchequin. & l. 29. Thomastowne. p. 12. l. 12. Hiberus▪ p. 21. in the ●argons for Dom▪ read, mundi. p. 22. l. 17. monarchy. p. 30. l. 25. after purpose, read, our. p. 38. l. 36. for Monster r. Ulster. p. 46. l. 33. after Clerk, add, astonished. p. 61. l. 12. extremely. p. 65. l 7. coadjutors. l. 30. Alde●m. p. 77. l. 13. after Knight, add, 10. p. 82. l. 15. Birminghame●. p. 84. l. 2. for Monster r. Leinster. l. 3. O-Tooles, Obirnes, l. 37. Maupas. p. 85. l. 11. Bignore. p. 87. in the margin, 1329. p. 90. l. 9 after Archer, add, Prior. l. 12. Kenwrick. p. 93. in marg. l. 2. 1399. p. 96. l. 32. prapofit●●a. p. 101. l. 5. least. p. 105. l. 21. cross out the first and. p. 118. l. 15. Rowks. p. 123. l. 8. O Connor, p. 136. l. 9 cheque▪ rolls. The lesser faults are as easily amended as found out by the Reader.   

THE CHRONICLE OF IRELAND: COLLECTED BY MEREDITH HANMER, Doctor of Divinity. The second part.  
THree hundred years after the flood, 
Bartholanus in Ireland.  one Bartholanus the son of Sera, with his three sons, Languinus, Salanus, and Ruthurugus, and their wives of the posterity of japhet, are said to have arrived in this Island. This opinion followeth Giraldus Cambrensis, and him followeth Polychronicon; and myself, not meaning to swarve from the common opinion, thought good to acquaint the posterity therewith. With this Bartholanus, as their Captain, came many of that line, and multiplied exceedingly for the space of 300 years, to the number of 9000 fight men. Little is remembered of Bartholanus, saving that with many hands he rid and made plain a great part of the Country, making paces thorough woods and thickets; and that his sons left doubtful remembrances of their names; the first to Languinus Poole, the second to mount Salanga (since named Saint Dominicks hill) and the third to Ruthurugus his Pool.  
At the same time, according to the common saying, Where God hath his Church, the Devil hath his Chapel, many of the cursed seed of Cham arrived also in this Island, 
Oceanus invadeth Ireland.  with their Captain Oceanus, the son of Cham, called of some Mena, of Moses, Mitzraim. First he was in the year of the world 1802, the second Commander of Egypt, planted Colonies along the river Nilus, and after he had reigned there 7 years, he endeavoured by navigation to subdue unto his Empire many parts of the world. Thus waxing strong and mighty upon the seas, he prevailed much, and traveled far; he came to these North parts of the world, landed many of his followers, and in remembrance of his voyage, left his name upon the seas which wash these lands, which of him is yet called the Ocean sea.  
After his departure hence his cursed line multiplied not so much in number as in all mischief and rebellion, they set up a King of their own, they opposed themselves against the posterity of japhet; they were great in strength, and huge of stature, and attempted great matters after the example of Cham or Zoroastres the Magician, and Nimrod grandfather to Ninus: they repined at the blessings bestowed upon Sem a●d japhet, thinking it necessary to withstand and prevent all lawful rule and dominion, lest the curse of slavery prophesied by Noah should light upon them, as at length it did. Many bicker and skirmishes were amongst them, the success was variable on both sides, between the lawful governor's and these usurpers, so much to the grief of them that coveted to live in peace under their rightful Princes, that they determined with the chance of one general battle either wholly to subdue those rebellious miscreants and tyrannous Giants, or else to end their lives in freedom, and so to be rid of farther misery. They assemble together, they gather their forces out of all parts of the land, and coming to join battle with the Giants, after they had fought fiercely together for the space of certain hours, the victory inclined to the rightful part, so that the lawful Kings prevailing against this cursed brood, great slaughter was made upon the whole sort of that pestiferous generation, and the King's meaning to deliver themselves of all dangers in time to come, used their happy victory with great cruelty, which turned to their own confusion. For they spared neither man, woman, nor child that came in their way, for more despite and fuller satisfaction of their determinate revenge, neither vouchsafed they to bury the carcases of their slain enemies, 
Victory with cruelty turneth to the hurt of the conquerors  but cast them out like a sort of dead dogs, whereof (through stink of the same) such an infective pestilence ensued in all places throughout the Island by corruption of the air, that few escaped with life, 
A grievous infection.  except those that got them away by sea; yea the infection was so great of those cursed carcases of Cham his posterity, that the dogs and wolves died thereof. And here ended the whole race of Bartholanus and his offspring, and the Country (excepting a few silly souls scattered in remote places) was unpeopled.  
And here cometh in a tale yet in great request among the Irish, how that one Ruanus a Giant, fearing this mortality, fled into a cave, 
Of Ruanus:  and continued there till nature forced him to come forth for food and nourishment, so hungry was he that every thing was meat that came to his mouth: he covering his face with moss and grass, fled to the farthest parts of the land into the wind to avoid the infection, and so for a long time having taking the advantage of the air, escaped death. He is said to have lived two thousand and one and forty years (which is more than twice the age of Methushelah) unto the time (forsooth) of Saint Patrick, to whom he discoursed at large (say they) of all the accidents of former times. In the end he was of Saint Patrick baptised, and died after the birth of our Saviour, in the year 432, and lieth buried at Loghry in Ormund, where there is a Church dedicated to his name, and he is numbered among the Confessors of Ireland.  
And to second this fable with two precedent lies, the which I should have begun withal in the front of this History (as all Irish Antiquaries do) but that I would not abuse the reader, being purposed beginning and ending to deliver the truth, I read as followeth:  
Whereas in the year of the world 1525, 
Of Cesara and Fintan.  Noah began to admonish the people of vengeance to come by a general deluge for the wickedness and detestable sin of man, and continued his admonition 120 years, building an Ark for the safeguard of himself and his family; one Cesara (say they) according unto others Caesarea, a Niece of Noah, (when others seemed to neglect this forewarning) rigging a navy, committed herself with her adherents to the seas to seek adventures, and to avoid the plagues that were to fall; there arrived in Ireland, with her three men, Bithi, Laigria, and Fintan, and fifty women; within forty days after her arrival the universal flood came upon them and those parts, as well as upon the rest of the world, and drowned them all, in which perplexity of mind and imminent danger beholding the waves overwhelming all things before their eyes, Fintan is said to have been transformed into a Salmon, and to have swoome all the time of the deluge about Ulster, and after the fall of the water recovering his former shape, to have lived longer than Adam, and to have delivered strange things to the posterity, so that of him the common speech riseth; If I had lived Fintans years I could say much.  
But to let these fables pass: The next plantation after Bartholanus (as it is recorded amongst the collections of Irish antiquities) is this in effect, that Magog the son of japhet planted Colonies in Scythia near the river of Tanais, from whence about the year of the world two thousand three hundred and seventeen, 
Anno mundi 2317 Nemedus and his four sons arrive.  one Nemedus with his four sons Starius, Garbaneles, Anvinus, and Fergusius, Captains over great companies of armed men, were sent into this Island now called Ireland. And passing by Graecia took with them such voluntaries as were willing to adventure with them, they landed, inhabited the Country, and multiplied exceedingly, although not without continual wars which they held with the Giants of Cham's posterity for the space of two hundred years and odd. In the end the Giants prevailing, chased them out of the land, so that they retired into Scythia, and some to Greece. This was about the year after the creation 2333, from which time the Giants kept possession of the land without foreign invasion for many years, but yet in all that space their minds not being set upon any goodness, but altogether upon mischief, they made no good laws, framed no common wealth, they obeyed no Magistrate, but fell at variance amongst themselves, measuring all things by might, and seditiously vexed each other.  
In the year of the world 2416, and after the universal flood 750 years (as the Scottish History declareth) one Gathelus the son of Nealus a Grecian, 
Arrival of Gathelus the Greek.  upon displeasure for sundry roads made into Macedonia and Achaia, being exiled and banished his country, with a great number of his adherents and complices, went into Egypt in the days of Moses, where he found favour in the sight of King Pharaoh, insomuch that he married with Scota his daughter, continued there about 93 years, and multiplied exceedingly. johannes Major Scotus calleth the verity of this History in question, de hac prima profectione de Graecia & Aegypto figmentum reor: I am of opinion (saith he) that this first going out of Greece and Egypt is but feigned: yet let us go forward. When Gathelus understood that the land was shortly for the wickedness of the people to suffer great plagues, he prepared a fleet, shipped Grecians and Egyptians, hoist up sail, and came upon the coast of Numidia, now called Barbary, thence they were put back, to sea they went, and came to the coast of Spain now called Portugal (as they say) since that time of him called Port-gathell. The inhabitants of the place resisted them, gave them a sore battle, and in the end after parley, Gathelus was entreated, and by them directed to take his voyage into Galitia, which eftsoons he did. There in a short time they waxed so populous, that the country could not sustain them: whereupon Gathelus called a Council, and being resolved what to do, took a great number of them with him to sea, and arrived in Ireland, and there grew into such estimation with the barbarous people, that for knowledge especially in all languages (having traveled many Countries, as is afore mentioned) he was highly honoured. For he not only enriched and beautified the Irish tongue, but also, as is said, taught them letters, sought up their antiquities, and trained their youth in warlike exercises, after the manner of the Grecians and Egyptians from whence he descended. Note here (gentle reader) before I wade further into this History three contrary opinions of this Gathelus the son of Nealus: The Scottish Historiographers say, it was 750 years after the flood. Thomas Walsingham Monk of S. Albon, writeth it was 1000 years and odd after the delivery of the children of Israel out of Egypt (which must be anno mundi 3455, to wit, one 1000 years after the former computation) calling him a noble man of Scythia whom the Egyptians banished out of Egypt. john Harding, a great Antiquary (that knew best in his time the state of Scotland) delivereth, that Gathelus and Scota came to these parts after the birth of Christ, in anno 75. This I give as a caveat, referring unto the discreet reader the dissonance that I find in the observation of times, to be considered of, promising to lay down faithfully every thing as I find the same, as shall appear in that which followeth. And now to the history where we left. It is said that this Gathelus of his wife Scota commanded that his follower's Grecians and Egyptians should be called Scoti, that is, Scottishmen. And Hector Boëtius in the History of Scotland sticketh not to write, that upon his marriage with Scota, the foresaid commandment was published, and that his followers in Egypt, Barbary, Portugal, Galitia, and over Spain, were called Scoti. But how true that is, it may appear by the Roman Histories (which have noted the accidents of those times) in all which there is no mention of the Scots before the time of Constantius the Emperor (which was about the year of Christ 310 who lieth buried at York, and was father to Constantine the great.  
Paulus lovius writeth, Scotland took that name upon the coming of a foreign and no great ancient nation. No Latin writer before Marcellinus in julian the Emperor's time (which was about the year 362) remembreth the Scots: neither doth it well appear out of what Country the Scots first came into Albion, when as by the Annals not only of English, but of Scottish Antiquities varying among themselves, great obscurity is brought among doubtful things. Some bring their original from Ireland, others from Dania, Cimbrica, Chersonesus, and the Lands of Gothland and Norwey; neither wanted there some which were of opinion, they came from Spain, deriving the name of Scottishmen from Moses himself, and the Egyptians, as Hector Boëtius the Scottish Chronicler; yet Hector himself preventing as it were the like objection, confesseth that in the third year of Adrian the Emperor (which was after the birth of Christ about 122 years) the name of Scots was not known unto the Romans. 
Scot Hist. lib. 4▪   
In short time after the retinue of Gathelus searched the North-east and Northwest Lands, and entered the Land which now is called Scotland, so also called (as the Scotish will have it) of Scota. 
Hector Boet. in descript. regni Scotia. Et lib. ● histor. Scot  But many grave writers have stumbled at the certainty of this story, yet I find for certain, that Ireland was called Scotia mayor, and the other Scotia minor, and oftentimes confusedly the one taken for the other, and the words to be of no great antiquity. Capgrave in the life of Saint Columbanus saith; 
johannes Capgrave in vita Sancti Colum. Idem in vita Sancti Fiacrij.  Ireland of old was called Scotland, from whence the Scottish nation inhabiting Albania (next unto great Britain) now called Scotland took their original. Fiacrius an Hermit being asked of a Bishop in France what he was, among other things answered; Ireland the Island of Scots is the native soil of me and my parents. It also appeareth by Orosius, Claudian, Isidore, Hubaldus, Beda, the English Legend, the martyrologue secundum usum Sarum, Marianus, jonas in vita Sancti Columbani, Aimoinus, Caesarius, etc. that Ireland and Scotland were usually taken one for the other.  
But before I go any further, I think it not amiss to say some what to this word Scotus or Scottus, the which Hector Boëtius carrieth away as derived of Scota, and as thing granted. There came to this Country of Ireland at three several times, before Gathelus, great Commanders of Scythia (as I have said before) of the posterity of japhet, planted themselves, divided the land with great troubles, and when they were at the worst, always they left a remnant of their nation behind them. Beda every where calleth them not Scotos, but Scottos; so that I find in the word a double alteration, y turned into o, and th' into tt. Also in low Germany they call the Scythians and Scottish, Schotten. Nennius the Britain writeth, Scythae Hiberniam obtinuerunt, the Scythians got Ireland. King Alfredus translating the history of Orosius into the Saxon tongue, termeth the Scots, Scyttan: The borderers upon Scotland, call them to this day, Skyttes and Skets. Walsingham writeth, Of the country called Sicia (alias Scythia) we have Scita, Sciticus, Scoticus, Scotus and Scotia. Ranulphus Monk of Chester, writeth, as Sir john Trevisa the Priest in old English laid it down; scott's been called as it were Scytes, for they came out of Scytia. Matthew Monk of Westminster, saith, Ex Pictis & Hibernensibus, Scoti originem habuerunt, quasi ex diversis nationibus compacti; Scot enim illud dicitur quòd ex diversis rebus in unum acervum congregatur, deinde verò terra illa quae prius Albania dicebatur à Scotis Scotia nuncupatur, (anno gratiae 77.) Of picts and Irish the Scots had their original, as it were compacted of divers nations; for that is called Scot which of divers things is gathered into one heap, afterwards that Land which was first called Albania of the Scots is called Scotia.  

Beda Ang. hist. lib. 1. cap. 1.  And Beda writeth that the Country now called Scotland was inhabited by picts that were Scythians; again, In process of time (saith he) Britain besides Britain's and picts received a third nation that is of Scots upon the side of the picts.  

Volat geograph. lib. 3. Io. Mayor de gest. Scot l. 1. c. 4. De rebus Hiber. lib. 1.  Of the same opinion is Volateran and johannes Major Scotus, although Hector Boëtius dissemble it. Richard Stanihurst the great Philosopher and Antiquary of Ireland, writeth, A quo primum initio Scotiae nomen fit tractum, nondum plane perspectum video, etc. Of what first original the word Scotia is drawn, I have not yet found out. And touching the truth of the History of Gathelus and Scota, he saith; To the end the worthiness of so great a marriage delivered unto the posterity should flourish, all these Grecians call themselves Scots; and Ireland where they first seated themselves, Scotiam. But all this as a vain fable George Buchanan, and before him Humphrey Lloide have quite rejected, and if Hector Boëtius be not the chief forger of this history, or rather vain fable, yet he hath besprinkled (after his manner) the whole discourse with lies. With great ambition hath that silly writer laboured to advance the glory of his nation, in the which endeavour, he hath little regarded the honour of his Country and his own credit. For he hath purchased this amongst the learned, that where as he would seem to write all for the love of the truth, they will believe in a manner nothing to be true which he wrote: For to what purpose should he commend to the posterity the acts of his ancestors with such majesty of words, that they have quailed the Spaniard; vanquished the Irish with their only austere countenance, triumphed as often as pleased themselves over the bordering Britain's; where they pitched foot, subjected all as furious victors; that thou mayst think the Scottish not so much to have invaded foreign Countries, as to have removed to their proper possessions. These fabulous dreams happily may move admiration to some old wives, applause to some Abderas, and laughter to the discreet reader. The Scotish had as other nations tofore (though now famous) base beginning, dusked and obscured with some barbarous rudeness, and this had been more discretion to confess, then to vaunt or crack among the ignorant, with boast of their feigned doings. Thus far Stanihurst:  
And now (with Hector Boëtius his leave) as the followers of Gathelus and his wife Scota in Egypt, Greece, Barbary, Portugal, Galitia, and over all Spain, were not called Scoti (as before is remembered) no more were they termed in Ireland and Scotland, but corruptly of Scytae, Scoti, coming originlly out of Scythia. And it were more honour in mine opinion for these nations, to derive their original from Scythia then from Egypt, for two causes; first for that the Scythians are more ancient than the Egyptians, as Trogus, Volateran, and Marianus Scotus do write; secondly for that the Scythians come of japhet that was blessed, and the Egyptians of Cham that was accursed, but in this case leaving every man to his own choice; I will return the History.  
In the antiquities of Ireland it is generally received that Gathelus (of whom I spoke before) gave the Irishmen the language, which of him they call Gaodhealgh in British Gwidhealaec, that is, a language compounded of many tongues, and so it may well be; for by reason of his great travel he had skill in many tongues. Although, as they say, he were a Grecian borne, yet I find no Greek in the Irish tongue▪ yet for their coming from Spain, which they so much urge, johannes Major Scotus forsooth hath found one Spanish word, 
Io. Maior. hist. Scot lib. 1. c. 9  bona dies, in Irish vennoka die; to which I answer, una hirundo non facit ver; but indifferently to examine the matter, we find that diversity of times, alteration of government, invasion of strangers, planting of new Colonies, and conversing with foreign nations do alter languages. The Hebrews by reason of their peregrination and captivities do smach of the Chaldees, Syriack, and Arabic tongues. The Slavonian tongue, 
Laur. Surius ver. in orb gest. ud annum. 1501  as Surius and others record, without exception, at this day is the most dispersed language upon the earth; for the Muscovites, Ruthenes, Russians, Dalmatians, Bosnenses, Croatians, Istrians, Carnians, Carniolanians, Carinthians, Stirians, Maesians, Servians, Bulgarians, with other nations reaching to Constantinople, as Bohemians, Lusatians, Silesians, Moravians, Polonians, Circasians, Quinquemontanians, even unto Pontus, and the remnant of Vandals, beyond the river Albis, through Germany, into the North, have the language, and yet we have neither their characters, nor ancient Annals extant. Saint Jerome borne in Strido in the confines of Dalmatia and Pannonia, is said to have translated the Bible into the Slavon tongue, but whether it be in that language extant, let him report that knoweth it. Gothi, Hypogothi, Gepidi, Vandali, Hunni, Alani, though they vary in name, yet they use one language, saith Paulus Diaconus. The Italian, Spanish, and French tongues are compounded of the Latin. The Germane (high and low country) Saxon, Scottish and English have great affinity. North-wales, Southwales, Cornwall, and little Britain in France, as Cambrensis and Sir Io. Price have learnedly discoursed; but the Irish (excepting the Red shanks and the Scottish of the hay land) have affinity with no tongue (as I can learn) more than with the British language.  
Many reasons there are (gentle reader) to induce thee to be of that opinion; first of all according unto the first command, the Celticke tongue was of force in all these Northern parts. Bodinus writeth, 
Bodinus. Pausanias:  that the British and Celtic language was all one. Pausanias the Grecian maketh mention how the Celts in their language called a horse Marc, and three horses Trimarc, the which the Welshman useth to this day with a guttural alteration, Margh and Treemargh. Also Camden the learned Antiquary of this our age, is of this opinion (remembering the story of Gurguntius, and the infinite number of British words in ure among the Irish, the which he termeth, infinitam vim Britannicarum dictionum) that the Britain's first peopled this land. And although of a long time (by reason of troubles and alterations) the speech grew wholly out of use; yet afterwards in success of time it was revived. Secondly the British and Irish oft matched together, so that there grew among them great alliance and affinity, to the furtherance of the language. Mare King of Cornwall anno 459 married with Label Isode that built Isodes Chapel (or Chappell-Isode) and Isodes Tower in Dublin, she was the King of Ireland's daughter. Edwal ap Meiric Prince of Wales in the time of Edelred, anno 992 married in Ireland. jago ap Edwal Prince of Wales in the time of Cnute, anno 1031 married in Ireland. In the time of Edward the Confessor, Conan the son of jago Prince of Wales married with Ranulph daughter of Alfred King of Dublin, anno 1041. In the time of William Rufus, Arnulph Earl of Pembroke married with the daughter of Marogh King of Ireland anno 1101; at the same time Magnus the son of Herald married with another daughter of the said King. In the time of Henry the first and King Steven lived Griffith ap Conan Prince of Wales, that was wont to brag of three things, that his mother was an Irishwoman, his grandmother an Irishwoman, and that he himself was borne, and of a child brought up in Ireland. In the time of Henry the second. Biryd the son of Owen Gwyneth Prince of Wales, being Lord of Cloghran in Ireland, begat his son Howel upon an Irish Gentlewoman. In the same King's reign Richard Strangbow Earl of Pembroke, married with Eva the daughter of Dermotte Mac Morrogh King of Leinster. Thirdly, when there was any trouble in Ireland, they fled to Wales; when they had any wars or rebellion there, they came for refuge and aid into Ireland: hereof came the shaking of hands, Brother Brannagh, Brother Erinagh. In the life of Henry the third, it is written, that when Othobon the Pope's Legate came to Oxford, and sojourned at Osney Abbey, among other scholars, some for one cause, some for another, that were there, a poor Irish scholar (Matthew Paris calleth him Capellanum Hibernensem) drew near unto the kitchen dresser, and prayed for some relief; the cook took a ladle full of hot liquor and threw it in his face; a Welsh scholar standing by took his bow, and shot the cook through with an arrow (Stow writeth that the cook was the Legates brother) the hurly burly was great, the scholars came together in arms (and as it is said, one Odo of Kilkenny was their ensign bearer) the Cardinal's men were well beaten, the Cardinal himself to save his life fled secretly at a postern gate to the King, made a grievous complaint, and craved the aid of armed men to fetch off his men, and thereof arose great troubles; but to proceed. Dermotte Mac Morogh King of Leinster, being banished out of his country, had aid out of Wales. Conan the son of jago, Griffith ap Conan, Rees ap Tewder, Owen the son of Cadogan, Kadwalader the son of Griffith ap Conan, Marlgon ap David, Princes of Wales; Algar Earl of Chester, Arnulph Earl of Pembroke, Magnus the son of Herald, William de Bruse Lord of Breknock, with his wife and children, in extremity, took Ireland for their refuge, where they found favour and kindness to their own hearts desire, as in the British Chronicles published by Caradoc of Sancarban, Cambrensis, Humphrey Lloid, and Doctor Powel, doth more plainly appear. These two nations conversed much one with another; Sir Tristram one of the Knights of the round Table, came to Ireland. Morogh brother to the King of Ireland (whom Caxton calleth Morhaus) was one of King Arthur's Knights. Merlin the Welsh Prophet came twice to Ireland, and in Ofaby there is a Chapel bearing his name: the occasion of his first coming was this. There was a noble man of Ireland which had a suit unto the King of England, with whom Merlin was great, to whom he said, Merlin, if thou wilt effect my suit, come to Ireland, and I will give thee as much land as thou shalt see round about thee: it was done; after his arrival, Merlin demanded his promise, the noble man put him into a cellar, where was a grate, and without a bawne, with an high wall, look out (saith the Irish man) the Welsh Prophet could not see a quoits cast from him, and thus was he deceived, having left his spirit of prophecy at home. But to our purpose.  
Fourthly, the first conquerors in Henry the seconds times, that broke the ice into this land, were Welsh men, whose names and seats to this day are fresh in memory. Rees ap Tewder Prince of Southwales had a daughter called Nesta, who by King Henry the first had issue, Henry, and he had issue Meiler Fitz Henry and Robart; she was afterwards married to Stephan, and he had issue, Robart Fitz Stephan, and his issue were Radulph and Mereduk; she had a third husband, Giraldus Steward of Pembroke, whose mother was Gladys the daughter of Rywall ap Conyn, this Girald had issue by her, Maurice Fitz Gerald, William Fitz Gerald, and David Bishop of Menevia, now called Saint David's: Maurice Fitz Gerald had issue, William, Girald, Alexander, and Nesta a daughter, wife to Harvey de Monte Marisco; William Fitz Gerald had issue (by Ellen sister to Earl Richard Strongbow) Reimund and Griffin, of these descend all the Geraldins in Ireland. A niece (a sister say others) of Robart Fitz stephan's and Maurice Fitz Gerald married with one Barry, and he by her had issue, Robart Barry, Philip Barry, Walter Barry, and Girald Barry (otherwise called Giraldus Cambrensis the great Antiquary) of these descend all the Barries in Ireland. There came with them and after them out of Wales, the Prendergastes, Welches, Whites, Goughes, and Williams, now called Mac William of the North.  
The Irish Chroniclers, as David Curren, Nicolas Maguize (both sometimes Bishop of Leighlin) and others, call them Brittones, Wallones, and Wallenses. It is a name the Saxons gave them; though they were the true natives of Britain, yet they called them Welshmen, that is, 
Camb. descrip. Brit. cap. 7.  strangers, as more at large is to be seen in Cambrensis. These gave Welsh names to places, which continue to this day; in the Diocese of Leighlin there is a town called villa Wallicorun, the town of Welshmen. Carreg & Craig in the British or Welsh tongue is a stone, or rock, and of the Britain's, Carregfergus, Carreggmont-Griffin, Carregg in Shurie, Carriggwaspani, and Craigwading have their names. Likewise Llis in British is a Court or Palace, of that in Ireland you have Lismore, Lisfenyn, Lislofty, Lismakery. Glan and Glyn are British words, of them have you Glangibbon, Glandeboy, Glan Reynald, Glynburry, Glyndelory, Glynmolowra, etc. Inis an Island, is British and Irish, of which kind are Inissircan, Inisshoven, Inisdiok, Inissuag, Iniscorthie, and the like. Rath a moat or round trench (whereof there are many in Ireland made by the Danes) if Beda had not said that it was a Saxon word, I would have said it had been British, and how many names of places are compounded with it in Ireland, were too long to rehearse. I will here give Stanihurst leave to conclude, Omnes insulae locos et lucos Wallici nominis gloria implevit; the renown of the Welsh name (saith he) hath filled all the ways and woods of the Island.  
The British words among them are infinite, the which, as I think, the Irish have taken hold of, and have caused to vary little from their speech, for example.  
British, Bara Bread. Irish, Ran Br. Diod Drink. Ir. Diogh Br. Tan Fire. Ir. Tine Br: Drus a Door. Ir. Dyrrus Br: Ithyn Firres. Ir. Ityn Br. Mawn Turf. Ir. Mon Br. Gaver a Goat. Ir. Gawr Br. Mawr Great. Ir. More Br. Mine a kid. Ir. Mynan Br. Tie a House in both. Ir. Br. Scadan a Herring. Ir. Scadan Br. Carregg in both a Rock. Ir. Br. Teer land or ground. Ir. Tire Br. Sidan in both Silk. Ir. Br. Kos in both a leg or foot. Ir. Br. Sane a pair of hose or stockings. Ir. Fessane Br. Losky in both burning or burnt. Ir. Br. Berw and Berwy in both sod. Ir. Br. Glan in both a like. Ir. Glyn  Duffrey in both alike.  Duffrin Br. Mah a son. Ir. Mac Br. Cuanid wood. Ir. Cunnogh Br. Knaie nuts Ir. Know Br. Kwyr wax Ir. Kwyragh Br. Cantref an hundred towns Ir. Cantrud Eng. Cantred Br. Avon a river. Ir. Owen  Moil in both bald.  Mantagh in both toothless.  
And thus much of the Irish language occasioned by the history of Gathelus and Scota; now to the history, from whence I fear me I have too long digressed. The hard success of Nemedus before spoken of, and the departure of Gathelus (as hath been said) to the North-east Lands, and North parts of Britain, now called Scotland, moved five brethren, the sons of one Dela of the posterity of Nemedus, being valiant men, and skilful in the Art of Navigation, to make ready a great fleet, and to attempt the conquest of this Island. These were, as I presently said, of the posterity of Nemedus, and were named, Gandius, Gennadius, Sagandus, Rutheranius or Rutheragus, and Slanius, of whom Slain hath the denomination; when they had made preparation, 
Five sons of Dela arrive in Ireland, anno mundi 2535.  assembled forces, and set all in a readiness, they hoist up sail, and in short time arrived in Ireland, about the year of the world 2535.  
After their arrival, and view had of the land, they found the puissance of the Chamesite Giants sore weakened through their own civil dissension, so that with more ease than they looked for, they achieved their purpose, won the whole country, utterly destroyed and rooted out that wicked generation (enemies to God and man) but spared as many as they found of japhets' line, divided the Island into five parts, and in each of them they severally reigned. 
First division of Ireland.  This was the first division of Ireland, the discourse whereof I will refer to another place. Furthermore for the satisfaction of all parties, and perfect league to be had among these brethren, and their posterity, they concluded to fix a mere stone in the middle point of Ireland, to the which each of their kingdoms should reach, so as they might in equality partake of the commodities found in that Island. Of these also it is said, that they invented the distribution of Shires into canters, every Cantred or Barony to contain one hundred townships: but of this in another place. When they had for a certain space seated themselves (say the Irish Antiquaries) and found warmth and wealth about them, every one began to look big, and grow ambitious, so that in process of time, desire of Sovereignty set the five brethren at variance, which in the end tended to their destruction. In this civil dissension it is written, that Slanius the youngest through the aid of some old inhabitants, got the upper hand, brought his four brethren to a low estate, attributed unto himself the title of supreme honour over them, and encroached round about the middle stone and fixed mere aforesaid, for the space of certain miles; which plot in time, obtained the privilege and name of one entire plot, or part, and maketh up the number of five parts, into the which Ireland is commonly divided, and is called Meth, in Latin Media, 
Meth why so called.  and of some Midia, taking that name (as some have guessed) for that in respect of the other parts, it contained but the moiety of canters, that is, sixteen, where each of the other contained thirty and two; or else for that it lieth in the midst of the land.  
These encroachments Slanius annexed to his inheritance and Monarchy, which Monarchy continued thus, the space of thirty years, and then Slanius departed this life, and was buried in a mountain of Meth, that beareth hitherto the name after him. After his decease the Princes that before were subject unto him, began to gather heart, stomached the matter, and denied their obedience to his successor: whereupon ensued continual war amongst them, and especially about the land of Meth, which strife of long time could not be appeased, yet in the space of thirty years aforesaid, of these brethren and their successors there were nine Kings. In the neck of all these mischiefs and hurly burlies (say the Irish antiquities) there came a fleet of Scythians upon the coast, landed their men in Ireland, made claim to the land, 
Invasion of Scythians.  by a title of right which they pretended from their forefather Nemedus (of whom mention is made before) so that by partaking with the one side and the other, all was in an uproar, havoc was made on each side with fire and sword in most miserable manner. They spent themselves in pursuing one another with such outrage, that they cared not what nation, or what soldier they received to their aid, to hold up, or beat down a side. Both the one and the other sent for aid into the Lands now called England and Scotland, Orchades, Hebrides, etc. and acquainted foreigners with their state so far, that they could never after be rid of them, to wit, the Britain's, till in the end they yielded unto them the upper hand, as by conquests, in process of the history, shall appear. Note (gentle reader) how that hitherto, 
Anno mundi 2828  that is, the year of the world 2828, and before the birth of Christ 1142, these North parts of the world, as England, Scotland, Ireland, with other Isles, were possessed, commanded, and inhabited by the posterity of japhet and Cham, the sons of Noah, without any special name given to the lands, or to the Commanders of them, otherwise than Samothei, Celtae, Oceanes, Neptunists, and Albion's, although I have hitherto used the names now in ure (for the plainer delivery of the history) as if they had been known before; neither were any called Scots as Hector Boëtius would have it.  
After the times of the former troubles which happened in Ireland upon the landing of the Scythians, I find nothing of Ireland till the days of Gurguntius (the son of Belinus) who began his rain, according to the ordinary account anno mundi 3580, 
Anno mundi 3580  and reigned 19 years over Britain. This King after his victory achieved in Denmark (for his tribute which they there had refused to pay him) returning back toward Britain, met by the Isles of Orkeney, with a navy of thirthy ships (Stanyhurst saith 60) with men and women, 
Gurguntius meeteth with Bartholin, Hiber and Hermon.  whose General was called Bartholin or Partholin; in Ponticus Virunius Partolom; in Flores Historiarum, Partholaim; in Gualther Oxoniensis, Bartholome; in Fabian, Harding, Grafton, and Caxton, Irlamal; of whom they think the country to be called Ireland. Gurguntius demanded of them what they were, and the occasion of their travel, their answer was, they were Spaniards, and had long been on the seas, seeking to find some favourable Prince, to assign them a place of habitation, for that their country was so populous, that it could not contain them, (others write that for some disordered parts they were banished their country) and where they found favour, they would become subjects, and hold of him as their sovereign Lord. In this fleet with the Governor of Baion, their General (before named) there were four brethren of noble birth, the sons of Milesius (others say, Miletus, and others Milo) the two chief of which were called Hiberus and Hermon. And beside the former differences in the parent's name, Dowling writeth in his Irish collections, that they were the sons of jubal; Hector Boëtius avoucheth they were the sons of Gathelus and Scota; Stanihurst affirmeth that Scota was great or old grand-dame to Hiber and Hermon, others write they were of the posterity of Gathelus and Scota, whereas Gathelus (if there were any such) was a Grecian, and Scota an Egyptian, Hiber and Hermon, Spaniards: see (gentle Reader) how these reports hang together.  
Gurguntius being advised by his Council, 
Gurguntius giveth Ireland to them.  pitying their necessity and wand'ring estate, granted them the Island now called Ireland, to inhabit, and that they should become tributaries to him and his successors, the Kings of Britain for ever. For he called to mind that the inhabitants were an unruly people, and thought by this means to subdue them, and quietly to enjoy his tribute; for it seemeth that the Britaines made claim to Ireland, to which effect I read in the Book of Houth, that Gurguntius came into Ireland, and that the land many a year paid him truage, 
Book of Houth.  and to other Kings of Britain after him; but as oft as they put foot in the land, they got more knocks than pence, saith an Irish Chronicler. The King of Britain hastening homeward, gave them Pilots, and safe conductors for their arrival and possession of the land.  
Hiberus and Hermon after their arrival, 
Hiber and Hermon divide Ireland into two parts.  by the assent of all their associates, divided the land between them; the North to Hiber, and the South to Hermon. But ambition, the mother of mischief, would not long suffer them to enjoy peace, but rend their hearts with fiery dissension, inflamed their minds to desire one Sovereign and absolute commander over the whole land; they gather forces, they muster their men, they put on Arms, and to battle they go, in which field Hiberus was slain, (though Hector Boetius write, 

One brother killeth another.  
The second Monarch of Ireland.   that he went into Spain to succeed his father) and Hermon became Monarch of all Ireland. Hermon being thus sole ruler and governor, to avoid the murmur of his people, and the evil opinion (in a manner) of all men conceived against him, and peaceably to govern the land, fell to purge himself, and caused the occasion of the wars to be proclaimed, that he bore arms against his natural brother, not of malice or desire of sovereignty, but in defence of his own person, and safety of his people; and for proof, that his heart was far from desire to rule alone, he appointed certain Captains, as Kings, to command under him certain Countries, reserving unto himself, one fourth part, and the Country of Meth annexed to the Monarchy, for the better maintenance of his princely estate.  
By this means, this Realm of Ireland in process of time, 
Ireland divided into five kingdoms▪  grew to five kingdoms; the first Leinster, on the East side or quarter, called in Latin Lagenia, and in Irish, Cuige-Laghen. The second, Conaght, on the west side of the kingdom, called in Latin Connacia, and in Irish, Cuige-Chonoght. The third, Ulster, which is the North part of Ireland, named in Latin, Vltonia, and in Irish, Cuigh-Vlladh. The fourth, Monster, South and South-west, in Latin, Momonia, and in the country speech, Cuige Mughan. The fifth and last, a plot defalked from these parts, called Meth, comprising (as they are now called) as well East-Meth as West-Meth, in Latin, Midia, or Media, 
Divers divisions in Ireland.  in Irish, Mhidhe. And here must not be forgotten, that there hath been in these kingdom's great change and alteration by usurping and compounding among themselves, and by dividing of Countries, as we find Monster was into two parts, and since have been there great Earls, deriving their names of Monster, Ormond in Irish, Oirther Mughane, Desmond, in Irish, Deasmughain, and Thomond in Irish, Tuathmughain, the which an Italian coming into Ireland, marvelled at, when he inquired what great men dwelled in the land, for he understood Ormond, to be orbis mundi, the round world; Desmond, decem mundi, ten worlds; Thomond, duo mundi, two worlds, profecto, said he, Valdè gloriósi tituli, assuredly these are very glorious titles. So were there also in process of time, diverse other lesser kingdoms, as by the process of the history will very well appear. And here for this time leaving to discourse farther of the Irish kingdoms, I conclude with this one remembrance, that from time to time there was one chosen to be chief sovereign Monarch over them all; 
A Monarch always in Ireland.  and the number of Monarches from Hermon to Laogirius, the son of Nealus Magnus, that is, great Neale) in whose time S. Patrick converted them to Christianity, amounteth to an hundred thirty and one.  

Ireland called Hibernia.  And now back again to the history where we left. It is said that of Hiber or Hiberus, (who was slain, as hath above been recorded) Ireland was called Hibernia; certain it is with the concordance of most and the best antiquaries, that the land was not called Hibernia, neither right Spaniard arrived here before the days of Gurguntius. Divers writers have diversely delivered the original name of the land, 
Divers names of Ireland.  some corruptly, some poetically, some etymologically. jerna, juvernia, Ibernia, Overnia, Vernia, Iris; of the Britain's, Ywerdhon, of the Irish themselves Erin, and took that name of Fin Erin, (of whom at large in the book of Houth) of the Saxons and English it is called Ireland, that is, the land of Erin. All these names originally grew of Hiberus the Spaniard, or in remembrance of Iberus the second King of Spain; who was the son of Tubal, the fifth son of japhet. Annius Viterbiensis writeth, that of this King, the river is called Iberus amnis, Spain Iberia, and the inhabitants about the river, 
Stainhurst de reh. Hib. pa. 17.  Iberi. This land of Ireland hath also been called Scotia Major, (Scotland the greater) after the birth of Christ, but that came of corrupting the word Scytha, as I said before. Lastly, it hath been called Banno of the Poets or Bards of the land: Stanihurst thinketh it was so called of the Banne, a river in the County of Weixford, the place is now called Bagganbun, where the Britain's upon the conquest arrived, and thereof is the rhyme, 
At the creek of Bagganbun,  
Ireland was ylost and won.   
But for this ancient name Banno, 
Camden in Hebernia.  and other the like which the Poets of Ireland have in use, I refer the courteous reader to learned Camden, in his treatise of Ireland, about the beginning.  
Lanquet in his collections of antiquities, 
Lanquet ad Annum 3652.  noteth that the Scottish historiographers about the year of the world, 3652. begin their histories at Fergus, the son of Ferquhard, King of Ireland, that he should come with great power out of Ireland, to their aid against the picts, and that they favoured him so much, that they chose him King, and that he reigned over them in Scotland 25. years, 
Anno mundi, 36521  and how that in his reign he slew Coil, King of Britain, at what time by general consent, there was no Scottish man then commanding in Albania, no Pict at that time seen in Britain or Ireland, nor Coil King of Britain in many years after. I am of Lanquets opinion, thus he writeth, These histories of the Scots, as they set them forth, be full of errors, and agree with none other historians. Notwithstanding this Item may not stop the course of the history, and therefore whether he came out of Ireland, (as we here take it) or out of Denmark, (as some have thought) well he might be King of Albania, for so was it then called, and not Scotland, and so from him I will term them Kings of Albania, until I find the name Scoti known amongst foreign writers.  
This Fergus (saith Buchanan) having orderly disposed of his affairs in Albania, 
Fergusius. Buchanan.  went into Ireland to pacify and quiet troubles there risen, and hoising sail for his return into Albania, he and all his company were cast away in a tempest upon the rocks at a place of him now called in the British and Irish tongues Karregfergus, or Craigfregus (corruptly in English, Knockfergus.) It is written that he advanced in his banner, a red Lion Rampant, with his tail folden toward his back, as it were moved with anger, 
Arms of Fergusius.  the which his successors since have used. After this his infortunate decease, there rose great strife about the succession, his two sons, Ferlegus and Mainus were young, and many exceptions were made against them, in the end, the two sons were put beside, and the eldest of the sept (after the Irish tanistry) took place, which fell upon Feritharis an Irish man, brother to Fergus. And this tanistry continued (saith Buchanan) unto Kenathus 3. during the reign of fourscore Kings. 
tanistry of Ireland used in Scotland.  But I must leave them, and follow only what concerneth Irish business.  
About the year of the world, saith Lanquet, 
Anno mundi, 3750.  3750. and odd (not allowing as he protested before, but following the Scottish histories, one Reuthar, commander of the invaders in Albania, 
Reuthar.  (now called Scotland) was vexed with civil wars, and by the Britain's, banished into Ireland, where he lived twelve years: See more of him in Hector Boetius, and Buchanan. The 9 King Albaniensium Scotorum, (so Stanihurst calleth them) was josina Thereus, 
josina Thereus.  and is the next that seemeth to have any right or interest in the Irish history. This man was bred and brought up in Ireland, and favoured the nation (saith Bale) above all others; 
Io. Bale cent. 14.  he sought peace of all men, honoured Surgeons, Physicians and druids of Ireland; reigned 24. years, and so ended his days.  
The next that concerneth our purpose, is Gillus the usurper, who through much treason, 
Gillus.  and many murders, aspiring to the Crown of Albania, and deservedly falling into the hatred and mislike of all his subjects, was at length forced by his Nobles, (who rose in Arms against him) to take a fisher-boate and flee into Ireland, where he was promised aid; but to prevent further mischief, one Cadall is appointed general of an Army, to pursue the tyrant into Ireland, and meeting him in the field, drove Gillus to flee. When the Irish men had forsaken him, he hid himself in a den, environed with woods and bogs, where shortly after, an Irish Kern, for reward, found him out, cut off his head, and brought it to Cadall, after he had tyrannised three years. He was the thirteenth King of Albania.  
In the time of Augustus Caesar, a little before the birth of our Saviour, 
Fridelenus the Dane taketh Dublin.  Fridelenus King of Denmark, puffed up with pride, through some fortunate successes, arrived in Ireland, laid siege to the City of Dublin, and finding it not so easy a matter to achieve, fell to policy; he caught certain Swallows that bred in the City, tied fire to their wings, who flying to their nests, fired the houses; while the Citizens endeavoured to quence the fire, the Danes entered the City, and w●nne it.  
The King of Leinster after this, gathered forces, and gave the Danes battle, in which, many fell on both sides; Fredelnus seeing the enemy increase, and his army decrease, fled the land, and retired into his country. 
Frotho King of Denmark. Alb. Krant. Dan. lib. 1. cap. 32. Saxo Gr. hist. Dan. lib. 5.  His son Frotho, the third of that name, King of Danes (so Albertus Krantzius, and Saxon Grammaticus record) wantonly assailed the Britain's, (lustrans magis insulam quam subigens) rather taking a view of the Island, than subduing it, afterward relinquishing that course, put foot in Ireland. The historiographers of that side, report hardly of the land, and the inhabitants thereof, and in fine they write, when Cepo the Irish King was overthrown and put to flight, his brother Kervill (saith Saxo, I take it to be O Carol) offered tribute, wherewith the Danes being pacified, returned to their Country. This Frotho peopled the Orchades with Danes, and appointed Revillus their commander.  
Whilst this Frotho King of Danes was Monarch of Ireland, the light of the world, 
JESUS CHRIST is borne. Claudius. Arviragus. Flor. histor.  the comfort of all Christians, JESUS CHRIST the son of GOD was borne in the flesh.  
About the 44. year after the incarnation of our Lord, (Claudius the Emperor having appeased the troubles of Britain by the aid of Arviragus, (as Matthew Westmonasteriensis saith) subdued Orchades, Hebrides, Thule, and all the Ocean Lands, among the which, Ireland is reckoned, 
Beda eccles. hist. Angl. lib. 1. c. 3. Eutropius rerum Rom. lib. 8.  the which Beda and Eutropius have likewise remembered. But Fabian, Grafton, Holinshed, and Ponticus Virunius say further, that he sent certain legions of Knights into Ireland to subdue the same; what success they had, is not recorded, a legion consisting of 6666. (as ancient Writers record) no doubt they performed some great exploit. 
Camden pa. 557  Learned Camden writeth of the brigants (the inhabitants of Yorkshire, Lancashire, 
brigants.  the Bishopric of Durham, Westmoreland and Cumberland were so called) how that in the time of Claudius (as I take it) many of them went to end their days in Ireland, and of old were called the brigants of Ireland. His words are these, Quod verò Florianus Del Campo Hispanus, nostros brigants, etc. Whereas Florianus Del-Campo the Spaniard, 
Florianus del Campo.  hath somewhat arrogantly derived our brigants from Spain into Ireland, and thence into Britain, being aided by no other conjecture, but that he found in his Country of Spain, the City Brigantia; I fear me he hath foully deceived himself. For if the like cause have not given ours and the brigants of Ireland the same name, I had rather be of opinion with my most learned friend Thomas Savill, namely, that certain brigants and other nations of Britain also, even from the coming of the Romans into Britain, departed into Ireland, some for quietness sake, and to live at ease, some for that their eyes should not be infected with the sight of the Roman dominion, and last of all others, lest in their latter age they should willingly seem to lose the liberty which from nature they had received in their youth. And that Claudius the Emperor, first of any Roman took the brigants in hand, and subjected them to his Empire and command: Seneca showeth in these his verses.  

........ Ille Britannos  
Vltra noli littora ponti, & caeruleos 
Seneca.   
Scuta brigants, dare Romulaeis colla catenis  
jussit, .........   

The Britain's far from known seas,  
and brigants Bucklers blue,  
The Roman Claude to Roman beck  
did bring, and rebels slew.   
Claudius' having effected all his affairs, (as formerly hath been delivered) returned to Rome: then saith Gualther Oxon. Omnia regna Arvirago tradidit, he delivered all these kingdoms to Arviragus. He committed them all to his charge, saith Ponticus Virunius. 
Arviragus.  In Matthew Westmonsteriensis I read, regimen insulare Arvirago cessit, the command of the Lands fell to Arviragus. Harding hath delivered it in verse.  
Orchades Isles in the mean time he conquered,  
In which he enfeoffed the King, and him preferred.  
About this time, Frotho the fourth of that name, King of Danes, (some 30. years after the former invasion, 
Saxo Gram. hist. Dan. lib. 6. Albertus Krantz. Dan. lib. 1. Frotho 4.  saith mine Author) sent great power of Giants out of Denmark, under the leading of bloody Haco, and the great challenger and huge monster Starcuterus, to invade Ireland. The occasion was as followeth: Starcuterus (before mentioned) being borne far in the East by reason of shipwreck, having lost both his ship and fellows, was cast upon the coast of Denmark, and hearing of the fame of Frotho, came to his Court. This Giant was greatly admired for stature and strength of body. Frotho commanded a great navy to be in a readiness, with all manner of necessary provision, made him an archpirate, and turned him to the Sea to seek adventures. 
Haco and Starcuterus in Ireland.  They touched many lands, and fought with many Giants, at length (saith mine Author) that no Country, though never so remote, should be freed from the smart of Danish forces, they arrived in Ireland. Huglet, King of Ireland, gave them battle, in the which, Huglet was slain, and all the Irish put to flight. And yet mine Author, though a Dane, highly commendeth two Irish Lords, Segathus and Suibdanus, the one wounded Haco, the other gave Starcuterus such a blow, that he stood a great while amazed, and had been slain, 
Dufflania or Dublin ransacked by them  had he not been rescued. The battle being ended, the Danes took (Dufflinian) Dublin, ransacked it, and found great store of treasure, and some of them remained in the land, the rest returned to Denmark, Starcuterus went into foreign countries to combat with Giants.  

Of the coming of the picts or Scythians into these parts.  In the time of Arviragus before mentioned, I find the greatest probability of the first coming of the picts out of Scythia, first into Ireland, secondly, into Albania, now called Scotland, and lastly, into the North of England. And whereas before (page 3.) I made mention of the arrival of Scythians, Nemedus and his four sons, and after them of five brethren of their posterity, and the third time of another fleet of Scythians that arrived in Ireland; and that also by many antiquities it appeareth that the Scots be Scythians, and came out of those parts whence these picts broke forth; I purpose now to make a more full discourse of that business.  
Camden modestly confesseth he knoweth not when they came first into these parts, neither do I mislike with his conjecture, that they should be old Britain's, who painted themselves, to show more terrible against the Romans: yet we must confess, that there are many nations of several names in Scythia, and Polychronicon, together with Rastall, saith, that the Goths and picts be one nation. The etymology I find in the story of the Goths: Scythia in the Gothicke tongue, signifieth a skilful archer. 
Io. Magnus Goth. Hist. lib. 1 cap. 27. Beda eccles. hist. gentis Aug. lib. 1 cap. 1.  And these picts brought with them the use of darts, which the Irish retain to this day. But I come to Beda, who goeth plain to work. When the Britain's (saith he) had possessed the greatest part of the Isle, beginning at the South, it happened that a nation of picts out of Scythia, with long ships, (yet not many) entered the Ocean, the wind driving them about, beyond all the coast of Britain, they came into Ireland, and arrived in the North, and finding there the nation of Scots, desired of them to grant them a dwelling place amongst them, but they could not obtain it, etc. The Scots made answer that the Island could not hold them both, but we can give you (said they) good counsel what you may do. We know another Island not far from ours, reaching to the East, the which we are wont oft to discern in clear days; if you will go thither, you may make it your dwelling place, or if any withstand you, take us for your aid. And so the picts sailing into Britain, began to inhabit the North parts of the Island, for the Britaines held the South. 
picts sail into Britain.  And when the picts had no wives, and sought them of the Scots, they were granted them, only upon this condition, that when the title of Sovereignty became doubtful, they should choose them a King rather of the Feminine blood royal, then of the Masculine, 
They obtain wives of the Scots.  the which unto this day is observed amongst the picts. And in process of time, Britain after the Britain's and Picts, received that third nation of the Scots upon that part, where the picts had their habitation, 
Scots under Reuda sail out of Ireland into Britain.  who issuing out of Ireland with their Captain Reuda, either by love or by the sword, have won peculiarly unto themselves those seats which they hold unto this day, and of this their captain they are called Dalreudin, for in their language, (Dalinea) signifieth apart.  
And here I cannot but marvel at Hector Boetius and Buchanan, what confusion they bring into the history, 
Hect. Boet. Scot hist. lib. 4.  without regard of the truth, they name Beda, they call Reuda, Reuther, and say that he was the sixth King of Albania, and that the Britaines made him flee into Ireland, and that in the end he was restored to his kingdom again; which can no way agree with the words of reverend Beda, whose credit we may not impeach, for he saith, they were Scythians, and wanted a dwelling place, and began to inhabit the North parts of the Island. If Reuda were King of Albania, no thank to the Irish men to direct him thither. But let us go on with the picts.  
I find in Lanquet that the picts were rebellious, 
Anno Dom. 53.  an. 9: of Arviragus, Anno. Domini 53. And Polycronicon affircteth, as Beda wrote before, that they came to the North of Ireland in Vespasians time. Stow saith it was in Anno 73. Matthew the Monk of Westminster, in Anno 75. and 76. Leslaeus and Bozius write that Reuda came about the year 360. which is very doubtful, and that then the picts wanting wives, desired of the Britain's that they might march with their nation, their suit being denied, they went to the Irish, who granted them wives upon the condition in Beda before rehearsed And farther, Giraldus Cambrensis, Polycronicon and Grafton concurring, do say, that Scotland was first called Albania of Albanactus, secondly, Pictlandia, of the picts; thirdly, Hibernia, Ireland, because of the alliance or affinity in marriage between the picts and Irish; last of all, Scotland or Scythians land. And hereof it cometh to pass, that Ireland is called Scotland, and Scotland Ireland, the Irish Scots, 
Polychron lib 1. cap. 1. cap. 37.  and the Scots Irish, as one hath largely collected; and the distinction of Scotia Major, and Scotia Minor.  

Io. Harding Chronig. Mewinus.  Harding hath an history out of Mewinus a British Chronicler, (Harding lived in the time of Henry the fifth and sixth, and in the days of Edward the fourth,) which if it be true, all that is formerly spoken of Gathelus and Scota his wife, by the Scottish and Irish Chroniclers, is of small credit; namely, how that Gathelus and Scota came into these North parts, together with the picts, Anno Domini 75. his words are these, speaking of the King of Britain.  

Then to the Peights left alive, he gave Catenesse  
To dwell upon, and have in heritage;  
Which wedded were with Irish as I guess,  
Of which after Scots came on that lineage,  
For Scots be to say their language  
A collection of many into one,  
Of which the Scots were called so anon:   

But Mewinus the Bryton Chronicler  

Flor. hist. Mewinus was also called Melkinus. Io. Bale cent. 1: cap. 57 wrote his life. The stone Regal of Scotland.  Saith in his Chronicle otherwise,  
That Gadelus and Scota in the year  
Of Christ, seventy and five by assize,  
At Stone inhabit as might suffice:  
And of her name, the country round about,  
Scotland she called that time without doubt.   

This Scota was, as Mewin saith the sage,  
Daughter and bastard of King Pharaoh that day,  
Whom Gadele wedded, and in his old age  
Unto a land he went, where he inhabited ay,  
Which yet of his name is called Gadelway;  
And with the Peights he came into Albany  
The year of Christ aforesaid openly, etc.   

Pol. lib. 1. cap. 58  Polycronicon and Cambrensis accord with Harding in this point, that the King gave the picts a place to dwell in, which is now called Galleway. 
Ponticus Virunius.  And saith Ponticus Virunius, it was desert and waste, where none dwelled in many days before. The credit of Harding is great, and he that list to know farther of him, let him read Bale, Bishop of Ossorie, who wrote his life. 
Io. Bale. Script. Brytan. centur. 8   
I will now neither confirm nor confute, but acquaint the reader with such antiquities as I find, and in a word, to add something unto that which went before, of the time of the picts coming into these North, and Northwest parts. Florilegus writeth it was Anno Domini 77. Functius and Polydore, Anno Dom. 87. To reconcile the dissonance, what every one saith may stand for truth, for they came in several companies, and at several times, some into Ireland, some into Albania, and some into England. 
Scotland for Albania from hence forward  I will from henceforward leave writing the kingdom of Albania, and write the kingdom of Scotland.  
Anno Dom. 73. began Marius the son of Arviragus to reign in Britain, 
Anno Dom. 73.  (Humphrey Lloide calleth him Meurig) who after his troublesome wars, for nine years' space against the Picts and Scots, ended with the help of julius Agricola, is said to have aspired towards Ireland, and to have placed garrisons on the coast; and to the end he might perform some exploit there, entertained an Irish Prince that was driven out of his country by civil dissension for his conductor. I find no issue recorded of this business.  
In the 15. years civil wars which ensued upon the death of Lucius, the son of Coil, King of Britain, it is reported, 
Galf. Mon.  that Fulgenius called the Islanders, Albanians, picts, and Irish men to his aid, against whom, Severus the Emperor coming from Rome, gave them battle near unto York, where Severus and a Prince of Ireland were slain, and Fulgenius deadly wounded; the Emperor Severus and the Irish Prince, lie buried at York.  
In the antiquities of Ireland, I find that about the days of Constantine the great, 

Book of Houth.  
Anno Dom. 310 The history of Realmond, King of Ulster.   who began his reign anno Dom. 310.) one Realmond King of Ulster, fell in love with a Lady of Leinster, who had been wife to the King of Connaught, a woman (they say) of mean stature, but of singular beauty; when many Princes and Lords of Ireland laboured to win her favour, her answer was, that none should enjoy her love, but a Champion that by marshal prowess had prevailed in foreign countries, quitted himself like a man, won the Garland, and brought tribute with him to his native soil. Realmond being overcome with the love of this Lady, hoist up sail and went for France, where he encounrted with a Champion, and won a Garland called Civica. Afterward coming to great Britain, he challenged the Duke of Cornwall, and got of him a tribute, 
Duke of Cornwall. Castreus the Giant  thence he went into Scotland, and encountered with Giant Castreus, and prevailed; (such was the manner of winning honour and dignity by marshal feats in those days, saith Saxo Grammaticus) last of all he came back to Ireland, and acquainted his love, 
Sax. Gram. hist. Dan. lib. 7.  the Lady he formerly sought for, with his travail, his dangerous adventures, and his good success, and now having prevailed abroad, he doubted not at home in regard of his kingdom, his kindred and valour, but to obtain her favour. She being made throughly acquainted with his affairs abroad and at home, gave many a sigh in his absence, fearing some mischance might come to him, and wishing she had not so peremptorily answered him; but he no sooner came in place, but she relented from her former hardness, and with all speed the solemnity of marriage was performed. But the match was disdained by others, insomuch that he was hated of the Princes and Nobility of Ireland, who had formerly affected the Lady, whereof grew mutinies, contentions, and at last open war, and he finding himself weak, in comparison of his enemies, was forced to flee into Denmark, where he found favour and great aid of worthy Soldiers which came with him into Ireland, 
The Danes come to Ireland.  where he and his generation, together with the Danes and their posterity, effected many notable acts, and continued many years.  
The Danes of the line of Fin Eryn, that came out of Denmark, were these, 
The genealogy of Fin Erin, or Fin Mac Coyll.  David the King's son who had to his son borne in Ireland, Deure Dove, who had four sons, Courry, Boyskene, Fyagh, and Oghe; Boyskene had a son called Garreneslo, and Con-Caghmore was his son; Con had a son named Ferrelogh, and he had a son called Trenmore, this Trenmore had to his son, Coylle Negoe, and he had a son called Fin-Fa, alias Fin Mac Coylle and he had a son called Oshen, and he had a son called Osker. This Oshen lived in Anno Dom. 432. in the days of Saint Patrick, unto whom he made relation of many things before going, and was by him baptised, being of the age of seven score years. For proof of this history, I find in Saxon Grammaticus that wrote the history of the Danes, that Fin and Finni were a great sept there, hardy, stalworth men, given to preying, and burning of town and country, and haply the Irish conversing with them, 
Eric or Erin what it signifieth.  did learn those parts of them) and that the name of Eric was of the royal blood among them; so Fin Erin turning c. into n. was a great commander there, and conducted into Ireland many Danes. 
Erin or Ireland of whom so called.  And haply, Ireland of old, because of his great command, and his posterity, might after him be called Erin: this is but my conceit, haply others can say more thereof. These Danes increased and multiplied exceedingly, and became great Commanders and Captains over the whole land, and took upon them the defence thereof against all foreign invasion. In process of time fell out the battle of Fentra in Monster, valiantly fought by the Irish and Danes, whereof the Irish Chroniclers make great account; it was fought chiefly in Monster, by the Princes and power of Ireland, with the aid of the Danes, and generation of Fin Mac Coylle, and Fin Eryn, in which field, they say, all the foreign enemies that came out of Scotland, Cornwall, Normandy, Germany, Spain and Denmark itself, were overthrown. The occasion was as followeth.  
Many Giants and worthy Champions there were in those days in Ireland, of Irish and Danish birth, hired by them for their defence; 
Occasions of the battle of Fentra.  these travelling into foreign countries, fought many combats, and got yearly tribute unto their country, as the manner than was among such challengers. For this they were generally envied, and a day was appointed by the invaders to arrive together in Ireland to overrun the country, and root out the whole nation. The first company to the number of thirty thousand, landed at the Derrie, 
Strangers intent the utter subversion of the Irish nation.  where Conkedagh one of the Princes of the North, being prepared for them, by a sleight, set their shipping on fire, and met with them in a place where they were all overthrown, so that with their Arms, those among the Irish that formerly wanted, were furnished and made fit for the wars. The second company of this combination came to Lambay, landed their men at the Follesse of Skerries, set their men in battle array, and marched to a place now called Cnoc-nagean, that is the hill of dead men's heads, where Dermotte Lamhdhearg King of Leinster met them, fought a cruel battle with equal fortune for the space of four days; 
A strange battle if it be true.  the Irish by reason of the spoil and victory got at the former battle, were mightily encouraged, and also the milk and fresh meat which the country yielded them, and the strangers wanted, made them the more able to fight; to be short, the strangers were overthrown, and thirty six thousand of them slain, whose Arms furnished Ireland throughly to encounter with the rest of the combination.  
The third company came to Fentra in Monster, where the forces of Ireland being gathered together, kept them from landing the space of seven days, with the slaughter of many on both sides, so that the seashore at sundry times was died red with the blood of the slain carcases, until that one Gillemore, son to the King of Thomond, 
Gillemore of Thomond revolteth.  (being malcontent for that he was removed from the vanguard of the battle to the rear) revolted, and by night stole to the enemy, and directed them where they should safely land their men, which accordingly came to pass, so that the Irish knew it not until the strangers had set their own ships on fire: he withal brought the invaders to such advantage of ground, that they refreshed themselves for ten days without any annoyance from the Irish, and afterward when they came to skirmish, did himself divers times fight valiantly, imbruing his hands in the blood of his own natural countrymen. At last it fell out after some bickering, that he called for water to wash his hands that were all full of the blood of his countrymen, which was left stand after he had therein washed, and soon after calling for a cup of wine, was answered that there stood a bowl of wine upon the table; he forgetting that he had formerly washed therein, drank it up, insomuch, that the standers by said; What fellow is this, more like a brute beast then a man, that drinketh his own blood, and eateth his own flesh? Gillemore hearing this, took it to heart, notwithstanding dissembling his grief and anger, 
Gillemore returneth.  the next night conveyed himself away, and submitting himself to his father, delivered unto him the state of the strangers, which turned to their great disadvantage and hindrance.  
Shortly after, the day of battle was appointed, where the strangers were overthrown, 
The battle of Fentra.  and (as they say) seven score thousand men slain. The Irish had supplies and extraordinary means at home, the strangers could not come by it; the Irish played with them at all advantages, the woods and the bogs defended them as occasion served. This battle with the preambles and circumstances, continued one whole year, the strangers had no shipping to flee unto for succour, the ground was unknown unto them, their lodging and fare was cold, hard, and scant, so as their hardiness could not hold out, their end was lamentable, and the honour was bequeathed to the Irish nation. The Princes of Ireland having thus with great success foiled their enemies, delivered their people from utter overthrow, and quieted the land, rested themselves a while. Afterward, partly for recompense of good service, and partly for safeguard of the land, appointed the Danes (whom they had formerly hired, who also unto that time had served them truly) over the whole land to prevent foreign invasion, forewarned by the field of Fentra and the former attempts; these Commanders with their particular places of command, I thought good to impart to the courteous reader.  


The several garrisons of the Danes.  Osker Mac Oshen Mac Fin with his Soldiers kept the haven of Dublin.  
Fian Mac Fenrasse kept the Winde-gates.  
Wony Etagh Mac Case Fowl kept Wicklo.  
Creyon Mac Wony kept Arcklow.  
Eye Onagh Mac Kellenkas kept Weixford.  
Dono Mac Kayder kept Rosse.  
Fellum Mac Eye Keyge kept Dungarvan.  
Bresell Mac Eydow kept O Keylle.  
Gaero Mac Doheyere kept Cork.  
Ollen Ay Nyarg Mac Bressell kept Kynsale.  
Collo Mac Keilt kept Dingle Koysse.  
Con Keor Mac Bren Mac Foyll kept Fentra.  
Osker Mac Cromkeyn kept Trallie.  
Don Dowe Mac Reymowre being a King over the sept of Fin Mac  
Koyle kept Lymnagh, that is, Limericke.  
Eye Boge Mac Fin kept Inyskagh.  
Coll Kroytt kept Cork Vaysken:  
Eye Mac Sroy kept Canborne.  
Eye clone Drylinge kept Donrys' Oveyragh.  
Bressell Mac Eye Beg kept Galloway▪  
Deyre Dovenagh Magher Morn, kept Inysbresyn.  
Eye O row Mac Fin kept Kleere.  
Collow Daver kept small Island.  
Enos Dayrk kept Koymaghtbe.  
Enos Maygh Ercoipie kept Galley.  
Feartagh Mac Ferolagh kept Moyc.  
Low Magh Mac Karbren kept Sligo.  
Smerger Drought kept Bondroys:  
Keyll Croagh Kede Gonagh O Naunyd, Assero▪  
Brasell Mac Doyer kept Donagall.  
Mogh Small Mac Smoyll kept Fanyd.  
Eey Mac Kehow kept Loughfoyle.  
Darawryd Rowrer kept Bonban.  
Sperenagh Claw kept Knockfergus.  
Magh love kept Ardolloe.  
Donogh Mac Dermotte Eune, kept Ardglas.  
Art Oge Mac Morn kept Dondorme.  
Eye Mac Carra Meyke Morn kept Carlingford.  
Flaas Fere Leyfroke Greffey Fin Mac Koyll, kept Don dalke.  
Rey ne Roysklaygh Mac Fin Mac Koyll kept Drogheda.  
Shealvagh Mac Dermotte Doyn kept Gormanston.  
Covuloe Mac Wowdyrge kept Ireland's eye.  
Derlleys Mac Dougar kept Howth.   
These were the chief Commanders by direction from Fin Mac Koyll, 
Beacons appointed in Ireland by Fin Mac Koill.  who took farther order that Beacons should be set up in sundry places of the land, where in time of danger they might have direction for relief, and draw to a head for their defence; which order continued unto the field of Kaghcaro, otherwise called Ardkagh or Ardkath, the occasion whereof was as followeth.  
In the time of Karbre Lifeacher, Monarch of Ireland, the Danish Captains with their bands and garrisons, 
Karbre Lifeacher Monarch of Ireland.  waxed insolent and outrageous, they weighed not what Prince or people said, they grew strong and rich, not caring what they did: they brought up fond customs of their own devising, oppressing the people, and disdaining the gentle admonitions of the Kings and Nobility of the land. Among themselves they decreed, that no Maid should marry without their licence, that none should hunt the Hare, Otter, Fox, Wolf, Marten or Dear, 
The insolent devices of the Danes.  but should pay them what they pleased to rate it at, and that none should use any other pastime without their privity. The Kings and Nobility of the land called a Parliament, endeavouring to reform these abuses, charging them to surcease from their outrages, or to leave the land. The Danes answered, that they came in with the sword, held by the sword, and with the sword they would be driven away. The day of battle was appointed to be fought at Amaghery Ongallin, now called Margallin in Westmeath, though the field be called Ardkagh, which is by interpretation, a set field.  
The Danes sent to Denmark, intimating their grief and lamentable estate, craving aid of the King, and that he would be pleased to send his son to be their General, who (according to their request) shortly after landed with ten thousand stalworth soldiers (so the old phrase runneth) and they coming together, made up twenty and eight thousand, and seven hundred. The Kings of Ireland with their forces were threescore and five thousand. 
Forces of the Irish and Danes.  The Danes or Norwegians being valiant and venturous, hastened to the battle at the day appointed. The Kings in like sort with their forces hearing that their enemies approached, set themselves in battle array, and came to a place where they all kissed the ground, ready to dye one with another, and gave (after their manner) such a cry, as if heaven and earth met together, and therewith somewhat amazed their enemies, 
Garrestowne. The marshalling of the Danes at the battle of Ardkath.  so that the place to this day is called Balle-Nangartha, in English, Garrestowne.  
The strangers placed themselves on the South-west side of the hill, that the forces of the Kings being on the other side, somewhat beneath them, might not easily descry their Army; they appointed their worst men for their Rearward, that seeing the Vanguard valiantly encountering and prevailing, they might thereby be the more encouraged. They placed their rascals on their jades, nags and labouring garrons, on the top of an hill, where at this day is a little Mote in remembrance thereof, giving them in charge, that when the forces of the land espied them, and drew near, they should retire to the main battle for refuge and succour; they hoped by these means, that the Kings when they saw so great a company flee, would break their order and array to pursue them, and so lay themselves open to utter overthrow; and then was their intent to have made the King of Denmark's son, King of the land, and to have enjoyed the Realm to them and their posterity for ever.  
The Kings of Ireland being seven in number, tracing a while on the top of an hill (which therefore was called after that, 
Hol-trase. Order of the Kings of Ireland at the▪ field of Ardkath.  the hill of Trase, now Hol-trase) divided themselves into two battles. Gillemore, O Connor Dunnes, son of Connaght (one that had stood out in rebellion against the Kings until that time) had in the Vanguard the leading of the light footmen, whereof they made least account; he thereby to win their favours, 
Dermot Lamhdhearg King of Leinster.  and they to hazard him first. Dermotte Lamhdhearg, King of Leinster had the charge of the horsemen; their bonnies were double armed, well appointed, active and venturous soldiers. Dermot being well mounted, got him to an advantage of ground, and turned him to the army with this speech.  
My friends and fellows in Arms, 
The King of Leinsters' speech.  whose great valour hath been oft tried; understand (I beseech you) the cause of this battle. Whereas heretofore we have sought out these, and hired them in our wars for our defence and good of our country, against our foreign enemies, to be at our service and command, they have committed all manner of outrage against us, and extortion upon the people of this land; they abused our wives, ravished our widows, deflowered our daughters and maidens; their meat, their drink, their bedding, will not content them, but they must have money for eating, drinking and sleeping. Where they should have been our true and dutiful servitors, they disdained the Princes of the land, and made the people their villains. By maintaining of them, we made our country men idle and unapt for the wars, by enriching of them we have beggared ourselves, and now see the villainy of these verlates, our provision, our furniture, our Arms, and forces of our native soil, they bend against us, and not only this, but they have drawn to their present aid, afresh, both Danes and Norwegians. Wherefore pluck up your hearts, quit yourselves like men, our cause is good, we fight for ourselves, our wives and children, and the liberty of our country; if we lose, we are lost for ever, and our children become bondslaves, and our country subject to these bloody rascal strangers.  
He had no sooner ended his speech, but they all kissed the ground, and gave a terrible shout, that the woods about them rang thereat. On the other side, one Osker Mac Oshen, experienced in the wars, and bold of speech, craved of the Danes and Norweyes liberty to speak, and began as followeth.  
My masters and fellows, 
Osker Mac Oshen his speech.  the cause of this our assembly is known unto you; it is to maintain that which we honourably won in the field, and was granted our ancestors and their posterity, the which we have in writing to show, under the hands and seals of the ancestors of these faithless Kings and Princes that be in Arms against us. There is no haven, creek or port in Ireland, but that our predecessors and we took the charge of them, since our first arrival here out of Denmark, and valiantly defended the● maugre the beards of all foreign enemies. We fought many a battle for them, we won them tributes, and procured them discharge of tributes, the which foreign champions in combats had obtained of them, and now for recompense, they endeavour either to banish us the land, or put us to the sword. Will ye understand what they are, surely a people that keep no promise with us, therefore we doubt not but the better to speed: and excepting a few of their Princes and Gentlemen that are valiant men indeed, and daily exercised in feats of Arms, the rest are but peasants, poor and needy slaves, bore arst, bore legged, and bore footed, and of small strength. For Arms, they wear a skull, a sword by their side hanging in a With that compasseth their middle, and a Target; other some have darts; the best thing in them is, they are swift of foot, & I hope we shall speedily have the experience of that when we see them run away. Their good meat & best drink we took, and made them fast, their treasure we took to furnish us in apparel and Arms, and left them unfurnished and bare, their bedding we had, and made them lie on the ground, their wives, widows and maids were at our command to keep us warm in the night, and we gave them leave to lie among their swine. The best soil we took to ourselves, 
Fabian part 6. cap. 198. writeth that the Danes did the like in England.  and gave them mountains and bogs: alas poor silly fellows, these be they that now take Arms against us. Wherefore faint not, be of good courage, and we shall prevail; let us win vantage of ground, and get the side of the hill, and bog against them, that their horses prevail not, and once master them, we shall quickly overrun the peasants; now last, kiss one another, in token that you will live and die one with another.  

The battle of Ardkath.  His words being ended, they marched forward with Pipes, Cornets, and Trumpets sounding. Their chief arms were Skeynes, Spears, Darts, Slings, and Sparthes', (which we call Galloglas Axes:) they sent their boys and varlets, as they had formerly determined, to the top of the hill. The King of Leinster that had the leading of the horsemen, no sooner espied them, but (contrary to the plot laid down upon the hill of Trase) put spurs to his horse, and with a loud voice said, follow me, they were strait upon their backs that fled, so that the Danes had no leisure to receive them for their safeguard, but were driven to kill their own before, as the Irish did behind. Immediately came the light foot under the leading of Gillemore, and together with the horse, charged the vanguard of the Danes, so that the rascals of the Danes, and the light footmen of the Irish were slain, with the death and hurt of many a Dane. Then came the great battle of the Kings of Ireland in rescue of the horse, with a great and terrible noise, and gave a stout charge upon the enemy (that kept the ground, I mean the side of the hill) and fiercely bore them down to the bottom, where they fought a cruel battle with equal fortune, almost the whole day, until the King of Denmark's son was slain by the King of Leinster, 

The King of Leinster slaieth the King of Denmark his son.  
The Danes overcome.   whereupon the Danes fled, the Irish followed, and had the kill of them without resistance, till horse and man were weary, and the Danes in a manner all destroyed. Of the Irish were slain (as I find in the antiquities of the land) four Kings, twenty five Kings sons, and of others, nineteen thousand, seven hundred and threescore, though others extenuate the matter. They say the horses went to their bellies in blood, also the air with the stink was infected, and thereof shortly after rose a grievous plague, which cut off the wives, children, and servants of the Danes, and of many of the Irish that were slain.  
There was at this field, one Ferreis a Dane, 
Ferreis' a Dane fell mad.  a valiant soldier in the fight, but escaping with life, for very sorrow of the overthrow, and loss of his friends, fell mad, and kept company with wild beasts to his dying day. Fin Mac Coil, 
Fin Mac Coil.  one of the principal Captains of the Danish sept, was in Rome at the time of this field; many things are reported of him worthy remembrance. His chief house was called Baragh-llys in Ulster; he was a man in his prosperity of great command in Ireland, so that the Danes and Norweyans had through him great dealing and intercourse with Ireland, and Ireland with them. But yet (as it sometime falleth out among the dearest friends) many jars and broils and factions fell between them, and especially between the sept of Klan ne Morne, and Klan ne Boisken, 
The Danes disagree in Ireland.  both which sides still relieved themselves out of Denmark. The King of Denmark at last hearing of the same of Fin Mac Coil, sent for him, and took such a liking to him, that he concluded to marry him unto his daughter. Fin went thither with three thousand soldiers: the King one day as they conversed together, asked after the manner of the death of his three sons, Comen, Law-ne-Meyd, and Feagh, who formerly went into Ireland to maintain one of the factions; Dermot O Doyne, (one of Fin's company) answered, trouble not thyself, O King, this is the hand that killed thy son Comen; one Osker said, this is the hand that killed thy son Law-ne-Meyd; Keyn Mac Fin also said, this is the hand that killed thy son Feagh. Herewith the King was wroth and said, Fin Mac Coil, thou and thy men are my prisoners; forthwith they drew their Skeynes, the King's guard for fear fled, they took him prisoner, carried him aboard their ships, 
Fin Mac Coil taketh the King of Denmark prisoner.  hoist up sail, and brought him to Ireland, so as the marriage was dashed, and the King driven to pay a ransom for his liberty, before he could get from them. This Fin Mac Coil also fought with a Giant that landed at Houth, and came to challenge combats for tribute, 
Overcommeth a Giant.  and by policy, not by strength, overcame him: his policy was this; he caused him in the night, (for the space of three nights) to be kept waking, and in the day time to be fought withal, and thereby weakened his strength, and foiled the Giant. Toward his end, 
Gorre burneth Fin Mac Coiles house.  one Gorre an old man, after these former wars and troubles, came to his house (before spoken of) and boasted unto the Gentlewomen then present, of his feats in war, and the combats he had fought, whereat they laughed; he being offended with them, swore in his anger that he would burn them all, got old timber and straw, put it in the house, fired it, made fast the doors, and compassed about the house with men that none might escape. They cried unto him out of their windows to save their lives, but he was inexorable, and could not be drawn to any compassion, and when the house was ready to fall, he fled into Monster, and there hid himself in a Cave. Fin Mac Coil came home from hunting, and beheld this woeful desolation, how his Wife, his Maids, his old Soldiers, his Horses, his Greyhounds, his Plate and household stuff, his Shields, jacks, and Shirts of mail, and his instruments of Music, were consumed to ashes, made after Gorre into Monster, where he found him, and after some skirmish of both sides, took him, and brought him to the place where he had committed this villainy. Gorre when he beheld the bones of them that were burned, laughed, and being asked why, his answer was, that he laughed at them that formerly laughed at him. This wil●e Gorre being kept that night from execution, in the dead of the night stole away, and was found in a Cave, where by commandment of Fin Mac Coill, Hugh Gorre his own son killed his father, 
He is killed by his own son. The end of Fin Mac Coill.  and after became mad himself. And the end of Fin Mac Coill was, that he died a beggar and in great misery. So far out of the book of Houth. Now to continue the story.  
It is written of Maximus, who began his reign in Britain, Anno Dom. 387, that he took great displeasure against the Scots and Irish, for partaking with Conan, and upholding the faction between him and Carodoch: 
W. Harrison in the description of Brit. Georg. Buchan. veg. Scot lib. 4.  thus it is written; Maximus drove the Scots out of Britain, and compelled them to get habitation in Ireland, the out Isles, and the North part of the main, and finally divided their region between the Britain's and the picts. He denounced war also against the Irish men, for receiving them into their land; but they craving peace, yielded to subscribe, that from thenceforth they would not receive any Scot into their dominions.  

H. Boet. Scot hist. lib. 6.  Hector Boetius penneth this matter at large, that all the Scots were banished, and dispersed themselves into the Hebrydes', Orchades, Norwey, Denmark, and some into France and Italy. And where Maximus somewhat tendered their utter ruin and overthrow, and referred them to the picts for favour, the picts most cruelly gave sentence, that the Scots which fled not, should eat the picts sword, &c: And of Ireland he writeth, Upon the first coming of this news, all Ireland mourned and made great lamentation; and when they had deliberately examined the exiles, and understood all the accidents that befell them in Albion, they appointed certain days for a parley, summoned from East to West, all the Princes of the land to meet their Monarch at the certain day and place prefixed, 
Irish consult how to help the Scots against the Romans.  to consult how and by what means the Roman forces might be resisted, and the kingdom of Albion restored to their allies and cousins the Scots. When they could devise no remedy (for they feared the power of the Romans) they thought good to put up all injuries, and to entreat for peace. To this purpose they sent Ambassadors to Maximus the Roman Captain, who at the first sharply rebuked them, for that they had sent aid into Albion against the Romans their confederates and favourites, and in especial, seeing that unto that day, Ireland of all the kingdoms of the world, felt little smart of the Roman sword. In the end he received them into favour, and granted them peace upon these conditions. 
Conditions of peace between the Romans and Irish.  That they should thenceforth receive no enemies of the Romans into the Realm of Ireland, neither any that gave aid against the Romans, and that no rebel of the Irish under pretence of merchandise, should thenceforth set foot in Albion. These conditions of peace being concluded, the Irish were quiet, and trod not upon Scottish soil. So far Boetius.  
Not long after this (according to Ponticus Virunius) Guanius, 
Ponticus Virunius lib. 4.  King of Huns, and Melga King of picts having long hulled here and there, and roved upon the seas, were by Gratianus (after their invading of Britain and Scotland, in the absence of Maximus) overthrown, and driven out of the kingdom, and forced to flee for refuge into Ireland: soul weather followed these two Kings, and Ireland gave them hard entertainment at the first. Notwithstanding I find, that this Guanius and Melga, after the death of this Gratianus, (who usurped the kingdom of Britain for the space of four years upon the death of Maximus, who had slain Gratianus the Emperor) prepared again for Britain, and brought with them the exiled Scots with Irish and Islanders for their aid. But to proceed.  
Thomas Cooper, who afterwards was Bishop of Winchester, speaking of the return of the Scots from exile (in his continuing of the Chronicle of Lanquet) maketh the same to be Anno Dom. 423. and withal delivereth his conceit, 
Tho. Cooper.  that the Scots about this time came first out of Ireland into that country, which of them was called Scotland. If he had referred it to a further year, namely when the six sons of Muredus King of Ulster came to Scotland, haply it would have carried some probability: but to say that it was the first coming of the Scots into Scotland, I do no more like of it, 
Rerum Scot lib. 5.  than George Buchanan doth, neither doth it concur with the antiquities precedent or subsequent. Cambrensis and Stanihurst do direct me in this course. Here I am to note, (saith Cambrensis) that in the time of neal, Monarch of Ireland, the six sons of Muredus, King of Ulster, 
Cambrensis.  with no small navy, possessed the North parts of Britain, whence the nation issuing out of them, and by special name called Scottish to this day, inhabit that northern angle; but upon what occasion they came hither, how and by what great treasons (rather then voyages) they banished the picts from those parts, a stout nation, far passing them for arms and courage, I refer to our topography of Britain. 
Stan. in appendice.  Stanihurst addeth; this inroad into Albania was a little before the coming of Patrick. So that these Noble men of Ireland came into Scotland in the time of Neale, and Patrick came into Ireland in the time of Leigerius the son of Neale, as hereafter more at large shall appear.  
In the mean time we read, how that (Anno 430. according to Functius) Celestinus Bishop of Rome sent Palladius into Scotland, 
Anno Dom. 430. Prosper in Chro. Palladius.  who was the first that gave them Bishops, for unto that time, the Churches without Bishops, 
Geo. Buchanan. ●ey Scot lib. 5.  were governed by Monks, with less pride and outward pomp, but with greater sanctity and meekness of spirit, etc. I make mention of him, for that (as our Irish Anonymus, and jocelin do write) he landed in the North parts of Ireland, where he hardly escaped with life, 
jocelin in vita Sancti Patricij cap. 24.  as it is reported, thence he went to the Lands, where he did much good, lastly he came to Scotland, preached the Gospel, rooted out the Pelagian heresy, and consecrated them Bishops, etc.  

Christian faith in Ireland.  At this time (as it is written in the life of Declanus) Christian religion first began, and took root in Ireland, not as some have dreamt, by Saint james the Apostle, neither by Saint Patrick, whom they term the Apostle of Ireland. The truth of the history is as followeth. There was one Colmannus in Monster, a reverend Priest, 

Colmannus and Dymna.  
The life of Saint Declanus.   (and the first Christian which I find upon record in Ireland) that baptised one Declanus, and delivered him to be brought up unto one Dymna a Christian schoolmaster, under whom he profited so much, that his fame was spread far and nigh, so that upon good advice and counsel, he travailed to Rome, where Celestinus the Pope consecrated him Bishop, where also he met with Albaeus a Bishop of Irish birth. In his return from Rome, he met with Patrick in Italy, conversed a while with him, and being enjoined by Celestinus, hastened to Ireland, and left Patrick that was bound for Rome. Declanus after his arrival in Ireland, came among his own sept (whom mine Author calleth Nandesi, and I take to be the ancient house of the Decies) not far from Lismore, 
Family of the Decies.  and there preached the Gospel, and converted many to the Christian faith. Thither came unto him, (saith the Legend) seven holy men Mocellog, Beanus, Colmanus, Lachuyn, Moby, Fyndlug and Caminanus▪ they builded them celles, conversed together, and planted the Christian faith over all Monster. 
Engus King of Monster.  He went to Engus the son Nafrygh, King of Monster, whose Palace was in Cassill, who gave him leave to preach, yet received not the faith; the reason of this favour (as I find it) was for that Engus had married his mother, and had issue by her, Colman and Eochard. Colman was by Saint Albaeus the Bishop baptised, and then received the Ecclesiastical habit, Eochard reigned after his father King of Monster.  
Saint Declanus took a second journey to Rome, and was reverently entertained by David Bishop of Menevia; after the effecting of his business, he returned into Ireland, and arrived in a place called Ard-naciored, in Latin Altitudo ovium, now called Ardmore, the which soil the Lord of Nandesi gave him, 
Ard-naciored, i. Altitudo ovium, now Ardmore.  where goodly buildings have been, and as the record runneth, Civitas sancti Declani quae in eo loco posita est, vocatur Ardmore, id est, Altitudo magna. Farther in the same Legend I find, Quatuor sanctissimi Episcopi, cum suis discipulis fuerunt in Hibernia, ante Patricium praedicantes in ea Christum, scilicet, Albaeus, Declanus, Ybarus & Kyaranus (alias Keran), 
Albaeus, Declanus, Ybarus, Keran.  & high plures ad Christum rete evangelico traxerunt, sed tamen sanctus Patricius Majores Hiberniae, & potentiores ad fidem convertit. In their time Patrick sent from Celestine Bishop of Rome came to Ireland whom these four Bishops with their followers saluted, and seeing Patrick (after the humour of humorous people) more graced than themselves, jarred with him, they would not (forsooth) have any of foreign nation to patronise the land. In the original it is recorded: Ybarus nulla ratione consentire Sancto Patricio, 
Emulation.  nunquam ei subditus esse voluit, nolebat enim Patronum Hiberniae de alia gente habere, & conflictus magnos inter se ipsos Ybarus & Patricius fecerunt. But afterward by much ado, they were reconciled. See gentle reader the infirmity of men, and emulation following the same. At Cassill they were reconciled by Engus King of Monster, whom Patrick baptised, who after his baptism, founded there the Cathedral Church, 

Cassill Church is built and made mother-Church of Monster.  
A Parliament.   in the honour of Saint Patrick, made it the Metropolitan See of Monster, and assigned Albaeus the first Bishop there. This King held there a Parliament of spiritual and temporal persons of his kingdom, ratifying the premises, pacifying all quarrels, and yielding contentment to all sides, The Legend reporteth, in quo decretum est ut Albaeus secundus Patricius, & Patronus Mumeniae esset; & Declanus secundus Patricius, & Patronus esset Nandeisi, & Nandeisi sua Diocesis usque ad finem seculi esset. Postea sancti Episcopi salutantes & benedicentes regem Engusum, ad sua in osculo pacis, cum spirituali gaudio, ad opus Domini seminandum regressi sunt. Wherein it was decreed, that Albaeus should be a second Patrick and Patron of Monster, and that Declanus should be a second Patrick and Patron of Nandeisi, and that Nandeisi should be his Diocese to the end of the world. After all, these holy Bishops saluted and blessed King Engus, and in the kiss of peace, with spiritual joy, returned every one to his charge, to sow the work of the Lord. 
A great pestilence in Monster.  Immediately there ensued a grievous plague over all Monster, and especially at Cassill, which was the death of thousands; the manner of it was this, first they had the yellow jaundice, than they fell down for dead. King Engus lamented greatly the death of seven Nobles of Monster, that were pledges with him at Cassill, and miscarried in this mortality. Not long after, Declanus ended the way of all flesh, and lieth buried at Ardmore.  
Albaeus, 
The life of Saint Albaeus.  (as his own Legend delivereth) the second Patron of Monster after Patrick the general Patron of Ireland was borne in Elyach, now called Ely O Caroll. His father's name was Ol●nais, his mothers, Sandith, a maid servant in the house of King Cronanus, 
King Cronanus of Eliach.  the Lord of Eliach was then called a King. Cronanus in his rage, bid his servants hang the whore, and kill the child; the servants loath to dispatch an innocent, took him out of his Palace, and laid him under the side of a rock. One Lochanus the son of Lugyr passing by, pitied the child, took him to his horse, and set him to nurse among certain Britain's, in the East part of Elyach. Palladius (saith the story) passing from Rome toward Scotland, and travelling through Ireland, baptised him. The Britain's sent him into France, where he was trained up in Christian schools, and brought up under Bishop Hilarius, who sent him to Rome, where he was consecrated Bishop, and remained one whole year and fifty days, preaching and expounding holy Scripture, with great admiration. And saith the Legend, there came unto him out of Ireland, fifty grave and reverend men, of which number there were 12 Colmen, 12 Coenigeni, and 12 Fintans; the Bishop of Rome sent them back into Ireland, they came to Dolomoir, where Samson Bishop of that See gave them entertainment. 
King Fintan baptised.  There he baptised (saith the story) King Fintan. After he had baptised and converted many unto the faith, and builded many Churches, and founded many Hospitals for lazars, he came to Ymleach, 
Ymleach or Emley.  now called Emley, a Bishopric, and in the Legend, termed his own City, fell sick, and there left his bones. He conversed with Biga, (whom learned Camden calleth Bega) & Bretach Nuns, and with Nessanus a great Antiquary, 
Biga and Bretach Nuns. Nessanus the Antiquary. The life of Saint Kyaranus or Keran.  saith mine Author, whose antiquities I never saw.  
Kyaranus or Keran, alias Piran, (another of the four Bishops that lived in Ireland before Saint Patrick) cometh next to be spoken of. Of him, Capgrave and the martyrologue thus write, that he was a Bishop and Confessor, and termed Sanctorum Hiberniae primogenitus. And yet I find in Molanus, that one Saint Mansuetus, (Bishop of Tullum now called Tullense oppidum, a town in Flanders) was of Irish birth, fellow Disciple with Saint Clement, under Saint Peter the blessed Apostle, not trained up in Ireland in the Christian faith, but in foreign countries, where he was both baptised, instructed, and made Bishop, and where he now resteth. But to return to Keran, he was borne in Ossorie, having to his father Domnell, (saith another, Lugnaeus, whereby I gather, there were two of that name) to his mother Wingella, famous for life, learning, and sanctity, in the days of Saint Patrick. He lived in the I'll of Clear some 30 years, from thence he went to Rome, where he met Saint Patrick, who came to Ireland 30. years after Pyranus was of note; in Rome he continued 15. years, expounding holy Scripture with great admiration, (as another saith 20. years) there the Bishop of Rome consecrated him Bishop. He came to Ireland, and was the first Bishop of Ossorie, having his See at Keran in Elie O Carol. He refreshed, (saith mine Author) Saint Patrick, 
Keran the first Bishop of Ossorie.  and ten Irish Kings for the space of three days, he confirmed Rhodanus in the faith, visited the Virgin Cota (with her Priest Geranus) whose cell was a rock of the ●eas, not far from the City of Cluan in Monster. He was a man of an austere life, never ware woollen garment, but the fell of Wolves and wild beasts. As he came to his lodging, in time of Lent, and having inquired what provision they had, answer being made, that they had but a pestle of Pork, he commanded it to be laid on the table, one scornfully refused the diet, he misliking with him, threatened him an ill end, which accordingly came to pass. When by the course of nature he saw his end approach, he called his friends unto him, and said: My well-beloved children and friends, God hath disposed that I should travail out of Ireland into Cornwall, and there expect the end of my days; I cannot withstand the will of God; I do admonish you brethren, to uphold the place, with good works and examples of life, for there shall come children of perdition and death among you, ye shall have mortality and wars, the Churches shall become waste and desolate, and the truth shall be turned into iniquity, faith shall not shine with good works, the Pastors will look to themselves more then to their flock, feeding themselves more than their sheep: last of all, I beseech you brethren, pray for me that my journey may be prosperous, and that after my decease, I find not my King and my God angry, but gentle and appeased, when I shall appear before him. He took leave, came to Cornwall, and resteth some fifteen miles from Petrok-stow, 25. miles from Mousehole, where he is remembered for their Patron. Cambr●nsis writeth, 
Itinerarium Cambriae.  that in Caerdise in Wales, there is a Chapel called Saint Perans' Chapel, where King Henry the second in his return from Ireland, repaired to hear divine service, as he hath remembered it in his Book entitled Itinerarium Cambriae. And thus much of Saint Keran or Saint Peran.  
Of Ybarus the fourth Bishop before Saint Patrick, 
The life of Saint Ybarus.  I find some discourse in the Legend of Abbanus the Abbot, how he baptised him, and brought him up in learning, and how they went together to Rome, and after their return, conversed in Ireland with Saint Patrick, as formerly in part hath been delivered in the life of Declanus.  
This Abbanus is renowned in Ireland for building of Cells and religious houses; besides three Monasteries in Connaght, 
The life of Abbanus the Abbot.  he built in Monster, Ceall Achard Conchun, alias, Kill Achard, where Saint Finan (whom he baptised) after his death was Abbot. 
Saint Finan.  In the borders of Muskerry he builded the Nunnery of Husneach, and left it to Saint Gobnaid and her Virgins, another Monastery also by Kilcullen. In Nandesi (as I take it now called the Decies,) by the town of Briogoban, he founded Kill-na-Marban, and at the foot of the mountain Crotte in Muskerie, the famous Monastery called Cluain-Airdmobecoc, where Saint Becanus was Abbot, 
Saint Becanus.  the which afterward, because of Becanus his lamentation in devout sort (as it is written) for his sins, was called Ceall Nander, Cella lachrymarum, the cell of tears. He founded also Cluain Findglaise, & Cluain Conbrum, and went into Ely, where he baptised and converted unto the faith, thousands, as the Legend reporteth, in a place afterward called Rath-Becain, in Latin, Atrium Becani, where Abbanus is recounted Patron. He builded a Monastery upon the river Berba, called Ross-Mac-Treoin, 
Emenus the Abbot.  where the Abbot Saint Emenus resteth; also in Meath, Ceall-Ailbe, and committed the charge thereof to the holy Nun Segnith and her associates, and in the North part of that country, a Nunnery, Ceall Abbain, where he made an end of his course, and slept with his fathers. There was great strife for his corpse, between the North and the South, the Lords of the country strove for it in Arms. The North pleaded, here he first builded and made his abode, the South answered, with us was he borne, with us he most conversed, and we will have his corpse, or else we will leave our carcases in this place. The body was laid in a Cart, bruit beasts had the drawing of it, when both sides were in Arms, the silly beasts were frighted, and ran away with the dead, and where he was buried, I have not found as yet. His Monks howled, and kept a lamentable stir; 
Civitas Magarnoid.  the record runneth thus. Populus civitatis Magarnoid in Australibus Laginensibus sic dicebat. Iste sanctus a Domino ad nos missus est, & per multos annos apud nos vixit, & monasteria multa et cellas in nostra regione edificavit, et ipse est noster Sanctus et venerabilis Pater, qui nostram civitatem similiter construxit, qui post multa miracula, apud nos, ad Dominum migravit, et per eum semper a Domino adjuvari speramus, et scitote, quod nos morti omnes prius trademus, antequam revertamini, eo a nobis absent. Ad hanc vocemira principum et militum utrorumque arsit, surgentes in furorem magnum, contendere et rixari conantes. Tunc verò monachi & clerici, quibus non licebat bellare, seorsum exierunt, ululantes & flentes, & fusis lachrymis dicentes; heu heu Domine Deus, cur concedis tam maximam caedem, tantorum nobilium virorum, circa corpus famulitui, qui in sua vita multa bella prohibuit? He had familiarity with Saint Beartanus an Abbot, Brendanus, Moling, Flannanus, Munnu, Gobban, and with Columba the reverend Priest.  

The life of Saint Patrick.  Saint Patrick was sent into Ireland by Celestinus Bishop of Rome before named, five years after Palladius was sent into Scotland. So writeth johannes Major Scotus, and Functius therein followeth him; but I think they are too forward in their computation, for he came into Ireland, 
Anno Christi, 422. jocel. in praef. ad vitam Patric.  Anno 432. and for this beside john Bale Bishop of Ossorie, I have warrant from jocelin the Monk of Furnese, who wrote his life at the request of Thomas, Primate of Ardmagh, Malachias Bishop of Dune, and Sir john de Courcy Earl of Ulster; and out of Sigebertus and john Clyn Guardian of the Friar's Minors in Kilkenny in his collections of Irish antiquities, 
Sigeb. ad an. 432. johannes Clyn Antiq. Hiber.  who also saith, that he was 16. years old when the Pirates brought him out of Britain into Ireland, that he was six years in servitude, that he was eighteen years under Saint German a Bishop in France, that he spent thirty and five years in converting Ireland and other Lands to the faith, that he bestowed thirty three years in contemplation, and that he died anno aetatis, one hundred twenty two.  
Bale writeth his life. Patricius surnamed Succetus Magonius, 
john Bale Scrip. Britt. cent. 1. & 14.  of most writers called Magnus for his excellent virtues, had in Britain to his father one Calphurnius a Priest (the son of Ponticus a Priest, saith jocelin) and to his mother one Conche of Pannonia (Concessa saith Probus) sister to Saint Martin (cousin saith jocelin:) he was brought up under godly tutors, when Maximus reigned, first under his uncle Martin, afterward under Germanus Bishop of Auxerre in Burgoyne, from thence he came to Italy, and so to Rome, where for his grave carriage and singular learning, descending of noble race, he got the name of a Senator, Patricius. His first name, saith Florilegus was Nannus, and in his consecration he was called Patricius; Sigebertus and Stanihurst write, that in his baptism he was called Suchat or Suchar; of Saint German, Magonius; and of Celestinus, Patricius; the like saith Beda in his martyrologue.  
Celestinus then Bishop of Rome sent him together with Segetius a Priest, anno 432 after Palladius the Grecian, 
Segetius sent with Saint Patrick.  unto the Scots and Irish, to defend them from the Pelagian heresy; he with a wonderful fervency of spirit preached the Gospel unto the Irish nation, travailing in the vineyard of the Lord the space of thirty nine years, converted them unto the Lord with his great learning, and sanctity of life. Whereupon among other miracles (the which he is said to have wrought) upon the top of an hill, like a second Elias, he prayed and fasted forty days and nights, in a vision he received of Christ the Gospel, and a staff, (an Hermit gave him the staff saith jocelin.) He destroyed the profane temples of false gods, he erected monuments of piety, builded Churches, ordained Ministers, relieved the poor, redeemed captives, healed the sick, delivered the possessed, raised sixty dead persons, baptised twelve thousand, if all be true which Vincentius, Antonius, and Capgrave report of him. 
Saint Patrick's works.  Out of the treasure of his pure heart, many Authors affirm, that he wrote in Latin these books.  

De antiquitate Avalonica lib. 1  
Itenerarium Confessionis lib. 1  
Odoeporicon Hiberniae lib. 1  
Historia Hiberniae ex Ruano lib 1  
De tribus habitaculis lib. 1  
De futura electorum vita lib. 1  
Abiectoria quaedam 366 lib. 1  
Sermons quoque lib. 1  

* Probus lib. 2. of his life mentioneth it.  Ad Cereticum tyrannum epist. 1  
Ad Avaloniae incolas epist. 1  
Ad Hibernenses Ecclesias epist. plur.  
Ad suos Britannos epist. plur.   
The manuscript Legend of Ireland reporteth, that Saint Patrick in his Epistles wrote his own life. The Antiquaries report, that in his conflicts with the sages of the Gentiles, this Apostle of the Irish wrought no less miracles then of old Moses under Pharaoh, or Peter under Nero, and that he endured many dipleasures. In the end after his death, he was buried near the City of Dune, but the year among the Historiographers is not agreed upon; 
S. Patrick buried in Downe.  yet in remembrance of him this distichon was made.  
High tres in Duno tumulo tumulantur in uno,  
Brigida, Patricius, atque Columba pius.  
Saint Patrick died first, Brigida six years after him, and Columba many years after her, yet were all three buried in one grave. What Bale hath formerly written, I find he hath gathered out of Vincentius, Antoninus, 
Authors that wrote of Saint Pacrick.  Capgrave, Leland, Gildas, Giraldus Cambrensis, Bostonus Buriensis, and Florilegus; and all that jocelin hath at large written, and what Legenda Plumbea, and the book of Houth report, to avoid prolixity, and to shun fabulous conceits, I omit. Now to the Irish Chroniclers.  
They deliver, that in his captivity in Ireland being sold to Milcho King of Ulster (saith jocelin) to Milach (saith Stanihurst) to Cuulcu (saith Florilegus) to Macbuaine saith the Irish Anonymus, 
joc. in vita Patricis cap. 12.  and to reconcile them all, I take it that Milcho was called Milcho Macbuaine: he kept swine six years; no disgrace unto him, for Marcellus Bishop of Rome (he that will not believe other writers, will credit the martyrologue of Sarum) by the commandment of Maximian the tyrant, kept swine many years. When Patrick's six years were expired, one of the swine turned up a clod, under the which lay so much money as paid his ransom. When he came the second time, he landed at Carlingford, and inquired after Milcho whose captive he had been, who would not give ear to his doctrine, but immediately after his death, 
Milcho his daughters are babtized. Laigerius Monarch of Ireland, withstandeth S. Patr.  his two daughters of one name, Emeria were baptised. Laigerius▪ (in jocelin, Leogarius) Monarch of Ireland, the son of Neale harkening unto Magicians and soothsayers, gave commandment, (together with his brother Corbre) unto the Country, for the banishing of Saint Patrick, but Dichu and Rius (two brethren and great Commanders under him) received the faith, and Conil brother to Laigerius, who also himself shortly after grew indifferent, winking at them that did receive it, so that his Queen and his younger brother received the faith, and his two daughters. And of Laigerius he thus prophesied: because thou hast always withstood my doctrine, and ceased not above measure to persecute me, and hast above all disdained to believe in him that made all things, thou art the child of death. And whereas of right, thou with the rest, 
Saint Pat. prophecy of the Monarch.  yea before all thy confederates, oughtest presently to enter into everlasting torments; yet insomuch as thou meekly comest unto me, craving pardon, and like King Achab, humblest thyself before my God, the Lord will not forthwith bring upon thee the evil which thou hast deserved; notwithstanding there shall none of thy seed after thee sit upon thy seat, but shall serve thy younger brother that believeth in my God, and his seed after him for ever.  
As this holy man travailed in preaching the Gospel, 
Mocho Bishop of Dune.  he met with a young man whose name was Mochaa or Mocho, keeping swine, in whose physiognomy he perceived towardness and sparkles of grace; he taught him, baptised him, trained him up in holy Scripture, made him Deacon, Priest, and Bishop of Dune where he lieth buried. Clonsillan and Kellestowne, some five miles' west of Dublin, have him for their Patron, where under an high rock runneth a Spring called S. Mochon his Well. Next he baptised one Benignus, called also Stephanus, so Probus writeth, with his father, mother, 
Benignus or Stephanus, successor to Saint Patrick. A Nun (saith jocelin) was in love with him, sent for him to her bed, but the sign of the Cross made all well. Erchus or Herkus a Bishop.  & family, who proved so good a member in the Church of God, that he succeeded S. Patrick in Armagh; this Benignus, saith Capgrave, lieth buried in Glastenburie. Saint Patrick also received into the faith, one Erchas, the son of Dega, saith jocelin, whom he also made a Bishop. The martyrologue of Sarum calleth him Herkus. At that time, one Pheg a Poet, and (saith Probus) Duptachus an Irish rymer or Poet in Lastgerius his Court, desired baptism, and afterward all the days of his life, converted his vain rhymes into Chrihian Poems, and did much good thereby among the common people.  
Saint Patrick had brought with him into Ireland out of Italy, one Mac Cartyn, of Irish birth, so I read in the martyrologue of Sarum, 

joc. cap. 49.51.53.68.69. & seq.  
Mac Carly. Saint Pa●. sisters.   and three sisters of his own, which proved very fruitful. Lupita (who lived a Virgin, and lieth buried at Armagh) Trigridia and Darercha. Tigridia had seventeen sons, and five daughters; the men became Priests, Monks, and Bishops; the daughters were made Nuns: the Bishops were called Brochadius, Brochanus, Mogenochus, and Lumianus. Darerca the youngest sister had two Bishops to her sons, Melrioch and Munis: the martyrologue of Sarum reckoneth her children thus, meal, Melk, Muncse, Bishops, Riok, Finian and Bolke Abbots. Where I think there is some error, that Melrioch in jocelin is meal, and Ryok in the maytyrologe.  
Of Lumianus I read, that he baptised a Lord of the country, 
Lumianus Bishop of Ahtrum.  called Fedlemus, and his son Forkernus, whose mother was a Britain, his dwelling was at Ahtrum. There Lumianus by their means builded a Church some twenty five years before the founding of Armagh, the which he took for his Bishops See, and ordered Forkernus to succeed him there. The possessions (saith mine Author) which were first given to this Church, afterward by the donations of other Princes, fell to belong to Armagh.  
The holy man Patrick laboured still in the vineyard of the Lord; 
Conallus Lord of Connaght.  he baptised Conallus, alias Conill, Lord of Connaught, brother to Laigerius, and his family, who gave Patrick a country called Dompnac. Patrick, and builded for himself a dwelling place called Raith-Artair. After seven years, this Conill sent him to his brother Logan (Cogan saith the Book of Houth) King of Leinster, whom he baptised, together with Amolgath (whom I take to be the ancestor of the house of O Malaghlin) a great Lord of a country, and his seven sons, (Florilegus saith they were seven Kings.) After this, this holy man coming out of Meth, and having passed over the water at Finglas, went up to a hill some mile from the village Athcled, now called Dublin. When he had viewed the place and soil adjoining, he blessed the same, 
Saint Patrick's prophecy of Dublin.  and is said to have prophesied thus; This village is now but small, it will be great, it will be enlarged with wealth and worship, neither will it leave increasing until it be advanced to the seat of the Kingdom.  
In a while after, he came to the village, where the inhabitants hearing of the wonders which the Lord wrought by his hands, 
Dublin believeth and is baptised.  went out to meet him with much joy, and believed by his preaching, and were baptised. My Author addeth that upon complaint made unto him, how that they were annoyed with brackish waters, which of necessity they were driven to use, he walked about the village, turned up clods, digged the earth and found a Spring, which is now called Saint Patrick's Well.  


Saint Patrick's Well.  
Morguus of Castleknoke.   From this village Athcled, he went to Castleknok, where one Murguus dwelled and commanded those places, who hearing of Patrick's coming, refused to give him entertainment, but sent him word that he was asleep, in which sleep (as the story saith) he died, of which accident the common saying ariseth, Thou sleepest Murguus sleep, applied to those that sleep heavily, or are given to overmuch sleep.  
From Castleknok, he bent his course towards Monster, and came to King Engus, 
Engus and Daris receive Saint Pat.  alias Oengus Mac Nafroic, who received him joyfully, and brought him to his Palace at Cassill, saith jocelin; where also one Daris a great Lord in that country, showed him much kindness. When he had baptised the King, and many thousands with him, he came to Vrmiunnan now called Ormond, 
Vrmiunnan or Ormond.  where in like sort they received the faith, and the inhabitants in remembrance of him builded a Church, and dedicated the same to his name. From Monster (where he preached seven years) he took his journey back to Ulster, 
King Eochu and his daughter baptised.  and came to King Eochu, whom he baptised, & his daughter Cumia, whom he made a Nun, and committed her to the charge of the Nun Cecubris (in the Nunnery of Drumdukain) whom Patrick first vailed of all the women in Ireland. 
Cecubris the first Nun in Ireland.  Also he baptised Olcanus, who went into France to study, and upon his return, erected schools in Ireland, and had many scholars, whereof a great number were afterwards Bishops, he himself towards his end, became a Bishop, and ended his days in sanctity. When Saint Patrick had baptised a second Conallus (a petite King) and his brother Fergus, he prophesied of Fedlemus the son of Fergus, 
King Conallus and Fergus baptised.  and of Columba the son of Fedlemus, what a holy man he should prove, as after he did, and was the founder of an hundred Monasteries.  
Saint Patrick for all this travail sailed into Britain for coadjutors and fellowlabourers in this work, 
Saint Pat. in Britain.  where he opposed himself both in public and private against the Pelagians and other heretics which disturbed the peace of the Church, 
Pelagians.  and brought with him thirty learned men, whom afterward he consecrated Bishops. So that to this day in Britain, (as in Anglesey, Bristol, Exeter, and other places) there are Churches built in remembrance of him. He also converted the Isle of Man to the faith, 
Isle of Man.  and there is a Church which also beareth his name, and left them one Germanus to be their Bishop, after whose death he ordained for that place, Conidrius, Ronillus and Machaldus. Upon his return into Ireland, he met with six of his Disciples, of Irish birth, that had been Students beyond Seas, whom in the end he made Bishops; Lugacius, Columbanus, Meldanus, Lugadius, Cassanus, and Cheranus. Then he made (saith jocelin) a second journey unto Athcled now called Dublin; upon his coming, (which was about twenty years after their conversion) and found them all given to idolatry, and withal, one Alpinus a King with his Queen, and his retinue, 
Eocchiad and Dublinia raised from death.  lamenting the death of Eocchiad their son & heir, and the drowning of their sole daughter Dublinia. Patrick preached, the people believed, the King hearing of him hoped to reap some comfort; to be short, (saith mine Author) the dead are raised to life, and Athcled ever after in remembrance of the King's daughter Dublinia, was called Dublin. 
Dublin whence so called▪ Saint Pat. manner of teaching   
Saint Patrick's manner was, first to Catechise, secondly to Baptise, lastly to minister the Sacrament of the Lords Supper. When with the aid of the country, he builded Churches, he would not name them after any Saint's name, but Domnach the Church of the Lord. And when he had procured a Church to be builded in a place called Achad Fobuit, and consecrated his Disciple Sennachus, alias Seachuallus Bishop there, the humble suit of Senachus unto him was, that the Church should not be called after him, as the manner was, (saith mine Author) in many places among the Irish people. 
jocelin c. 1●2.  The only doctrine Patrick read and expounded unto the people, was the four Evangelists, conferred with the old Testament. He is reported to have given many blessings, and to have denounced many curses. He had many Disciples, Kertennus, Winnocus, Winwallocus, likewise saith Molanus, Elberus, Ibarus, Connedus, Secundinus, Asicus, Fiechus, Sennachus, Olcanus, with many others which he made Bishops. I find mention also of Riochus that kept his Books and Papers, and of Rodanus that kept his cattle, that he made them Bishops, and the world made them Saints.  
Ireland is greatly beholding unto him, for it is recorded that he went up to the top of the Mount Hely (I take it to be a hill in Ely, O Carols country) where he made three petitions unto Almighty God for the people of Ireland that had received the faith. 
Saint Patrick's three petitions for Ireland. Flor. histor. Anton Chron. part 2. tit. 11. cap. 18.  First, that every one might have grace to repent, though it were at the last hour. Secondly, that they might not be utterly destroyed by Infidels. Lastly, that no Irish man should live till the day of judgement; Quia delebitur per orationem sancti Patricij septem annis ante judicium; for it shall be destroyed by means of Saint Patrick's prayers, seven years before the coming of Christ to judgement. Probus maketh mention of other Petitions, which for that I hold them fabulous, I will not rehearse. He procured (as it is written of him) seven hundred Churches to be builded in Ireland, 
Saint Patrick's works and labour in Ireland jocelin cap. 187.  ordained five thousand Ministers, consecrated three hundred and fifty Bishops, successively, understand, in his time.  
Darius (the Book of Houth calleth him Dares, in Probus Dair) a Noble man, 
joc. cap. 164. and 198.  affecting Patrick, and seeing him bear low sail, and shrouding himself with all humility in Ulster, drew him to dwell at Drumsailech, now called Armagh, and having used means there for the building of a Church, Patrick went to Rome, procured all confirmations necessary to his purpose, arrived again in Ireland, and being of the age of 122. years, ended his life in the time that Aurelius Ambrose reigned in Britain, and Forthkerrus was Monarch of Ireland, Brigida and Ethembria who then were accounted two holy women, shrouded him to his grave, when Thassach a Bishop had ministered the Sacrament. Probus writeth that the Britaines came with great forces, 
Strife for Saint Patrick's body.  attempting at several times to fetch away his corpse, and that the men of Ulster did withstand them. As for the purgatory that is fathered upon him, I must refer the reader to the year of grace, 850. where he shall find a second Patrick founder thereof.  

The life of Saint Brigide.  In our Patrick's time flourished many good Christians, renowned at this day, and as an Antiquary and collector of antiquities, I desire the christian reader to accept of them as I find them. And I will begin with Brigida that gave Saint Patrick his winding sheet, she was borne (as john Clyn writeth) anno 439. in Fochart not far from Dondalke, 
Bernard in vita Malachiae.  as Bernard delivereth, she was the base daughter of one Duptacus, haply Laigerius his rymer before spoken of) a Noble man (saith Bale of the North parts, a Captain of Leinster, saith the Book of Houth. Capgrave writeth, that her mother in wantonness having conceived, and her belly being espied to be up, Duptacus his wife caused her to be turned out of doors; Duptacus to avoid the jealousy and disquietness of his wife, delivered her to a Poet or Bard, (a Magician saith Bale) who kept both Mother and Daughter, and trained her up in such learning as he had skill in. She proved so singularly learned, and was in such account among all men, that a Synod of Bishops assembled by Dublin, used her advice in weighty causes, 
A Synod by Dublin.  as I read in the Book of Houth. She became a Nun, and wrought but one miracle, (saith Bale) that is, she used means to purge a Bishop, one Bronus or Bruno from fornication, when the fact was manifestly proved against him. In the authentic manuscript Legend of Ireland, I find that she kept most in Leinster, and builded a Cell for her abode under a goodly fair Oak, which afterwards grew to be a Monastery of Virgins, called Cyll-dara, in Latin, Cella Quercus, the Cell of the Oak, now Kildare, and saith mine Author, 
Kildare:  ibique maxima civitas postea in honore beatissimae Brigidaecrevit, quae est hodie metropolis Laginensium. The first Bishop by her means was Conlianus, alias Conlaidus. Stanihurst reckoneth the succession of the See in this sort.  

Lony.  
Ivor.  
Conlie.  
Donatus.  
David.  
Magnus.  
Richard.  
john.  
Simon.  
Nicolas.  
Walter.  
Richard.  
Thomas.  
Robart.  
Boniface.  
Madogg.  
William: 
Bishops of Kildare.   
Galfride.  
Richard.  
James.  
Wale.  
Barret.  
Edmund Lane.   
Who flourished in the year, 1518. So far Master Stanihurst:  
Hector Boetius putteth us in remembrance of the honour given her by Scots, picts, Irish and English nations, 
Scot hist. lib. 9▪  and how that many Churches bear her name. The superstitious Irish in process of time, found out a Bell called Clog Brietta, Brigids' Bell, whereunto, to deceive the simple people, they attribute great virtue and holiness, the which together with other toys they carried about, not only in Ireland, but also in England, and were by Act of Parliament in England, banished the land in Henry the fifts time. Cambrensis reporteth that the harmony of the four Evangelists (the work of Saint Jerome) was caused by Brigid (most of it) to be written in letters of gold, and was as curious a work (saith he) as ever I saw, and called Brigids' Book, the which was kept as a monument (saith Stanihurst) at Kildare.  
She deceased about the year 510. (another saith, 
Brigides' death.  anno 548.) and about the year 524. she was translated from the Hebrides into Dune, and resteth by Saint Patrick's side, as formerly hath been declared in his life. Ireland hath given her this Epitaph.  
Flos patriae, pietatis amans, virtutis alumna,  
Sidus Hibernorum, Brigida virgo fuit.  
In her Legend I find mention of Ercus, a Bishop, the disciple of Saint Patrick, borne in Monster, also of Saint Ruanus a Bishop, Saint Numidus, Saint Praecipuus, Saint Daria a Virgin, Saint Darlugdach called a Virgin, and yet had a daughter that was baptised in the presence of Brigide. 
Saint Darludach.  This Darlugdach was the second Nun, and succeeded Brigide in Kildare, whose remembrance is celebrated the same day with her. 
Illand King of Leinster.  Illand King of Leinster gave Brigide great honour, of him I read in her Legend, that he was a most worthy Prince, and fortunate in all his affairs. Illand Rex Lageniae qui triginta bella in Hibernia vicit, octo certamina in Britannia, occidit Engusium regem Momoniae cum Ethna uxore, quos Patricius baptizavit: Illand King of Leinster, who won thirty battles in Ireland, and eight combats in Britain, slew Engusus King of Monster, and Ethna his wife, whom Patrick had baptised.  

The life of Caelius Sedulius.  About this time lived Caelius Sedulius, whom Damianus à Goes, a Knight of Portugal challenged for a Spaniard. Bale writeth he was a Scot, and Stanihurst that he was borne in Ireland. I will first lay down what Bale hath, next what Stanihurst reporteth. Caelius Sedulius (saith Bale) by nation a Scot by calling a Priest, 
johannes Bale Script. Brit. cent. 14.  a man trained up in learning from his youth, cleaved as a diligent scholar unto Hildebert, the most learned Archbishop of Scots, as Tritemius delivereth. After the decease of his master, being desirous of farther knowledge, he took a painful voyage in hand, travailed throughout Spain, France, Italy, Greece and Asia; last of all, after he had read in Achaia most learned lectures, to the great profit of many, he came back to Rome, where with great labour he distributed most abundantly in like sort the treasure of singular learning. He was a man exercised in holy Scripture, of a singular wit, excellently well seen in all manner of secular literature, passing both for verse and prose, so that Gelasius, Bishop of Rome, in the decrees, dist. 15. calleth him reverend Sedulius, and gave his works no mean commendation. Pat●rius the disciple of Gregorius Magnus, and Remigius Antisiodorensis, in his commentary upon him of old have published his fame and renown. Sedulius both in verse and prose hath published many works, whereof in Boston of Bury, and Tritemius, I only found these that follow. Unto Macedonius the Priest, a singular work, which he entitled 

The works of Caelius Sedulius.  Carmen paschale— lib. 4 
Pascales quicunque dapes conviva requiris▪  Elegia vel exhortatorium ad fideles lib. 1 
Cantemus socij Dom. cantemus honorem.  De signis & virtutibus— lib. 1 
Domino meo charissimo.  Gesta et miracula Christi— lib. 4 
Expulerat quondam, &c:  Superutroque testamento— lib. 2 
  In Psalmos Dividicos— lib. 1 
  Collectanea in Paulum— lib. 14 
Antequam Apostolica verba.  In Paulum ad Romanos— lib. 1 
Sciendum est quod hoc.  Ad Corinthios— lib. 2 
Quod nomen suum proponit.  Ad Galatas— lib. 1 
Hoc est non ab humana▪  Ad Ephesios'— lib. 1 
Refere scriptura testante.  Ad Philippenses— lib. 1 
Metropoli Macedoniae cum.  Ad Colossenses— lib. 1 
Hac vice Apostolatus author.  Ad Thessalonicenses— lib. 2 
Quod non dicit Apostolus.  Ad Timotheum— lib. 2 
Non secundum praesumptionem.  Ad Titum Discipulum- lib. 1 
Hanc epistolam scribit de  Ad Philemonem— lib. 1 
In carcere vel in catenis.  Ad Hebraeos— lib. 1 
Quoniam apud Haebraeorum.  De factis Christi prosaice lib. 2 
  Ad Caesarem Theodosium lib. 1 
Romulidum ductor Clariss.  Epist. ad diversos— lib. 1 
Sedulius Scotigena dilect.  In editionem Donati— lib. 1 
  In Prisciani volumen— lib. 1 
  Carmina diversi generis lib. 1 
  He published also certain Hymns which the Church useth. 


1 
A solis ortus cardine  
Ad usque terrae limitem  
Christum canamus principem, etc.  
Hostis Herodes impie  
Christum venisse quid times? etc.   
2 
A solis ortus cardine  
Ad usque terrae limitem  
Christum canamus principem, etc.  
Hostis Herodes impie  
Christum venisse quid times? etc.       
He flourished in the year after the Incarnation, 450. under Theodosius junior the Emperor, what time Fergusius the second reigned in Scotland after his miserable exile by the Romans. Of this Author, Sigebertus and Bostonus write more. So far Bale.  
Stanihurst pleadeth for Ireland, and writeth: 
R. Stan. prefer. ad lib. 1. de r●b. Hib.  Sedulius was not only of Irish birth, but also the light of all Ireland, neither will we suffer any longer so excellent a man out of his native soil contrary to all right to exile or wander, but he is rather to be restored to his former inheritance, as it were with a new solemnity of birth. 
Append. ad cap. 17·  In another place he seemeth to qualify the matter (having already challenged Damianus a Goes of injury) and to reconcile the dissonance of varying writers, that the Scottish is taken for the Irish, and the Irish for the Scottish; and to satisfy the reader, noteth the confusion, how that all the commentaries of Sedulius upon the Epistles of Paul begin, Sedulij Scoti Hibernensis, etc. the Commentary of Sedulius the Scot of Ireland. And to shut up this challenge of all sides, I find that there was a second Sedulius, a man of no less fame and learning, and he is said to be a Scottish man, therefore let Ireland being more ancient than Scotland, take the first, and Scotland the last.  

The life of Fridelinus Viator Io. Bale script. Britanic cent. 14.  In the like sort (excepting the challenge) standeth Fridelinus Viator, so called by reason of his great travail; his stile is, Scotorum Hibernicorum regis olim filius, the son sometime of the King of the Scots in Ireland, whom I couch among them of Irish birth, because of the ancient stile and distinction often used by Buchanan, Scoti Albanenses, and Scoti Hibernenses, the first he challengeth for Scotland, the second he referreth to Ireland, and therefore I accept of him as granted. He was a King's son of Ireland, excellently studied in Philosophy, earnestly addicted to the ecclesiastical course of life, and to the end he might plant religion, and spread abroad christianity, enterprised a voyage far from his native soil: This holy man first of all taught here and there throughout France, he came to Poitiers, and became father of the Monks of Saint Hilary, and with the aid of King Clodovarus, erected a stately Monastery, the like he did at Mosella in Flanders, upon the top of the mount Vosagius, at Argentine, Curia Rhetiorum, and elsewhere throughout Burgundy. Lastly, he came to Angia Seckingensis upon the Rhine, to the end he might there also build a Cell; after many godly Sermons and learned Interpretations, he is said to have written a Book of exhortations unto the sacred Virgins. He flourished in the year 495. and resteth in the Monastery of Seckinge before spoken of.  

Saint Fekin.  Ireland remembreth the feast of Saint Fekin, that he was of the King's blood, and an Abbot, cured many of the flux or flux, and died thereof himself.  

The life of Saint Modwen  Many things are written of Saint Modwen, (whom the Britain's call Mawdwen) the daughter of Naughtheus the Irish King, who heard Saint Patrick preach, and of her companions Orbila, Luge, Edith, Athea, Lazara, Sith (whom the Irish call Osith) Osmanna, and of Brigid spoken of before, whereof some began with Patrick, and ended with him, some began with him, and lived many years after, (as Capgrave writeth in the life of Modwen) to the time of the Bishop Collumkill, (otherwise called Colme and Columba) and the Eremite, Abbot, or Bishop Kevin.  

Saint Sith the Virgin.  Saint Modwen was a Nun, lived 130. years. The Irish, Scots, and English (in which countries she had travailed) strove for her corpse, at length Columkill the Bishop gave sentence for England, where she resteth at Andreisey▪ Bale writeth how that one Galfride, Abbot of Burton upon Trent, in the time of King john, wrote the life and memorable acts of this Irish Virgin Modwen, unto the posterity, with great applause.  
Capgrave writeth the life of Saint Sith, (otherwise called Osith) that was brought up under Modwen, that she was a King's daughter, and borne in England: Leppeloo the Carthusian, and other foreign Writers say little of her, saving that the Danes (being Heathens) cut off her head, and that she took her head in her arms, carried it uprightly three furlongs off, knocked at the Church door, (being locked) with her bloody hands, and there fell down. 
The reader is not bound to believe this.  The martyrologue of Sarum confoundeth Dorothy, and Saint Sith thus; the 15. of januarie the feast of Saint Dorothy otherwise called Saint Sith, is kept in Ireland, who refused marriage, fled into a Monastery, where the devil appeared unto her, and there mine Author left her.  
Of Osmanna the Virgin I find little, 
Osmanna the Virgin.  saving what Capgrave reporteth, that she was of the blood royal in Ireland, and having infidels to her parents, fled into France, dwelled upon the bank of Loire, the river of Lions, and there in peace ended her days.  
I read that about this time one Tathe, the son of an Irish King, 
Tathe the Monkey  forsook his father's possessions, went to the Diocese of Landaffe in Wales, and became a Monk, builded a Monastery, and there left his bones.  
Gualterus Calenius, Archdeacon of Oxford; Caxton and others do write, that Aurelius Ambrose, 
The stones of Salisbury sent for into Ireland.  after his valiant exploits and noble victories, went to a Monastery near Cair-caredoch, now called Salisbury, where through the treason of Hengist, (which the Britain's call Toill y Killill Hirion, the treason of the long knives) the Nobles and Princes of Britain were slain and buried, called his Council, and demanded what monument were meet to be made there in remembrance of so many Nobles of the land there resting in the dust of the earth. Carpenters, Masons, Carvers, Ingravers, and Tombe-makers, being out of all places sent for, came thither, delivered their opinions, but concluded nothing. Then stepped forth a Bishop, which said; O King, if it may stand with your pleasure, there is one Merlin of Worcester, a Prophet, a searcher of Antiquities, a man of rare gifts, I wish his opinion in the matter. Merlin came, and being advised, said as followeth. Most Noble King, upon occasion offered, I went lately into Ireland, and having ended my business, I was inquisitive of antiquities, and sight of monuments, where among other things, being brought to a mountain of Kildare, I saw so rare a sight, in so rude a country, as might be seen; there was a round row of huge stones, the which none of this age had so framed, neither could be, unless Art had mastered the common skill of man; send for them, and set them up as they are there couched, and they will be a monument whilst the world standeth. Hereat the King smiled and said; how shall we convey so great stones into Britain, from so far a country, and to what end? as though Britain yielded not as good stones to all purposes? Merlin replied, be not displeased O King, there is a hid mystery in those stones, they are medicinable, and as I was given to understand in Ireland, the Giants of old dwelling in that land, procured them from the farthest part of Africa, and pitched them there, in them they bathed themselves, and were rid of their infirmities. The Britain's hearing this, were persuaded to send for them, the King appointed his brother Uter-pendragon, with Merlin, and fifteen thousand men to effect the business. In a short time, they arrived in Ireland. Gillomer King of Leinster, 
Gillomer, King of Leinster.  raised an Army to resist them, and reviled the Britain's, saying, what fools and asses are you? are the Irish better then the British stones? and turning himself to his Army, said, come on, quit yourselves like men, keep your monuments, and defend your country. Uter-pendragon seeing this, animated his company, they met, and manfully encountered in the end; Gillomer fled, and the Irish were discomfited. Uter-pendragon marched on, they came by Merlin's direction to the place, and beholding the hugeness of the stones, they wondered, yet they joyed that they had found them. To work they went, some with Ropes, some with Wythes, some with Ladders, and carried them away, brought them to Britain, and pitched them in the Plain of Salisbury, which place is now called Stonehenge. 
Stonehenge.   
Beside this, there are divers monuments of Giants in Ireland, as at Dundalke, Louth, Ardee, and on the hills not far from the Naas: the like Saxon Grammaticus reporteth of the Danes, 
In praefatione ad hist. Dan●.  a nation famous for Giants, and mighty men, and this, saith he, the great and huge stones laid of old upon Caves and Tombs of the dead, do declare.  

Io. Harding.  About this time, Passent the son of Vortiger that fled into Germany for aid, arrived in the North parts, Aurelius Ambrose met him, and put him to flight; Passent came into Ireland, delivered his grief unto Gillomer King of Leinster, craved him to extend his Princely favour toward him; Gillomer on the other side complained of the wrong done him by Uter-pendragon and the Britain's, namely, how they had slain his subjects, wasted his country, and carried away his rare monuments, concluding that he was willing of himself to be revenged of them, much more finding this opportunity. Caxton saith, he came with fifteen thousand Irish to aid Passent against the Britain's; the Army was great, for with Passent came Germans, Irish and Saxons, and arrived at Menevia (now called Saint david's) at which time Aurelius Ambrose being sick of poison, (by the procurement of Passent) of which he died, Uter-pendragon was appointed General of the field, met with the invaders, fought a bloody battle (where many fell on both sides) and in the end, slew Passent and Gillomer, 
Gillomer, King of Leinster, slain at Saint david's in Wales.  and overthrew the Germans, Irish, and Saxons, and was crowned King of England.  
I do find in Antiquaries, together with Florilegus, Fabian, Caxton, Holinshed, and fleming, (men of great judgement) that the picts and Scots in the days of King Arthur (who succeeded his father Uter-pendragon) joined with the Saxons, and drew to their aid, Gillomer, second of that name, King of Ireland, so that Arthur sent for Howell his sister's son, King of little Britain in France, who came with fifteen thousand fight men, and joining forces with Arthur, foiled the picts, Scots, and Saxons, vanquished the Irish King, and chased him into Ireland, and the year following, viz. five hundred twenty and five, in revenge of the former aid, he came into Ireland, offered King Gillomer battle, 
Anno Dom. ●25.  he then being Monarch of Ireland (as Caxton and the book of Houth record) assembled the Princes and Nobles of the land; and it is said that King Anguish came to the field with five thousand horse, 
Homage for Ireland.  but Arthur constrained them to yield, and to acknowledge by doing their fealty, to hold the Realm of Ireland of him. Whereof Harding saith, 
The sumner next Arthur went to Ireland,  
With battle sore forefoughten y conquered,  
And of the King, had homage of that land  
To hold of him, so was he of him feared;  
And also gate (as Chronicles have us lered)  
Denmark, Friesland, G●tland and Norwey,  
Iseland, Groenland, the Isle of Man and Orkney.   
The book of Houth recordeth, that anno Dom. 519. Arthur summoned to a special feast of solemnity of the round Table, Gillomer the Monarch of Ireland, and King Anguish, with the Princes and Nobles of the land, where they continued during the whole time of the solemnity. In which triumph it is recorded that Garret, King of Orkeney, son to King Lotho, and nephew to Arthur, being one of King Arthur's Knights, together with his two brethren, performed most valiant exploits, encountered with Anguish, King of Ireland, Goranus King of Scotland, Cador, Duke of Cornwall, and with other Princes, and won great honour. This Anguish claimed tribute from Mark, King of Cornwall, that formerly was won by combat, 
Marogh, one of K. Arthur's Knights▪  and sent Morogh (whom Caxton calleth Marhaus) the Queen of Leinsters' brother, who was also one of King Arthur's Knights, to demand it; he was a valiant Gentleman, often tried, and ever quitted himself with honour. The Frenchmen calleth him Le Morhoult d'Ireland; 
Rich. Robinson in his books of Arms and Archery.  and a Citizen of London thus blazoneth his Arms.  
In silver shield, on fez of pieces five throughout the same,  
He bore a Lion Rampant red and arm green, whose name  
Might seem to signify in truth, each mighty enterprise,  
A prey most fit for his courage, as is the Irish guise.  
Mark, King of Cornwall denieth the tribute, offereth the combat, and Sir Tristram undertaketh it for him. Morogh for himself pleaded that he was to encounter with none, unless he were a King or Queen, a Prince or Princess son; the circumstances being considered and agreed upon, the combatants meet, and fiercly fight, the battle was a long time doubtful; in the end, Sir Tristram gave Sir Morogh with his sword, a sore blow, that a piece of the edge stuck in his scull, whereupon the combat ended, Morogh returned into Ireland, and shortly after died of the wound. This doth Caxton and the book of Houth deliver at large. 
Caxton, and the book of Houth.  But I may not end thus with Sir Tristram, he also was sore wounded with a Spear, whose head was venomed, and could not be cured until that by counsel he repaired to the country where the venom had been confected. Whereupon he came to Ireland, and to King Anguish his Court, and having great skill upon the Harp, he recreated himself, delighted the house, and fell in love with La Bell Isod the King's daughter, 
Sir Tristram, & La Bell Isod.  and she with him. In process of time the Queen had learned that he had given her brother Morogh his death's wound, and comparing the piece of the swords edge which was taken out of the skull, with his sword, found them to agree, and banished him the land. Not long after upon conference had with Mark, King of Cornwall, of marriage, and commending the beauty and virtues of La Bel Isod spoken of before, he cometh to Ireland to entreat of marriage between King Mark and her. And having effected his purpose, taketh her with him to Cornwall, 
Mark, King of Cornwall married La Bell Isod. jealousy.  where Mark espoused her with great joy and solemnity; but the old secret love between Tristram and her, had taken such impression in both, and so inflamed their hearts, that it could not easily be quenched, so that in process of time, Mark espied it, and in his furious jealousy, slew him as he played upon the Harp to recreate La Bel Isod; and thus as his love began with the Harp, so it ended at the Harp; it is recorded that Isod came to his grave and swooned. She was (saith mine Author) so fair a woman, that hardly who so beheld her, could not choose but be enamoured with her. In Dublin upon the wall of the City, is a Castle called Isods' tower, and not far from Dublin, a Chapel with a Village named Chappell-Isod: the original cause of the name I do not find, but it is conjectured, that her father King Anguish, that doted on her, builded them in remembrance of her, the one for her recreation, and the other for the good of her soul.  

The life of Congellus a Britain.  About the time that King Arthur reigned, lived many famous men of Irish birth, renowned for their great learning and sanctity, and commended by divers Antiquaries, both at home and abroad to the posterity. But before I come to speak of them, I must first make mention of Congellus a Britain by birth, who builded the Monastery of Bangor, not far from West-Chester, which was called the College of Christian Philosophers, and became the first Abbot thereof himself, in the days of King Arthur, anno Dom. 530. I make mention of him, because Bernard in the life of Malachias, reporteth this College or Abbey which he built, to have been the head or principal Abbey of all the Monasteries in Europe, the seminary or beehive of many thousands of Monks, after the apostolic manner, getting their living with the sweat of their brows, and the labour of their own hands. And the rather for that he had to his Disciples of Irish birth, Columbanus that travailed France, Germany, and Italy, Breudan that furnished Ireland and Scotland with holy men, with Luanus and others, of whom I shall have occasion to speak in their places. This Congellus also (Bernard is mine Author) founded the Abbey of Benchor, alias Bangor, here in Ulster, 
Bangor in Ulster▪  where many singular learned men of Irish birth were trained up, yea Britain's, Saxons, and Scots also, and dispersed themselves far and nigh, (as hereafter shall more plainly appear) into foreign countries, converted and confirmed thousands in the true faith. The which Abbey of Benchor, was afterward destroyed by Pirates, and nine hundred Monks slain in one day, and so continued waste unto the time of Malachias Bishop of Armach, whereof I will speak hereafter.  
Yet in an ancient manuscript Legend of Ireland, I find that this Congellus the Abbot was borne in Dail Naraid in Ulster, 
Congellus supposed to be Irish.  of honourable Parents, and upon some displeasure conceived, forsook his native soil, came to Monster to Saint Fintan Abbot of Cluoyn Ednech at the foot of Mons Blandina, where he was joyfully received, who after long instruction, through the counsel of Fintan, returned to his native soil, and entered the Monastery of Saint Kiaran in Cluayn Mac Noise, where Bishop Lugidus gave him orders; and that in a while after, he founded the famous Abbey of Benchor in Ulster, in the country called Altitudo ultorum, 
Altitudo Vltorum, now called the Arde●●  to the East sea (as I read in the life Mocoemog) containing three thousand Monks, and that seven years after, he went into Britain, and founded there a Monastery that swarmed with Monks, as formerly in part is delivered, whither out of all places by sea and land, they flocked unto him, for the same of learning which there was professed. He, when he had settled his affairs there, returned into Ireland, and now resteth at his monastery of Benchor. The fame of both Monasteries or Colleges of Christian Philosophers and famous men thither frequenting, and entercou●sing with domestical and foreign students, me thinks, should reconcile Britain and Ireland now being in one, and breed an agreement among Antiquaries.  
Brendan, among others, was famous at this time, borne in Connaght, brought up under Hercus a Bishop, 
Brendans life.  and directed by Barintus a Monk, he was excellently seen in the liberal sciences, and travailed into Britain to the Abbey of Bangor, where he learned the monastical rules of Congellus, from thence he went to Llancarvan and builded a Monastery, became the father of three thousand Monks that got their living with the labour of their hands, and sweat of their brows, left to oversee them Machutus and Molochus, travailed over Ireland and Scotland with other countries; after seven years' peregrination, he returned to Ireland, and became Bishop of Kerry, (of old called Kiaragis, but now Ardfertensis) where he ended his days, and lieth buried at Cluenarca, otherwise called Luarcha. Yet in the life of Ruadanus, I find he was buried at Cluanferta. Other things that Capgrave, the martyrologue, and Bale have, I omit.  
When Saint Brendan was old, Saint Fynbarry was a child, he is now the Patron of the Cathedral Church of Cork; 
Saint Fynbarry.  his Legend runneth thus: There was a certain King in Ireland, called Tegernatus, who had to his handmaid, a very beautiful damosel; this King gave charge throughout his dominion, that none should be so bold as to touch her, for it was supposed he kept her for his own tooth. Yet (saith the Legend) one of his soldiers, whose name was Amorgen, (a black Smith) got her with child, the which being brought to light, and the time of her travail nigh approaching, Tegernatus commanded that Amorgen the father, the fair harlot the mother, (with her great belly) should be cast into the fire, and burned to ashes. But (saith the Legend) they were all miraculously delivered, and the child safely brought into the world. At his baptism he was named Loanus, but in a while after, three religious men that had the charge of him (by reason of the beauty of his white locks, and gracious aspect) called him in Irish, Fuenbarrah, whom now we call Fynbarry. He was brought up under Bishop Torpereus, the disciple of Gregory, Bishop of Rome, and was conversant with Fa●turus, (another Legend calleth him Fyachna) a King in Ireland, who did allot him a certain portion of land in his country. Bishop Torpereus gave him orders, after which he went (saith the Legend) into Albania now called Scotland, did much good there, and went from thence to Rome, and was consecrated Bishop in the time of Gregory the first, than he returned to Ireland, 
Lee ●lu.  landed on the South side of the river Lee, where one Edo a Noble man gave him a parcel of ground, where (with the aid of many good men) he built the old City of Cork, and the Cathedral Church, annexing thereto a fair Church yard, wherein now standeth a watch Tower, builded by the Danes. The Legend speaketh of a privilege granted to that Churchyard, which I take to have been brought in through the covetousness of the Priests: That what faithful soever being penitent, shall be buried there, shall not after this life, feel the torments of hell; as if every faithful penitent Christian were not freed from hell, wheresoever he be buried. But let us proceed: Torpereus Bishop of Cloan his Schoolmaster, was the first man that was buried in that Churchyard. After this, Finbarry went to Calangus a reverend man, than Abbot of Cloane, and concluded between themselves, that in the fear of God, they would both be buried in one place, and so indeed it fell out, for there Finbarry fell sick, received the Sacrament at the hands of Calangus, ended his days, and was brought to the Churchyard of old Cork, and there interred; shortly after, followed Calangus, and there Bishop Torperus the first Bishop of Cloane, Finbarry the first Bishop of Cork, and Calangus the first Abbot of Cloane, keep together in the dust of the earth, waiting for the resurrection at the last day. The fabulous circumstances of the Legend I leave to old Wives and long winter's nights; yet to satisfy the reader that I met with the Original, I will lay down part of the Latin rhythms sung yearly on his day, being the 25. of September, not worthy of translation into English, and here they follow.  
Infantis clari matremque patremque ligatum 
Ex officio Sancti Finbarri.   
Ambo Rex quondam, flammis praeceperat uri;  
Interea mirum bellum gessere elementa,  
Ignis edax stupuit, non audens mandere ligna.  
Hic nondum genitus jam matris ventre moratus,  
O nova res! miris cepit clamare loquelis,  
Obstupuit rex, etc.  
Ad Christi verbum ducentes tres seniores  
Infantem secum nitidum, vultuque decorum,  
Dogmata ut sacra cunabulo disceret evo  
Contigit ut nimio, solis fervore sitiret;  
Tunc senibus quidam praeceperat ire ministrum  
Vt potum puero cerva deduceret almo  
Statim cerva petens vitulum lac fudit abundè  
Et potum, etc.  
Rex quondam retinens plenam turpedine prolem  
Luminis expertem natum, mutamque puellam  
Praeclarum Christi famulum iam rogitavit  
Vt natos miseros ditaret munere caro  
Illico respexit caecus, & muta locuta  
Ad natum regis caecum, mutamque puellam  
Fynbarry precibus salvavit conditor almus▪  
Sanctus Fynbarrus quondam cum rege sedebat,  
Cumque salutabant laeti seize, vice versa,  
Audierant fletum tristem, magnumque lamentum:  
At rex confestim turbatus, heu mea, dixit,  
Regalis conjux nunc mortem gustat amaram.  
Tunc dixit Christi famulus, depone merorem,  
Namque potest dominus vitam donare defunctis.  
Fynbarry precibus tunc foemina viva resurgit.  
Fynbarrus residens Rex atque sub arboris umbra:  
Tunc placuit Regi miracula cernere quaedam  
Auxiliante Deo Fynbarrus quae faciebat;  
Interea corylus gignebat tempore veris  
Maturos fructus, valdè largèque cadebant.  
Miratur corylum vernalem gignere fructum.  
With many such strange things with which I will no longer trouble the reader, nor keep him from that which followeth.  
Now cometh in the confused name of Colme, Columba, Columbanus, Columkillus, and Colmannus; who all lived at one time, about the days of King Arthure, and were all of Irish birth, but are greatly mistaken by the Antiquaries.  

Columbanus.  The first called Columbanus by Adamannus and Capgrave, in the life of Columba, was, as they write, Episcopus Laginensis, a Bishop of Leinster, but the Diocese of which he was Bishop, I find not named.  

Columba.  The second by Beda (whom, for authority and antiquity, I reverence) is called Columbanus presbyter & Abbess, Priest and Abbot, whom Capgrave calleth Columba, borne of Noble Parentage in Ireland. Adamannus who wrote his life, saith, his father hight Feidlimyd, the son of Fergus, his mother Ethnea, and that the second year after the bloody battle of Cule-Dreibne, he came to Britain in the time of Gildas sapiens, 
Battle of Cule-Dreibne.  and converted the picts. But before his departure out of Ireland, he founded a Monastery (saith Beda) à copia roborum, in the Scottish tongue called Dearmagh. Capgrave termeth it Roboretum, the grove of Okes. In Britain (saith Beda) he builded a Monastery in the Island called Hu, (Capgrave calleth it jona) where he lieth buried, ending his days at the age of 77. years, whose death Aidanus King of Scots greatly lamented. Beda reporteth that some wrote of him, which work came not to his hands, and that in the observation of Easter he followed no other direction, than he found in holy Scripture. Here (gentle reader) two scruples are to be removed from among our Irish Antiquaries; the first Beda dissolveth, namely that of him the name of Columkilli came in; 
Beda Ang▪ hist. lib. 5. cap. 10.  Columba, now a days (saith he) of some men compounding Cella and Columba, is called Columcelli, and in Capgrave we read Columkillius. The second scruple is, where Beda writeth that he was buried in the Isle Hu, the Antiquaries of Ireland record his funeral to have been at down, (as formerly I have written) in one Tomb with Patrick and Brigide; I hold both may be true, namely that he was buried in the Isle before spoken of, and being thence translated into down in Ireland, (as Brigide was before) now resteth therein one grave with Patrick and her.  
The third Columbanus, otherwise called Columba, of Irish birth, 
3 Columba.  was a most famous man of that time for learning and virtue, eternised in writing by jonas an Abbot his disciple, also by Capgrave, Bale, Surius, Baronius, Lippeloo and Stanihurst. In his youth he was mightily tempted with the feminine sex, nihil tam sanctum religione, (saith mine Author) ●amque custodia clausum, quod penetrare libido nequeat.  
He forsook his native soil, went to Congellus, Abbot of Bangor, continued there many years, and having formerly taken with him twelve of his country men, called twelve followers, he went into France, and made them Cabanes, after the Irish manner, in stead of Monasteries. Many fabulous things are reported of Wolves, Bears, and Fowls of the air, that they had no power over him. When he had continued together with his followers, twenty years in one place, he was banished thence, and being desirous to return to Ireland, Clotarius son to Chilpericke stayed him, yet he took his course into Italy, where Agilulphus King of Lombardie received him most honourably, and in Italy he died, saith Beda in his martyrologue, though Capgrave write it was in Almain, 
Io. Capgrave.  whose report of him I may not omit. He builded (saith he) certain famous Monasteries in Almain, into the which, (as it is said) they admit only Irish men unto this day. He wrote (saith Lippeloo) a book against the Arians. Bale reckoneth his other works that he published.  

In psalterium commentar▪ lib. 1.  
Collationes ad Monachos lib. 1:  
De moribus monachorum metrice lib. 1. Haec praecepta legate.  
Epistolas ad Commilitones lib. 1.  
Monasteriorum methodos lib. 1.  
Adversus Theodoricum regem adulterum lib. 1   
This Columbanus had many learned men of Irish birth, 
Columbanus his Irish disciples▪ Deicolus. Gallus.  brought up under him. The martyrologue of Sarum remembreth one Deicolus an Abbot. Capgrave and Walafridus Strabo commend one Gallus, whom Columbanus left behind him in Almain. And when Gunzo Duke of Suevia would have made him Bishop of Constance, he preferred one john his Deacon and disciple, to the roomth, and kept the desert himself. Surius writeth, Italy glorieth of Columbanus, Almain of Gallus, and Flanders of Kilianus. He wrote, as Bale remembreth, 

In electione johannis Orat. 1. Sempiternus & inaestimabilis Deus.  
Gubernandae ecclesiae formam lib. 1    
jonas likewise his disciple, 
jonas a Monk  is by Tritemius commended and reckoned among the great learned men of Ireland, who at the request of certain brethren, penned for the good of posterity.  
Vitam Abbatis Columbani 
lib. 1 All are found among Beda his works.  Vitam Attalae Monachi 
lib. 1 All are found among Beda his works.  Vitam Eustachij Abbatis 
lib. 1 All are found among Beda his works.  Vitam Bertolfi Abbatis. 
All are found among Beda his works.   

4 Columb.  There was a fourth Columbanus a Monk in Luxonium, countryman and kinsman to Columbanus going before, who died in his presence; so much I find of him in Capgrave, and no more of him either there or in any other.  

Colmannus and Colme.  Colmannus I must refer to his place, and Colme I must leave to the vulgar and corrupted speech; yet in one Author I find, that Colme is buried with Patrick and Brigide, which must be understood to be Columbanus spoken of before.  
About the latter days of Saint Martin, Bishop of Toures in France, Ninianus a Britain (whom Beda worthily commendeth) coming from Rome, was made Bishop of Lyndsey, Lindesfernensis, whom Aidus (otherwise called Aidanus and Aedanus) Finanus and Colmannus, all three of Irish birth, orderly succeeded in the days of King Arthur.  
About this time, Carthagus commonly called Mocudu, Mochudu and Mocodi was the first Bishop of Lismore, 
Saint Mochudu  he descended of the sept of Fergusius, the most potent Prince of Ulster, whose offspring were dispersed over Ireland, his father matched with the royal blood of Monster, he had to his Schoolmaster one Carthagus a Bishop. It is alleged in his Legend, (penes authorem sit fides) that it was prophesied, he should become a great man, and build two cities; the first, Raithe (or Raichen) in Feraceall; the second, Lismore. This diversity of names coming upon accidents, is known unto them that have skill in the old Irish. It is remembered in his life, that in his youth, 30. Virgins were in love with him, and that he prayed unto God, to turn their carnal into spiritual love, which was granted, yet (saith mine Author) to requite their former love, he builded them all Cells, and they dwelled in his parish, and conversed with him all the days of their lives. He had disciples that proved rare men, Mochue, Mocoemoge, Gobbanus, Sraphanus, Lazreaanus, Molva, Aidanus, Fiachus, Findeling, with others. He was compelled to forsake Raithen, and travailed westward, until he came to the river Nem, now called Band more, falling from the mountain Chua▪ and running into the sea, whereupon Lismore is builded, and given to Saint Mocodi. For the Lord of that country, Nandeisi Melochtrig, the son of Cokthacg, before witness, granted him that seat, to build both Church and City, 
The life of Saint Machutus or Maclovius.  where he resteth, and whom one Molcolmog succeeded.  
Machutus otherwise called Maclovius, though Bale and Capgrave call him a Britain, yet I find that he was borne in Ireland, and that he was the son of one Lovi, and therefore called Maclovy. Molanus writeth, that he crossing the seas, and having good success, led an Eremites life in Britain, and was the disciple of Saint Brendan of Ireland. He accompanied with one Aaron, and kept with him in an Island of his name, (saith Molanus) called Aaron, but now I find it in the Northwest parts of Ireland, 
Isles of Aron.  belonging to the Earl of Ormond, called the Isles of Aran. Lastly, he was made Bishop of Aletha, and is honoured at Gemblacum in Flanders, where the Church (say they) is patronised by Saint Machutus, alias Maclovius, he lived (saith Bale) about the year 540. what time Arthur commanded Britain. 
Io. Bale cent. 1.   
Kentegernus then also lived, 
Saint Kentegernus.  and now is remembered in Ireland and in Wales: the martyrologue of Sarum reporteth, that his Mother wist not how, when, nor by whom he was gotten, yet was she an holy woman, (saith mine Author) and much loved our Lady. She was cast down headlong from a rock (saith mine Author) into the sea, and took no hurt, then put into a Boat alone without Sail or Oar, came into Ireland, and presently travailed with child. He became an Abbot of 965. Monks, kept company with Saint David, and in the end was a Bishop.  
Ruadanus borne in Ireland, of Noble Parentage, 
Ruadanus his life.  his father hight Byrra, of the offspring of Dnach, but inhabited the West part of Leinster, of old called Osraigie, but now Ossorie, whose sept is called Dnachs', in those parts unto this day▪ He left Ossorie, and hearing of the fame of Saint Fynnan, a wise and a learned man, dwelling in his own town, (so saith mine Author) commonly called Clonard, of Cluayn jarhaird in Meath, and confines of Leinster, resorted to him, who for the space of certain years, brought him up in sacred letters, gave him orders, and sent him to Muscraytrie in Monster, where he was borne, where also he builded a Monastery, which standeth to this day, and is maintained by the Lords of the soil. From thence he went to a place called Lothra, where he builded another Monastery, and lieth there waiting the general resurrection. Saint Brendan at the same time builded a Cell not far from that place, called Tulach Brenayd, that is, (saith mine Author) Collis Brendani, left Ruadan the charge thereof, took his blessing, and begun his travail, as the Legends at large do write. Ruadanus is said to have written these books in the Latin tongue.  

De miraculosa arbore lib. 1  
De mirabili fontium in Hibernia natura lib. 1  
Contra Diarmoyd regem lib. 1   
Saint Faghua lived in the time of Finbarry, 
Saint Faghua his life.  and founded a Monastery upon the sea in the south part of Ireland, where he became Abbot, the which seat grew to be a City, wherein a Cathedral Church was builded, and patronised by Faghua. This town of old called Rossai Lithry, but now Roskarbry, hath been walled about by a Lady of that country, but now according to the fruits of war, among the Carties, O Driscales, and other septs, scarce can the old foundation be seen. There hath been there of old (saith mine Author) magnum studium scholarium, a great University, whereto resorted all the South-west parts of Ireland for learning's sake. Saint Brendan Bishop of Kery, read publicly the liberal sciences in that school. Farther of Faghua or Faghuanus, mine Author recordeth, that he being sapiens & probus, a wise and a good man, by mishap fell blind, and with many prayers, and salt tears, desired of God, restitution of his sight, for the good of his Covent, and the Students brought up under him; a voice he heard, (saith mine Author) go get some of the breast milk of Broanus the artificers wife, wash thine eyes therewith, and thou shalt see. He went to a Prophetess called Yta or Ytha, to learn how to come by this woman, and it fell out that this woman was her sister, he found her out, washed his eyes, and recovered his sight; whether it be true or no, I know not, I report it as I find it. 
Saint Yta the Abbatesse.  This Saint Yta was an Abbatesse, whose original was of Meth, but she was borne in Monster.  

Saint Mocoeinoge.  Upon the story of Faghua dependeth the Legend of Mocoeinoge, interpreted in Latin, meus pulcher iuvenis, my beautiful young man, who proved learned, an Abbot and a Bishop, being the child of those breasts that washed Faghua his eyes; many admirable things are reported of him wherewith I will not trouble the reader. He conversed with Coemanus or Chemanus, Cannicus, Finianus Abbas, Colman a Bishop, 
Divers learned men.  Daganus Abbot of Inbyr-dayle in Leinster, Mocobe his own disciple, Illepius the disciple of Mocobe, Molna, Mofecta, Cunminus longus, the son of Fiachua, and Cronanne, who lieth buried at Rosscre, Luctichernus and Lazerianus, with Yta, Patroness of Huae Conaill, & her Abbot of Cluayn Mac Noys, & Abbot Engus, & Abbot Congallus, of Ulster, Mocoeinoge resteth in the county of Typperary, by a long ford in the way from Kilkenny to the Holy Cross (as they call it) where sometime was a City & a Monastery called Liath, but now a Village bearing his name, Liath Mocoeinoge. He had in his life time much ado with Coemanus, Bledin, Ronanus, Foelanus, Diarmoda, Sugbue, Lords of Ely, (now called Ely O Carol) and with Falke Fland, King of Monster, whose chief Palace was in Cashell.  

Saint Coeingenus.  Saint Coeingenus shall next be spoken of, in Latin as much to say, as pulchrogenitus, he was ordered by Bishop Lugidus, & led an heremeticall life in a Cell, in a place of old called Cluayn Duach, where he was borne and brought up. Now the place is called Gleand-daloch (saith mine Author) Vallis duorum stagnorum, 
Gleand-daloch.  a valley of two pools or standing waters, 
Dymnach.  where one Dymnach a Lord of the soil founded a Cathedral Church, in the honour of Saint Coeingenus, joined thereunto a fair Churchyard, with other edifices, and divers buildings, the which in mine Author, legenda sancti Coeingeni) is termed civitas de Glandelogh. In the life of Saint Patrick I find, that he prophesied of two rare men, Albanus and Coeingenus, and that this should be a Bishop, and that one Molingus should succeed him; I find this true in the See of Glandelogh. Coeingenus was a great learned man, and wrote these books.  

De Britannorum origine lib. 1 Bryto sive Brutus.  
De Hibero & Hermone lib. 1 Hyber & Hermon.   
Molva before mentioned in the life of Mocoeinoge, 
Saint Molva his life.  (of his mother called Lugidus, but of his master, Congallus) was a great learned man, borne in Monster, in Huafi, of the sept of Corcach. His father hight Carthach, alias Coche, his mother Sochla, that is, Large; he was brought up under Congallus in Ulster, in his Abbey of Benchor, where he received orders, and was sent into his native soil of Monster, for the good of his country. He came to the school of Saint Finnian, in the confines of Leinster, and profited there very much, 
Saint Finnian his school. Luacha mons. Synna flu.  from thence he went to mount Luacha in the South-west part of the river Synna, together with his disciples, and craved of Foelanus, Lord of that soil, licence there to inhabit, who refused him, so that he went to his kindred in Osraigi, (now called Ossorie) who received him joyfully. In a while after, he went to mount Smoil, now called mo●s Blandina, where he cast his staff, 
Mount Smoill  and builded a Monastery in a place called Rosse Bualead, by licence of Berachus Lord of that soil, (in Latin, Dux Laigy) where he decreed, saith the Legend, ut nulla mulier ibi semper intraret, that no woman should always enter into it, which was, and may well be observed to this day, yea while the world endureth. In the same place was afterwards a famous city builded, called Cluayn ferta Molua, in Latin, latibulum mirabile sancti Molvae, the secret habitation of Saint Molva. He conversed with Saint Flannanus, Molayssi, alias Molassus, 
Divers Bishops and learned men.  Sethua Bishop of Saigir or Sagri, where it lieth, I find not, but by all likelihood it should not be far from Cluayn Ferta, with Moedog Archbishop of Leinster, Einenus Abbot of Rosse Mac Treoin in Kenselach, upon the river Berua, founded by the old Saint Abbanus, with Daganus Abbot of Ardgabraine in Nandesi, called Achad Dagani, 
Berua fl..  Saint Cronan in insula Cree, Stellanus his disciple, Manchenus and Munnu, Abbot of Techmunnu in Kenselach in the South part of Leinster. He ended the way of all flesh, and resteth in the Monastery of Cluayn Ferta, where one Lachtanus succeeded him. He is said to have wrought many wonders, and if the reader laugh not, I will pen him one. Molva in an evening walking among the cattle of his monastery, heard a company of Wolves howling for their prey; he was moved with pity, called them to him, washed their feet, made them a feast, and gave them lodging. The Legend faith further, that they thenceforth familiarly conversed with the Herd keepers, and chased away other Wolves and thiefs. He wrote  
Regulas Monachorum, confirmed by Greg. 1.  

The life of Saint Munnu.  Munnu spoken of in the former Legend, came of good parentage, of the house of neil, his father was Tulchanus, his mother Fedelyr, he was brought up under Silell a learned man in the North of Ireland. He proved a singular learned man, and wrote a book de pascate, which was in his time in question, he outlived Congallus and Columba, and conversed with Baithenus and Lazerianus, Abbot of Leighlin, he dwelled a while in Ely, from thence he went to Athcayn in Kinselach, and in Achad Lia●htrom he builded a monastery called Teach-Munnu, alias Thech-Munnu, where he gave up the ghost, 12. of the Kalends of November, and yet the Martyrologes place him the sixth Kalend of the same month. In his story I find mention of a controversy between him and Lazerianus, 
Lazerianus.  who builded a Monastery, In stagno Hiberniae Dai ynis, in Latin, bovis insula, in the North part of Ireland, so it is written in the life of Aedanus; afterwards he came to the river Berba (now called the Barrow) and there became Abbot of fifteen hundred Monks. In their time, the old controversy about the observation of Easter, was vehemently urged of all sides; a great disputation and parley was appointed in Campo Albo (saith mine Author) upon the Barrow. Munnu held the old, the other the new observation. To be short, Munnu gave this offer, brother Lazerianus (saith he) let us not spend time, neither trouble this people with this tedious question; choose for the trial of the truth, one of these three things, take two books, one of the old, the other of the new Easter, cast them into the fire, look which the fire saveth, let the truth rest there; or take two Monks, one of thy side, another of mine, 
If they were as fa● in those days, as most of them proved after, there would have been old frying.  and cast them both into an house set on fire, he that cometh forth safe, let him carry the truth. Or let us go to the grave of some holy Monk, and raise the dead, and stand to his sentence, when we shall keep Easter this year. Lazerianus refused his offers, and said, I will no longer contend with thee brother Munnu, for I know thy worthiness and sanctity is such, that if thou command the mount Margee over against us to remove to this Campus albus, 
Mount Margee  and this ground to remove thither, I am of opinion it will be so, thus they broke up and did nothing.  
Cannicus or Kennicus was borne in the North of Ireland (in Connaught as I gather) his father was called Lugaid Lechteag a Poet, 
Saint Kenny his life.  his mother hight Maula or Mella, he was trained up in Britain in the christian school of Docus, thence he went to Rome, and took orders in Italy, returned into Ireland, preached the Gospel most zealously, and (saith his Legend) wrought many miracles. He conversed with great learned men, namely Eugenius, Bishop of Ardratha, 
Learned men.  Baithenus and others. Adamannus in the life of Columba formerly spoken of, and the second of the name, writeth (whereby I gather the time of the learned men of that age) how that at one time, Cannicus, Congallus, Brendanus, Cormacus, and Fynbarry visited Columba, and were all present when he celebrated the divine mystery. Colmanus the son of Feraid, Lord of Osraide or Ossragy, now called Ossorie, was Kannicus his dear friend, who after he had received the faith, gave him many villages, where he builded Cells and Monasteries, but chiefly at Achadbo, where he resteth. When the time of his departure out of this sinful world drew nigh, he sent for Fintan the Abbot, and received at his hands the blessed Sacrament, and so departed the fifth of the Ides of October.  
In remembrance of this Cannicus, 
Kilkenny.  there is now a famous town in Leinster called Kilkenny, parted into the English and Irish town, with a small fresh or brook that falleth into the Nure; the chief Lord under the King, is the Earl of Ormond and Ossorie; the English town is governed by a Sovereign, Bailiffs and Burgesses, the Irish town is governed by the Bishop of Ossorie and his officers, and the Bishopric of Ossorie, whose principal see was first in Ely, and called Sire Keran (as formerly I have written in the life of Keranus) afterward translated to Achadbo, is now settled in Kilkenny. The first founder of Saint Kennies Church there, was Hugh Mapilton, the fifth Bishop of that See, after the conquest, about the year 1240. There was also about the same time, a Church builded over against the town, upon the East side of the Nure, in the honour of Saint Maula the mother of Saint Kenny, 
Saint Kennies Church.  whose memory is continued in that town, by her plague that fell among them, and thus it was.  
There was a great plague in that town, and such as died thereof being bound with Wythes upon the Beer, were buried in Saint Maulas Churchyard; after that the infection ceased, 
Saint Maula and her plague  women and maids went thither to dance, and in stead of handkerchiefs and napkins to keep them together in their round, it is said they took those Wythes to serve their purpose. It is generally received, (take it gentle reader as cheap as you find it) that Maula was angry for profaning her Churchyard, and with the Wythes infected the dancers so, that shortly after in Kilkenny, there died of the sickness, man, woman and child.  
Aedanus (divers times before spoken of) was of honourable parentage, borne in Connaght, his father hight Sothna, his mother, 
Aedanus his life  Ethne, of the sept of Amluygh, his companions were Molassus, alias Lazerianus, and Airedus, also he conversed much with Saint David, Bishop of Menevia, (now called Saint david's) and is there called Moedock; this David was his master. The martyrologue of Sarum calleth him Maeldock; my Author yieldeth the reason, writing how that his mother conceiving with child of him, his father dreamt that he saw a star fall from heaven upon his wife, the mother of this Aedanus, and therefore when he was borne, he was called in Latin, filius stellae, in Irish, Moedog, that is, the son of the star. Master Fox writeth, that he builded the Monastery of Maibrose by the flood of Twide. David the holy man advised him to repair to his native soil for the good of his country, after that he had for a good space followed the Christian Britain's against the faithless Saxons. He came to Ireland to Anmyre, 
Anmyre, King of Connaght.  King of Connaght, from thence to Leinster, and builded Monasteries in Kinselach and Cluayn More, what time Edus or Edanus, 
Edus or Edanus King of Connaght.  the son of Anmyre King of Connaght, levied war against Brandub King of Leinster, in which battle, Edus and all his Nobility of Connaght were slain, and Brandub became Monarch of Ireland. After this he went to the North of England, 
Brandub, King of Leinster, Monarch of Ireland.  and was made Bishop of Lyndsey, Lyndesfernensis: Capgrave maketh two of one Aedanus, the one an Abbot, the other a Bishop, and to reconcile the dissonance, he was first an Abbot, afterwards a Bishop, so writeth Bale. Beda delivereth singular commendations of him, the which to avoid prolixity I omit. After all this, he returned to Leinster, to Brandub the Monarch, who upon special liking of his virtues, gave him a parcel of land, where he builded a Monastery; the place is called Ferna, now Fernes, where both Church and Monastery are patronised (as they write) by Saint Moedog, 
Fernes.  where afterwards both Brandub and Moedog were buried, whereof the words in the life of Aedanus, alias Moedog, are these. Magnas dedit rex oblationes Sancto Moedog, & agrum in quo vir Dei construxit monasterium quod dicitur Ferna, in quo Sanctus Moedog sepultus est, & rex Brandub, & genus ejus post eum ibi semper sepelitur. Et magna civitas in honore sancti Moedog ibi crevit, quae eodem nomine vocatur Ferna. Deinde facta Synodo magnatum in terra Laginensium, decrevit Rex Brandub, & tam Laici quam Clerici, ut Archiepiscopatus omnium Laginensium, semper esset in sede & cathedra sancti Moedog, & tunc sanctus Moedog a multis catholicis consecratus est Archiepiscopus. The King gave many gifts to Saint Moedog, and a parcel of ground, where the man of God builded a Monastery, called Ferna, where Saint Moedog is buried, and King Brandub, and his posterity after him, is there continually buried. And a great City in the honour of Saint Moedog is there risen, the which by the same name is called Ferna. 
Ferne● the Metropolitan See of Leinster.  Afterwards a Synod or Parliament of the Nobility of Leinster being called together, King Brandub decreed together with the laity and Clergy, that the archbishopric of all Leinster should always be in the seat and chair of Saint Moedog, and then Saint Moedog by many Catholics was consecrated Archbishop. According to which indeed in the Legend of Saint Molva he is called Archiepiscopus Laginensium.  
David of Menevia being of great years, 
King Brandubs death.  desired to see him before his death; Moedog visited him, and returned into Ireland in a troublesome time, namely when all Leinster was in Arms to revenge upon Saran (a Nobleman of Leinster) the death of King Brandub, whom he had traitorously murdered. This Brandub, the son of Eatach, of the progeny or sept of Enna, of whom Censelach hath original, had a most honourable funeral, and was greatly lamented, and entombed in the Churchyard of Saint Moedog, 
Ferne, the burial place of the Kings of Leinster.  in his City Ferna, where his progeny, the royal blood of the Kings of Leinster is interred; after his death, Earl Saran (so mine Author calleth him) being tormented in conscience, came to the King's tomb, lamented the horrible treason he had committed, and could find no rest to his dying day.  
In the time of this Moedog, the three Kings of Tuomond, 
Wars against Leinster.  Connaght, and Ulster, with an Army of four and twenty thousand men, came to Leinster, to revenge the death of Edus before spoken of. The King of Leinster called Moedog, and the Clergy, and commanded them all to pray while he fought, and, saith the story, God gave the Leinster men the victory, and their enemies were overthrown.  
It is remembered of this Aedanus, how that one coming unto him, and desiring him to assign him a Confessor, his answer was; Thou needst no Confessor but God, who knoweth the secrets of thy heart, but if thou wilt have a witness of thy doings, go to one Molva a learned man, who shall direct thee in thy course. And yet (gentle reader) I may not overslip one thing, the which Capgrave reporteth in the life of Aedanus or Aidanus, (or Moedog) namely, 
An Epistle from the Devil.  how that (for all the sanctity of the Prelates in those days) Satan, with all the internal spirits, sent greeting, with great thanks, unto the Ecclesiastical state upon earth, in dreadful characters. For that they wanting no aid in their delights from hellish places, sent such a number of damned souls into the sulphureall pits, through their remissness in life, and slackness in preaching, as in former ages had not been seen. Whosoever devised the course, it forceth not greatly, the matter might seem odious if it contained no truth.  
Finnan in Wales, (as my Author's report) called Gwyn, 
Bishop Finan.  was born at Ardez, he traveled foreign countries, came to his native soil, was Bishop of Farne, saith Beda, baptised Penda King of Mercia, 
Capgrave. martyrologue.  consecrated Cedd, Bishop of East Saxons, and lieth buried at Cuningham in Scotland, called of the Britain's, Kilgwinin. There was also one Finan an Abbot, borne in Monster, sent by Saint Brendan to Smoir, now called Mons Blandina, to inhabit there, 
Abbot Finan.  who came afterwards to Corcodizbue, where he was borne, builded Cells and Monasteries for religious men, contended with Falbe Fland, King of Monster. 
Finan of Cluayn jarhaird.  A third Finan there was, who was master of Ruadanus a great learned man, and dwelled at Cluayn jarhaird in Meath.  

Colmannus.  Colmannus, whose life Bale writeth at large, was a godly learned man, borne in Ireland, the son of one Fiachra, of the blood Royal, and highly commended of Beda, he was brought up after the apostolic rules of Congellus, he succeeded Finan in the Bishopric of Farne, alias, Linsey. In his time there was great stir about the observation of Easter, when some alleged custom, and some urged the authority of Rome; he pleaded the Gospel both against this stir, and the like trouble that rose about the shaving of Priests crowns, the which he rejected (saith Beda) and seeing that he could not prevail, 
Beda.  forsook his Bishopric, and went with certain Scots and Saxons into the Hebrydes', where he ended his days.  
Beda writeth, how that in the year 664. there fell strange accidents upon the eclipse of the Sun, (which was the third of May) in England and Ireland, and a great mortality in both lands, in the time of Finan and Colman the godly Bishops. Gentle reader, thou shalt hear himself speak. The plague pressed sore that Island of Ireland, no less than England; there were then as that time, many of noble parentage, and likewise of the mean sort of English birth, in the days of Finan and Colman the Bishops, who leaving their native soil, had repaired thither, either for divine literature, or for more continency of life, whereof some immediately gave themselves to monastical conversation, others frequenting the Cells, gave diligent ear to the lectures of the readers. All which the Scots (he meaneth the Irish men) with most willing mind daily relieved, and that freely, yielding unto them books to read, and masterly care without hire. Among these, there were two young men of great towardness, of the Nobles of England, Edelthun and Egbert: the first was brother to Edilhun, a man beloved of God, 
Edelthun and Egbert.  who formerly had visited Ireland for learning's sake, and being well instructed, returned into his country, was made Bishop of Lindisfarne, and for a long time governed the Church with great discretion. These men being of the monastery of Rathmelfig, and all their fellows, by the mortality, either cut off or dispersed abroad, were both visited with the sickness; and to make short, that which mine Author layeth down at large, Edelthun died thereof, and Egbert lived until he was fourscore and ten years old. So far Beda.  
There was another Colmannus, otherwise called Colmanellus, an Abbot, 
Colmannus, or Colmanellus.  of the sept of the Neilles, borne in Hoichle in Meth, what time the King of Leinster, with an huge army wasted the North, he became first Abbot of Conor in Ulster, where the godly Bishop Mac Cnessey resteth. From thence he came to the place where he was born, and there (saith his Legend) he met with Eadus the son of Aimireach, 
Eadus the son of King Aimireach.  a King of Ireland, Edus Flan a Lord of that country, of the sept of the Neills, his kinsman, Saint Columba Cylle, and Saint Cannicus the Abbot who received him joyfully. Edus Flan gave him a parcel of land to build upon, and to inhabit, called Fyd Elo, afterwards called Colmans Elo, where he founded a Monastery, and now resteth himself.  
Carantocus, in the martyrologue Cartak, 
Carantocus or Cervagh.  was the son of Keredicus, a King of Ireland, a good Preacher, the Irish called him Ceruagh, his mother was a Britain, and was delivered of him in Wales. He travailed over Ireland and Britain; King Arthur is said to have honoured him greatly, and gave him a parcel of land, where he builded a Church. In his latter days he came to Ireland, and died in a town called after his name, Chervac: So much Capgrave. There was another of that name, an Abbot in France, of whom jonas maketh mention in the life of Columbanus, but not of Irish birth.  
Now to intermit a while from speaking of these learned men; I find that Aurelius Conanus, (who slew Constantine that succeeded King Arthur, and reigned in his stead thirty three years) valiantly by force of Arms brought under his command, as Gualterus Oxoniensis writeth, Norwey, Denmark, Ireland, Island, Gothland, 
Ireland subject to the King of England.  the Orchades, and Ocean Lands. I find also that Malgo, the nephew of this Conanus, who (as it is in the English history) succeeded Vortipore, vanquished the Irish picts, or Scots, which the Britain's called y Gwydhil Pictiard, which had overrun the Isle of Man, 
I'll of Man▪  of them called, Tire Mon, and slew Serigi their King with his own hand at lany Gwydhil, that is, the Irish Church at Holy-head; so write Sir john Price Knight, and Humphrey Lloyd in the description of Cambria. Florilegus saith, that he subdued six Lands of the Ocean adjoining unto him, which Harding thus reckoneth.  
And conquered wholly the Isle of Orkenay,  
Ireland, Denmark, Iselond and eke Norway,  
And Gotland also obeyed his royalty,  
He was so wise, full of fortunitie.  
When Careticus was King of Britain, who began his reign, 
Anno Dom. 586  Anno Dom. 586. the Saxons intending to make a full conquest of the land, called to their aid, for a number of Pirates and sea rovers, that were mighty and strong, and scoured the Seas and the Lands, whose Captain was Gurmundus, one calleth him an African. Fabian writeth, that he had two names, and was called Gurmundus, 
Gurmund●●  and Africanus; howsoever, I find, that he was the King of Norweys' son, and for his success in England, refer the reader to that history; and for his behaviour in Ireland, I will acquaint the courteous reader with what I find, in which the Writers no● not agree. Cambrensis and Polycronicon followed bad precedents, and were deceived; Stanihurst stammereth, writing one thing in English, another thing in Latin; 
Dowlinge and Grace.  the best record I find, is in Thadie Dowlinge, Chancellor of Leighlin, and james Grace of Kilkenny. They write that Gurmund was in Ireland, but no King or Conqueror, that with strong hand he entered Leinster like a raging Pirate, prevailed for the time, and that the Princes of the land, not being able then to withstand his forces, yielded unto the iniquity of the time, and winked at his rash enterprises. And whereas he gave forth his stile, King of England, they laughed at it, and he perceiving the wiliness and ingeniosity of the people, and having small stomach to continue among them, (by reason of many mishaps which befell him) left the land, and went for France to seek adventures, where he ended his days. Further they write, that he had a son called Barchard, alias Burchared Mac Gurmond, whom his father made Duke of Leinster, and Baron of Margee. 
Duke of Leinster and Baron of Margee.  He was commonly called, O Gormagheyn; He builded Gurmund grange in Monte Margeo, with other memorable things for him and his posterity; he is said to have been the founder of the mother Church or priory of old Leighlin, but I rather believe he was a Benefactor or endower thereof in the time of Saint Eubanus the original Patron; and that one Lazerianus a Bishop and Confessor, Anno 651. procured the perfection of the whole, as in the Leighlin records more at large doth appear. Again, it is recorded that Duke Burchard lieth buried on the North side of the Chancel of that Cathedral Church, over against the Treasurer's stall, under a marble stone, as it was found for certain, Anno 1589. by Thadie Dowlinge, Chancellor, and others, with this Epitaph.  
Hic jacet humatus Dux fundator Leniae (i. Leighlenie)  
En Gormondi Burchardus vir gratus Ecclesiae.  
Here lieth interred Duke Burchard, the son of Gurmond, founder of Leighlin, and a grateful man to the Church.  
There are, saith mine Author, other remembrances of this in those parts, as Gurmunds-grove, and Gurmunds-foord, the which I overpasse. 
Baron of Sliew Marrig.  Mons Margeus, in Irish, Sliewe Marrig or Sliew Marighagha, (which is the mountain reaching along by Leighlin to Butler's wood) wherein, as before I have touched; Gurmunds-grange standeth, was, as I have learned, of old, granted to one called the Sancto Leodegario, by the name and honour of Baron de Marrighagha, but time and place have brought the name to degenerate and turn from English to Irish. Of late years a Gentleman of the name, dwelling at Dunganstowne, near Catherlagh, (affirming himself to be lineally descended from Baron Sentleger) made claim unto the same, but the success I harken not after, as impertinent to my purpose.  

Anno 587.  
Ireland helpeth the Britain's.  About the year 587. Athelfrid the Saxon King of Northumber's, so tyrannised over the Britain's, that they were fain to take Ireland for their refuge, and Atdan, King of Scots pitying their state, raised forces to defend them, but could not prevail, so great was the misery of the Britain's.  
Anno Dom. 635. was Cadwallin crowned King of Britain; Caxton and Florilegus write of cruel wars between Edwin, son unto Athelfrid, King of Northumber's, and Cadwallin; 
Ireland helpeth Cadwallin.  how that Edwin made him flee into Ireland, destroyed his land, cast down his Castles, burnt his Manors, and divided his land among his friends, and lastly, how that in a good while after, Cadwallin came upon him with forces out of Ireland, slew Edwin, and recovered all his possessions.  
In the days of this Cadwallin, Kenevalcus, 
Agilbertus of Ireland, the first Bishop of Winchester.  (otherwise called Cewalch) King of West Saxons, builded the Church of Winchester, made it a Bishops See, and the first Bishop he placed there, was one Agilbertus, who came out of Ireland, who in a short time after, was deposed, say some; Grafton with other writers record not the cause, but Beda writeth that he was offended, for that Kenelwalkus divided the Province into two, that he left the See, went into France, became Bishop of Paris, and there ended his days; and how that Kenelwalkus sent for him again and again, but his flat answer was, for that he had dealt with him so unkindly, he would never return.  
I must here insert that which Cambrensis writeth of the antiquities of Brechinia or Breknoke in this sort; 
Brachanus, son of Haulaph, King of Ireland.  there was of old of that country, which now is called Brecheinoc, a governor that was a man both mighty and Noble, whose name was Brachanus, of whom the country of Brecheinoc, (Brecknokshire) is so called, of whom one thing came unto me worthy the noting; the histories of Britain do testify that he had four and twenty daughters, that were all from their childhood brought up in the service of God, and happily ended their days in the holy purpose they took upon them. Doctor powel the great Antiquary of Britain, in his learned annotations upon him, explaineth the same thus. This Brachanus, (saith he) was the son of one Haulaph, King of Ireland, his mother was one Mercella, the daughter of Theoderike, the son of Tethphalt a petite King of Garthmarthrin, to wit, of the country which took the name of this Brachanus, and at this day is called Brechonia, or Brechinia, in British, Brechinoc, in English, Breknok. This Brachanus had to his daughter, one Tydvaell, the wife of Congenus, the son of Cadell a petit King of Powis, and the mother of Brochmael, surnamed Scithroc, who slew Athelfred, alias Ethelfred, King of Northumberland, at the river of Deva (called of the Britain's, Doverdwy) and foiled his army about the year of our Lord, 603. Here Breknoktowne, and Breknokshire have cause to glory of Ireland, that gave them the name and honour which they hold to this day, and Ireland to glory of them that gave their King's son Marcelia their Lady, and all that country in her right.  

Beda eccles. hist. lib. 3. cap. 26.  Also I cannot omit another thing of that age, the which Grafton reporteth of the Clergy; and I find in Beda more reverently delivered, for that I have formerly spoken much of them, and shall have occasion to speak something hereafter, especially seeing Bedaes' words are general, to be understood as well of the one land, as of the other, if not rather of Ireland, considering what hath been delivered heretofore. 
Grafton.  In those days (saith Grafton) the Monks and Clergy set all their minds to serve God, and not the world, and were wholly given to devotion, and not to filling of the paunch, and pampering of the body, wherefore they were then had in great reverence and honour, so that they were then received with all worship. And as they went by the streets and ways, 
Priests of former ages:  men that saw them, would run to them, and desire their blessings, and well was him then that might give unto them possessions, and to build them houses and Churches. But as they increased in riches of worldly treasure, so they decreased in heavenly treasure; as in the days of Aluredus some deal began, and sithence that time, hath sprung not all to the pleasure of God▪ Then they applied nothing that was worldly, but gave themselves to preaching and teaching of the word of our Saviour jesus Christ, and followed in life, the doctrine that they preached, giving good example to all men. And beside that, they were utterly void of covetousness, and received no possessions gladly, but were enforced thereunto. So far Grafton.  
Anno Dom. 685. was Cadwallader crowned King of Britain's, that Ireland was subject unto him, Harding testifieth, his words are, 
Cadwaladrus after him 'gan succeed,  
Both young and fair in flourishing invent;  
That Cadwallader was called as I read,  
Who of Britain had all the Sovereignty,  
Of English and Saxons in each country,  
Of pights, Irish, and Scots his under regence,  
As Sovereign Lord, and most of excellence.   
For other things that concern him, I refer the reader to the history of England. He had two nephews (his daughter's sons) named junr and Hevyr, who fled into Ireland saith powel, and when they saw their time, came with forces against the Saxons, gave them three battles, with many skirmishes and inroads, yet in the end, were foiled, as in the proper history more at large appeareth. And here ended the rule of the Britain's which had long continued.  

Saint Dympna the Virgin.  I must now acquaint the reader with such as for learning and sanctity were of note during this age, beginning at the year 600. Zacharias Lippeloo, out of Petrus Cameracensis, writeth, that about this year 600. there was an heathenish and idolatrous King in Ireland, who had one Dympna to his daughter, who secretly was baptised by one Gerebernus a Priest that travailed the land for such purposes. The daughter being sole heir, and her mother being now dead, the father was very careful to see her well matched according to his degree, and accordingly acquainted his dearest friends and counsellors with his intent and purpose, who likewise travailed carefully in the cause, but could not speed to the father's contentment. As she grew in years, so she excelled in beauty, and the father being as wicked as she was good and fair, became enamoured of his own daughter, and importunately offered her marriage. She at the first being amazed at the motion, yet at length gathering spirit, desired respite for forty days, and withal desired that it would please him to adorn her with such attire, jewels and ornaments, as became a King's daughter to wear, all which being granted, she privately sent for Gerebernus the Priest, and acquainted him with all the circumstances. The Priest advised her, that the safest way for her to avoid the incestuous King, was to avoid the land; she immediately with the Priest, together with her father's jester and his wife, took shipping, and arrived at Antverp. When they had rested there a while, and recreated themselves, they of devotion (saith mine Author) sought out among woods and deserts, a solitary place to remain; in this resolution they came to a poor village called Ghele, (Gela saith Molanus) and from thence they went to a thicket called Zammale, where they rid some small quantity of ground, made a Caban to hold them all four, where they continued well some three months, praying and fasting. In the mean while the Irish King missing his daughter Dympna, lamented greatly, made great inquiry, and offered great rewards to know what became of her, and having gotten inkling of her course, hoist up sail after her, and landed at Antverp, immediately he made search, and sent messengers with large offers about, if haply they might hear of her. At the length, by the coin which they offered for reward, she was found out, for they said, there was a fair young woman, remaining in a solitary place, which had sent for relief for herself, and three persons more with the like coin. The messengers were brought to the place, who knowing her ran forthwith with news to the King, and he with much joy made haste to the Caban, and when he saw her, said; O my only daughter Dympna, my love, my delight, and the joy of my heart; what constrained thee to despise a regal dignity, to forsake thy native soil, to forget the natural affection of a Child toward her Parent, to flee from thy father a King, and to follow, as a child, this old decrepit bald Priest, and so willingly to condescend to his unsavoury injunctions? hearken to mine advice, return with me into Ireland, yield to thy father's desire, and I will advance thee above all the Ladies in Ireland. Gerebernus' the Priest, preventing the young Gentlewoman, turned him to the Irish King, and rebuked him sharply, denouncing him for a most wicked and abominable person; then he turned him to the Gentlewoman, and charged her never to give ear to so lewd a man. With this the King and his company being mightily moved, commanded the Priest to be taken aside, and his head to be taken off his shoulders. Afterward the father turned him to his daughter, O daughter, (saith he) why sufferest thou me thy father to be thus vexed? why contemnest thou my love towards thee? yield, and thou shalt want nothing. She with a stern countenance made answer, Thou infortunate tyrant, why goest thou about with deceitful promises, to withdraw me from my settled purpose of shamefastness? I defy thee, and all thine. Thou cruel tyrant, why hast thou slain the Lords Priest? shalt thou escape (thinkest thou) the judgement of the Almighty? what torture thou wilt lay upon me, I weigh not: with this, the father being furiously moved, commanded his soldiers to cut off her head, and they being loath to do it, he took the sword that hung by his side, and with his own hands struck off her head, and with expedition returned into Ireland. Thus the Priest and Dympna died, of the jester and his wife I read nothing, belike they returned home again. Molanus writeth, that many years after, the bodies of Dympna and Gerebernus were sought ou●, taken up, and solemnly interred. The Irish in the County of Louth do honour her; belike her father dwelled there.  

Saint Bertwin.  Saint Bertwin, an Irish man, was brought up in the Monastery of Othbell in England, from thence he went to Rome, where he led a solitary life the space of two years; in his return, he came to the Forest of Marlignia in Flanders, where he builded a Chapel; lastly, he was made Bishop of Molania, where he ended his days. Sigebert ad an. 651. writeth, Many out of Eng▪ or Scot (he knew not well the countries) as stranger's travailing in France, preached the word of God, and did much good, 
Hub Tho Comment. de Tungris & Eburonibus.  to wit, Etto, Bertwinus, Eloquius. This Bertwin lieth buried nigh Namurcum (saith Molanus) of old called Namur, novus murus, but now Namurra, so writeth Hubertus Thomas Leodius.  

Livinus.  Livinus, borne in Ireland, and brought up in Scotland and England, under Benignus the Priest, and Augustine the first Bishop of the Saxons, by whom he was made Archbishop (saith Molanus) of the Scots, (saith Christianus Massaeus, of Ireland, saith Bale, Silvestris Scotiae, 
Molanus nat. Sanctori Belgij. Chron lib. 13.  of the Islanders and Redshanckes) the which charge, after certain years, he committed to Sylvanus his archdeacon, and gave himself to travail, and took with him his three disciples, Saint Foillanus, Helias, and Kilian, and came to Gandavum. Of him, Christianus Massaeus writeth thus: In the year of our Lord, 631. Saint Livinus by nation a Scot, Archbishop of Ireland, came to Gandavum, with three disciples, and remained there one month, from thence he went to Esca, preached Christ, and converted many, there some hardhearted people slew him, when he was beheaded, he rose up, took with him his own head, (believe it who list) and carried it to Houtthein, where the Angels had made a sepulchre for him. He is said (saith Bale) to have written a book of Homilies, and in the year 1007. to have been translated to Saint Bavons Church in Gandavum. There was another Livinus a French man, a Friar minorite, and slain, as they say, about the year 1345. and of fame at this day in Flanders.  
Arbogastus borne in Ireland, a godly Preacher, 
Arbogastus. Anno 646.  and a great Writer, was the second Bishop of Argentine, Anno 646. who also for his great wisdom, was taken by Dagobert King of France, to be of his Council. He left behind him for the good of the Church, a book of Homilies. So much Bale out of Munster Molanus writeth, that about the year 647. some of the family of Pipinus, the first Duke of Brabant, father of Saint Gertrude, sent for many Preachers out of Ireland and Scotland into Brabant, and the bordering regions, to plant the Christian religion among them, 
Fortanus. Vltanus. Egbertus. Wicbertus. Willibrodus.  Fortanus and Vltanus are there named. Lippeloo saith, that about the year 696. Egbertus, Wicbertus and Willibrodus were famous learned men in Ireland, continued there a long time, afterwards dispersed themselves into far countries, and with happiness ended their days.  
Molanus hereof writeth farther thus. 
Saint Switberd.  In the imperial town called Werda, the birth of Saint Switberd, (whom Beda calleth Suidbertus) the Bishop and Confessor is solemnised: who in the time of Pipinus, (the first Duke of Brabant) together with Saint Willibrod, preached soul's health unto the nations thereabouts. This man, among other diseases, was wont to cure the disease in the throat, called of the Physicians, the squinancy. He is termed the second of those apostolic men which came out of England and Ireland to preach the Gospel unto the Frisians, Hollanders, and the nations about them Among whom, being as yet but a Priest, he converted many, chiefly the inhabitants of the great Village Duerstadt, the which now is the town of W●ic. He converted also the City Hagenstein, which now is a village adjoining unto Viana. And when as by the industry of him and Willibrodus, the number of the faithful daily increased, at the entreaty of the brethren in Trajectum and Friesland, both of them consented he should be consecrated Bishop. Whereupon Saint Switbert (whom Beda saith to have been modest of life, and meek in heart) went into England, and was consecrated by Saint Willfride Bishop of Mercia (Kent, saith Beda, had then no Bishop) in the year 695. But Saint Willibrode went unto Duke Pipinus, and having gotten leave of him, departed to Rome, where the year following, Pope Sergius consecrated him. And although Switbert, by reason of some small time, had the start of Willibrode, yet Willibrode went before him in dignity, for he was the first Archbishop of Trajectum, and especially by Pope Sergius, consecrated Archbishop of Frisia, and directed to that people. And (saith Beda) Sergius changed his name, and called him Clement, because (saith Molanus) he consecrated him on Saint Clement's Even. And he also writeth, that he was Archbishop of the nations now called Frisii, Transiselani, Trajectenses, Hollandi and Zelandi, whereas Switbert is not called Bishop of Trajectum, but fellow Bishop with Saint Willibrode. Yet he is by special name called the Apostle of Teisterbandia, Westfalia, and of the Boructuarians: for Marcellinus writeth, that he converted the county of Teisterbandia, and together with it, in a manner, all Batua, and the greater part of the lower Friesland unto the faith. He also exceedingly increased the number of the believers in the Church, at Trajectum; he founded many Churches, and dedicated the temples of Idols unto the honour of God. In the history of Marcellinus, certain places by especial words are named; as in Zandwic, in the I'll of Tila, which at this day cannot be found in Arkell and Hoernaer villages of the Lordship of Gorcomia, in Schoenreford, (now called Schoenrewoert) by Leerda, in Authensden, nigh Huesden in Wondrighen, (now called Worckum) in Aelborch, Giesen and Riiswij●ke between Worckum and Huesden, in Almkerk (which is the territory of Altenae) in Maelsem, Erkum and Avesaede in the Lordship of Buria, with many other places. In these countries he hallowed Churches, continually praying with great devotion for the people which he had converted, and with wholesome admonitions drawing them to the heavenly dwellings. He converted the Westfalians and Boructuarians, which at this day are thought to be the people Markenses. Further, the renowned Duke Pipinus gave him Werda upon the river of Rhine, 
Werda given to Saint Switbert.  for his good, and for the establishing of his principality: which place is elsewhere called the Island of Saint Switbert, though now it be part of the continent or main land. Pipinus gave him also great store of treasure, wherewith he builded there a Monastery, and replenished the same with a great company of the servants of Christ. In the end, this Saint Switbert died in the year 717. and lieth buried in the Monastery of Werda-Caesaris which he had founded.  
Beda writeth, that Willibrode lived in his time, and went on the thirtieth and sixth year of his consecration, Archbishop of Friesland: Molanus delivereth his end, that namely he ended his days at Westervoert, and was buried at Elste in Gelderland; but of Egbert and Wigbert the Martyr (before mentioned) he reporteth out of Beda and Marcellinus, 
Beda lib. 5. cap. 10.  that Wigbert was one of the companions of Egbert, and for the space of many years, had led an Anchors life in Ireland, that he sailed into Friesland, and for the space of two whole years, preached unto that nation, and to their King Radbodus, and seeing that he could do no good among them, returned again to Ireland. And when as Egbertus the servant of God, had sent the second time unto the Friselanders and Saxons, famous men for life and learning, Acca, Willibaldus, Winiboldus, Lebuinus, Werenfridus, Marcellinus, Adalbertus, Ewaldus signior and junior, together with Willibrode, he sent the said Wigbert, who no sooner landed, but King Rad●od caused him cruelly to be tormented to death in Fosetes-land●, an Island in the confines of Friesland and Denmark; for that the Christians of that place by his preaching of the Gospel, had destroyed there the Idol groves of jupiter and Fosta.  
There was a later Wigbertus, Patron of Hersweldia, remembered in the martyrologue, whom I would have the reader take notice of, to avoid the confusion of times. And last of all, of Willibrode and Wilfram, there is a story, how that Raboldus after long persuasion, seemed willing to be baptised, and having one foot in the water, demanded where be the nobility of Frizeland, my Father, Grandfather and kindred? Answer being made, that they were in hell, he withdrew himself from baptism, saying, I will go after the greatest company, take your heaven to yourself.  
Molanus when he had at large written the lives of the foresaid learned men that came out of Ireland, he maketh in his Chronicle a recapitulation of them, the which will help the memory of the reader, therefore I thought good to lay it down. Egbert the second time essayed to convert Friesland and Saxony, gathered together twelve Apostolic men, Willibrode, Switbert, Acca, Wigbert, Wilibald, Winibold, Lebuinus, Ewaldus, surnamed the black, (in Irish, duff) Ewaldus the white, Werenfridus, Marcellinus and Adalbertus.  
1 Saint Willibrod and Saint Switbert, 
Willibrode.  by common consent of the brethren, were elected and consecrated Bishops. Saint Willibrode was made Archbishop of Friesland, he received by the donation of Duke Pipinus, the City of Traiectum, with all thereunto appertaining. He founded in the territory of Saint Thomas, a College of regular Canons. In the town of Rhen he is said to have found the body of Cunera, one of the eleven thousand Virgins. He travailed in preaching without Friesland; ●e had in Latharingia, two women disciples, Herlind and Relind, Nuns of Maeseike, which now is of Leodium or Liege in Flanders. He converted the Hulstenses, Axellanos, Hasuenses, Birfletanoes. At Trevires, in the Church of Saint Marie and Martyrs, he founded a Monastery of Monks Benedictines▪ At Epternacum among the Luxemburgs, he founded a famous Monastery, wherein he was buried, Anno 736.  
2 Saint Switbert was consecrated in England, 
Switbert.  and converted many in Traiectum, Holland, Gelderland, chiefly Wiic, Hagelsteyn, Alcmaria, Waterla●dia, Gerconium, Bomelia, Tiela, Huesda, Bura, Ba●ua with other places. He is called the Apostle of Teisterbandia, Westfalia, and of the Boructuarians. He builded a Monastery in Werda Caesaris, where he ended his days, Anno 710.  
3 Acca went into England to the consecration of Saint Switbert, and when Switbert returned, he became Bishop of Lindisfarne.  
Wigbert is said to be martyred in Fostilandia adjoining upon Friesland by Radbodus King of Friesland, who also slew Saint Egelmund the Martyr.  
5.6 Wilibaldus and Winiboldus being brethren, went to Aistadium in Germany.  
7 Lebuinus converted the Transiselanians, and resteth among them in Daventria.  
8.9 The two Ewaldes went to Nabia, preached Christ, and were martyred by the old Saxons.  
10 Werenfridus converted many to the faith at Arnhemium in Westervaert, and at Neomagum in Elst.  
11 Marcellinus preached 65. years, chiefly in Trenta, Twenta, Oudenzeel and Daventria.  
12 Adelbertus was the first Archdeacon of Traiectum, preached in Kenemaria, together with Engelmund an Englishman before spoken of, and lieth buried at Velsen in Egmondan monastery.  
He writeth farther of Wiron and Plechelinus, Bishops of Friesland, who came thither together with Otgerus a Deacon, out of these parts, and were entertained by Pipinus, Duke of Brabant.  

Fursaeus, Foilanus, Vltanus.  Many things are written by Beda, Capgrave, Surius, Baronius, Molanus, Lippeloo and others, of Fursaeus, Foilanus, (whom Beda calleth Fullanus) and Vltanus. They were three brethren, and the base sons of a King of Leinster, they flourished about the year six hundred fifty and odd. Fursaeus is said to have had many visions and dreadful conflicts with devils and infernal spirits. He preached unto the Irish, Scots, Britain's and Saxons; he went into France, where he wrought many miracles, (saith Molanus) and because of the fame that went abroad of him, one Ercanaldus gave him at Latiniacum, a parcel of land to build a Monastery, also he gave him another piece of ground at Perona, sometime a town in Flanders, but now of France, and parcel of Gallia Comata, where he builded another Monastery, and drew unto him, (saith mine Author) germanos fratres, Foilanus and Vltanus, and there ended the way of all flesh. They of Cambray do honour him as a Bishop, not that he was a Bishop, but an Apostle of certain places. The martyrologue of Sarum reporteth, how that after his death, the angels and the devils strove for his soul, how that the soul returned to the body again, and how that he lived afterwards. Here the Author is deceived, for it was a trance that he was in, out of which after certain conflicts, he came to himself again, and finally in godly sort ended his days. I find in the life of Mocoeinoge, that there was one Fursaeus a Bishop, but more ancient than this.  

Many other learned men of Irish birth, contemporane with Fursaeus.  With Fursaeus there were at one and the self same time, many famous men of Irish birth, renowned for learning and sanctity, which gave themselves to travail, and dispersed themselves to far countries, as Foilanus and Vltanus (before mentioned) also Mombolus, Boetius, Eloquius, Adulgisius, Columbanus, Hetto, Helanus, Tresanus, Germanus, Veranus, Gobanus, Corbrican, Dicull, Fredegandus, Colmanellus, Madelgarius, Algisius and others. After they had visited Rome, they came back (saith Molanus) into France and Flanders, Fursaeus and Adelgisius into Perona, Foilanus and Vltanus into Possa, Eloquius and Algisius into Theoras', the reverend Priest Hetto, unto the lake adjoining unto Corbriolum, where he builded a Monastery called domus Petri. Further, saith Molanus, in the confines of the Attrebates, there is a Village called Buym, which hath a Church called Saint Hetto, whereupon is written, In hoc loco Hetto Hiberniensium Episcopus mansionem habuit, in another place of the Church, Hic reposuit Hetto Hibernensis Episcopus reliquias de corpore sancti Clementis Papae & Martyris. In another place he writeth of Hetto, Goban, and Corbrican, that they were three brethren, and in their return from Rome, died at Walciodorum, and lie buried at Fesca. Beda left but a bare mention of Goban and Dicull, only this, that they were companions of Foilanus.  
Foilanus was slain in a place in Flanders, called Carboriar. 
Foilanus.  Saint Bernard writeth, that in the place where he was slain, there is a Monastery builded by the name of Saint Foilane ordinis praemonstratensis, in the Diocese of Cambray.  
Fredegand preached in Antverp, where now he resteth, 
Fredegand.  and is greatly honoured.  
Mombolus became an Abbot in the Monastery of Fursaeus in France, a perceiving a conspiracy of his covent against him, 
Mombolus.  forsook the place, and withdrew himself, together with a few of his company, unto a place of old called Condrynus, upon the river Isara, where he led an hermits life, and ended his days. There was another of that name, a Saint of Bordeaux, but not of Irish birth.  
Eloquius preached most painfully throughout France and Saxony, 
Eloquius.  and being seated at Latiniecum in the Monastery which Fursaeus had founded, perceived some treachery practised against him, withdrew himself (as formerly Mombolus had done) to a solitary place called Grimacum, upon the rivers of Some and Isara, where he departed this life, afterwards his body was translated to Walciodorum in Flanders, and there he resteth.  
About this time, Saint Autbert, borne in Ireland, 
Saint Autbert.  was Bishop of Cambray; he converted Hannonia, and is called the Apostle of Flanders; of him Molanus writeth thus, Autbertus had been for certain years, Hiberniae gubernator, governor of Ireland, (the which I take to be some ecclesiastical charge) by which occasion, many singular good Preachers heretofore mentioned, came the more willingly out of Ireland unto us.  
Trithemius reporteth of this time in this sort, There were many Monasteries of Irish men in Germany, Herbipolis and other places, but when their zeal waxed cold, and that they fell to remiss and dissolute life, they were expulsed, and their habitation became waste and desolate.  

Saint Chilian.  Saint Chilian (otherwise written Kilian) whom Bale calleth a Scot, Surius, Baronius, and Lippeloo, write that he was an Irish man of Noble Parentage. Molanus writeth, in Hibernia regio sanguine procreatus, that he was begotten in Ireland of royal blood; another saith he was a King's base son. This man became a Monk, went to Rome, together with Colman a Priest, and Totnan a Deacon of the same country birth, in the time of Conon, Bishop of Rome, about the year 687. to sue unto the Bishop there, that Ireland might be released of the curse that was denounced against the land, and the inhabitants thereof, for the Pelagian heresy. Molanus writeth, that he served in Saint Peter's Church in Rome, eleven years, but he was directed another course, for he was consecrated Bishop of Herbipolis in the East parts of France, and together with his fellows sent away. There they converted Gosbert a French Duke, which had married one Geila his brother's wife. It is john Baptists case, he rebuked him for it, and she hearing thereof, sent certain lewd persons in the night, which murdered them all three, and privily buried them, lest so horrible a fact should come to light; but God that will have no such villainy concealed, brought it out, the tormentors became mad, and confessed the whole. Beda in his martyrologue reporteth, how that at Wirciburge in Austria, the birth day of Kilian the Martyr, and his two companions, is solemnly kept the eight of july.  

Saint Fiacre.  Molanus saith, that in his travail he met with Saint Fiacre, sometime his father's servant, but he following carefully his direction, stayed not with him, but passed on in his journey. This Saint Fiacre, (saith the martyrologue) was base son of some King in Ireland, went into France, and became an eremite; there are small remembrances of him in Surius and Lippeloo, saving that for a woman's sake which called him a Witch, Sorcerer, and Enchanter, he commanded that no woman should put foot into his Cloister, and if any should do so, he prayed that God would lay some plague upon her; to try this, a woman sent her maid to take the air of the Cloister, but she took no harm; upon a second trial, a fairer than she presumed so far, that her shin, her knee, and her thigh, (saith mine Author) and some parts above, took swelling, and that went for a punishment. In an ancient manuscript Legend of the life of Congellus or Congallus, I find that Saint Fiacre returned into Ireland, and became Abbot of Airard in Leinster upon the river of Berba, now called the Barrow, in the Barony of Odrone, and that he went to the Abbey of Beanchor in Ulster to visit Congellus, at whose hands Congellus received the Sacrament, and gave up the Ghost. There also it is further alleged, that this Fiacre builded a Monastery in Leinster, in the honour of Saint Congellus.  
The martyrologue aforesaid, remembreth Saint Cataldus a Bishop, Saint Finan an Abbot, Saint Sacodine a Virgin, 
Saint Cataldus. Saint Finan. Saint Sacodine.  who forsook her husband, and entered religion, to have lived then: and how that Indrake, a King of Ireland, forsook his royalty, 
King Indrake, Dominica.  went to Rome with his sister Dominica, led a private life, and died beggars. Capgrave calleth him Indraktus, saying that he was a King's son, and took with him, beside his sister, nine persons more.  
About this time, (saith Capgrave) one Muriardachus, Monarch of Ireland, together with his wife Sabina, 
Muriardachus Monarch of Ireland.  lived in the true faith and fear of God, who being mighty and wise, commanded in good sort all the Princes of the land. In this his good success and peaceable government, he was envied, so that a petite King his neighbour, came upon him in the night, murdered him with his Queen, and all his family, excepting one daughter, whose life he saved for her beauty's sake. This cruel tyrant after assaulted this fair Gentlewoman to his filthy lust, and when with fair persuasions he could not prevail, at length by force he oppressed her, so that she conceived and bore him a son, called at the time of his baptism, Milluhoc, but afterwards, Cuthbert.  
This Cuthbert being borne (as my Author writeth) at Kilmacrodrike, some three miles from Dublin, 
Saint Cuthbert.  his mother took him to Scotland to her two brethren, Meldan and Eatan, that were Bishops. 
Meldan and Eatan Bishops, sons to the Monarch of Ireland.  From thence he went into the North parts of England, and was brought up among the holy Monks of those days, in the Monastery of Mailros, under the Abbot Boisilius, whom he succeeded in the same Monastery. Anno 651. And Anno 676. he went to the I'll Farne, which was uninhabited, and continued there nine years, building, teaching and preaching, and (as Beda writing his life delivereth) working in harvest time with his own hands. The fame of his virtues and holiness went far abroad, so that Egfride, King of the Northumber's, made him Bishop of Lindesfarne, to which dignity he was consecrated at York by Theodorus the Archbishop, Anno 685.  
In his time, 
Anno 684.  the aforesaid Egfride sent Birth with a great host into Ireland to be revenged of them, for that he was given to understand, 
Saxons in Ireland.  they had aided his enemies against him; these Saxons overranne the land, killing, burning, and spoiling, they spared neither Church nor Monastery, so writeth Beda. Berthus vastavit miserè gentem innoxan, & nationi Anglorum semper amicissimam: 
Beda eccles. hist. lib. 4. cap 26.  Berthus pitifully spoiled this harmless people, who always most kindly affected the English nation. Cuthbert reproved him for it, and the Islanders cried unto the heavens, and prayed God to avenge their cause. Beda reporteth farther, how that he bent his forces afterwards against the picts and Scots, and would not be advised by Cuthbert and Egbert, and that his bloody course had no good success, and that then Egfride, the glory of the Saxons began to decay, the which Florilegus attributeth to the cry of the Irish, and the courage of the picts and Scots, and Britain's. In his time, saith Carodoc, it reigned blood in Britain and Ireland; the Milk likewise and the Butter, turned to the colour of blood, and the Moon appeared all bloody.  
Cuthbert, when he had been Bishop two years, forsook his Bishopric, and went to the I'll Farne, where he led an hermits life, and left the world, Anno Dom. 687. It is written of him that he forbade his Monks and Priests, the company of women, and that they should not come within any Cloister, for that the devil appeared unto him in his Church in the shape of a woman most fair and beautiful. Yet I find that he conversed much with Ebba and Verca, and with Elfleda, King Egfrides' sister, and repaired oft to their Nunneries, did eat and drink with them, and sent Elfleda a linen or thread Girdle for a token, which took away a swelling and cramp that troubled her, and that he was shrouded in the winding sheet, which the Nun Verca had sent him. Anno 875. Ardulphus, Bishop of Lindisfarne, fearing the incursion of the Danes, who destroyed Churches, and defaced Tombs, took the corpse of Cuthbert, and attempted the transporting of it into Ireland, but the wind was against them, and compelled them to land in England, than they brought it to Cuncacester, some six miles from Durham, where it rested some years. Anno 925. (though Stow refer it to the year 995.) Aldunus (who was the first Bishop of Durham) preventing (as formerly Ardulphus did) the invasion of barbarcus people, removed it to a place full of bushes and thorns, now called Durham, and with the aid of Earl Vthred, builded a Church over it, where (now at length) it resteth. Edmund the second Bishop of Durham, enlarged the Church, and beautified the place of his burial, and long after, were brought thither, the bodies of Balther and Bilfride, that had been Anchors, Acca and Alkmundus that had been Bishops, Ebba the Nun, and familiar of Cuthbert, Boisilus the Abbot his master, King Oswine, and the bones of Beda that rested at Girwin, so writeth Capgrave. He that will see farther of Cuthbert and his patrimony, (so called in the Bishopric of Durham) of the endowments and grants given by Christian Princes, and of the reverend opinion held of the place, because of the sanctity of Irish Cuthbert, let him repair to learned Camden's brigants, the which for that they concern the antiquities of England more than Ireland, I omit.  

Anno 701.  Now to come to the 700. year of Christ. I will begin with Adamannus, who flourished Anno 701. as Florilegus writeth, in the time of Alfred, King of Northumber's, whom Beda highly commendeth, and as it may be gathered and borrowed out of his works, many things to furnish his history of England. I find of divers reported, that he was in Ireland, and did much good. I take it he was of Irish birth, for I cannot find the contrary. Bale summarily out of Beda and others, writeth in his life as followeth. Adamannus Coludius, by profession a Monk, not vowed, but of the apostolic order, 
Adamannus his life.  and governor of that famous Monastery, which of old, Columbanus the disciple of Congellus had founded in the I'll Hu, made himself a pattern of virtue to be followed of many; he was a man studious and singularly well seen in holy Scripture, as Tritemius witnesseth, neither ignorant of profane literature, wise and fair spoken; he was for his life and conversation, renowned, and for opinion of sanctity, recounted the father of many Monks, so that he travailed in a manner all the North regions of Britain; he was a notable Preacher, instructing with heavenly admonitions, Irish, Scots, picts, and Anglosaxons. He willingly gave ear to all such as made report of any memorable acts of Palestina by their travail, and of other places of the holy Land, with the site thereof, trusting thereby to attain unto a better sight in the holy Scripture. Then it fell out (say the Chronographers) that one Arnulphus, a Bishop of France, coming from jerusalem, and being wind-driven to that place, arrived there, and throughly informed Adamannus, the which he shortly after committed to writing, and dedicated unto Alfred, King of Northumber's, with these titles.  

De locis terrae sanctae lib. 1.  
De situ jerusalem lib. 1.  
De paschate legitimo lib. 1.   
With certain Epistles. So far Bale. I have seen beside these, a Manuscript work of his, of the life of Saint Columba in three books.  
About the year 740. saith Lippeloo, Gualafer Bishop of Dublin, 

Gualafer, Bishop.  
Saint Rumold. Zachar. Lip. de vitis Sanct. tom. 3.   was famous, who by his prayers obtained that Cecilia, wife to David King of Scots, and daughter to the King of Sicilia, being barren, did conceive & bear a son called Rumoldus, who after the decease of Gualafer, was made Bishop of that See, and consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and two other Prelates. He went into England, afterwards to France, and came to Rome, Anno 752. in the time of Stephen 2. he resigned his Bishopric, from thence he went into Brabant, and by his prayers (saith mine Author) got one Eliza, wife to Earl Ado, of the age of 66. years, to conceive. In the end he went to repair an old Church, agreed with workmen, wrangled with them so, that they for one quarrel and other, and especially for that they held him to be rich, hoping to get some part of his wealth, knocked him in the head with a hatchet, and there lay Saint Rumolde. Molanus in discreet sort examineth this history, and delivereth that this Rumoldus took with him beyond the seas, one Saint Himelin, now Patron of Fenacum, the place in Dutch is Sijnte Himelijns Vissenaken, some said he was of his blood, others some, that he was of his blood and bone. 
Io. Molanus nat. Scotorum Belgi● ex Martyrologo Mechlin.  His words are these. Some suppose that Saint Rumold was the son of Erfinus King of Scots, after whom succeeded in the kingdom, the third and fourth son, Fergusius and Achaius, but the names of the first and second son are not extant. They add happily unto the rest, that because he was the King of Scots his son, it stood him upon to forsake the Bishopric of Dublin, when Solvathius that reigned between Fergusius and Achaius, warred against the Irish, and upon this occasion, he took his journey to Rome, and at his return, preached the Gospel at Mechlin. All which, by conferring the times, would have some great probability, unless the ancient Monuments and Records of Mechlin, had avouched him to have been the son of one David a King, and to have been brought forth into the world, by the intercession and devout prayers of Gualafer, Bishop of Dublin, and of him baptised, whereby I gather, that he was the son of some King of Ireland. Neither is it any marvel, though we read not of this David, when as Saint Bernard witnesseth, that Ireland was not governed by one King, but by many; the orderly succession of which Kings, I suppose for the most part is now perished. If you urge that he came of the Scottish blood royal; I admit it, for it is so sung every where throughout the Diocese of Mechlin, but that of old the Irish men were understood and comprehended under the name of Scots, by the life of Saint Patrick and elsewhere, is very manifest. To this purpose is that which Beda affirmeth, that Ireland is properly the country of the Scots, and jonas also writeth in the entrance to Columbanus his life, how that the Scottish nation inhabit the Island of the Irish. This Rumoldus died, Anno 775. and is honoured in Mechlin for their Patron.  

Virgilius' solivagus·  Virgilius Solivagus, borne in Ireland, and descended of noble Parentage, in his years of discretion, forsook his native soil, and together with certain companions of the same country birth, went into Germany, where Anno 754. he was made Abbot of Salisburge, by Odilo, Duke of Bavaria, and shortly after, Bishop of juvaviens; the name of which Bishopric, he procured to be changed, and called it the Bishops See of Salisburgh, where he builded a sumptuous Cathedral Church, and was the first founder thereof. In his time, one Boniface an English man, and the Pope's Legate in Germany, took upon him to rebaptize, contrary to the Canons of the Church, such as had been (as he thought) formerly not rightly baptised. Virgilius (having had conference with Sydonius, Archbishop of Bavaria) opposed himself against him. The matter came to hearing before Pope Zacharie, who gave sentence, that Virgilius was in the right, and Boniface his Legate (for all his great authority) in the wrong opinion. He prudently governed his Church some thirty years, and gave place to nature. So far Bale, out of Gaspar Bruschius.  
Learned Camden allegeth out of Rhegino, that in the time of Carolus magnus, 
Invasions of Norwegians and Danes.  which must needs be about the year 767. certain Norwegians or Normans entered Ireland, and were repulsed, and further of them I have not read: but in the British Chronicle of Caradoc Llancarvan, I find that Anno 799. the Danes came into England, and destroyed a great part of Lindsey and Northumberland, 
Anno 799.  overranne the most part of Ireland, and destroyed Rechreyn.  
The accidents of the eight hundreth year after Christ, now follow. And first of all, Functius offereth occasion to write, how that Anno 820. Regnerus, King of Denmark, invaded Britain, and how that his prosperous successes in Britain, Scotland, and the Orchades, puffed him up, and emboldened him so much, that he passed into Ireland, slew the King of the land, took the City of Dublin, where he remained an whole year, and then returned to Denmark.  
Next cometh Turgesius his time to be examined, who was of Norwey, and came with great power of Esterlings into Ireland, vanquished King Edlumding, or Edlimidus, or in Irish, Felim Mac Edmund, and reigned thirty years. Here (gentle reader) observe certain errors or escapes (whether of ignorance, wilfulness, or negligence, I know not) the which I find between Cambrensis, Polychronicon, Fabian and others, touching Gurmund and Turgesius. First, that Gurmund and Turgesius should be one man, the end of them both by a general consent of Writers, reproveth that; for Gurmund died in France, and Turgesius was slain in Ireland. Secondly, (whereat Giraldus marvaileth) how that the Antiquaries of England make mention of Gurmund, but nothing of Turgesius, and that the Writers of Ireland speak of Turgesius, but little or nothing of Gurmund; so that Turgesius by reason of his reign and continuance was known unto them, and Gurmund, if he were here, made small abode, (as I have formerly written) and therefore became a man unknown. Thirdly, that Turgesius should be Gurmunds' deputy in Ireland, or his brother (as I read in Fabian) cannot possibly stand with the truth: for on all sides it is agreed, that Gurmund came to Britain, and joined with the Saxons against Careticus, who began his reign in Britain, anno 586. but, as saith Cambrensis, Turgesius' Captain of the Norwegians, Danes or Esterlings, came to Ireland in the days of Fedlimidius, which was 400. years from the coming of the first Patrick into the land, in the which time there had reigned thirty three Kings or Monarches; then this knot with facility may be untied, 
Turgesius came to Ireland, Anno 832.  for Patrick came to Ireland (as I have formerly delivered) An. 432. add 400. to it, than Turgesius came to Ireland, Anno 832. But forward with the history.  
When these Norwegians or Esterlings had got footing in the land to their content, and planted themselves the space of thirty years, they builded Castles, Forts and Wards, they cast up Trenches, Banks and Ditches for safeguard and refuge. Toward the end of the term before mentioned, Turgesius was enamoured on a fair Gentlewoman, the only daughter of Omalaghlin, King of Meth, and desired her for his Concubine; he practised with the father for obtaining of his purpose, the father not willing to yield, nor daring to displease, resolved him thus: Appoint the day, the hour, and the place, and sequester yourself from your Court and retinue, and I will send my daughter unto you with twelve or sixteen Gentlewomen, of the choice and beautifullest maidens of my country, and take your choice of them; if my daughter please you best, she is at your command.  
When the time appointed came, and the Lecher longed to satisfy his filthy lust, Omalaghlin attired his daughter in princely sort, and sent her to King Turgesius, with sixteen young men in women's attire, which had long Skeines under their Mantles. These young springals were fair, beautiful, effeminate, and amiable to look upon; they were brought to his chamber, and presented before him, he taketh the Gentlewoman by the middle, and kisseth her, the Striplings out with their Skeines, 
Turgesius' slain  and stabbed him, having the Lady in his arms, whereof he presently died, whilst they fell upon a few loose and dissolute persons that were about him, whom they killed every one.  
Omalaghlin that lay in ambush all this while with certain horsemen, (expecting the end of this exploit) rejoiced greatly when he saw his daughter and her company make so speedy a return, and understanding that his practice was effected as he desired, sent Scouts and Cursitors, Messengers and horses over the whole land, declaring what had happened. Immediately, Meth and all Leinster are in Arms, the Princes and Lords from every place throughout Ireland, repaired to Omalaghlin, and being glad of liberty, rejoiced with him at the destruction of Turgesius and his Guard. To make the story short, (for they made short work with it) they set upon the Norwegians and Danes, killed them every mother's son that escaped not by flight, seized upon all their possessions, so as together with their lives, they lost all their lands and goods: and, saith the Irish Chronicle, 
jacob. Grace. 'thad. Douling.  tunc cepit conquestus Hibernicorum, Then the Irish began to conquer.  
This Omalaghlin King of Meath, being in great trust, credit and favour with Turgesius (no man greater at that time) demanded of him (concealing the plot that lay hidden in his heart against the Norwegians) by what means certain ravenous and pestiferous fowl (he meant the Norwegians) lately brought into the land, which greatly annoyed the country, might be destroyed? Turgesius' answered, if they breed, destroy their eggs, birds, and nests; which answer, the Irish made good upon the Norwegians.  
Not long after (saith Cambrensis and Polychronicon) after what? They mean, after the murdering of Turgesius, and rooting out of all the Norwegians and Esterlings, there came again out of Norway, and the Northern Lands, as remnants of the former nation, and whether they knew of themselves, or by relation of their Parents and Ancestors, the land to be fruitful, & commodious; thither they came, not in warlike sort, but in peaceable manner, to use the trade of merchandise; when they had entered certain Ports and Havens of Ireland, with the licence of the Princes of the land, they builded therein divers Cities. For the Irish nation, (they speak of that time) naturally given to idleness, would not sulcate the seas, neither give themselves to merchandise, so that by one consent of the whole land, it was thought good, that some certain nation, by whose industry the commodities of other regions wanting in Ireland, might be hither transported, should be suffered to dwell in some parts of the land. 
Amelanus, Sitaracus and Ivorus.  Their Leaders and Captains were three brethren, Amelanus, Sitaracus and Ivorus, when they had first builded three Cities, Dublin, Waterford, and Limericke; the command of Dublin fell to Amelanus, Waterford to Sitaracus, Lymericke to Ivorus, and from these by degrees, in process of time, they gave themselves to build other Cities in Ireland. This nation (quae nunc Oas●mannica gens vocatur) which now is called the Esterling nation, or East men, at their first coming, demeaned themselves toward the Kings of the land, in a most royal and peaceable mander, but when the number multiplied of their own kin, and they had fortified their Cities with walls and trenches, they began to revive the old hatred that was hid in their hearts, and obstinately to rebel. They were called Oostmanni of their corrupt Saxon tongue, as men of the East. Of these and the former Norwegians, the Irish took the use of the Sparthes', now called Galloglas axes. So far Cambrensis verbatim, and Polychron in substance.  
Divers have diversely delivered their opinion, and misreckoned themselves in their computation of years, when these Cities before spoken of were builded. Stanihurst in his description of Ireland, referreth it to the year 155. and that they were builded by Amelanus; in another place he allegeth it was after Gurmundus his days, done in like sort by Amelanus. It is such an error as I cannot well impute it to the Printer. Cambrensis and Polychronicon do not lay down the year, but the time about the year: what beside is added, is but fancy and conjecture, for their testimony is the ground of all. For where they write that these brethren came to Ireland after the death of Turgesius, than it was after the year 862: wherein he died, but how soon or how long after, there is no certainty. That they builded these Cities, I do not believe, I had rather say with Stanihurst, that they re-edified them, for those places were after a sort builded, and inhabited many years before their arrival. I take it that as Merchants, they builded themselves dwelling houses, walled the towns, and made keys to moor their ships, neither do I hold it that every one severally builded a City, but all three together with the aid of their country Merchants upon their arrival in their safe Ports, builded and planted their country people, and rested not long, for the Irish fell upon them, and banished them out of the land, for their riches, pride, and rebellion.  

Patrick, the Abbot.  In the year 850. lived Patrick the Abbot of Ireland, Abbot and Confessor. For there were two Patrick's, the first a very learned and godly man, the second a Abbot, and given to superstition, and founder of the fabulous Purgatory, which goeth in Ireland under the name of Saint Patrick's Purgatory; so write Ranulphus, Monk of Chester, and Bale, Bishop of Ossory, though Stanihurst allow not of it, but attribute it to the first Patrick, and that without warrant.  
In his time there rose a great rebellion in Ireland, so that he fled into Britain, and lieth buried in Glastenbury. The martyrologue of Sarum reporteth, that in Ireland they keep the feast of Patrick the Abbot, the 24. of August. Stanihurst to further his credit, delivereth that he wrote a book of Homilies, and certain Epistles directed to the Irish. 
Saint Patrick's Purgatory.  The sounder opinion is, (the which Stanihurst at unawares remembered out of Claudianus) that the place there, was in like sort as it is now in the time of Paganism, and was long before Saint Patrick's days, And it seemeth to be after the manner of concavities in the bowels of the earth, where the air entering naturally to avoid Vacuum, and the wind following, whisteleth and crieth like doleful ghosts; the silly ignorant and simple people being deceived through persuasion of covetous Priests, that some souls and spirits do penance there for their sins, call it a Purgatory. And further we see by reason and daily experience in Miners, that if any be much under ground, the dampness of the earth takes away their lively colour, and makes them look ghastly, and if they continue any long while there (the vital spirits being barred of their usual course) they are mightily tormented, cast into trances, and distracted, and being once delivered from the place, report things at random of heaven and earth, believe them who list.  

Albertus Krantz Dan. lib. 2.  Albertus Krantz, reckoning up reports given forth out of several countries touching visions, apparitions, voices, illusions, inserteth among them, Patrick's Purgatory in Ireland, and concludeth, that they are to be accounted among old Wives fables. 
Ant. chron. p 2. tit. 11. cap. 1●▪  Antoninus allegeth Vincentius for his Author, how that in those days, the history de fossae sancti Patricij of Saint Patrick's pit or ditch, was not of many allowed, the reason is alleged, for that it is there avouched, that the souls in that Purgatory, go not strait to heaven, but into some terrestrial Paradise, whereas the received opinion is, (saith he) that there is no middle place between Purgatory and the celestial Paradise.  
In the time of Alphred, alias Alured, King of West Saxons, anno 872. as Fabian and Cooper have noted, there was a grievous malady reigning among the people, called the evil ficus, 
Evil Ficus.  which also took the King, so that (say mine Authors) an Irish maid came out of Ireland, called Modwen, whose Monastery in time of rebellion, 
Modwen.  was destroyed, and cured the King. In recompense whereof, she had land given her in the North, whereon two Monasteries were founded, and now she resteth at Aundersey by Burloa. Polychronicon and Holinshead report the history, as if Alphred had gone into Ireland unto her. I allege this history to put the reader in mind, how that formerly I have written of one Modwen, who lived immediately after Saint Patrick, and was of Irish birth, about 400. years ago▪ Were it not for the time, by many circumstances, they both should be one, but to remove all doubts, and to uphold the credit of antiquaries, I will say they were two, of one country birth, and now rest in one place▪  
There was great amity between Alphred or Alured before mentioned, and Gregory, King of Scots, in whose time, 
Anno 877.  Anno 877. (Grafton, Cooper, and Buchanan are mine Authors) great troubles and misery fell upon Ireland; the circumstances in brief were these. The Citizens of Dublin found themselves grieved, and mightily wronged by the Scots of Galloway; that whereas certain tall ships of theirs were wind-driven thither, the Scots fell upon them, rifled them, and thereof made a prey. In revenge whereof, the people of Dublin gathered Irish forces, arrived there, and preyed the country. Gregory the King having intelligence thereof, hastened with his forces, to encounter with them; the Irish fearing the worse, got them with their pillage aboard their ships, and hoist up sails for Ireland: Gregory prepareth his navy, and shortly after arriveth in Ireland.  
The King at that time (saith Buchanan) was but a child, whose name was Duncanus, or Donatus, or rather Dunachus; 
Brian and Cornelius.  the Protectors or chief commanders of the land about the King, were Brian and Cornelius, who had drawn the land into two factions. The Irish herring of the coming of Gregory, fortified themselves upon the river of the Band, but there the Scots overthrew them; Brian was slain, and Cornelius put to flight. The Scots left them not so, 
Scots at the Band overthrow the Irish.  but pursued them, preyed the country without resistance, constrained the towns before them to yield, and hearing by the way that Cornelius gathered all the forces of Ireland against them, made ready to join battle, in the which, Cornelius and all his forces were foiled, so that for a safeguard of his life, he fled to Dublin, and his army dispersed themselves abroad. Gregory followed him, laid siege to Dublin, and by reason there were so many received within that fled from the field, they could not long endure the strength of the puissant King of Scots without, 
Dublin receive the Scots. Cormack, Bishop of Dublin.  wherefore by general consent of the Citizens, Cormacke, Bishop of Dublin, opened the gates, received the King of Scots, without loss of any man of either side, or damage of goods. Immediately Gregory the King of Scots, went to his cousin Duncan the young King, saluted him, and delivered unto him that he came not for his kingdom, ne for gold nor silver, ne for commodities of his country, but only to be revenged of them that had formerly injured his subjects. And as for you, said he, cozen Duncan, I bear you no malice; without blood I came into the City of Dublin, without blood I will depart; recompense of the Citizens of Dublin I seek none, the inhabitants between this and the Band have satisfied me and my people, let the Citizens pay it them again, and make no more such rash attempts into Scotland. With this they lovingly departed, and continued friends, to the great honour of the King of Scots.  
After this, Anno 897. poor Ireland had another scourge, for saith Caradoc Llancarvan in his British Chronicle, 
Anno 899.  
Strange worms.  and likewise Polichronicon, this country was destroyed with strange worms, having two teeth, so that there was neither corn nor grass, nor food for man or beast, for all was consumed that was green in the land, at the season of the year: The nine hundreth year followeth.  

Anno Dom. 900.  The Saxons that divided Britain (as formerly hath been declared) into many kingdoms, began now to grow weak in their estate; and the Danes that troubled in a manner all Christendom, 
Danes in Ireland.  were falling to naught: yet Anno 905. saith the British Chronicle, the Danes entered Ireland, preyed, spoilt, and fired the country, slew in the field, Garmot, (so he calleth him) alias Cormac, Monarch of Ireland, and the son of Cukeman, a man both godly and religious; and also Kyrvalt, son of Morgan, King of Leinster. Then they roved round about England, hulling upon the seas, and landing where they espied advantage, destroyed with fire and sword as much as lay in them.  
Anno 911. they came again into Ireland (saith Cooper) holding on in their former outrages.  

Anglesey spoilt by them of Dublin.  Anno 913. (saith Carodoc) the men of Dublin with great forces came to Anglesey, preyed and destroyed the Island, and returned to Ireland: the cause I find not, but that sea and land was bend to mischief, the fire upon the land, and piracy upon the sea.  
Anno 925. the second year of the reign of Adelstane, the base son of Edward the first, (called Edward Senior) King of Westsaxons, was a great army gathered by the said Adelstane, against Hawlaffe, King of Ireland, the son of Suthricus, and a Painym, saith Polychronicon, 
Hawlaffe, King of Ireland. Bromford saith Grafton.  who came with the whole power of the Scots and Danes against him, and gave him battle at Brimesturie, where Adelstane had the victory, and slew the said King Hawlaffe, and the King of Scots, and five Kings of the Danes and Normans, and twelve Earls, so that he brought all the land of England and Scotland into subjection, which none of his Predecessors had ever attempted. So far out of Caradoc in the British Chronicle.  
Polychronicon writeth of Hawlaffe, that he was the son of Sitricus, and had married the daughter of Constantine, King of Scots, and by his aid entered the mouth of the river of Humber, with a strong navy, and when both armies had encamped themselves, Hawlaffe used this policy; He took a Harp, and in Harper's attire, went to Adelstanes Tent, where he harped, and viewed their di●t, disposition, and behaviour, took money for his music, which in heart he disdained, he secretly, as he thought, hid the money in the ground, and went away. A soldier that sometime served Hawlaffe, espied it, and told Adelstane the whole; why, saith Adelstane, didst not thou acquaint me sooner? he answered, O King, the faith I owe thee now, sometime I ought to Hawlaffe, if I had been false to him, thou wouldst have suspected me afterwards; but now remove thy Tent, for he will suddenly come upon thee. For all the haste that Adelstane made, Hawlaffe came in the night, slew a certain Bishop and his company that were fleeing, and many others: he hasted to Adelstanes Tent, but he was provided, and in arms, and at the break of the day, set upon his enemies, and foiled them, as formerly is delivered.  
Anno 926. (Saxo Grammaticus, Albertus Krantz, and others are mine Authors) Knutus and Herald, sons to Gormo, King of Denmark, following the steps of their fathers, gave themselves to piracy; roved, crossed, and hulled upon the seas, all was fish that came to their nets; they arrived in Ireland, and laid siege to Dublin. The King of Leinster sent especially, and laid an ambush within a mile of Dublin, and whilst the Danes scaled the walls without, the Citizens manfully defended themselves within, and others were careless of themselves abroad; one of the espials leveled an arrow at Knutus, and gave him such a wound, that he shortly died thereof. The Danes prevailed, but their joy upon his death was turned into sorrow; Gormo the father so entirely loved this Knutus his son, that he vowed, whosoever brought him news of the death of his son Knutus, for recompense, should die the death. Thira, daughter to Edward the Martyr, (saith Functius) the mother, being a Christian (though Gormo were a bloody Infidel) having certain intelligence of the death of Knutus, durst not reveal it, but used this policy: she caused instead of her husband's princely robes, (wherewith he was on a morning to make himself ready) mourning clothes to be laid before him, and such funeral exequys, as were used to be prepared for the witnessing of the sorrow and grief conceived for the departure of some dear friend; woe is me (saith Gormo) now my son Knutus is dead, this I gather by these circumstances. Then answered Thira the Queen, you my Lord discover it, not I Gormo died for sorrow, and Thira lamented in one day the departure of her Lord and husband the King, the death of her son, and her own doleful widowhood.  
Anno 939. (so writeth Caradoc) Abloic a most worthy Prince, and Monarch of Ireland deceased.  
Anno 940. after the death of Athelstane, his brother Edmund reigned over Britain. He subdued the Danes that remained in Northumberland, together with others that came out of Ireland to invade the land with Anlaffe their Captain, saith Fabian; he slew some, and banished the rest, so writeth Cooper.  

Saint Mary's Abbey founded by Dublin  Anno 948. the Abbey of the blessed Virgin Mary, by Dublin, was founded by the Danes.  
Molanus writeth of one Columbanus an Abbot of Irish birth that became a recluse or an anachorist, Anno 957. in the Church yard of the Monastery of Gandavum, where he kept the space of two years, and there ended his days. This year, saith Caradoc, Congelach, King of Ireland was slain, but he showeth not where nor how.  
Anno 959. Edgar, the son of Edmund, began his reign over England, he reduced all into one Monarchy. Camden found in a Charter, where Edgar delivered of himself, that it pleased God of his mercy to grant unto him, together with the command of England, to subdue all the islandish kingdoms of the Ocean, together with their fierce and mighty Kings as far as Norwey, and the greatest part of Ireland, with Dublin the most noble City thereof, unto the kingdom of England.  
Anno 966. Roderick, the son of Edwall Voell, Prince of Wales, was slain by Irish men that landed there for a prey, spoilt the country, and destroyed Aberfraw. Caradoc so complaineth of them.  
Molanus writeth of one Forananus a Bishop, which flourished, Anno 980. he termeth him Bishop of Domenormor, 
Forananus his life.  and Metropolitan of Ireland and Scotland: where he mightily erred in the name of the place, of the person, and his stile. For he was Bishop of Dromore in Ireland, and no Metropolitan at all, but to his purpose he findeth him among his Saints of Flanders, and saith, that he was warned in a vision to travail; so that he with a company of Irish Priests, arrived in France, and came to Rome, in the time of Benedict 7. from thence he came back to the Monastery of Walciodorum, where he and his Priests became professed Monks, of the order of Saint Benedict, for the space of twelve years, and there ended their days. The Monks there, saith he, were wont among other Saints at Easter, yearly to call upon him▪ Sancte Foranane ora pro nobis, until that the reformers of Bursfeld wiped him out of the Catalogue of Saints, for that he was not canonised by the Church of Rome.  
Anno 988. (as I find in the British Chronicle) Elwmaen, the son of Abloic, King of Ireland, was slain, and a great number of people died with famine; that is always the end of civil wars and rebellion in Ireland.  
Anno 1004. the Scots (I know not the cause) entered Ireland, and after their manner, as also the Danes did then in England, preyed, 
Scots in Ireland.  burned, and destroyed: they took Gulfath and Vbiad, Irish Lords, and put out their eyes, they ransacked also the City of Dublin.  
Anno 1012. Grace and Dowlinge, the Irish Antiquaries do concur, 
Battle of Clantarfe.  (the English Writers are silent) and deliver how that Bernaidus, commonly called Brian Bowrow, Monarch of Ireland, 
Bri●n Boroave.  and his son Murcath, alias Murchardus Mac Brian, with other Kings of the land subject unto him, gathered great power, and met at Clantarfe, nigh Dublin, and gave a sore battle unto Sutraic, alias Sutric, the son of Abloic, King of Dublin, and unto Moilmordha, King of Leinster. This Sutric, to withstand the Monarch, had hired to his aid, all manner of strangers he could get by sea or by land, as Danes, Norwegians, Scots, Britain's, Pirates, and sea rovers. The fight was desperate, the field all blood, a horse (they say) was sometime to his belly in blood. There were slain that day of the one side, Brian the Monarch, and his son Murchard; of the other side, Moilmordha King of Leinster, Roderick the Archpirate, and Captain of the strangers, with others of both sides innumerable. Sutrick was sore wounded, was brought to Dublin, and shortly after died of his wound. I pray thee gentle Reader, who got by the bargain? As far as ever I could learn, a woman set them together by the ears.  
The Book of Houth, after the Irish observation, delivereth the story thus. There was a Merchant in Dublin, 
The cause of the field of Clantarfe, out of the book of Houth.  commonly called the white Merchant, a Dane, the fourth son of the King of Denmark who had a fair wife of Irish birth, and he being full of jealousy, and ready to travail for merchandise into far countries, desired of Brian Borow, Monarch of Ireland, that his wife (until his return) might wait upon his Lady, sojourn in his house for the safeguard of her person, credit, and honesty, the which was granted, and the King undertook it. This Merchant made as speedy a return as he could, and being landed early in a morning, with a privy key, entered the chamber where his wife lay, and found Morogh Mac Brian the King's son in bed with his wife; he wheeled about, devising what was best to be done, at length resolving himself to depart for that time, took Moroghs sword, and put it into his own scabbard, and his into Moroghs scabbard. He went to the King, and complained of the abuse here spoken of; the King answered, He is my son, give thou judgement upon him; saith the Merchant, let him keep the whore still, I will be revenged upon him and his partakers in the field, as soon as possibly may be, and I doubt not but all Ireland shall rue the day of this villainy. Immediately he went to Denmark, brought over to his aid, thirty thousand Danes and Norwegians, landed at Clantarfe, whereof the field was called the field of Clantarfe; he summoned Morogh and his favourites to fight, and thought at the first to have taken Dublin. Brian Borrow fearing this, made more haste then good speed, tarried not for the forces of the land, that were coming with his son Donogh to his aid, but rashly with his son Morogh, (the Author of all this mischief) gave them battle. The which battle all the forenoon being cruelly fought, seemed all to lean on the Irish side, but in the afternoon, the Danes that were in the rear, and yet fresh for any fight they had, were directed to wheel about, and to take the vanguard unknown unto the Irish, which fiercely fought and encountered with the weary and wounded Irish, and won the field. Here was Brian Borrow, and his son Morogh, and eleven thousand of the Irish slain.  
One thing further (gentle reader) note, there was a Priest's son, accounted a tall man of arms, who in the beginning of the battle, fled away, fearing the hardiness of the Danes and Norwegians, and went to Donogh Mac Brian, the brother of Morogh, who was coming with forces to the field, and persuaded him to retreat; saying further, that there was no hope of good success to be obtained in this field. This man being taken, confessed the whole treason, and for punishment, was carried to the wind gates, twelve miles from Dublin, set alive standing in the ground, with a great heap of stones about him, as it pleased the Commanders to direct. In Stanihurst I find that the the chief Potentates of the Irish, were Brian Borrow, Miagh Mac Brian, (whom formerly I termed Morogh) Tady O Kelly, Dolir Ahertegan, and Gille Barramed, and that they were buried at Kilmaniham, over against the great Crosse.  
Anno 1031. as it is remembered by Caradoc in the British Chronicles, there was great stir and bloodshed in South-Wales, by the means of Howell and Meredith, the sons of Edwin ap Evean ap Owen ap Howell Dha, that made claim unto that country against Rytherch ap jestyn, Prince of South-Wales. Howell and Meridith hired unto them a King of Ireland, (whose name is not set down) which brought with him a great army of Irish-Scots; the armies met, the fight was cruel, much blood on both sides was shed, in the end, Rytherch the Prince was discomfited and slain, by which means they attained unto the government of South-Wales, the which they jointly ruled, and bountifully rewarded the Irish King.  
There is at Sauntrie, some three miles from Dublin, yearly remembrance of Saint Pappan that was borne there. 
Saint Pappan.  Molanus calleth him Poppon. He travailed into France, builded there many Monasteries, (saith mine Author) and preferred to govern them many men, became an Abbot himself, and departed this life, Anno 1048. and lieth buried at Stabuletum in France, where he governed. Lastly, mine Author noteth, that he was a Saint, but never canonised.  
Conan, the son of jago, Prince of North-Wales, married Ranulph, the daughter of Alfred, King of Dublin, who in the wars between jago his father, and Griffith the son of Lhewelyn ap Sitsylte, sometimes King of Wales, (saith Caradoc) was driven to flee into Ireland for safeguard of his life. This Conan, Anno 1041. came with Alfred his father in law, with great power out of Ireland to recover his country: they shortly landed in Wales, and by treason, secretly took Griffith the King, and carried him towards their ships, but when it was known, the country upon the sudden rose, armed themselves, followed the Irish men, made great slaughter of them, rescued their Prince, and drove Alfred and Conan, with the rest of their forces, to their ships, and so to Ireland.  
Stow following Fabian, writeth how that Anno 1049. certain forces out of Ireland, (whom he calleth Irish Pirates) with 36. ships, entered the mouth of Severne, landed in a place called Westlapham, and with the help of Griffith King of South-Wales, spoilt along those coasts, and did great mischief. Afterwards Griffith, and those Irish Pirates, joining their powers together, passed over the river Wie, and burned Dumenham, and slew man, woman, and child, leaving nothing behind them, but blood and ashes. Worcester, Gloucester, and Herefordshire, rose in Arms against them, but many of them in cruel fight being slain, the rest put to flight, the Irish returned home merrily, loaden with spoil.  
Anno 1050. Conan gathered an army of his friends in Ireland, attempting the second time the recovery of his inheritance, he hoist up sail towards Wales, but on a sudden there arose such a tempest upon the seas, that scattered his Navy, and drowned the most part of his ships, so that he gave over the voyage for that time.  
About this time (wherein the English and British historiographers do agree) Robert, Archbishop of Canterbury, accused Earl Godwin and his five sons, (especially Swain and Harold) of treason, and Queen Editha the daughter of Godwin, of adultery, who being called before the King, refused to appear, and therefore were banished the land, and the Queen was put away from the King. Godwin and Swaine fled to Flanders, Harold and Leofwin (Warwell saith Holinshead) to Ireland, and the Queen was sent with one Maid to the Monastery of Wilton. Immediately the King disposed of all their possessions. It was not long after ere Godwin and Swaine got ships, men, munition, and all necessaries in Flanders, the like did Harold and Leofwin in Ireland, they all met upon the seas, to wit, the father, the mother, and the five sons; they spoiled the I'll of Wight, Partland, Peveneseny, Romny-heath, Folkeston, Dover, and Sandwich, and entering the Thames, destroyed Sheppey, and burned the King's houses at Mielton. 
Or Midleton.  Then they met with the king's Fleet upon the seas, and being ready to fight, Bishop Stigand stepped between them, and reconciled both sides in such sort, that the King restored them their lands and goods, took home the Queen, and banished Robert the Archbishop, with all the French men which had put buzzes and suspicions into the King's head.  
Anno 1054. as powel in his annotations upon Caradoc, hath learnedly collected; King Edward by evil counsel (as it was thought) banished Algar, Earl of Chester, which had treason laid to his charge, whereupon Algar gate him into Ireland, and there providing him eighteen ships of war, well appointed and manned with stalworth men, of Irish birth, returned and joined himself with Griffith, King or Prince of Wales, who both together, invaded the country of Mercia about Hereford, where Ranulph, Earl of that country (who was son to King Edward's sister, named Goda, by her first husband Walter de Manut) came against them with a great army, and met them about two miles from Hereford, where after a sore fight, by the space of three hours, Ranulph and his army were discomfited, and about 500 of them slain, and the rest put to flight, whom Griffith and Algar pursued to Hereford, and entering the town, set the Cathedral Church on fire, and slew the Bishop named Leogar, with seven of the Canons, and most lamentably (as it falleth out in wars) spoiled and burned the town. King Edward being advertised hereof, gathered an army, and sent Harold the son of Earl Godwin against them, who pursuing the enemies to North-Wales, passed through Stradlewyde to Snowdon: but Griffith and Algar being loath to meet Harold, got them again into South-Wales, whereof Harold being advertised, left one part of his army in North-Wales, to resist the enemy there, and returning with the residue to Hereford, caused a great trench to be cast round about the town, with a high rampire, strongly fortifying the gates of the same. After this, by means of a parley had with Griffith and Algar, at a place called Biligellagh, a peace was concluded, whereupon Algar being pardoned by the King, and restored again to his Earldom, returned home to Chester.  
About two years after, Algar was accused again of treason, and the second time exiled the land, fled into Ireland, where he was most joyously received of his old followers, and offered more kindness, than he requested, for he had most honourably dealt with the Merchants and owners of the former ships, and most kindly entreated, and bounteously rewarded the Irish soldiers, the which then in his second extremity, was not forgotten. With ships, men and munition out of Ireland, he bent his course to Wales, repaired to his old friend Griffith, Prince of Wales, where he was most welcome, and shortly restored again to his Earldom by the means and entreaty of certain strangers, which had lately there arrived out of Norway.  
Camden writeth how that Anno 1066. Godred, surnamed Cronan, the son of Hiraldniger, of Island, invaded the I'll of Man, thence came into Ireland, did the like unto Dublin, and a great part of Leynster, made great spoil, and went back again.  
The British Chronicle reporteth of Dermot, (a King in Ireland) that in Anno 1068. he was murdered, but the manner he showeth not; the commendation he giveth of him is this: He was the worthiest and noblest Prince that ever ruled in Ireland.  
Polychronicon reporteth, how that Anno 1072. at Winsore before William the Conqueror, and the Clergy, the controversy between the Archbishops of Canterbury and York was heard at large, and decided, and that Bedaes' history was showed, where it appeared that from Austen the Monks time, till Bedaes' death, (about 140. years) the Archbishop of Canterbury had primacy over all Great Britain & Ireland, that he had held Counsels by York, summoned Bishops of York, consecrated Bishops, and punished Bishops of York for their offences, and judicially removed them.  
Philip Flatesburie a great Antiquary, whom Stanihurst followeth, and james Grace of Kilkenny, with Dowlinge his joint collector do write, how that Anno 1074. Patrick, Bishop of Dublin, was consecrated in Paul's Church in London, by Lanfranke, Archbishop of Canterbury, upon commendatory Letters of Teridionatus, alias Terdilnacus, Monarch of Ireland, and Godericke, King of Leinster, and with teste of the Clergy and Laiety of that Diocese of his lawful and orderly election. Further I find recorded, that it was the manner to consecrate Bishops in this sort, and that the Monarch of Ireland in regard of his royal principality and title of honour with other privileges belonging to his Monarchy, had negative voice in the nomination of Bishops throughout his Realm. Secondly, how the Archbishop of Canterbury took of him that was so consecrated, a corporal oath of Canonical obedience (as his predecessors formerly used) to him and his successors; and lastly, gave him letters testimonial thereof to the Monarch and King of Leynster:  
Cambrensis showeth the reason of this consecration, namely, how that in Ireland as then, there was no Archbishop, but one Bishop consecrated another, until that Anno 1148. johannes Papiron, a Priest Cardinal, sent from Eugenius 3. together with Christian, Bishop of Lismore, Legate of all Ireland, came to the land, and brought with them foures Paales. But of this more in another place.  
The same Flattesburie writeth further, how that the said Lanfranke in like sort consecrated Donatus, Bishop of Dublin, Anno 1085.  
About this time, Godwin and Edmund, sons to King Harold, (my Author is Thomas Walsingham, Monk of Saint Alban) which formerly had fled into Ireland for succour, unto Dermotte Mac O Nell, King of Ireland, returned with 66. sail, landed in Sommersetshire, (saith Stow) where Brian, the son of Eudo, Duke of Brabant, met them and gave them battle, wherein (saith Stow) the brethren gate the victory, and the Irish men with many great preys out of Cornwall and Devonshire returned into Ireland. But Walsingham (which seemeth more true) writeth that it was a bloody battle, wherein 1070. of the English and Normans, with certain of the Nobility of the land, were slain, and the enemies with aid of their ships, fled, and brought heavy news home to their dearest friends in Ireland.  
It is very like that William the Conqueror immediately upon this, sent great forces into Ireland, to be revenged of them for relieving or assisting his enemies: for Stow writeth out of William of Malmsbury, thus: Lanfranck, Archbishop of Canterbury, being in such favour with King William, that the said William thought not good to deny any thing that he requested, procured by his industry, that the said King left his ill custom of selling his prisoners which he took in Ireland, which was a thing hardly granted unto him, and to Wolstan, Bishop of Worcester, the gain that the King had by the sale of those Irish men was such.  
The British Chronicle reporteth how that Anno 1087. and the last year of William Conqueror, the sons of Blethlyn ap Convyn, sometime King of Wales, gathered their strength together against Rees ap ●yder, who not being able to meet with them, fled to Ireland, and there he purchased to himself great friends, and got an army of Irish men and Scots, to whom he promised great rewards when he should obtain his kingdom, & so landed in South-Wales with these strangers, and when his friends heard thereof, they drew unto him, and the other came in all haste to vanquish him before he had made a head, and gathered forces together; to be short, at Wechryd they gave battle, 
Or Llechryd.  where they were discomfited, and two of the brethren slain, to wit, Madoc and Kirid, and the other fled and forsook the country. As soon as Rees was in quiet possession of his country, he sent away the Irish men with great rewards.  
All the Lords of the Lands sent messengers unto Murchard, alias Moragh O Brien, King of Ireland, that it would please him to send them some worthy man of royal blood to be their King, during the nonage of Olanus, the son son of Godred, King of Man. Whereupon he sent unto them one Dopnald Mac Tady, whom he deeply charged to govern that kingdom, which of right appertained not to him, with all kindness, love and modesty; but he was no sooner warm in the kingdom, but he forgot his instructions, and the charge his Lord had given him, he poled, he peeled, and practised all kind of tyranny, for the space of three years. Then all the Lords of the Lands rose in arms against him, and banished him out of those parts, so he fled into Ireland, of whom they never heard any further news.  
Stanihurst findeth that Anno 1095. there came certain Esterlings to the North side of Dublin adjoining to the Liffie, and seated themselves there, so that of them to this day, the place is called Ostomontowne, and corruptly, Oxmonton, and the Parish, Saint Michans, 
Saint Michan lived, Anno 1095.  of one Michanus a Dane and a Bishop which founded the Church, unto whom Murchard, or Moragh King of Leynster, gave that parcel of land to that use. The fair green or Commune, now called Ostmontowne-greene, was all wood, and he that diggeth at this day to any depth, shall find the ground full of great roots. From thence, Anno 1098. King William Rufus, by licence of Murchard, had that frame which made up the roof of Westminster Hall, where no English Spider webbeth or breedeth to this day.  
Cambrensis in his itinerary of Cambria, reporteth, how that King William standing upon some high rock in the farthest part of Wales, beheld Ireland, and said, I will have the ships of my kingdom brought hither, wherewith I will make a bridge to invade this land: Murchard King of Leynster heard thereof, and after he had paused a while, asked of the reporter; hath the King in that his great threatening, inserted these words, if it please God? No, than (said he) seeing this King putteth his trust only in man, and not in God, I fear not his coming.  
Anno 1095. Murchard, (so writeth Holinshed) alias Morogh, 
Samuel, Bishop of Dublin.  King of Leynster, with the Clergy, and people of the City of Dublin, elected one Samuel a Monk of Saint Alban, an Irish man borne, to the government of the Church, and Bishops See of Dublin, and according to the ancient custom, presented him by sufficient letters of testimony unto Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury, to be consecrated by him, who (according to their request) did so, and took of him an oath of Canonical obedience after the usual manner.  
Anno 1097. the Citizens of Waterford perceiving that by reason of the great multitude of people in that city, 
Malchus, first Bishop of Waterford.  it was necessary for them to have a Bishop, obtained licence of their King and Rulers, to erect in their City, a Bishops See, and besought them to write to Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, to have his consent therein, and permitted them to nominate a man meet for the place. Hereupon Morogh King of Leynster, wrote unto Anselm, informing him of the whole matter, wherein one Malchus was commended and presented unto him to be admitted and consecrated if he thought good; these letters were subscribed by Murchard, King of Leynster, Dermotte his brother, Bishop Dufnald, Idiman, Bishop of Meath, Samuel, Bishop of Dublin, and Ferdomnachus, a Bishop in Leynster. Anselm considering their request to be honest and necessary, examined the man, gave him the oath of Canonical obedience, and consecrated Malcus' Bishop of Waterford.  
About this time, to wit, Anno 1098. the Normans having slain Rees ap Twyde, Prince of South-Wales, they bent their forces against Griffith ap Conan, Prince of North-Wales, by the conduct of Hugh de Montgomerie, Earl of Saloppe and Arundel, (called of the Welshmen, Hugh Gough,) and of Hugh Vras, Earl of Chester. Griffith the Prince fled to the mountains, and sent for aid into Ireland, (saith Caradoc) where he received cold comfort, then to avoid farther mischief and treason, which he suspected to have been wrought against him, fled into Ireland. In the same season, Magnus' King of Norway (so Stow calleth him) the son of Olavus, the son of Harold Harvager, came with great forces, and subdued the Isles of Orknay, with the I'll of Man, entered into Anglesey, encountered with Hugh, Earl of Salop, who withstood his landing, in the which skirmish, Hugh the Earl had an arrow shot in his face, which pierced his brain, of which he died; whereupon the Normans retraited. Magnus invadeth Ireland (saith Saxo Grammaticus) and Griffith the Prince of Wales returned to his country, and made peace with the Normans, and governed the same fifty years. Many things worthy of memory are recorded of this Griffith ap Conan. powel writeth that he was an Irish man by his mother, daughter of the King of Dublin, and also by his Grandmother, and that he was borne in Ireland, and that he brought over with him out of that country into Wales, divers cunning Musicians, who devised in manner, all the instrumental music upon the Harp and Crowth that is there used, and made laws of minstrelsee to retain the Musicians in due order.  
I have not yet done with Magnus the Norwegian, of him Camden writeth a worthy story. Magnus (saith he) caused a fleet to be in readiness of an 160. sail, and sailed into the Orkeneys, the which he forthwith subdued, he passed through all the Lands, made them subject unto him, and arrived in the I'll of Man; when he beheld how pleasant the Island was, he made choice thereof for habitation, fortified therein, which of him to this day bears his name. He so hampered the inhabitants of Galloway in Scotland, that he made them bring him timber to his Port for the frame of his fortifications. Afterward he sailed to Anglesey in Wales, where he met with two Hugh's, both Earls, the one he slew, the other he put to flight, and made the Island subject unto him. The Welsh men gave him many gifts and rewards, he bade them farewell, and so returned to Man. He sent to Murchard, alias Morogh, King of Ireland, his shoes, commanding him to hang them upon his shoulders upon Christmas day as he passed through his Hall, in the sight of his Ambassadors, that thereby he might understand that he was subject to Magnus the king. When the Irish men heard thereof, they took it in ill part, and chafed exceedingly, but King Morogh, a wise and a sage Prince, smiling at the conceit, with great modesty and discretion gave this answer. I will not only bear his shoes, but I had rather eat them, than that King Magnus should destroy any one Province in Ireland. Whereupon he fulfilled his command, honoured his Ambassadors, sent many Presents unto King Magnus, and concluded a league. The Ambassadors upon their return, related all circumstances gave great report and commendation of the land, delivered how pleasant and fruitful the soil was, the temperature of the air, and how healthful the dwelling was. Magnus' hearing this, immediately it ran in his head to conquer all Ireland; he commanded a great fleet to be in a readiness, and he himself going before with sixteen sail privily to espy and search out the strength of the land, and unadvisedly ranging from his ships, was upon a sudden compassed and hemmed in by the Irishmen, and slain, with all in a manner that were with him. Thus Magnus is become Minimus, in fine, he was buried in Saint Patrick's Church of Downe. So far Camden in substance. The British Chronicle writeth, how that before this insolent attempt, he had procured for his son, a daughter of King Morogh in marriage, and that he made him King of Man, but I do not find that he enjoyed it.  
Carodoc writeth, how that Anno 1101. Robert de Mountgomerie, Earl of Salop, and Arnulph his brother, Earl of Pembroke, rebelling against King Henry, Robert sent for aid to Magnus, but could get none, Arnulph sent Gerald of Windesore, his Steward to Murchard, alias Morogh, King of Ireland, to desire his daughter in marriage, the which he obtained with promise of great succours, which did encourage him the more against the King; whereupon Arnulph went with all haste into Ireland for his wife and Irish forces. Earl Robert seeing himself disappointed, sent to the King, desiring him that he might forsake the Realm, which thing the King granted, and he sailed into Normandy. Arnulph received message from the King, that either he should follow his brother, and depart the land, or yield himself to his mercy, he chose to forsake the land, and fled into Ireland. Not long after, Owen the son of Cadogan, after he had done great mischief and spoil upon the English, Normans, Flemings, and Welsh men, fled into Ireland to King Morogh, who joyfully received him, for he had been there before, returned to Wales, and fled thither the second time, and in like sort the third time.  
Anno 1113. or thereabout, Griffith the son of Rees ap Twyder, Prince of South-Wales, who for fear of the King, had been of a child brought up in Ireland, came to Gerald, Steward of Pembroke his brother in law, and others of his friends, to recover his country, whom the King by secret policies and practices pursued, so that he was forced to flee again.  
In the time of King Henry the first, I find that there was great stir between Murchard or Morogh, King of Leynster, and the Citizens of Dublin, for it seemeth that he used grievous exactions and tyrannies over them, so that the Dublinians in revenge of him, sent for Godred, King of Man, and the Lands, so writeth Camden, and made him their King. Morogh mustereth his country, gathereth forces, procureth aid, marcheth against his enemies, pitcheth his camp at the town of Coridelis, sent his brother (by the mother side) Osibell, with three thousand horse well appointed to Dublin, where he was slain by Godred, and by the men of Dublin, and the rest discomfited and put to flight. Godred found himself well satisfied with spoils, and returned to Man; they of Dublin likewise thought themselves in some sort reasonably well revenged of their King, quitted themselves for a while, and by mediation and intercession after many Presents and Gifts were reconciled. There was great banqueting and feasting, and joy outward of all sides, but inward, lay venom and treason, like sparkles of fire covered with ashes, which broke forth not long after, as I am ready to deliver. Stanihurst, Grace and Dowlinge do write, that the Council of the City determining to establish and decree many good laws and orders, for the public weal of the town, and commons of the same, appointed a solemn day of meeting, sent for Morogh their King, humbly craving with all loyal circumstances, his presence, counsel, and assistance among them at the day appointed, the which he granted; when the day came, and that they had debated many matters, the King as he sat merrily in his chair, sporting himself, and reporting some pleasant history, one suddenly stepped unto him, and took away his weapon, the rest came upon him, and stabbed him to the death; they were not content with this, but they cast him into a base grave, and in further contempt and dispute of his person, they threw a dog upon him, and earth upon them both, the which Dermotte his son revenged afterwards, as shall appear in process of the history.  
About the year 1134. after Functius his computation, one Harold, borne in Ireland, (so writeth Saxo) gathered forces, and became the terror of Norway, affirming withal, that he was the son of Magnus the Dane that invaded Ireland, and for truth thereof, he would declare it by fire. When the time and place was appointed, with his bare feet he trod upon a fiery plate, and felt no hurt: the Norwegians admired, and would make him their King, which was the root of many mischiefs in Norway. He was a man fair spoken, strong, hardy, and swift of foot, and it seemeth, after the manner of Ireland, that he went much bare, so that the soles of his feet were as hard as horn, and could not easily take harm by fire, by which means he deceived the Norwegians. Nicholaus, King of Denmark, corrupted Magnus of Norway by secret means to cut him off. Magnus' practised with Ericus a Danish Captain, to dispatch him immediately after his Coronation. To be short, Ericus came with great forces to Scypetors, (a Village where Herald was) in the night time, laid siege to his Palace, and by the break of day, pulled him and his sons forth by the head and shoulders, and put them to death.  
In the time of Henry 1. King of England, flourished Celsus, 
Celsus, Bishop of Armagh.  Bishop of Armagh, and ended his days with the entrance of King Stephen to the Crown. He descended of Noble Parentage in Ireland, whom Saint Bernard with others, for divers rare and singular gifts, highly commendeth; he had been brought up in the University of Oxenford, where in the liberal sciences, and profound literature, he excelled others of his time; when he perceived by the infirmities of his body, that age hastened to an end, and that his natural course was in short time to be finished, he desired of them that were present, their favours, and prayed them to use means unto others that were absent, and especially unto the two Kings of Monster, (so Bernard writeth) that Malachias might succeed him in the Bishopric of Armagh. He was a married man, and died of great age, and lieth buried with his wife and children in the said Church.  
Malachias in the time of King Stephen, succeeded Celsus in the Bishopric of Armagh, whose life Saint Bernard, 
Malachias, Bishop of Armagh.  Abbot of Clarevallis, Capgrave, and Conganus, an Abbot of Ireland have written at large. He was borne in Ireland amongst barbarous people (saith Bernard) yet in his birth and native soil, he sucked of them no more barbarousness, than the Sea fish take of the salt water. His Parents for wealth and might, were in great account in those days; he was brought up at Armagh, under Imarius the Anachorite, where Celsus made him both Deacon and Priest at the age of 25. years, from thence with licence of Imarius and of Celsus, he went to Malchus, Bishop of Lismore in Monster, a man of Irish birth, that had been a Monk sometimes in the Abbey of Winchester in England, and from thence advanced to the Bishopric of Lismore. And to make the history plain, there was at that time, great wars between Cormacke, King of Monster, and his brother for the Sovereignty; the brother prevaileth, Cormacke fleeth to the Bishop of Lismore, and in his distressed estate, took a Monks Cell, and led a private life. Malachias was appointed his Tutor, where Cormacke continued until that a King there adjoining, pitying his misery, gathered forces, and restored him to his kingdom.  
Immediately after this, Letters came for Malachias in most earnest sort, that he should come to Armagh, where not far off, an Uncle of his, a man of great command, a Lord of a country, rich and potent (that held in his hands all the wasted Monastery of Bencher, alias Bengor) dwelled; of which Monastery I have spoken before in the reign of King Arthure. Malachias upon his coming, restored these possessions, and reedifieth the old Monastery, and appointed one Malchus, brother to Christianus, Abbot of Mel●efont, governor of the place; when Malachius was thirty years of age, he was made Bishop of Conor, (Conorets' saith Bernard) where he met by his own report, (more than I am willing to lay down in writing) so rude and barbarous a people, as worse could not be found upon the face of the earth, yet the holy man ceased not to travail among them by preaching and teaching, and by all means possible to win them; not long after, a certain King of Ulster destroyed Conor, and put the people to the sword, burned and spoilt, and made havoc of all, whereupon Malachias with a hundred and twenty brethren, fled to Monster, where King Cormake gave him great entertainment, and aided him greatly in the building of the Monastery of Ybrak. By this time, Celsus spoken of before, fell sick and died. The rude people thrust in Mauritius that usurped the place some five years, than Malchus, Bishop of Lismore, and Gislebertus the first Legate that came to Ireland, from the Pope, called the Bishops and Princes of the land together, appointed Malachias for the place. And when death had swiftly cut off the intruder Mauritius, that damnable nation thrust in Nigellus, but he prospered not long, so that Malachias enjoyed it quietly. Of the injury done to that Church, and the abuse of that time, hear Bernard, (as he learned of Conganus and others) report. The see of Ardmach (saith Bernard) for the reverence and honour of Saint Patrick the Apostle of that nation, which converted that whole land to the faith, in the which See living, he ruled, and in which dying, he rested, is had of all men from the beginning, in so great reverence, that not only the Bishops and Ministers of the Clergy, but the Kings and Princes of that nation, carry themselves in all obedience unto their Metropolitan, so that he being one, ruleth all: but there crept in a most detestable custom, through the devilish ambition of certain mighty men, that the holy See was obtained by inheritable succession, neither were any suffered to enjoy the Bishopric, but such as were of their tribe and family, neither did this execrable succession hold for a small time, but for the space of fifteen generations, now in this diabolical malice elapsed. And so far this wicked and adulterous generation had confirmed to itself this lewd interest, yea rather an injury to be punished with all manner of death, that if at any time there should want Clerks of that race, yet never wanted Bishops. To be short, there were before Celsus, eight Bishops married men, besides himself, without orders, yet learned men; from hence over all Ireland, issued that dissolution of ecclesiastial discipline, which Malachias found in Conor, the rooting out of godly censure, and the abandoning of religion; from hence every wherein stead of Christian meekness, was brought in cruel barbarousness, yea, paganism and infidelity under a Christian name; for that which was not heard of from the original of Christianity, without order, without reason, the Metropolitans at their pleasure changed, and increased the number of Bishops, so that one Bishopric contented not itself with one Bishop, and no marvel, for how could it far well with the members of so diseased a head? they possessed the Sanctuary of God in this sort, the space well near of two hundred years; he meaneth unto the days of Celsus and Malachias. Cambrensis in his itinerary of Cambria, had relation no doubt unto this, where he with Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury, in visitation about Wales, came to the Church called lure padaen vacor, that is, the Church of great Paternus, mis-stiled with the government thereof, for thus he writeth: This Church, like as many more throughout Ireland and Wales, hath a Say man to their Abbot, use hath prevailed, and a lewd custom hath crept in, that great and mighty men in Parishes, have been by the Clergy appointed Patrons and defendors; afterwards have usurped unto themselves the right thereof. Immediately he reporteth of a traveller that came hither out of little Britain in France, that had for his further knowledge seen many countries, and fashions of sundry nations, and entering into the said Church on the Sabbath day, waited for divine Service, they rung the Bell, they told, they waited long, at length came in the Abbot, with some twenty after him in arms, and wild looks, every one having (fon villuge, so the Britaines termed it) a forest Bill on his shoulder; the traveller asked which is the Abbot, answer was made the foremost, with the greatest forest Bill; the traveller asked, hath he any other ornament, or doth he use any other weed? answer being made, no, then said he, I have travailed far enough, I will see no more fashions whilst I live, after that I have seen an Abbot carry a forest Bill upon his back. Now to return whence I have made this digression, for the abuse of the Church causeth me to abuse the reader.  
Malachias, when he had peaceably enjoyed Ardmagh some three years, with the consent of the three Bishops and Princes, he resigned his place to Gelasius, and returned to his former Bishopric, not of Conor, but of Dune, for he had placed one in Conor before, to wit, Oedanus his disciple; here Bernard noteth that where Dune and Conor were before this time united through ambition and covetousness, this man of devotion and conscience, separated them again, dividing the Churches as they had been of old, for the good will he bore to Armagh, he took his journey towards Rome, landed in Scotland, came to York, sailed to France, and lodged at Clarevallis; he came to Rome in the time of Innocentius 2. who made him his Legate of Ireland, in the roomth of Gislebert, the old man spoken of before, which had made suit to be removed. Boniface appointed Armagh to be a Metropolitan See, but did not effect it, and promised the pall which he did not perform; Bernard maketh mention of two Metropolitan Sees, one procured by Celsus, the other by Malachias; but where and how I find no ancient record. Bale is of opinion they were in vocibus, and not in rebus, for lack of money to pay for them. Upon his return he came to Clarevallis, thence to England, so to Scotland, (where King David most royally entertained him) and last, to his Abbey of Benchor in Ulster. Of his conversation, hear Bernard: from the day of his birth, to the day of his death, he lived sine proprio, without claiming property in any thing; he had neither men servants, nor maid servants, neither towns nor villages, neither any revenue ecclesiastical or temporal in his Bishopric; for his provision, (ad mensam episcopalem) he had no certainty allotted him whereupon a Bishop might live, he had no certain Monastery or dwelling place, for he daily went about all the Parishes, preaching the Gospel, and living by the Gospel, as the Lord had ordained, saying, the labourer is worthy of his reward; of his labours and such as traveled with him, he carried about to relieve them all; to be short, Malachias neither in diet or raiment was discerned from the rest of the brethren; when he went a preaching with footmen, he went on foot, being a Bishop and a Legate: and here Bernard exclaimeth, when he entereth into the consideration of the difference between him and his brethren, and the nephews of the Apostles, so he calleth them. Towards his latter days, he sorrowed that Ireland had not the pall, and as oft as he thought upon Innocentius 2. his promise, he sighed, who (as formerly I have delivered) had promised, not performed; when he heard that Eugenius his successor was come unto France, he thought it a fit time to obtain his purpose, he took shipping for Scotland, where King David received him as in times past, and thence unto England, where the jar between the King of England, and the Pope, hindered his passage, yet he got into France, and strait to Clarevallis, where hearing that Pope Eugenius was returned to Rome, he rested himself, fell sick of an ague, and there died, being of the age of 54. years, Anno 1148. 4 Nonas Novembris, so far Bernard in substance, yet Antonine saith he died, Anno 1140.  
In his time lived Conganus, Abbot of Benchor, who informed Bernard of the whole life of Malachias, and wrote at large thereof himself, inserting many fabulous things, and saith Nicholas Magwire, he wrote not only the life of Malachias, but also the life of Bernard. I find him to be the Patron of Killaskin, otherwise called Killeshin, in Monte Margeo, and the Barony of Marghagha in Leynster, spoken of before.  
In this time lived Tundalus Magus, so surnamed, because suspected for a Sorcerer, borne and brought up in Monster (in Cashell, saith Lepelo, in the West of Ireland) of Noble birth, and by calling a Knight: Antonius out of Vincentius reporteth, that he was fierce and cruel, and in the end became a Carthusian Monk, for that order began as we may read in the life of Bruno, the first founder thereof, upon some great extremity, (whereof the Proverb rose, desperatio facit Monachum, desperation maketh a Monk) it seemeth that he had in his life time committed some heinous offences, and was mightily tormented in conscience, and fell into trances and ecstasies; upon his recovery he delivered unto the world, strange & damnable untruths, (saith Bale) of Heaven, Hell, Purgatory, and I wot not what, for a man distracted, knoweth not what he saith. Bale writeth, (talia ad terrorem fingebant scelestissimi; Nebolones somewhat excusing him, and extenuating his imbecilities and biddeth him farewell: Clarint Stephano Rege in Anglia dominante; & satana apud Hybernos suas vires exercente; he flourished when Stephen reigned over England, and the devil domineered over Ireland. He wrote a book of Revelations, the which Melchior Canus, Albertus Crantzius, and Gobelenus have utterly condemned. He wrote also the life of Ursula, and the 11000. Virgins, printed at Cullen, the which Zazarias Lepelo counteth for lies and fables.  
Anno 1142. the Abbey of Molyfont was founded by Donatus, alias Donogh, King of Louth, alias Vriell, some call him Donogh Ocarvell; the first Abbot was Christianus, who afterwards was Bishop of Lysmore, and Legate of all Ireland.  
Anno 1144. William, Bishop of Winchester, by authority of Pope Celestine 2. in a Council held at London, brought in the use of cursing with Bell, Book, and Candle, which liked the Irish Priests well, to terrify the Laiety for their Tithes. Fox.  
Anno 1148. there fell great variance between Owen, surnamed Gwyneth, Prince of North●Wales, and Cadwallader his brother, they were both the sons of Griffith ap Conan, Prince of North Wales. This Cadwallader fled into Ireland, and hired to his aid, Octer Mac Octer Curbell Mac Therulfe, with a great number of Irish men, and red shanks, for 2000 marks, and landed at Abermeany in Carnarvonshire, against whom, Prince Owen came with great power, but before the Armies met, there was a peace concluded between the brethren, which when the Irish men understood, they kept with them Cadwallader, as prisoner, for their pay formerly promised, so that he was fain to deliver 2000 heads of cattle, besides many prisoners and spoils that were taken in the country; but Prince Owen as soon as he knew his brother to be set at liberty, set upon the Irish men (his stomach was full of revengement) slew a great number of them, and recovered all the cattle, with the prisoners, and other spoil, so that in the end, as many as escaped with life, returned to Ireland with sorrow, shame, and loss, and made no boast of their voyage; so writeth Carodoc.  
The same year, Anno 1148. john Papire a Priest Cardinal, together with Christianus Bishop of Lismore, the Pope's Legate over the whole Land, being sent by Eugenius, came into Ireland. And in Anno 1151. saith Matthew Paris, but by the consent of most Writers, Anno 1152. summoned a Council, where in the presence of the Bishops, Abbots, Kings, Dukes, & the Ancients of Ireland, by the apostolic authority, College of Cardinals, & consent of the Bishops, Abbots, & others there present, they ordained four Archbishoprics in Ireland, and gave them four pales, to wit, Ardmach, Dublin, Cashell, and Tuam. In Ardmach, then sat Gelasius, in Dublin Gregory, in Cashell Donatus, in Tuam Edanus; these were the first Archbishops of Ireland. The records from that time to this day, of the four Provinces, the four Archbishoprickes with their Bishops and Suffragans, in Latin, and vulgar speech, with their titles of Saints and Patrons, together with the unions of them in process of time following, I find thus,  
Anno 1151. these Abbeys were founded, de Beatitudine, de duillio, de Magio, de valle salutis, and happily the Monastery which Matthew Paris and Polychronicon spoke of upon this occasion. There was a Knight (say they) called Owin, of Irish birth, which had long served King Stephen in his wars, got licence to repair unto his native soil, and to visit his friends; when he came to Ireland, hearing the fame of the Purgatory of the second Patrick the Abbot, and not the Bishop, so I read in Polychronicon, it came in his mind to visit the same, he being in the Cave, and concavities under ground, saw strange sights, and making report thereof unto King Stephen, obtained licence of him thenceforth to lead a religious and solitary life: he obtained also of King Stephen, (so Matthew Paris writeth) a parcel of ground in Ireland to build a Monastery called Luden, an Abbey of white Monks, where Gervasius became the first Abbot, and where Gilbert a Monk trained up Owen in the order thereof. This Gilbert (saith mine Author) wrote as Owen told him all the reports that are now extant of that Purgatory, so that it seems to be no ancient matter, but a late device, first found by this Owen, in the late days of King Stephen.  
Anno 1152. was the battle of Monad more fought in Ireland, between Leinster and Monster men, 
The battle of Monad more.  where (saith Holinshed) the flower and chiefest personages of Leinster and Monster were slain, and saith john Plunket, Monster lost the field, Anno 1154. Terdielach, King of Connaght died, there succeeded him, Rorie Oconochor Rowag, commonly called Roderic, who slew his own brother that aspired to the kingdom of Connaght, and in this success, attempted further, and became Monarch of Ireland.  

Henry 2 was crowned King of England, 1154.  Henry 2 King of England, the son of Mathilda the Empress, subdued Scotland, Ireland, Orchades, and the furthest Ocean Lands; he was Protector of France, and was offered the kingdom of jerusalem: this Noble Henry was crowned King of England, Anno 1154. he married Elinor, daughter and heir of William, Duke of Aquitaine, the which Elinor had been formerly married to Lewis, King of France, and upon dislike, divorced, under pretence that they were within the fourth degree of consanguinity: he was knighted by David, King of Scots, and after many broils, & much bloodshed, adopted by King Stephen for his son, and consequently proclaimed heir apparent to the Crown of England, and thereupon after the disease of Stephen, crowned with great joy and applause of the people.  
Anno 1154. the same year that Henry the second was crowned, the Abbey of Kyrie-eleeson was founded.  
Anno 1155. saith Matthew Paris and Fabian, and the first or second of Henry 2. reign, (though Stow refer it to the 7. and Anno 1160▪ the King cast in his mind to conquer Ireland, he saw that it was commodious for him, and considered that they were but a rude and savage people, for so the historiographers do write, whereupon in his ambitious mind, he sent unto Adrian, Bishop of Rome, one john Salisbury, (who by the said Bishop afterwards was made Bishop of Carnolum in France) with others, delivering his suit to that effect. Adrian being a man of English birth, heard his Ambassadors the more willingly, considered the matter advisedly, together with his college of Cardinals, and granted him his request, as followeth: Adrian the Bishop, the servant of the servants of God, to his most dear son in Christ, the Noble King of England, sendeth greeting and apostolic benediction: your magnificence hath been very careful and studious how you might enlarge the Church of God here in earth, and increase the number of his Saints and elect in heaven, in that as a good Catholic King, you have and do by all means labour and travel to enlarge and increase God's Church, by teaching the ignorant people the true and Christian religion, and in abolishing and rooting up the weeds of sin and wickedness. And wherein you have, and do crave for your better furtherance, the help of the apostolic See (wherein more speedily and discreetly you proceed) the better success we hope, God will send, for all they which of a fervent zeal and love in religion, do begin and enterprise any such thing, shall no doubt in the end, have a good and prosperous success: And as for Ireland, and all other Lands where Christ is known, and the Christian religion received, it is out of all doubt, and your excellency well knoweth, they do all appertain and belong to the right of Saint Peter, and of the Church of Rome, and we are so much the more ready, desirous and willing to sow the acceptable seed of God's word, because we know the same in the latter day will be most severely required at our hands: you have (our well-beloved son in Christ) advertised and signified unto us, that you will enter into the Land and Realm of Ireland, to the end to bring them to obedience unto Law, and under your subjection, and to root out from among them, their foul sins and wickedness, as also to yield and pay yearly out of every house, a yearly pension of one penny to Saint Peter, and besides also will defend and keep the rites of those Churches, whole and inviolate: We therefore well allowing and favouring this your godly disposition, and commendable affection, do accept, ratify, and assent unto this your petition; and do grant that you (for the dilating of God's Church, the punishment of sin, the reforming of manners, planting of virtue, and the increasing of Christian religion) do enter to possess that land, and thereto execute according to your wisdom, whatsoever shall be for the honour of God, and the safety of the Realm: and further also we do strictly charge and require, that all the people of that land, do with all humbleness, dutifulness, and honour, receive and accept you as their Liege Lord and Sovereign, reserving and accepting the right of holy Church to be inviolably preserved: as also the yearly pension of Peter pence out of every house, which we require to be truly answered to Saint Peter, and to the Church of Rome. If therefore you do mind to bring your godly purpose to effect, endeavour to travel to reform the people to some better order and trade of life, and that also by yourself, and by such others as you shall think meet, true, and honest in their life, manners, and conversation, to the end the Church of God may be beautified, the true Christian religion sowed and planted, and all other things done, that by any means shall or may be to God's honour, and salvation of men's souls, whereby you may in the end receive of God's hands, the reward of everlasting life, and also in the mean time, and in this life, carry a glorious same and an honourable report among all nations. The King upon the receipt hereof, was very glad, and let it lie dorment by him, until better opportunity was offered, as hereafter shall appear.  
Anno 1166. Moragh Mac Cocholan, King of Ireland, called a great Council at Dublin, gave battle to the King of Leinster, and killed him, and shortly after was himself slain by Ororic, which succeeded in the sovereignty; the same year saith Guttyn Owen in his British Chronicle, Henry 2. being at Chester, hired many ships out of Ireland for his aid, against North-Wales, but he discharged them immediately, for his purpose took no good effect, in as much as the present troubles of Normandy called him away. In this pastime (so the old English delivereth) or rather the hurly-burly of the world, amids the wars of France, Flanders, and England; Ireland was all in arms, the occasion was as followeth.  
Dermot Mac Moragh, King of Leinster, was a long time enamoured with the wife of Ororike, King of Meth, some call him Morris, some other Mordich, she was the daughter of Omalarghlun, whom nature had made fair, the world a Queen, and lust a Harlot: the book of Howth reporteth at large, how Ororic was old, his Queen young and wanton, and that in derision, when he came from hunting, and being an hungered, she gave Apples to eat, which had been in some undecent place of her body to be spoken of, so that the scent of them was strong, whereat she smiled; her Lord and husband having secretly learned her lewd practice, took with him the day following, two of her foster brothers a hunting, gelded them, baked their stones, brought the Pie hot to his Lady and her Gentlewomen, when he had commended the rareness of the meat, the fond wantoness and giglots, fell to it, when they had satisfied themselves, saith Ororic, how like you this Pie, excellent good meat say they; it is (saith he) the meat which you love raw and roasted, what is that (say they) the stones of your two foster brethren; with that she cast up a wild look, and never beheld him cheerfully again. Ororic her Lord and husband being in pursuit of kern thiefs and outlaws that had mightily annoyed his people in the furthest part of his country, she with all celerity, supposing it a fit time, sent for her lover Dermotte, the message was no sooner delivered, but he was a horse back, posting to the Harlot; to be short, he took her away with him, at which time (O false heart) she struggled, she cried, as though she were unwilling, and that he forced her. Ororic immediately heard of it, gathered his forces together, mustered his people, craved aid, and among others, wrote unto Roderick, Monarch of Ireland as followeth.  
Though I am not ignorant, (most renowned Prince) that humane causes are to be weighed in the balance of patience, and that a man endued with virtue, will not effeminate himself by reason of the unconstant and mutable mind of a Harlot, yet in so much this horrible crime, (whereof I am fully persuaded) came to your ears before my messenger could deliver his letters, a thing heretofore not heard of, as far as I remember, not practised against any King of Ireland; severity causeth me to call for justice, when charity admonisheth me not to seek revengement. If thou behold the shame, I confess it redoundeth to me alone; if you weigh the cause, it is common to us both; what confidence shall we repose in our subjects that are bound unto us in regard of our Princely command, if this effeminate adulterer, or rather queller of chastity, shall escape unpunished for so abominable a fact? for the unchastised offences of Princes, notoriously committed in the sight of all men, breed a most pernicious imitation, as precedents unto the people; in sum you have sufficient experience of my good will and affection towards you, you see me wounded with the cruel darts of fortune, vexed with infinite discommodities, and now extremely driven to my utter shifts: It remains, (seeing I am wholly yours) that not only with counsel, being requested, but with arms, being urged, you revenge my quarrel: this when you will, and as you will, not only I ask, but require at your hands. Farewell.  
The Monarch for some former quarrel against Dermot was all on fire, and joining forces with Ororic, entered Leinster with fire and sword, the people cry woe and alack (O bone in Irish) now are we punished for the lewdness of our Prince. Dermot lulling himself in his lover's arms, heareth the news, starteth upon a sudden, beholdeth his Lady, hath no power to speak, runneth forth, calleth his men, cryeth for aid, throughout his country, none gave ●are unto him; the country thought now (whereas they could not) that God will be revenged on him for his exactions, cruelty, tyranny, and all other villainies practised upon his subjects, and especially for deflowering another man's wife: when he saw himself quite forsaken, void and destitute of all aid, he betook himself to the sea, and fled for England, but what became of the Harlot I cannot learn; belike she hanged herself when she had set all the country in uproar. Anno 1169. (john Clin and john Stow are mine Authors) now that Dermot is fled, I am to insert a story out of the British Chronicles of Conwey and Strotflur Abbeys, afore I discourse of him which was in the same year, that he took the sea, how that Owen Gwyneth, Prince of North-Wales, had a son called Ryryd, who in the right of his wife, as it seemeth, was Lord of Clochran in Ireland, and another son begotten upon an Irish woman, called Howell, and a third son called Madoc. This Madoc finding his country in great contention, and his brethren at civil wars, prepared certain ships with men and munition out of Wales and Ireland, and sought adventures by seas, he sailed west from the coast of Ireland, so far north, that he came to a land unknown, where he saw many strange things. This land in the opinion of Humphrey Lloyde, the great Antiquary of Britain, must needs be some part of that country, of which the Spaniards affirm themselves to be the first discoverers since Hannos time. For by reason and order of cosmography, this land to the which Madoc came, must needs be son part of Nova-hispania, or Florida; whereupon it is manifest that the same country was long before discovered by Britain's and Irish men, afore either Columbus or Americus Vespatius, led any Spaniards thither. Of the voyage and return of this Madoc, there be many fables, the which I will not report. He prepared ships for a second voyage, and took with him men and women to inhabit that land, therefore it is to be presupposed that he and his people inhabited part of those countries, for it appeareth by Francis Loves, that in Acusanus and other places, the people honoured the Cross, whereby it may be gathered, that Christians had been there before the coming of the Spaniards: but because this people were not many, they followed the manners of the land, and used their language. I am of opinion with others, that the land whereunto Madoc came, was some part of Mexico; first of all, for that the inhabitants of that land report, their Rulers to have descended from a strange nation that came from a far country, which thing is confessed by Mutesuma, King of that country, in his orations made for quieting of his people at his submission to the King of Castille, Hernando Curtecius being then present, which is laid down in the Spanish Chronicles, of the conquest of the West-Indies; secondly the british words and names of places used in that country to this day, do argue the same, as when they talk together, (they say) Gwrando, which is hearken or listen in British. Also if you peruse Sir Humphrey Gilberts discovery, they have a Bird, which they call Pengwin in British and Cornish, a white-head, but the Island of Corroeso, the Cape of Britain, the river of Gwyndoor and the white rock of Pengwyn, be British or Welsh words: whereby it appeareth, that it was that country which Madoc and his people inhabited: now remembering myself that my pen hath not carried me so far unto foreign countries by sea, but that I expect Dermots return by sea and by land into Ireland. Dermot Mac Morogh came to Henry 2. in Normandy, made his moan (as formerly in substance is delivered) craved aid for his restitution into his country, being a King exiled, although distressed and void of comfort, unless he might obtain it at his Majesty's hands; the King's hands being full of wars, he granted him his favourable letters as followeth.  
Henry, King of England, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, Earl of Anjow, etc. unto all his subjects, English, Normans, Welch, and Scots, and to all nations and people being his subjects, greeting; whereas Dermot Prince of Leinster most wrongfully (as he informeth) banished out of his own country, hath craved our aid, therefore for so much as we have received him unto our protection, grace and favour, whosoever within our Realms, subjects unto our command, will aid and help him whom we have embraced as our trusty friend, for the recovery of his land, let him be assured of our favour and licence in that behalf.  
Dermot returned joyfully with these letters, and came to Bristol, where at that time, Richard, surnamed Strangbow, Ear o● Penbroke and Chepstow lay, he showed his letters, caused them at several times, publicly to be read, conferred with Earl Richard, and concluded to give the Earl his sole daughter and heir in marriage, and his whole interest in the kingdom of Leinster after his decease. Richard undertook of the other side to effect all his desire. As Dermot waited for a wind, it came in his mind for the shorter cut into Ireland, to go by land into Saint David's, where he was refreshed, and greatly pitied by the Bishop there, and concluded in like sort (as with the Earl before) with Robert fitz Stephens, and Moris Fitz Gerald, by the mediation of the good Bishop there, to restore him unto his kingdom, upon condition that he should give them and theirs for ever, the town of Wexford, and two canters of land next adjoining; upon this he took shipping, secretly came to Fernes, and lived privately among the Clergy all that winter, expecting performance of promises out of England. Anno 1170. Abbatia de Castro Dei, was founded in the same year, and the first day of May, (so writeth Stow) Robert Fitz Stephens, with David Barrie, and Hervie de Monte, Mariscospie of Strangbow his nephew, according to his promise, with thirty Knights, threescore Esquires well mounted, and three hundred foot, being Archers well appointed, of his own kindred, and training up in feats of arms, and the choice soldiers of all Wales, landed at the Bann, not far from Wexford; hereupon the rhyme runneth.  
At the Creek of Bagganbun,  
Ireland was lost and won.  
Here some allude unto the blind Prophecy of Merlin, that he should mean this noble Warrior and worthy Knight, where he saith; A Knight biparted shall first enter with force of Arms, and break the bounds of Ireland: this they would have understood of Robert Fitz Stephens, an English man, borne in Normandy, and of Nesta his mother, daughter to R●es ap Tuyder Prince of South Wales; so I find in Cambrensis; but if Merlin had foresight in this, I had rather take his Prophecy verified in respect of his Arms and Ensigns, which were biparted, being of two sundry changes, namely, party par pale gules and ermine, a saltier counterchanged; for commonly all Prophecies have their allusions unto Arms, and by them they are discovered, though at the first not so apparent, before the event thereof take place.  
The next day after, in the same place, landed Morris Prendergast, whom Stanihurst calleth Prendelgast de Rofensi Walliae Demetiae Provinciâ, as Cambrensis writeth; the which I take to be about Milford in South-Wales, accompanied with ten Knights, and a great number of Archers in most gallant sort in two ships. Immediately, Robert Fitz Stephens directeth his letters to Dermot, who could scarce read them for joy of their arrival, and sent forthwith his base son Donald with five hundred men to salute them, and hasteneth after himself with all speed; off goeth his poor mantle wherein he obscurely shrouded himself, on goeth his princely attire; the Irish men follow him, the fame thereof is spread over the whole land: such as before in his distressed state flatly forsook him, now run and flatter, and fawn upon him; to be short, they meet, they confirm the former leagues with oaths, and join forces together, and they march towards Wexford, to lay siege to the town; the townsmen a fierce & wilful people (to the number of 2000) sally forth with full purpose to give them battle in the field, but when they heard the Trumpets sound, the horses neyghing, and beheld their glittering Arms, the rattling of their furniture, horse and men in complete Arms, and all most comely in battle array, (the like of them not formerly seen, neither heard of) they alter their minds, they retire into the town, they make fast their gates, and fire the suburbs. Fitz Stephens came to the walls, filled the trenches with armed men, and appointed his Archers to level at the walls and turrets, if occasion were offered: the townsmen manfully defended themselves, threw over the walls great stones and pieces of timber, hurt many, and made them void the place, among whom, a courageous Knight, called David Barrye, adventured to scale the walls, but with a great stone which fell upon his head-piece, he was cast down to the ditch, and carried away by his fellows with safeguard of his life, upon this they go to the sea strand, and fired all the ships and vessels which they found there.  
The next day after, upon better advice and deliberation, they approach unto the walls, and gave a new assault, the townsmen within began to distrust their state, being upon this sudden arrival of the strangers, not sufficiently provided of men, munition, and victuals, to encounter with them, and remembering again, how most unnaturally they had rebelled against their Prince and Sovereign, they sent messengers to Dermot, to entreat for peace, (alas it was far from the heart) the which was granted, and took of them pledges and hostages for the performance thereof. Lastly, Mac Moragh, according to his former promise gratified these first adventures, he gave unto Robert Fitz Stephens, and Morris Fitz Gerrald, who was as yet in England, the town of Wexford, and the territories thereunto adjoining, and unto Hervie de Monte Morisco, two canters on the sea side, betwixt Wexford and Waterford.  
Dermot Mac Moroch and his company now take heart, they increase their Army with Wexford men, and become 3000. strong. The next journey they bend their course towards Ossory, where one Donald, or Mac Donell was Prince, whom Dermot hated deadly, and for this cause Donald suspected Dermots son and heir to have much familiarity with his wife, and therefore in his jealous humour, apprehended him, imprisoned him, and pulled out both his eyes, (but say they) though sight failed him, his feeling did not, for she loved him the more, in so much that she satisfied his lust, and ran away after him. When Robert Fitz Stephens, and the Gallants of Britain entered the country, they found neither dastards, nor cowards, but valiant men with horse and foot; they found the country fast with woods, bogs, and paces trenched and plashed; yet the valour of the adventurers was such, presuming upon former fortunes, to have the like future successes, with loose wings drove them out of the woods and bogs, into the plain and champion land, where the horsemen with their spears overthrew them, and the foot finding them grovelling, run them thorough, and ended their days; the Gallowglasses followed, and cut off their heads. And here Dermot Mac Morogh is mightily condemned, he being originally for exaction, extortion, cruelty, tyranny, and other damnable offences, justly exiled, now showeth no Princely stomach, but a base Wolvish mind; for when 300. of the Ossory mens heads were thrown at his feet, (alas they had not offended) he viewed them all, and finding one whom he knew, and mortally hated, he held him by the head and ears, and most brutishly with his teeth, bit the nose and lips of the dead, whom without the aid of the Britain's, he durst not behold in the face. In this bloody course, Dermot directed these worthy warriors, they more affecting the prey for their present maintenance, than the blood of any person, to spoil, burn, waste the country, and murder the poor and silly people, which God wot, meant no harm: whereupon Donald, Prince of Ossory, despising Dermot Mac Morogh, by the advice of his Council and friends, sent to Robert Fitz Stephens in writing as followeth: Sir Knight of Noble race, renowned for martial prowess, Donald Prince of Ossory sendeth greeting: Dermot that damnable adulterer in his own person, with the King of Meths' wife, and in his son's person with my wife, have drawn thee and those Gallants, (most worthy Knights) into this poor country and naked people: I will yield myself (it is for the good of my poor followers) into thy hands, peace I crave, and peace let me have. Robert Fitz Stephens acquainted Dermot Mac Morogh with the premises of all sides, the Irish dissembled, (as hereafter shall further appear) peace they granted, and they acknowledged Dermot for their Lord and Sovereign. In all this service, I may not conceal what Cambrensis delivereth. David Barry and Meilerius, effected singular exploits, and deserved no less commendations. As soon as the good success of Dermot and the strangers lately arrived, was spread abroad, Rory Oconochor, alias Roderick, King of Connaught, Monarch of Ireland, called the Princes and Nobles of the land together, and layeth before them the dangerous estate and imminent peril of the whole land, how Dermot guilefully had trained in strangers, how he and the strangers were like to overrun all, unless with all expedition, this mischief were prevented; in sum they concluded, that every man shall to his Arms, and make ready horse and foot, and set upon these invaders.  
Dermot Mac Morogh, having certain knowledge of this great separation and mischief intended, and his false hearted subjects, that lately fawned upon him were fled to the enemies, fearing the puissance of the Monarch, and the forces of the whole land, called Robert Fits Stephens, and said unto him; Fortune is fickle, our state is an ague that cometh by fits, my friends fleet away, and argue false hearts, no marvel though I be disquieted, if you stick not to me I am undone: Robert Fitz Stephens replied, We have left behind us our dear friends and our native soil, we have fired all our ships, not upon intent to run away, we have already in arms engaged our lives, fall out as fall out may, we will live and dye together, be you true to us, we will not be false to you: Dermot hereupon gathering his spirits together, got him and his followers to a certain fastness, not far from Fernes, where he entrenched and plashed himself, being environed with woods, hills, rocks, bogs and waters, a place to man's seeming inaccessible and invincible, to endure for a while wand'ring clouds, and threatening storms of his adversaries, to vanish and be carried away with waving winds of fortune and unfortunate wars: Whose foresight and ready wit Robert Fitz Stephens highly commended, Immediately there came a Messenger from Roderic the Monarch unto Robert Fitz Stephens with this message: The Britan's may not by the Laws of Arms, display their Banners and Ensigns in foreign possessions, and dispose the lawful heirs of their inheritance, but they are with licence of the Irish to pack home whence they came: It is a blemish for the British nation, injuriously to give aid to a shameful fact, neither may the lechery of Dermot, be mantled under British cloaks, wherefore depart and forsake him that is forsaken of God and man. And here by my messenger receive to defray your charges, and transport you to your native soil. Robert Fitz Stephens answereth, your present I will not accept, faith and troth I have pawned to my friend Dermot, I will not break: he forsakes not me, I will not forsake him, neither leave him distressed; you speak of lechery, what is that among martial men? I hear you have Bastards yourself, to what end is your embassy? If Roderick give council, we need it not; if he Prophesy, we credit not his oracle; if he command as a Prince, we obey not his authority; if he threaten as an enemy, a fig for his Monarchy. The messenger returned with small welcome, going and coming; Roderic bethought himself again, and sent letters to Dermot, persuading him to be at peace with his country people, and to banish the strangers out of the Land; he rejected his council and despiseth the messenger: Roderic seeing that his private practices took small effect, put himself in arms, assembleth his forces, and delivereth unto them these speeches: You right worthy and valiant defenders of your Country and liberty; Consider with what people and for what cause we are now to fight and wage battle, the enemy of his own Country, the tyrant over his own people, the exile fugitive, behold he is returned backed with strangers, and purposeth to destroy us and the whole Nation; he being an enemy, hath brought in those enemies, which have been ever hateful unto us all, and are most greedy to have the Sovereignty and Dominion over us all, protesting openly and firmly avouching, that by fatal destiny they are to be Commanders over this land. And so far hath he poured out his venom, that there is no favour, nor mercy to be looked for at his hands. O cruel beast, (yea more cruel than ever was beast) who lately bit with his own teeth, the nose and lips of the dead: he to satisfy his insatiable malice and bloody mind, spareth neither man, woman, nor child: he deserveth well to be hated of all, that opposeth himself an enemy to all; wherefore my loving and dear country men, be well advised, look about you, and consider advisedly, how by the like means, (I mean civil wars) all Realms and nations for the most part have been overthrown and brought to utter ruin. julius Caesar attempted the invasion of Britain, was twice foiled, and endured the repulse, but when Androgeus Duke of London fell at variance with the King, to be revenged, sent for julius, who thereupon returning, subdued the land. The Britain's being at discord, and hating their vicious King Careticus, the Saxons finding opportunity to overrun all, sent for Gurmundus the archpirate and terror of the Ocean seas, who joining forces together, foiled the Britain's, and banished their King: not long after, Isembert aspiring to the Crown of France, procured the said Gurmund to his aid: behold the end, Gurmund was slain, Isembert overthrown, and his whole practice came to nought. Wherefore let us with one mind, like those valiant Frenchmen in our rightful cause, in the defence of our country, and safeguard of the lives of our wives and children, courageously give the onset upon our enemies. And whiles these strangers are but few in number, let us stoutly issue out upon them. The fire while it is but in embers and sparkles, may easily be covered with ashes, but if it break into flames, it is hard to be quenched▪ wherefore it is expedient we stop beginnings, and prevent sickness when it creepeth least; when it takes root, it will hardly be cured: wherefore cheer my hearts, we fight for our country and liberty, let us leave unto our posterity an immortal fame, let us march on, and lustily assault them, that the overthrow of a few, may be a terror to many, and that it may be a precedent unto all foreign Potentates, never to attempt the like again.  
Dermot Mac Morogh and his men receive intelligence of this march, and the approach of the enemy, and beholding his men, somewhat dismayed, turned him to them with loving countenance: ye men of Leynster, my natural subjects, of my flesh and blood, whom loyalty, truth and kindred hath hitherto linked together; let us live together, and dye together, in the defence of our persons and country; you see how that wicked and ambitious minded Roderick, the Author of many mischiefs, not contented with his own country and kingdom, seeketh now the sovereignty and dominion over the whole land, the which, I hope, God will not permit. You see his glory, his pride, and audacious attempts, how he lifteth up his head, and looketh aloft: he trusteth to his multitude, doubt you not but that God is on our side, and the rightful cause ours, though we of country birth, to you Leinster men I speak, be not so many as they are, neither so well appointed, it forceth not, for victory is not measured by multitude, but by valour and courage, and oftentimes, we know, that a few stout and hardy men have foiled troops of sluggards, dastards and white livered Soldiers: If you mistrust any defect in yourselves, behold a present supply at your back and elbow.  
Do not you see these Worthy Knights, these Valiant Warriors these Noble gallants, the flower of Britain? their valour in part you have sufficiently tried, their furniture excelleth, their order and array is most comely, they have forsaken their native soil, their friends and kindred, and all for our sakes; will they fly? no, they have burned their Ships, the Land will yield them neither succour nor refuge, neither will the bloody tyrant Roderic show any mercy; we are sworn the one to the other, while breath lasteth and life endureth. If the enemy pretend with the sword to chastise us for our sins, as it appeareth by their slanderous & shameless reports; alas, what have you done? God knoweth, your consciences are clear, your cause honest, to take Arms in defence of your Prince, and Country? Why do they not behold the blemishes, nay the heinous enormities and villainies that reign among them? Their carrows, their kern, their thiefs, their murders, their swearing, their lying, their drunkenness, their whoredom and bloody minds who reformeth? The Tyrant Roderic hath murdered his own natural brother, he hath three wives alive, he hath eleven bastards by several women: O villain, to behold a mote in our eye, and cannot see a beam in his own. If the tyrant make challenge and pretend title to Leinster, because the same hath sometimes been tributary to some one King of Connoght; by the same reason also may we demand and challenge all Connoght; for our ancestors have been sole Governors of both, and Monarches of all Ireland. The Laws of all Nations do permit, and allow to resist and withstand force and injury, with force and strength; Let us be of good courage, we stand upon a good ground, our seat is naturally very strong of itself, & now by our industry made more defensive; fear nothing, quit yourselves like men. When Dermot had made an end of his Irish Oration, Robert Fitz Stephens in the British tongue turneth him to the Britons. You my companions in martial affairs, you lusty young gallants that have endured with me many perils, yet still retain your noble and valiant courage; consider whence we came, what we are, and the cause we have in hand; we are lineally descended from Troy, whose fame hath filled the whole earth, and now lately some of us out of Normandy, have seated ourselves in Britain, and have to our wives, children, and kindred of the ancient and noble British race; of the one we carry our valiant and noble mind, of the other we learned the experience in feats of Arms; we are not come hither as pirates and thiefs, to rob and spoil (as it is well known unto you) we had our native soil to inhabit, we had our kindred about us, and the countenance of great persons, we came after the course of the World, as marshal men (but in an honest cause) to take our adventures. here we are, our friends are with us, our foes are in arms against us, we are well appointed, the enemy is but a wild, naked, ras●all and savage people: fear nothing, our cause is good; Dermot sought us, we sought not him, he loveth our nation, and our friends in former times have found friendship in his Country, he is a Prince lately exiled, whose fall is more to be pitied then envied; we are to comfort him, to aid him, and to restore him to his Kingdom. It is more honourable to make then to be a King, and to restore then to exile: he is a Prince of a bountiful mind, he hath promised large for us and our heirs after us, he hath in part already most faithfully performed, his years are many, and his days are but few; after him we shall enjoie his, and if we overcome the enemy, we shall possess all: fear not death; it is but a short delay between transitory and eternal life, it is but a short passage from vain and temporal delights, to certain and perpetual joys, if we conquer here, we shall inherit here, and purchase unto us immortal fame; if we miss here, we are sure of a Kingdom in another world. Roderic considering with himself, the events of wars how doubtful and uncertain they are, wrought all means to entreat for peace, being timorous to adventure battle with strangers, whose force he mightily feared, and whose puissance and valour being renowned, he was loath to encounter withal; he sent messengers unto Dermot Mac Morogh, promising him that he and his heirs should in peace and quietness enjoy all Leinster, and acknowledge him for his chief King and Monarch, and to yield unto him the service and homage that to that belonged; and that he should deliver him his son Cunthurus (Cnothurinus saith Stanyhurst) for pledge and hostage. And if the peace were truly kept and performed, Roderic promised to give him his daughter in marriage, and in the end when Leinster should be quitly settled and reduced to the old Irish order, Dermot should drive away the Britain's and stranger's, and procure no more into the Land; all this was concluded upon, and solemnly undertaken by oaths on both sides, yet all was but flat dissimulation. In the nook of this, landeth at Wexford Maurice Fitz Girald, brother to Robert Fitz Stephens by the mother's side, in two ships, having in his company, ten Knights, thirty horsemen, archers and foot a hundred, whereof Dermot was very glad and mightily encouraged on every side. And immediately took with him Morris Fitz Girald, and bend his forces towards Dublin, to be revenged on them, for many wrongs, and especially for the death of his father, whom they murdered in their Council house, as formerly hath been delivered, and after for more despite buried him with a Dog: They left Robert Fitz Stephens behind busily employed in building of a Fort or a strong hold some two miles from Wexford, in British and Irish called the Carrack. As they drew near Dublin, they preyed, they spoiled, they burned all before them. Dublin trembled for fear, the townsmen entreated for peace, the which was granted upon the delivery of certain pledges and hostages▪  
In the mean while, no small stir arose between Roderic the Monarch, and Donald, Prince of Limerike for chiefery. Whereupon there arose deadly hatred and martial wars: Roderic drew all his forces against him; Dermot Mac Moroogh sent to Robert Fitz Stephens, that in all haste he should draw forces to the aid of Donald Prince of Limirike his son in law, which was accordingly affected, where Roderic was foiled, lost his chiefery, and with shame enough returned to his own country. Now Dermot Mac Morogh is puffed up with these prosperous successes, and whereas a while ago, he would have contented himself with Leynster alone, now Connaght and all Ireland seem little enough unto his aspiring mind. Secretly he acquainteth Robert Fitz Stephens, and Maurice Fitz Gerald with his purpose, and offereth any of them his daughter and heir with his inheritance after, upon condition, that they should send for supplies of their kindred and country men, to effect his enterprises; they modestly thanked him for his offers, and refused his daughter, for that they were both already married, and withal wished him to write for Richard Strangbow, with whom he had formerly concluded to that effect, unto whom he addresseth his messenger, and directeth his letters in this form:  
Dermot Mac Morogh, Prince of Leinster, to Richard Earl of Chepstow, the son of Earl Gilbert, sendeth greeting. If you do well consider the time of men and matters, as we do which are distressed, then would you regard whether we have cause to complain of men, or to malign and curse the infortunate time. Even as the silly Storks and Swallows with their coming, prognosticate the summer season, and with westerly winds are blown away: we have observed times and seasons fit for your arrival and transportation, if your affairs had correspondently accorded unto our expectations. East and West no doubt would have fitted our purpose, but hitherto being frustrated of your long desired presence and promises, unless the most valiant Knights of your country birth, (whose valour and prowess my pen is not able to paint unto the posterity) had upheld our state and dignity. We beseech you again and again, in the league and amity of Princes, not to use further delays; our success hitherto hath been to our hearts desire. Leynster is our own, your coming will enlarge our bounds, the speedier it is, the more grateful; the hastier, the more joyful; the sooner, the better welcome. Richard Strangbow was pleased with these letters, glad of the success of Robert Fitz Stephens, and cast with himself, how he might speedily pass for Ireland. He repaired to King Henry 2. humbly beseeching him, either to restore him to such possessions, as by right of inheritance did belong unto him, or to give him Pass to seek adventures in some foreign country, and among some strange nation. Stanihurst excellently conceited, layeth down the King's answer: Henry smiling within himself, saith, Lo, whether and where thou wilt go and wander for me, it shall be lawful for thee, take Dedalus wings and fly away. Strangbow between ●east and earnest, takes this for a sufficient licence, and makes ready for Ireland, and sends before him, Reimond le Grosse, nephew to Robert Fitz Stephens, and Morris Fitz Gerald, son to William Fitz Gerald, the elder brother, which land at Dundorogh, commonly called Dundenold, West of Wexford, with ten Knights, forty Esquires, and fourscore Archers and foot; whereupon Omolaghlin Ophelin, Lord of the Decies, raised the country, consulted with the townsmen of Waterford, and concluded that it stood them upon, with all expedition, to set upon the strangers; they made ready 3000. men by land, they run up and down the shore, they row; their song was kill, kill, kill, Reimond strait upon his arrival, had fortified himself, the Waterfordians march against him in battle array, the Britain's being but sixscore and ten, came forth to make good the field against 3000. Reymond perceiving in the skirmish that the enemy over-laid them, retired to his Fort, the Irish persuading themselves at that instant to give the Britain's an utter overthrow, thick and thin, with all haste pursued them, and the foremost entering at the foot of the last Britain into the Fort, had his head cloven in two with Reymonds' sword, immediately saith Reymond, strike the drum, follow me fellow soldiers; the Irish being disordered, and out of battle array, and discouraged with the death of one man, fly away; then they which in this doubtful skirmish were like to be vanquished and quite overthrown, became victors, conquerors, & won the field; they chased the Waterfordians that were out of order, & at their wits ends, & slew of them, saith Cambrensis, above 500 persons, and being weary of killing, they cast a great number of those whom they had taken prisoners, headlong from the rocks, into the sea. In this service, Sir William Ferand, a Knight, deserved singular commendations, and was the only man of all the Britain's, saith Stanihurst that was slain: Thus fell the pride and rash attempt of Waterford, thus decayed their strength and force, and thus became the ruin and overthrow of that City, which, as it bred a great hope and consolation to the Britain's, so was it the cause of a great desperation and terror to the enemy. They took 70. of the best men in Waterford prisoners, they enter into consultation, and call a martial court, what was to be done with them. Reymond full of pity and compassion, delivereth his opinion; you my noble and valiant companions, and fellow soldiers, for the increase of whose honour, virtue and fortune, we presently seem to contend, let us consider what is best to be done with these our prisoners and captives: for my part I do not think it good, nor yet allow that any favour or courtesy should be at all showed to the enemy, but understand you, these are no enemies now, but men; no rebels, but such as be vanquished and clean overthrown, and standing in defence of their country by evil fortune and hard destiny, are subdued; their adventures were honest, and their attempts commendable, and therefore they are not to be reputed for thiefs, factious persons, traitors, nor yet murderers; they are now brought to that distress and case, that rather mercy for example sake is to be showed, than cruelty to the increase of their misery to be ministered: surely our ancestors in times past, (although indeed it be very hard to be done) were wont when fortune favoured, to temper their loose minds, and qualify their unruly affections, with some one discommodity or other: wherefore let mercy and pity, which is in man most commendable, work so in us, that we that now have overcome others, may subdue our own minds, and conquer our own affections. For modesty, moderation, and discretion, are wont to stay hasty motions, and to stop the course of rash devices. O how commendable and honourable is it to a Noble man, that in his greatest triumph and glory, he counteth it for a sufficient revenge, that he can revenge, and be wreaked! julius Caesar, whose conquests were such, his victory so great, and his triumphs so many, that the whole world was noised therewith, he had not so many friends who rejoiced for the same, but he had many more enemies that maligned and envied his successes, not only in slanderous words, and evil reports, but many also secretly conspired, devised and practised his death and destruction; And yet he was so full of pity, mercy, and compassion, that he never commanded nor willed any to be put to death for the same, saving only one Domitius, whom he had of mere clemency for his lewdness before pardoned, for his wickedness released, and for his treachery acquitted. And thus as his pity did much increase his honour, so did it nothing hinder his victories. Oh how beastly then and impious is that cruelty, wherein victory is not joined with pity! for it is the part of a right Noble and Valiant Conqueror, to count them enemies, that do wage the battle, contend and fight for the victory, but such as be conquered, taken prisoners, and kept in bonds and captivity, to take and repute them for men; that hereby fortitude and force may diminish the battle, and end the quarrel, as also humanity may increase love, and make peace. It is therefore a great commendation, and more praise worthy to a noble man, in mercy to be bounteous, then in victory to be cruel. For the one only lieth in the course of fortune, but the other in virtue. And as it had been a great increase of our victory, and an augmentation of honour, if our enemies had been slain in the field, and overthrown in the battle; so they being now taken and saved, as it were men returned from rebels to the common society, and fellowship of men. If we now should kill them, it will be to our great shame, dishonour and reproach for ever. And for as much as by the kill and destroying of them, we shall be never the nearer to have the command of the country, and never sooner to be Lords of the Land) and yet the ransoming of them very good for the maintenance of the Soldiers, the good fame of us, and the advancement of honour) we must need think that it is better to ransom them, then cruelly to kill them; for as it is requisite, that a Soldier in the field fight in arms, should then thirst for the blood of his enemy, try the force of his sword, and valiantly stand to his tackle for victory; so when the fight is ended, the wars ceased, and the armour laid down, and all strongness of hostility set apart, then in a Noble man must humanity take place, pity and commiseration must be showed, and all kindness of courtesy must be extended.  
With this they were all drawn to some mildness and remorse, and ready to show favour in hope of friendship again. Henry de Monte Marisco, who came thither to salute Reimond, stands up in opposition, bend to blood and villainy, in whom there was neither manhood in battle abroad, nor mercy in consultation at home, and spoke as followeth: Reimond hath very exquisitely discoursed of pity and mercy in set speeches, uttering his eloquence hath showed his mind, and declared his opinion, persuading and inducing us to believe that a strange land were to be conquered sooner by mercy and fond pity, then by fire and sword; but I pray you, can there be a worse way then to hold that course. Did julius Caesar or Alexander of Macedonia, by such means or in such order conquer the whole world; did the Nations from out of all places run to submit themselves under their command, and empire in respect of their pity and mercy, and not rather compelled so to do for fear and perforce? For people whilst they are yet proud and rebellious, all pity and mercy set apart, are by all manner of means and ways to be subdued: but when they are once brought under subjection and bondage, & ready to serve and obey, than they are with all courtesy to be entreated and kindly dealt withal, so that the state of the Government be in safety and void of danger, herein & in this point, must pity be used; but in the other severity or rather cruelty is more necessary: here clemency is to be showed, but in the other rigour without favour is to be ministered. Reimond persuadeth that mercy is to be extended as upon people already subdued and subjected, or as though the enemies were so few and of so small a number, as against whom no valiant service nor chivalry can be exploited; and yet they are ready to join with us, whereby our force may be increased, and our power augmented: but alas, do not we see, how that the whole notion and people of Ireland are fully bend and (not without cause) altogether conspired against us? surely me thinks Reimond is contrary to himself, for why? his coming hither was not to dispute of pity, nor to reason of mercy, but to conquer the nation, to subdue the people: Oh what an example of impious pity were it then, to neglect our own safety, and to have remorse and compassion upon others distresses! moreover we have here in the field and in armour, more enemies than friends, we are in the middle of perils and dangers, our enemies being round about us in every corner: and shall we think this to be nothing, but that we must be also in the like distress and danger among ourselves: Round about us our enemies are infinite, and within ourselves, some there be which practice and work our destruction: And if it should happen that our Captives and Prisoners should escape, and break loose out of their bonds, which are but very weak and slender, no doubt they would forthwith take our own armour and weapons against us; well, well, the Mouse is in the cupboard, the Fire is in the lap, and the Serpent is in the bosom, the enemy is at hand ready to oppress his adversary, and the guest is in place with small courtesy to requite his host. If our enemies, when they come in good array, and well appointed to give the onset, and to wage battle against us; if they should happen to have the victory, & the upperhand over us, would they deal in pity and mercy? would they grant us our lives? would they put us to ransom? Tush, what needs many words, when the deeds are apparent; our victory is to be used, that the destruction of these few may be a terror to many, whereby all others, and this wild and rebellious nation may take example, and beware how they meddle and encounter with us; of two things we are to make choice of one, for either we must valiantly and courageously stand to perform what we have taken in hand, and all fond pity set aside, boldly and stoutly to overthrow and vanquish this rebellious and stubborn people, or (if we shall after the mind and opinion of Reimond altogether be pitiful and full of mercy) we must hoist up our sails, and return home, leaving both the Country, and all that we have already gotten, to this miserable and wretched people. When Herveie had made an end of his speech; they put it to voices, and the voices went on Herveis side; whereupon the Captains (as men condemned) were brought to the Rocks, and after their Limbs were broken, they were cast head long into the Seas, and drowned every mother's son.  
Upon the 23. of August, being Saint Bartholomewes' Eeve, and year aforesaid, to wit, Anno 1170. Richard, surnamed Strangbow Earl of Strigulia (whose original and offspring in another place hereafter (if God permit) shall be laid down) landed in the Haven of Waterford, where Dermos' Mac Morogh, Robert Fitz Stephens, and Maurice Fitz Gerauld, and Reimond le Grosse met him, and joined their forces together? Reimond le Grosse was made general of the field, they took small rest after their arrival; for upon Bartholomew day being tuesday, with Banners displayed, in good array they assaulted the City by water and by land, the townsmen manfully defended themselves, and gave them two repulses: Reimond having compassed the town, espied without adjoining unto the town wall (where now standeth a strong Bulwark) an old Cabin, propped with old timber, and entered into the old wall, the which props they sawed asunder, then down falleth the cabin, and withal a great part of the wall: the breach thus made, the Britain's do enter, and in the streets kill man, woman and child, and there left them in heaps: In Reignald tower, upon the wall of the tower they found one Reignald (I take it the tower beareth the name of him) and Omalaghlin Ophelim, Lord of the Decies, whose lives Dermot Mac Morogh saved: they found there other two, whom they put to the sword, they rifled the houses, they ransacked the City, they made havoc of all, lastly they left there a strong ward. Then according to precedent covenants, Dermot gave his daughter Eva in marriage to Richard Strangbow, and after solemnity thereof, they all marched with their forces towards Dublin: For Dermot bore them a deadly hatred, and hitherto winked at them, until further opportunity served, for the villainy and cruelty they showed to his father; the townsmen of Dublin foreseeing his revenging mind, procured to their aid as many as they could throughout the land, they trenched, they plashed in paces, streets and narrow places, all the ways along to Waterford, to hinder their march. Dermot was not ignorant thereof, whereupon he led the army from out the common and beaten way, through the Mountains of Glandelogh, and came safe to the walls of Dublin. There the Citizens sent messengers to entreat for peace, and amongst others, Laurence O Toole Arcbishop of Dublin: while they parled without for peace, Sir Remond le gross, and Sir Miles Cogan scaled the walls; for, saith Cambrensis, they were more desirous to fight under Mars in the field, then in the Senate to sit with jupiter in Council; they made a breach, they enter the City, they put all to the sword: in the mean while, Hastulphus the Commander of the City, with a great many of the better sort, with their Riches and jewels, escaped and fled by the Sea to the North Lands.  
When the Earl had spent a few days in the town, he left Miles Cogan Governor thereof, and by the persuasion of Dermot Mac Morogh, he drew his forces into Meth to be avenged of Ororicke, whom some call Morris, some Murdich, who was the cause of his exile, and whose wife Dermot had formerly taken away. The Earl no sooner entered the Country, but the Army was given wholly to the spoil; they rob, they spoilt, they burned, and wasted all before them: Roderic King of Conoght and Monarch of Ireland, seeing his neighbour's house set one fire, thought it high time to look to his own, and wrote to Dermot Mac Morogh, contrary to the order of Peace, formerly concluded, thou hast procured and alured a swarm and multitude of strangers, to invade this land; all the while thou didst contain thyself within compass of thine own territories, we winked at thy proceedings, but forasmuch as now thou not caring for thy oath, nor regarding the safety of thy hostages, hast so fond and falsely passed thy bounds, I require thee that thou wouldst retire, and withdraw these excourses and inroads of strangers, or else, to begin, I will not fail to cut off thy son's head, and send it to thee with speed.  
Dermot despised the messenger, and would scarce vouchsafe to read his letter; upon the messengers return, Roderic was mad, and in his rage, caused his pledges head, the son of Dermot Mac Morogh to be cut off. In this troublesome time, the Primate of Armagh called the Prelates and Clergy to a Synod; at Armagh, assembled a Council; where, according to their wisdoms, they endeavoured to find out the cause of these miseries that fell upon the land, they inquired not whether the Bishops had bought their Bishoprickes for money, whether their Parsons did pray, whether their Ministers were lettered; what whoredom, simony, or lechery, with other enormities, reigned among the Clergy, but simply, like themselves, posted over all to the Laiety, and concluded (insipienter) that the just plague fell upon the people, for merchandizing of the English nation; for than they bought and sold of the English birth, such as they found, and made them bondslaves; so they served Saint Patrick, called the Apostle of Ireland, who was a bondman six years in Ireland, but Patrick preached Christ, and the English nation reform the land. Here the sacred letters reconcile all, the stone which the builders refused, is become the corner stone, and why so? the answer followeth, it is the Lords doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes. But I may not so leave my Prelates, they synodically decreed as followeth: that all the English men within the land, whatsoever they were, should be manumised; a worshipful piece of work, and no thank to them all, for the English sword was then ready to cut off the Irish heads: this reformation was but a sweeping of a house with a Fox's tail.  
The prosperous successes of Earl Richard, surnamed Strangbow, were no sooner effected, but fame flyed abroad, and flatterers carried it to Henry the seconds ears, and made him jealous, as Kings commonly are, that a subject as Richard was, should not only in the right of his wife, content himself with Leinster, but most presumptuously without licence, as the King alleged, attempt the conquest of a kingdom, where he formerly by grant of Adrian, was interessed. Whereupon the King in his jealous rage, endeavouring to stop the Springs and Watercourses, proclaimed: We, Henry, etc. Forbid and inhibit, that from henceforth no ship from any place of our dominion, shall traffic or pass into Ireland; and likewise charge that all our subjects upon their duty of allegiance, which are there commorant, shall return from thence into England before Easter next following, upon pain of forfeiture of all their lands, and the persons so disobeying, to be banished our land, and exiled for ever.  
The Earl seeing himself in this distress, being in peril to lose his friends, and to want his necessaries out of his native soil, by intercourse of Merchants, calleth a Council; where it was agreed and concluded, that Sir Reimond Legrosse should be sent over to pacify the King (who then was in Aquitaine) with these letters: Most puissant Prince, and my dread Sovereign, I came into this land with your Majesty's leave and savour (as far as I remember) to aid your servant Dermot Mac Morogh; what I have won, was with the sword, what is given me, I give you, I am yours, life and living at your command.  
Upon the receipt of these letters, there fell of all sides, three disasters, the King was mightily incensed against Earl Richard, and therefore delayed Sir Reimond Legrosse, and gave him no answer; secondly, the death of Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury troubled him exceedingly, and to help the reader's memory with the time, it was as the rhyme delivereth, 
Annus millenus, centenus septuagenus  
Primus erat, primas quo ruit ense Thomas.   
The third was, that Dermot Mac Morogh a most bountiful Prince, died and was buried at Fernes.  
Anno 1171. Hastulpus, late Governor of Dublin (of whom I have formerly spoken) returneth, and entereth the haven of Dublin, with threescore sail to his aid, of Islanders, Norwegians, and Esterlings, they forthwith landed, and unshipped themselves, and had to their Captain, saith Cambrensis, one john Wood, some call him mad john, for the pranks he played, for wood and mad bear one sense. Stanihurst calleth him Pewood, Douling, Heywood. They were all mighty men of war, and well appointed after the Danish manner, being harnessed with good Brigandines, jacks and shirts of mail; their Shields, Bucklers, and Targets, were round, and coloured red, and bound about with iron, and as they seemed in arms, so were they no less in minds; iron-strong and mighty; they marched in battle array towards the East gate of the City. Miles Cogan the Governor, with a fair company (yet but a handful to the number of the enemy, sallied forth, and gave them battle, where both sides lost many a tall man. Miles Cogan seeing himself overlaid with the furious rage and multitude of his adversaries, gave back, and retired into the town; by this time, Richard Cogan his brother had secretly issued out with a good company, at the South postern gate, compassed the Danes, and being at the foot of the rearward, made mighty cry and shout, whereat the Danes were amazed, and the two brethren had the kill of them before and behind. The Danes broke their array, threw their Arms away, fled towards their ships, where many also for haste were drowned. In this skirmish, john Wood was slain, and Hastulphus taken prisoner, and put to his ransom. The prodigality of this Hastulphus was such, that he contented not himself with life, but braved and bragged of his exploits, in the hearing of Miles Cogan, and therewithal delivered, that that attempt was nothing, but a taste or proof of the Irish valour, and shortly, they should see another manner of forces assault them; What (saith Miles Cogan) is it not enough for him to have his life, but he must threaten us with further rebellion; go, take him, and cut off his head. And thus the blab of his tongue, turned to his confusion.  
Shortly after, the Irish and country birth, lying aloof, waiting for all opportunities, and understanding of some unkindness and displeasure conceived by King Henry the second, against Earl Richard, and in that quarrel generally against all the Britain's and invaders of Ireland; they put their heads together, they plot, they draw their draughts and devices, to lay siege to recover the City of Dublin, and the chiefest instrument was Laurence O Toole, Archbishop of Dublin, who wrote unto Roderic, King of Connaght, & unto Gotred, alias Godfrey, King of Man, and to all the Princes of Ireland, that it would please them (some in regard of neighbourhood, othersome in regard of natural affection unto their native soil and distressed country men of Irish birth) put to their helping hand, join their forces together, lay siege to the City of Dublin by sea and by land, relieve their brethren, rid them from the Britain's hands, and restore them to their former liberty. The Bishop for the good opinion that was held of his learning, gravity, and sanctity, prevailed, insomuch, that Gotred, King of Man, came into the harbour of Dublin, with thirty sail. Roderic the Monarch and forces of Ireland came by land, and encamped within sight of the town. Within the town, were Earl Richard Strangbow, Maurice Fitz Gerald, Reimond Legrosse, lately arrived from out of England, Miles Cogan, Richard Cogan, with other worthy men and Citizens, to the number of thirty thousand fight men. As they were prepared for battle, (as commonly one mischief falleth in the neck of another) Donald, the base son of Dermot Mac Morogh, came in post to the Earl, and delivered how that Robert Fitz Stephens in his Fort of Carack by Wexford, was besieged with three thousand men of Wexford and Kinsele, by the conduct of Donald, Prince of Limeric, son in law to Dermot Mac Morogh, who before time in his extremity, and in the wars between him and Roderic the Monarch, for chiefery, (at the request of Dermot Mac Morogh, was relieved by Robert Fitz Stephens, and so aided, that he foiled his enemy; and thus good is recompensed with evil. In this perplexity and doubtful danger, Maurice Fitz Gerald full of courage, turneth him to the Earl, and the martial men in these words: you most valiant men, we came not into this land, neither were we procured hither to be idle, or to live deliciously, but to try fortune, and to seek adventures; we stood sometime upon the top of the wheel, and the game went of our side, now me thinks fortune wheels about, let us not be dismayed, for that which is low now, will be up again, and so we must tarry and take our time; such is the mutability among the sons of men, the fickle and uncertain course of humane causes, so that prosperity and adversity, interchangeably do follow the one after the other. After day, cometh the night, and when the night is passed, the day dawneth again; the sun riseth, and spreads his beams over the face of the earth, holdeth his course to his fall, passeth the night season, and riseth again; we who before this time have made great triumphs, and had the wings of fortune to fly withal, and are now clouded and enclosed by our enemies on every side, our victuals are scant, the King our Sovereign Lord frowneth upon us, we are barred of release by sea and by land, our friends cannot help us, our enemies are ready to devour us: pluck up your hearts, if God be with us, we care not who is against us; but alas my brother Fitz Stephens, whose valiantness, and noble enterprise broke the ice, and made way for us into this Island, is now shut up in a weak hold, and feeble place, with wife and children, too weak and slender to keep out so great a force. O traitorous Donald of Limiric, O treacherous and halfe-hearted people of Kensele and Wexford! peace is war, trust is treachery, and truth is falsehood among them: why then do we tarry, why do we linger? is there any hope of relief from our native soil? no, no, the matter is now otherwise, and we ourselves are presently in a worse case, for as our nation at this present is odious and hateful unto the Irish men, so are we also misled with some disgrace in our country, wherefore in so much as fortune favoureth the forward and courageous, and discourageth the dastard and faint-hearted, while our wits are fresh, while our bodies are able, while we are all on heart, let us give the onset; though we are not so many in number as they are, our courage and valour is known to exceed theirs, they are but naked wretches, and unarmed people. Reimonà Legrosse immediately breaketh out in these speeches. My Uncle Maurice hath gravely delivered his mind, he hath pithily advised us, and prudently counselled us: this is no time to sit in council, to spend time in speeches, or to use delays, the danger is at hand, the enemy is at the door, we are compassed by sea and by land, there is no flying, we must fight it out; our provision is spent, England dares relieve us no more, Ireland defieth us, the King's Majesty (I know) dispraiseth not our activities, and yet graceth not our successes; he discommendeth not our valour, yet envieth all our glory, though in words he reporteth well of our service, yet in deeds secretly hindereth the course thereof; lastly, he feareth that which we meant not, and doubteth of that which we think not of; wherefore all doubts and delays set apart, let us, as becometh men of our sort, try the course of fortune, and prove the force of the enemy; let that appear unto them which is known unto us; of what race we came, and of what stock we are descended. Camber the first King of Cambria our native Country, was our Ancestor, and the son of that Noble Brutus, the first and sole Monarch of Britain, whose Ancestor was Troos, the founder of that most ancient City of Troy, who descended from Dardanus the son of jupiter, from whom is derived unto us, not only the stem of ancient Nobility, but also a certain natural inclination of valiant minds, and courageous stomaches resolutely to follow all exploits of prowess and chivalry; and shall we now like sluggarts, degenerate from so noble a race, and like a sort of Cowards, be afraid of these naked and unarmed Rascals, in whom there is no valour, by reason of knowledge or experience in Arms? Shall such a rabble of savages pin us up within the walls of little Dublin? When in times past all the Princes in Greece kept wars the space of ten years and odd months, against our Ancecestors in the famous City of Troy; and could not prevail against them, until they used treasons, and practised treacheries which bred unto them a more infamous victory, than a glorious Triumph? Let it never be said, that the blood of the Trojans shall be stained in our pusillanimity, and receive reproach by our peevish dastardy: Fortune, though she be portrayed to be blind, as ever void of right judgement, and to stand upon a rolling stone, as being always flitting and unconstant; yet for the most part, she helpeth such as be of courageous minds, & valiant stomaches; you will say, we are but a few, and the enemy infinite in number; what then? Victory consisteth not in multitudes, neither conquest in numbers: Did not Thomiris the Scythian Queen, with hundreds, overthrow Cyrus with thousands, and took him and slew him? Did not Laomedes the Spartan encounter (having but four thousand Soldiers) with mighty Xerxes, who brought five hundred thousand to the field, and overthrew him? Did not Alexander with a few Macedonians overthrew Darius, the great Monarch of Persia? Did not he take him, his wife, and daughters prisoners, and make a Conquest of Persia? Have not we in our persons (all praise be given to God, the giver of Victory) even you, right honourable Earl at Waterford, my uncle Fitz Stephens at Wexford, myself at Dondorogh with a few given many the foil; what remains, sith time shall sooner fail than matter want? let us like men show resolute minds in this service. And to conclude, my mind then and opinion is, that we do issue out upon them as secretly and as suddenly as we may, and give the onset.  
And for so much as Roderic of Conoght, is the general of the field, in whom lieth the chiefest force, and on whom all the rest do chiefly depend, it shall be best to begin with him, and if we can give him the overthrow, all the rest will fly, and we shall obtain a glorious victory; but if we shall fall into their hands and be slain, yet shall we leave an honourable report and an immortal fame to our posterity. He had no sooner ended his speech, but every man armed himself to go forth, and give the onset: They divided the Army in three battles; and although at the first, they contended for the Vanguard, yet quickly they were accorded and marched forward. Reimond le Grosse resolutely given, with twenty Knights, and soldiers well appointed, took the Vanguard. Miles Cogan with thirty Knights, and many a worthy warrior, kept the main battle. Earl Strangbow, and Maurice Fitz Gerald, with forty Knights, Gentlemen and common soldiers, took the Rearward, in every ward were placed some of the Citizens, and other some with martial men, left at home for the guard and safety of the City: early in the morning when the enemy was unarmed & out of order, little thinking that so few within durst attempt to give the onset to so many without, they fell upon them, killed without mercy, and the rear was so forward, that they came with the Vanguard by wheeling about to the slaughter of the enemy. Roderic all this while trusting to his troops and multitude of people, feared nothing, he took his ease and pleasure, and was bathing himself; but when the alarm was up, & that he saw his men on every side fall to the ground, never tarried, called for man nor Page to array him, but took his mantle and ran away all naked, and hardly escaped with life. The Britain's pursued after, and had the kill of them all that day, in the evening they returned into the City, not only with the honour of the field, but rich booties, and prays of victuals, armour and other pillage, as much as man and beast could carry: Immediately, also the rumour hereof, the other Camps were dispersed, namely, Laurence the Archbishop (whom it had beseemed better to have been at home with his porthouse, then in Camp with rebels) Mathelan Machalem, Gillemehelmocus, Otuetol, Ororic Prince of Meath, Ocarol, alias Ocarvell Prince of Vriell, Machfalin, Ochadese, with many other great Commanders, where every man shifted for himself; of Gotred, alias Godfray King of Man that came by Sea, I find nothing, for upon this disaster he took him to the seas the next day, without any further deliberation; Miles Cogan is left to govern Dublin, and the Earl with his Army marched towards Wexford, to raise the siege at the Carreke, to relieve Robert Fitz Stephens; as he passed by Odrone, the forces of Leinster, by the conduct of Donole Obrene Prince of Limerik, and Donald Prince Osery set upon him, and fought a cruel fight, but he went on with the loss of one man. As he came to the borders of Wexford, certain messengers met and informed him of the mischance that happened to Robert Fitz Stephens, and the firing of the Town of Wexford; adding moreover, that the Wexfordians were fully determined, if the Earl came any further towards them, they would cut off all the heads of Fitz Stephens and all his company, and send them unto him; whereupon with heavy cheer and sorrowful heart he changed his mind & turned to Waterford. But afore I proceed any further, I am to deliver the manner of the treachery and villainy showed unto Robert Fitz Stephens: Donold of Limric, son in Law to Dermot Mac Morogh, while his father lived, he was one that favoured the Britain's, and not without cause; but now forgetting humanity returneth to his vomit, bends his course towards Wexford, and while other states of Ireland by East and by North, with might & main practised the rooting out of the Britain's, he flies to the South, and raiseth Wexford, & Kensile to lay siege to the Carreke, the fort of Robert Fitz Stephens. First they begin with force, and seeing that failed them, they fall to guiles and subtleties under colour of peace, pretending nothing but pure love, tender affection and safeguard of his person, and all that were with him; they bring with them two Bishops, the one of Kildare, the other of Fernes, in their formal moods, with other Religious persons (O damned Prelates) and they had with them the Mass Book, the host, with certain Relics; upon these they take corporal oaths, and swear with great solemnity and protestations as followeth: (For the good will and affection we bear unto you) whom we have always found a courteous and bountiful Prince, we are to signify unto you this much; how that Dublin is taken, the Earl Strangbow, Maurice Fitz Girald, Reimond le Grosse, Miles Cogan, with all the English are put to the sword, and now Roderic the Monarch, with all the power of Conoght and Leinster posteth hither to raze even with the ground, all the Forts, Holds, and Castles, which the Englishmen have, and especially to apprehend you Robert Fitz Stephens, and Willam Not, that were the forerunners into this Land of all this mischief; wherefore take this for truth and be well advised what to do, if they take you there is no mercy; if you will put yourself with your company and goods into our hands, in the faith of Christianity we swear we will safely transport you and yours unto Wales, so shall you not lose so much as a hair of your head; wherefore the great Army being at hand, yield, come forth and ship yourself for Wals. Robert Fitz Stephens (who would not in this case give credit) yielded himself into their hands, immediately (more like jews than Christians) they strip them out of all that ever they have, they hang one, they throw another over a rock, they break another's neck, one hath his eyes pulled out, another hath his tongue cut, some they scourge with thongs, other some they take, and with sledges break their Arms and thighs, the greatest kindness they show is iron and imprisonment, the which Robert Fitz Stephens endured; now leaving these bloody Massacres and themselves, I will turn to Waterford after Earl Strangbow. When Earl Strangbow came to Waterford, he found there Hervie de Monte Marisco newly arrived out of England, with letters from the King, requiring him forthwith to repair unto his Majesty. Strangbow together with Hervy took the first wind and went for England, and found the King at Newham not far from Gloucester, where he was in readiness with a great Army to sail out into Ireland, whereafter sundry altercations passed between them, at length (as they say) by means of Hervy, the King's displeasure was appeased, and it was agreed that the Earl should swear allegiance to the King, and yield and surender unto him the City of Dublin, with the canters thereunto adjoining, as also such Towns and Forts as were bordering upon the Sea side, and as for the residue he should have and retain to him and his heirs, holding the same of the King and his heirs.  
Strangbow was no sooner known to be in England, and Reimond at Waterford, but Ororic Monoculus, the one eyed Prince of Meath, mustered a great number of Soldiers, and laid siege to the City of Dublin. Miles Cogan the Governor withal his company (while the enemy was careless) upon a sudden issued out and fell upon them unawares, and made a great slaughter of them, among whom both Ororic and his son were slain.  
In the British Chronicles copied by Owen Cretten out of the Abbeys of Conwey in North-wales, and Stratflur in South-wales, I find recorded that when King Henry the 2. made preparation for the conquest of Ireland, Richard Strangbow Earl of Strigale, Marshal of England, being reconciled to the King, had all his Lands in England and Normandy restored unto him again, and thereupon the King made him Seneschal (Steward, saith he, of Ireland) Then came Rees prince of South-wales, and offered the King to further his Conquest, 300. Horses, 400. Oxen, and for performance of all services gave him 14. pledges; when they were presented the King made choice of 30. principal Horses, gave back all the rest, confessing himself greatly pleasured at his hands.  
Anno 1172. upon Saint Luke's day the 18. of October, Henry the 2. the 17. year of his reign, the 41. of his age, entered the Haven of Waterford so writeth Cambrensis that lived then, and being landed to the hearty joy of the English, and feigned welcome of the Irishmen, had by them of Wexford formerly spoken of, Robert Fitz Stephens in irons presented before him, whom the Wexfordians (herein I commend Stanihursts indifferent dealing) rather of malice & cankered spite, then for just cause, did charge with many heinous crimes. The King advisedly to pacify the rage of furious people, for for the present time, committed him to prison, whence shortly after, he was with honour and credit, discharged, and advanced to his great preferment.  
After that the King had a little rested himself, and the messengers scattered themselves with news over the land, the Princes were amazed, they knew the King's greatness was such, if fair means would not, force should constrain them, and therefore in policy resolved themselves to yield allegiance, homage and fealty. Whereupon Dermot Mac Carty, Prince of Cork, began, became tributary, swore faith, truth, and loyalty to the King of England. And the King thereupon gave the kingdom of Cork to Robert Fitz Stephens and Miles Cogan as hereafter more at large shall appear.  
From Waterford the King raised his army, and marched towards Lismore, where he tarried two days, and from thence he marched to Cashill, not far from the Sure, and thither came to him, Donald O Bren, Prince of Limric, who submitted himself, became tributary, and swore fealty; whereupon the King as he had formerly done with Cork, appointed a Governor for Limric: then also came in Donall, Prince of Ossorie, and Omelaghlen Ophelin, Lord of the Decies, with all the chieftains of Monster, submitting themselves, as others had formerly done, surrendering unto the King's hands, their territories, and holding them again at his pleasure. Thence the King returned to Waterford, left there his household, and Robert Fitz Barnard, governor of the town, and marched with his army towards Dublin. In his journey there came unto him of the chiefest commanders of the land, Omathelan, Machelan, Ophelan, O Mac Chelweie, Gille Mac Holemoc, O tuell helly Ocathdhessy, O Caraell of Vriell, and Roric the son of Monoculus of Meth. But Roderic the Monarch came no nearer than the Shanon, where Hugh de lacy, and William Fitz Aldelme, by the Kings command met him, and he desiring peace, submitted himself, swore allegiance, became tributary, and did put in (as all others had done) hostages and pledges for the performance of the same. Thus was all Ireland, saving Ulster, brought in subjection, and every Prince of the other parties, in his own person, saving Roderic King of Connaght, submitted himself: but he subtly alleged, that he submitted Connaght, but not the command of all Ireland, the which he reserved for the Monarch and his successors: but of this hereafter if God permit.  
Christmas drew on, which the King kept at Dublin, where he feasted all the Princes of the land, and gave them rich and beautiful gifts, they repaired thither out of all parts of the land, and wonderful it was to the rude people to behold the Majesty of so puissant a Prince, the pastime, the sport, and the mirth, and the continual music, the masking, mumming, and strange shows, the gold, the silver, and plate, the precious ornaments, the dainty dishes, furnished with all sorts of fish and flesh, the wines, the spices, the delicate and sumptuous banquets, the orderly service, the comely march, and seemly array of all officers: the Gentlemen, the Esquires, the Knights, and Lords in their rich attire (such as rugged Mantles and Irish Troosses were never acquainted withal) the running at Tilt in complete harness, with barbed horses, where the staves shivered and flew in splinters, safer to sit, then upon an Irish Pillion that playeth cross and pile with the rider, the plain honest people admired, and no marvel: but now to more serious matters. Henry 2. having thus conquered Ireland (with the envy of the French and foreign Princes) without one drop of sweat, without drawing of sword, or shedding of one drop of English blood, (as it became his Princely calling) turned himself to reform the state Ecclesiastical, and the misdemeanours of holy Church, whereof Cambrensis writeth: In the year of Christ's incarnation 1172. and in the first year, when Henry the most Noble King conquered Ireland, Christianus, Bishop of Lismore, and Legate of the apostolic See; Donatus, Archbishop of Cashill; Laureance, Archbishop of Dublin; and Catholi●us, Archbishop of Tuemond, with their Suffragans, and fellow Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Deans and Archdeacon's, and many other Prelates of the Church of Ireland, by the commandment of the King, did assemble themselves, and kept a Synod at Cashill, and there debating many things concerning the wealth, estate, and reformation of the Church of Ireland, did provide remedies for the same. At this Council, in behalf of the King, (whom he had sent thither) there were Raffe, Abbot of Buldeway, Raffe, Archdeacon of Landaffe, Nicholas, the King's Chaplain, with divers other Clerks; sundry good statutes and wholesome laws were there devised, which were after subscribed and confirmed by the King himself, and under his authority, which were these that follow.  
First, it is decreed that all good and faithful Christian people throughout Ireland, shall refrain and forbear to marry with their near kins folks and cousins, and match with such as lawfully they might do.  
Secondly, that children shall be catechised without the Church door, and baptised in the Font appointed in the Church for the same purpose.  
Thirdly, that every Christian do truly and faithfully pay yearly, the tithes of his cattle, Corn, and all other his increase and profits, to the Church or Parish where he is a parishioner.  
Fourthly, that all the Church lands and possessions throughout all Ireland, shall be free from all secular exactions and impositions, and especially that no Lords, Earls, or Noble men, nor their children nor family, shall extort or take any coney and livery, cosheries or cuddies, or any other like custom from thence, forth, in or upon any of the Church land and territories; and likewise that neither they, nor any other person, do thenceforth exact out of the said Church lands, old wicked and detestable customs of coney and livery, the which they were wont to extort upon such towns and villages of the Churches, as were near, and next bordering upon them.  
Fiftly, when carik or composition is made among the lay people, for any murder, that no person of the Clergy, (though he be a kin to any of the parties) shall contribute any thing thereunto, but as they be guiltless of the murder, so shall they be free from paying of money for any such release for the same.  
Sixtly, that all and every good Christian, being sick and weak, shall before the Priest and his neighbours, make his last Will and Testament, and his debts and servants wages being paid, all his moveables to be divided, (if he have any children) into three parts, whereof one part to be to the Children, another to his Wife, and the third part to be for the performing of his Will; and if so be that he have no children, than the goods to be divided into two parts, whereof the one moiety to be to his Wife, and the other to the performance of his Will and Testament. And if he have no Wife, but only Children, than likewise the goods to be divided into two parts, whereof the one to himself, and the other to his children:  
Seventhly, that every Christian dying in the Catholic faith, shall be reverently brought to the Church, and to be buried, as appertaineth.  
Eightly and lastly, that all the divine Service in the Church of Ireland, shall be kept, used, and observed in the like order and manner as it is in the Church of England; for it is meet and right, that as by God's providence and appointment, Ireland is become now subject, and under the King of England: so the same should take from thence, the order, and rule, and manner how to reform themselves, and to live in better sort.  
Gelasius, Primate of Armagh, was not at this Synod, but at his coming to Dublin, he concurred with his Colleagues, and confirmed the premises. He was a man of great learning, godly life, and great age; when by reason of age, sight, and strength, and stomach failed him, as he travailed, he had with him always, a white Cow that gave him milk, and was his only sustentation. Gilbert succeeded this Gelasius in that See. The Antiquaries of that time have recorded, that the winter during the King's abode in Ireland, there rose such storms and tempest by sea and by land, that no news could be heard either out of England or Normandy, neither Ship or Bark cross the seas, until mid-Lent, at what time with an easterly wind, there came out of England, and Aquitaine in France, news unto the King, how that there came into Normandy in France, two Cardinals from Alexander the third, to wit, Albertus and Theodinus, to inquire of the death of Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury: Whereupon the King sent in post before him, to signify that he was returning with all speed, and that he would confer with them in Normandy. And leaving Ireland, he was very sorry that time and leisure served not to lay things in better order for the stay of the land. And also suspecting the greatness of Richard, Earl Strangbow, whom at that time he took with him into England; he appointed to govern Dublin, Hugh de Lacie, to whom he had given in Fee, the territory of Meth, with twenty Gentlemen to his Guard. Robert Fitz Stephens, and Morris Fitz Girald, with twenty others to attend their persons. Likewise he left Governors over Waterford, Humphrey de Bohune, Robert Fitz Bernard, and Hugh de Grant devil with forty persons to their guard. Lastly, he assigned over Wexford, William Fitz Adelme, Philip de Bruesa, and Philip de Hastings, with twenty to their guard, and took shipping at Wexford, Monday in Easter week, by six a clock in the morning, with full sail, and landed the same day about noon, at Saint david's in Wales; so writeth Cambrensis in his vaticinall history, and in his itinerary of Cambria. What time the King was in Ireland, there fell a great plague in his army, which was some cause of his departure from Dublin to Wexford. Cambrensis out of the mouth of the common people, attributeth it unto certain Archers, cessed at Finglas, that cut down the trees of the Churchyard, and therefore were they justly punished, and left their bones there every one; but the British Chronicle, and Holinshed also, more likely to be true, affirmeth that there fell a plague among the King's soldiers in Ireland, by reason of the change of the air, and victuals, and concourse of people, corrupting the same.  
The names of the men of account orderly as they came to the conquest of Ireland.  

Dermot Mac Morogh, Prince of Leinster, after his return out of England, wintered at Fernes, expecting the coming of these Conquerors.  
Robert Fitz Stephens, the King's Constable at Abertivy:  

Anno 1170.  David Barry.  
Hervie de Monte Marisco, married Nesta, daughter to Maurice Fitz Girald.  
Willi● Nott.  
Maurice Prendregast.  
Meilerus.  
Maurice Fitz Girald.  
Reimond le Grosse, nephew to Robert Fitz Stephens, married with Basilia, the sister of Earl Strangbow.  
William Ferrand.  
Richard Strangbow, Earl of Penbroke.  
Miles Cogan. brethren & nephews to Robert Fitz Stephens, and Maurice Fitz Girald.  
Richard Cogan. brethren & nephews to Robert Fitz Stephens, and Maurice Fitz Girald.  
Henry 2. King of England, etc. 
Anno 1172.   
Hugh de Lacy.  
William Fitz Adelme.  
Raffe Abbot of Bulldewa in Normandy.  
Raffe, Archdeacon of Landaff.  
Nicholas, the King's Chaplain.  
Humphrey de Bohune.  
Robert Fitz Bernard.  
Hugh de Grandevilla.  
Philip de Brensa.  
Philip de Hastings.  
Silvester, Giraldus, Barry, Cambrensis.  
john Ridensford.  
Girald. the two sons of Maurice Fitz Girald.  
Alexander. the two sons of Maurice Fitz Girald.  
William Makrell.  
Philip Mercr●s.  
William Morris, Fitz Girald his eldest son, married with Elen, sister to Earl Strangbow.  
Griffin the son of William Fitz Girald the elder brother.  
Philip Welsh.  
Adam Herford brethren.  
brethren Herford brethren.  
brethren Purcell, Lieutenant of the Army, slain by the Waterfordians.  
Nich. Wallingford a Prior, afterwards Abbot of Malmesburie.  
David Welsh, nephew to Reimund.  
jeffrey Welsh.  
Reimund of Kantan.  
Reimund Fitz Hugh.  
Milo of Saint David.  
Robert Poer.  
Osbert of Hertford.  
Willin Bend●ger.  
Adam of Gernemie.  
Hugh Tirell.  
john de Courcey.  
Hugh Cantwell.  
Redmond Cantimore.   

Alliance of the chief Conquerors of Ireland.  
Nesta the daughter of Rees ap Tuyder, Prince of South-Wales,  

Loved 

Henry the first, King of England, father to 

Henry father to 

Henry Fitz Henry.  
Meiler Fitz Henry.  
Robert Fitz Henry.        
was married twice, 

1 Steven Custos castri Abertivi. 

Robert Fitz Steven 

Rafe,  
Mered●cal●as Meredith  
Milo.      
2 Gerald of Windsor. 

William Fitz Girald who had issue, 

Reimund le Grosse, who married Basilia, Strangbowes Sister.  
Griffeth.    
Maurice Fitz Girald 

William married Ellen, Sister to Strangbow, Camb. or by others, Alma, Daughter of Strangbow.  
Girald.  
Alexander.  
Nesta, married to Hervie de monte Marisco.  
Milo or Miles.  
David, Bishop of Saint david's.          
Not long after the King's departure out of Ireland, Ororic of Meth craved a parley, with Hugh Delacy; pretending reformation of abuses, and establishing of perfect love and amity; but meant nothing else, saving falsehood, treason and villainy: the place being appointed (Cambrensis calleth it Ororics Hill, I take it to be the Hill of Taragh) and oaths taken of each side, with conditions that all arms should be laid aside, and few persons approach to the place, Ororic contrary to the covenants, laid an ambush, that upon a sign or token given by him, they should forth with issue out of the bushes, and ditches, and effect his traitorous devices: The night before the parley, Griffith the nephew of Robert and Morice, being the son of William the elder brother, dreamt in his sleep, that he saw a great heard of wild hogs, rush upon Hugh Delacy, and his uncle Maurice, and that one of them being more furious and raging then the rest, had rend them with his tusks, and tore them in pieces, if he had not with his force rescued them, and killed the Boar: this dream troubled him exceedingly, wherewith he acquainted his company; and made him and the rest be the more upon their keeping, to prevent treachery: The hour of parley came, they met and conferred together. Griffith not forgetting his dream, made choice of seven tall men of his own kindred, in whom he reposed great trust and confidence, well mounted, with swords, sparthes', and shields; ranged the fields (as nigh the Hill as they might) and made sundry Careers and brave Tournaments, under pretence of recreation and pleasant pastime; yet always casting an eye to the Hill, to see the end of this parley.  
Hugh Delacy and Ororic, being somewhat long together, Ororic to work his treason, stepped aside, feigning to make water, upon the sign he gave his men brought him his horse, and sparth, the which he taking upon his shoulder, meant therewith to have cloven Hugh Delacy his head, if the interpreter had not stepped between, whose arm was clean cut off and himself wounded to the death.  
Maurice Fitz Girald and Griffith his nephew rush in, the traitors of the one side, the true men of the other are together by the ears; when Ororic the traitor took horse to run away, Griffith with his lance run him through, and killed him and his horse and three of his men, cut off his head and sent it to the King of England: this was the end of Orirics treason, and the effect of Griffiths dream.  
Immediately upon this, Earl Richard (being formerly upon reconciliation made with the King, appointed Seneschal of Ireland) is now sent out of Normandy, by especially commission from the King, with Reimondle gross his brother in Law, in joint commission to govern the whole land, & to be his Lieutenant in Ireland; where he found the Irish saith Cambrensis, constant in inconstancy, firm in wavering, and faithful in untruths: he found emulation between Hervy and Reimond, and the Army in a mutiny, for lack of pay at Herveies hands; whereupon he made Reimond Lieutenant of the forces. Reimond immediately mustered his men, drew them forth to the Decies among the Rebels, where they preyed and spoiled. Secondly, they marched to Lismore, where they did the like. Lastly, along the Sea cost, they go with their booties, preys and rich pillage towards Waterford; and finding at Dunganan some thirteen botes out of Waterford and other places, they lad them with their preys, intending by water to sail for Waterford; while they waited for wind, Cork men envied their success; prepared 32. Barks, manned and furnished them out out of their Town, to overthrow Reimond and the English men, and to recover the preys; they met, they fought cruelly; Cork men are overthrown, and their Captain Gilbert Mac Turger was slain, by a valiant Knight Philip Welsh, and finally Adam Herford with all his charge, safely arrived in Waterford. Reimond was not at this skirmish, but by the way he met with Dermot Mac Corty Prince of Desmond, who with great power was come to the aid of the men of Cork. They likewise skrimished and fell to a cruel fight, where Dermot forsook the field with small credit, and Reimond went to Waterford with four thousand head of cattle.  
Immediately upon this, news came out of England unto Reimond, that William Fitz Girald his father, was departed this life; whereupon he sailed to Wales, and Hervey De monte Marisco was appointed by the Earl, Lieutenant of the forces. This Hervey to advance his credit, purposed to work some exploits, and drew out of Dublin the Earl to Cashil; there also after consultation by mandat from the Earl, he appointed the Soldiers that were at Dublin to meet him: When they came as far as Ossorie, Donald Prince of Limirik, having by his espials before hand intelligence thereof, stole upon them in the morning; slew of them four Knights, whereof O Grame an Irish man was one, and four hundred soldiers; with this the Earl was discouraged, and went to Waterford; the Irish gathered heart and determined to root out all the Englishmen. So that Roderic Prince of Conoght took this opportunity, passed the Shannan, and wasted all to the walls of Dublin. The Earl being in this perplexity wrote unto Reimond, that was in Wales. As soon as you have read those our letters, make all the haste you can to come away, and bring with you all the help and force you can make, and then according to your own will and desire, you shall assuredly enjoy that which you long looked for. Immediately he prepared himself, together with his cousin Meilerius; shipped 30. young Gentlemen of his own kindred. 100 horsemen, with 300. archers & foot, of the best & chosen men of all Wales; and in 20. Barks arrived in Waterford: It was at such time as the Waterford men had determined to kill every English man within the walls; but when they saw the Barks come in with flags, and banners displayed, they were astonished, and stayed their course.  
Reimond entereth the town of Wexford, setteth all in order, taketh the Earl with him, and all their forces, and went to Wexford; he had left behind him one Purcell his Lieutenant to guard the town, whom the Waterfordians slew, and put to the sword, of English birth, man, woman and child; but such as had fled to Reynolds tower, plagued them sore afterwards, drove them to entreat for peace, the which they obtained with hard conditions: And, saith the book of Houth, the Waterfordians were ever after the less believed. For all the troubles in England and Normandy, and these treasons and rebellions in Ireland, the King was not unmindful to quiet the people, and to establish himself and his heirs in the kingdom; first, he sent Ambassadors to Rome to clear himself of the death of Thomas of Canterbury: secondly, he sent messengers thither concerning the state of Ireland, whereunto Alexander the third, answered as followeth, Alexander the Bishop, the servant of the servants of God, to his dear beloved son, the Noble King of England, greeting, grace and apostolic benediction. Forasmuch as things given and granted upon good reason, by our predecessors, are to be well allowed of, ratified and confirmed; we well considering and pondering the grant and privilege for and concerning the dominion of the land of Ireland to us appertaining, and lately given by Adrian our predecessor; we following his steps, do in like manner confirm, ratify and allow the same, reserving and saving to Saint Peter, and to the Church of Rome, the yearly pension of one penny out of every house, as well in England, as in Ireland; provided also that the barbarous people of Ireland by your means be reform and recovered from that filthy life, and abominable conversation; that as in name, so in life and manners they may be Christians; and that as that rude and disordered Church, being by you reform, the whole nation may also, with the profession of the name, be in acts and deeds, followers of the same. And saith the book of Houth, Alexander the third besought the devil to take them all that gainesayed this King's title, Amen. Henry 2. scent this privilege to Ireland by Nicholas Wallingford, a Prior, afterwards Abbot of Malmesbury, and William Fitz Adelme. And then being at Waterford, they caused an assembly, and a Synod of the Bishops and Clergy within the land to be gathered together, where, in open audience, this privilege of Alexander, and the other of Adrian (formerly spoken of) were read, and published, and ratified. Reimond having settled his affairs at Wexford, marched towards Dublin, the noise of his coming drove Roderic the rebel of Connaght away; he was no sooner come to Dublin, but the news of the rebellion of Limric followed after, where Donald O brens having sworn faith and fealty unto Henry 2. is now revolted and turned to his vomit. Reymond maketh preparation, mustereth his men, chose out 26. gallants, 300. horsemen, and 300. Archers, and foot, and cometh to Lymeric, where he found the Bridges drawn, the river swift and impassable, the townsmen upon the walls, with all manner of defence for their safeguard. David Welsh, a lusty Gentleman, maketh no more ado, but putteth spurs to his horse, and with good guiding thereof, crosseth the river, and got to land; immediately he calleth to his company, come, I have found a Ford: yet for all that, none would follow, but jeffery Welsh, and Meilerius Fitz Henry. Then Reimond turneth him to the army with these words: You worthy men, who of nature are valiant, and whose Prowess we have well tried, come away, the way heretofore not known, and the river hitherto thought not passable, by our adventures, a ford is now found therein; let us therefore follow him that is gone before, and help him being now in distress; let us not suffer nor see so worthy a Gentleman thus for our common cause and honour, oppressed, to perish, and to be cast away before our eyes, and in our sight, for want of our help, and by means of our dastard cowardice. It is no time to use many words, the shortness of the time, the present necessity of this Noble Gentleman, and the state of our own honour, urgeth expedition, and requireth haste. And even with the words, he put spurs to his horse, and adventureth the river, after whom, followed the whole company, every one striving who might be foremost. And as God would, they passed all over safe, saving two soldiers, and one Gwydo a Gentleman: when they had recovered land, the enemy fled, whom they pursued, and in the chase slew a number of them, they entered the town, got great spoils and riches, but greater honour and fame. When all was quiet, Reimond left there a strong Garrison, and Miles of Saint david's, Lieutenant over them, and returned to the borders of Leinster.  
Envy hardly sleepeth, but is still devising of mischief; Hervie de monte Marisco, though now by marriage allied unto Reymond, yet by malice worketh his overthrow, envying his honour and prosperous success, sendeth secret letters to the King against him, which are not worthy to be recorded, being but the sink of secret malice. The King, (as the nature of Princes is to be jealous and suspicious of any greatness) is easily brought to credit Hervie, and thereupon sendeth four of his servants to Ireland, Robert Poer, Osbert of Herlotte, or Hereford, William Bendeger, and Adam of Gernemie; two of them to stay with Earl Richard, and the other two to bring Reimond away with them; as Reymond was ready to go for England, news came that Donald, Prince of Lymeric had besieged the town, and that the garrison was greatly distressed, and in want of victuals: the Earl, with Reimond and the four Gentlemen, fell to consultation, what course to hold; they found in the army a secret mutiny, where the soldiers said flatly, they would not serve that way, unless Reimond were their Captain; to be short, it was concluded that Reimond should undertake the service; when he had mustered and made choice of horse and foot, he marched towards Lymeric: Donald, Prince of Ossory, who bore private grudge to Donald of Lymeric, Morogh of Kencile, with other Irish men, then served and attended upon Reimond. By the way a Post came, and certified Reimond, that Donald of Lymeric had raised his siege, and was come to the pace of Cashill to give him battle; this pace of itself was naturally very strong, but by trenching, and hedging, and plashing of trees, it seemed invincible. When of each side they were ready to join battle, Donald, Prince of Ossory being desirous to see his enemy of Lymeric and Thomond overthrown, turneth him to the English men with these words: You worthy▪ Noble, and valiant Conquerors of this land, you are this day valiantly to give the onset upon your enemies, which if you do after your old and accustomed manner, no doubt the victory will be yours; for we with our sparthes', and you with your swords, will sharply pursue them, as they shall very hardly escape our hands, & avoid our force, but if it so fall out (which God forbid) that you be overthrown, and hove the worse side, be you assured that we will leave you, and turn to our enemies, and take part with them. Wherefore be of good courage, and look well to yourselves, and consider that you are now far from any Fort or place of refuge, and therefore if you should be driven to fly, the same will be long and dangerous unto you. As for us, ye may not trust to us, for we determine to stick to them who shall have the victory, and will pursue and be on the jacks of them who shall fly and run away: and therefore be no longer assured of us, then whilst ye be Conquerors: Meilerius, who had the forward, being somewhat moved and warmed with those words, suddenly, like a blast of wind, entered the Pass, pulled away the bushes, broke down the hedges, the pioneers filled the trenches, and speedily made plain the way, with no small slaughter of the enemies, and so they marched without any great peril to Lymeric, where they relieved the army, and set things in order, and rested a short time. Roderic of Connaght, and Donald of Thomond finding themselves weak, craved a parley, it was granted them: Roderic would needs keep on the water, and Donald kept the wood. Who would trust them that would trust no other? Reimond chose the midst between them both; to be short, a peace was concluded, they both submitted themselves, gave hostages, made fealty, and swore to be true thenceforth for ever to the King of England, and to his successors after him. This service was no sooner performed, but there came messengers to Reimond from Dermot Mac Carty Prince of Desmond, humbly craving his aid, against his eldest son Cormac O Lechan, who was in arms against his natural father: with the advice of his Council; Reimond granteth aid, he marcheth towards Cork and subdueth the rebel, the son dissembleth with the father and clapped him in prison: the father requiteth the son with like: he got him in under colour of peace, clapped him in prison and cut off his head.  
And not long after, saith Cambrensis, the men of Cork at a parley not far from the Town, slew their Prince Dermot Mac Carty, and most of his company.  
Anno 1177. (so writeth Holinshed) Henry the 2. held a Parliament at Windsor, where Laurence Archbishop of Dublin was present; as what time Roderic King of Conoght sent thither the Archbishop of Tuam, the Abbot of Saint Brandon, with one Laurence his Chaplain; offering all submission and loyalty. The King willingly heard them, and gladly concluded a Peace at the importunate suit of his Messengers to avoid further trouble; enjoining Roderic to pay him in token of subjection, a tribute of Cow hides, the Charter of agreement was drawn and subscribed as followeth.  

A Charter of agreement between Henry 2. K●ng of England, and Roderic King of Connoght.  Hic est finis & concordia quae facta fuit apud Windesore, in Octabis Sancti Michaelis, Anno gratiae 1175. Inter Dominum Regem Angliae Henricum secundum; & Rodericum Regem Conaciae, per Catholicum Tuamensem Archepiscopum & Abbatem C. Sancti Brandani, & Magistrum Laurentium Cancellarium Regis Conaciae.  
1. Scilicet quod Rex Angliae concedit predicto Roderico Ligio homini suo Regnum Conaciae quamdiu ei fideliter serviet, ut sit Rex sub eo, paratus ad servitium suum, sicut homo suus & ut teneat terram suam, ita bene & in pace sicut tenuit antequam Dominus Rex Angliae intraret Hiberniam; reddendo ei tributum: & totam illam terram & habitatores terrae habeat sub se, & justiciae ut tributum Regi Angliae integrè persolvant, & per manum ejus sua jura sibi conservent, & illi qui modo tenent, teneant in pace, quam diu mansuerint in fidelitate Regis Angliae, & fideliter & integre persolverint tributum & alia jura sua quae ei deben●, per manum Regis Conaciae, salvo in omnibus jure & honore Domini Regis Angliae & suo.  
2. Et si qui ex eis Regi Angliae, & ei rebelles fuerint, & tributum & alia jura Regis Angliae, per manum ejus solvere noluerint, & a fidelitate Regis Angliae recesserint, ipse eos justitiet & amoveat, & si eos perse justitiare non poterit; Constabularius Regis Angliae & familia sua de terra illa juvabunt cum ad hoc faciendum, quum ab ipso fuerint requisiti, & ipsi viderint quod necesse fuerit, & propter hunc finem reddet predictus Rex Conaciae Domino Regi Angliae tributum singulis annis; scilicet, de singulis decem animalibus, unum co●ium placabile mercatoribus, tam de tota terra sua quam de aliena.  
3. Excepto quod de terris illis quas Dominus Rex Angliae retinuit in dominio suo, & in dominio Baronum suorum nihil se intromittet: Scilicet Duvelina cum pertinentijs suis, & Midia cum omnibus pertinentijs suis, sicut unquam Murchart Wamai Leth Lachlin, eam melius & plenius tenuet, aut aliqui qui eam de eo tenuerint. Et excepta Wesefordia cum omnibus pertinentijs suis, scilicet cum tota Lagenia, & excepta Waterf. cum tota terra illa quae est a Waterf. usque ad Dungarvan; ita ut Dungarvan sit cum omnibus pertinentijs suis, infra terram illam.  
4. Et si Hibernenses illi qui aufugerint redire voluerint ad terram Baronum Regis Angliae, redeant in pace reddendo tributum predictum quod alij reddunt, vel faciendo antiqua servitia quae facere solebant pro terris suis, et hoc sit in arbitrio Dominorum suorum, et si aliqui eorum redire noluerint, Domini eorum et Rex Conaciae accipiat obsides, ad omnibus quos ei Commisit Dominus Rex Angliae ad voluntatem Domini Regis et suam, et ipse dabit obsides ad voluntatem Domini Regis Angliae illos vel alios, et ipsi servient Domino de Canibus et Avibus suis singulis annis de presentis suis, et nullum omnino de quacunque terra Regis sit, retinebunt contra voluntatem Domini Regis. Hijs testibus Richardo Episcopo Wintoniae, Gaufrido Episcopo Eliensi, Laurentio Duvelinensi Archepiscopo, Gaufrido, Nicolao, et Rogero Capelanis Regis, Guilelmo Comit. Essex, et aliis multis.  
Moreover at that Parliament, the King gave an Irishman named Augustine, the Bishopric of Waterford, which was then void, and sent him unto Ireland, with Laurence the Archbishop of Dublin, to be consecrated of Donatus Archbishop of Cashill.  
Anno 1176. Bertran de Verdon founded the Monastery of Crokisdan. As Reimond marcheth towards Leinster, news came unto him from the Lady Basilia his wife, that Strangbow was dead, the which he concealed with good countenance; and called a secret council of the wiser sort and trustiest friends, how to dispose of the State of the Land, afore the Irish were acquainted therewith: it was agreed upon for that the enemy were many, the forces but few, they should strengthen all their holds upon the Sea cost until the K. pleasure were further known, and withdraw the midland garrisons to supply and complete the same. And among others they thought good to take the garrison out of Lymerik and deliver the Town to the charge of Donald Obrien of Thomond Prince of Lymericke; he being sent for, came in post, understanding Reimonds' pleasure, was the gladdest man that might be, and undertook the charge, Viz. to keep the Town to the King's use, and at his pleasure to redeliver it, as also in the mean time to keep the peace: this he undertook with Corporal oaths, and solemn vows; and thereupon delivered hostages. But the Englishmen were no sooner over the one end of the Bridge, but Donald broke the other end, and set fire in the four quarters of the Town, saying there shall no English race rest here any longer: This they beheld with their eyes, to their no small grief of mind. Cambrensis inveyeth against this Donald Obrien calling him traitor, wicked, impudent, perfidious, perjured and what not? This was in Anno one thousand, one hundred, seventy seven.  
Earl Strangbow left behind, one daughter of tender years, and lieth buried in the Church of the blessed Trinity in Dublin, over against the Pulpit, in the body of the Church, whose exequys, Laurence O Toole, Archbishop of Dublin did solemnize with great reverence; whereupon the King sent into Ireland, William Fitz Adelme to be his Lieutenant, with the allowance of twenty Gentlemen of his household, and joined with him in commission, john de Courcy, with the allowance of ten men to attend his person. Robert Fitz Stephens, and Miles Cogan, who had nobly served him in his wars two years, with the allowance of twenty men to attend their persons; at which time, saith Holinshed, the Irish men paid the King a tribute of twelve pence yearly for every house, or else for every yoke of Oxen, (alias plough) which they had of their own.  
Richard, surnamed Strangbow, had to his father, Gilbert, likewise surnamed Strangbow, for his valour & strength; this Gilbert was E. of Ogye in Normandy, & Lord of Totenhan, Alverdiston, & Wolaston in England, so created by Henry 1. William the son of Osbert, a Norman, E. of Ogie in Normandy, had issue, Richard, E. of Ogie, this Richard had issue Walter & Gilbert, aforesaid father to Richard E. Strangbow; William Fitz Osbert came into England in the aid of William the Conqueror. And as far as I can learn, Walter was the first Earl of Penbroke (the Britain's call it Penbraich More, the head of an arm of the sea) whence both the County, and the most noble Earldom have their denominations. Arnulph de monte Gomerik, the younger son of Roger de montegomerik, that was by William the Conqueror created Earl of Arundel and Shrewsbury, builded the Castle of Penbroke, where Henry the seventh was borne; William the Conqueror gave him Divet and Cardigan, he was Earl of Ogie, and the second Earl of Penbroke, and married the daughter (by the mediation of Girald de Windsor, Constable of his Castle) of Morogh, King of Leinster in Ireland. Gilbert, surnamed Strangbow, was created by King Stephen, the third Earl of Penbroke, he was Earl of Ogie in Normandy, Lord of Tottenham, Alverdiston, Wolaston, and Cardigan, and in England succeeded Arnulph. Henry the first made him Earl of Strigule, now called Chepstow, and gave him Cardigan; this Gilbert builded Castrogie, alias Castrum Ogie, in Gwent, and the Castle of Stratmirike.  
Richard, surnamed Strangbow, succeeded his father Gilbert; his stile as I take it is thus. Richard, surnamed Strangbow, Lord of Tottenham, Alverdiston, Wolaston, and Cardigan; in England, Earl of Penbroke, Earl of Strigule, alias Domonius de Chepstow in England, Earl of Ogie in Normandy, Earl of Leicester, Earl Martial of England, Vicegerent of Normandy, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Prince of Leinster in the right of Eva his wife, sole heir of Dermot Mac Morogh, King of Leinster.  
This Richard had issue by his first wife, a son, a fine youth, and a gallant stripling, who following his father with some charge in battle array, as he passed by Idrone in Leinster, to relieve Robert Fitz Stephens in Wexford, upon the sight and cry of the Irish men, when his father was in cruel fight, gave back with his company, to the great discouragement of the host, yet the Earl got the victory, and commanded with the tears in his cheeks, that his son should be cut in the middle with a sword for his cowardice in battle; he was buried in the Church of the blessed Trinity in Dublin, where now his father resteth by his side, and caused the cause of his death for an Epitaph to be set over him.  

Nate ingrate mihi pugnanti terga dedisti,  
Non mihi, sed genti & regno quoque terga dedisti.   

My son unkind didst fly the field, the father fight hard,  
Nor me, nor English birth didst weigh, nor kingdom didst regard.   
How the son pleaded with his father for the place of service, and how the father answered, Stanihurst hath many circumstances hereof, and delivered, that his own father in his fury, and in the face of the enemy, cut him off, and marvaileth that Cambrensis would conceal it, and in the end taketh it as a matter of truth, both by the testimony of the Tomb in Christ Church, as also by the industry of Sir Henry Sidney, Knight, a great favourer of Antiquities, in preserving the same, to the knowledge of the posterity.  
Richard Earl Strangbow by his second wife Eva, the daughter of Dermot Mac Morogh, had issue, one daughter, Isabella, whom Richard the first gave in marriage to William Maxfield, Lord Maxfield, Earl Martial of England, of whom (God willing) I shall have occasion to speak further, when I come to his time.  
The same year that Strangbow died, viz. 1177. (so Holinshed writeth) john de Courcy entered Ulster, discomfited the Irish, and won the City of Dune, where the body of Saint Patrick, Saint Colme, and Saint Brigide the Virgin rests, whom Courcy calleth tria jocalia Hiberniae, the three jewels of Ireland. At the winning of Dune, Roderic King of Connaght, and Monarch of Ireland, (at several times before sworn to the King) raised a mighty army against Courcy, where Roderic was overthrown, and the Bishop of Dune taken prisoner among other rebels; the which Bishop, at the request of Cardinal Vinian (then present) was set at liberty. This Cardinal, saith mine Author, entitled Sancti Stephani de monte Celio, was sent from Alexander 3. and coming into England without licence, was pardoned by Henry 2. and permitted to go into Scotland, and the north parts, where his commission directed him; when he had ended his business in Scotland, he passed over into Man, where he held his Christmas with Gotred, King of Man, and after the Epiphanie, sailed from thence into Ireland, and came thither (saith Newbrigiensis) the same time that the English men invaded the country, and was entertained by Roderic, and the Bishop of Dune, and others, with great reverence.  
The Irish men ask council of Vivian the Legate, what in that case he thought best to be done, whether they should fight, or yield unto the English nation; he gave counsel, forgetting what Adrian 4. and Alexander 3. had formerly granted and said, fight in defence of your country. This Legate (craftily preventing all mishaps) took the Church of Dune for his sanctuary, and had in readiness the Pope's commission, and the King of England's Pass unto the Captains of Ireland for his safe conduct: From thence he went to Dublin, called the Prelates, held a council, and filled his bags with the sins of the people; the English Captains understanding of it, gave him in charge, either to depart the land, or to go to the wars, and serve for pay with them, and no longer to receive money for nought.  
In the book of Howth it is further alleged, how that this Legate in his Synod at Dublin (whether it were to curry favour with the English men, and to colour his other pranks, it forceth not greatly) showed and published openly the King of England's right to Ireland, with the Pope's grant and confirmation, and accursed all those that gainsaid the same.  
Now to the true history of Sir john de Courcy, as worthy a Knight for martial prowess, as ever trod upon Irish ground, whom Cambrensis lightly overskipped, partly upon private grudge, for that Sir john de Courcy allowed him not for Vicar general in Ireland, and Secretary to the State, partly in favour of Sir Hugh Delacy, who maligned and envied the honour and renown, and prosperous successes of Courcy; lastly for fear of King john, into whose displeasure Courcy fell, through the false accusation of Lacie and his faction, yet the certainty of his exploits hath been preserved, and in Latin committed to Paper by a Friar in the North, the which book Oneil brought to A●magh, and was translated into English by ..... Dowdall, Primate there, Anno 1551. He was by father a Norman, by mother a Cambrian or Britain, and married the daughter of Gotred, King of Man; he was a Gentleman descended, as it seemeth by his coat, of an ancient house, of whom the Irish men hold that Merlin prophesied, where he wrote: A white Knight sitting on a white horse, bearing birds in his shield, shall be the first which with force of Arms, shall enter and subdue Ulster.  
He served King Henry the second in all his wars, and in France he met with a worthy Knight, Sir Amoricus Tristeram, who married Courcy his sister, and whether it was derived of the Lady's name, or for that they were married on Saint Laurence day, ever after he and his posterity after him, was called Sir Amoricus de Sancto Laurentio, whence the Noble house of Howth is lineally descended, whereof hereafter in another place more at large. These two Knights became sworn brethren in the Church of our Lady at Roan; where solemnly they vowed to serve together, to live and dye together and equally to divide between them what they won by the sword, or should be given them in regard of their service: Thus they continued in France, Anjou, Normandy, and England; and when Sir john de Courcy was joined in commission with William Burgh Fitz Adelme and others; Sir Amoricus de Sancte Laurentia, accompanied him into Ireland, where Courcy received a grant of the King, by Patent for him and his heirs or assigns after him, to enjoy in that Land all that he could Conquer with the sword, reserving to the King homage and fealty; they landed at Houth and there fought a cruel fight by the side of a Bridge, where Sir john de Courcy being sickly, tarried aboard the ship. Sir Amoricus being Chieftain and General of the field by land▪ behaved himself most worthily; many were slain on both sides, but Sir Amoricus got the victory, with the lose of seven of his own blood, sons, uncles and nephews, whereupon for his singular valour and good service there performed, that Lordship was allotted unto him for his part of the conquest, with other things which Sir john de Courcy gave him. Immediately, Sir john de Courcy, Sir Amoricus de Saint Laurence, and Sir Roger Hoer, so well appointed as then contented them, directed their course towards the North; the principal cause that moved them (besides their valour) was the hard government of William Fitz Adelme, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, whose conditions Cambrensis who then lived and was conversant with him, delivereth in this sort. He was covetous, proud, malicious, envious, a favourite of wine and women and good to none, but to his back and belly: and by his back he understood his kindred, and by his belly he meant his children, for he opposed himself, most enviously against the Garraldins, Fitz Stephens and Barries, the first most valiant Conquerors of the Land, and against their posterity, etc.  
While Courcy is on his way, give me leave, gentle Reader, to eternise the Memorial of Maurice Fitz Gerald: As he was of birth and parentage nobly and worshiply descended, so was he in condition and for martial prowess every way renowned. Cambrensis his kinsman commendeth him greatly and no less than he deserved. He left this world to the great grief of all the true hearts in Ireland, and lieth buried in the Monastery of grey Friars without the wales of Wexford, his ..... son's whom William Fitz Adelme maligned, builded the Castle of Fernes. In his time, (saith Cambrensis) at Wirlo, where Maurice Fitz Girald dwelled, there was a Monster, begotten by a wicked man of that nation upon a Cow, a vice (saith he) at that time too common among that nation. It had the body of a man, but all the hinder parts of an ox, from the ankles of the legs, and the wrists of the arms, he had the hooves of an ox; his head was all bald saving a few small and thin hairs; his eyes, great, round, and black like an Ox; nose he had none, but two holes; speak he could not, but only bellow like a Cow: this Monster did daily resort to the house of Maurice Fitz Girald about dinner time, and such meat as was given him, he took it in his hooves, and put it to his mouth, and so fed himself. Diviners in those days construed this of the government of Fitz Adelme, the which in their opinion was monstrous, but there I leave, and return to Courcy.  
john de Courcy after four days, some miles come to Daud without resistance, and unlooked for, contrary to all men's expectation, the which in a word hath been spoken of before: strange it is to see what a sudden fear will work. Dunlenus, (whom I take to be O Donell) no base nor mean Commander of that place, fled away, left arms, men and munition behind, happy was he (in his own opinion) that he had escaped the hands, he wist not of what enemy; the trumpets sounded, the armour rattled, the women clapped their hands, the children cried, the townsmen to go, the leaders entered, the soldiers rifled, the town upon a sudden was ransacked, doors, windows, cupboards, chests flew open, the army after long march, and sore travail, being in great want and weakness, had their housing, firing, diet, and fare of the best, bedding, clothing, gold, silver, plate, and rich booties, without check or controlment of any, and respite for certain days to breath, rest, and recreate themselves. In the neck of this out of Scotland, the wind blew one Vinianus a Cardinal (spoken of before) which took upon him to entreat a peace between the two nations, but could not prevail. After eight days, Roderic the Monarch, and O donnel, King of Duune, had mustered their men, gathered forces, gotten great aid, and prepared an host of ten thousand fight men, and came to besiege the City. Sir john de Courcy, having but seven hundred, thought best not to be cooped within, nor caged like a Bird, prepared to give them battle abroad, marched forth, and ordered his army as followeth; he divided his men into three companies, the horsemen being seven score, were set in a wing on the left hand, under the leading of Sir Amoricus de Saint Laurantio, every horseman having a bowman behind him. On the right hand, Sir Roger Poer, who had married Sir Amoricus Niece, led the foot company, close by a bog side, in the midst came Sir john de Courcy, with his company; the way was narrow where they should encounter, and the English men had the vantage of a great hedge and ditch of the one hand, and a bog on the other to gall the enemy's horses, where no horse could enter within them. Odonell seeing the Horsemen to be but a few, commanded his foot and main battle to make a stand until he sent them word to march on, meaning to make short work with the Horsemen, and so to break the neck of the strength of the battle; the Horsemen join battle, the Archers gall Odonels horses with arrows, whom the English lance slew not, the horse unsaddled, and when the English quiver was empty, the archer with his sword haught the horses and dispatched the men that were unhorsed and cast to the ground. Odonels' horsemen being somewhat discomfited retired, Sir Amoricus calls upon Courcy and Poer, to bring on the foot, who metting with the foot and main battle of the Irish (that expected news from Odonell) fought most fiercely: No instrument of War could be heard, the cry of both sides pierced the clouds, the galled horses grievously complained, the maimed soldiers grovelling on the ground and gasping for breath gave pitiful groans; the Irish flung darts and stones, the English shoot arrows, the Irish with sparthes' and galloglasse axes, the English with spears and swords encounter on both sides most valiantly; the splints of broken staves fly about their ears, and eyes, sparkles of fire from their swords and targets, and the blows upon their helmets yielded the sound of hammers working upon anviles, both sides deserved honour and singular commendations; the slaughter was great on both sides, and continued long; many of the English were slain, and a number of the Irish were left alive, they determined to make an end of the English that day; the rear of the Irish march courageously, the English had the bog of the one side, and the ditch of the other, and the entrance to them was full of heads, legs, and arms, dead corpse, armour and horses dead, and lying a long striving with death, that they could not approach, whereupon they broke their battle array, dispersed themselves, and from the paces entered the plains. Sir Amoric watching his opportunity, called jeffrey Montgomery his sister's son and standard bearer, and said: Have not we quitted ourselves like men this day, and shall we dishonour the field so much as to suffer yonder company to escape our hands; come, advance your Standard, let us wheel about and give the onset: Montgomery replied, it seems strange unto me, to see your stomach pass your strength, we have won honour advisedly, and shall we now rashly lose it? of seven score, we have but forty horses left, the rest are wounded, tired and not fit for service: then said Amorich give me the Standard, I will bear it myself; if that be your pleasure (saith Mountgomery) you shall not hereafter charge me with cowardice, under this Standard have I got honour, and under this Standard (if God so so please) I will dye. With this they wheeled about and overtook the foot of the Irish, being laden with arms, and wearied with fight, with their lances they struck them to the ground, they gave the onset a fresh upon the horsemen which were about 200. and had Connor O Laghlin to their leader, who retreated in battle array, ready to answer the fight. Sir Amoricus in that skirmish was twice unhorsed, and by his men lift up again, afterwards in a filthy ford he was unhorsed again, and his horse slain under him: whereupon some of his troop lighted, stood very stoutly by him, took weapons out of the dead men's hands that lay along the way, & kept the Ford from horse and man, until Sir john de Courcy came to the rescue, at which time many of the Irish were slain, and the rest fled away: thus in the end God gave the victory unto the English men, after the loss of many a brave man, and especially Lionel Saint Laurence, nephew to Amoricus, whose death was greatly lamented. When they had buried their dead, and gathered their arms, they returned to Dune.  
The Midsummer following, Courcy fought the second battle nigh the walls of Dune (saith Stanihurst) and overthrew fifteen thousand men in Ulster. And saith the book of Houth, after that field, Ulster men had small stomach to give any onset upon the English men: yet I find the field to have been bloody of both sides, and that Sir Amoricus was sore wounded, laid under a hedge, eating honey suckles for his relief, where he left much blood, and was carried away between four men; his wounds were so many, and so dangerous, that no Physician or Surgeon could promise life the space of nine days, yet in the end, recovered. Next unto him was his son Sir Nicholas Saint Laurence, a most valiant Knight so sore wounded in nine several places, that he was once left for dead, but at length recovered, to the great comfort of his friends.  
The third battle that Sir john de Courcy fought, was in Ferng, against eleven thousand Irish men: the occasion was thus, Courcy had builded many Castles throughout Ulster, and especially in Fern, where Mac Mahon dwelled; this Mac Mahon with solemn protestations vowed to become a true and faithful subject, gave Courcy many gifts, and made him his Goship, which is a league of amity highly esteemed in Ireland. Whereupon Courcy gave him two Castles with their demeans to hold of him. Within one month after, this Mac Mahon returning to his vomit, broke down the Castles, and made them even with the ground. Sir john de Courcy sent unto him to know the cause that moved him to fall to this villainy: his answer was, that he promised not to hold stones of him, but the land, and that it was contrary to his nature, to couch himself within cold stones, the woods being so nigh, where he might better warm himself, with other slender and scornful answers. Courcy to be revenged of him, saw no better course then to pray his country, mustered his men, entered the land, and swept all the cattle before him. The prey was so great, that it could not be driven, unless it were divided into three parts, and to that end, this company in like sort was proportioned between the foremost of the vanguard, and the last of the rearward, there was three miles' distance; the paces were narrow, the way miry and boggy, with thick bushes on either side, the Irish being (as I said before) eleven thousand in number, stood upon all advantages, had their espials upon them, divided themselves likewise, and stepped in between every of the English companies, and upon a sudden, made such a cry, and gave such a shout, that the woods rang thereof, and the Cows ran like devils upon the drivers, and overthrew horse and man, so that there were more slain and trodden under foot in the mire and dirt, of the English men, by the Cows, then by the sword of the rebels. Upon this cry, all the Cows were lost, and the men fell to blows, where the Irish being acquainted with every blind way, made better shift then the English. Courcy and his brother Amoricus, with such as were alive, hastened out of the woods, and came to a Plain, where they viewed each other some quarter of a mile distant. Sir Amoric turned back, and cast up his eyes, and saw Sir Roger Poer that had married his Niece, about a seven-night before, pulled and halled by the Irish, and carried away prisoner; follow me, saith he unto his company, I will rescue him, or I will dye on the place; he suddenly coming upon their heels, set upon them, and carried away Sir Roger Poer; with that, the Irish gave such a shout, that all the rest of their company that were dispersed and scattered among the bushes, gathered themselves together to that place, to answer the cry, and stepped between Sir Amoric and Sir john Courcy, so that with great peril of their lives, and loss of many men, they came together to that place; when they met, they bewailed their losses, and being environed with bogs and marshes, they forsook their horses, and fell to kill them, and shifted for themselves; the Irish most eagerly pursued them, and at length, one William Lawyard overtook Courcy, he with his company turned their faces, fought a cruel fight, wherein (saith mine Author) there were slain of the Irish men, six score. After this skirmish, followed Art boy, with three hundred, and set upon Courcy, who slew of the Irish, nine score: last of all, Mac Mohon, the ground of all this mischief, came blowing, and set upon Courcy, with whom the base son of Sir Amoricus encountered, slew him, and fourscore of his men, and drove the rest to fly, the day being thus spent, the night made an end of that battle: as the night fell, Sir john de Courcy by good hap, lighted upon an old Fort of his own, moted or trenched about, where there was a good watch kept, he being glad of them, and they of him, camped there with his forces that night, and the enemy within half a mile of them, as it appeared by the great fires they made after their travail. Sir Amoric Saint Laurance after a short nap or slumber, took a few with him, went to espy the enemy's camp, and made a speedy return, he pressed upon his brother Courcy and the camp, to wake them, and delivered unto them these speeches: I have scouted abroad, and spared you in your heavy sleep, I viewed the enemy's camp, whom I take to be 5000. strong, and that by the scope of their cabins; we are but 500 fight men, all wearied with sore fight, long travail, and somewhat discouraged with hard fortune, not fit to make any great enterprise, or to perform any worthy exploit; nay a worse matter, there are among us such as have deadly wounds, but the dead sleep suppresseth their complaints, and further, our men watch without sufficient release, and the enemy hath his fill every way; our case is desperate, if the enemy set upon us to morrow, we are not able to withstand him, we shall be slain every mother's son; wherefore I think best that we now set upon them that are now feasting and sleeping, void of all fear of us, whom in their opinion, they hold for men quite overthrown, and never able to make a head again, and that we leave some of our sick men here to ward, and take some of the fresh men with us. When he had ended his speech, there was silence for a certain space, wherein one looked upon the other. Then Sir john Courcy spoke, I looked all this while for some of these young gallants, and your fellow soldiers to deliver their courage; but one thing further, Sir Amoric, where are their horses bestowed? he answereth, your white horse, and my black gelding, I have cunningly conveyed away, and the rest I can point you to with my finger. Then saith Sir john Courcy, this is mine advice: Let two men ride these two horses, and gather their horses together, and orderly in each side drive them upon the enemy, all we in arms will come after, and suddrnly give the shout upon them in their slay pes, and serve them with their horses, as they served us with our kine: Every man liked well of this course, and when they came to the place, they had the kill of them at their own desire. There the English came, victualled, apparelled, armed, and horsed themselves, never better in their lives. Of 5000. Irish, there escaped not above 200. which ran so fast, (saith my Author) that a horse could not hold them. Of the English, the day before, 400. men were missing, but in that morning's work, only two. Lastly, Sir john Courcy, with some heart's ease, returned to his old Fort, where he had camped that night, rested there a while, and sent to Dublin and elsewhere among his friends, for supplies of men and other necessary provisions. There are some out of the school of envy, with grace, to disgrace Courcy, (whom I have in part touched before) that report the story otherwise, which deliver not wherein he was to be honoured, but wherein he was foiled, fortuna de la guerra, that he was driven with eleven persons in arms, to travail a foot some 30. miles, for the space of two days, the enemy still pursuing, (the which they lay not down) all fasting without any relief, until he came to an old Castle of his own, which savoureth not altogether of truth, but forwards with the history.  
The fourth battle that Sir john Courcy fought was in Vriell, for this cause: Courcy had sent certain of his servants into England, for victuals, munition, and divers necessaries; the ship was by foul weather driven into a creick in Vriell, called Torshead; O Hanlan with others being acquainted with all circumstances, board the ship, put men and mariners to the sword, and make a prize and havoc of all: Courcy hearing of this, gathered his forces together; draweth towards the Nury to come into Vriell to be revenged of them for this injury; by the way he was given to understand, that all the Irish of those parts were in arms prepared for him in their defence, to justify their doings, and that they had camped by South of Dundalke, and by North of the river Dondoygon. Courcy having marched to a place within a mile and a half of the Irish camp, made a stand, called his brother Amoric, Sir Roger Poer, with others, and consulted what course was best to be held. Sir Roger Poer being full of courage, begins: I think best to hold still with us the favour of Fortune; they are many, we are but few, the longer we behold them, the worse we shall like them; the soldiers would be set a work, and the more we linger, the more doubts and buzzes will enter his brain; for often we see, that the sight maketh, and the sight marreth.  
Next, Sir Amoric delivereth his opinion: we came not hither to make hasty work, but advisedly to perform service; true it is, as you have delivered, they are many we are but few in comparison of their number; afore we give battle, there are 3. things (as I take it) requisite to be considered, the cause wherefore we fight, the number of both sides, that they be somewhat equally matched, and the place where both join battle together. I would not have any of my speeches drawn to discourage or dismay any valiant mind. To the first, our parentage is known, we are no base people, our valour is tried, our enemy hath the proof thereof; we come not to steal, but to be revenged of the thiefs that murdered our men, & rob us of our necessary provision. Secondly, where we find our company small, and our side weak, and the ground not fitting us for any advantage, where force cannot further, let policy take place; my advice is that a beggar or a Friar shall go from us to the Irish camp, and inform them, that Sir Hugh Delacy came yesternight with a great force, to Drogheda, and that he saw two miles off a great army of horse and foot, somewhat westerly of him, which he supposeth to be the English Army, that marched all night from Tradaf towards Dundalke; in the mean while, my son Nico: with twenty choice horsemen, together with our lackeys and horseboys, for the greater show upon our hackneiss and garrans, shall wheel Westwards on the right hand, that it may concur with the Friar's tale, and give us a sign what we shall do, and we will march after to see the event; when the enemy hath descried us, we shall perceive by his stirring what he means to do; if they turn face to us and offer fight, our foot shall recover Dondalke afore theirs, and with our horses we will so handle the matter, that we shall sustain no great loss: if they fly and take the river, the sea comes in, we shall overtake them afore half pass over. All were well pleased with his device, and followed the direction. Nico. Saint Laurence with his company, wheels before, Sir john de Courcy a loof followeth after, Sir Roger Poer takes the rearward; the enemy having descried them takes the river: Sir Nico. gave the sign, whereupon the English Army give a great shout and followeth their heels; the Irish break their array, they tumble one upon another in the water: the carriage drowns some, the sea and the swiftness of the tide take others away; such as would not venture the water, were slain by the English; Othanlan and his company that had passed the water, seeing the slaughter of his men, could not come to the reskues, by reason of the salt water: the Englishmen having quitted that place, were directed by the Friar to a ford on the left hand, where they passed over, and pursued the rest: The Horsemen overtook the Foot of the Irish, and skirmished with them, until Sir john de Courcy came by that time; the sea likewise had stopped the Irish from flying, at a great water, a mile from the Lurgan on the Southside of Dundalk. The Irish seeing themselves in this straight, turn their faces, choose rather to dye with the sword like men, then to be drowned in the seas like beasts. There were in that place, some 6000. Irish, and about 1000 English, there was no advantage of ground, it booted not to fly on any side; the coward must in that case try himself a man, the fight was sore, no mercy but dead blows: The foot of the English drew back, Sir john de Courcy their leader, was left in the midst of his enemies with a twohanded sword, washing and lashing on both sides, like a Lion among sheep (saith my Author) Nicolas posteth to his father Amoric, that was in chase of this scattered horsemen of the Irish, and cried, alas father, mine uncle Sir john is left alone in the midst of his enemies, and the foot have forsaken him; with that Sir Amoric lighted, killed his horse and said, here my son take charge of these horsemen, and I will lead on the foot company, to the rescue of my brother Courcy; come on fellow soldiers saith he, let us live and dye together: He gave the onset upon the foot of the Irish, rescued Sir john Courcy that was sore wounded, and with cruel fight in manner out of breath; with the sight of him, the soldiers take hart and drive the Irish to retreat; the slaughter on both sides was great, few of the Irish and fewer of the English were left alive: The Irish got them to the Fewes, and the English to Dundalke; but who got the best there is no boast made.  
Not long after, Sir john de Courcy went into England, where the King in regard of his good service, made him Lord of Conoght and Earl of Ulster; upon his return (saith Stanihurst) which was in the Canicular days, he fought at the Bridge of Ivora a cruel battle, and prostrated his enemies, with great honour; and for that I find little written thereof, I thought good thus lightly to pass it over, as others before me have done: After this he builded many Castles in Ulster, made bridges, mended high ways, repaired Churches, and governed the Country in great peace, until the days of King john, where I shall have further cause to discourse of him.  
Amids these tumults in the North, Miles Cogan bestirred himself, in the West; he passed the Shannon into Conoght with 540. men, where (saith mine Author) never Englishman entered before, whereupon the Conoght men, drove before them, all their cattle into the fastnesses, carried with them as much as they could, fired the rest, with their Towns, Villages, Houses and Cottages. Milo marched as far as Tuam, where he rested 8. days, and finding man and beast fled, and the Country barren of victuals, he returned towards the Shannon, and by the way met with Roderic the Monarch, which lay in ambush with three Companies waiting his coming: At their meeting, they skirmished a long while, and fought a cruel fight, where the enemy lost many, and Milo but three men, than he passed the river and came safely to Dublin.  
Anno William Fitz Adelme, the King's Lieutenant is called into England: He was a man that did no honour to the King, neither good to the Country, whom every good man in his life time detested, and all Irish Chronicles after his death have defamed. In his room the King appointed Hugh Delacy Deputy of Ireland, and joined in Commission with him Robert Poer Seneschal of Wexford and Waterford.  
Not long after, the King sent into Ireland Miles Cogan and Robert Fitz Stephens with others, and gave them (in regard of their service) all South Monster, to with the Kingdom of Cork in Fee for ever, to be equally divided between them, except the City of Cork, and one Cantred thereunto adjoining; also he gave unto Philippe de Bruse all North Monster, to wit the Kingdom of Lymerick. After they had pacified Dermot Mac Carty, Prince of Desmond, quieted the Country, and divided their territories, they conducted Philippe de Bruse to Lymerick to take possession of the Kings grant given him in those parts.  
As they came to the walls of Lymerick, the Citizens of spite in sight of them all, to the end that no Englishman should roost there, set the Town on fire. Philippe de Bruse was therewithal discouraged, and his Company, in so much that when Robert Fitz Stephens and Miles Cogan, offered to adventure their lives in the recovery of the Kingdom of Lymerik, with all their aid and assistance; he refused it, and returned with them to Cork, esteeming it far better to lose Lymric, and with safety to dwell among his lovers and friends, then to lose life and kingdom by dwelling among such jews, as will fire their own houses, and cut all English throats.  
In a while after, Miles Cogan, and Raffe the son of Robert Fitz Stephens, who had lately married Miles daughter, went towards Lismore to parley with Waterford men, and determined that night to lodge with one Mac Tyrid, who had solemnly invited them. As they waited in the field, expecting the coming of the Waterfordians, this Mac Tyrid unawares stealing upon them, most traitorously slew them, and five of their company, whereupon the whole country was in uproar, insomuch that Dermot Mac Carty, and all the Irish in those parts, together with Mac Tyrid, that most perfidious traitor, were in arms, determining thenceforth to be no longer the King's loyal subjects; when they had gathered their forces together, they laid siege to Cork, meaning to cut off Robert Fitz Stephens, and all the English men there. Robert Fitz Stephens being distressed in Cork, fearing the open enemy without, and mistrusting the secret enemy within, sent post to Wexford, to his nephew Reimond le Grosse, praying him to come to his aid. Reimund forthwith, with twenty knights, and one hundred foot and bowmen, entered the Lee, landed at Cork, encountered with the enemies, killed some, drove other to fly, and compelled the rest to submit themselves, and sue for peace.  
When the King understood of this, he sent Richard Cogan, brother unto Miles, to supply his brother's room in the kingdom of Cork, a man no way inferior to his brother for valour and martial prowess; in his company came Philip Barry, and Girald Barry his brother, (otherwise called Silvester Giraldus Cambrensis, the famous learned man) nephews of Robert Fitz Stephens, with a jolly troop of horse and foot, chosen and picked men. Robert Fitz Stephens, and Richard Cogan enjoyed this kingdom of Cork peaceably for certain years, and in process of time, for want of heirs male of them, it came to two daughters, the one of them was married to Robert de Carew, the other to Patrick de Courcy, and they in right of their wives, enjoyed the same during their lives, and after them, their heirs, until such time as by a division grown (as I take it in England) between the two houses of York and Lancaster, the Irish men expelled them, and recovered the country unto themselves. Anno 1178. The Monastery, Beatae Mariae Roseae vallis, called Rosgl●s, was founded. Yet others think it was in Anno 1189. I may not forget Harvey de monte Marisco, (of whom often mention is made before) who after many spiteful parts, treacheries and false accusations exhibited by him unto the King against most noble servitors, became a Monk: the man was sore troubled in conscience, and in his course he made the common saying true (desperatio facit Monachum.) He had founded (saith Felcon) the Monastery of our blessed Lady, de Portu Donbrodthi, he gave unto the Monastery Saint Trinitatis of Canterbury, his territories & advousons along the sea coast, between Waterford and Wexford, and there cloistered himself; I would (saith Cambrensis) he had changed his conditions with his habit.  
The same year (saith Holinshed) there came from Pope Alexander 3. into England, two Cardinals, Alberto desuma, and Petro de sancta Agatha, whose commission was to summon the Bishops of England, Ireland, Scotland, with the Isles, and Normandy, to the general Council of Lateran in Rome: after they had obtained licence to pass through his dominions, the King swore them upon the holy Evangelist, that in their Legateship they should not attempt any thing that might be hurtful to the King or his dominions, and that upon their return, they should visit him homewards: whereupon out of Ireland there went thither, Laurence, Archbishop of Dublin, and Catholicus, Archbishop of Tuam, with some other five or six Irish Bishops, whom the King likewise swore, that they should not procure any damage to his Realms and dominions.  
The Realm of Ireland at this time was singular well governed by Hugh de Lacie, a good man, and a wise Magistrate, who for the good of the land and the people, established many good orders: he made Bridges, and builded Towns, Castles, and Forts, throughout Leinster, as Sir john de Courcy did in Ulster in his time; the Priest kept his Church, the Soldier his Garrison, and the Ploughman followed his Plough, yet cankered envy quieted not herself, practised mischief against him, so that he was charged before the King, to attempt the Crown of Ireland, and make himself absolute Lord of the land, and that he had married the King of Connaghts daughter, (saith Holinshed) contrary to the King's pleasure. The King immediately (as Princes are jealous of great men) called him into England, appointed governor's, john Constable, and Richard Peche. This Lacie behaved himself so discreetly and dutifully in England, that he cleared himself of all suspicion, that the King was resolved of his truth and fidelity, and sent him back again into Ireland, with further credit then formerly he had done, and that within three months, and gave him the absolute command and Lievetenantship of the land, and joined as assistant unto him, Robert Salisbury, calling home the former governor's.  
It was not long, but he was upon malicious occasion, the second time sent for into England, and one Philip of Worcester, (Cambrensis is mine Author) a valiant soldier, a bountiful and a liberal man, with a most brave troop of horse and foot, arrived in Ireland, with command to send over Hugh de Lacie, and he to remain there as Governor of the land, until john his son came over. Stanihurst is of opinion, that he went over into England, and clearing himself, speedily returned again, which cannot well stand with the course of the history; for when Philip of Worcester took upon him the government, Lacie hastened the building and finishing of the Castle of Derwath (whereof my pen immediately shall make report) and there ended his days. And now to Philip of Worcester, and his companion Hugh Tirell, Cambrensis, and Stanihurst especially, write most bitter of them: of Philip, how that first of all he resumed and seized unto the King's use, the lands of Ocathesie, and divers other parcels which Hugh de Lacie had sold away, and these he appointed to serve for the King's provision, and the Governors' diet. And after the winter was past, he assembled and mustered his men and company, and began to travail from place to place. In March about the middle of Lent, he came to Armagh, where he extorted, and perforce exacted from the Clergy there, a great mass of money and treasure, and from thence he went to Dune, and from Dune to Dublin, laden with gold, silver, money, and moneys worth, the which he extorted in every place where he came, and other good did he none. Hugh Tirell his fellow scraper, took from the poor Priests at Armagh, a great brass pan or brewing furnace, which served the whole house: see the just judgement of God, (the which then was so constraced, as Cambrensis hath delivered in his Vaticinall history, and likewise in his topagraphie) Philip at the town's end of Armagh, was taken with a sudden pang, and the same so vehement, that it was supposed he should never have recovered it. When he came to himself, a poor man standing by said, Let him alone, he must have breath till he come to the devil, and then the devil will have him, and all that he extorted from us. Hugh Tirell that carried the pan as far as Dune, and the Priests curse withal, in night time had his lodging set on fire, where house, and householdstuff, and all that he had there, was consumed to ashes, together with the horses that drew the same (and so no thanks to him) he left it behind him for lack of carriage. The Castles which Lacie builded for the good of the Land, were these. First, Laghlen, of old called the Black Castle, upon the Barrow between Ossory and Idrone, of which Castle by Henry 2. commandment, Robert Poer had the charge, until in cowardice sort he gave over the same, and forsook it; whereupon Cambrensis then living, maketh this invective: O what worthy Champions and fit men for martial feats, were this Poer and Fitz Adelme, to inhabit and command such a nation as is destitute of noble and valiant minds? but a man may espy the variable sleight of fortune, disposed to smile at foolery, how from the base dunghill, he advanceth to high dignities: for why? they two had more pleasure in chambering, wantonness, playing with young girls, and on the Harp, then in bearing of shield, or wearing of Armour: but in sooth it is to be admired, that so Noble a Prince as Henry 2. is, would send such cowards to command, or to direct in place of service. But to the history. This black Castle now called New Leighlin, for difference of Old Leighlin, which is the Bishop's seat, standeth in the Barony of Ydrone, which was the ancient inheritance of the carew's: who being Barons of Carew in Wales, so far as I can learn, one of them married the daughter and heir of the Baron of Ydrone, and so the Carewes' became, and were for the term of many years, Barons of Ydrone, until the troublesome time of Richard 2. when the Carewes' with all the English of Ireland, in manner were driven to forsake the land. 
Castles builded by Sir H de Lacy.  He builded in Leix for Meilerius Tachmeho, alias Cachmehe, and as for Kildare, with the country adjoining, the which, as Cambrensis writeth, was by Earl Strangbow given him, the Governors in Hugh de Lacie his absence, subtly took it away from him, under colour of exchange, and gave him Leix, a wild savage country, with woods, paces, bogs, and rebels far from succour or rescue. In Meth, he builded Clanarec, Dunach killar, alias Killairie, the Castle of Adam de jeypon, alias sureport, and Gilbert de nugent's of Delvyn. In Fotheret of Onolan, alias Feathered Onolan, in Latin, Rotheric, he builded a Castle for Reimond, and another for Griffin his brother, the sons of William Fitz Girald, for Walter of Ridensford, he builded in Omorchu, alias Moroghs country Trisseldermot, otherwise called Trisdeldermot, about five miles from Caterlogh, and likewise Kilka, in the country of Kildare. For john de Hereford, he builded a Castle in Collach, otherwise called Tulacfelmeth: for john declawsa, alias Clavill, he builded a Castle upon the Barrow, not far from Leighlin, now supposed to be Carlogh, though some attribute it to Eva, Earl Strangbow his wife; yet it is evident next after the Danes, that the English men builded all the Castles of Ireland. He builded also near Aboy, a Castle that he gave to Robert Bigaret, another not far from thence, which he gave to Thomas fleming, another at the Narach on the Barrow, for Robert Fitz Richard; lastly, he builded the Castle of Derwath, where he made a tragical end; for on a time when each man was busily occupied, some lading, some heaving, some plastering, some engraving, the General also himself digging with a Pickax, a desperate villain among them, whose tool the Lord Lieutenant used, espying both his hands occupied, and his body bend downwards, with an axe, cloven his head in sunder; his body the two Archbishops, john of Dublin, and Matthew of Cashill, buried in the Monastery of the Bectie, that is, in Monasterio Beatitudinis, and his head in Saint Thomas Abbey at Dublin, whose death (I read in Holinshed) the King was not sorry of, for he was always jealous of his greatness.  
Upon the death of Lacie, Sir Roger le Poer a most worthy Knight, who served valiantly in Ulster, in company with Sir john de Courcy, being made Governor of the country about Leighlen in Ossorie, was in most lamentable sort traitorously slain; and upon that occasion, there was (saith Cambrensis) a privy conspiracy over all Ireland against English men: But gentle Reader, I must back a little, to bring on the years to concur with the history.  
Anno 1180. The Monastery De Choro Benedicti, and of jeripont was founded. The same year died Laurence Archbishop of Dublin (whose life foreign Writers, as Surius, Baronius, Molanus, and Leppelo with others have written) his father hight Maurice, his mother Iniabre Principis filia, a great Commander in Leinster; the martyrologue of Sarum saith he was bastard: This Maurice being at continual wars with Dermot Mac Morogh King of Leinster, upon a league of amity concluded between them, delivered unto him for pledge his youngest son Laurence; Dermot sent him to a desert solitary place and barren soil to be kept, where he was like to perish with famine: Maurice hearing thereof, took 12. of Dermots principal followers, clapped them in prison, and sent Dermot word, that he would cut off their heads, unless he would release and send him his son out of that slavish and miserable servitude: Dermot released the youth, and delivered him not to his father, but to the Bishop of Glandelogh, and the Bishop charged his Chaplain with his bringing up; the Chaplain trained him up so virtuously, that in a short time after he was made Abbot of Glandelogh, & shortly after that again, upon the death of Gregory Archbishop of Dublin, he was chosen to succeed him. So holy a man was he, as some of mine Authors do write, that he caused one of his men to whip him twice a day, belike he had deserved it in his youth. His Legend reporteth that in time of famine and scarcity in Ireland, ●e relieved daily 500 persons at his door for 3. years space. Henry the 2. did not favour him, for he had both in public and private at sundry times (as formerly in part hath been touched) been an instrument of rebellion and of many mischiefs against the English nation, and at the Council of Lateran, contrary to his Oath, inveighed bitterly against the King; Stainhursh excuseth him, saying, that he pleaded for the immunities of the Churches of Ireland, somewhat prejudicial to the King's prerogative. He came to the King at Canterbury, where the Monks received him with solemn Procession, and he gave himself one whole night to prayers before Saint Thomas his shrine, for good success in his affairs with the King: A fool espied him in his Pontifical weed, wholly devoted to Saint Thomas Becket: And said, I can do no better deed then to make him equal with Saint Thomas; with that took a club, ran through the throng, and gave him such ablow upon the pat, that the blood ran down his ears; the man was so sore wounded, that it was thought he would streighway yield up the Ghost; the cry was up, the fool run away, the Bishop taking breath called for water, and in a short time after was healed: his suit unto the King was, (as foreign Writers deliver) for Deronog King of Ireland; but saith Holinshed, which is likeliest to be true, it was in the behalf of Roderic King of Conoght, which had often promised true subjection and fidelity unto the King, but never performed; he had brought with him Roderic his son as a pledge for performance of convenants, formerly passed between them; as the payment of tribute and such like; but the King neither liked the one or the other, but charged the Archbishop not to depart without his licence.  
The King shortly after took shipping at Sandwich and sailed into Normandy. The Archbishop followed him, and there died of an Ague; whereupon (as Holinshed writeth) the King sent jeffray De Haile, one of his Chaplains and a Chaplain also of Alexander the Pope's Legate into Ireland, to seize the Archbi. see into his hands, and further it is alleged, that being the Pope's Legate of Ireland; he abhorred incontinency so much, that for augmentation of penance, he would absolve no dissolute Priest, but sent them to Rome for absolution; and proved in regard of former favours, there, Amicus Curiae, so that he sent thither out of Ireland at one time, 140. Priests, saith the Legend, De peccato Luxuriae convictos Romam misit absolvendos; convicted of Lechery: Behold gentle Reader, the holy lives of the Priests of that age, and the Sanctity of the Roman Sea, in pardoning of them all, propter quid, alias propter quas. Pope Honorius the 3. Anno Pontificatus 9 vel 10. Canonised this Laurence for a Saint, who is Calendred the 14. of November, or as the Bull of his Canonization hath, the 18. of the Calends of December, which is all one; the which Bull followeth in these words.  
Honorius Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, universis Christi fidelibus, in Rothmugensi Provincia constitutis salutem, & Apostolicam benedictionem. Ineffabilis providentia Dei congruentibus singulis quibusque temporibus ordinariè, dispensans in splendoribus Sanctorum Ecclesiam suam, quasi ex utero genuit Deum, in exordio ipsius nascentis Ecclesiae crebro miraculorum fulgore abstupefaciens gentes, ac prodestinatos in Fide generans jesu Christi, Cujus hoc fieri nomine & virtute videbant, ipsos filiorum adoptionis numero aggregavit. Deinde crescrute numero & multitudine populi vocati de tenebris, ambulantes juxta Isaiae Vaticinium in lumine Domini Dei sui, mirabilis dispensator in pluviam fulgura sua fecit, dum signis suis & miraculis (quae non erant jam fidelibus necessaria) intermissis, super novos populos pastores qui eos pascerent scientia & doctrina ...... sicut per os Ieremiae promiserat, suscitavit Doctores Ecclesiae; qui terram cordis fidelium imbre doctrinae complerent, & extirpatis sensibus vitiorum cum ad proferendum virtutum germane & fructum boni operis foecundaret. Caeterum quia Charitate frigescente ab exercitio boni operis, torpet Catholicus; errore devio abducente, delirat haereticus; cecidit velamine adhuc super cor permanente, judaeus; & in tenebris ambulat fide lucis nondum sibi oriente, Paganus: Misericors Dominus qui neminem vult perire signa interdum innovat, & miseratus immutat ex numero illorum quos in Ecclesia triumphante glorificat aliquorum fidem et meritae in militante miraculis declarando, ut per ea Catholici mentis ...... discusso ad boni operis excitentur instantiam, haeretici errore dimisso ab isto reducantur ad viam veritatis et vitam.  
Sanctae ergo memoriae Laurentio Dublinensi Archepiscopo, apud Ecclesiam Sanctae Mariae de Ango Rathmagensis Diocesos, ubi corpus ejus feliciter requiescit, divino munere coruscante miraculis; Venerabilis frater noster Archepiscopus, et dilecti filij Capitulum Rathmagense, una cum Abbate et Conventu Ecclesiae supradictae, multisque aliis Archiepiscopis et Episcopis, Abbatibus et Religiosis viris, ejus venerabilis vitae, insignia coruscantia miracula, suis nobis literis intimantes humiliter supplicarunt ut ipsum Sanctorum Catalogo ascribere curaremus; quatenus autoritate (sicut convenit) Apostolica, dignus honor illi exhiberetur in terris, qui (sicut claris signis et evidentibus argumentis apparet) honoratur in coelis. Licet igitur quos divina honorat dignatio, humana devotio prompto affectu debeat honorare, volentes in hujusmodi negotio secundum consuetudinem Apostolicae sedis, maturitate debita procedere; praefato Archiepiscopo & Decano & Thesaurario Rathmagensi, dedimus in mandatis ut superdicti viri vita & miraculis inquirerent diligentissime veritatem, & eam nobis fideliter intimarent, ut ea planè comperta pro supplicantium desiderio securius annisere valeremus. Ipsi autem mandatum nostrum cum diligentia exequentes quod de prefati viri conversatione ac vita istis certificare nequibant, eo quod per partes illas transjectus faciens, in Ecclesia praedicta correptus infirmitatus decubuit & infra octavum ab hac luce migravit diem, scripserunt venerabili fratri nostro Archiepiscopo Dublinensi ut veritatem super hoc inquisitam iis per suas literas intimaret, qui citra mare Hibernicum illustris Regis Anglorum negotiis occupatus & volens id inquirere per se ipsum, venerabili fratri nostro Darensi Episcopi suffragano suo, ac Priori Sanctae Trinitatis Dublinensis commisit in hujusmodi negotio vices suas, ac demum literas eorum, sanctitatem vitae & conversationis saepe dicti viri plenius continentes suo & ipsorum sigillis munitas destinarunt eisdem, quas una cum depositionibus testium super miraculis captorum nobis cum sigillis propriis transmiserunt. Colligimus vero ex earum serie litterarum, quod saepe dictus vir Regis & Reginae Hiberniae filius extitit, & ab infantia Sacris Litteris eruditus, senilem gessit in juventute gravitatem & mundanarum illecebras vanitatum à se ultra quam aetas illa solebat, abdicavit. Deinde in Archepiscopum Dublinensem assumptus, sic de virtute in virtutem profecerit, ut in oratione assiduus, austerus in maceratione proprii corporis, ac in Eleemosinarum largitione profusus, se totaliter Domino dedicarit.  
Per depositìonem verò testium predictor. constitit evidenter sanctam vitam ejusdem esse tot sequentibus miraculis comprobatam quae non parvam texerent historiam si quis vellet ea singula scribere seriatim: sed ut non praeter mittamus claudi gressum, caeci visum, surdi auditum, muti loquelam, leprosi mundationem & varijs afflicti languoribus sanitatem ad invocationem ejus nominis, & ea sola quae inter caetera emicuerunt miracula breviter perstringamus. Nam idem sanctus, (imo Deus ob ipsius merita gloriosa) septem mortuos (quorum quatuor triduani erant) mirificè suscitavit. De ipsius sanctitate tantis certificati miraculis, divinumque secuti judicium, quod eius glorificatio nobis tam evidentibus innotuit argumentis, eundem sanctiss. Catalogo sanctorum adscripsimus & annumerandum decrevimus, sanctorum Collegio Confessorum ac inter eos Christi fidelibus venerandum statuentes, ut ejus veneranda festivitas de cetero annis singulis decimo octavo Kalendas Decembris solemniter celebretur. Monemus igitur universitatem vestram, & hortamur in Domino quatenus Deum devotis mentibus collaudantes & students proficere tantae virtutis exemplo, ejusdem gloriosissimi Confessoris apud Deum suffragia humiliter imploret. Nos autem de Dei omnipotentis misericordia & beatorum Petri & Pauli authoritate confisi, omnibus vere penitentibus & confessis qui ad prefatam Ecclesiam, in die solemnitatis ejusdem gloriosissimi confessoris vel infra Octabis cum devotione accesserint ejus orationum suffragia petituri 20. dies de iniunctis sibi penitentijs miserecorditer relaxamus. Dat. 3. Idus Decembris pontifitatus nostri anno decimo.  
Molanus writeth of this Laurence, that he favoured Monks greatly, and hearing of the fame of the 28. Monasteries of Aroatia, in the confines of Atrebatum in the low Countries, made the secular Priests called Cannons in Dublin, become regular cannons, according unto the order of Aroatia. After his disease, john Coming, an English man, a Monk of Evesham (an Abbey in England) by the King's direction, was made Archbishop of Dublin, confirmed by Pope Lucius at Viterbium, and also made a Cardinal (so writeth Cambrensis) Anno 1148. the Monastery legis dei, that is, of Leix, was founded, Anno 1185. john, the fifth son of Henry 2. of the age of twelve years, landed at Waterford in the Realm of Ireland, from the first arrival of his father, thirteen years, from the first landing of Earl Strangbow, fourteen years, and from the first entrance of Robert Fitz Stephens, fifteen years. In the Chronicles of England I find, that Anno 1177. in a Parliament held at Oxford, Henry 2. created his son john, King of Ireland. In Anno 1185. he dubbed his son john, Knight, and set him in a readiness for Ireland, sending the new Bishop john of Dublin, as his precurser thither for all things necessary. Item the same year he obtained of Pope Vrban 3. a licence to crown which he would of his sons, King of Ireland, and for reformation thereof, sent him a crown of Peacock's tails, I would say feathers, after a feat manner woven in with gold; lastly, how that urban 3. sent two Legates, Octavianus, a subdeacon Cardinal, and Hugh de Novant from the Court of Rome, to crown john, King of Ireland, but Henry 2. delayed it so, that it was not effected; hereof (as I suppose) it riseth that oftentimes we find him called King john afore he was crowned: but to the Irish history. At the first landing and entering of the King's son at Waterford, a great many of the chiefest commanders in those parts, who since their first submission unto King Henry, continued faithful and true, being advertised of this his arrival, came and resorted unto him in peaceable manner after their best manner, to salute him and congragulate his coming, one made courtesy, another kneeled, some took him by the hand, other some offer to kiss him. The new gallants and Normans, such as had not been before acquainted with the country, neither the homeliness of the people, set them at nought, laughed at their Mantles and Troosses, derided their glibbes and long beards, one takes a stick, and pats the Irish man on the pate, another halls the mantle, and pricks him behind with a pin, some have their glibbes and long beards pulled, and departing, have flappes on the lips, thumps in their necks, and the doors clapped on their heels, with diverse other abuses, and undiscreet entertainment. These men (not without cause) being mightily displeased, shifted themselves out of the town, and in all haste got them home. And from thence (saith Cambrensis) with their wives, children, and household, departed, and went some to the Prince of Lymeric, some to the Prince of Cork, some to Roderic, Prince of Connaght, and so some to one Lord, and some to another; and to these they declared orderly, how they had been at Waterford, and what they had seen there, and how they were evil entreated, and that a young man was come thither, guarded with beardless boys, and guided by the counsels of young men, in whom there was no stay, no sobriety, no steadfastness, no assuredness, whereby they and their country might be secured of any safety.  
These Princes, and namely they three of Connaght, Cork, and Lymeric, who were the chiefest, and who were then preparing themselves in a readiness to have come and salute the King's Son, and to have yielded unto him their dutiful obeisance, as faithful subjects; when they had heard these news, they began forthwith to bethink themselves, that of such evil beginning, a worse ending would ensue: wherefore with one consent, they concluded to stand and join together against the English nation, and to their uttermost power, to adventure their lives, and to stand to the defence of their country and liberties, and for the performance thereof, they enter into a new league among themselves, and swore each to other, and by that means, enemies before, are now become friends, and reconciled, as of old, Ephraim against Manasses, and Manasses against Ephraim, and both against the Tribe of juda. Herod against Pilate, and Pilate against Herod, both become friends to crucify Christ. To be short, there followed a general revolt and rebellion over all Ireland. Cambrensis allegeth a second cause of this revolt. How that when Robert Fitz Setphens first entered the land, there were certain Irish men which took part with him, served faithfully, and were as reason required, rewarded for their service, and had for recompense, certain lands given them, which they quietly held, and peaceably enjoyed, until the coming of the King's son, then new comers wanting both living and government, had it given them to furnish them in their foolish prodigality, so that these Irish men flying unto the enemies, became not only enemies, but were espials upon the English, and conductors of the enemy against them. A third reason of ill success, Cambrensis urgeth against England; first, how that the Britain's or Cambrians (so he termeth them) entering this land, and breaking the ice to the conquest of Ireland, were afterwards by William Fitz Adelme, and others, envied, and every way maligned: secondly, how that the English commanding the land, were by the English disgraced, and one often times articling, accusing, and disgracing one another: thirdly, how that the Normans coming in place, overthrew all, for the King being borne beyond the seas, affected them most, they were of his Council at home in time of peace, and made Commanders abroad in time of wars; these coming with the King's son into Ireland, were fine in their apparel, delicate mouthed, feeding upon dainties, they could not digest their meat without Spice and Wine at every meal; they could not endure the service in the Marches and borders, they would not remain in remote places, they brooked not the Forts, Holds, and Garrison places; but liberty they liked of, so it were in a walled town; a warm chamber, a Lady's lap, a soft bed, a fur gown, and their Lords sides to guard and attend, pleased them well; they would talk and brag of service, swear and stare at home, stand upon the pantofles of their reputation, disdain others, and especially the Irish, and durst not show their faces in the field. These were they that gave themselves to command the Irish, that would not be commanded by them, they polled, peeled, extorted, and what not.  
In the space of eight months that Earl john stayed in Ireland, I find that he built three Castles, Tibrach, Lismoore, and Archfinan, alias Ardsivin: at Ardsivin upon Midsummer day, (so Cambrensis reporteth) the Prince of Lymeric bend and animated to rebellion, slew four Knights, and the greater part of the Garrison there: shortly after, the same rebels of Lymric, by a slight, drew out the Garrison to seize upon a prey, and lying in ambush, killed many of them, but these revolters escaped not scotfree in all the parts of the land: for at this time when the Irish men of Kennally with great forces had entered Meth, killing, burning, spoiling, and preying the Country. William le Petit, Governor or justicer (saith Cambrensis) drew a head against them, rescued the prey, put them to flight, made a great slaughter of them, and sent a hundred heads of the principal of them to Dublin.  
The King's son hearing of these troubles, hastened away unto England, left the land tumultuous, troublesome & all upon an uproar; committed the charge thereof (saith Stanihurst) Bruseo, Courceo, Giraldidis, etc. in primis Hugonis Lacaei virtuti, where in truth I find no such matter, for Cambrensis (whom herein I must rely unto) being then in Ireland with the King's son, reporteth how that Henry the second, hearing of the course which these green heads held in Ireland; thought good to call them all unto England, and send thither no more such young commanders, and by the advice of his Council committed the charge and absolute command thereof, unto Sir john de Courcy, whom he appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (the Book of Houth also testifieth the same.) Earl john immediately gathered forces, travailed over the whole land, pacified for the time Cork, Tumound and Conoght, From the death of Hugh Delacy, who was slain, Anno 1186. unto the time Hugh Delacy the younger came to be Lord justice, of whom hereafter more at large. Here gentle Reader, Cambrensis leaveth us, who most faithfully continued the affairs of Ireland, some 30. years and odd: he was by father a Barry, by mother a Gerraldin, nephew to Morris Fitz Gerald and Robert Fitz Stephens, that first entered to the Conquest of Ireland; he was borne in Pembrok-shire, and was Archdecon of Saint david's and Brechnoc, and diversely employed by Henry the second, in whose time, among others, the first Conquerors & his kindred; he came into Ireland again, and became Tutor unto john the King's son, and accompanied him into Ireland; he wrote many learned works, and among other, the Conquest of Ireland, the Topography of Ireland, and Mirabilia Hiberniae. Whereof he dedicated one unto Richard Earl Strangbow, and another unto Henry the second; he was elected Archbishop of Saint david's, but at Rome he was outbid, by him that had more money, and miss the Cushion; he departed this life, when he was about four score years old, and resteth at Saint david's. Yet one thing further of him which he reporteth of himself, how that he at the time of his being in Ireland, had Conference with Matthew Archbishop of Cashill, and he saying among other things: You have many Saints in Ireland, but I do not find any martyr amongst you: the Bishop taking it in ill part, as spoken in derision of the Nation, answered with great anger, Sir, it is so that our people is rude, savage and barbarous, yet there is none so brutish and bloody, as to lay violent hands upon a Priest; now it falls out that we are to be governed by such a Nation as is not guiltless of Prelates deaths, and it is like, (if it stands with God's pleasure) that shortly we shall make up a number of Irish martyrs this he spitefully spoke, meaning the death of Thomas of Canterbury.  
In a while after that Sir john de Courcy had brought the whole land to a good pass, 
Sir H de Lacy. the younger L. justice of lie▪  and pacified the Irish tumults (this I find in the Book of Houth) Sir Hugh Delacy the younger is sent over into Ireland as Lord justice, to take the absolute Command of the Realm. He had no sooner landed but he sent very imperious letters unto Sir john de Courcy, to discharge him, and all that were authorized by him of their places, and command, and in like sort (like the green heads spoken of a little before, which landed with Earl john) they braved it out, disdained old experimented soldiers, and offered sundry disgraces unto the rest of the English; so that thereof rose much heartburning, division, quarrels and bloody brawls. The Irish seeing this sudden alteration, this division among the English, this undiscreet government, thought now to find fit opportunity publicly to release themselves of that, which they had oft secretly intended; by their runnagades they summoned at a day a place, all the Chieftains of Irish birth to a parley; where after many doubts debated, many griefs opened, they concluded with full resolution to invade all the English, and root them wholly out of the land; and first they swore to be true one to another, throughout that whole rank of rebels, as far as life, lands, and goods would reach to effect this enterprise: Secondly, they swore never to yield obedience to the English nation again.  
Oconor King of Conaght becomes the mouth of the Irish, 
Oconnor K. of Conaght with 20000. men.  persuades to his liking, dissuades where fancy pleaseth not, and gathered together in short time, an Army (as mine Author saith) of 20000. fight men; his policy was first, to clear Conoght, and afterwards all Ulster, and so by degrees the whole land, the which he doubted not of, as he delivered to his followers. Sir john de Courcy understanding this, and doubting what he should find at Sir Hugh Delacies hands, sent letters in post to his brother Sir Amorick Saint Laurence who shortly to his aid marched towards the North, with 30. Knights and 200. foot. Oconor hearing this, lieth in ambush in most secret wise, and sendeth scouts of horse and foot before him, to apprehend and cut off all espials, which might bewray his ambush, and give intelligence to Sir Amorick to prevent the danger; Sir Amorick boldly marcheth on, misdoubting nothing, for that he understandeth by his espials nothing to the contrary, till he came to the Devil's mouth; where upon a sudden, beholding Oconor and his huge Army peeping out of their ambush, was amazed, made a stand, and consulting with his company, wist not what to do; there was no flying, there was no fight, one to a hundred was no equal match; a horseman whose name was Mountgomery, in a few words said this. Let us fly and save our lives, as for the foot company we can do them no good by figting; by flying and saving our own lives, we may succour their wives, children and kindred. By that time Sir Amorick his brother (leader of the foot company) came to the consultation, and said, I see by all circumstances, that you mean to fly, and you Sir Amorick my noble brother, what mean you to give ear to these cowardly horsemen, will you leave us here as sheep in the mouths of this merciless people, and ravening wolves, ready to rend us in pieces? Have you forgotten the bloody battles we followed you in? and do you not see that we have left our Country, our wives, our children and dearest friends, and now stand at death's door, to be forsaken of you whom we never left so desolate and distressed: if you weigh not our lamentable estate, regard your own honour, and the house you are descended of. Will you lose in an hour, the honour you won in many years? Call to remembrance, most worthy Knight, how that in Vriell in manner in the like distress; you dismounted yourself, slew your horse, led the foot, animated the company, recovered yourself, and ended with honour? We are your flesh and your blood, we come hither to fight, to live and to dye together; I know the worst; I am resolved, if we fight we die, if we fly we are slain; is it not better for us to dye in fight like men, and so win honour, then to be slain in flight like beasts, and gain shame for ever? With this Sir Amorick turned him to the foot company, and hardly gathering breath with the sorrow of his heart, resolved himself thus: I have no power to fly and leave my friends, my flesh and blood, in this extreme distress. I will live with them, who for my sake came hither, if it so please God, and I will dye with them, if it be his pleasure, that ending here we shall meet again bodies and souls at the last day, God and the World bear witness, that we do as Christian Knights ought to do, I yield my soul into God's hands, my body to return whence it came, my service to my natural Prince, my heart to my wife and brother, Sir john de Courcy, my might, my force and bloody sweat to the aid of you all that are in the field: He lighted, kneeled upon his knees, kissed the cross of his sword, ran his horse through, saying thou shalt never serve against me, that so worthily hast served with me. The like did all the rest; then looking about with a cheerful countenance, as if he had not been the man, that was formerly dismayed, charged two young Gentlemen of the company to get them to the top of an Hill, hard by adjoining, and beholding the battle, upon their return homewards make true report to his brother Courcy and others of that day's service. Immediately they prepared to battle, the enemies marvailed, seeing them approach, that they durst (being so few) abide the field; they made likewise a stand, and cast doubts, whether the Englishmen in this attempt had not some great supply; reskues are main battle following after, they would not give the onset, before they had certain knowledge thereof, by scouts and espials: to be short, they join the battle, where to deliver the whole in few words; Sir Amorick was slain and all his company. It was a bloody day, when all the one side, and a 1000 of the other side, fell to ground. Oconor and his company seeing the end of this field, durst never again give battle unto the English, but sued to Sir Hugh Delacy than Lord justice for peace, which he obtained, vowing, as he had many a time before, faith, truth and perfect subjection: This Oconor after his reconciliation made report unto Sir Hugh Delacy, of that day's work, that he thought verily, there was never the like seen upon the earth; how that the Englishmen not being able to stand in fight, turned back to back, with sparthes' and two handed swords, until the last man was slain. The lamentation that Sir john de Courcy made, when this was bruited abroad, I will not stand to rehearse.  
I am now to end with King Henry the second, a most worthy Prince, whose troubles every way troubled not him so much, as the unnatural rebellion of his sons, and the jealousy of his Queen; he reigned 34. years, 9 months and two days: his Epitaph in Matthew Paris and in others I find thus.  

Rex Henricus eram, mihi plurima regna subegi,  
Multiplicique modo Duxque Comesque fui: &c▪   

Of late King Henry was my name,  
Which Conquered many a Land;  
And divers Dukdomes did possess,  
And Earldoms held in hand,  
And yet while all the earth could scarce  
My greedy mind suffice;  
Eight foot within the ground now serves  
Wherein my Carcase lies.  
Now thou that readest this, note well  
My force, with force of Death;  
And let that serve to show the state  
Of all that yieldeth breath:  
Do good then here, fore slow no time,  
Cast off all worldly cares;  
For brittle world full soon doth fail,  
And death doth strike unwares.   
Richard the first, the third son of Henry 2. began his reign over England the 6. of july, Anno 1189. For his valence, he was called Coeur de Lion, the Lion's heart; he was affianced, but never married, to Adela, or Alice, daughter to the French King, and in his journey to the holy land, he took to wife in the I'll of Cyprus, the Lady Berengaria, daughter to Garsias (some say Sanctius) King of Navarre, and died without issue; when he had reigned nine years, nine months, and two and twenty days. It is noted by the Antiquaries, that upon the death of his father, he had three notable windfalls, the first was the Crown of England, the second was his father's treasure, which he found at Salisbury, amounting to nine hundred thousands pound in coin, besides Plate, precious stones, jewels and apparel; lastly, in the Coffers of jeffrey Ridley, Bishop of Elye, who died intestate, he found towards his coronation 3260. pound in silver, five marks in gold, which was better; for his coronation was most Royal. john Comyn Archbishop of Dublin was at it. Matthew Paris in Latin, and Holinshed in English have penned it verbatim. Will. K. of Scots did him homage, and when he was the second time crowned King, bore a sword before him. King Richard the first year of his reign, gave the Lady Isabella, sole daughter and heir of Richard, surnamed Strangbow, Earl of Penbroke, to William Maxfield, Lord Maxfield, and Earl Martial of England, Anno 1189:  
This William, his surname was not Marshal, as Sir john Plunket his collection hath laid down, but Maxfield, his descent I find thus; with William the Conqueror, there came into England to his aid, one Walter Maxfield a Norman, that was his Marshal; this Walter had issue, William, William had issue, Walter, Walter had issue, john, john had issue, this William Maxfield, that married Isabella, the daughter of Strangbow, who was made Earl Martial of England, Earl of Penbroke in Wales, and Prince of Leinster in Ireland, in the right of his wife. This William was in great favour with King Richard the first, that gave him the Lady Isabella to wife, and honoured him so at his coronation, that he bore a regal Sceptre before the King, in the top whereof was set a Cross of gold, and when the King with full determination passed over into Normandy, and from thence into the Holy Land, he assigned him the third governor of the Realm, john Earl of Morton, Anno 1199. after the death of his brother Richard, sent this William among others into England, to set all things in a readiness for his coronation, the which being the 27. of May, and year aforesaid, gave him his full creation to the Earldom of Penbroke, and girded him with the sword; not long after, King john sent him with others, as Ambassadors to the French King, with sundry other employments; he was also in great favour with Henry 3. as shall be showed when I come to his reign. He had five sons, and five daughters, his sons all succeeded him in the Earldom of Penbroke, and office of Marshalsea, together with the Principality of Leinster, and died all without issue. The daughters were all honourably matched in the life time of their father and brethren, and had his territories and possessions in Wales and Ireland, orderly divided among them, the which they and their posterity peaceably enjoyed. This William Earl Martial the elder, came to Ireland, Anno 1207. he builded the Castle of Kilkenny, and gave the town a Charter, with privileges which they enjoy to this day: he founded there also the Monastery of the black Friars, and ended the way of all flesh at London, Anno 1220. and lieth buried in the temple of his Lady Isabella at Tinterne in Wales.  
William Marshal his eldest son succeeded him, both in the office of Marshal, and Earldom of Penbroke and Ogie, and Principality of Leinster; he granted a Charter to the town of Kilkenny, Anno 1223. sixth of April, with the testate of Thomas Fitz Antony, Lord of Thomas stowne, Seneschal, of Leinster, Fulkoe, Carnae; Walter Pursell, William Grace, Haman Grace, Amnar Grace, and others, he ended his days at Kilkenny, Anno 1231. and resteth in the Monastery there, which his father had formerly founded.  
Again, of this William I have seen another Charter, exemplified Anno 1329. by King Edward the third, with an inspexim. Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae, Dominus Hiberniae, Dux Aquitanie omnibus Ballivis & Ministris omnium villarum & villatorum Lagenie & ceteris quibuscunque deijsdem partibus salutem. Supplicavit nobis superior et communitas villae de Kilkenny quod cum Willielmus nuper Comes Mariscallus et Pembrochie (tempore quo idem Comes extiterat Domini totius terrae Lageniae) concesserit Burgensibus et Communitati ville predicte qui pro tempore fuerint, diversas libertates, inter quas videlicet, quod ipsi in perpetuum per totam Lageniam terram, & potestatenin suam tam villa quam alibi essent quieti de theulonio, lastagio, poritagio, & de omnibus aliijs consuetudinibus quibuscunque, quam quidem cartam inspeximus, etc. Teste johanne Darcy justiciario nostro Hibernie apud Kilkenny, 8. die julij anno regninostri 3. per billam ipsius justiciarij. Yet Holinshed writeth that this William Marshal the younger, deceased at London, and lieth buried by his father in the new Temple.  
Richard Marshal the second brother succeeded; he was Earl Martial of England, Earl of Penbroke in Wales, and Ogie in Normandy, and Prince of Leinster in Ireland. In the year 1233. and the Month of April, in a battle nigh Kildare, upon the great Heath called the Curragh, fight against the Oconors; he took his death's wound, whereof shortly he died. He lieth buried by his brother William in the black Friars at Kilkennye, which was the foundation of William, Earl Martial, his father. Henry the third lamented his death, and protested that he lost then the worthiest Captain of his time. His tomb (with the tomb of eighteen Knights that came over at the Conquest, and resting in that Abbey) at the suppression of the Monastery, was defaced, and inhabitants there turned them to their private uses; and of some they made swine-troughs, so as there remaineth no Monument in the said Abbey, save one stone, whereupon the picture of a Knight is portrayed, bearing a shield about his neck, wherein the Cantwels arms are ensculpted; and yet the people there call it Ryddir in Curry, that is, the Knight slain at the Curraghe. john Clyn, guardian of the Friars there, in his Annals of Ireland writeth thus.  
Post incarnatum lapsis de virgine natum  
Annis millenis tribus triginta ducent is  
In primo mensis Aprilis, Kildariensis  
Pugna die Sabbati fuit in tristitia facti  
Acciderant stallo pugnae Comiti Mariscallo.  
And upon his Tomb.  
Hic Comes est positus, Richardus vulnere fossus  
Cujus sub fossa Kilkennia continet ossa.  
After the decease of Richard Gilbert, Martial, the third brother was Earl Martial of England, Earl of Penbroke and Ogie, and Prince of Leinster, Anno 1239. King Henry the third held his Christmas at Winchester, where there rose a grudge between the King and this Earl Gilbert, by reason that this same Earl, with his servants, having tip-staves in their hands, coming to the Court, were not suffered to enter within the gates, but were kept back by the Porters and others: of which injury when he complained, the King made him an overthwart answer. Whereupon the Earl not well pleased therewith, estranged himself from the Court, and went into the North country, so that thenceforth, he and his brother Walter gave small attendance upon the King; and to end with this Earl Gilbert, it fell out on a time, in a Turnay which he had attempted without the City of Hereford, contrary to the King's pleasure, that his unruly horse cast him, so that of the hurt which he took with the fall, he shortly after departed this life, in the year 1241. and was buried in the new temple Church at London: he had married the Lady Margaret, the sister of Alexander, King of Scots, who by her had no issue; she also died Anno 1245.  
Walter Martial succeeded Gilbert in all the former honours and possessions, both in England and Ireland, who because he had procured the tournament wherein his brother was slain, hardly obtained of the king the same. He departed this life at Godrike Castle by Monmouth and was buried at Tintern, Anno 1245. leaving no issue behind him.  
Anselm Marshal the fifth son of William Earl Marshal succeeded Walter, he was the last of the Maxfields, and died without issue. He had married Mathildis or Maud daughter of the Earl of Hereford, anc because he had entered without doing of homage unto the King, his wife after his decease could have no dowry, whereof among the statutes of England I find the cause by especial words thus overruled·  
When any dyeth and his heir entereth into the Land, that his Ancestors held of the King, the day that he died before he hath done homage to the King, and received seisin of the King, he shall give no free hold thereby; and if he died seized during that time, his wife shall not be endowed of the same land as came late in urc; by Maud the daughter of the Earl of Hereford, wife of Anselm the Marshal. Who after the death of Walter Martial of England his brother, took his seisin of the Castle and manor of Strogill, and died in the same Castle; before he had entered by the King, and before he had done homage unto him, whereupon it was agreed, that his wife should not be endowed, because that her husband had not entered by the King, but rather by trusion.  
This Anselm died in England, and was buried at Tinterne. After the death of these five brethren; Florilegus writeth thus. All the sons of William the great Marshal (it is not known what sin required the same) according to the Prophecy of the Countess their mother, without issue left behind them, as shadows departed out of this world; yet all successively became Earls, even as their mother by a Prophetical spirit foreshowed, and so the Noble shield or buckler of the Marshals, dreadful to so many and so great enemies of England, vanished away. Matthew Paris wrote the story at large. The aforesaid William, as Warlike and stout, called Martial, as if he had been Mars his Seneschal while in Ireland he gave himself to slaughter, and burning, and got to himself large possessions, he took away by strong hand and injuriously, from an holy Bishop two manors or Lordships belonging to his Church, and presumptuously usurped them, as though he might, by just title possess them, as if he had won them with the sword. The Bishop after many admonitions, and receiving many froward answers, thundered against him (and not without cause) the sentence of Excommunication, the which the Earl despised, and pleaded for excuse; the warlike season keeping injuries upon injuries: Whereupon not without advisement one Master Gervasius de Melckeria, framed of him this distinction and shrouded himself in his person.  

Sum quem Saturnum sibi sensit Hibernia, solemn  
Anglia, Mercurium Normania, Gallia Martem.   

jam whom Ireland Saturn hight, and England Sol me calls,  
Amids the Normans Mercury, and Mars among the Gauls.   
The meaning in a word is, how that he in his time had tamed the wild Irish, and had been the shining beam of honour unto the English, as an Ambassador to pacify the Normans, and an invincible Knight among the French nation, but forwards with Paris; the aforesaid Earl held those manors all his life time, and annexed them unto his dominions: Within a few years after, the Earl ended the way of all flesh, and was buried in the new Temple at London; the Bishop hearing of this (for he was the Bishop of Fernes, a Cistertian Monk, by birth Irish, and famous for Sanctity) not without great pain in travail, he went unto the King, who then was in London, exhibited a grievous complaint of the injury done unto him, and how that he had justly excommunicated the Earl, and humbly besought the King, that by his sovereign authority and Princely mandat, and also for the good of the said Earl William's soul, he would see his manors restored unto him, that in so doing (though he were dead) yet might reap the benefit of absolution. The King with this was moved, and willed the Bishop to repair to the Earls grave and absolve him, and he would diligently labour for his satisfaction; the Bishop together with the King went to his Tomb, and in the hearing of all that were present, as if they had been both alive, said, O William, that here liest interred, and wrapped in the bonds of Excommunication, if the thing which thou hast injuriously taken away from my Church, be restored by the king, or by thine heir, or by some one of thy kindred or friends, with competent satisfaction, I absolve thee, o her wise I do ratify the said sentence that thou being ever wrapped in thy sins, mayest remain damned in hell. The King hearing this, was moved and sharply rebuked the immoderate rigour of the Pontifical Prelate. To whom the Bishop replied, my Lord ann dread sovereign, marvel not, though I be out of patience, for he hath spoiled my Church to his great commodity. The King then secretly conferring with William the eldest son of this Earl, and heir to the whole, and now invested in the inheritance and Earldom, and certain others his brethren, besought them by the restoring the manors unjustly taken away, mercifully to deliver their father's soul; To whom William the heir made answer, I do not believe, neither is to be credited, that my father took them injuriously, for that which is gotten by the sword, may lawfully be enjoyed; for if that old and doting Bishop hath given a wrong sentence, let the curse light upon his own pate. I will not weaken my estate, nor diminish the inheritance wherein I am invested, my father died seized thereof, and I have rightly entered. Unto these words all the brethren yielded their consents. The King being then of tender years, and under Tutor, would not give cause of heaviness unto so great and Noble a personage; when the Bishop understood this, he was more waspish, and moved with the countenance of the sons, then with the former injury of the father, and turning him to the King, spoke aloud; what I have said, I have said; what I have written, I have written, never to be blotted out.  
To be short, the Bishop with great sorrow departed, and in bitterness, prophesied of the ill success of the children, who died and lived in great honour all the days of their lives: but these matters we are to refer to the secret judgement of God.  
After the decease of these five brethren, five Earls, and five Princes of Leinster, leaving no issue behind them, the five daughters their sisters, joan, Mathilda, Isabella, Sibilla, and Eva, being honourably matched, had their fathers and brethren's possessions and territories in Ireland orderly divided amongst them; joan, the eldest daughter of William Earl Martial, and eldest sister of the five brethren (before spoken of) was married to Warren de Mountchensen, who in right of her, had allotted unto him, the County of Wexford; they had issue, one daughter, joan that was married, Anno 1247. to William de Valence, a Norman, the son of Hugh Brune, Earl of March, and Turryn, Viscount of Curce, etc. he was half brother to King Henry the third, by Queen Isabella, daughter and heir of Amerie, Earl of Angolesm, the widow of King john. This William in the right of his wife, was Earl of Penbroke, and Lord of Wexford, and died Anno 1296. he had issue, two sons and two daughters, William de Valence, Owdomare alias Aimer de Valence, Isabella and joan; William succeeded his father in the Earldom of Penbroke, and Lordship of Wexford, and died without issue. Aymer his brother after him, was Earl of Penbroke, and Lord of Wexford, and died without issue, whereupon the inheritance fell to the two sisters, Isabella and joan. Isabella was married to john Hastings, Lord Hastings of Abergevenny, who in the right of his wife had one half of the county of Wexford allotted unto him, and had issue, Elizabeth, which married Reynold, Lord Gray of Ruthin. joan the second sister was married to john Lord Comyn, who in her right, had the other half of Wexford, and he had issue, two daughters, Elizabeth and joan; Elizabeth married Richard Lord Talbot, and joan was married to David, Earl of Athol in Scotland, and thus the County of Wexford was divided.  
Mathilda, or Mawde, the second daughter of William, Earl Martial of England, had the county of Cattelough, alias Carlogh, assigned unto her: she was married to Hugh Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, father of Ralph Bigod, whose daughter and heir Isabella, was married to Sir Gilbert Lacie, who had issue, Margery and Maud, Margery was married to john Lord Verdon, of whom the Earl of Shrewesbury, and the Earl of Essex are descended. Maud married jeffery Genivill, father to Peter Genivill, whose daughter and heir was married to Roger Mortimer, Lord of Wigmore, and the first Earl of March.  
Isabella, the third daughter of William, Earl Martial of England, had to her portion, the county of Kilkenny. She was married to Sir Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Herford, whose descent is before spoken of. He was slain by the Scots in King Edward the seconds time, and died without issue. I have seen a Charter granted by him to the town of Kilkenny. Gilbert Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Herford, to our Seneschal of Kilkenny, and to our treasurer of the same, greeting; know you that we for the common profit of the town of Kilkenny, of our especial favour have granted to our loving Burgesses of the same town, etc. the whole in substance is, that none shall sell victuals there, but it shall be prized by the officers of our town. After the decease of Sir Gilbert Clare, than the Earldoms of Gloucester and Herford, and the County of Kilkenny, fell between his three sisters, begotten upon Isabella aforesaid, to wit, Elinor, Margaret, and Elizabeth. Elinor was married to Hugh Spencer the younger, Margaret was married to Peter Gaveston, and after his death, to Hugh Lord Audely; Elizabeth was married first to William Lord Burgh, Earl of Ulster; the second time to Ralph Roch, Baron of Farmoy; thirdly, to Theobald, Lord Verdon; and lastly, to Roger Damary, and had issue by every one of them.  
Sibilla the fourth daughter of William Earl Martial, had to her part the County of Kildare, and was married to William Ferers, Earl of Ferers and Derby, who had issue, Agnes, Isabella, Mathilda, Sibilla, Cecilia, and a second Sibyl; Agnes was married to William de Vescy, who had issue, john de Vescy, who had issue, William de Vescy that died without issue in his father's life time. Lastly, this County of Kildare was given by the King unto john Fitz Thomas, the first Earl of Kildare, as hereafter in more convenient place shall appear.  
Eva, the first daughter of William Earl Martial, had to her portion, the Manor of Dounmas in Leix, and was married to William Bruse, Lord Bruse of Gower, who had issue, Mathilda, Elinor, and Eva. Mathilda was married to Roger Mortimer, Elinor was married to Humphrey de Bohun Earl of Herford and Eva, to Cantilupe, alias William de Canlow: Of the line of these Maxfields, I mean of William Earl Marshal of England, the pedigree & descent of this Noble family, the properties and purports holds of the daughters. I have seen sundry copies. Nicholas Magwir, Bishop of Leighlen perfected an abstract of the division of the land in Ireland, among the daughters and the paritcularities thereof, which is to be seen in the red towne-booke of Kilkenny: and now forwards with the history, from whence I have somewhat digressed.  
Anno 1190. (in which year the City of Dublin, by foul mishap, was fired to ashes) King Richard set all in a readiness for his journey into the holy land, gathered masses of money together, and among others it is remembered, what a sum of money he received of Hugh Pudsey a Norman, and Bishop of Durham, that gave an inestimable sum to be made an Earl, whom the Antiquaries do condemn for his intolerable pride, and damnable covetousness, whom the King also flouted after he had received the coin; saying, Lo, I have made a young Earl of an old Bishop▪ In this voyage and preparation for the recovery of jerusalem, and the aid of the Christians in Asia, there went Frederick, Emperor of Almain, Richard, King of England, Philip of France, William of Cicilia, Otho, Duke of Burgundy, the Venetians, Pisanes, Frisones, Danes and Flemings. Now that the King is on his journey abroad, let us talk a little (gentle Reader) of little john at home: Stanihurst leads me into the history, and reporteth that Anno 1189. he came into Ireland, and sojourned at Dublin; the story goeth (and especially in Hector Boetius, and john Major, Antiquaries of Scotland) how that in those days, there were many outlaws in the North parts of England; of these outlaws, Robin Hood, and little john were Chieftains: It was said of Robin Hood that he was an Earl, and after outrages by him committed, he kept the woods; his company was of some hundred persons, all chosen and picked Archers, of singular strength to handle their weapons, and such as durst encounter with 400. others: they rob none but the rich, as Tanners, and Graziers, and Usurers, and Bishops, Priests, and fat Abbots; they shed no blood, they killed no man, relieved themselves and the poor also with their spoils. Robin Hood after many thievish feats, fell sick, went into a Nunnery in Scotland, to be let blood, where he was betrayed, and bled to death: whereupon the company broke, and the crew dispersed themselves, every man to shift for himself; little john came to Ireland, with many of his confederates, and found in the woods, enough to fit his humour, and fell so much to his old occupation, that he was fain to fly the land. In the end, he went to Scotland, and there died. There are memorable acts reported of him, which I hold not for truth, that he would shoot an arrow a mile off, and a great deal more; but them I leave among the lies of the land.  
Anno 1191. the Monastery de iugo Dei, was founded Anno 1193. King Richard after many most valiant exploits in the Holy Land, (the which I hold not so necessary for this place) after the drowning of Frederick the Emperor, and after the sudden and envious departure of Philippe King of France; hearing the conspiracy of the said Philippe, and the treason of his brother john aspiring to the Crown of England; made peace with the Saladine for three years, and with a small company returning homewards, was taken prisoner by Leopold, Duke of Austria, who brought him to Henry the Emperor, and there kept him in prison a year and 5. months, until he had paid his ransom, which was Anno 1194.  
He was received into England with the joy and applause of all true hearts, and having settled the affairs of the Realm in due sort, he went into France, where he had much a do with the French King, the which for brevity's sake, I do omit, and yet one memorable act of his I may not omit, and thus it was; There came unto him one Fulco a Priest, who with great courage and boldness said: Thou hast, O Mighty King three daughters very vicious and of evil disposition, take good heed of them, and betimes provide them good husbands; to whom the King in rage answered: th●u errant liar, and shameless hypocrite, thou knowest not where thou art, nor what thou sayest, I ween thou art not well in thy wits, for I have never a daughter, as the world will bear me witness, get thee out of our presence. To whom Fulco replied, If it like your Grace, I lie not, but say truth, for you have three daughters which continually frequent your Court, and (more is the pity) wholly possess your person; I mean, Pride, Covetousness and Lechery. The King thereat smiled, and called his Lords and Barons unto him, and related what Fulco had delivered unto him, and thereupon gave his resolution: Here before you all I do presently bestow my three daughters. First, I give my daughter swelling Pride, to the proud Templars: my greedy daughter Avarice, to the covetous Order of the Cistercian Monks: and my daughter Lechery, to the wanton Prelates of the Church. This noble King went to besiege a Town called Chalus Chevril in Poitou, in the confines of Britain, where unlooked for, from the wall of the Town, he was wounded with a venomed arrow out of a Crossbow; whereof shortly after he died: afore his death he sent for him, that was the cause of his death, forgave him, yea & gave him money in his purse; but after his death he was apprehended and cut off with cruel tortures. Lastly, King Richard took order for his burial, thus he bequeathed his body to Fount Ebrad, there to lie at his father's feet, whom in his life time he had offended; his heart to Rouen that had always been true unto him; and his bowels to Chalus Chevril where he took his death, for that filth was fit for them, that had been unto him both false and rebellious, Matthew Paris hath is Epitaph thus.  

The conceit is that Chalus was casus lucis.  Ad Chalus cecidit Rex, regni cardo Richardus,  
His ferus, his humilis, his agnus, his Leopardus;  
Casus erat lucis Chalus. Per secula nomen  
Non intellectum fuerat, sed nominis omen  
Non patuit, res clausa fuit; sed luce cadente  
Prodiit in lucem pro casu lucis ademptae.  
Again of his legacy.  
Pictavus exta ducis sepelit, tellusque Chalutis  
Corpus dat claudi sub marmore fontis Ebrandi:  
Neustria tuque tegis cor inexpugnabile Regis:  
Sic loca per trina se sparsit tanta ruina;  
Nec fuit hoc funus, cui sufficeret locus unus.  
john the fifth son of Henry the second, Earl Morton, alias Mortaigne and Lord of Ireland, as formerly hath been delivered, by the gift of his brother King Richard the first, Earl of Cornwall, Dorset, Somerset, Nottingham, Derby, Lancaster, and in the right of his marriage, Earl of Gloucester, was Crowned at Westminster, King of England, Anno 1199. He was first married to Isabella (whom the Britain's called Hawise, and the Cornish Avis) daughter to Robert Earl of Gloucester, who for that they were found within the third degree, were divorced, so that King john left both the Lady Isabella and the Earldom of Gloucester, whereupon by the advice of Philip King of France, he matched in holy wedlock with Isabella daughter to Amerie, Earl of Angolesme. This Isabella (if not married) had been affianced to Hugh Brune, Earl of March, a Noble man of Aquitaine, who gave battle in that quarrel to King john, and was discomfitted, yet after the death of King john, he had her to wife.  
Immediately upon the Coronation of Henry the third (who succeeded him) broils began in England, France and Ireland, which had every way a tragical end. Bruise in England, Arthure in France, and Courcy in Ireland, are testimonies thereof: But orderly of these as the Nature of the History requires; Arthure the son of jeffry Plantagenet nephew to King john, lived when his uncle john aspired to the Crown, being 16 years of age, he was affianced to a daughter of Philippe the French King, the said Philippe Knighted him in the field; he was Duke of Britain, Earl of Anjou, Poitiers, Maine and Turrow of Normandy. He did homage unto his uncle for some, and to Philippe for the rest; his uncle had him in jealousy, first lest that in process of time, he would make claim to the Crown: secondly, for that he adhered too much to the French, and the young Prince upon conference, with bold spirit told him, that he did him wrong, and that he was bound in honour to deliver unto him the Crown of England, with all that thereunto appertained. Shortly after, it fell out that King john took this Arthure confederate against him, with William de Bruse, Hugh Brune and others, imprisoned him in Falaise in Normandy; from thence he was brought to Roan, and there clapped in the Tower, under the custody of Robert de Veipont, where shortly after he finished his life, whether by leaping into the ditch, thinking to make his escape, or by mean of some privy hand, which murder it is not as yet agreed upon utinam (saith Mat. Paris) non ut fama refert invida; by occasion whereof, K. john was ever after had in great suspicion, whether justly or unjustly the Lord knoweth King john fearing the secret practices of his adversaries, and doubting the revolt of his Barons, sent for his further security, unto those whom he most suspected for hostages and pledges of their joialty, and among others, unto William de Bruse a Normand borne, but Lord of Brechnok, saith Guttin Owen, and a great commander in South-wales. The wife, like a quick Dame, taking the answer out of her husband's mouth, gave this round speech; that she would not give any of her sons to King john, who already had slain and murdered his own nephew Arthur. These words being lavishly delivered unto the King, set him in such a heat of displeasure against her husband (though he had rebuked her sharply for the same) that the L. Bruse with his wife and children fled the Realm, and got them unto Ireland for safeguard of their lives; and when King john came unto Ireland, they fled to the I'll of Man, where they were apprehended and sent to the Castle of Windsor in England, and there (as the common fame went) famished to death. But William de Bruse himself escaped the hands of the King in Ireland, and fled into France, died at corbel, and was buried in Paris. The next that comes upon the stage is Sir john de Courcy Earl of Ulster, Lord of Conaght, that had lastly been L. Lieu. of Ireland, who governing the land with great circumspection, together with Sir Hugh de Lacie the younger, who maligned him secretly, and envied his prosperity, in so much that he accused him to King john, saying, that he laid to the Kings charge the murdering of his nephew Arthure; whereupon King john sent for him into England; and gave commission unto Sir Hugh de Lacie, and his brother Walter Delacy, to attach his person. Sir john de Courcy having secret intelligence of their drift, kept himself a loof: Sir Hugh Delacy finding that levied an army, and invaded Ulster; the Country rose against him and drove him to fly. Then Lacie praclaimed him traitor, and marched towards him with all the forces he could make. Courcy in like sort prepared for his coming.  
At Dune they met and fought a cruel battle, where the field was all blood, and many slain on both sides, but in the end the victory fell to Courcy, and Lacie went back with shame enough. Then Lacie practised how he might betray him.  
It is said among the Irish, that Courcy offered the combat, and that Lacie refused it, aleadging that it was not for him, that represented the King's person, to hazard his life with an inferior, being a subject and a traitor. Lacie makes proclamation, promising a large reward to him that should bring him in Courcy either alive or dead, but it would not be; then privily he dealt with some of his servants, that if they would undertake the apprehension of him, they should have great rewards; it was concluded, and this advice the betrayers gave: Sir john de Courcy is a mighty man in arms, and of such strength, that no one man dares be so hardy as lay hand upon him, and again he is always both in public and private well provided: Yet we can direct you a course to bring your purpose to effect: upon good Friday yearly he wears no arms, but is wholly given to divine contemplation, and commonly walketh all solitary round about the Churchyard of Dune: if you provide a troop of horsemen in a readiness, and send your espial before, there you shall have him, apprehend him and work your will, and hither they came, and laid hands upon him. Courcy now unarmed and altogether distressed; ran to a wooden cross that stood in the Church yard, took the pole thereof and laid about him lustily; Courcy at that time had but a few attending on him, and they armless; of which number, were two young Gentlemen, the sons of Sir Amorick Saint Laurence which were slain; to be short, the Author of the Book of Houth reporteth, that Courcy in that Skirmish slew 13. of Lacie his men, that died not upon the Cross, but under the Cross, but in the end he was carried away, conveied beyond the seas, clapped in the Tower of London, and condemned to perpetual imprisonment: Whereupon Lacie for that service, had the Earldom of Ulster given him, and the judases that betrayed their Master had their hire. Then they craved of Sir Hugh de Lacie a passport into England, with the relation of the good service they had done in Ireland, which was granted upon condition, that upon the pain of death, they should never return into Ireland again, neither to open the same afore it were demanded of them: It was as followeth.  
I Hugh de Lacie Lord justice of Ireland, servant to my dread Sovereign Lord King john: To all them that shall read these few lines, greeting; know you that th●se men, whose names are under written, served sometimes Sir john de Courcy late Earl of Ulster, but now in durance in the Tower of London, and for a sum of money, betrayed their own Master into my hand. I deem them no better than judas the traitor: how hardly soever I have conceived of Courcy, I hold them a thousand times more damnable traitors. Wherefore let no subject within any of the King's dominions, give them any entertainment, but spit in their faces, and suffer them to rogue about and wander as jews. He provided them a bark, with sail and victual, but gave them no Pilots nor seafaring men, for want of skill they could not take the seas, but were tossed with wind and weather, along the Coast, at length the Tide brought them into the river of Cork: they were no sooner landed, but they were apprehended, examined, and brought to Sir Hugh de Lacie, and forthwith all four hanged cheek by jowl.  
Not long after, there fell some difference between john, King of England, and Philip, King of France, for the right of some Fort in Normandy, who to avoid the shedding of Christian blood, agreed of each side to put it to a combat; of King Philip's part there was a French man in readiness; King john upon the sudden wist not what to do for a Champion to encounter with him; at length, one attending upon his person, informed him that there was one Courcy in the Tower of London, the only man in his dominions (if he would undertake it) to answer the challenge. King john joyful of this, sent the first, yea second, and third time, promising large rewards, and rich gifts, and that it stood him upon as far as the honour of his Crown and kingdom did reach, to make good the combat. Courcy answered very frowardly, (the which was taken in good part in regard of the urgent necessity) that he would never fight for him, neither for any such as he was, that he was not worthy to have one drop of blood spilt for him; that he was not able to requite him the wrongs he had done him, neither to restore him the heart's ease he had bereft him of: yet notwithstanding all the premises, he was willing, and would with all expedition, be ready to venture his life in defence of the Crown and his country. Whereupon it was agreed, that he should be dieted, apparelled, and armed to his content, and that his own sword should be brought him out of Ireland. The day came, the place appointed, the List provided, the scaffolds set up, the Princes with their nobility of each side, with thousands in expectation. Forth comes the French Champion, gave a turn, and rests him in his tent: They sent for Courcy, who all this while was trussing of himself about with strong points, and answered the messengers, if any of their company were to go to such a banquet, I think he would make no great haste. Forth he comes, gave a turn, and went into his Tent. When the Trumpets sounded to battle, forth come the combatants, and viewed each other. Courcy beheld him with a wonderful stern countenance, and passed by. The French man not liking his grim look, the strong proportion and feature of his person, stalked still along, and when the Trumpets sounded the last charge, Courcy drew out his sword, and the French man ran away, and conveyed him to Spain. Whereupon they sounded victory, the people clapped their hands, and cast up their caps; King Philip desired King john that Courcy might be called before them, to show some part of his strength and manhood, by a blow upon on a Helmet; it was agreed, a stake was set in the ground, and a shirt of mail, and a Helmet thereon; Courcy drew his sword, looked wonderful sternly upon the Princes, cloven the helmet, the shirt of mail, and the stake so far in, that none could pull it out but himself. Then the Princes demanded of him, what he meant to look so sourly upon them; his answer was, if he had miss his blow upon the block, he would have cut off both the King's heads. All that he said was taken in good part: King john discharged him out of all his troubles, gave him great gifts, and restored him to his former possessions in Ireland. It is written further, that hereupon he sailed into England, came to Westchester, offered himself to the sea, and was put back again fifteen times by contrary winds which rose upon a sudden, to the English shore. And in the book of Houth it is delivered, that upon every repulse, the night following, he was admonished in a vision, not to attempt the seas, for to sail into Ireland, and that he should never set foot upon any land there; and withal, that the reason was yielded thus. Courcy, thou hast done very ill, for thou hast pulled down the master, and set up the servant; for he had translated the Cathedral Church, and the Prebendaries of the blessed Trinity in Dune, into an Abbey of black Monks, brought thither from Chester, and consecrated the same to the honour of Saint Patrick. Whereupon remembering himself that he had done very ill in taking the name from God to a creature, gave sentence upon himself, that he was worthily punished. Immediately he altered his course, went into France, and there died: now forwards with the history, according to the due course of time in the reign of King john, so the book of Houth reporteth.  
Anno 1202. Meler Fitz Henry, whose father was the base son of King Henry the first, founded the Abbey of Cownall; he came into Ireland with the first conquerors, being a young stripling, and is highly commended by Cambrensis for his great valour, and worthiness in martial prowess: he left this world, Anno 1220. his Epitaph I find in john Clynne.  

Conduntur tumulo Meyleri nobilis ossa,  
Indomitus domitor totius gentis Hibernae.   

Entombed are the bones of him they Noble Meler call,  
Who was the tamelesse tamer of the Irish nation all.   
Anno 1205. in the seventeenth year of the reign of King john, Theobald Fitz Walter, Fitz Gilbert, Becket the first Lord Butler of Ireland, founded the Monastery of Wethencia, alias Wethran, alias Wethenoya, alias Voghney, in the county of Limeric; this difference I find in Dowling, Grace, and others.  
Anno 1206. Saint Monon an Irish man, and a Martyr, (Molanus layeth him down among the Saints in Flanders) flourished; he is reputed the Patron of Nassonia, under the command of the Abbot of Saint Hubert, in the Lordship of Audiamum; he was the Disciple of Saint Remulch, and Saint john Agnus, Bishop of Trajectum, and of Irish birth; this Monon was murdered at Ardevenna, (saith Molanus) by some bloody massacres, & lieth buried at Nassonia, in the Church which he there had founded.  

A rebellion in Thurles.  Anno 1208. (I find it in Dowlinge and Grace) Sir Hugh de Lacie the younger, being Lord justice, entered into Thurles, where the country being in rebellion, offered him battle, he laid siege to Castle Meiler, won it, broke it down, and made it even with the ground; but he lost there more men, (say the Irish) than he took away with him; the chief Rebel was jeffery Mac Moris, alias Morich.  

Black Monday.  Anno 1209. the occasion of black Monday, and the original remembrance thereof rose at Dublin. The City of Dublin by reason of some great mortality, being wasted and desolate, the inhabitants of Bristol flocked thither to inhabit, who after their country manner, upon Holy days, some for love of the fresh air, some to avoid idleness, some other for pastime, pleasure, and gamings sake, flocked out of the town towards Cullen wood upon Monday in Easter week. The Birnues and Tools, (the mountain enemies) like Wolves lay in ambush for them, and upon espial finding them unarmed, fell upon them, & slew some 300. persons, besides women & children, which they led in their hands, although shortly after, the town was upon the report thereof, eftsoons peopled again by Bristolians; yet that dismal day is yearly remembered, and solemnly observed by the Mayor, Sheriffs, and Citizens, with feast and banquet, and pitching up of tents in that place in most brave sort, daring the enemy upon his peril, not to be so hardy, as once to approach near their feasting camp; and whereas the Irish heretofore accounted Tuesday their fatal and infortunate day, (for Lymric was twice won, Wexford yielded up, Waterford was besieged, and Dublin was sacked upon a Tuesday) now they have Monday in memory, making difference of days, not fitting the mind of the Apostle, which forbade the superstitions or vain observations of days, etc. Gal. 4.  
Anno 1211, (or somewhat before) the Monastery of Grenard was founded by Richard Tute, who shortly after miscarried at Athlone, by the fall of a Turret, and was buried in the same Monastery. About the same time, in the year 1209. the Monastery of Forte was founded by Walter Lacie, Lord of Meth.  

King john in Ireland.  Anno 1210. and the twelfth year of his reign, King john came into Ireland, and landed at Waterford with an huge army, marvellous well appointed to pacify that rebellious people, that were universally revolted, burning, spoiling, preying, and massacring the English. Fabian and Graffton allege the cause that moved the Irishmen to this rebellion, to have been for that the King endevord to lay grievous taxes upon them towards his aid in the wars against the French King, which they could not brook, and therefore rose in arms against their Sovereign. When he came to Dublin the whole Country fearing his puissance, craved peace and flocked unto him along the sea cost, the Champion Countries and remote places receiving an oath to be true and faithful unto him. There were 20. (Reguli) of the chiefest rulers within Ireland, which came to the King to Dublin, and there did him homage and fealty, as appertained. Harding nameth them Lord O Neale, and many more. Walsingham remembreth Catelus King of Conaght, it forceth it not though they miss the right names of place and person; it is a fault in manner common to all foreign writers.  
After this he marched forwards into the land, and took into his hands, divers Fortresses, and strong Holds of his enemies, that fled before him, for fear to be apprehended; as William le Bruse, Mathilda his wife, William their son with their train, of whom I spoke before; also Walter de Lacie Lord of Meath, and Hugh de Lacie Earl of Ulster, and Lord justice of Ireland, fearing his presence, fled into France; their exaction, oppression and tyranny was intolerable. Likewise they doubted how to answer the death of Sir john de Courcy Lord of Ratheny and Kilbarrock within 5. miles of Dublin, whom they had murdered, of especial malice and deadly hatred.  
First, for that he was of the house of Sir john de Courcy, Earl of Ulster, (whom the Lacies always maligned.)  
Secondly, for that he had made grievous complaints of them in England to King john, the trial whereof they could not abide. Upon the sight of the Lacies, 
john Graye B. of Norwich L. Deputy.  King john made john Gray Bishop of Norwich his deputy. Of these Lacies it is further remembered in the Book of Houth, and other antiquities; how that in France they obscured themselves, in the Abbey of S. Taurin, and gave themselves to manual labour, as digging, delving, gardening, planting, and greffing for daily wages, the space of 2. or 3. years; the Abbot was well pleased with their service, and upon a day (whether it were by reason of some inkling or secret intelligence given him, or otherwise) demanded of them of what birth and parentage they were, and what Country they came from; when they had acquainted him with the whole, he bemoaned their case, and undertook to become a suitor unto the King for them; in a word he obtained the King's favour for them thus far, that they were put to their fyne, and restored to their fromer possession; so that Walter de Lacie paid for the Lordship of Meath 2500. Marks, and Hugh his brother, for Ulster and Conaght a greater sum.  
Hugh de Lacie, in remembrance of this kindness which the Abbot showed them, took his nephew, his brother's son with them into Ireland, one Alured, whom he Knighted and made Lord of the Dengle. The Monks also, which out of that Monastery he had brought with him into Ireland, he honoured greatly, and gave them entertainment in Four, the which Walter De Lacie had formerly builded.  
King john having pacified the land, ordained that the English Laws should be used in Ireland, appointed 12. English shires with Sheriffs and other Officers, to rule the same, according unto the English Ordinances; he reform the Coin and made it uniform, (some say it was Gray his Deputy) of like weight and fineness, and made it currant as well in England as in Ireland.  
When he had disposed of his affairs, and ordered all things at his pleasure, he took the sea again, with much triumph, and landed in England the 30. day of August.  
Anno 1213. When the French King by instigation of Innocentius 3. Bishop of Rome, prepared to invade England: King john eftsoon understanding thereof, made provision accordingly to answer his enterprise, and among others (the cause why the story is here inserted) Holinshed writeth how that to his aid the Bishop of Norwich, the King's Deputy of Ireland, levied an Army of 300. foot well appointed, beside horsemen which arrived in England to the encouragement of the whole Campe. And as the French was frustrate of his purpose, so they shortly returned with great joy to their native Country.  

Castle of Dublin buildeth.  In the same year, Viz. 1213. john Coming Archbishop of Dublin departed this life, and was buried in the Choir of Christ-Church, whom Henry Loudres succeeded in the days of this King john. This Henry builded the Castle of Dublin, and was made Lord justice of Ireland. 
Schorchbill.  His tenant's nicnamed him Schorchbill or Schorcvillen upon this occasion;  
He being peaceably stalled in his bishopric, summoned all his tenants and farmers at a certain day appointed, to make their personal appearance before him, and to bring with them such evidences and writings as they enjoyed their holds by; the tenants of the day appointed, appeared, showed their evidences to their Landlord, mistrusting nothing; he had no sooner received them, but afore their faces, upon a sudden cast them all into a fire, secretly provided for the purpose; this fact amazed some that they became silent, moved others to a stirring choler and furious rage, that they regarded neither place nor person, but broke into irreverent speeches: Thou an Archbishop, nay, thou art a Schorcvillen, an other drew his weapon and said, as good for me kill as be killed; for when my evidences are burned, and my living taken away from me, I am killed. The Bishop being thus tumult, and the imminent danger, whipped out at a back door: His Chaplains, Registers, and Summoners, were well knocked, and some of them left for dead. They threatened to fire the house over the Bishop's head; some mean was made for the present time to pacify their outrage, with fair promises, that all hereafter should be to their own content: upon this they departed, the intent of the promises I cannot learn, othersome inveigh against it; but in fine, complaint thereof being made to Henry 3. the King thought so hardly of the course, that he removed him from his justiceship, and placed in his room, Maurice Fitz Girald, of whom hereafter. 
Maurice Fitz Girald Lord justice.  This Loudreds was buried in Christ Church.  
In the same year also King john being mightily distressed through the practices of her Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Monks, Priests of his dominions, and the Barons of his Kingdom revolting, and the inward hatred of the French King, with foreign powers intending an open invasion, was driven, to prevent further mischief, as I find in Polychronicon, to surrender his Crown from his head, and to subject his Kingdoms of England and Ireland, tributary to the See of Rome, and as his client, vassal and feodary to that See, to hold them of Innocentius the Bishop: again, England being interdicted, and Ireland likewise, were after released upon agreement, composition, and Charter, and homage, as in the Chronicle of England more at large appeareth.  
The death of King john, and the manner of it, I refer to the English Chronicles. After his decease, Henry the third, his eldest son, aged about nine years, began his reign, Anno 1216.  
Anno 1220. and the fourth year of Henry the third, so writeth Clyn, Dowling, and Grace; together with the English Antiquities, in their Irish collections; all Meth was wonderfully afflicted and wasted by reason of the private quarrels and civil wars between William Earl Martial, Earl of Penbroke, etc. and Sir Hugh de Lacie, Earl of Ulster, and Lord of Connaght. Trim was besieged, and brought to a lamentable plight, and when the rage and fury of those garboils was somewhat mitigated and appeased, after the shedding of much blood, the same year to prevent afterclaps, and subsequent calamities, the Castle of Trim was builded.  
About this time, certain worthy persons of great fame and renown, to wit, Henry Loudreds, Roger Peppard, and William Peppard, Lords successively, de saltu Salmonis, and Meiler Fitz Henry, one of the first conquerors, paid nature her due, sin her debt, and ended their days.  
It appeareth in Stanihurst, that the same year that Henry Loudreds' died, viz. 1220. the Castle of Dublin was builded: I mean the walls four square, or quadrangle wise, but the four Turrets and the other afterwards. Sir Henry Sidney is said to have builded the inner lodgings, in whose eternal commendation, I find in the said Stanihurst, these verses.  
Gesta libri referunt multorum clara virorum,  
Laudis & in chartis stigmata fixa manent:  
Verum Sidnaei laudes haec saxa loquuntur,  
Nec jacet in solis gloria tanta libris.  
Si libripereant, homines remanere valebunt,  
Si pereant homines ligna manner queant;  
Lignaque si pereant, non ergo saxa peribunt,  
Saxaque si pereant tempore, tempus erit,  
Si pereat tempus, minime consumitur aevum,  
Quod cum principio, sed sine fine manet.  
Dum libri florent, homines dum vivere possunt,  
Dum quoque cum lignis saxa manner valent,  
Dum remanet tempus; dum denique remanet aevum,  
Laus tua Sydnaei, digna perire nequit.  
Anno 1224: Abbatia de Albo tractu was founded. By general consent of Antiquaries, after the death of Henry Loudres, spoken of before. Maurice Fitz Gerald was by Henry the third, made Lord justice of Ireland, and afterwards fell in the King's displeasure, and was removed, but the years they agree not upon, wherein I find great discord.  
The English Chronicle of Ireland delivereth that he was made Lord justice Anno 1228. Florilegus and Holinshed write, that he was removed from his justiceship, Anno 1245. and john Fitz jeffery substituted in his room. Matthew Paris writeth that he was removed, Anno 1248 but howsoever they have mistaken the years, or whether the fault of the Printer crept in, it forceth not; I am to deliver to the reader, the truth of the history, and the most worthy service of this Noble man, with the years and the time as near as I can.  
Anno 1229. in the reign of Henry the third, Maurice Fitz Girald being Lord justice, (Matthew Paris and Holinshed write the story) one Stephen Chapplen, and Nuntio to Pope Gregory, came to King Henry with the Pope's apostolic Mandates and procuration letters, requiring of spiritual & temporal throughout England, Ireland, and Wales, the tenth of all their moveables, to the maintenance of his wars against Frederick the Emperor. At the day and place appointed when the King and his Lords spiritual and temporal met together, and the Nuntio had read his letters, the King was silent, & reputed (saith mine Author) as consenting thereto; the Earls and Barons (saith Paris) & all the Laiety said flatly, that they would give the Pope no tenths, neither subject their Baronies and local possessions to the Church of Rome; the Clergy after three or four days deliberation, fearing the thunderbolts of excommunication, with grudging and murmurs, and many a bitter curse, yielded; yet Ranulphus, Earl of Chester, alone, stood stoutly in the cause, and would not permit the Clergy of his country to become in bondage, neither to contribute the said tenths, though England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland were compelled to pay. Ireland sent likewise after their money, Irish curses, for they were driven at the worst hand to sell unto the merciless Merchants, their Cows, Hackneys, Caddoes, and Aqua vitae, to make present payment, and were driven in that extremity, to pawn and sell their Cups, Chalices, Copes, Altarclothes and vestments.  
Anno 1230▪ (as I find recorded in the book of Houth) Hubertus de Burgo was Lord justice of Ireland, as I gather, in the absence of Maurice Fitz Girald, to whom the King gave the land ..... and Connaught, and made him Earl of Connaught, and shortly after, ob probitatem & fidelititem ex imiam, so I read in Ypodigma Neustria, being called into England for his uprightness and singular fidelity, was made governor of the King, Lord justice of England, and Earl of Kent, by the consent of all the Peers of the Realm; afterwards as the course of this world wheels about, he fell into the King's displeasure, so that he called him old traitor, (and in his rage would have run him thorough with his sword, had not the Earl of Chester and others run between) for that (saith Stow) he had taken five thousand marks of the Queen of France, to hinder his purpose; to avoid the King's displeasure, this Hubert fled to the Chapel of Brandwood in Essex, where he was taken, and by commandment of the King, sent to the Tower of London; all his friends forsook him, none answered for him but the Archbishop of Dublin; wherein we may behold as in a Glass, the disposition of feigned friends in former ages, who in the Spring of a man's felicity, like Swallows, will fly about him, but when the winter of adversity nippeth, like Snails they keep within their shells: at length this Hubert was somewhat reconciled to the King's favour, that he was enlarged, yet banished the Court: lastly, he ended his miseries at his Manor house of Bansted in Surry, and was buried at the Church of the Friar's Preachers at London, which was then in Holborn; unto the which Church he gave his noble Palace at Westminster, the which afterwards Walter Grey the Archbishop of York bought of them, and made it his Inn, since commonly called York House, but now White-Hall. So far Stow, Holinshed, and others.  
The year aforesaid, I find one jeffery March, alias Maurish, (so Holinshed calleth him) in Matthew Paris, Galfridus de Marisco, to have been Lord justice of Ireland: so it may be in the absence of Maurice Fitz Girald, who made three journeys to King Henry the third; one with great power out of Ireland to aid him beyond the seas; secondly, to clear himself of the death of Richard Martial Earl of Pembroke: lastly, with Irish forces against the Welshmen. Mat. Paris and Holinshed, make report of his good service; How that when an Irish petit King in Conaght, understanding that both the King of England, and the Earl Martial and Maurice Fitz Gerald were gone over into France, and so Ireland left without any great aid of men of war, on the English part, raised a mighty Army, and with the same entered into the Marches and borders of the English dominion, spoiling and burning the Country before him. And how that jeffray de Maurisco then Lord justice, being thereof advertized; called to him Walter de Lacie, Lord of Meth, and Richard de Burgh, assembling therewithal an hugh Army, the which he divided into three parts, appointing the said Walter de Lacie and Richard de Burgh with the two first parts, to lie in ambush within certain Woods, through the which he purposed to draw the enemies. And marching forth with the third, which he reserved to his own government, he proffered battle to the Irishmen, the which when they saw but one battle of the Englishmen, boldly assayed the same.  
The Englishmen according to the order appointed, feigning as though they had fled and so retired still back, till they had trained the Irish within danger of their other two battles which coming forth upon them, did set on them eagerly; whilst the other which seemed before to fly, returned back again, and set upon them in like manner; by means whereof, the Irish men being in the midst were beaten down: if they stood to it, they were before and behind slain; if any offered to fly he was overtaken, thus in all parts they were utterly vanquished, with the loss of 20000. Irish, and the King of Conaght taken and committed to prison. This Noble jeffray de Marisco (of whom Holinshed writeth) a man some time in great honour and possessions in Ireland, fell into the displeasure of the King, was banished; who after he had remained long in exile, suffered great misery, ended the same by natural death: Thus the unstable Wheel goeth round about: and yet I may not so leave it he had a son called William de Maurisco, who together with the father (the justice of God requiring the same) came to most shameful ends: Matthew the Monk of Westminster and Matthew Paris the Monk of Saint Alban's, do write the Story: While the King was beyond seas, a certain noble man of Irish birth to wit Willielmus de Maurisco, an exiled and banished man, the son of jeffray de Maurisco, for some heinous offence laid to his charge, kept himself in the Isle of Lundy, not far from Bristall, preying, robbing and stealing, as a notorious Pirate; at length being apprehended, together with 17. of his confederacy, and by the King's commandment adjudged to cruel death; he was drawn at London with his confederates, at horse tails to the Gibbet, and there hanged and quartered: His father one of the mightiest men of Ireland, by name Galfridus de Maurisco, hearing thereof, fled into Scotland, and scarce there could he lie safe; who pinnig away with grief and sorrow, soon after ended a miserable life, with wished death; again after in another place he writeth, Galfridus de Maurisco reckoned amongst the most Noble of Ireland, an exile and a banished man, died pitifully, yet not to be pitied; whom being banished Ireland, expulsed out of Scotland and fled out of England, France received for a beggar, where he ended an unfortunate life, after the most shameful death of his son Willielmus de Maurisco.  
These things therefore I deliver more at large unto the hearers, that every man may weigh with himself, what end is allotted unto treason, and especially being committed against the sacred person of a Prince: His father against Richard Earl and Marshal in Ireland, and his son William against the King, unadvisedly and unfortunatly adventured to practice mischief.  
Paris addeth the name of this William was very odious unto the King, for so much it was reported, that through the council of jeffray his father, he had conspired the death of the King, and that he had traitorously sent that varlet, which came in the night season, to Woodstock to slay the King, and last of all, that he had killed at London in presence of the King; one Clemens, a Clerk, messenger of some Noble man of Ireland, that came to inform the King against him.  
About this same time, flourished a Learned man of Irish birth, one Cornelius Historicus, so called, because he was an exquisite antiquary Bale: and Stanihurst have briefly written his life and his commendations out of Hector Boetius, who was greatly furthered by this Cornelius, to the perfecting of the Scotish History, he wrote as they say: Multarum rerum Cronicon. lib. 1.  
About this time, Viz. Anno 1230. there rose a doubt in Ireland, so that they sent to England to be therein resolved: the King, by his learned Council answered as followeth.  
Henry by the grace of God, etc. King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Guian, etc. Trusty and well-beloved Gerald Fitz Maurice justicer of Ireland, greeting; Whereas certien Knights of the parties of Ireland lately informed us; that when any land doth descend unto sisters, within our dominion of Ireland, the justice's errant in those parties are in doubt, whether the younger sister ought to hold of the eldest sister, and do homage unto her or not. And forasmuch as the said Knights have made instance, to be certified how it had been used before within our Realm of England in like case; at their instance we do you wit, that such a Law and Custom is in England in this case, that if any holding of us in chief, happen to die, having daughters to his heirs our ancestors, and we after the death of the father, have always had and received homage of all the daughters, and every of them in this case did hold of us in chief. And if they happened to be within age, we have always had the ward and marriage of them, and if he be tenant to another Lord, the sisters being within age, the Lord shall have the ward and manage of them all, and the eldest only shall do homage for herself, and all her sisters, and when the other sisters come to full age, they shall do their service to the Lord of the fee, by the hands of the eldest sister; yet shall not the eldest by this occasion, exact of her younger sisters homage, ward, or any other subjection; for when they be all sisters, and in manner, as one heir to one inheritance: if the eldest should have homage of the other sister, or demand ward, than the inheritance should seem to be divided so, that the eldest sister should seem to be segnioresse and tenant of inheritance, simul & semel, that is to say, heir of her own part, and segnioresse to her sisters, which could not stand well together in this case, for the eldest can demand no more than her sisters; but the chief mess by reason of her ancienty. Moreover, if the eldest sister should take homage of the younger, she should be as a segnioresse to them all, and should have the ward of them and their heirs, which should be none other, but but to cast the Lamb to the Wolf to be devoured.  
And therefore we command you that you cause the aforesaid customs that be used within our Realm of England, in this case to be proclaimed throughout our dominions of Ireland, and to be straightly kept and observed, in testimony whereof, etc. I witness myself at Westminster, the ninth of February, the thirteeneth year of our Reign.  
Anno 1233. or as some will have it, 1234. the 7. of April, there appeared as it were four Suns, besides the natural Sun, of a red colour, and a great Circle of crystal colour; from the sides whereof went out half Circles; in the divisions whereof, the four Suns went forth. There followed that year great war and cruel bloodshed, & general great disturbance throughout England, Wales, and Ireland, so write Matthew Paris and Stow.  
This troublesome year died Gualther Lacie Lord of Meath, leaving behind him two daughters, coheires to inherit his possession (to wit) Margaret that was married to the Lord Theobald Verdon and Mathilda married to jeffray Genevile.  
Amids these troubles in the flourishing days of Maurice Fitz Gerald, Hubert de Burgo, jeffray de Morisco, and Gualther de Lacie, whose ends followed according: The Noble Earl Richard Maxfield Lord Maxfield, Earl Martial of England, spoken of before, and being by them maligned, was traitorously cut off by sundry devilish draughts. Matthew Paris wrote the Story at large, laid down their practice on both the sides of the seas, their forged letters; and secretly as it were by stealth, fixing thereto the King's seal: He calleth them traitors, judasses; and jeffery de Morisco he termeth Achitophel that gave wicked counsel. Hubert had a lamentable end, jeffery died in misery, Lacie was shortly cut off, and Maurice Fitz Girald was with dishonour removed from his justiceship. This Maurice of the King desired to be reconciled to Gilbert Marshal his brother, whom he greatly feared, and offered in satisfaction to build with all speed, a noble Monastery, and to endow the same with large possessions, and to furnish it with a reverend covent, to pray for the soul of Richard Martial: at length with much ado, and importunate entreaty of the King and Nobility of England, Gilbert Marshal granted him peace; but of Earl Richard's end I have spoken somewhat before.  
About the year 1233. or 34. Hugh Mapleton, Bishop of Ossorie, whose Episcopal see was then at Achboo, in upper Ossorie, began the foundation of the Cathedral Church, now standing in the Irish town of Kilkenny, in the honour of God and Saint Canicus, (of whom the town of Kilkenny hath the name) and is reckoned the first founder. He ordained three Canons for the service, he gave them divers Churches and tithes for their maintenance, as in the foundation of those Canons more at large doth appear. He builded the Bishop's Court of Aghor, adding thereto fishponds, fishings, and other necessaries. Such good men lived in those days.  
At the same time came the King of Connaught, exhibiting a grievous complaint unto Henry the third (saith Matthew Paris) against john de Burgo, the son, as I suppose, of Hubert de Burgo before spoken of; that he had entered his country with forces, and wasted the same with fire and sword, that it would please his Majesty to do him justice, and command such rash attempts to be bridled, alleging that he was his loyal subject, and paid for his kingdom, an annual pension, mounting to the sum of 5000▪ marks, ever since King john had subdued his kingdom, and that he would rid him of that base upstart, or new comer which sought unjustly to disherit him. The King tendered his reasonable requests, and commanded Maurice Fitz Girald then present, to pluck up by the root, the fruitless Plant, the which Hubert Earl of Kent had sometime planted in those parts, while he was in Ruff, that it might bud no more. He wrote also unto the Nobility of Ireland, that they should banish the said john de Burgo, and peaceably establish the King in his kingdom, who with these princely favours, joyfully returned into his country.  
Anno 1235. (saith Cooper) the Irish men rebelled; so he left it, and so I leave it too.  
Anno 1236. Matthew Paris doth write that in the North parts not far from the Abbey of Rochor Rupie, and also in Ireland, and the parts there abouts more apparently, strange and wonderful sights were seen, which amazed the beholders: to wit, there appeared coming forth of the earth, companies of armed men on horseback, with Spear, Shield, Sword, and banners displayed in sundry forms and shapes, riding in battle array, and encountering together; and this sight appeared sundry days each after other; sometimes they seemed to join as it had been in battle, and fought sore; and sometimes they seemed to just and break staves, as if it had been at some triumphant justs of torny. The people of the country beheld them a far off with great wonder, for the skirmish showed itself so lively, that now and then they might see them come with their empty horses, sore wounded and hurt, and likewise men mangled and bleeding; A pitiful fight to behold, and that which seemed more strange, and most to be mervailed at, after they vanished away, the prints of their feet appeared in the ground, and the grass trodden in those places where they had been seen.  
Anno 1240. Petrus de Supino came from Pope Gregory into Ireland, with an authentic papal mandate, 
Petrus de Supino & Petrus Rubeus, Pope Gregory's agents in Ireland and Scotland, were rifled of all they had by the Emperor.  requiring under pain of Excommunication, and other censures ecclesiastical the twentieth part part of the whole land, besides donatives and private gratuities to the maintenance of his wars against Frederick the Emperor, where he extorted, saith Matthew Paris, a thousand and five hundred marks, and above, saith Florilegus; at which time also one Petrus Pubeus, entitled the Pope's Familiar, and kinsman, and both bastards, saith Bale, filled in like sort his farthels in Scotland. These Nuntios were so crafty, that they needed no Brokers, they secretly understood by Posts and Cursitors, the state of the Court of Rome, which quailed them full sore, that the Pope was either gone, or panted for life; secretly by the conduct of the Monks of Canterbury, they were conveyed to Dover, where they took shipping, and crossed the seas. The Emperor Frederick, against whom this provision was made, having intelligence thereof, and secretly acquainted with the Pope's state, wrote to the King of England to apprehend such prollers, wherein he also reproved his cowardice. The Emperor when he understood that the birds were flown away, made search for the nest, yet overtook them in Italy; where, to be short, he imprisoned them, their kindred and favourers rifled them of their money, and sent them to Rome to sing for more money: he that will read the story more at large, let him repair to Matthew Paris.  
The same year, saith Matthew Paris, Andelmus borne in Cullen, a man highly commended for life and learning, 
Andelmus, Primate of Armagh.  was by the Bishop of Worcester, solemnly consecrated at Westminster, Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of Ireland, in the presence of the King, the Legate, 
The Castle of Sligoe builded Girald Fitz Maurice Ricardus de Burgo in Gascoigne.  and many reverend Prelates.  
Anno 1242. Maurice Fitz Girald, Lord justice of Ireland, builded the Castle of Sligoe.  
Anno 1243. Clun and Dowlinge write, that Giraldus Fitz Maurice, Richardus de Burgo, and Hugh de Lacie, Earl of Ulster in Ireland, ended the way of all flesh, and was buried at Carechfergus. Matthew Paris giveth Lacie great commendations, that he was a most renowned warrior, and a valiant Conqueror of a great part of Ireland. This Lacie left behind him one daughter and heir, whom Walter de Burgo married, and in her right, became Earl of Ulster: of Richardus de Burgo, Matthew Paris writeth he had great possessions and lands in Ireland, by the conquest of his most Noble father.  
Anno 1245. Florilegus, powel (out of Gittin Owen) and Holinshed, do write how that the Welsh men rebelled against the King, and his forces being foiled by David ap Llewelin Prince of Wales, he sent into Ireland to Maurice for aid, and was in winter time mightily distressed, the which I find by powel recorded and written by a Noble man out of the camp unto his friends.  
The King with his army lieth at Gannocke, fortifying of that strong Castle, and we live in our Tents, thereby watching, fasting, praying, and freezing with cold; we watch for fear of the Welsh men, who are wont to invade and come upon us in the night time; we fast for want of meat, for the half penny loaf is worth five pence; we pray to God to send us home speedily; we starve for cold, wanting our winter garments, and having no more but a thin linen clothe between us and the wind; there is an arm of the seas under the Castle where we lie, whereto the tide cometh, and many ships come up to the haven, which bring victuals to the Camp, from Ireland and Chester. The King all this while expected the arrival of Maurice Fitz Girald, with his Irish forces, mused with himself, fretted with himself, the wind serving, and yet said nothing; at length the Irish sails are descried, a shore they came, and Maurice Fitz Girald, (together with Phelina, Oconor) Oconoghor, saith another in battle array, present themselves before the King at Chepstow, say the Irish Chroniclers, but the British Chroniclers copied out of the Abbeys of Conwey and Stratflur, by Owen Gittine, deliver they landed at the I'll of Man or Anglesey, the which in mine opinion seemeth to be most likely to be true. For David ap Llewelin was Prince of North-Wales, and there kept his forces, & Chepstow is in South-Wales; and besides, it is agreed upon of all sides, that the Irish landing, spoiled the I'll of Anglesey, jaded themselves with spoils, and going to their ships, were driven to run and leave all behind; but to be short, when all the forces joined together, the Welsh men were overthrown; the King manned and victualled his Castles, returned into England, gave the Irish men leave to return, winking a while in policy at the tarriance and slow coming of Maurice Fitz Girald: when Maurice Fitz Girald, Lord justice arrived in Ireland, he found O Donell the Irish enemy, upon the death of Hugh Lacie, in Arms, invading and sore annoying the King's subjects in Ulster, and called unto him Cormake Mac Dermot Mac Dory, with great forces, and entered Tireconell, preyed, burned, and spoilt, and vanquished the enemy; there he slew Moyleslaghlon O Donell, called King of Keyvayle, together with Gille Canvinelagh, Obugill, and Mac Surley, called King of Oyrisgall, with divers others, gentlemen of those parts: in like sort many English men were cast away in the river, whose passage O Donell stopped, and slew there William Butt, high Sheriff of Connaught, together with a valiant young Gentleman his brother. When the Lord justice had thus achieved his purpose, he manned and victualled the Castle of Sligo, took pledges of O Neale to keep the King's peace, and left them in the said Castle, gave Cormake Dermot Mac Dory that came to his aid, the moiety of Connaught, and returned with a great prey.  
When this noble service was performed, the King disgorged himself, and what inwardly he had conceived, and for a while conceived against the Lord justice, 
john Fitz jeffery Lord justice, Anno 1245.  he then in writing delivered, and removed Maurice Fitz Girald out of his justiceship, and placed in his room, john Fitz jeffery de Morisco, the which the Irish Chroniclers have suppressed, yet Florilegus and Holinshed do write, Mauritium Hiberniae justitiarium eo quod ficte & tarde auxilium ab hibernia domino Regi duxerat periclitanti a justitiaria Deposuit.  
This Maurice departed out of this world, Anno Dom. 1256. was buried saith Clyn in the habit of the Friar's Minors at Yough-halle, the which Morris had founded, of whom Matthew Paris saith thus; he was a valiant Knight, a very pleasant man, inferior to none in Ireland, who sometime swayed the land when he had the sword of justiceship; this man lived with commendations all the days of his life, but peradventure falsely reported of, and stained in the end with the death of Richard, Earl Martial.  
Anno 1247. after that Henry the third, and the Clergy of England and Ireland found themselves mightily grieved at the Pope's exactions and intolerable extortions in England, Wales, and Ireland, and had signified the same in writing to the Court of Rome; whereupon saith Florilegus, the Court of Rome fretted and sorrowed, that their avarice was as well reproved, as restrained. Innocentius 4. devised in his conceit, a milder course to be held, that in stead of a greater sum, they should give him at that time out of those dominions, to supply his wants, but eleven thousand marks. Then saith Florilegus, Master johannes Rusus was sent into Ireland, furnished with authority, diligently to collect the Pope's money, as a Legate, yet not clad in scarlet, lest the Pope should offend the King of England, who hath this privilege, that no Legate set foot on his land, unless he be sent for, or licenced; but the said john being a sophistical Legate, vigilantly plying the papal mandate, and his own private gain, extorted out of Ireland, about six thousand marks; the which by the conduit of the Clergy, was transported and conveied to London, about the Feast of Saint Michael the Archangel.  
The same year, saith Florilegus, there was a marveilouse and strange Earthquake over England; but saith Felcon, over Ireland: 
A great Earthquake.  And all the West of the world, and there followed immediately a continual untemperature of the air, with a filthy scurf; the Winter stormy cold and wet, which continued until the 11. of july, and put the Gardeners, Fruterers, and Husbandmen void of all hope, in so much they complained that Winter was turned to Summer, and Summer to Winter, and that they were like to lose all, and be undone.  
Anno 1252. saith Dowling and Grace, and the English Anonymous, but Clyn and Florilegus write, that it was 1254. King Henry gave to Prince Edward his son, Gascoigne, Ireland, Wales, Bristol, Stanford and Grantham, and sent him to Alphonsus' King of Spain, to take Ellionor his sister to wife, where he was by the said King Knighted, and returned together with his wife into England, with great riches.  
Anno 1255. Alanus de la Zouch, was made Lord justice; so I find in the Book of Houth, after his departure out of Ireland, he being a Lord Baron, and chief justice in England; Florilegus, Humphrey Loid and Stow, do write the Story how he came to his end; great strife rose in England, between certain of the Nobility, about territories lands and titles, whereto each side made claim; the matters in controversy, by direction from the King were decided in Westminster Hall; the first Controversy was between john Earl of Surrey and Warren, and Hugh de Lacie Earl of Lincoln, which went upon Lacie his side. The second was, between this Earl Warren and Allan de la Zouch, this Zouch being Chief justice asked Earl Warren, how he held his land, Earl Warran drew forth his sword and said, by this mine Ancestors held the same, and by this I presently hold it, and with that ran the Chief justice through in Westminster Hall, and in his flight wounded also his son; thence he fled to his Castle at Risgate, whom Prince Edward the King's eldest son pursued with an Army; to whom the Earl submitted himself, and afterwards with friends, and what with money pacified all.  
Anno 1256. in the wars of Lewelin Prince of Wales, so I find in the records of Conway & Stratflur Copied by Gettine Owen. 
The Irish coming to aid Ed. Earl of Chester, were slain and their ships sunk.  Edward Earl of Chester, fell to outrage one while against the King, another while against the Welshmen; his Army was 1500. foot and 500 horse. Henry the third together with Richard Earl of Cornwall, and King of Almane wrote unto him gently, wishing him to return to his Country and keep the peace, and not to provoke the Welshmen to Arms; the which he refused to do, but sent to the Irishmen for succour and supplies. Prince Edward the King's eldest son, understanding thereof, rigged a Navy, met with the Irish fleet, killed their men and sunk their ships, few only remaining to return, and to make report of this hard success in Ireland; In a while after, the King raised wars against Lewellin Prince of Wales, and the Welshmen (saith Paris, Causa autem eorum etiam hostibus eorum justa videbatur,) and was brought to a narrow strait, so that he sent to Ireland, and to Gascoigne for succour; the Irishmen not forgetting their late overthrow, were loath to come (being of all sides driven to serve) in the end came, and joined with their King's forces, where no memorable act was performed, for God, saith Paris, defended the poor people that put their whole confidence in him.  
About this time, to wit, Anno 1256. Flourished johannes De Sacro Bosco; 
The life of joannes de Sacro Bosco.  Bale out of Leland, will have him to be a Yorkshire man, and term him john Holyfaxe, Stanihurst writeth he was borne in Ireland at Holy Wood, in Fingall, some 12. miles from Dublin, and therefore called johannes De Sacro Bosco, which carried great liklyhood with it, until they are reconciled (which side prevaileth, I weigh not greatly) I thought good to insert him, for so much as his great learning graced him unto the posterity: In his springing years he sucked the sweet milk of good learning, in the famous University of Oxford; afterwards he went to Paris, where he professed the learned Sciences, with singular commendations, and there slumbreth in the dust of the earth, whose exequys and funerals were there with great lamentations solemnised: first, he followed Aristotle, afterwards gave himself to the Mathematics, and addicted himself so much thereto, that none of the posterity (as is thought) could follow him; he wrote.  
De Spaera Mundi 
lib. 1. Tractatum de spaera, quatuor.  De Algorismo 
lib. 1. Omnia quae a primeva rerum orig.  De Anni Ratione 
lib. 1. Cmoputus scientiam considerans.  Breviarium juris 
lib. 1. Verborum superficie penitus.   
Upon his Tomb together with the Mathematical Astrolabe, was ensculpted as followeth.  

The Epitaph of johannes de Sacro Bosco.  M. Christi bis. C. quarto deno quater anno,  
De Sacro Bosco discrevit tempora ramus,  
Gratia cui nomen dederat divina johannes.  

Stepham Espee Lord justice of Ireland. The battle of down.  Anno 1258. Stepham Espee, alias De longa spatha, that is Stepham with the long skein or two handed sword, Earl of Salibury, as I suppose, was made Lord justice of Ireland; this Stepham gave battle unto Oneile, and the rebels of Ulster and Conaght, and slew of them together with Oneile (saith Clinne) in one day, three hundred fifty and two, and departed this life, saith Florilegus, 1260.  
Anno 1260. William Den was made Lord justice, in whose time Greene Castle, Arx Viridis was destroyed, 
S. Willi. Den Lord justice, Anno 1260.  and the Carties played the Devils in Desmond, where they burned, spoiled, preyed, and slew many an innocent; they became so strong, and prevailed so mightily that for the space (so it is reported) of twelve years the Desmonds' dared not put plough in ground in his own Country; at length through the operation of Satan, a bane of discord was thrown between the Carties and the Odriscoles': Odonovaies Mac Donoch, Mac Mahonna, Mac Swine's, and the inhabittants of Muscrie, in so much that by their cruel dissension, they weakened themselves of all sides, that the Desmond in the end overcame and overtopped them all; but in the beginning of these garboils, I find that the Carties slew of the Desmonds', john Fitz Thomas founder of the Monastery and Covent of Trally, together with Maurice his son; eight Barons 15. Knights, beside infinite others, at a place called Callan, where they were buried. Mine Authors are john Clinne only, and the Book, of Houth. In the end of these tumults, died Sir William Denny Lord justice, Anno 1261. Richardus de Capella, 
Richardus de Chappella Lord justice of Ireland, Anno 1261.  otherwise called Rochel (Clinne calleth him La Rochell de Capella) became Lord justice of Ireland.  
Anno 1262. There rose in Dublin a great stir between the Prior and Covent of the blessed Trinity now called Christ-Church, and the Communality of the City, about the tithe fish of the Liffy.  
Anno 1264. Walter Bourke, commonly called Walterus de Burgo (spoken of before) was made Earl of Ulster, he had married the daughter and heir of Sir Hugh Delacy the younger, and in her right enjoyed the Earldom.  
The Book of Houth layeth down the descent, that this Walter by the said heir of Ulster had issue Walter, and he had issue five daughters; 1. Ellen that married Robert le Bruse King of Scotland; 2. Elizabeth, that married the Earl of Gloster; 3. johan, that married Thomas Earl of Kildare; 4. Katherine, that married the Earl of Louth; 5. Margaret, that married the Earl of Desmond; the 6. Ellinor, that married with the Lord Multon, notwithstanding these honourable matches and amity concluded in the outward sight of the world there rose deadly wars between the Giraldins and Burks, which wrought blood sheds, troubles by partaking throughout the Realm of Ireland; at the same time the fury of the Giraldins was so outrageous, in so much that Morris Fitz Maurice the second, Earl of Desmond, opposed himself against the sword, and took at Trisledermote now called Castle Dermocke; Richard de Capella the Lord justice, Theoball le Butler and john or Millis de Cogan, and committed them to the prisons in Leix and Donamus; but the year following, Henry the third not pleased with these commotions and hurly burlies, by mature advice taken of his Council, pacified the variance between them; discharged Denny of his justiceship, and appointed David Barry Lord justice in his place.  

David Barry Lord justice, Anno 1207.  Anno 1267. David Barry took, by the appointment of the King, the sword of justiceship and the command of Ireland, and quelled or tamed (saith the English Anonymos) the insolent dealing of Morris Fitz Maurice, Cousin german to Girald.  
The same year, saith (john Clinne) the Friar's Preachers, first of all settled themselves at Rosse in Wexford, 
The Friar's Preachers and Minors came to Ireland.  and the Minors at Kilkennie, and two years after at Clonemell.  
Anno 1268. Conochur Obrian was slain by Dermot Mac Monard; 
Maurice Fitz Girald Earl of Desmond drowned.  and the same year (saith Felcon and Clinne) Maurice Fitz Gerald Earl of Desmond, was drowned crossing the seas between England and Ireland, leaving behind him a son and heir, of the age of 3. years and a half.  

Robert Vfford Lord justice, Anno 1268. The Castle of Roscommon. Ric. de Exester Lord justice, Anno 1269. Othobone the Pope's Legat.  The same year, Robert Vfford became Lord justice of Ireland, and began to build the Castle of Roscommon.  
Anno 1269. Richard de Excester was made Lord justice, who died the same year, together with his wife Margery de Say; the same year (saith Florilegus) Othobone the Pope's Legate, held a Council at Paul's in London, where he called before him the Clergy of England, Wales, Ireland and Scotland, and left among them certain constitutions, which were afterward, commended by Linwood, and are at this day in request, the which constitutions of Otho and Othobon, were afterwards confirmed by the Archbishop of Canterbury in Ed. 1. reign. Holinshead.  

james L. Audley Lord justice, Anno 1270. The Irish rebels.  Anno 1270. The Lord james Audley was made Lord justice of Ireland, and died with the fall of a horse; in his time Florilegus and Holinshead note, there was great commotion in Ireland, the Irish took Arms against the English, burned, spoiled, destroyed and slew as well the Magistrates as others. Clinne goeth more particularly to work, and delivereth how that the King of Conaght by force of Arms, in the plain field overthrew Walter Burke Earl of Ulster, who hardly escaped with life, yet died the year following, and slew a great number of Nobles, and Knights, that held with the Burk, and among others, by especial name the Lord Richard Verdon, and the Lord john Verdon, and that there ensued over all Ireland great famine and pestilence, as the sequel of wars.  
About this time, say our Antiquaries, the Bishop of Rome sent to Ireland, requiring the tithes of all spiritual promotions for 3. years to come to maintain his wars against the King of Arragon, the which was greatly murmured at, and gainsaid, yet the Nuntio went not empty away.  
Anno 1272. the most renowned King Henry the third, having lived 65. years, and reigned 56. and 28: days, ended his days, and was buried at Westminster. Edward, the first of that name, son of King Henry the third, surnamed Longshanks, of the age of 35. years, began his reign, Anno 1272.  
Anno 1272. and the first of Edward the first his reign, 
Maurice Fitz Maurice, Lord justice, Anno 1272. called Rochfallath.  Maurice Fitz Maurice was made Lord justice, in whose time the Irish brake out into cruel rebellion, razed and destroyed the Castles of Aldleeke, Roscommon, Scheligath and Random; this Maurice, (saith Clyn) not long after was betrayed by his own followers in Ophali, taken and imprisoned.  
Anno 1273. the Lord Walter Genvill (who lately returned home from the Holy Land) was sent into Ireland, 
Walter Lord Genevill, Lord justice Anno 1273.  and appointed Lord justice: in his time (so write Dowlinge and Grace) the Scots and Redshanks out of the high land crossed the seas, burned towns and villages, most cruelly killed man, woman and child, took a great prey, and returned home afore the country could make preparation to pursue them: but in a while after, to be revenged of them, Ulster and Connaught mustered a great Army under the leading of Richardus de Burgo, and Sir Eustacele Poer knight, made after them, entered the Islands, and high land of Scotland, slew as many as they could find, burned their Cabbans and Cottages, and such as dwelled in caves and rocks under ground (as the manner is to den out Foxes) they fired and smothered to death, covering their entrances into the ground with great and huge stones, and so returned into Ireland.  
Anno 1276. what time Thomas Clare came into Ireland, and married the daughter of Maurice Fitz Maurice. The Castle of Roscommon was taken by the Irish, and a great overthrow given unto the English men at Glynburry (Glandelory, saith Clyn) where William Fitz Roger, Prior of the King's hospitallers, and many others, were taken prisoners, and a great number of others were slain; at what time also Ralph Pepard, and Otholand gave O Neale a sore battle.  
Anno 1277. Walter Lord Genuill was sent for into England, 
Robert Vfford Lord justice, Anno 1277.  and Robert ufford the second time took the office of justiceship; at this time Muridath or Murtagh, a notable rebel, was taken at the Noraght, by Gualther de Fant, and executed: Thomas Clare likewise in this rebellion, slew Obryan Roe, King of Thomond, and yet after this, the Irish drew such a draught, that they closed him up in Slew Banny, together with Maurice Fitz Maurice his father in law, and all their forces, until they gave hostages to escape with their lives, upon condition to make satisfaction for the death of O brian and his followers, and in the mean while to yield them up the Castle of Roscommon, although the conditions seemed hard & prejudicial to the King's Majesty, yet were they driven for safeguard of their lives to condescend thereunto. In this rebellious season, to clear himself, that in his own person he came not to daunt the enemy, Robert ufford the Lord justice was sent for into England, who substituted in his room, one Friar Robert Fulborne, Bishop of Waterford, who when he had cleared himself, came and resigned his place of justiceship.  

Robert Vfford going into England, substituted Fulborne Bishop of Waterford.  Anno 1278. there rose civil wars, no better than rebellion, between Mac Dermot de Moylargo, and Cathgur O Conoghor, King of Connaught, where there was great slaughter and bloodshed on both sides, and the King of Connaught slain. Raphaell Holinshed in his Irish collection thinketh that there were slain at that time, above two thousand persons. The King of England hearing thereof, was mightily displeased with the Lord justice, and sent for him into England, to yield reason why he would permit such shameful enormities under his government. Robert ufford substituted Robert Fulborne, (as before) satisfied the King that all was not true that he was charged withal, and for further contentment, yielded this reason, that in policy he thought it expedient to wink at one knave cutting off another, and that would save the King's Coffers, and purchase peace to the land; whereat the King smiled, and bid him return to Ireland.  

The groats, pence, half pence, and farthings were made.  Anno 1279. (Stow is mine Author) King Edward commanded groats of four pence a piece, pence, half pence, and farthings, to be coined, and to be currant through England and Ireland, not decrying the old; whereupon saith he, these verses were made:  
Edward did smite round penny, half penny, farthing,  
The cross passes the bond, of all throughout the ring:  
The King's side was his head, and his name written,  
The cross side, what City it was made in, coined and smitten.  
The poor man ne to Priest, the penny frayses nothing,  
Men give God aye the least, they feast him with a farthing:  
A thousand two hundred, fourscore years and moe,  
On this money men wondered, when it first began to go.  
Anno 1280. the City of Waterford saith Clyn, 
Waterford burned.  through some foul mischance was all set on fire; others report that some Merchant stranger being wronged, as they thought, by the Citizens, brought bags of powder out of their ships, and threw them in the night season, in at their cellar's windows, and coals of fire after them, and spoilt the City in that sort, that it was long after ere they could recover themselves.  
Anno 1281. Robert Fulborne Bishop of Waterford, 
Robert Fulborne Lord justice of Ireland.  was by direction from the King, ordained Lord justice of Ireland. This year there was a great rebellion in Connaught, and in upper Ossory, 
Anno 1281.  and in Archloe, which cost many men's lives, but the ringleaders were cut off. Adam Cusack slew William Barret and his brethren, which contended about lands. In Connaught, Hogken Mac Gill Patrick was cut off; in Vppsory, Murtough Mac Muroch, with Art: his brother, lost their heads at Wickloe, another saith at Artchloe, so Clyn and Dowlinge do report.  
Anno 1283. (it is remembered by Clyn and others) that a great part of Dublin was burned. Campanile & Capitulum sanctae Trinitatis, 
Dublin burned  saith mine Author, the belfry or steeple and Chapter house of the blessed Trinity, with the Dormiture and Cloister. Others write that certain Scots to be revenged upon some Citizens for wronging of them, set Skinner-Row a fire, and by that means the fire ran into Christ Church, but the citizens of Dublin (therein greatly to be commended) before they went about to repair their own private houses, agreed together to make a collection for repairing the ruin of that ancient Church.  
Anno 1284. flourished jeffery, 
Galfridus de sancto Leodegario.  or (as Clyn writeth) Galfridus de sancto Leodegario, Bishop of Ossorie, the second founder of the Cathedral Church of Setus Canicus, and the first founder of the College of the Vicars of the same Church, who gave unto the College and vickars of the same Church, for the maintenance of divine Service, his Manse and lodging, with the edifices thereunto adjoining, the rectory of Kilkesh, and revenue de manubrinnio, one mark sterling, of the Abbot of Duiske, for the land of Scomberlowaie with other revenues. The said jeffery by combat (the combatants I find not recorded) anno 1284. recovered the Manor of Sirekeran in Elly, now Ocarolls country. He builded part of the Manors of Aghboo and Dorogh, he builded a great part of the Church of Saint Canicus, formerly begun by Hugh Mapilton his Predecessor, he exchanged the town Scomkarthie, for the town of Killamerry, with William Marshal the Earl of Penbroke, in his kind of devotion he enjoined the collegiat Vicars of Kilkenny to celebrate the universary and aniversary of the reverend fathers his predecessors, Walter Barkeley, Galfrid Turvill, Hugh Mapilton, and others, and his successors and Canons in the said Church of Ossory. He established other things for the good of the Burgesses of Cross ..... in the Irish town of Kilkenny, as in the foundation of the Burgesses there more at large doth appear: he died Anno 1286. and lieth buried before the Chapel of our Lady, in the Cathedral Church.  
Thus far the Collections of Doctor Hanmer: the Continuation following is taken out of the Chronicles of Henry Marleburrough.   

HENRY MARLEBVRROVGH'S CHRONICLE OF IRELAND.  
ANno 1285. the Lord Theobald Butler fled from Dublin, and died shortly after; and the Lord Theobald Verdon lost his men and horses, going towards Ophali, and the next morning, Girald Fitz Maurice was taken prisoner, and john Samforde was consecrated Archbishop of Dublin, and the Lord jeffery Genuill fled, and Sir Gerard Doget, and Ralph Petit were slain.  
Anno 1287. deceased Richard Decetir, Girald Fitz Maurice, Thomas de Clare, Richard Taff, and Nicholas Telinge Knights.  
Anno 1288. In England a bushel of Wheat was at four pence. And Friar Stephen Fulburne Lord justice of Ireland died. And john Samford Archbishop of Dublin was made Lord justice. And the Lord Richard Burgh, Earl of Ulster, besieged Theobald Verdon in the Castle of Aloan, and came to Trymm with a great power by the working of Walter Lacy.  
Anno 1290. Was the chase or discomfiture of Ophaly, and divers Englishmen were slain. And Mac Coghlan slew O●olaghlin. And William Bourgh was discomfited at Delvin by Mac Coghlan. And Gilbert Earl of Gloucester, married the daughter of King john le Bayloll, King of Scotland. And Sir William Vescy was made Lord justice of Ireland:  
Anno 1294. Deceased john de Samford, Archbishop of Dublin, and john Fitz Thomas, and john de la Mare took prisoners, Richard Bourgh Earl of Ulster, and William Bourgh in Meath. And the Castle of Kildare was taken, and by the English and Irish, the whole country was wasted. And Calwagh burned all the rolls and tallies of that county. And Richard was delivered out of the Castle of Leye for his two sons. And john Fitz Thomas with a great army, came into Meath.  
Anno 1295. William Dodinsell Lord justice of Ireland died, and the Lord Thomas Fitz Maurice was made Lord justice.  
Anno 1296. Friar William de Hothum was consecrated Archbishop of Dublin.  
Anno 1298. The Lord Thomas Fitz Maurice died, and an agreement was made betwixt the Earl of Ulster, and the Lord john Fitz Thomas: and Sir john Wogan was made Lord justice of Ireland.  
Anno 1299. William, Archbishop of Dublin died: and Richard de Feringes was consecrated Archbishop of Dublin.  
Anno 1302. The King of England (Edward the first) went into Scotland, and there Sir john Wogan Lord justice of Ireland, and the Lord john Fitz Thomas with many others met with him.  
Anno 1305. King Edward made the inquisitions of Treylbaston. The same year jordan Coming slew Conthir de Ophaly: and Calwagh his brother was slain in the Court of Peirs de Birmingham at Carrack: and Balimor was burnt:  
Anno 1306. Edward the second succeeded his father being dead, in the kingdom. In the beginning of his reign, he called back from beyond the seas, Peirs de Gaveston, whose company in the presence of his father he abjured: and being wholly taken up with him, he neglected Isabella his Queen, and his Nobles; for which cause the Nobles being offended, they banished the said Peirs into Ireland, where also the King's treasure that was sent over thither, was wantonly consumed. Then Peirs was called back again, but in regard the King's treasure was spent as aforesaid, the Nobles make an insurrection, and put away Peirs from the King.  
Anno 1308. And in the second of King Edward the second, Peirs de Gaveston, by the Lords of England, but contrary to the King's mind, was banished into Ireland, about the nativity of our Lady: but the next year he was called back again, and the King met him at Chester.  
Anno 1309. The Lord jeffery Genvill became a Friar at Trim, of the order of the Preachers: and the Lord Peirs de Birmingham died.  
Anno 1311. Was the consecration of john Leake, Archbishop of Dublin: and Richard Bourgh Earl of Ulster, with a great army went to Bourath in Thomound, and there he was taken prisoner by Sir Robert de Clare, and john Fitz Walter, Lacie, and many others were slain: and there died Sir Walter la ●aint, and Sir Eustace Power. And the next year, Maurice Fitz Thomas, and Thomas Fitz john, married two daughters of the Earl of Ulster. And Saint Fingay was translated; and William de Lowndres the first, and john the son of Sir Richard Bourgh Knight deceased, and the Lord Edmund Butler made 30. Knights.  
Anno 1313. Died john Leek, Archbishop of Dublin, and Theobald Verdon came over Lord justice of Ireland, and William de Montency and Richard Loundries died.  
Anno 1315. The Lord Edward Bruse brother of the King of Scots, entered the North part of Ulster with a great Army, upon Saint Augustine's day, in the month of May; and afterward he burned Dundalke, and a great part of Vrgile: and the Church of Athirde was burned by the Irish: And in the war of Comeram in Ulster, Richard Earl of Ulster was put to flight: and Sir William Bourgh, and Sir john Mandevill, and Sir Alan Fitz Warren were taken prisoners, and the Castle of Norburgh was taken. Moreover at Kenlis in Meath, the Lord Roger Mortimer in the war together with the said Edward were put to flight, and many of the men men of the said Roger were slain and taken prisoners, and he burned the Town: and after this he went as far as Finnagh and the Skerries in Leinster; and there encountered him Edmund Butler Lord justice of Ireland, the Lord john Fitz Thomas, afterward Earl of Kildare, and the Lord Arnold Power; and every one of them had a great army to war against him: and upon the sudden there arose a dissension amongst them, and so they left the field; and this dissension happened upon the 26. day of january: after this he burnt the Castle of Leye, and afterward he returned into Ulster, and besieged the Castle of Knockfergus, and slew Thomas Mandevill and john his brother at down, coming out of England; and then returned into Scotland.  
Anno 1316. Edward Bruse before Easter, came into Ireland with the Earl of Murry and other armies, and besieged the Castle of Knockfergus; afterward they went to Castle Knock, and there took the Baron prisoner, and Edward Bruse lay there: and Richard Earl of Ulster lay in Saint Mary's Abbey near Dublin. Then the Major and Commonalty of the City of Dublin, took the Earl of Ulster prisoner, and put him in the Castle of Dublin and slew his men and spoiled the Abbey. Then the said Bruse went as far as Lymmerick after the Feast of Saint Matthew the Apostle, and stayed there until after Easter; and in the mean time Roger Mortimer the King's Lieutenant, landed at Waterford with a great Army, and for fear of him, Edward Bruise made haste to go into the parts of Ulster, and john Fitz Thomas was created Earl of Kildare: also Oconthir of Conaght and many other of the Irish of Conaght and Meath were slain, near Athenry by the English there: also there was a great slaughter made by Edmond Butler, near Testilldermot upon the Irish: and another slaughter by the same Edmund upon Omorthe at Balitcham.  
Anno 1317. The said Lieutenant delivered the Earl of Ulster out of the Castle of Dublin, and after Whitsuntide, he banished out of Meath Sir Walter and Sir Hugh de Lacie, and gave their lands unto his soldiers, and they together with Edward Bruse went back into Scotland: and Alexander Bignor was consecrated Archbishop of Dublin.  
Anno 1318. The Lord Roger Mortimer went again into England, and Alexander Bignor was made Lord justice, and Edward Bruse and the said Walter and Hugh de Lacie with a great Army, landed at Dundalke upon Saint Calixtus the Pope's day; and there the Lord john Brimingham, Richard Tute and Miles Verdon, with one thousand three hundred twenty four men encountered them, and slew the said Edward Bruse, with eight thousand two hundred seventy four of his men; and the said john Birmingham did carry the head of the said Edward into England, and gave it to King Edward, and the King gave unto the said john and his heirs males, the Earldom of Lowth, and the Barony of Athirdee to him and his heirs; also Sir Richard de Clare, with four Knights and many others, were slain in Thomond.  
Anno 1319. The Lord Roger Mortimer came over again Lord of justice of Ireland. And the Town of Athessell and Plebs, were burned by the Lord john Fitz Thomas, brother to the Lord Maurice Fitz Thomas. And the Bridge of Kilcolin was built by Maurice I●kis.  
Anno 1320. The Lord john Fitz john, Earl of Kildare, was made Lord justice. And the bridge of Leiglin was built by Maurice jakis.  
Anno 1321. There was a very great slaughter made of the Oconhurs' at Balibagan, by the English of Leinster and Meath. And the said Earl of Lowth was made Lord justice.  
Anno 1322. Died the Lord Richard Birmingham, Lord of Athenry, the Lord Edmund Butler, and the Lord Thomas Persivall. Moreover the Lord Andrew Birmingham, and Sir Richard de la Land, were slain by Onolan.  
Anno 1323. john Darcy came over Lord justice of Ireland.  
Anno 1325. Deceased Nicolas Fitz Simon Gonvill.  
Anno 1326. The Lord Richard Burgh Earl of Ulster died: Edward the third, son to Edward the second, after the Conquest, at the age of fifteen years, in his father's life time; upon Candlemas day was crowned King at Westminster. In the beginning of whose reign there was great likelihood of good success to follow: For then also the Earth received fruitfulness, the Air temperature and, Sea calmness.  
Anno 1327. Donald son to Art, Mac Morch, and Sir Henry Traharne were taken prisoners.  
Anno 1328. Deceased the Lord Thomas Fitz john Earl of Kildare, and the Lord Arnold Power, and William Earl of Ulster came into Ireland.  
Anno 1329. john Brimingham Earl of Lowth, and Peter his brother with many other, were slain on Whitsun, even at Balibragan by the men of the Country: Also the Lord Thomas Butler, and divers other Noble men were slain by Macgohegan and other Irishmen, near to Molingar.  
Anno 1330. There died Sir Richard Deicetir: Also the Earl of Ulster went with a great Army into Monster upon Obren: Also the Prior of the Hospital, than Lord justice, put the Lord Maurice Fitz Thomas Earl of Desmond, into the custody of the Marshal, out of the which he freely escaped. And Sir Hugh de Lacie returned into Ireland, and obtained peace of the King.  
Anno 1331. The Earl of Ulster went into England, and great slaugher was made upon the Irish in O kenslie; also the Castle of Arclow was taken by the Irish, and great slaughter made of the English ni the Cowlagh by Otothell, where Sir Philip Bryt and many others were slain; and the Lord Anthony Lacie came over Lord justice of Ireland, and great slaugter was made of the Irish at Thurles, by the men of the Country, and at Finnath in Meath; there were many of them slain by the English: also the Castle of Fernis was taken and burned by the Irish: also Maurice Fitz Thomas Earl of Desmond was apprehended at Limerick by the Lord justice, upon the day of the Assumption, and sent unto the Castle of Dublin. Moreover, the Lord justice took Sir William Birmingham and Walter his son at Clomell by a wile, whilst he was sick in his bed, and sent them likewise unto the Castle of Dublin on the 19 day of April.  
Anno 1332. Sir William Birmingham was hanged at Dublin, but Walter his son was delivered, by reason he was within orders. Also the Castle of Clonmore was taken by the English, and the Castle of Bonrath was destroyed by the Irish of Thomond: also Henry Mandevill was sent prisoner to Dublin; likewise Walter Burgh with two of his brethren were taken in Conaght, by the Earl of Ulster, and sent to the Castle of Norburgh: also the said Lord justice was deposed by the King, and went into England with his wife and children; and john Darcy was made Lord justice, and great slaughter was made upon Bren Obren and Mac Carthy in Munster, by the English of that Country.  
Anno 1333. The Earl of Desmond by the Parliament held at Dublin, was sent over into England unto the King; and William Earl of Ulster, in going toward Knock fergus, upon the seventh day of june was treacherously slain, near to the fords in Ulster by his own people: but his wife with his daughter and heir, escaped into England; which daughter was married unto the Lord Lionel, the King's son, and afterward died at Dublin; and had a daughter and heir, which was afterward married unto Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, and Lord of Trim: And to revenge the death of the said Earl, the Lord justice of Ireland with a great Army, went into Ulster. But before that he came thither, the men of that Country had done the revenge: and the Lord justice with his Army, went into Scotland to the King of England; because at that time he was there in war; and he left the Lord Thomas Burgh his Lieutenant in Ireland: also on Saint Margaret's Eve, great slaughter was made in Scotland by the Irish; and so what by the King in one part, and the Lord justice in another, Scotland was Conquered, and Edward Balliol was established King of Scotland; and john Darcy came back Lord justice of Ireland, and delivered Walter Birmingham out of the Castle of Dublin.  
Anno 1336. On Saint Laurence day, the Irish of Conaght were discomfited and put to flight by the English of the Country there, and there were slain ten thousand and one Englishman.  
Anno 1342. And in the sixteenth of King Edward the 3. Pope Benedict deceased; Clement the sixth succeeded, a man truly of great learning, but exceeding prodigal, so that he would bestow upon his Cardinal's Church livings in England when they were vacant, and would go about to impose new titles for them. For which cause the King of England about the year 1344. disannulled the provisions so made by the Pope, interdicting upon pain of imprisonment, and death, that none should bring any of them.  
Anno 1348. There was great mortality in all places, especially in and about the Court of Rome, Avinion, and about the sea coasts of England and Ireland.  
Anno 1349. Deceased Alexander Bignor, upon the foureteenth day of july, and the same year was john de Saint Paul consecrated Archbishop of Dublin.  
Anno 1355. Died Maurice Fitz Thomas, Earl of Desmond, L. justice of Ireland.  
Anno 1356. Deceased the Lord Thomas de Rokesbie, L. justice of Ireland.  
Anno 1357. Began great variance betwixt Master Richard Fitz Ralphe Primate of Ardmagh, and the four Orders of begging Friars.  
Anno 1360. Deceaded Richard Archbishop of Ardmagh, upon the seventeenth day of the Kalends of December in the Pope's Court, and Richard Kilminton died in England, therefore the controversy ceased betwixt the Clergy and the orders of begging Friars.  
Anno 1361: and in the thirty fourth year of K. Edward the third, about Easter, began a great mortality of men, consuming many men, but few women, in England and Ireland. Also the same year, the Lord Lionel, Son to King Edward the third, Duke of Clarence, came over the King's lieutenant into Ireland.  
Anno 1362. deceased john de Saint Paul, Archbishop of Dublin, on the fifth day before the Ides of September.  
Anno 1363. Thomas Minot was consecrated Archbishop of Dublin.  
Anno 1369. the Lord William Windsor came over, the King's Lieutenant in Ireland.  
Anno 1370. there was a third great Pestilence in Ireland. And the Lord Gerald Fitz Maurice, Earl of Desmond, and the Lord john Fitz Richard, and the Lord john Fitz john, and many other Noble men, were taken prisoners, and many others were slain by Obren and Maccoinnard of Thomond, in the month of july.  
Anno 1372 Sir Robert Asheton came over Lord justice of Ireland.  
Anno 1373. there was great war betwixt the English of Meth, and Offerolle; in which war, many upon both sides were slain,  
Anno 1375. Thomas, Archbishop of Dublin departed this life, and the same year was Richard de Wikeford consecrated Archbishop there.  
Anno 1381, Edmund Mortimer the King's Lieutenant in Ireland, Earl of March and Ulster, diet at Co●ke.  
Anno 1383. the fourth great Pestilence was in Ireland.  
Anno 1385. Dublin Bridge fell.  
Anno 1387. about Martilmas, the Peers of England rose against those that were of the side of King Richard the second: but Robert Veer, Duke of Ireland, came over to Chester, and got together many men, and put them in array to march back toward the King: whom the said Peers met at Rotcotebridge, and slew Thomas Molleners, and spoilt the rest: nevertheless, the Duke of Ireland escaped. But in the same year on the morrow after Candlemas day, a Parliament began at London: in which were adjudged the Archbishop of York, the Duke of Ireland, the Earl of Suffolk, etc.  
Anno 1388. four Lord justices of England were banished into Ireland, by a decree of the Parliament: and it was not lawful for them either to make laws, or to give counsel, upon pain of the sentence of death.  
Anno 1390. Robert de Wikeford Archbishop of Dublin, departed this life, and the same year was Robert Waldebie translated unto the archbishopric of Dublin, being an Augustine Friar.  
Anno 1394. and in the seaventeenth year of King Richard the second, died Anne, Queen of England: and the same year about Michaelmas, the King crossed the seas over into Ireland, and landed at Waterford the second day of the month of October, and went back about Shrovetide.  
Anno 1397. Friar Richard de Northalis, of the order of the Carmelites, was translated to the archbishopric of Dublin, and died the same year. Also the same year, Thomas de Craulie, was consecrated Archbishop of Dublin. And Sir Thomas Burgh, and Sir Walter Birningham slew six hundred Irish men with their Captain Macdowne. Moreover, Edmund Earl of March, Lord lieutenant of Ireland, with the aid of the Earl of Ormond, wasted Obren's country, and at the winning of his chief house, he made seven Knights, to wit, Sir Christopher Preston, Sir john Bedlow, Sir Edmund Loundres, Sir john Loundres, Sir William Nugent, Walter de la Hide, and Robert Cadell.  
Anno 1398. and in the two and twentieth of King Richard the second, on Ascention day, the Tothillis slew forty English men. Among whom these were accounted as principal, john Fitz Williams, Thomas Talbot, and Thomas Comyn. The same year upon Saint Margaret's day, Edmund, Earl of March, the King's lieutenant, was slain, with divers other by Obren, and other Irishmen of Leinster, at Kenlis in Leinster. Then was Roger Greye elected Lord justice of Ireland. The same year on the feast day of Saint Mark, the Pope and Confessor came to Dublin, the Noble Duke of Surrey, the King's lieutenant in Ireland, and with him came Thomas Crauly, Archbishop of Dublin.  
Anno 1399. and of King Richard the three and twentieth, on Sunday being the morrow after Saint Petronilla the Virgin's day, the illustrious King Richard landed at Waterford with two hundred ships: and the Friday after, at Ford in Kenlis, in the County of Kildare, there were slain, two hundred Irish men by jenicho and other English men, and the morrow after, the Citizens of Dublin broke into Obrens' country, slew three and thirty of the Irish, and took fourscore men, women, and children. The same year King Richard came to Dublin upon the fourth Kalends of july, where he was advertized of the coming of Henry, Duke of Lancaster into England; whereupon he also speedily went over into England: and a little while after, the same King was taken prisoner by the said Henry, and brought to London, and there a Parliament was holden the morrow after Michaelmas day, in which King Richard was deposed from his kingdom, and the said Henry, Duke of Lancaster, was crowned King of England, on the feast day of Saint Edward the Confessor.  
Anno 1400. and in the first year of the reign of King Henry the fourth, at Whitsuntide, the Constable of Dublin Castle, and divers others at Stranford in Ulster, fought at Sea with the Scots, where many Englishmen were slain and drowned. The same year on the feast of the Assumption of the blessed Virgin Mary, King Henry, with a great army, entered Scotland, and there he was advertized that Owen Glendor, with the Welsh men, had taken arms against him: for which cause he hastened his journey into Wales.  
Anno 1401. in the second year of King Henry the fourth, Sir john Stanley the king's Lieutenant, in the month of May, went over into England, leaving in his room Sir William Stanley. The same year on Bartholomew Eeven, arrived in Ireland, Stephen Scroop, Lieutenant unto the Lord Thomas of Lancaster, the king's Lieutenant of Ireland. The same year on Saint Brices' day, the Lord Thomas of Lancaster, the king's Son, and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, arrived at Dublin.  
Anno 1402. on the fifth Ides of july, was the dedication of the Church of the Friar's Preachers in Dublin, by the Archbishop of Dublin. And the same day the Mayor of Dublin, namely, john Drake, with the citizens and townsmen, near to Bre, slew of the Irish, four hundred ninety three, being all men of war. The same year in September a Parliament was held at Dublin; during the which, in Vrgile, Sir Bartholomew Verdon, knight, james White, Stephen Gernond, and their complies, slew john Dowdall Sheriff of Lowth.  
Anno 1403. in the fourth year of king Henry, in the month of May, Sir Walter Betterley, Steward of Ulster, a right valiant knight, was slain, and to the number of thirty other with him. The same year on Saint Ma●dlins Eeven, near unto Shrewesbury, a battle was fought between king Henry, and Henry Percy, and Thomas Percy then Earl of Worcester; which Percyes were slain, and on both sides there were six thousand and more slain in the battle. The same year about Martlemas, the Lord Thomas of Lancaster, the king's Son, went over into England, leaving Stephen Scroop his Deputy there: who also in the beginning of Lent, sailed over into England, and then the Lords of the land chose the Earl of Ormond to be Lord justice of Ireland.  
Anno 1404. in the fifth year of king Henry, john Colton, Archbishop of Armagh, departed this life upon the fifth of May, unto whom Nicholas Fleming succeeded. The same year on the day of Saint Vital the Martyr, the Parliament began at Dublin, before the Earl of Ormond, than Lord justice of Ireland, where the Statutes of Kilkenny and Dublin were confirmed, and likewise the Charter of Ireland. The same year Patrick Savage was treacherously slain in Ulster, by Mac Kilmori, and his brother Richard was given for a pledge, who was murdered in the prison, after he had paid two thousand marks. The same year upon Martilmas day, deceased Nicholas Houth, Lord of Houth, a man of singular honesty.  
Anno 1405. in the sixth year of King Henry, in the month of May, three Scottish Barks were taken, two at Greenecastle, and one at Dalkay, with Captain Thomas Macgolagh. The same year the Merchants of Droghedah entered Scotland, and took pledges and preys. The same year on the Eeven of the feast day of the seven brethren, Oghgard was burnt by the Irish. The same year in the month of june, Stephen Scroop crossed the seas over into England, leaving the Earl of Ormond, Lord justice of Ireland. The same year in the month of june, they of Dublin entered Scotland at Saint Ninian, and valiantly behaved themselves: and afterward they entered Wales, and there did much hurt to the Welsh men, and brought away the shrine of Saint Cubius, and placed it in the Church of the holy Trinity in Dublin. The same year on the Eeven of the feast of the blessed Virgin, james Butler, Earl of Ormond, died at Raligauran, (whose death was much lamented) whilst he was Lord justice of Ireland, unto whom succeeded Girald, Earl of Kildare.  
Anno 1406. in the seaventh year of King Henry, on Corpus Christi day, the citizens of Dublin, with the country people about them, manfully vanquished the Irish enemies, and slew divers of them, and took two Ensigns, bringing with them to Dublin, the heads of those whom they had slain. The same year the Prior of Conall, in the Plain of Kildare, fought valiantly, and vanquished two hundred of the Irish that were well armed, slaying some of them, and chase others; and the Prior had not with him, but twenty English men: and thus God assisteth those that put their trust in him. The same year after Michaelmas, came into Ireland, Scroop, Deputy justice to the Lord Thomas of Lancaster, the King's Son, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. The same year died Innocent the seaventh, to whom succeeded Gregory in the Popedom. The same year a Parliament was holden at Dublin, on the feast of Saint Hillary, which in Lent after was ended at Trim, and Meiler Birmingham slew Cathole O Conghir, in the end of Frebruary; and there died Sir jeffery Vaulx, a Noble Knight in the County of Carlogh.  
Anno 1407. a certain most false fellow, an Irish man, named Mac Adam Mac Gilmori, that had caused forty Churches to be destroyed, who was never baptised, and therefore he was called Corbi; took prisoner Patrick Savage, and received for his ransom, two thousand marks, and afterwards slew him, together with his Brother Richard.  
The same year, in the feast of the exaltation of the holy Cross, Stephen Scroop, Deputy to the Lord Thomas of Lancaster, the King's son, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, with the Earls of Ormond and Desmond, and the Prior of Kilmainan and divers other Captains, and men of war of Meath, set from Dublin, and invaded the land of Mac Murch, where the Irish had the better part of the field for the former part of the day, but afterwards they were valiantly rescued by the said Captains, so that Onolad with his son and divers others, were taken prisoners. But then and there being advertised that the Burkens and Okeroll, in the County of Kilkenny, had for the space of two days together done much mischief, they road with all speed unto the Town of Callan, and there encountering with the adversasaries, manfully put them to flight, slew Okeroll and eight hundred others; and it was averred by many, that the Sun stoodstill for a space that day, till the Englishmen had ridden 6. miles, which was much to be wondered at.  
The same year, Stephen Scrope went over into England, and james Butler Earl of Ormond, was elected by the Country L. I. of Ireland.  
The same year, in England near unto York, was slain Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland, and the Lord Bardolf, and the Bishop of Bangor, were taken prisoners.  
Anno 1408. The said Lord justice held a Parliament at Dublin, in which the Statutes of Kilkenny and Dublin were established, and the Charter granted under the great Seal of England against Purveiors.  
The same year, the morrow after Lammas day, the Lord Thomas of Lancaster the King's son, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, landed at Carlingford, and in the week following, he came unto Dublin and arrested the Earl of Kildare, coming to him with three of his family; he lost all his goods, being spoiled and rifled by the Lord Lieutenant his servants, and himself kept still in the Castle of Dublin, till he had paid three hundred marks fine.  
The same year on the day of Saint Marcell the Martyr, the L. Stephen Scrope died at Tristledermot.  
The same year, the said L. Thomas of Lancaster, at Kilmainan was wounded, and hardly escaped death; and after caused summons to be given by Proclamation, that all such as aught by their tenors to serve the King, should assemble at Rosse: and after the Feast of Saint Hillary, he held a Parliament at Kilkenny, for a tallage to be granted; and after the 13. of March he went over into England, leaving the Prior of Kilmainan his Deputy in Ireland.  
This year, Hugh Mac Gilmore was slain in Cragfergus within the Church of the Friar's Minors, which Church he had before destroyed, and broken down the Glass-windows, to have the Iron bars, through which his enemies the Savages entered upon him.  
Anno 1409. Of King Henry the fourth in june, janico de Artois, with the Englishmen slew fourscore of the Irish in Ulster.  
The same year, on the day of Saint john and Paul, Alexander the fifth of the Order of Friars Minors was consecrated Pope, and Pope Gregory and Antipope Clemens were condemned for heretics: and by these means unity was made in the Church.  
The same year a heretic or Lollard of London was burned, because he did not believe in the sacrament of the altar.  
Anno 1410. Pope Alexander died on the day of the Apostles Philippe and jacob, at Bononia; to whom succeeded john the XXIII.  
Anno 1411. On Thursday before Septuagesima, marriage was celebrated betwixt William Preston and the daughter of Edward Paris; and on Saint Valentine's even and day, marriages were celebrated between john Wogan and the daughter of Christopher Preston and Walter de la Hide, and the second daughter of the same Christopher, with a great deal of charges.  
Anno 1412. About the feast of Tiburtius and Valerianus, Oconthird did much mischief in Meath, and took a hundred and three score Englishmen.  
The same year Odoles a Knight and Thomas Fitz Maurice Sheriff of Limerick slew each other.  
The same year, on the nineth Kalends of june, there died Robert Mountain Bishop of Meath, to whom succeeded Edward Dandisey sometimes Archdeacon of Cornward.  
The same year in Harvest, the Lord Thomas of Lancester Duke of Clarence, went over into France, and with him went the Duke of York, the Earl of Ormond and Green-Cornwall with many others.  
The same year, on Saint Cutberts' day, King Henry the fourth departed this life. To whom succeeded Henry the fifth his eldest son.  
Anno 1413. On the fifth Ides of April, namely, the first Sunday of the Passion of our Lord, A. being the Dominical letter, Henry the fifth, was crowned King of England at Westminster.  
The same year, on the first of October, there landed in Ireland at Clontarf, john Stanley the King's Lieutenant in Ireland; he departed this life the 18. of january.  
The same year, after the death of john Stanley Lieutenant, Thomas Crawly Archbishop of Dublin, was chosen Lord justice of Ireland, on the 11. Kalends of February; the morrow after Saint Mathias day, a Parliament began at Dublin, and continued for the space of 15. days. In which time the Irish burned all that stood in their way, as their usual custom was in times of other Parliaments: whereupon a tallage was demanded but not granted.  
Anno 1414. The English slew of the Irish of the Omordris and Odemsis', near to Kilka, Thomas Crawly Archbishop of Dublin, than Lord justice of Ireland, in Tristledermot, praying in Procession with his Clergy, and his men, with the help of those of the Country, slew one hundred of the Irish enemies. In the feast of Saint Gordian and Epimachus, the English of Meath were discomfited, and there Thomas Manrevard Baron of Skrine was slain, and Christopher Flemnig and john Dardis taken prisoners, and many others were slain by Oconthir and the Irish. On Saint Martin's Eve, Sir john Talbot, Lord Furnivall, the King's Lieutenant in Ireland landed at Dalkey.  
Anno 1415: In the month of November a right noble man that walled the suburbs of Kilkenny departed this life; and after Hallonide Friar Patrick Baret Bishop of Fernes a Canon of Kenlis died, and was buried there.  
Anno 1416. On the feast day of Saint Gervasius and Prothasius the Lord Furnivall Lord justice of Ireland, had a son borne at Finglasse; about this time Stephen Fleming Archbishop of Armagh, a venerable man died, after whom succeeded john Suaing: And the same time died the Lord and Friar Adam Leins, of the Order of the Preaching Friars, Bishop of Ardmagh. On the day of Saint Laurence the Martyr, the Lord Furnivals' son Thomas Talbot, that was borne at Finglasse departed this life, and was buried in the Choir of the Friar's Preachers Church in Dublin. About the same time the Irish fell upon the Englishmen and slew many of them, among whom Thomas Balimore of Baliquelan was one. The Parliament which the last year had been called and holden at Dublin; was this year removed to Trim, and there began the 11. of May, where it continued for the space of 11. days, in the which was granted unto the L.L. a subsidy of four hundred marks.  
Anno 1417. Upon May Eve, Thomas Granly Archbishop of Dublin, went over into England, and deceased at Faringdon, but his body was buried in the New College at Oxford. This man is greatly praised for his liberality, he was a good almsman, a great Clerk, a Doctor of Divinity, an excellent Preacher, a great builder, beautiful, courteous, of a sanguine complexion, and of a tall stature, in somuch as in his time it might be said unto him; Thou art fairer than the sons of men, grace and eloquence proceeded from thy lips: He was 80. years of age when he died, and had governed the Church of Dublin almost 20. years in great quiet.  
Anno 1418. The Annunciation of our Lady was in Easter week, and shortly after, the Lord Deputy spoiled the tenants of Henry Crus and Henry Bethat; also at slain upon the feast day of S. john and S. Paul, the Earl of Kildare, Sir Christopher Preston, and Sir john Bedlow were arrested and committed to ward, within the Castle of Trim, because they sought to commune with the Prior of Kilmaynan. Upon the 29. of june, Matthew Husseil Baron of Galtrim deceased, and was buried in the Covent of the Friar's Preachers of Trim.  
Anno 1419. upon the eleventh of May, dayed Edmund Brel sometime Major of Dublin, and was buried at the Friar's Preachers of the same City. A Royal Council was holden at the Naas, where were granted unto the Lord Lieutenant 300. marks. At the same time died Sir john Loundres Knight.  
The same year upon Cene thursday, Othoill took four hundred Cows belonging unto Balimore, breaking the peace, contrary to his oath: The fourth Ides of May, Mac Morthe, chief Captain of his Nation, and of all the Irish in Leinster, was taken prisoner. And the same day, was Sir Hugh Cokesey made Knight. The last of May, the Lord Lieutenant and the Archbishop of Dublin, with the Major, razed the Castle of Kenini. The morrow after the feast of Processus and Martinianus, the Lord William de Burgh and other Englishmen, slew five hundred of the Irish, and took Okelly: On the feast day of Mary Magdalen, the Lord Lieutenant john Talbot went over into England; leaving his Deputy there the Archbishop of Dublin, carrying along with him the curses of many, because he being run much in debt for victual and divers other things, would pay little or nothing at all. About Saint Laurence day, divers died in Normandy, as Friar Thomas Butler, that was Prior of Kilmainan, and many others. Whom Friar john Fitz Henry succeeded in the Priory. The Archbishop of Dublin, being Lord Deputy, made an assault upon Scohies, and slew thirty of the Irish, near unto Rodiston. Also the thirteenth of February, john Fitz Henry, Prior of Kilmainan departed this life; and William Fitz Thomas was chosen to succeed in his place, & was confirmed the morrow after Saint Velentines' day. Also the morrow after the Lord john Talbot Lord Furnivall delivered up his place into the hands of the Lord Richard Talbot Archbishop of Dublin, who was afterward chosen to be Lord justice of Ireland.  
Anno 1420. about the fourth des of April, james Butler, Earl of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, landed at Waterford, and shortly after he caused a combat to be fought betwixt two of his cousins: of whom one was slain in the place, and the other was carried away sore wounded unto Kilkenny.  
On Saint George's day, the same Lord Lieutenant held a Council at Dublin, and there summoned a Parliament, and after the midst thereof, he made great preys upon O Rely Mac Mahon, Mac Gynoys. And the seventh of june, the Parliament began at Dublin, and there were granted to the Lord Lieutenant, seven hundred marks. And that Parliament continued for sixteen days, and was adjourned again to Dublin until Monday after Saint Andrew's day. And in the said Parliament were reckoned up the debts of the Lord john Talbot, late Lord Lieutenant, which amounted to a great sum. Also on the morrow after Michaelmas day, Michael Bodley departed this life. Upon Saint Francis Eeve, died Friar Nicholas Talbot, Abbot of the Monastery of Saint Thomas the Martyr at Dublin, whom Friar john Whiting succeeded. The morrow after the feast day of the Apostles Simon and jude, the Castle of Colmolin was taken by Thomas Fitz Girald. And on Saint Katherine's Eeven, Buttler, Son and heir unto the Earl of Ormond, was borne: and the Monday after Saint Andrew's day, the Parliament was begun at Dublin, and continued for thirteen days; and there were granted unto the Lord Lieutenant, three hundred marks, and then again the Parliament was adjourned until Monday after Saint Ambrose day. Then rumours were spread abroad, that the Lord Thomas Fitz john, Earl of Desmond, was departed this life at Paris, upon Saint Laurence day, and that he was buried in the Covent of the Friar's Preachers there, the King of England being there present. After whom succeeded his Uncle james Fitz Girald, whom he had three several times renounced, alleging that he was an unthrift, and had wasted his Patrimony both in Ireland and England, and that he gave or would give lands unto the Monastery of Saint james of Keynisham.  
Anno 1421. Our Lady day fell out to be upon Monday in Easter week. Also the Parliament began the third time at Dublin, the Monday after Saint Ambroses' day; and there it was ordained that agents should be sent over unto the King for reformation of matters touching the state of the land; namely, the Archbishop of Armagh, and Sir Christopher Preston, Knight. At the same time Richard Ottdian, Bishop of Casshell, was accused of john Gese, Bishop of Lismore and Waterford, upon thirty articles: among other, one was, that he made very much of the Irish, and that he loved none of the English nation, and that he bestowed no Benefice upon any English man, and that he counselled other Bishops not to give the least Benefice to any of them: that he counterfeited the King's Seal and letters Patents: that he went about to make himself King of Munster: and that he had taken a Ring from the image of Saint Patrick, (which the Earl of Desmond had offered) and bestowed it upon his Concubine And he exhibited many other enormous matters against him in writing, by whom the Lords and Commons were troubled. Also in the same Parliament, there arose a contention betwixt Adam pain, Bishop of Clone, because the said Adam would have united unto his See, the Church of another Prelate, and the other would not give way unto it; and so they were dismissed unto the Court of Rome, & the Parliament continued eighteen days. Then news were stirring, that the Lord Thomas of Lancaster, Duke of Clarence, was slain in France, and many other with him. Upon the seventh of May there was slaughter made upon the Earl of Ormonds', the Lord Lieutenant's men, by Omordris, near unto the Monastery of Leys, and there were seven and twenty English men slain: the chief whereof were Purcell and Grant, ten Noble men were taken prisoners, and two hundred fled unto the said Abbey, and so saved themselves. About the Ides of May, died Sir john Bedloe, knight, and jeffery Galon, sometime Mayor of Dublin, who was buried in the house of the Friar's Preachers of the same City. About the same time, Mac Mahon an Irish Lord, did much hurt in Vrgile, by wasting and burning all before him. Upon the seaventh of june, the Lord Lieutenant entered into the Country, about Leys, upon Omordris, leading a very great army, and for the space of four days together, slaying the people, till the Irish were glad to sue for peace. On the feast of Saint Michael the Archangel, Thomas Stanley, with all the Knights and Esquires of Meath and Irel, took Neyle O donnel prisoner, and slew the rest, in the fourteenth year of the reign of King Henry the sixth.  
Here endeth the Chronicle of Henry Marleburrough.  
FINIS.   

A VIEW OF THE STATE OF IRELAND, Written dialoguewise between Eudoxus and Irenaeus, By EDMUND SPENSER Esq. in the year 1596.  
Whereunto is added the History of IRELAND, By EDMUND CAMPION, sometime fellow of St John's College in Oxford.  
Published by Sir JAMES WARE Knight.  
DUBLIN, Printed by the Society of Stationers. M.DC.XXXIII.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS LO. VISCOUNT WENTWORTH, LO. DEPUTY GENERAL OF IRELAND, LO. PRECEDENT OF HIS MAJESTY'S COUNCIL ESTABLISHED IN THE NORTH PARTS OF ENGLAND, AND ONE OF HIS MAJESTY'S MOST HONOURABLE PRIVY COUNCIL.  
RIGHT HONOURABLE,  
THE sense of that happy peace, which by the divine providence this Kingdom hath enjoyed, since the beginning of the reign of his late Majesty of ever sacred memory, doth then take the deeper impression, when these our halcyon days are compared with the former turbulent and tempestuous times, and with the miseries (of several kinds) incident unto them. Those calamities are fully set out, and to the life by Mr Spenser, with a discovery of their causes, and remedies, being for the most part excellent grounds of reformation. And so much may be justly expected from him in regard of his long abode and experience of this Kingdom. In these respects, and for other good uses, which the collections (now communicated) do afford for matter of history and policy, I am encouraged to dedicate them to your Lordship, and humbly to desire your favourable acceptance of them, and of  
Your Lordships ever humbly devoted JAMES WARE.   

THE PREFACE.  
HOw far these collections may conduce to the knowledge of the antiquities and state of this Land, let the fit reader judge: yet something I may not pass by touching Mr Edmund Spenser & the work itself, lest I should seem to offer injury to his worth, by others so much celebrated. He was borne in London of an ancient and noble family, and brought up in the University of Cambridge, where (as the fruits of his after labours do manifest) he misspent not his time. After this he became Secretary to Arthur Lord Grey of Wilton, Lord Deputy of Ireland, a valiant and worthy Governor, and shortly after for his services to the Crown, he had bestowed upon him by Queen Elizabeth, 3000. acres of land in the County of Cork. There he finished the later part of that excellent poem of his Fairy Queen, which was soon after unfortunately lost by the disorder and abuse of his servant, whom he had sent before him into England, being then a rebellibus (as 
a Annal. r●r. Anglic. & Hibern. pag. 729, edit. 1625.  Camden's words are) è laribus ejectus & bonis spoliatus. He deceased at Westminster in the year 1599 (others have it wrongly 1598.) soon after his return into England, and was buried according to his own desire, in the collegiat Church there, near unto Chaucer, whom he worthily imitated, (at the costs of Robert Earl of Essex,) whereupon this Epitaph was framed, 
Hîc prope Chaucerum situs est Spenserius, illi  
proximus ingenio, proximus ut tumulo.  
Hîc prope Chaucerum Spensere poeta poetam  
conderis, & versu quam tumulo propior.  
Anglica te vivo vixit plausitque poesis,  
nunc moritura timet te moriente mori.  As for his work now 
b Ex Bibliothecâ Remi in Christo patris D. jacobi Vsserij Archiep. Armachani.  published, although it sufficiently testifieth his learning and deep judgement, yet we may wish that in some passages it had been tempered with more moderation. The troubles and miseries of the time when he wrote it, do partly excuse him, And surely we may conceive, that if he had lived to see these times, and the good effects which the last 30. years' peace have produced in this land, both for obedience to the laws, as also in traffic, husbandry, civility, & learning, he would have omitted those passages which may seem to lay either any particular aspersion upon some families, or general upon the Nation. For now we may truly say, jam cuncti gens una sumus, and that upon just cause those ancient statutes, wherein the natives of Irish descent were held to be, and named Irish enemies, and wherein those of English blood were forbidden to marry and commerce with them, were repealed by 
c Vid. lib. Status. Hiborn. edit. Dubls. an. 1621. pag. 427.  act of Parliament, in the reign of our late Sovereign King JAMES of ever blessed memory.  
His proofs (although most of them conjectural) concerning the original of the language, customs of the Nation, and the first peopling of the several parts of the Island, are full of good reading, and do show a sound judgement. They may be further confirmed by comparing them with Richard Creagh's Book de linguâ Hibernicâ, which is yet extant in the original manuscript, & although mixed with matter of story, leaning too much to some fabulous traditions, yet in other respects is worthy of light.  
Touching the general scope intended by the author for the reformation of abuses and ill customs, This we may say, that although very many have taken pains in the same subject, during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and some before, as the 
d Floruit subinitium reg. Edw. 4  author of the book entitled Salus populi, and after him 
e Floruit sub Hen. 8.  Patrick Finglas, chief Baron of the Exchequer here, and afterwards chief justice of the common pleas, yet none came so near to the best grounds for reformation, a few passages excepted, as Spenser hath done in this. Some marginal notes I have added, although not intending any, until the fourth part of the Book was printed.   

A VIEW OF THE STATE OF IRELAND, Written Dialoguewise between Eudoxus and Irenaeus, By Edmund Spenser Esq. in the year 1596.  Eudox. 
BUT if that Country of Ireland, whence you lately came, be of so goodly and commodious a soil as you report, I wonder that no course is taken for the turning thereof to good uses, and reducing that nation to better government and civility.  Iren. 
Marry so there have been divers good plots devised, & wise Counsels cast already about reformation of that Realm, but they say, it is the fatal destiny of that Land, that no purposes whatsoever which are meant for her good, will prosper or take good effect, which whether it proceed from the very Genius of the soil, or influence of the stars, or that almighty God hath not yet appointed the time of her reformation, or that he reserveth her in this unquiet state still, for some secret scourge, which shall by her come unto England, it is hard to be known, but yet much to be feared.  Eudox. 
Surely I suppose this but a vain conceit of simple men, which judge things by their effects, and not by their causes; for I would rather think the cause of this evil, which hangeth upon that Country, to proceed rather of the unsoundness of the Counsels, and plots which you say have been oftentimes laid for the reformation, or of faintness in following & effecting the same, then of any such fatal course appointed of God, as you misdeem, but it is the manner of men, that when they are fallen into any absurdity, or their actions succeed not as they would, they are always ready to impute the blame thereof unto the Heavens, so to excuse their own follies and imperfections. So have I heard it often wished also, (even of some whose great wisdoms in opinion should seem to judge more sound of so weighty a consideration) that all that land were a Sea pool: which kind of speech, is the manner rather of desperate men far driven, to wish the utter ruin of that which they cannot redress, then of grave Councillors, which ought to think nothing so hard but that thorough wisdom, it may be mastered and subdued, since the Poet saith, that the wiseman shall rule even over the Stars, much more over the Earth, for were it not the part of a desperate Physician to wish his diseased Patient dead, rather than to apply the best endeavour of his skill, for his recovery. But since we are so far entered, let us, I pray you, a little devise of those evils, by which that country is held in this wretched case, that it cannot (as you say) be recured. And if it be not painful to you, tell us what things during your late continuance there, you observed to be most offensive, and greatest impeachment to the good rule and government thereof.  Iren. 
Surely Eudox. the evils which you desire to be recounted are very many, & almost countable with those which were hidden in the basket of Pandora. But since you please I will out of that infinite number, reckon but some that are most capital, & commonly occurrant both in the life & conditions of private men, as also in the managing of public affairs and policy, the which you shall understand to be of divers natures, as I observed them: For some of them are of very great antiquity and continuance; others more late and of less endurance; others daily growing and increasing continually by their evil occasions, which are every day offered.  Eudox. 
Tell them then, I pray you, in the same order that you have now rehearsed them, for there can be no better method than this which the very matter itself offereth. And when you have reckoned all the evils, let us hear your opinion for the redressing of them: After which there will perhaps of itself appear some reasonable way to settle a sound and perfect rule of government, by shunning the former evils, and following the offered good. The which method we may learn of the wise Physicians, which first require that the malady be known throughly, and discovered: Afterwards to teach how to cure and redress it: And lastly do prescribe a diet with strait rule and orders to be daily observed, for fear of relapse into the former disease, or falling into some other more dangerous than it.  Iren: 
I will then according to your advisement begin to declare the evils, which seem to me, most hurtful to the commonweal of that land; And first those (I say) which were most ancient and long grown. And they also are of three sorts: The first in the Laws, the second in Customs, and the last in Religion.  Eudox. 
Why Irenaus can there be any evil in the laws, can things which are ordained for the good and safety of all, turn to the evil and hurt of them? This well I wore both in that State, and in all other, that were they not contained in duty with fear of law, which restraineth offences, and inflicteth sharp punishment to misdoers, no man should enjoy any thing; every man's hand would be against an other. Therefore in finding fault with the Laws, I doubt me, you shall much overshoote yourself, and make me the more dislike your other dislikes of that government.  Iren. 
The Laws Eudox. I do not blame for themselves, knowing right well that all Laws are ordained for the good of the commonweal, and for repressing of licentiousness and vice, but it falleth out in Laws, no otherwise than it doth in Physic, which was at first devised, and is yet daily meant, and ministered for the health of the Patient. But nevertheless we often see, that either thorough ignorance of the disease, or through unseasonableness of the time, or other accidents coming between, in stead of good, it worketh hurt, and out of one evil, throweth the Patient into many miseries. So the Laws were at first intended for the reformation of abuses, and peaceable continuance of the Subject; but are sithence either disannulled, or quite prevaricated through change and alteration of times, yet are they good still in themselves, but in that commonwealth which is ruled by them, they work not that good which they should, and sometimes also that evil which they would not.  Eudox. 
Whether do you mean this by the Common-Lawes of that Realm, or by the Statute Laws, and Acts of Parliaments.  Iren. 
Surely by them both: for even the Common law being that which William of Normandy brought in with his conquest, and laid upon the neck of England, though perhaps it fitted well with the state of England then being, and was readily obeyed through the power of the Commander, which had before subdued the people unto him, & made easy way to the settling of his will, yet with the state of Ireland peradventure it doth not so well agree, being a people very stubborn and untamed, or if it were ever tamed, yet now lately having quite shooken off their yoke, & broken the bonds of their obedience. For England (before the entrance of the Conqueror) was a peaceable Kingdom, and but lately enured to the mild and goodly government of Edward surnamed the Confessor, besides now lately grown into a loathing and detestation of the unjust and tyrannous rule of Harold an usurper, which made them the more willing to accept of any reasonable conditions, & order of the new victor, thinking surely that it could be no worse than the latter, and hoping well it would be as good as the former, yet what the proof of first bringing in & establishing of those laws was, was to many full bitterly made known. But with Ireland it is far otherwise, for it is a Nation ever acquainted with wars, though but amongst themselves, & in their own kind of military discipline, trained up ever from their youths, which they have never yet been taught to lay aside, nor made to learn obedience unto Laws, scarcely to know the name of Law, but in stead thereof have always preserved and kept their own Law, which is the Brehon Law.  Eudox. 
What is that which you call the Brehon law, it is a word unto us altogether unknown?  Iren. 
It is a rule of right unwritten, but delivered by tradition from one to another, in which oftentimes there appeareth great show of equity, in determining the right between party and party, but in many things repugning quite both to God's Law, and man's: As for example in the case of murder, the Brehon, that is their judge, will compound between the murderer, and the friends of the party murdered which prosecute the action, that the malefactor shall give unto them, or to the child, or wife of him that is slain, a recompense, which they call an Eriach: By which vild law of theirs, many murders amongst them are made up, and smothered. And this judge being as he is called the Lords Brehon, adjudgeth for the most part, a better share unto his Lord, that is the Lord of the soil, or the head of that Sept, and also unto himself for his judgement a greater portion, then unto the Plaintiffs or parties grieved.  Eudox. 
This is a most wicked law indeed: But I trust it is not now used in Ireland, since the Kings of England have had the absolute dominion thereof, and established their own Laws there.  Iren. 
Yes truly, for there be many wide countries in Ireland which the laws of England were never established in, nor any acknowledgement of subjection made, & also even in those which are subdued; & seem to acknowledge subjection, yet the same Brehon law is practised among themselves, by reason, that dwelling as they do, whole nations and septs of the Irish together, without any Englishman amongst them, they may do what they list, and compound or altogether conceal amongst themselves their own crimes, of which no notice can be had, by them which would and might amend the same, by the rule of the Laws of England.  Eudox. 
What is this which you say? And is there any part of that Realm or any Nation therein, which have not yet been subdued to the Crown of England? Did not the whole Realm universally accept and acknowledge our late Prince of famous memory Henry the Viiith for their only King and Liege Lord?  Iren. 
Yes verily: in a Parliament holden in the time of Sir Anthony Saint-Leger then Lord Deputy, all the Irish Lords and principal men came in, and being by fair means wrought thereunto, acknowledged King Henry for their Sovereign Lord, reserving yet (as some say) unto themselves all their own former privileges and Seignories inviolate.  Eudox. 
Then by that acceptance of his Sovereignty they also accepted of his laws. Why then should any other laws be now used amongst them?  Iren. 
True it is that thereby they bound themselves to his laws & obedience, and in case it had been followed upon them, as it should have been, and a government thereupon settled among them agreeable thereunto, they should have been reduced to perpetual civility, and contained in continual duty. But what boots it to break a Colt, and to let him strait run loose at random. So were these people at first well handled, and wisely brought to acknowledge allegiance to the Kings of England: but being strait left unto themselves and their own inordinate life and manners, they eftsoons forgot what before they were taught, and so soon as they were out of sight, by themselves shook off their bridles, and began to colt anew, more licentiously than before.  Eudox. 
It is a great pity, that so good an opportunity was omitted, and so happy an occasion foreslacked, that might have been the eternal good of the Land. But do they not still acknowledge that submission?  Iren. 
No, they do not: for now the heirs and posterity of them which yielded the same, are (as they say) either ignorant thereof, or do wilfully deny, or steadfastly disavow it.  Eudox. 
How can they so do justly? Doth not the act of the Parent in any lawful grant or conveyance, bind their heirs for ever thereunto? Sith then the Ancestors of those that now live, yielded themselves then subjects and Liegemen, shall it not tie their Children to the same subjection?  Iren. 
They say no: for their Ancestors had no estate in any their Lands, Signories, or Hereditaments, longer than during their own lives, as they allege, for all the Irish do hold their Land by tanistry; which is (say they) no more but a personal estate for his life time, that is, Tanist, by reason that he is admitted thereunto by election of the Country.  Eudox. 
What is this which you call Tanist and Tanistry? They be names and terms never heard of nor known to us.  Iren. 
It is a custom amongst all the Irish, that presently after the death of any of their chief Lords or Captains, they do presently assemble themselves to a place generally appointed & known unto them to choose another in his steed, where they do nominate and elect for the most part, not the eldest son, nor any of the children of the Lord deceased, but the next to him of blood, that is the eldest & worthiest, as commonly the next brother unto him if he have any, or the next cousin, or so forth, as any is elder in that kindred or sept, and then next to him do they choose the next of the blood to be Tanist, who shall next succeed him in the said Captainry, if he live thereunto.  Eudox. 
Do they not use any ceremony in this election? for all barbarous nations are commonly great observers of ceremonies and superstitious rites.  Iren. 
They use to place him that shallbe their Captain, upon a stone always reserved for that purpose, & placed commonly upon a hill. In some of which I have seen form & engraven a foot, which they say was the measure of their first Captain's foot, whereon he standing, receive an oath to preserve all the ancient former customs of the Country inviolable, and to deliver up the succession peaceably to his Tanist, and then hath a wand delivered unto him by some whose proper office that is: after which, descending from the stone, he turneth himself round, thrice forward, & thrice backward.  Eudox. 
But how is the Tanist chosen?  Iren. 
They say he setteth but one foot upon the stone, and receiveth the like oath that the Captain did.  Eudox. 
Have you ever heard what was the occasion and first beginning of this custom? for it is good to know the same, and may perhaps discover some secret meaning and intent therein, very material to the state of that government.  Iren. 
I have heard that the beginning & cause of this ordinance amongst the Irish, was specially for the defence and maintenance of their Lands in their posterity, and for excluding all innovation or alienation thereof unto strangers, and specially to the English. For when their Captain dieth, if the Signiory should descend to his child, & he perhaps an Infant, another peradventure step in between, or thrust him out by strong hand, being then unable to defend his right, or to withstand the force of a foreigner, and therefore they do appoint the eldest of the kin to have the Signiory, for that he commonly is a man of stronger years, and better experience to maintain the inheritance, and to defend the Country, either against the next bordering Lords, which use commonly to encroach one upon another, as each one is stronger, or against the English, which they think lie still in wait to wipe them out of their Lands and Territoryes. And to this end the Tanist is always ready known, if it should happen the Captain suddenly to dye, or to be slain in battle, or to be out of the Country, to defend and keep it from all such doubts and dangers. For which cause the Tanist hath also a share of the Country allotted unto him, and certain cuttings and spend upon all the inhabitants under the Lord.  Eudox. 
When I heard this word Tanist, it bringeth to my remembrance what I have read of Tania, that it should signify a Province or Signiory, as Aquitania, Lusitania, and Britania, the which some think to be derived of Dania, that is, from the Danes, but, I think, amiss. But sure it seemeth, that it came anciently from those barbarous nations that overranne the world, which possessed those Dominions, whereof they are now so called. And so it may well be that from thence the first original of this word Tanist and Tanistry came, and the custom thereof hath sithence, as many others else, been continued, But to that general subjection of the Land, whereof we formerly spoke, me seems that this custom or tenure can be no bar nor impeachment, seeing that in open Parliament by their said acknowledgement they waved the benefit thereof, and submitted themselves to the benefit of their new Sovereign.  Iren. 
Yea but they say as I erst told you, that they reserved their titles, tenors and Signories whole and sound to themselves, and for proof allege, that they have ever sithence remained to them untouched, so as now to alter them, should (say they) be a great wrong.  Eudox. 
What remedy is there then, or means to avoid this inconvenience? for without first cutting of this dangerous custom, it seemeth hard to plant any sound ordnance, or reduce them to a civil government, since all their ill customs are permitted unto them.  Iren. 
Surely nothing hard: for by this Act of Parliament whereof we speak, nothing was given to K. Henry which he had not before from his Ancestors, but only the bare name of a King, for all other absolute power of principality he had in himself before derived from many former Kings, his famous progenitors and worthy Conquerors of that Land. The which sithence they first conquered and by force subdued unto them, what needed afterwards to enter into any such idle terms with them to be called their King, when it is in the power of the Conqueror to take upon himself what title he will, over his Dominions conquered. For all is the Conquerors, as Tully to Brutus' faith. Therefore (me seems) instead of so great and meritorious a service as they boast they performed to the King, in bringing all the Irish to acknowledge him for their Liege, they did great hurt unto his Title, and have left a perpetual gall in the mind of the people, who before being absolutely bound to his obedience, are now tied but with terms, whereas else both their lives, their lands, and their liberties were in his free power to appoint what tenors, what laws, what conditions he would over them, which were all his: against which there could be no rightful resistance, or if there were, he might when he would establish them with a stronger hand.  Eudox. 
Yea but perhaps it seemed better unto that noble King to bring them by their own accord to his obedience, and to plant a peaceable government amongst them, then by such violent means to pluck them under. Neither yet hath he thereby lost any thing that he formerly had, for having all before absolutely in his own power, it remaineth so still unto him, he having thereby neither forgiven, nor forgone any thing thereby unto them, but having received something from them, that is a more voluntary and loyal subjection. So as her Majesty may yet when it shall please her, alter any thing of those former ordinances, or appoint other laws, that may be more both for her own behoof, and for the good of that people.  Iren. 
Not so: for it is not so easy, now that things are grown unto an habit, and have their certain course to change the channel, & turn their streams another way; for they may have now a colourable pretence to withstand such innovations, having accepted of other laws and rules already.  Eudox. 
But you say they do not accept of them, but delight rather to lean to their old customs & Brehon laws, though they be more unjust and also more inconvenient for the common people, as by your late relation of them I have gathered. As for the laws of England they are surely most just and most agreeable, both with the government and with the nature of the people. How falls it then that you seem to dislike of them, as not so meet for that Realm of Ireland, and not only the Common Law, but also the Statutes and Acts of Parliament, which were specially provided and intended for the only benefit thereof?  Iren. 
I was about to have told you my reason therein, but that yourself drew me away with other questions, for I was showing you by what means, and by what sort, the Positive Laws, were first brought in and established by the Norman Conqueror: which were not by him devised nor applied unto the state of the Realm then being, nor as yet might best be (as should by Lawgivers principally be regarded) but were indeed the very Laws of his own Country of Normandy. The condition whereof, how far it differeth from this of England, is apparent to every least judgement. But to transfer the same laws for the governing of the Realm of Ireland, was much more inconvenient and unmeete, for he found a better advantage of the time, then was in the planting of them in Ireland, and followed th'execution of them with more severity, and was also present in person to overlook the Magistrates, and to over awe these subjects with the terror of his Sword, and countenance of his Majesty. But not so in Ireland, for they were otherwise affected, and yet do so remain, so as the same Laws (me seems) can ill fit with their disposition, or work that reformation that is wished. For Laws ought to be fashioned unto the manners & conditions of the people, to whom they are meant, and not to be imposed upon them according to the simple rule of right, for then (as I said) in stead of good they may work ill, and pervert justice to extreme injustice. For he that transfers the Laws of the Lacedæmonians to the people of Athens, should find a great absurdity and inconvenience. For those Laws of Lacedaemon were devised by Lycurgus as most proper and best agreeing with that people, whom he knew to be inclined altogether to wars, and therefore wholly trained them up even from their Cradles in arms and military exercises, clean contrary to the institution of Solon, who in his Laws to the Athenians laboured by all means to temper their warlike courages with sweet delights of learning and sciences, so that as much as the one excelled in arms, the other exceeded in knowledge. The like regard & moderation ought to be had in tempering and managing of this stubborn nation of the Irish to bring them from their delight of licentious barbarism unto the love of goodness and civility.  Eudox. 
I cannot see how that may better be then by the Discipline of the Laws of England: for the English were at first, as stout and warlike a people as ever the Irish, and yet you see are now brought unto that civility, that no nation in the world excelleth them in all goodly conversation, and all the studies of knowledge and humanity.  Iren. 
What they now be, both you and I see very well, but by how many thorny and hard ways they are come thereunto, by how many civil broils, by how many tumultuous rebellions, that even hazarded oftentimes the whole safety of the kingdom, may easily be considered: all which they nevertheless fairly overcame, by reason of the continual presence of their King, whose only person is oftentimes in stead of an Army, to contain the unruly people from a thousand evil occasions, which this wretched kingdom for want thereof is daily carried into. The which whensoever they make head, no laws, no penalties, can restrain, but that they do in the violence of that fury, tread down and trample under foot all both divine and humane things, and the laws themselves they do specially rage at, and rend in pieces, as most repugnant to their liberty and natural freedom, which in their madness they affect.  Eudox. 
It is then a very unseasonable time to plead law, when Swords are in the hands of the vulgar, or to think to retain them with fear of punishments, when they look after liberty, and shake off all government.  Iren. 
Then so it is with Ireland continually, Eudoxus; for the sword was never yet out of their hand, but when they are weary of wars and brought down to extreme wretchedness, than they creep a little perhaps and sue for grace, till they have gotten new breath and recovered their strength again. So as it is in vain to speak of planting laws, and plotting policy, till they be altogether subdued.  Eudox. 
Were they not so at the first conquering of them by Strongbowe in the time of King Henry the second? was there not a thorough way then made by the sword, for the imposing of the laws upon them? and were they not then executed with such a mighty hand as you said was used by the Norman Conqueror? What odds is there then in this case? why should not the same laws take as good effect in that people as they did here, being in like sort prepared by the sword, and brought under by extremity? and why should they not continue in as good force and vigour for the containing of the people?  Iren. 
The case yet is not like, but there appeareth great odds between them: for by the conquest of Henry the second, true it is that the Irish were utterly vanquished and subdued, so as no enemy was able to hold up head against his power, in which their weakness he brought in his laws, and settled them as now they there remain; Like as William the Conqueror did, so as in thus much they agree; but in the rest that is the chiefest, they vary: for to whom did King Henry the second impose those laws, not to the Irish, for the most part of them fled from his power, into deserts and mountains, leaving the wide country to the Conqueror: who in their stead eftsoons placed English men, who possessed all their lands and did quite shut out the Irish, or the most part of them. And to those new inhabitants and Colonies, he gave his laws, to wit the same laws, under which they were borne and bred, the which it was no difficulty to place amongst them, being formerly well enured thereunto, unto whom afterwards they repaired divers of the poor distressed people of the Irish, for succour and relief of whom, such as they thought fit for labour and industriously disposed, as the most part of their base sort are, they received unto them as their vassals, but scarcely vouchsafed to impart unto them the benefit of those laws under which themselves lived, but every one made his will and commandment a law unto his own vassal: Thus was not the Law of England ever properly applied unto the Irish Nation, as by a purposed plot of government, but as they could insinuate and steal themselves under the same, by their humble carriage and submission.  Eudox. 
How comes it then to pass, that having been once so low brought, and thoroughly subjected, they afterwards lifted up themselves so strongly again, and sithence do stand so stiffly against all rule and government?  Iren. 
They say that they continued in that lowliness, until the time that the division between the two houses of Lancaster and York arose for the Crown of England: at which time all the great English Lords and Gentlemen which had great possessions in Ireland, repaired over hither into England, some to succour their Friends here, and to strengthen their party for to obtain the Crown, others to defend their lands and possessions here against such as hovered after the same upon hope of the alteration of the kingdom and success of that side which they favoured and affected. Then the Irish whom before they had banished into the mountains, where they lived only upon whitt meats, as it is recorded, seeing now their lands so dispeopled, and weakened, came down into all the plains adjoining, and thence expelling those few English that remained, repossessed them again, since which they have remained in them, and growing greater, have brought under them many of the English, which were before their Lords. This was one of the occasions by which all those Countries, which lying near unto any Mountains, or Irish deserts, had been planted with English, were shortly displanted and lost. As namely in Monster all the lands adjoining unto Slewlogher, Arlo, and the bog of Allon. In Connaght all the Countries bordering upon the Curlues, Mointerolis, and Orourkes' Country. In Leinster all the lands bordering unto the Mountains of Glanmalour, unto Shillelah, unto the Brackenah, and Polmonte. In Ulster all the Countries near unto Tirconnel, Tyrone, and the Scots.  Eudox. 
Surely this was a great violence: but yet by your speech it seemeth that only the Countries and valleys near adjoining unto those mountains and deserts, were thus recovered by the Irish: but how comes it now that we see almost all that Realm repossessed of them? was there any more such evil occasions growing by the troubles of England. Or did the Irish out of those places so by them gotten break further and stretch themselves out through the whole land: for now, for aught that I can understand, there is no part but the bare English Pale, in which the Irish have not the greatest footing.  Iren. 
But out of these small beginnings by them gotten near to the mountains, did they spread themselves into the Inland, and also to their further advantage, there did other like unhappy accidents happen out of England; which gave heart and good opportunity to them to regain their old possessions: For in the reign of King Edward the fourth, things remained yet in the same state that they were after the late breaking out of the Irish, which I spoke of; and that noble Prince began to cast an Eye unto Ireland, and to mind the reformation of things there run amiss: for he sent over his brother the worthy Duke of Clarence, who having married the heir of the Earl of Ulster, and by her having all the Earldom of Ulster, and much in Meath and in Monster, very carefully went about the redressing of all those late evils, and though he could not beat out the Irish again, by reason of his short continuance, yet he did shut them up within those narrow corners and glynnes under the mountain's foot, in which they lurked, and so kept them from breaking any further, by building strong holds upon every border, and fortifying all passages. Amongst the which he repaired the Castle of Clare in Thomond, of which Country he had the inheritance, and of Mortimer's lands adjoining, which is now (by the Irish) called Killaloe. But the times of that good King growing also troublesome, did let the thorough reformation of all things. And thereunto soon after was added another fatal mischief, which wrought a greater calamity than all the former. For the said Duke of Clarence then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, was by practice of evil persons, about the King his brother, called thence away: and soon after by sinister means was clean made away. Presently after whose death, all the North revolting, did set up Oneale for their Captain, being before that of small power and regard: and there arose in that part of Thomond, one of the O-Briens, called Murrogh en-Ranagh, that is, Morris of the Ferne or wast wild places, who gathering unto him all the relics of the discontented Irish, eftsoons surprised the said Castle of Clare, burnt, and spoilt all the English there dwelling, and in short space possessed all that country beyond the River of Shanan and near adjoining: Whence shortly breaking forth like a sudden tempest he overran all Monster and Connaght; breaking down all the holds and fortresses of the English, defacing and utterly subverting all corporate Towns, that were not strongly walled: for those, he had no means nor Engines to overthrow, neither indeed would he stay at all about them, but speedily ran forward, counting his suddenness his most advantage, that he might overtake the English before they could fortify or gather themselves together. So in short space he clean wiped out many great Towns, as first Inchequin, than Killalow, before called Clariford, also Thurles, Mourn, Buttevant, and many others, whose names I cannot remember, and of some of which there is now no memory nor sign remaining. Upon report whereof there flocked unto him all the scum of the Irish out of all places, that ere long he had a mighty Army, and thence marched forth into Leinster, where he wrought great outrages, wasting all the Country where he went; for it was his policy to leave no hold behind him, but to make all plain and waste. In the which he soon after created himself King, and was called King of all Ireland, which before him I do not read that any did so generally, but only Edward le Bruce.  Eudox. 
What? was there ever any general King of all Ireland? I never heard it before, but that it was always (whilst it was under the Irish) divided into four, and sometimes into five kingdoms or dominions. But this Edward le Bruce what was he, that could make himself King of all Ireland?  Iren. 
I would tell you in case you would not challenge me anon for forgetting the matter which I had in hand, that is, the inconvenience and unfitness which I supposed to be in the laws of the Land.  Eudox. 
No surely, I have no cause, for neither is this impertinent thereunto; for sithence you did set your course (as I remember in your first part) to treat of the evils which hindered the peace and good ordering of that Land, amongst which, that of the inconvenience in the laws, was the first which you had in hand, this discourse of the overrunning & wasting of the Realm, is very material thereunto, for that it was the beginning of all the other evils, which sithence have afflicted that land, & opened a way unto the Irish to recover their possession, & to beat out the English which had formerly won the same. And besides, it will give a great light both unto the second and third part, which is the redressing of those evils, & planting of some good form or policy therein, by renewing the remembrance of these occasions & accidents, by which those ruins happened, & laying before us the ensamples of those times, to be compared to ours, & to be warned by those which shall have to do in the like. Therefore I pray you tell them unto us, and as for the point where you left, I will not forget afterwards to call you back again thereunto.  Iren. 
This Edw. le Bruce was brother of Robert le Bruce, who was King of Scotland, at such time as K. Edward the second reigned here in England, and bore a most malicious and spiteful mind against K. Edward, doing him all the scathe that he could, and annoying his Territoryes of England, whilst he was troubled with civil wars of his Barons at home. He also to work him the more mischief, sent over his said brother Edward with a power of Scots and Redshanks into Ireland, where by the means of the Lacies, and of the Irish, with whom they combined, they gave footing, and gathering unto him all the scatterlings and outlaws out of all the woods and mountains, in which they long had lurked, marched forth into the English pale, which then was chiefly in the North from the point of Donluce and beyond unto Dublin: Having in the midst of her Knockfergus, Belfast, Armagh, and Carlingford, which are now the most out-bounds and abandoned places in the English Pale, and indeed not counted of the English Pale at all: for it stretcheth now no further than Dundalke towards the North. There the said Edward le Bruce spoilt and burnt all the old English Pale Inhabitants, and sacked and razed all Cities and Corporate Towns, no less than Murrough en Ranagh, of whom I erst told you: For he wasted Belfast, Greene-Castle, Kelles, Bellturbut, Castletowne, Newton, and many other very good Towns and strong holds, he rooted out the noble Families of the Audlies, Talbotts, Tuchets, Chamberlains, Maundevills, and the Savages out of Ardes, though of the Lo: Savage there remaineth yet an heir, that is now a poor Gentleman of very mean condition, yet dwelling in the Ardes. And coming lastly to Dundalke, he there made himself King, and reigned the space of one whole year, until that Edward King of England having set some quiet in his affairs at home, sent over the Lord john Birmingham to be General of the Wars against him, who incountering him near to Dundalke, overthrew his Army, and slew him. Also he presently followed the victory so hotly upon the Scots, that he suffered them not to breathe, or gather themselves together again, until they came to the Sea-coast. Notwithstanding all the way that they fled, for very rancour and despite, in their return they utterly consumed and wasted whatsoever they had before left unspoyled, so as of all Towns, Castles, Forts, Bridges, and Habitations, they left not any stick standing, nor any people remaining, for those few which yet survived, fled from their fury further into the English Pale that now is. Thus was all that goodly country utterly wasted. And sure it is yet a most beautiful and sweet Country as any is under Heaven, being stored throughout with many goodly Rivers, replenished with all sorts of Fish most abundantly, sprinkled with many very sweet Lands and goodly Lakes, like little inland Seas, that will carry even ships upon their waters, adorned with goodly woods even fit for building of houses & ships, so commodiously, as that if some Princes in the world had them, they would soon hope to be Lords of all the Seas, and ere long of all the world: also full of very good Ports and Havens opening upon England, as inviting us to come unto them, to see what excellent commodities that Country can afford, besides the soil itself most fertile, fit to yield all kind of fruit that shall be committed thereunto. And lastly, the Heavens most mild and temperate, though somewhat more moist than the parts towards the West.  Eudox. 
Truly Iren. what with your praises of the country, and what with your discourse of the lamentable desolation thereof, made by those Scots, you have filled me with a great compassion of their calamities, that I do much pity that sweet Land, to be subject to so many evils as I see more and more to be laid upon her, and do half begin to think, that it is (as you said at the beginning) her fatal misfortune above all other Countries that I know, to be thus miserably tossed and turmoiled with these variable storms of affliction. But since we are thus far entered into the consideration of her mishaps, tell me, have there been any more such tempests as you term them, wherein she hath thus wretchedly been wracked?  Iren. 
Many more God wot, have there been, in which principal parts have been rend and torn asunder, but none (as I can remember) so universal as this. And yet the rebellion of Thomas fitz Garret did well-nye stretch itself into all parts of Ireland. But that which was in the time of the government of the Lord Grey, was surely no less general than all those, for there was no part free from the contagion, but all conspired in one, to cast off their subjection to the Crown of England. Nevertheless through the most wise and valiant handling of that right noble Lord, it got not the head which the former evils found; for in them the Realm was left like a ship in a storm, amidst all the raging surges, unruled, and undirected of any: for they to whom she was committed, either fainted in their labour, or forsook their charge. But he (like a most wise Pilot,) kept her course carefully, and held her most strongly even against those roaring billows, that he safely brought her out of all; so as long after, even by the space of 12. or 13. whole years, she road at peace, through his only pains and excellent endurance, how ever envy list to blatter against him. But of this we shall have more occasion to speak in another place. Now (if you please) let us return again unto our first course.  Eudox. 
Truly I am very glad to hear your judgement of the government of that honourable man so sound, for I have heard it oftentimes maligned, and his doings depraved of some, who (I perceive) did rather of malicious mind, or private grievance, seek to detract from the honour of his deeds and Counsels, then of any just cause, but he was nevertheless in the judgements of all good and wise men, defended and maintained. And now that he is dead, his immortal fame surviveth, and flourisheth in the mouths of all people, that even those which did backbite him, are checked with their own venom, and break their galls to hear his so honourable report. But let him rest in peace, and turn we to our more troublesome matters of discourse, of which I am right sorry that you make so short an end, and covet to pass over to your former purposes, for there be many other parts of Ireland, which I have heard have been no less vexed with the like storms, than these which you have treated of, as the Countries of the Birneses & Tooleses near Dublin, with the insolent outrages and spoils of Feagh mac Hugh, the Countries of Catherlagh, Wexford, and Waterford, by the Cavenaghes. The Countries of Leix, Kilkenny, and Kildare by the O Moores. The Countries of Ofaly and Longford by the Connors. The Countries of Westmeath, Cavan, and Lowth, by the O Relies, the Kellyes, and many others, so as the discoursing of them, besides the pleasure which would redound out of their History, be also very profitable for matters of policy.  Iren. 
All this which you have named, and many more besides, often times have I right well known, and yet often do kindle great fires of tumultuous broils in the Country's bordering upon them. All which to rehearse, should rather be to Chronicle times, then to search into reformation of abuses in that Realm, and yet very needful it will be to consider them, and the evils which they have often stirred up, that some redress thereof, and prevention of the evils to come, may thereby rather be devised. But I suppose we shall have a fitter opportunity for the same, when we shall speak of the particular abuses, and enormities of the government, which will be next after these general defects and inconveniences which I said were in the Laws, Customs, and Religion.  Eudox. 
Go to them a God's name, and follow the course which you have promised to yourself, for it fitteth best, I must confess with the purpose of our discourse. Declare your opinion as you began about the Laws of the Realm, what incommodity you have conceived to be in them, chiefly in the common Law, which I would have thought most free from all such dislike.  Iren. 
The Common Law is (as I said before) of itself most rightful and very convenient (I suppose) for the Kingdom, for which it was first devised: for this (I think) as it seems reasonable, that out of your manners of your people, and abuses of your Country, for which they were invented, they take their first beginning, or else they should be most unjust; for no Laws of man (according to the strait rule of right) are just, but as in regard of the evils which they prevent, and the safety of the Commonweal which they provide for. As for example, in your true balancing of justice, it is a flat wrong to punish the thought or purpose of any before it be enacted, for true justice punisheth nothing but the evil act or wicked word, that by the Laws of all Kingdoms it is a capital crime to devise or purpose the death of your King: The reason is, for that when such a purpose is effected, it should then be too late to devise thereof, and should turn the Commonwealth to more loss by the death of their Prince, than such punishment of the malefactors. And therefore the Law in that case punisheth the thought, for better is a mischief, than an inconvenience. So that Ius politicum, though it be not of itself just, yet by application, or rather necessity it is made just, and this only respect maketh all Laws just. Now then, if these Laws of Ireland be not likewise applied and fitted for that Realm, they are sure very inconvenient.  Eudox. 
You reason strongly: but what unfitness do you find in them for that Realm, show us some particulars.  Iren. 
The Common Law appointeth, that all trials, as well of Crimes, as Titles and Rights, shall be made by verdict of a jury, chosen out of the honest and most substantial Freeholders'▪ Now, most of the Freeholders' of that Realm, are Irish, which when the cause shall fall betwixt an Englishman and an Irish, or between the Queen, and any Free-houlder of that Country, they make no more scruple to pass against an Englishman, and the Queen, though it be to strain their oaths, then to drink milk unstrayned. So that before the jury go together, it is all to nothing what the verdict shall be. The trial have I so often seen, that I dare confidently avouch the abuse thereof. Yet is the Law of itself, (as I said) good, and the first institution thereof being given to all Englishmen very rightfully, but now that the Irish have stepped into the very rooms of your English, we are now to become heedful and provident in juryes.  Eudox. 
In sooth Iren. you have discoversed a point worthy the consideration; for hereby not only the English subject findeth no indifferency in deciding of his cause, be it never so just; but the Queen aswell in all pleas of the Crown, as also in inquiries for Escheates, Lands attainted, Wardshipps, Concealments, and all such like, is abused and exceedingly dammaged.  Iren. 
You say very true; for I dare undertake, that at this day there are more attainted Lands, concealed from her Majesty, than she hath now possessions in all Ireland, and it is no small inconvenience: for besides that, she looseth so much Land as should turn to her great profit, she besides looseth so many good subjects, which might be assured unto her, as those Lands would yield Inhabitants and living unto.  Eudox. 
But doth many of that people (say you) make no more conscience to perjure themselves in their verdicts, and damn their souls?  Iren. 
Not only so in their verdicts, but also in all other their dealings: especially with the English they are most wilfully bend: for though they will not seem manifestly to do it, yet will some one or other subtle-headed fellow amongst them, put some quirk, or devise some evasion, whereof the rest will likely take hold, and suffer themselves easily to be led by him to that themselves desired. For in the most apparent matter that may be, the least question or doubt that may be moved, will make a stop unto them, and put them quite out of the way. Besides, that of themselves (for the most part) they are so cautelous and wylie-headed, especially being men of so small experience, and practice in law matters, that you would wonder whence they borrow such subtiltyes and sly shifts.  Eudox. 
But me thinks this inconvenience might be much helped in the judges and chief Magistrates which have the choosing and nominating of those jurors, if they would have dared to appoint either most Englishmen, and such Irishmen as were of the soundest judgement and disposition; for no doubt but some there be incorruptible.  Iren. 
Some there be indeed as you say, but then would the Irish party cry out of partiality, and complain he hath no justice, he is not used as a subject, he is not suffered to have the free benefit of the Law, and these outcries the Magistrates there do much shun, as they have cause, since they are readily harkened unto here, neither can it be indeed, although the Irish party would be so contented to be so compassed, that such English freehoulders which are but few, and such faithful Irishmen, which are indeed as few, shall always be chosen for trials, for being so few, they should be made weary of their free-houldes. And therefore a good care is to be had by all good occasions, to increase their number, and to plant more by them. But were it so, that the jurors could be picked out of such choice men as you desire, this would nevertheless be as bad a corruption in the trial, for the evidence being brought in by the base Irish people, will be as deceitful as the verdict, for they care much less than the others, what they swear, and sure their Lords may compel them to say any thing, for I myself have heard, when one of the base sort (which they call Churls) being challenged and reproved for his false oath, hath answered confidently, that his Lord commanded him, and it was the least thing that he could do for his Lord, to swear for him; so inconscionable are these common people, and so little feeling have they of God, or their own souls good.  Eudox. 
It is a most miserable case, but what help can there then be in this? for though the manner of the trials should be altered, yet the proof of every thing must needs be by the testimony of such persons as the parties shall produce, which if they shall be corrupt, how can there ever any light of the truth appear, what remedy is there for this evil, but to make heavy Laws and Penalties against jurors.  Iren. 
I think sure that will do small good, for when a people be inclined to any vice, or have no touch of Conscience, nor sense of their evil doings; it is bootless to think to restrain them by any penalties or fear of punishment, but either the occasion is to be taken away, or a more understanding of the right, and shame of the fault to be imprinted. For if that Lycurgus should have made it death for the Lacedæmonians to steal, they being a people which naturally delighted in stealth, or if it should be made a capital crime, for the Flemings to be taken in drunkenness, there should have been few Lacedæmonians then left, and few Flemings now. So impossible it is, to remove any fault so general in a people, with terror of laws or most sharp restraints.  Eudox. 
What means may there be then to avoid this inconvenience, for the case seems very hard?  Iren. 
We are not yet come to the point to devise remedies for the evils, but only have now to recount them, of the which, this which I have told you is one defect in the Common Law.  Eudox. 
Tell us then (I pray you) further, have you any more of this sort in the Common Law?  Iren. 
By rehearsal of this, I remember also of an other like, which I have often observed in trials, to have wrought great hurt and hindrance, and that is the exceptions which the common law alloweth a Felon in his trial, for he may have (as you know) 56. exceptions peremptory against the jurors, of which he shall show no cause. By which shift there being (as I have showed you) so small store of honest jurymen, he will either put off his trial, or drive it to such men as (perhaps) are not of the soundest sort, by whose means, if he can acquit himself of the crime, as he is likely, then will he plague such as were brought first to be of his jury, and all such as made any party against him. And when he comes forth, he will make their Cows and Garrons to walk, if he do no other harm to their persons.  Eudox. 
This is a sly devise, but I think might soon be remedied, but we must leave it a while to the rest. In the meanwhile do you go forwards with others.  Iren. 
There is an other no less inconvenience than this, which is, the trial of accessaries to felony, for by the common Law, the accessaries cannot be proceeded against, till the principal have received his trial. Now to the case, how it often falleth out in Ireland, that a stealth being made by a rebel, or an outlaw, the stolen goods are conveyed to some husbandman or Gentleman, which hath well to take to, and yet liveth most by the receipt of such stealths, where they are found by the owner, and handled: whereupon the party is perhaps apprehended and committed to Goal, or put upon sureties, till the Sessions, at which time the owner preferring a bill of Indictment, proveth sufficiently the stealth to have been committed upon him, by such an Outlaw, and to have been found in the possession of the prisoner, against whom, nevertheless, no course of law can proceed, nor trial can be had, for that the principal Thief is not to be gotten, notwithstanding that he likewise, standing perhaps indicted at once, with the Receiver, being in rebellion, or in the woods: where peradventure he is slain before he can be gotten, and so the Receiver clean acquitted and discharged of the crime. By which means the Thiefs are greatly encouraged to steal, and their maintainers emboldened to receive their stealths, knowing how hardly they can be brought to any trial of Law.  Eudox. 
Truly this is a great inconvenience, and a great cause (as you say) of the maintenance of Thiefs, knowing their Receivers always ready, for were there no receivers, there would be no thiefs: but this (me seems) might easily be provided for, by some act of Parliament, that the receiver being convicted by good proofs might receive his trial without the principal.  Iren. 
You say very true Eudox. but that is almost impossible to be compassed: And herein also you discover another imperfection, in the course of the Common Law, and first ordinance of the Realm: for you know that the said Parliament must consist of the Peers, Gentlemen, Freeholders', and Burgesses of that Realm itself. Now these being perhaps themselves, or the most part of them (as may seem by their stiff with-standing of this Act) culpable of this crime, or favourers of their friends, which are such, by whom their Kitchens are sometimes amended, will not suffer any such Statute to pass. Yet hath it oftentimes been attempted, and in the time of Sir john Parrot very earnestly (I remember) laboured, but could by no means be effected. And not only this, but many other like, which are as needful for the reformation of that Realm.  Eudox. 
This also is surely a great defect, but we may not talk (you say) of the redressing of this, until our second part come, which is purposely appointed thereunto. Therefore proceed to the recounting of more such evils, if at least, you have any more.  Iren. 
There is also a great inconvenience, which hath wrought great damage, both to her Majesty, and to that common wealth, through close and colourable conveyances of the lands and goods of Traitors, Felons and Fugitives. As when one of them mindeth to go into rebellion, he will convey away all his lands and Lordships, to Feoffees in trust, whereby he reserveth to himself, but a state for term of life, which being determined either by the sword or by the halter, their lands strait cometh to their heir, and the Queen is defrauded of the intent of the Law, which laid that grievous punishment upon Traitors, to forfeit all their lands to the Prince, to the end that men might the rather be terrified from committing treasons, for many which would little esteem of their own lives, yet for remorse of their wives and children would be withheld from that heinous crime. This appeared plainly in the late Earl of Desmond. For before his breaking forth into open Rebellion, he had conveyed secretly all his lands to Feoffees of trust, in hope to have cut off her Majesty from the escheat of his Lands.  Eudox. 
Yea, but that was well enough avoided, for the Act of Parliament which gave all his lands to the Queen, did (as I have heard) cut off and frustrate all such conveyances, as had at any time by the space of twelve years before his rebellion, been made, within the compass whereof, the fraudulent Feoffement, and many the like of others his accomplices and fellow-traytors were contained.  Iren. 
Very true, but how hardly that Act of Parliament was wrought out of them, I can witness; and were it to be passed again, I dare undertake it would never be compassed. But were it also that such Acts might be easily brought to pass against Traitors and Felons, yet were it not an endless trouble, that no Traitor or Felon should be attainted, but a Parliament must be called for bringing of his Lands to the Queen, which the Common-Law giveth her.  Eudox. 
Then this is no fault of the Common Law, but of the persons which work this fraud to her Majesty.  Iren. 
Yes marry; for the Common-Law hath left them this benefit, whereof they make advantage, and wrest it to their bad purposes. So as thereby they are the bolder to enter into evil actions, knowing that if the worst befall them, they shall lose nothing but themselves, whereof they seem surely very careless.  Eudox. 
But what meant you of Fugitives herein? Or how doth this concern them?  Iren: 
Yes, very greatly, for you shall understand that there be many ill disposed and undutiful persons of that Realm, like as in this point there are also in this Realm of England too many, which being men of good inheritance, are for dislike of Religion, or danger of the law, into which they are run, or discontent of the present government, fled beyond the seas, where they live under Princes, which are her M ties professed enemies, & converse, & are confederate with other traitors & fugitives, which are there abiding. The which nevertheless have the benefits & profits of their lands here, by pretence of such colourable conveyances thereof, formerly made by them unto their privy Friends here in trust, who privily do send over unto them the said Revenues wherewith they are there maintained and enabled against her Majesty.  Eudox. 
I do not think that there be any such fugitives, which are relieved by the profit of their Lands in England, for there is a straighter order taken. And if there be any such in Ireland, it were good it were likewise looked unto, for this evil may easily be remedied. But proceed.  Iren. 
It is also inconvenient in the Realm of Ireland, that the Wards and Marriages of gentlemen's children should be in the disposition of any of those Irish Lords, as now they are, by reason that their Lands be held by Knight's service of those Lords. By which means it comes to pass that those Gentlemen being thus in the ward of those Lords, are not only thereby brought up lewdly, and Irish-like, but also for ever after so bound to their services, they will run with them into any disloyal action.  Eudox. 
This grievance Iren. is also complained of in England, but how can it be remedied? since the service must follow the tenure of the lands, and the lands were given away by the Kings of England to those Lords, when they first conquered that Realm, and to say troth, this also would be some prejudice to the Prince in her wardshipps.  Iren. 
I do not mean this by the Prince's wards, but by such as fall into the hands of Irish Lords, for I could wish, and this I could enforce that all those wardships were in the Prince's disposition, for than it might be hoped, that she for the universal reformation of that Realm, would take better order for bringing up those wards in good nurture, and not suffer them to come into so bad hands. And although these things be already passed away, by her progenitors former grants unto those said Lords; yet I could find a way to remedy a great part thereof, as hereafter, when fit time serves shall appear. And since we are entered into speech of such grants of former Princes, to sundry persons of this Realm of Ireland, I will mention unto you some other, of like nature to this, and of like inconvenience, by which the former Kings of England, passed unto them a great part of their prerogatives, which though then it was well intended, and perhaps well deserved of them which received the same, yet now such a gap of mischief lies open thereby, that I could wish it were well stopped. Of this sort are the grants of Counties palatines in Ireland, which though at first were granted upon good consideration when they were first conquered, for that those lands lay then as a very border to the wild Irish, subject to continual invasion, so as it was needful to give them great privileges for the defence of the Inhabitants thereof: yet now that it is no more a border, nor frontired with enemies, why should such privileges be any more continued?  Eudox. 
I would gladly know what you call a County palatine, and whence it so called.  Iren. 
It was (I suppose) first named palatine of a pale, as it were a pale and defence to their inward lands, so as it is called the English Pale, and therefore is a Palsgrave, named an Earl Palatine. Others think of the Latin, palare, that is to forage or outrun, because those marchers and borderers use commonly so to do. So as to have a county palatine is, in effect, to have a privilege to spoil the enemy's borders adjoining. And surely so it is used at this day, as a privileged place of spoils and stealths, for the county of Tipperary, which is now the only county palatine in Ireland, is by abuse of some bad ones, made a receptacle to rob the rest of the Counties about it, by means of whose privileges none will follow their stealths, so as it being situate in the very lap of all the land, is made now a border, which how inconvenient it is, let every man judge. And though that right noble man, that is the Lord of the liberty, do pain himself, all he may, to yield equal justice unto all, yet can there not but great abuses lurk in so inward and absolute a privilege, the consideration whereof is to be respected carefully, for the next succession. And much like unto this grant, there are other privileges granted unto most of the corporations there: that they shall not be bound to any other government than their own, that they shall not be charged with garrisons, that they shall not be travailed forth of their own franchises, that they may buy and sell with thiefs and rebels, that all amercements and fines that shall be imposed upon them, shall come unto themselves. All which, though at the time of their first grant they were tolerable, and perhaps reasonable, yet now, are most unreasonable and inconvenient, but all these will easily be cut off with the superior power of her Majesty's prerogative, against which her own grants are not to be pleaded or enforced.  Iren. 
Now truly Irenaeus you have (me seems) very well handled this point, touching inconveniences in the Common-Law there, by you observed; and it seemeth that you have had a mindful regard unto the things that may concern the good of that Realm. And if you can aswell go thorough with the Statute laws of that land. I will think you have not lost all your time there. Therefore I pray you, now take them in hand, and tell us, what you think to be amiss in them.  Iren. 
The Statutes of that Realm are not many, and therefore we shall the sooner run through them. And yet of those few there are impertinent and unnecessary: the which though perhaps a● the time of the making of them, were very needful, yet now through change of time are clean antiquated, and altogether idle: As that which forbiddeth any to wear their beards all on the upper lip, and none under the Chin. And that which putteth away saffron shirts and smocks. And that which restraineth the use of guilt bridles and petronels. And that which is appointed for the Recorders and Clerks of Dublin and Tredagh, to take but ij. d. for the copy of a plaint. And that which commands Bows and Arrows. And that which makes, that all Irishmen which shall converse among the English, shall be taken for spies, and so punished. And that which forbids persons amesnable to Law, to enter and distrain in the lands in which they have title, and many other the like, I could rehearse.  Eudox. 
These truly, which ye have repeated, seem very frivolous and fruitless, for by the breach of them, little damage or inconvenience, can come to the Commonwealth: Neither indeed, if any transgress them, shall he seem worthy of punishment, scarce of blame, saving but for that they abide by that name of Laws. But Laws ought to be such, as that the keeping of them, should be greatly for the behoof of the Commonweal, and the violating of them should be very heinous, and sharply punishable. But tell us of some more weighty dislikes in the Statutes than these, and that may more behoofefully import the reformation of them.  Iren. 
There is one or two Statutes which make the wrongful distraining of any man's goods against the form of Common Law, to be felony. The which Statutes seem surely to have been at first meant for the good of that Realm, and for restraining of a foul abuse, which then reigned commonly amongst that people, and yet is not altogether laid aside: That when any one was indebted to another, he would first demand his debt, and if he were not paid, he would strait go and take a distress of his goods or cattle, where he could find them, to the value; which he would keep till he were satisfied, and this the simple Churl (as they call him) doth commonly use to do, yet through ignorance of his misdoing, or evil use, that hath long settled amongst them. But this, though it be sure most unlawful, yet surely (me seems) too hard to make it death, since there is no purpose in the party to steal the others goods, or to conceal the distress, but doth it openly, for the most part, before witnesses. And again, the same Statutes are so slackly penned (besides the later of them is so unsensibly contryved, that it scarce carrieth any reason in it) that they are often and very easily wrested to the fraud of the Subject, as if one going to distrain upon his own land or Tenement, where lawfully he may, yet if in doing thereof he transgress the least point of the Common Law, he strait committeth felony. Or if one by any other occasion take any thing from another, as Boys use sometimes to cap one another, the same is strait felony. This is a very hard Law.  Eudox. 
Nevertheless that evil use of distraining of another man's goods ye will not deny, but it is to be abolished and taken away.  Iren. 
It is so, but not by taking away the subject withal, for that is too violent a medicine, specially this use being permitted, and made lawful to some, and to other some death. As to most of the corporate Towns there, it is granted by their Charter, that they may, every man by himself, without an Officer (for that were more tolerable) for any debt, to distrain the goods of any Irish, being found within their liberty, or but passing through their towns. And the first permission of this, was for that in those times when that grant was made, the Irish were not amesnable to Law, so as it was not safety for the Townsman to go to him forth to demand his debt, nor possible to draw him into Law, so that he had leave to be his own Bailiff, to arrest his said debtors goods, within his own franchese. The which the Irish seeing, thought it as lawful for them to distrain the Townesmans' goods in the Country, where they found it. And so by ensample of that grant to Townsmen, they thought it lawful, and made it a use to distrain on another's goods for small debts. And to say truth, me thinks it hard for every trifling debt, of 2. or 3. shil: to be driven to Law, which is so far from them sometimes to be sought, for which me thinketh it too heavy an ordinance to give death, especially to a rude man that is ignorant of law, and thinketh that a common use or grant to other men, is a law for himself.  Eudox. 
Yea, but the judge when it cometh before him to trial, may easily decide this doubt, and lay open the intent of the Law, by his better discretion.  Iren. 
Yea, but it is dangerous to leave the sense of the Law unto the reason or will of the judge, who are men and may be miscarried by affections, and many other means. But the Laws ought to be like stony Tables, plain, steadfast, and unmoveable. There is also such another Statute or two, which make Coigny and Livery to be treason, no less inconvenient than the former, being as it is penned, how ever the first purpose thereof were expedient, for thereby now no man can go into another man's house for lodging, nor to his own Tenant's house to take victual by the way, notwithstanding that there is no other means for him to have lodging, nor horse meat, nor man's meat, there being no Inns, nor none otherwise to be bought for money, but that he is endangered by that Statute for treason, whensoever he shall happen to fall out with his Tenant, or that his said host list to complain of grievance, as oftentimes I have seen them very maliciously do, through the least provocation.  Eudox. 
I do not well know, but by guess, what you do mean by these terms of Coigny and Livery, therefore I pray you explain them.  Iren. 
I know not whether the words be English or Irish, but I suppose them to be rather ancient English, for the Irish men can make no derivation of them. What Livery is, we by common use in England know well enough, namely, that it is allowance of horse-meat, as they commonly use the word in stabling, as to keep horses at Livery, the which word, I guess, is derived of livering or delivering forth their nightly food: So in great houses, the livery is said to be served up for all night, that is their evenings allowance for drink. And livery is also called, the upper weed which a serving man weareth, so called (as I suppose) for that it was delivered and taken from him at pleasure: So it is apparent, that by the word Livery, is there meant horse meat, like as by the word Coigny, is understood man's meat. But whence the word is derived is hard to tell: Some say of Coin, for that they used commonly in their Coignies, not only to take meat, but coin also: and that taking of money was specially meant to be prohibited by that Statute: but I think rather this word Coigny is derived of the Irish. The which is a common use amongst Land lords of the Irish, to have a common spending upon their Tenants: for all their Tenants, being commonly but Tenants at will, they use to take of them what victuals they list: For of victuals they were wont to make small reckoning: neither in this was the Tenant wronged, for it was an ordinary and known custom, and his Lord commonly used so to covenant with him, which if at any time the tenant disliked, he might freely depart at his pleasure. But now by this Statute, the said Irish Lord is wronged, for that he is cut off from his customary services, of the which this was one, besides many other of the like, as Cuddy, Coshery, Bonnaght, Shrah, Sorehin, and such others: the which (I think) were customs at first brought in by the English upon the Irish, for they were never wont, and yet are loath to yield any certain Rent, but only such spend: for their common saying is, Spend me and defend me.  Eudox. 
Surely I take it as you say, that therein the Irish Lord hath wrong, since it was an ancient custom, and nothing contrary to Law, for to the willing there is no wrong done. And this right well I wot, that even here in England, there are in many places as large customs, as that of Coignie and Livery. But I suppose by your speech, that it was the first meaning of the statute, to forbid the violent taking of victuals upon other men's Tenants against their wills, which surely is a great outrage, and yet not so great (me seems) as that it should be made treason: for considering that the nature of treason is concerning the Royal estate or Person of the Prince, or practising with his enemies, to the derogation and danger of his Crown and dignity, it is hardly wrested to make this treason. But (as you erst said) Better a mischief then an inconvenience.  Iren. 
Another Statute I remember, which having been an ancient Irish Custom, is now upon advisement made a Law, and that is called the Custom of Kin-cogish, which is, that every head of every Sept, and every chief of every kindred or family, should be answerable and bound to bring forth every one of that sept and kindred under it, at all times to be justified, when he should be required or charged with any treason, felony, or other heinous crime.  Eudox. 
Why? surely this seems a very necessary Law. For considering that many of them be such Losells and scatterlings, as that they cannot easily by any Sheriff, Constable, Bailiff, or other ordinary Officer be gotten, when they are challenged for any such fact, this is a very good means to get them to be brought in by him, that is the head of that sept, or chief of that house, wherefore I wonder what just exception you can make against the same.  Iren. 
Truly Eudoxus, in the pretence of the good of this Stature, you have nothing erred, for it seemeth very expedient and necessary, but the hurt which cometh thereby is greater than the good. For whilst every chief of a sept standeth so bound to the Law, for every man of his blood or sept that is under him, and he made great, by the commanding of them all. For if he may not command them, than that Law doth wrong, that bindeth him to bring them forth to be justified. And if he may command them, than he may command them aswell to ill as to good. Hereby the Lords and Captains of Countries, the principal and heads of septs are made stronger, whom it should be a most special care in policy to weaken, and to set up and strengthen divers of his underlings against him, which whensoever he shall offer to swarve from duty, may be able to beard him; for it is very dangerous to leave the command of so many as some septs are, being five or six thousand persons, to the will of one man, who may lead them to what he will, as he himself shall be inclined.  Eudox. 
In very deed Iren. it is very dangerous, seeing the disposition of those people is not always inclineable to the best. And therefore I hold it no wisdom to leave unto them too much command over their kindred, but rather to withdraw their followers from them as much as may be, and to gather them under the command of Law, by some better means than this custom of Kin-cogish. The which word I would be glad to know what it namely signifieth, for the meaning thereof I seem to understand reasonably well.  Iren. 
It is a word mingled of English and Irish together, so as I am partly led to think, that the custom thereof was first English, and afterwards made Irish: for such an other Law they had here in England, as I remember, made by King Alured, that every Gentleman should bring forth his kindred and followers to the Law. So Kin is English, and Congish Affinity in Irish.  Eudox. 
Sith than we that have thus reasonably handled the inconveniences in the Laws, let us now pass unto the second part, which was, I remember, of the abuses of customs; in which me seems, you have a fair champain laid open unto you, in which you may at large stretch out your discourse into many sweet remembrances of antiquities, from whence it seemeth that the customs of that nation proceeded.  Iren. 
Indeed Eudox. you say very true; for all the customs of the Irish which I have often noted and compared with that I have read, would minister occasion of a most ample discourse of the original of them, and the antiquity of that people, which in truth I think to be more ancient than most that I know in this end of the world, so as if it were in the handling of some man of sound judgement and plentiful reading, it would be most pleasant and profitable. But it may be we may at some other time of meeting, take occasion to treat thereof more at large. here only it shall suffice to touch such customs of the Irish as seem offensive and repugnant to the good government of that Realm.  Eudox. 
Follow then your own course, for I shall the better content myself to forbear my desire now, in hope that you will, as you say, some other time more abundantly satisfy it.  Iren. 
Before we enter into the treaty of their customs, it is first needful to consider from whence they first sprung▪ for from the sundry manners of the nations, from whence that people which now is called Irish, were derived, some of the customs which now remain amongst them, have been first fetched, and sithence there continued amongst them; for not of one nation was it peopled, as it is, but of sundry people of different conditions and manners. But the chiefest which have first possessed and inhabited it, I suppose to be Scythians.  Eudox. 
How cometh it then to pass, that the Irish do derive themselves from Gathelus the Spaniard?  Iren. 
They do indeed, but (I conceive) without any good ground. For if there were any such notable transmission of a Colony hither out of Spain, or any such famous conquest of this Kingdom by Gathelus a Spaniard, as they would fain believe, it is not unlikely, but that the very Chronicles of Spain, (had Spain then been in so high regard, as they now have it) would not have omitted so memorable a thing, as the subduing of so noble a Realm to the Spaniard, no more than they do now neglect to memorise their conquest of the Indians, specially in those times, in which the same was supposed, being nearer unto the flourishing age of learning and Writers under the Romans. But the Irish do herein no otherwise, than our vain Englishmen do in the Tale of Brutus, whom they devise to have first conquered and inhabited this Land, it being as impossible to prove, that there was ever any such Brutus of England, as it is, that there was any such Gathelus of Spain. But surely the Scythians (of whom I erst spoke) at such time as the Northern nations over-flowed all Christendom, came down to the sea-coast, where enquiring for other Countries abroad, & getting intelligence of this country of Ireland, finding shipping convenient, passed thither, and arrived in the North part thereof, which is now called Ulster, which first inhabiting, and afterwards stretching themselves forth into the Land, as their numbers increased, named it all of themselves Scuttenland, which more briefly is called Scutland, or Scotland.  Eudox. 
I wonder (Irenaeus) whether you run so far astray, for whilst we talk of Ireland, me thinks you rip up the original of Scotland, but what is that to this?  Iren. 
Surely very much, for Scotland and Ireland are all one and the same.  Eudox. 
That seemeth more strange; for we all know right well that they are distinguished with a great Sea running between them, or else there are two Scotland's.  Iren. 
Never the more are there two Scotland's, but two kinds of Scots were indeed (as you may gather out of Buchanan) the one Irin, or Irish Scots, the other Albin-Scots; for those Scots are Scythians, arrived (as I said) in the North parts of Ireland, where some of them after passed into the next coast of Albine, now called Scotland, which (after much trouble) they possessed, & of themselves named Scotland; but in process of time (as it is commonly seen) the dominion of the part prevaileth in the whole, for the Irish Scots putting away the name of Scots, were called only Irish, & the Albine Scots, leaving the name of Albine, were called only Scots. Therefore it cometh thence that of some writers, Ireland is called Scotia mayor, and that which now is called Scotland, Scotia minor.  Eudox. 
I do now well understand your distinguishing of the two sorts of Scots, & two Scotland's, how that this which now is called Ireland, was anciently called Erin, and afterwards of some written Scotland, & that which now is called Scotland, was formerly called Albin, before the coming of the Scytheses thither; but what other nation inhabited the other parts of Ireland?  Iren. 
After this people thus planted in the North (or before) for the certainty of times in things so far from all knowledge cannot be justly avouched) another nation coming out of Spain, arrived in the West part of Ireland, & finding it waste, or weakly inhabited, possessed it, who whether they were native Spaniards, or Gauls, or Africans, or Goths, or some other of those Northern nations which did overspread all Christendom, it is impossible to affirm, only some naked conjectures may be gathered, but that out of Spain certainly they came, that do all the Irish Chronicles agree.  Eudox. 
You do very boldly Iren. adventure upon the Histories of ancient times, and lean too confidently on those Irish Chronicles which are most fabulous and forged, in that out of them you dare take in hand to lay open the original of such a nation so antique, as that no monument remains of her beginning and first inhabiting, especially having been in those times without letters, but only bare traditions of times & remembrances of Bards, which use to forge and falsify every thing as they list, to please or displease any man.  Iren. 
Truly I must confess I do so, but yet not so absolutely as you suppose. I do herein rely upon those Bard●s or Irish Chroniclers, though the Irish themselves through their ignorance in matters of learning and deep judgement, do most constantly believe and avouch them, but unto them besides I add mine own reading, and out of them both together, with comparison of times, likewise of manners & customs, affinity of words and names, properties of natures, & uses, resemblances of rites & ceremonies, monuments of Churches and Tombs, and many other like circumstances, I do gather a likelihood of truth, not certainly affirming any thing, but by conferring of times, language, monuments, and such like, I do hunt out a probability of things, which I leave to your judgement to believe or refuse. Nevertheless there be some very ancient Authors that make mention of these things, and some modern, which by comparing them with present times, experience, and their own reason, do open a window of great light unto the rest that is yet unseen; as namely of the elder times, Caesar, Strabo, Tacitus, Ptolemy, Pliny, Pomponius Mela, and Berosus: of the later, Vincentius, Aeneas Silvius, Luidus, Buchanan, for that he himself being an Irish Scot or Pict by nation, and being very excellently learned and industrious to seek out the truth of all things concerning the original of his own people, hath both set down the testimony of the ancients truly, and his own opinion together withal very reasonably, though in some things he doth somewhat flatter. Besides the Bards and Irish Chroniclers themselves, though through desire of pleasing perhaps too much, and ignorances of Arts, and purer learning they have clauded the truth of those lines, yet there appears among them some relics of the true antiquity, though disguised, which a well eyed man may happily discover and find out.  Eudox. 
How can there be any truth in them at all, since the ancient nations which first inhabited Ireland, were altogether destitute of letters, much more of learning, by which they might leave the verity of things written. And those Bards coming also so many hundred years after, could not know what was done in former ages, nor deliver certainty of any thing, but what they feigned out of their unlearned heads.  Iren. 
Those Bards indeed, Caesar writeth, delivered no certain truth of any thing, neither is there any certain hold to be taken of any antiquity which is received by tradition, since all men be liars, & many lie when they will, yet for the antiquities of the written Chronicles of Ireland, give me leave to say something, not to justify them, but to show that some of them might say truth. For where you say the Irish have always been without letters, you are therein much deceived; for it is certain, that Ireland hath had the use of letters very anciently, and long before England.  Eudox. 
Is it possible? how comes it then that they are so unlearned still, being so old scholars? For learning (as the Poet saith) Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros: whence then (I pray you) could they have those letters?  Iren. 
It is hard to say, for whether they at their first coming into the Land, or afterwards by trading with other nations which had letters, learned them of them, or devised them amongst themselves, is very doubtful, but that they had letters anciently, is nothing doubtful, for the Saxons of England are said to have their letters, & learning, and learned men from the Irish, and that also appeareth by the likeness of the Character, for the Saxons Character is the same with the Irish. Now the Scythians, never, as I can read, of old had letters amongst them, therefore it seemeth that they had them from the nation which came out of Spain, for in Spain there was (as Strabo writeth) letter's anciently used, whether brought unto them by the Phoenicians, or the Persians, which (as it appeareth by him) had some footing there, or from Marseilles, which is said to have been inhabited by the greeks, & from them to have had the Greek Character, of which Marsilians it is said, that the Gauls learned them first, & used them only for the furtherance of their trades & private business, for the Gauls (as is strongly to be proved by many ancient & authentical writers) did first inhabit all the sea coast of Spain, even unto Cales, & the mouth of the straits, & peopled also a great part of Italy, which appeareth by sundry havens & cities in Spain called from them, as Portugallia, Gallecia, Galdunum, & also by sundry nations therein dwelling, which yet have received their own names of the Gauls, as the Rhegni, Presamarei, Tamari, Cineri, and divers others. All which Pomponius Mela being himself a Spaniard, yet saith to have descended from the Celts of France, whereby it is to be gathered, that that Nation which came out of Spain into Ireland, were anciently Gauls, and that they brought with them those letters which they had anciently learned in Spain, first into Ireland, which some also say, do much resemble the old Phenician Character, being likewise distinguished with prick and accent, as theirs anciently, but the further enquiry hereof needeth a place of longer discourse than this our short conference.  Eudox. 
Surely you have showed a great probability of that which I had thought impossible to have been proved, but that which you now say, that Ireland should have been peopled with the Gauls, seemeth much more strange, for all the Chronicles do say, that the West & South was possessed & inhabited of Spaniards: and Cornelius Tacitus doth also strongly affirm the same, all which you must overthrow and falsify, or else renounce your opinion.  Iren. 
Neither so, nor so; for the Irish Chronicles (as I showed you) being made by unlearned men, & writing things according to the appearance of the truth, which they conceived do err in the circumstances, not in the matter. For all that came out of Spain (they being no diligent searchers into the differences of the nations) supposed to be Spaniards, & so called them; but the groundwork thereof is nevertheless true & certain, however they through ignorance disguise the same, or through vanity, whilst they would not seem to be ignorant, do thereupon build & enlarge many forged Histories of their own antiquity, which they deliver to fools, and make them believe for true▪ as for example, That first of one Gathelus the son of Cecrops or Argos, who having married the King of Egypt his daughter, thence sailed with her into Spain, & there inhabited: Then that of Nemedus and his sons, who coming out of Scythia, peopled Ireland, and inhabited it with his sons 250. years, until he was overcome of the Giants dwelling then in Ireland, and at the last quite banished and rooted out, after whom 200. years, the sons of one Dela, being Scythians arrived there again, and possessed the whole land, of which the youngest called Slanius, in the end made himself Monarch. Lastly of the 4. sons of Milesius King of Spain, which conquered the land from the Scythians, and inhabited it with Spaniards, and called it of the name of the youngest Hiberus, Hibernia: All which are in truth fables, and very Milesian lies, as the later proverb is: for never was there such a King of Spain, called Milesius, nor any such Colony seated with his sons as they feign, that can ever be proved, but yet under these tales you may in a manner see the truth lurk. For Scythians here inhabiting, they name and put Spaniards, whereby appeareth that both these nations here inhabited, but whether very Spaniards, as the Irish greatly affect, is no ways to be proved.  Eudox. 
Whence cometh it then that the Irish do so greatly covet to fetch themselves from the Spaniards, since the old Gauls are a more ancient and much more honourable nation.  Iren. 
Even of a very desire of new fangleness and vanity, for they derive themselves from the Spaniards, as seeing them to be a very honourable people, and near bordering unto them: but all that is most vain, for from the Spaniards that now are, or that people that now inhabit Spain, they no ways can prove themselves to descend; neither should it be greatly glorious unto them, for the Spaniard that now is, is come from as rude and savage nations as they, there being, as there may be gathered by course of ages, and view of their own History (though they therein labour much to ennoble themselves) scarce any drop of the old Spanish blood left in them, for all Spain was first conquered by the Romans, and filled with colonies from them, which were still increased, and the native Spaniard still cut off. Afterwards the Carthaginians in all the long Punic wars (having spoiled all Spain, and in the end subdued it wholly unto themselves) did as it is likely, root out all that were affected to the Romans. And lastly the Romans having again recovered that country, and beat out Hannibal, did doubtless cut off all that favoured the Carthaginians, so that betwixt them both, to and fro, there was scarce a native Spaniard left, but all inhabited of Romans. All which tempests of troubles being overblown, there long after arose a new storm, more dreadful than all the former, which overran all Spain, and made an infinite confusion of all things; that was, the coming down of the Goths, the Huns, and the Vandals: And lastly all the nations of Scythia, which like a mountain flood, did overflow all Spain, and quite drowned and washed away whatsoever relics there was left of the land-bred people, yea, and of all the Romans too. The which Northern nations finding the nature of the soil, and the vehement heat thereof far differing from their constitutions, took no felicity in that Country, but from thence passed over, and did spread themselves into all Countries of Christendom, of all which there is none but hath some mixture or sprinkling, if not throughly peopleing of them. And yet after all these the Moors and the Barbarians breaking over out of Africa, did finally possess all Spain, or the most part thereof, and did tread under their heathenish feet, what ever little they found yet there standing. The which though after they were beaten out by Ferdinando of Arragon and Elizabeth his wife, yet they were not so cleansed, but that through the marriages which they had made, and mixture with the people of the land, during their long continuance there, they had left no pure drop of Spanish blood, no more then of Roman or of Scythian. So that of all nations under heaven (I suppose) the Spaniard is the most mingled, and most uncertain, wherefore most foolishly do the Irish think to ennoble themselves by wresting their Auncientry from the Spaniard, who is unable to derive himself from any in certain.  Eudox. 
You speak very sharply Iren. in dispraise of the Spaniard, whom some others boast to be the only brave nation under the Sky.  Iren. 
So surely he is a very brave man, neither is that any thing which I speak to his derogation, for in that I said he is a mingled people, it is no dispraise, for I think there is no nation now in Christendom, nor much further, but is mingled, and compounded with others: for it was a singular providence of God, and a most admiral purpose of his wisdom, to draw those northern heathen nations down into those Christian parts, where they might receive Christianity, and to mingle nations so remote miraculously, to make as it were one blood and kindred of all people, and each to have knowledge of him.  Eudox. 
Neither have you sure any more dishonoured the Irish, for you have brought them from very great and ancient nations, as any were in the world, how ever fond they affect the Spanish. For both Scythians and Gauls were two as mighty nations as ever the world brought forth. But is there any token, denomination or monument of the Gauls yet remaining in Ireland, as there is of the Scythians?  Iren. 
Yea surely very many words of the Gauls remaining, and yet daily used in Common speech.  Eudox. 
What was the Gaulish speech, is there any part of it still used among any nation?  Iren. 
The Gaulish speech, is the very British, the which was very generally used here in all Britain, before the coming of the Saxons: and yet is retained of the Welshmen, Cornishmen, and the Britons of France, though time working the alterarion of all things, and the trading and interdeale with other nations round about, have changed and greatly altered the dialect thereof, but yet the original words appear to be the same, as who hath list to read in Camden and Buchanan, may see at large. Besides there be many places, as havens, hills, towns and Castles, which yet bear the names from the Gauls, of the which, Buchanan rehearseth above 500 in Scotland, and I can (I think) recount near as many in Ireland which retain the old denomination of the Gauls, as the Menapijs, Cauci, Venti, and others; by all which and many other reasonable probabilities (which this short course will not suffer to be laid forth) it appeareth that the chief Inhabitants in Ireland were Gauls, coming thither first out of Spain, and after from besides Tanais, where the Goths, the Huns, and the Geteses sat down, they also being (as it is said of some) ancient Gauls, and lastly passing out of Gallia itself, from all the Sea-coast of Belgia and Celtica, into all the southern coasts of Ireland, which they possessed and inhabited, whereupon it is at this day, amongst the Irish a common use, to call any stranger Inhabitant there amongst them, Galled, that is descended from the Gauls.  Eudox. 
This is very likely, for even so did those Gauls anciently possess all the southern coasts of our Britain, which yet retain their old names, as the Belga, in Sommersetshire, Wiltshire, and part of Hamshire, Attrebatij in Berkshire, Regni in Sussex and Surry, and many others. Now thus far then, I understand your opinion, that the Scythians planted in the north part of Ireland: the Spaniards (for so we call them, what ever they were that came from Spain) in the west, the Gauls in the south: so that there now remaineth the east parts towards England, which I would be glad to understand from whence you do think them to be peopled.  Iren. 
Marry I think of the Britons themselves, of which though there be little footing now remaining, by reason that the Saxons afterwards, and lastly the English, driving out the Inhabitants thereof, did possess and people it themselves. Yet amongst the Tools, the Birns, or Brins, the Cavenaghes▪ and other nations in Leinster, there is some memory of the Britan's remaining. As the Tools are called of the old British word Tol, that is, a hill Country, the Brins of the British word Brin, that is, woods, and the Cavenaghes of the word Caune, that is, strong, so that in these three people the very denomination of the old Britons do still remain. Besides when any flieth under the succour and protection of any against an enemy, he cryeth unto him, Comericke, that is in the British, help, for the Britain is called in their own language, Comeroy. Furthermore to prove the same, Ireland is by Diodorus Siculus, and by Strabo, called Britannia, and a part of great Britain. Finally it appeareth by good record yet extant, that King Arthur, and after him Gurgunt, had all that Island under their allegiance and subjection, hereunto I could add many probabilities of the names of places, persons, and speeches, as I did in the former, but they should be too long for this, and I reserve them for another. And thus you have had my opinion, how all that Realm of Ireland was first peopled, and by what nations. After all which the Saxons succeeding, subdued it wholly to themselves. For first Egfrid King of Northumberland, did utterly waste and subdue it, as appear out of Beda's complaint against him, and after him, King Edgar brought it under his obedience, as appeareth by an ancient Record, in which it is found written, that he subdued all the Islands of the North, even unto Norway, and brought them into his subjection.  Eudox. 
This ripping of Ancestors, is very pleasing unto me, and indeed savoureth of good conceit, and some reading withal. I see hereby how profitable travail, and experience of foreign nations, is to him that will apply them to good purpose. Neither indeed would I have thought, that any such antiquities could have been avouched for the Irish, that maketh me the more to long to see some other of your observations, which you have gathered out of that country, and have erst half promised to put forth: And sure in this mingling of Nations appeareth (as you erst well noted) a wonderful providence and purpose of Almighty God, that stirred up the people in the furthest parts of the world, to seek out their regions so remote from them, and by that means, both to restore their decayed habitations, and to make himself known to the heathen. But was there I pray you no more general employing of that Island, than first by the Scythians, which you say were the Scots, and afterward by the Spaniards, besides the Gauls, Britons and Saxons?  Iren. 
Yes, there was another, and that last and greatest, which was by the English, when the Earl Strangbowe having conquered that land, delivered up the same into the hands of Henry the second than King, who sent over thither, great store of Gentlemen, and other warlike people, amongst whom, he distributed the Land, and settled such a strong Colony therein, as never since could with all the subtle practices of the Irish be rooted out, but abide still a mighty people, of so many as remain English of them.  Eudox. 
What is this that you say, of so many as remain English of them? Why? are not they that were once English, English still?  Iren. 
No, for some of them are degenerated and grown almost mere Irish, yea and more malicious to the English then the Irish themselves.  Eudox. 
What hear I? And is it possible that an Englishman brought up in such sweet civility as England affords, should find such liking in that barbarous rudeness, that he should forget his own nature, and forgo his own nation, how may this be, or what (I pray you) may be the cause thereof?  Iren. 
Surely, nothing but the first evil ordinance and institution of that Commonwealth. But thereof here is no fit place to speak, least by the occasion thereof, offering matter of a long discourse, we might be drawn from this, that we have in hand, namely the handleing of abuses in the Customs of Ireland.  Eudox. 
In truth Iren. you do well remember the plot of your first purpose; but yet from that (me seems) ye have much swarved in all this long discourse, of the first inhabiting of Ireland, for what is that to your purpose?  Iren. 
Truly very material, for if you marked the course of all that speech well, it was to show, by what means the customs, that now are in Ireland, being some of them indeed very strange and almost heathenish, were first brought in: and that was, as I said, by those Nations from whom that Country was first peopled; for the difference in manners and customs, doth follow the difference of nations and people. The which I have declared to you, to have been three especially which seated themselves here: to wit first the Scythian, than the Gauls, and lastly the English. Notwithstanding that I am not ignorant, that there were sundry Nations which go● footing in that land, of the which there yet remain divers great families and septs, of whom I will also in their proper places make mention.  Eudox. 
You bring yourself Iren. very well into the way again, notwithstanding that it seemeth that you were never out of the way, but now that you have passed through those antiquities, which I could have wished not so soon ended, begin when you please, to declare what customs and manners have been derived from those nations to the Irish, and which of them, you find fault withal.  Iren. 
I will begin then to count their customs in the same order that I counted their Nations, and first with the Scythian or Scottish manners. Of the which there is one use, amongst them to keep their cattle, and to live themselves the most part of the year in Boolies', pasturing upon the mountain, and waste wild places; and removing still to fresh land, as they have depastured the former. The which appeareth plain to be the manner of the Scythians, as you may read in Olaus Magnus, and Io: Bohemus, and yet is used, amongst all the Tartarians and the people about the Caspian Sea, which are naturally Scythians, to live in herds as they call them, being the very same, that the Irish Boolies' are, driving their cattle continually with them, and feeding only on their milk and white meats.  Eudox. 
What fault can you find with this custom? for though it be an old Scythian use, yet is it very behooveful in this Country of Ireland, where there are great mountains, and waste deserts full of grass, that the same should be eaten down, and nourish many thousands of cattle, for the good of the whole Realm, which cannot (me thinks) well be any other way, then by keeping those Boolies' there, as ye have showed.  Iren: 
But by this custom of Boolying, there grow in the mean time many great enormities unto that Commonwealth. For first if there be any outlaws, or loose people, (as they are never without some) which live upon stealths and spoils, they are evermore succoured and find relief only in these Boolies', being upon the waste places, whereas else they should be driven shortly to starve, or to come down to the towns to seek relief, where by one means or other, they would soon be caught. Besides such stealths of cattle as they make, they bring commonly to those Boolies', being upon those waste places, where they are readily received, and the thief harboured from danger of law, or such Officers as might light upon him. Moreover the people that thus live in those Boolies', grow thereby the more barbarous, and live more licentiously than they could in Towns, using what manners they list, and practising what mischiefs and villainies they will, either against the government there, by their combynations, or against private men, whom they malign, by stealing their goods, or murdering themselves. For there they think themselves half exempted from law and obedience, and having once tasted freedom, do like a steer, that hath been long out of his yoke, grudge and repine ever after, to come under Rule again.  Eudox. 
By your speech Iren. I perceive more evil come by this use of Boolies', then good by their grazing: and therefore it may well be reform: but that must be in his due course, do you proceed to the next.  Iren. 
They have another custom from the Scythians, that is the wearing of Mantles, and long Glibbes, which is a thick curled bush of hair, hanging down over their eyes, and monstrously disguising them, which are both very bad and hurtful.  Eudox. 
Do you think that the Mantle cometh from the Scythians? I would surely think otherwise, for by that which I have read, it appeareth that most Nations of the world anciently used the Mantle. For the jews used it, as you may read of Elyas Mantle, etc. The Chaldees also used it, as ye may read in Diodorus. The Egyptians likewise used it, as ye may read in Herodotus, and may be gathered by the description of Berenice, in the Greek Commentary upon Callimachus. The greeks also used it anciently, as appeareth by Venus' Mantle lined with stars, though afterwards they changed the form thereof into their cloaks, called Pallia, as some of the Irish also use. And the ancient Latins and Romans used it, as you may read in Virgil, who was a very great Antiquary. That evander, when Aenaeas came to him at his Feast, did entertain and feast him, sitting on the ground, and lying on Mantles. Insomuch as he useth the very word Mantile for a Mantle. — Humi mantilia sternunt. So that it seemeth that the Mantle was a general habit to most Nations, and not proper to the Scythians only, as you suppose.  Iren. 
I cannot deny but that anciently it was common to most, and yet sithence disused and laid away. But in this later age of the world, since the decay of the Roman Empire, it was renewed and brought in again by those Northern nations, when breaking out of their cold caves and frozen habitations, into the sweet soil of Europe, they brought with them their usual weeds, fit to shield the cold, and that continual frost, to which they had at home been enured: the which yet they left not off, by reason that they were in perpetual wars, with the Nations whom they had invaded, but still removing from place to place, carried always with them that weed, as their house, their bed, and their garment, and coming lastly into Ireland, they found there more special use thereof, by reason of the raw cold climate, from whom it is now grown into that general use, in which that people now have it. After whom the Gauls succeeding, yet finding the like necessity of that garment, continued the like use thereof.  Eudox. 
Since then the necessity thereof is so commodious, as you allege, that it is instead of housing, bedding, & clothing, what reason have you then to wish so necessary a thing cast off?  Iren. 
Because the commodity doth not countervail the discommodity: for the inconveniences which thereby do arise, are much more many. For it is a fit house for an Outlaw, a meet bed for a Rebel, & an apt cloak for a thief. First the Outlaw being for his many crimes and villainies, banished from the Towns & houses of honest men, & wand'ring in waste places, far from danger of law, maketh his Mantle his house, & under it covereth himself from the wrath of Heaven, from the offence of the Earth, & from the sight of men. When it raineth it is his penthouse; when it bloweth it is tent, when it freezeth it is his Tabernacle. In summer he can wear it lose, in winter he can wrap it close, at all times he can use it; never heavy, never cumbersome. Likewise for a Rebel it is as serviceable. For in his war that he maketh (if at least it deserve the name of war) when he still flieth from his foe, & lurketh in the thick woods & straight passages, waiting for advantages, it is his bed, yea and almost as his household stuff. For the wood is his house against all weathers, & his Mantle is his couch to sleep in. Therein he wrappeth himself round, & coucheth himself strongly against the gnats, which in that country do more annoy the naked Rebels, whilst they keep the woods, & do more sharply wound them then all their enemies swords, or spears, which can seldom come nigh them: yea & oftentimes their Mantle serveth them, when they are near driven, being wrapped about their left arm in steed of a Target, for it is hard to cut thorough with a sword, besides it is light to bear, light to throw away, and being (as they commonly are) naked, it is to them all in all. Lastly for a Thief it is so handsome, as it may seem it was first invented for him, for under it he may cleanly convey any fit pillage that cometh handsomely in his way, & when he goeth abroad in the night in freebooting, it is his best & surest friend; for lying as they often do 2. or 3. nights together abroad to watch for their booty, with that they can prettily shroud themselves under a bush or a bank side, till they may conveniently do their errand: & when all is over, he can in his mantle pass through any town or company, being close hooded over his head, as he useth, from knowledge of any to whom he is endangered. Besides this, he or any man else that is disposed to mischief or villainy, may under his mantle go privily armed without suspicion of any, carry his head-piece, his skean, or pistol if he please, to be always in readiness. Thus necessary & fitting is a mantle for a bad man, & surely for a bad huswife it is no less convenient, for some of them that be wand'ring women, called of them Mona-Shul, it is half a wardrobe: for in summer you shall find her arrayed commonly, but in her smock & mantle to be more ready for her light services: in winter, and in her travail, it is her cloak and safeguard, and also a coverlet for her lewd exercise. And when she hath filled her vessel, under it she can hide both her burden, and her blame; yea, and when her Bastard is borne, it serves instead of swaddling clouts. And as for all other good women which love to do but little work, how handsome it is to lie in and sleep, or to louse themselves in the Sunshine, they that have been but a while in Ireland can well witness. Sure I am that you will think it very unfit for a good huswife to stir in, or to busy herself about her housewifry in such sort as she should. These be some of the abuses for which I would think it meet to forbid all Mantles.  Eudox. 
O evil minded man, that having reckoned up so many uses of a Mantle, will yet wish it to be abandoned! Sure I think Diogenes dish did never serve his Master for more turns, notwithstanding that he made it his Dish, his Cup, his Cap, his Measure, his Waterpot, than a Mantle doth an Irish man. But I see they be most to bad intents, & therefore I will join with you in abolishing it. But what blame lay you to the glibbe? take heed (I pray you) that you be not too busy therewith for fear of your own blame, seeing our Englishmen take it up in such a general fashion to wear their hair so immeasurably long, that some of them exceed the longest Irish glibs.  Iren. 
I fear not the blame of any undeserved dislikes: but for the Irish glibbes, they are as fit masks as a mantle is for a thief. For whensoever he hath run himself into that peril of Law, that he will not be known, he either cutteth off his glibbe quite, by which he becometh nothing like himself, or pulleth it so low down over his eyes, that it is very hard to discern his thievish countenance. And therefore fit to be trussed up with the Mantle.  Eudox. 
Truly these three Scythian abuses, I hold most fit to be taken away with sharp penalties, and sure I wonder how they have been kept thus long, notwithstanding so many good provisions and orders, as have been devised for that people.  Iren. 
The cause thereof shall appear to you hereafter: but let us now go forward with our Scythian customs. Of which the next that I have to treat of, is the manner of raising the cry in their conflicts, & at other troublesome times of uproar: the which is very natural Scythian, as you may read in Diodorus Siculus, & in Herodotus, describing the manner of the Scythians & Parthians coming to give the charge at battles: at which it is said that they came running with a terrible yell as if heaven & earth would have gone together, which is the very Image of the Irish Hubub, which their Kern use at their first encounter. Besides, the same Herodotus writeth, that they used in their battles to call upon the names of their Captains or Generals, & sometimes upon their greatest Kings deceased, as in that battle of Thomyris against Cyrus: which custom to this day manifestly appeareth amongst the Irish. For at their joining of Battle, they likewise call upon their Captain's name, or the word of his Ancestors. As they under Oneale cry Laundarg-abo, that is, the bloody hand, which is Oneales' badge. They under O Brien call Laun-laider, that is, the strong hand. And to their ensample, the old English also which there remaineth, have gotten up their cries Scythian-like, as Crom-abo, and Butler-abo. And here also lieth open an other manifest proof, that the Irish bee Scythes or Scots, for in all their encounters they use one very common word, crying Ferragh, Ferragh, which is a Scottish word, to wit, the name of one of the first Kings of Scotland, called Feragus, or Fergus, which fought against the picts, as you may read in Buchanan, de rebus Scoticis; but as others write, it was long before that, the name of their chief Captain, under whom they fought against the Africans, the which was then so fortunate unto them, that ever sithence they have used to call upon his name in their battles.  Eudox. 
Believe me, this observation of yours Irenaeus, is very good and delightful; far beyond the blind conceit of some, who (I remember) have upon the same word Ferragh, made a very blunt conjecture, as namely M. Stanihurst, who though he be the same countryman borne, that should search more nearly into the secret of these things, yet hath strayed from the truth all the heavens wide, (as they say) for he thereupon groundeth a very gross imagination, that the Irish should descend from the Egyptians which came into that Island, first under the leading of one Scota the daughter of Pharaoh, whereupon they use (saith he) in all their battles, to call upon the name of Pharaoh, crying Ferragh, Ferragh. Surely he shoots wide on the Bow hand, & very far from the mark. For I would first know of him what ancient ground of authority he hath for such a senseless fable, & if he have any of the rude Irish books, as it may be he hath, yet (me seems) that a man of his learning should not so lightly have been carried away with old wives tales, from approvance of his own reason, for whether it be a smack of any learned judgement, to say, that Scota is like an Egyptian word, let the learned judge. But his Scota rather comes of the Greek σκότοσ, that is, darkness, which hath not let him see the light of the truth.  Iren. 
You know not Eudoxus, how well M. Stan. could see in the dark, perhaps he hath Owls or Cats eyes: but well I wot he seeth not well the very light in matters of more weight. But as for Ferragh I have told my conjecture only, and yet thus much I have more to prove a likelihood, that there be yet at this day in Ireland, many Irish men (chiefly in the Northern parts) called by the name of Ferragh. But let that now be: this only for this place sufficeth, that it is a word used in their common hububs, the which (with all the rest) is to be abolished, for that it discovereth an affectation to Irish captainry, which in this platform I endeavour specially to beat down. There be other sorts of cries also used among the Irish, which savour greatly of the Scythian barbarism, as their lamentations at their buryals, with dispairfull outcries, and immoderate wail, the which Master Stanihurst might also have used for an Argument to prove them Egyptians. For so in Scripture it is mentioned, that the Egyptians lamented for the death of joseph. Others think this custom to come from the Spaniards, for that they do immeasurably likewise bewail their dead. But the same is not proper Spanish, but altogether Heathenish, brought in thither first either by the Scythians, or the Moors that were Africans, and long possessed that Country. For it is the manner of all Pagans and Infidels to be intemperate in their wail of their dead, for that they had no faith nor hope of salvation. And this ill custom also is specially noted by Diodorus Siculus, to have been in the Scythians, and is yet amongst the Northern Scots at this day, as you may read in their Chronicles.  Eudox. 
This is sure an ill custom also, but yet doth not so much concern civil reformation, as abuse in Religion.  Iren. 
I did not rehearse it as one of the abuses which I thought most worthy of reformation; but having made mention of Irish cries I thought this manner of lewd crying and howling, not impertinent to be noted as uncivil and Scythian-like: for by these old customs, and other like conjectural circumstances, the descents of nations can only be proved, where other monuments of writings are not remaining.  Eudox. 
Then (I pray you) whensoever in your discourse you meet with them by the way, do not shun, but boldly touch them: for besides their great pleasure and delight for their antiquity, they bring also great profit and help unto civility.  Iren. 
Then sith you will have it so, I will here take occasion, since I lately spoke of their manner of cries in joining of battle, to speak also somewhat of the manner of their Arms, and array in Battle, with other customs perhaps worthy the noting. And first of their Arms and Weapons, amongst which their broad Swords are proper Scythian, for such the Scytheses used commonly, as you may read in Olaus Magnus. And the same also the old Scots used, as you may read in Buchanan, and in Solinus, where the pictures of them are in the same form expressed. Also their short Bows, and little Quivers with short bearded Arrows, are very 
* The original of the very name of Scythians seemeth to come from shooting. vide Selden. annot. in Poly. olb. (ex Gorop. Becan. ●eccesel. et Aluvedi l●g.) pag. 122.  Scythian, as you may read in the same Olaus. And the same sort both of Bows, Quivers, and Arrows, are at this day to be seen commonly amongst the Northern Irish-Scots, whose Scottish Bows are not past three quarters of a yard long, with a string of wreathed hemp slackly bend, and whose Arrows are not much above half an ell long, tipped with steel heads, made like common broad Arrow heads, but much more sharp and slender, that they enter into a man or horse most cruelly, notwithstanding that they are shot forth weakly. Moreover their long broad Shields, made but with wicker rods, which are commonly used amongst the said Northern Irish, but especially of the Scots, are brought from the Scythians, as you may read in Olaus Magnus, Solinus, & others: likewise their going to battle without armour on their bodies or heads, but trusting to the thickness of their glibbs, the which (they say) will sometimes bear off a good stroke, is mere Scythian, as you may see in the said Images of the old Scytheses or Scots, set forth by Herodianus and others. Besides, their confused kind of march in heaps, without any order or array, their clashing of swords together, their fierce running upon their enemies, and their manner of fight, resembleth altogether that which is read in histories to have been used of the Scythians. By which it may almost infallibly be gathered together, with other circumstances, that the Irish are very Scots or Scytheses originally, though sithence intermingled with many other Nations repairing and joining unto them. And to these I may also add another strong conjecture which cometh to my mind, that I have often observed there amongst them, that is, certain religious ceremonies, which are very superstitiously yet used amongst them, the which are also written by sundry authors, to have been observed amongst the Scythians, by which it may very vehemently be presumed that the nations were anciently all one. For 
* Not he, but Herodotus in the life of Homer.  Plutarch (as I remember) in his treatise of Homer, endeavouring to search out the truth, what countryman Homer was, proveth it most strongly (as he thinketh) that he was an Aeolian borne, for that in describing a sacrifice of the greeks, he omitted the loin, the which all the other Grecians (saving the Aeolians) use to burn in their sacrifices: also for that he makes the intralls to be roasted on five spits, which was the proper manner of the Aeolians, who only of all the nations of Grecia, used to sacrifice in that sort. By which he inferreth necessarily, that Homer was an Aeolian. And by the same reason may I as reasonably conclude, that the Irish are descended from the Scythians, for that they use (even to this day) some of the same ceremonies which the Scythians anciently used. As for example, you may read in Lucian in that sweet Dialogue, which is entitled Toxaris, or of friendship, that the common oath of the Scythians was by the sword, and by the fire, for that they accounted those two special divine powers, which should work vengeance on the perjurers. So do the Irish at this day when they go to battle, say certain prayers or charms to their swords, making a cross therewith upon the earth, and thrusting the points of their blades into the ground, thinking thereby to have the better success in fight. Also they use commonly to swear by their swords. Also the Scythians used when they would bind any solemn vow or combination amongst them, to drink a Bowl of blood together, vowing thereby to spend their last blood in that quarrel: & even so do the wild Scots, as you may read in Buchanan: and some of the Northern Irish. Likewise at the kindling of the Fire, and lighting of Candles, they say certain prayers, & use some other superstitious rites, which show that they honour the Fire and the light: for all those Northern Nations having been used to be annoyed with much cold and darkness, are wont therefore to have the Fire and the Sun in great veneration; like as contrariwise the Moors and Egyptians which are much offended and grieved with extreme heat of the Sun, do every morning when the Sun ariseth, fall to cursing and banning of him as their plague. You may also read in the same book, in the tale of Arsacomas, that it was the manner of the Scythians, when any one of them was heavily wronged, and would assemble unto him any forces of people to join with him in his revenge, to sit in some public place for certain days upon an Ox hide, to which there would resort all such persons as being disposed to take Arms, would enter into his pay, or join with him in his quarrel. And the same you may likewise read to have been the ancient manner of the wild Scots, which are indeed the very natural Irish. Moreover the Scythians used to swear by their King's hand, as Olaus showeth. And so do the Irish use now to swear by their Lord's hand, and to forswear it, hold it more criminal then to swear by God. Also the Scythians said, that they were once a year turned into Wolves, and so is it written of the Irish: Though Master Camden in a better sense doth suppose it was a disease, called Lycanthropia, so named of the Wolf. And yet some of the Irish do use to make the Wolf their Gossip. The Scythians used also to see the the flesh in the hide: & so do the Northern Irish. The Scythians used to draw the blood of the beast living, & to make meat thereof: & so do the Irish in the North still. Many such customs I could recount unto you, as of their old manner of marrying, of burying, of dancing, of singing, of feasting, of cursing, though Christians have wiped out the most part of them, by resemblance, whereof it might plainly appear to you, that the Nations are the same, but that by the reckoning of these few, which I have told unto you, I find my speech drawn out to a greater length than I purposed. Thus much only for this time I hope shall suffice you, to think that the Irish are anciently deduced from the Scythians.  Eudox. 
Surely Iren. I have heard in these few words, that from you which I would have thought had been impossible to have been spoken of times so remote, and customs so ancient: with delight whereof I was all that while (as it were entranced, and carried so far from myself, as that I am now right sorry that you ended so soon. But I marvel much how it cometh to pass, that in so long continuance of time, and so many ages come between, yet any jot of those old rites and superstitious customs should remain amongst them.  Iren. 
It is no cause of wonder at all, for it is the manner of many Nations to be very superstitious, and diligent observers of old customs & antiquities, which they receive by continual tradition from their Parents, by recording of their Bards and Chronicles, in their songs, and by daily use and ensample of their elders.  Eudox. 
But have you (I pray you) observed any such customs amongst them, brought likewise from the Spaniards or Gauls, as these from the Scythians? that may sure be very material to your first purpose.  jen. 
Some perhaps I have, & who that will by this occasion more diligently mark and compare their customs, shall find many more. But there are fewer remaining of the Gauls or Spaniards, then of the Scythians, by reason that the parts, which they then possessed, lying upon the coast of the Western and Southern Sea, were sithence visited with strangers and foreign people, repairing thither for traffic, and for fishing, which is very plentiful upon those coasts: for the trade and interdeale of Sea-coast Nations one with another, worketh more civility and good fashions, (all Sea men being naturally desirous of new fashions,) then amongst the Inland folk, which are seldom seen of foreigners; yet some of such as I have noted, I will recount unto you. And first I will for the better credit of the rest, show you one out of their Statutes, among which it is enacted, that no man shall wear his beard only on the upper lip, shaving all his Chin. And this was the ancient manner of the Spaniards, as yet it is of all the Mahometans to cut off all their beards close, save only their Muschachios, which they wear long. And the cause of this use, was for that they being bred in a hot country, found much hair on their faces and other parts to be noyous unto them: for which cause they did cut it most away, like as contrarily all other nations brought up in cold countries, do use to nourish their hair, to keep them the warmer, which was the cause that the Scythians and Scots wore Glibbes (as I showed you) to keep their heads warm, and long beards to defend their face, from cold. From them also (I think) came saffron shirts and smocks, which was devised by them in those hot Countries, where saffron is very common and rife, for avoiding that evil which cometh by much sweeting, and long wearing of Linen: Also the Women amongst the old Spaniards had the charge of all household affairs, both at home and abroad, (as Boemus writeth) though now the Spaniards use it quite otherwise. And so have the Irish women the trust and care of all things, both at home, and in the field. Likewise round leather Targets is the Spanish fashion, who used it (for the most part) painted, which in Ireland they use also in many places, coloured after their rude fashion. Moreover the manner of their Woman's riding on the wrong side of the horse, I mean with their faces towards the right side, as the Irish use, is (as they say) old Spanish, and some say African, for amongst them the women (they say) use so to ride. Also the deep smock sleive, which the Irish women use, they say was old Spanish, and is used yet in Barbary: and yet that should seem rather to be an old English fashion, for in Armoury the fashion of the Manche, which is given in Arms, by many being indeed nothing else but a sleive, is fashioned much like to that sleive. And that Knights in ancient times used to wear their Mistresses or Loves sleive, upon their Arms, as appeareth by that which is written of Sir Lancelot, that he wore the sleive of the fair maid of Asteloth in a Tourney, whereat Queen Guenever was much displeased.  Eudox. 
Your conceit is good, and well fitting for things so far grown from certainty of knowledge and learning, only upon likelihoods and conjectures. But have you any customs remaining from the Gauls or Britons?  Iren. 
I have observed a few of either; and who will better search into them, may find more. And first the profession of their Bards was (as Caesar writeth) usual amongst the Gauls, and the same was also common amongst the Britain's, and is not yet altogether left off, with the Welsh which are their posterity. For all the fashions of the Gauls and Britons, as he testifieth, were much like. The long darts came also from the Gauls, as you may read in the same Caesar, and in Io: Boemus. Likewise the said Io: Boemus writeth, that the Gauls used Swords a handful broad, and so do the Irish now. Also they used long Wicker shields in Battle that should cover their whole bodies, and so do the Northern Irish. But I have not seen such fashioned Targets used in the Southern parts, but only amongst the Northern people, and Irish-Scottes, I do think that they were brought in rather by the Scythians, then by the Gauls. Also the Gauls used to drink their enemy's blood, and paint themselves therewith. So also they write, that the old Irish were wont, and so have I seen some of the Irish do, but not their enemies, but friends blood. As namely at the execution of a notable Traitor at Limericke, called Murrogh O-Brien, I saw an old woman, which was his foster mother, take up his head▪ whilst he was quartered, and sucked up all the blood that run thereout, saying, that the Earth was not worthy to drink it, and therewith also steeped her face and breast, and tore her hair, crying out and shrieking most terribly.  Eudox. 
You have very well run through such customs as the Irish have derived from the first old Nations which inhabited the land: namely the Scythians, the Spaniards, the Gauls, & the Britons. It now remaineth that you take in hand, the customs of the old English which are amongst the Irish: Of which I do not think that you shall have much cause to find fault with, considering that by the English, most of the old bad Irish customs were abolished, and more civil fashions brought in their stead.  Iren. 
You think otherwise Eudox. then I do, for the chiefest abuses which are now in that Realm, are grown from the English, and some of them are now much more lawless and licentious than the very wild Irish: so that as much care, as was then by them had to reform the Irish, so and much more, must now be used to reform them, so much time doth alter the manners of men.  Eudox. 
That seemeth very strange, which you say, that men should so much degenerate from their first natures, as to grow wild.  Iren. 
So much can liberty and ill examples do.  Eudox. 
What liberty had the English there, more than they had here at home? were not the laws planted amongst them at the first and had they not Governors to curb and keep them still in awe and obedience?  Iren. 
They had, but it was for the most part, such as did more hurt then good, for they had governor's for the most part of themselves, and commonly out of the two families of the Geraldines and Butlers, both adversaries and corrivales one against the other. Who though for the most part they were but Deputies under some of the Kings of England's Sons, Brethren, or other near kinsmen, who were the King's Lieutenants, yet they swayed so much, as they had all the Rule, and the others, but the title. Of which Butlers and Geraldynes, albeit (I must confess) there were very brave and worthy men, as also of other the Peers of that Realm, made Lo: Deputies, and Lo: justices at sundry times, yet through greatness of their late conquests and seignories they grew insolent, and bend both that regal authority, and also their private powers, one against another, to the utter subversion of themselves, and strengthening of the Irish again. This you may read plainly discovered by a Letter written from the Citizens of Cork out of Ireland, to the Earl of Shrewsbury then in England, and remaining yet upon record, both in the Tower of London, and also among the Chronicles of Ireland. Wherein it is by them complained, that the English Lords and Gentlemen, who then had great possessions in Ireland, began through pride and insolency, to make private wars one against another, and when either part was weak, they would wage & draw in the Irish to take their part, by which means they both greatly encouraged, and enabled the Irish, which till that time, had been shut up within the mountains of Slewlogher, and weakened and disabled themselves, insomuch that their revenues were wonderfully impaired, and some of them which are there reckoned to have been able, to have spent 12. or 1300. pounds per annum, of old rent (that I may say no more) besides their Commodities of Creeks and havens, were now scarce able to dispend the third part. From which disorder, and through other huge calamities, which have come upon them thereby, they are almost now grown like the Irish, I mean of such English, as were planted above towards the West, for the English pale hath preserved itself, thorogh nearness of the state in reasonable civility, but the rest which dwelled in Connaght and in Monster, which is the sweerest soil of Ireland, and some in Leinster and Ulster, are degenerate, yea, and some of them have quite shaken off their English names, and put on Irish that they might be altogether Irish.  Eudox. 
Is it possible that any should so far grow out of frame that they should in so short space, quite forget their Country and their own names: that is a most dangerous Lethargy, much worse than that of Messala Coruinus, who being a most learned man, through sickness forgot his own name. But can you count us any of this kind?  Iren: 
I cannot but by report of the Irish themselves, who report, that the 
** These families of Mac-mahones and Mac-swines' are by others held to be of the ancient Irish.  Mac-mahons in the north, were anciently English, to wit, descended from the Fitz Vrsula's, which was a noble family in England, and that the same appeareth by the signification of their Irish names: Likewise that the 
* vide anno●. pag. praeced.  Mac-swynes, now in Ulster, were anciently of the Veres in England, but that they themselves, for hatred of English, so disguised their names.  Eudox. 
Could they ever conceive any such dislike of their own natural Countries, as that they would be ashamed of their name, and bite at the dug from which they sucked life?  Iren. 
I wot well there should be none, but proud hearts do oftentimes (like wanton Colts) kick at their Mothers, as we read Alcibiades and Themistocles did, who being banished out of Athens, fled unto the Kings of Asia, and there stirred them up to war against their Country, in which wars they themselves were Cheifetaines. So they say did these Mac-swines' and Mac-mahons, or rather Veres and Fitz Vrsulaes', for private despite, turn themselves against England. For at such time as Robert Vere Earl of Oxford, was in the Baron's Wars against King Richard the second, through the malice of the Peers, banished the Realm and proscribed, he with his kinsman Fitz Ursula fled into Ireland, where being prosecuted, and afterwards in England put to death, his kinsman there remaining behind in Ireland rebelled, and conspiring with the Irish, did quite cast off both their English name and allegiance, since which time they have so remained still, and have since been counted mere Irish. The very like is also reported of the Mac-swines', Mac-mahones, and Mac-Shehies of Monster, how they likewise were anciently English, and old followers to the Earl of Desmond, until the reign of King Edward the fourth. At which time the Earl of Desmond that then was, called Thomas, being through false subornation (as they say) of the Queen for some offence by her against him conceived, brought to his death at 
* Others hold that he was beheaded at Tredagh 15. Febr. 146●. by (the command of) john Tip●of● Earl of Worcester, then Lo: Deputy of Ireland, for exacting of Coin and Livery. vid. Ca●den. Britan. pag. 738 edit. 〈◊〉. an▪ 1607  Tredagh most unjustly, notwithstanding that he was a very good and sound subject to the King: Thereupon all his Kinsmen of the Geraldines, which then was a mighty family in Monster, in revenge of that huge wrong, rose into Arms against the King, and utterly renounced and forsook all obedience to the Crown of England, to whom the said Mac●swines, Mac-shehies, and Mac-mahones, being then servants and followers, did the like, and have ever sithence so continued. And with them (they say) all the people of Monster went out, and many other of them which were mere English, thenceforth joined with the Irish against the King, and termed themselves very Irish, taking on them Irish habits and customs, which could never since be clean wiped away, but the contagion hath remained still amongst their posterities. Of which sort (they say) be most of the surnames which end in an, as Hernan, Shinan, Mungan, etc. the which now account themselves natural Irish. Other great houses there be of the English in Ireland, which through licentious conversing with the Irish, or marrying, or fostering with them, or lack of meet nurture, or other such unhappy occasions, have degenerated from their ancient dignities, and are now grown as Irish, as O. Hanlons' breech, as the proverb there is.  Eudox. 
In truth this which you tell is a most shameful hearing, and to be reform with most sharp censures: in so great personages to the terror of the meaner: for if the Lords and chief men degenerate, what shall be hoped of the peasants, and base people. And hereby sure you have made a fair way unto yourself, to lay open the abuses of their evil customs, which you have now next to declare▪ the which no doubt, but are very bad being borrowed, from the Irish, as their apparel, their language, their riding, and many other the like.  Iren. 
You cannot but hold them sure to be very uncivil, for were they at the best that they were of old, when they were brought in, they should in so long an alteration of time seem very uncouth and strange. For it is to be thought, that the use of all England, (was in the reign of Henry the second, when Ireland was planted with English) very rude and barbarous, so as if the same should be now used in England by any, it would seem worthy of sharp correction, and of new laws for reformation, for it is but even the other day, since England grew civil: Therefore in counting the evil customs of the English there, I will not have regard, whether the beginning thereof were English or Irish, but will have respect only to the inconvenience thereof. And first I have to find fault with the abuse of language, that is, for the speaking of Irish among the English, which as it is unnatural that any people should love another's language more than their own, so it is very inconvenient, and the cause of many other evils.  Eudox. 
It seemeth strange to me that the English should take more delight to speak that language, than their own, whereas they should (me thinks) rather take scorn to acquaint their tongues thereto. For it hath ever been the use of the Conqueror, to despise the language of the conquered, and to force him by all means to learn his. So did the Romans always use, insomuch that there is almost no Nation in the world, but is sprinkled with their language. It were good therefore (me seems) to search out the original cause of this evil, for the same being discovered, a redress thereof will the more easily be provided: for (I think) it very strange, that the English being so many, and the Irish so few, as they then were left, the ●ewer should draw the more unto their use.  Iren. 
I suppose that the chief cause of bringing in the Irish language, amongst them, was specially their fostering▪ and marrying with the Irish, the which are two most dangerous infections, for first the child that sucketh the milk of the nurse, must of necessity learn his first speech of her, the which being the first enured to his tongue, is ever after most pleasing unto him, insomuch as though he afterwards be taught English, yet the smack of the first will always abide with him, and not only of the speech, but also of the manners and conditions. For besides that, young Children be like Apes, which will affect and imitate what they see done before them, especially by their nurses whom they love so well, they moreover draw into themselves, together with their suck, even the nature and disposition of their nurses: for the mind followeth much the temperature of the body: and also the words are the image of the mind, so as they proceeding from the mind, the mind must needs be affected with the words. So that the speech being Irish, the heart must needs be Irish▪ for out of the abundance of the heart, the tongue speaketh. The next is the marrying with the Irish, which how dangerous a thing it is in all commonwealth, appeareth to every simplest sense, and though some great ones have perhaps used such matches with their Vassals, and have of them nevertheless raised worthy issue, as Telamonius did with Termessa, Alexander the Great with Roxane, and julius Caesar with Cleopatra, yet the example is so perilous, as it is not to be adventured: for in stead of those few good, I could count unto them infinite many evil. And indeed how can such matching succeed well, seeing that commonly the child taketh most of his nature of the Mother, besides speech, manners, and inclination, which are (for the most part) agreeable to the conditions of their mothers: for by them they are first framed and fashioned, so as what they receive once from them, they will hardly ever after forgo. Therefore are these evil customs of fostering and marrying with the Irish, most carefully to be restrained: for of them two, the third evil that is the custom of language, (which I spoke of,) chiefly proceedeth.  Eudox. 
But are there not laws already provided, for avoiding of this evil▪  Iren. 
Yes I think there be, but as good never a whit as never the better, for what do Statutes avail without penalties, or laws without charge of execution? for so there is another like law enacted against wearing of the Irish apparel, but neverthemore is it observed by any, or executed by them that have the charge: for they in their private discretions think it not fit to be forced upon the poor wretches of that Country, which are not worth the price of English apparel, nor expedient to be practised against the abler sort, by reason that the country (say they) doth yield no better, and were there better to be had, yet these were fitter to be used, as namely the mantle in travailing, because there be no Inns where meet bedding may be had, so that his mantle serves him then for a bed. The leather quilted jack in journeying and in camping, for that it is fittest to be under his shirt of Male, and for any occasion of sudden service, as there happen many, to cover his trouse on horseback. The great linen Roll, which the Women wear, to keep their heads warm, after cutting their hair, which they use in any sickness. Besides their thick folded linen shirts, their long sleived smocks, their half sleived coats, their silken fillets, and all the rest: they will devise some colour for, either of necessity, or of antiquity, or of comeliness.  Eudox. 
But what colour soever they allege, me thinks it not expedient, that the execution of a Law once ordained, should be left to the discretion of the judge, or Officer, but that without partiality, or regard, it should be fulfilled aswell on English, as Irish.  Iren. 
But they think this preciseness in reformation of apparel, not to be so material, or greatly pertinent.  Eudox. 
Yes surely but it is: for men's apparel is commonly made according to their conditions, & their conditions are oftentimes governed by their garments: for the person that is gowned, is by his gown put in mind of gravity, and also restrained from lightness, by the very unaptness of his weed. Therefore it is written by Aristotle, That when Cyrus had overcome the Lydians that were a warlike nation, and devised to bring them to a more peaceable life, he changed their apparel & music, and in stead of their short warlike coat, clothed them in long garments like women, and in stead of their warlike music, appointed to them certain lascivious lays, and loose jigs, by which in short space their minds were so mollified and abated, that they forgot their former fierceness, & became most tender & effeminate, whereby it appeareth, that there is not a little in the garment to the fashioning of the mind and conditions. But be these which you have described, the fashions of the Irish weeds?  Iren. 
No: all these which I have rehearsed to you, be not Irish garments, but English; for the quilted leather jack is old English: for it was the proper weed of the horseman, as you may read in Chaucer, when he describeth Sir Thopas apparel and Armour, as he went to fight against the Giant, in his robe of Shecklaton, which is that kind of guilded leather with which they use to imbroyder their Irish jackets. And there likewise by all that description, you may see the very fashion and manner of the Irish horseman most truly set forth in his long hose, his riding shoes of costly Cordwaine, his hacqueton, & his haberion, with all the rest thereunto belonging.  Eudox. 
I surely thought that the manner had been Irish, for it is far differing from that we have now, as also all the furniture of his horse, his strong brass bit, his sliding reins, his shank pillion without stirruppes, his manner of mounting, his fashion of riding, his charging of his spear aloft above head, the form of his spear.  Iren. 
No sure; they be native English, and brought in by the Englishmen first into Ireland: neither is the same accounted an uncomely manner of riding: for I have heard some great warriors say, that in all the services which they had seen abroad in foreign Countries, they never saw a more comely man then the Irish man, nor that cometh on more bravely in his charge, neither is his manner of mounting unseemly, though he lack stirruppes, but more ready then with stirruppes; for in his getting up, his horse is still going, whereby he gaineth way. And therefore the stirrup was called so in scorn, as it were a stay to get up, being derived of the old English word Sty, which is, to get up, or mount.  Eudox. 
It seemeth then that you find no fault with this manner of riding, why then would you have the quilted jack laid away?  Iren. 
I do not wish it to be laid away; but the abuse thereof to be put away; for being used to the end that it was framed, that is, to be worn in war under a shirt of Mail, it is allowable, as also the shirt of Mail, and all his other furniture: but to be worn daily at home, and in towns and civil places, it is a rude habit and most uncomely, seeming like a player's painted coat.  Eudox. 
But it is worn (they say) likewise of Irish Footmen, how do you allow of that? for I should think it very unseemly.  Iren. 
No, not as it is used in war, for it is worn then likewise of footmen under their shirts of mail, the which footmen they call Galloglasses, the which name doth discover them also to be ancient English: for Gall-ogla signifies an English servitor or yeoman. And he being so armed in a long shirt of Mail down to the calf of his leg, with a long broad Axe in his hand, was then Pedes gravis armaturae, (and was instead of the armed footman that now weareth a Corslet,) before the Corslet was used, or almost invented.  Eudox. 
Then him belike you likewise allow in your straight reformation of old customs.  Iren. 
Both him and the Kern also, (whom only I take to be the proper Irish Soldier) can I allow, so that they use that habit and custom of theirs in the wars only, when they are led forth to the service of their Prince, and not usually at home, and in civil places, and besides do lay aside the evil and wild uses which the Galloglasse and Kerne do use in their common trade of life.  Eudox. 
What be those?  Iren. 
Marry those be the most barbarous and loathly conditions of any people (I think) under heaven: for from the time that they enter into that course, they do use all the beastly behaviour that may be, they oppress all men, they spoil aswell the subject, as the enemy; they steal, they are cruel and bloody, full of revenge, and delighting in deadly execution, licentious, swearers, and blasphemers, common ravishers of women, and murderers of children.  Eudox. 
These be most villainous conditions, I marvel then that they be ever used or employed, or almost suffered to live; what good can there then be in them?  Iren. 
Yet sure they are very valiant, and hardy, for the most part great indurers of cold, labour, hunger, and all hardness, very active and strong of hand, very swift of foot, very vigilant and circumspect in their enterprises, very present in perils, very great scorners of death.  Eudox. 
Truly by this that you say, it seems that the Irishman is a very brave Soldier.  Iren. 
Yea surely, in that rude kind of service, he beareth himself very courageously. But when he cometh to experience of service abroad, or is put to a piece, or a pike, he maketh as worthy a Soldier as any Nation he meeteth with. But let us (I pray you) turn again to our discourse of evil customs amongst the Irish.  Eudox. 
Me thinks, all this which you speak of, concerneth the customs of the Irish very materially, for their uses in war are of no small importance to be considered, aswell to reform those which are evil, as to confirm and continue those which are good. But follow you your own course, and show what other their customs you have to dislike of.  Iren. 
There is amongst the Irish a certain kind of people, called Bards, which are to them in steed of Poets, whose profession is to set forth the praises or dispraises of men in their Poems or Rymes, the which are had in so high regard and estimation amongst them, that none dare displease them for fear to run into reproach through their offence, and to be made infamous in the mouths of all men. For their verses are taken up with a general applause, and usually sung at all Feasts and meetings, by certain other persons, whose proper function that is, who also receive for the same, great rewards and reputation amongst them.  Eudox. 
Do you blame this in them which I would otherwise have thought to have been worthy of good account, and rather to have been maintained and augmented amongst them, then to have been disliked, for I have read that in all ages, Poets have been had in special reputation, and that (me thinks) not without great cause; for besides their sweet inventions, and most witty lays, they have always used to set forth the praises of the good and virtuous, and to beat down and disgrace the bad and vicious. So that many brave young minds, have oftentimes through hearing the praises and famous Eulogies of worthy men sung and reported unto them, been stirred up to affect the like commendations, and so to strive to the like deserts. So they say that the Lacedæmonians were more excited to desire of honour, with the excellent verses of the Poet Tirtaeus, then with all the exhortations of their Captains, or authority of their Rulers and Magistrates.  Iren. 
It is most true, that such Poets as in their writings do labour to better the manners of men, and through the sweet bait of their numbers, to steal into the young Spirits a desire of honour and virtue, are worthy to be had in great respect. But these Irish Bards are for the most part of another mind, and so far from instructing young men in moral discipline, that they themselves do more deserve to be sharply disciplined, for they seldom use to choose unto themselves the doings of good men for the Arguments of their Poems, but whomsoever they find to be most licentious of life, most bold and lawless in his doings, most dangerous and desperate in all parts of disobedience and rebellious disposition, him they set up and glorify in their Rhythms, him they praise to the people, & to young men make an example to follow  Eudox. 
I marvel what kind of speeches they can find, or what face they can put on, to praise such bad persons as live so lawleslie and licentiously upon stealths and spoils, as most of them do, or how can they think that any good mind will applaud or approve the same.  Iren. 
There is none so bad Eudoxus, but shall find some to favour his doings, but such licentious parts as these, tending for the most part to the hurt of the English, or maintenance of their own lewd liberty, they themselves being most desirous thereof, do most allow. Besides this, evil things being decked and attired with the gay attire of goodly words, may easily deceive, & carry away the affection of a young mind, that is not well stayed, but desirous by some bold adventures, to make proof of himself, for being (as they all be brought up) idly, without awe of Parents, without precepts of masters, and without fear of offence, not being directed, nor employed in any course of life, which may carry them to virtue, will easily be drawn to follow such as any shall set before them, for a young mind cannot rest, if he be not still busied in some goodness, he will find himself such business, as shall soon busy all about him. In which, if he shall find any to praise him, & to give him encouragement, as those Bards and Rythmers do for little reward, or a share of a stolen Cow, then waxeth he most insolent and half mad with the love of himself, & his own lewd deeds. And as for words to set forth such lewdness, it is not hard for them to give a goodly and painted show thereunto, borrowed even from the praises which are proper to virtue itself. As of a most notorious thief & wicked outlaw, which had lived all his life-time of spoils & robberies, one of their Bards in his praise will say, that he was none of the idle milksops that was brought up by the fire side, but that most of his days he spent in arms & valiant enterprises, that he did never eat his meat, before he had won it with his sword, that he lay not all night slugging in a cabin under his mantle, but used commonly to keep others waking to defend their lives, and did light his candle at the flames of their houses, to lead him in the darkness: That the Day was his Night, and the Night his Day, that he loved not to be long wooing of wenches to yield to him, but where he came, he took by force the spoil of other men's love, and left but lamentation to their lovers; that his music was not the harp, nor lays of love, but the cries of people, and clashing of Armour: & finally, that he died not bewailed of many, but made many wail when he died, that dear bought his death. Do you not think (Eudoxus) that many of these praises might be applied to men of best deserts, yet are they all yielded to a most notable Traitor, & amongst some of the Irish not smally accounted of. For the song, when it was first made and sung to a person of high degree there, was bought (as their manner is) for forty crowns.  Eudox. 
And well worthy sure. But tell me (I pray you) have they any Art in their compositions? or be they any thing witty or well favoured as Poems should be?  Iren. 
Yea truly, I have caused divers of them to be translated unto me, that I might understand them, & surely they savoured of sweet wit and good invention, but skilled not of the goodly ornaments of Poetry: yet were they sprinkled with some pretty flowers of their natural device, which gave good grace & comeliness unto them, the which it is great pity to see so abused; to the gracing of wickedness & vice, which with good usage would serve to adorn & beautify virtue. This evil custom therefore needeth reformation. And now next after the Irish Kern, me thinks the Irish hors-boyes would come well in order, the use of which, though necessity (as times now be) do enforce; yet in the through reformation of that Realm they should be cut off. For the cause why they are now to be permitted, is want of convenient Inns for lodging of travellers on horseback, & of ostler's to tend their horses by the way. But when things shallbe reduced to a better pass, this needeth specially to be reform. For out of the fry of these rakehell horse-boyes, growing up in knavery and villainy, are their Kern continually supplied & maintained. For having been once brought up an idle horseboy, he will never after fall to labour, but is only made fit for the halter. And these also (the which is one foul oversight) are for the most part bred up amongst the Englishmen, of whom learning to shoot in a piece, and being made acquainted with all the trades of the English, they are afterwards when they become Kerne, made more fit to cut their throats. Next to this, there is another much like; but much more lewd and dishonest, and that is, of their Carrows, which is a kind of people that wander up and down to Gentlemen's houses, living only upon Cards and Dice, the which, though they have little or nothing of their own, yet will they play for much money, which if they win, they waste most lightly, and if they lose, they pay as slenderly, but make recompense with one stealth or another, whose only hurt is not that they themselves are idle Lossells, but that thorough gaming, they draw others to like lewdness and idleness. And to these may be added another sort of like loose fellows, which do pass up and down amongst Gentlemen, by the name of jesters, but are (indeed) notable rogues, & partakers not only of many stealths, by setting forth other men's goods to be stolen, but also privy to many traitorous practices, and common carrier's of news, with desire whereof you would wonder how much the Irish are fed, for they use commonly to send up and down to know news, and if any meet with another, his second word is, what news? Insomuch that hereof is told a pretty jest of a Frenchman, who having been sometimes in Ireland, where he marked their great inquiry for news, and meeting afterwards in France an Irishman, whom he knew in Ireland, first saluted him, and afterwards said thus merrily: O Sir, I pray you tell me of courtesy, have you heard any thing of the news, that you so much inquired for in your Country?  Eudox. 
This argueth sure in them a great desire of innovation, & therefore these occasions which nourish the same, must be taken away, as namely those jesters, Carroweses, Mona-shutes, & all such stragglers, for whom (me thinks) the short riddance of a Marshal, were meeter than an ordinance or prohibition to restrain them. Therefore (I pray you) leave all this rabblement of Runagates, & pass to other customs.  Iren. 
There is a great use amongst the Irish, to make great assemblies together upon a rath or hill, there to parley (as they say) about matters and wrongs between Township & Township, or one private person and another. But well I wot, and true it hath been oftentimes proved, that in their meetings many mischiefs have been both practised & wrought; for to them do commonly resort all the scum of the people, where they may meet and confer of what they list, which else they could not do without suspicion, or knowledge of others. Besides at these meetings I have known divers times, that many Englishmen, & good Irish subjects, have been villainously murdered by moving one quarrel or another against them. For the Irish never come to those Raths, but armed, whether on horse or on foot, which the English nothing suspecting, are then commonly taken at advantage like sheep in the pinfolde.  Eudox. 
It may be (Irenaeus) that abuse may be in those meetings. But these round hills and square Bawnes which you see so strongly trenched and thrown up, were (they say) at first ordained for the same purpose, that people might assemble themselves therein, and therefore anciently they were called Talk-motes, that is, a place of people, to meet or talk of any thing that concerned any difference between parties and Towneships, which seemeth yet to me very requisite.  Iren. 
You say very true Eudoxus, the first making of these high hills, were at first indeed to very good purpose for people to meet, but howsoever the times when they were first made, might well serve to good occasions, as perhaps they did then in England, yet things being since altered, & now Ireland much differing from the state of England, the good use that then was of them, is now turned to abuse; for those hills whereof you speak, were (as you may gather by reading) appointed for 2 special uses, & built by 2 several nations. The one is that which you call Talk-motes, which were built by the Saxons, as the word bewrayeth, for it signifieth in Saxon, a meeting of folk, & these are for the most part in form four square, well entrenched, the others that were round, were cast up by the Danes, as the name of them doth betoken, for they are called Danes-Rathes, that is, hills of the Danes, the which were by them devised, not for treaties and parleys, but appointed as forts for them to gather unto, in troublesome time, when any trouble arose, for the Danes being but a few in comparison of the 
* The like reason may be given for the making of such Rathes in Ireland, by the Danes or Norwegians. vid. Gir. Cambr. top●g. H●b. distinct. 3. cap. 37.  Saxons (in England) used this for their safety, they made those small round hills, so strongly fenced, in every quarter of the hundred, to the end that if in the night, or any other time, any troublous cry or uproar should happen, they might repair with all speed unto their own fort, which was appointed for their quarter, and there remain safe, till they could assemble themselves in greater strength, for they were made so strong with one small entrance, that whosoever came thither first, were he one or two, or like few, he or they might there rest safe, and defend themselves against many, till more succour came unto them: and when they were gathered to a sufficient number, they marched to the next fort, and so forward till they met with the peril, or knew the occasions thereof. But besides these two sorts of hills, there were anciently divers others, for some were raised, where there had been a great battle fought, as a memory or Trophy thereof, others, as monuments of burials, of the carcases of all those that were slain in any field, upon whom they did throw such round mounts, as memorials of them, and sometimes did cast up great heaps of stones, (as you may read the like in many places of the Scripture) and other while, they did throw up many round heaps of earth in a circle, like a garland, or pitch many long stones on end in compass, every of which (they say) betokened some person of Note, there slain and buried, for this was their ancient custom, before Christianity came in amongst them, that Churchyards were enclosed.  Eudox. 
You have very well declared the original of their mounts and great stones encompassed, which some vainly term, the old Giants Trevetts, and think that those huge stones, would not else be brought into order or reared up, without the strength of Giants. And others as vainly think that they were never placed there by man's hand, or Art, but only remained there so since the beginning, and were afterwards discovered by the deluge, and laid open as then by the washing of the waters, or other like casualty. But let them dream their own Imaginations to please themselves, you have satisfied me much better, both for that I see some confirmation thereof in the holy writ, and also remember that I have read in many Histories and Chronicles, the like mounts and stones, oftentimes mentioned.  Iren. 
There be many great authorities (I assure you) to prove the same, but as for these meetings on hills, whereof we were speaking, it is very inconvenient that any such should be permitted.  Eudox. 
But yet it is very needful (me thinks) for many other purposes, as for the countries to gather together, when there is any imposition to be laid upon them, to the which they then may all agree at such meetings, to divide upon themselves, according to their holdings and abilities. So as if at these assemblies, there be any Officers, as Constables, Bailiffs, or such like amongst them, there can be no peril, or doubt of such bad practices.  Iren: 
Nevertheless, dangerous are such assemblies, whether for Cease or aught else, the Constables and Officers, being also of the Irish, and if any of the English happen to be there, even to them they may prove perilous. Therefore for avoiding of all such evil occasions, they were best to be abolished.  Eudox. 
But what is that which you call Cease, it is a word sure unused amongst us here, therefore (I pray you) expound the same?  Iren. 
Cease is none other than that which yourself called imposition, but it is in a kind unacquainted perhaps unto you. For there are Cesses of sundry sorts, one is the cessing of Soldiers upon the Country: For Ireland being a Country of war (as it is handled) and always full of Soldiers, they which have the government, whether they find it the most ease to the Queen's purse, or the most ready means at hand, for victualling of the Soldier, or that necessity enforceth them thereunto, do scatter the Army abroad in the Country, and place them in Villages to take their victuals of them, at such vacant times as they lie not in Camp, nor are otherwise employed in service. Another kind of Cease, is the imposing of provision; for the Governors housekeeping, which though it be most necessary, and be also (for avoiding of all the evils formerly therein used) lately brought to a composition, yet it is not without great inconveniences, no less than here in England, or rather much more. The like Cease is also charged upon the Country sometimes for victualling of the Soldiers, when they lie in Garrison, at such times as there is none remaining in the Queen's store, or that the same cannot be conveniently conveyed to their place of Garrison: But these two are not easily to be redressed when necessity thereto compelleth, but as for the former, as it is not necessary, so is it most hurtful and offensive to the poor country, and nothing convenient for the Soldiers themselves, who during their lying at Cease, use all kind of outrageous disorder and villainy, both towards the poor men, which victual and lodge them, as also to all the Country round about them, whom they abuse, oppress, spoil, & afflict by all the means they can invent, for they will not only, not content themselves with such victuals as their hosts, nor yet as the place, perhaps affords, but they will have other meat provided for them, and Aqua vitae sent for, yea and money besides laid at their trenchers, which if they want, then about the house they walk with the wretched poor man and his silly wife, who are glad to purchase their peace with any thing. By which vile manner of abuse, the country people, yea and the very English which dwell abroad and see, and sometimes feel this outrage, grow into great detestation of the Soldiers, and thereby into hatred of the very government, which draweth upon them such evils: And therefore this you may also join unto the former evil customs, which we have to reprove in Ireland.  Eudox. 
Truly this is one not the least, and though the persons by whom it is used, be of better note than the former roguish sort, which you reckoned, yet the fault (me thinks) is no less worthy of a marshal.  Iren. 
That were a harder course Eudoxus, to redress every abuse by a marshal, it would seem to you very evil surgery to cut off every unsound or sick part of the body, which being by other due means recovered, might afterwards do very good service to the body again, and haply help to save the whole: Therefore I think better that some good salve for the redress of the evil be sought forth, than the least part suffered to perish: but hereof we have to speak in another place. Now we will proceed to other like defects, amongst which there is one general inconvenience, which reigneth almost throughout all Ireland: that is, the Lords of land and freeholders', do not there use to set out their land in farm, or for term of years, to their Tenants, but only from year to year, and some during pleasure, neither indeed will the Irish Tenant or husbandman otherwise take his land, than so long as he list himself. The reason hereof in the Tenant is, for that the Landlords there, use most shamefully to rack their Tenants, laying upon them Coigny and Livery at pleasure, & exacting of them (besides his Covenants) what he pleaseth. So that the poor husbandman either dare not bind himself to him, for longer term, or thinketh by his continual liberty of change, to keep his Landlord the rather in awe from wronging of him. And the reason why the Landlord will no longer covenant with him, is, for that he daily looketh after change and alteration, and hovereth in expectation of new worlds.  Eudox. 
But what evil cometh hereby to the Commonwealth or what reason is it that any Landlord should not set, nor any Tenant take his land, as himself list?  Iren. 
Marry the evils which cometh hereby is great, for by this means, both the Landlord thinketh that he hath his Tenant more at command, to follow him into what action soever he shall enter, and also the Tenant being left at his liberty is fit for every occasion of change that shall be offered by time: and so much also the more ready and willing is he to run into the same, for that he hath no such state in any his holding, no such building upon any farm, no such cost employed in fensing or husbanding the same, as might withhold him from any such wilful course, as his Lord's cause, or his own lewd disposition may carry him unto. All which he hath forborn, and spared so much expense, for that he had no firm estate in his Tenement, but was only a Tenant at will or little more, and so at will may leave it. And this inconvenience may be reason enough to ground any ordinance for the good of the Commonwealth, against the private behoof or will of any Landlord that shall refuse to grant any such term or estate unto his Tenant, as may tend to the good of the whole Realm.  Eudox. 
Indeed (me thinks) it is a great wilfulness in any such Landlord to refuse to make any longer farms unto their Tenants, as may, besides the general good of the Realm, be also greatly for their own profit and avail: For what reasonable man will not think that the Tenement shallbe made much better for the Lords behoof, if the Tenant may by such good means be drawn to build himself some handsome habitation thereon, to ditch and enclose his ground, to manure and husband it as good Farmours use. For when his Tenant's term shallbe expired: it will yield him in the renewing his lease, both a good fine, and also a better rent. And also it shall be for the good of the Tenant likewise, who by such buildings and enclosures shall receive many benefits: first by the handsomeness of his house, he shall take more comfort of his life, more safe dwelling, and a delight to keep his said house neat and cleanly, which now being as they commonly are, rather swynestyes, than houses; is the chiefest cause of his so beastly manner of life, and savage condition, lying and living together with his beast in one house, in one room, in one bed, that is, clean straw, or rather a foul dunghill. And to all these other commodities, he shall in sort time find a greater added, that is his own wealth and riches increased, and wonderfully enlarged, by keeping his Cattle in enclosures, where they shall always have fresh pasture, that now is all trampled and overrun, warm covert, that now lieth open to all weather, safe being, that now are continually filched and stolen.  Iren. 
You have Eudoxus well accounted the commodities of this one good ordinance, amongst which, this that you named last is not the least, for all the other being most beneficial to the Landlord and Tenant. This chiefly redoundeth to the good of the Commonwealth, to have the land thus enclosed, and well fenced. For it is both a principal bar and impeachment unto thiefs from stealing of cattle in the night, and also a gall against all Rebels, and Outlaws, that shall rise up in any numbers against the government, for the thief thereby shall have much ado, first to bring forth, and afterwards to drive away his stolen prey, but through the common high ways, where he shall soon be descried and met withal: And the Rebel or open enemy, if any such shall happen, either at home, or from abroad, shall easily be found when he cometh forth, and also be well encountered withal by a few, in so strait passages and strong enclosures. This therefore when we come to the reforming of all those evil customs before mentioned, is needful to be remembered but now by this time (me thinks) that I have well run through the evil uses which I have observed in Ireland. Nevertheless I well note that there be many more, and infinitely many more in the private abuses of men. But these that are most general, and tending to the hurt of the Commonweal, (as they have come to my remembrance) I have as briefly as I could rehearsed unto you. And therefore now I think best that we pass unto our third part, in which we noted inconveniences that are in Religion.  Eudox. 
Surely you have very well handled these two former, and if ye shall as well go through the third likewise, you shall merit a very good meed.  Iren. 
Little have I to say of Religion, both because the parts thereof be not many, (it self being but one) and myself have not much been conversant in that calling: but as lightly passing by I have seen or heard: Therefore the fault which I find in Religion is but one, but the same is universal, throughout all that country, that is, that they be all Papists by their profession, but in the same so blindly and brutishly informed, (for the most part) that not one amongst a hundred knoweth any ground of Religion, or any Article of his faith, but can perhaps say his Pater noster or his Ave Maria, without any knowledge or understanding what one word thereof meaneth.  Eudox. 
Is it not then a little blot to them that now hold the place of government, that they which now are in the light themselves, suffer a people under their charge, to wallow in such deadly darkness.  Iren. 
That which you blame Eudox. is not (I suppose) any fault of will in those godly fathers which have charge thereof, but the inconvenience of the time and troublous occasions, wherewith that wretched Realm hath continually been turmoiled; For instruction in Religion needeth quiet times, and ere we seek to settle a sound discipline in the Clergy, we must purchase peace unto the Laity, for it is ill time to preach among swords, and most hard or rather impossible it is to settle a good opinion in the minds of men, for matters of Religion doubtful, which have doubtless an evil opinion of us. For ere a new be brought in, the old must be removed.  Eudox. 
Then belike it is meet that some fitter time be attended, that God send peace and quietness there in civil matters, before it be attempted in Ecclesiastical. I would rather have thought that (as it is said) correction must first begin at the house of God, and that the care of the Soul, should have been preferred before the care of the Body.  Iren. 
Most true Eudoxus, the care of the soul, and soul matters is to be preferred, before the care of the body, in consideration of the worthiness thereof, but not till the time of reformation, for if you should know a wicked person dangerously sick, having now both soul and body greatly diseased, yet both recoverable, would you not think it evil advertizement to bring the Preacher before the Physician, for if his body were neglected, it is like that his languishing soul being disquieted by his diseaseful body, would utterly refuse and loathe all spiritual comfort, but if his body were first recured, & brought to good frame, should there not then be found best time, to recover the soul also. So it is in the state of a Realm: Therefore (as I said) it is expedient, first to settle such a course of government there, as thereby both civil disorders, and ecclesiastical abuses may be reform and amended, whereto needeth not any such great distance of times, as (you suppose) I require, but one joint resolution for both, that each might second and confirm the other.  Eudox. 
That we shall see when we come thereunto, in the mean time, I conceive thus much, as you have delivered, touching the general fault, which you suppose in Religion, to wit, that it is Popish, but do you find no particular abuses therein, nor in the ministers thereof?  Iren: 
Yes verily, for what ever disorders you see in the Church of England, ye may find there, and many more: Namely, gross Simony, greedy covetousness, fleshly incontinency, careless sloth, and generally all disordered life in the common Clergy men: And besides all these, they have their particular enormities; For all Irish Priests, which now enjoy the Church livings, they are in a manner mere lay men, saving that they have taken holy orders, but otherwise they do go, and live like lay men, follow all kind of husbandry, and other worldly affairs, as other Irish men do. They neither read Scriptures, nor preach to the people, nor administer the Communion, but Baptism they do: for they christian yet after the Popish fashion, only they take the tithes and offerings, and gather what fruit else they may of their livings, the which they convert as badly and some of them (they say) pay as due tributes and shares of their livings to their Bishops, (I speak of those which are Irish) as they receive them duly.  Eudox. 
But is that suffered amongst them? It is wonder but that the Governors do redress such shameful abuses.  Iren. 
How can they, since they know them not? for the Irish Bishops have their Clergy in such awe and subjection under them, that they dare not complain of them, so as they may do to them what they please, for they knowing their own unworthiness and incapacity, and that they are therefore still removable at their Bishop's will, yield what pleaseth him, and he taketh what he listeth: yea, and some of them whose Dioceses are in remote parts, somewhat out of the world's eye, do not at all bestow the Benefices, which are in their own donation, upon any, but keep them in their own hands, and set their own servants and horse-boyes to take up the Tithes and fruits of them, with the which some of them purchase great Lands, and build fair Castles upon the same. Of which abuse if any question be moved they have a very seemly colour and excuse, that they have no worthy Ministers to bestow them upon, but keep them so bestowed for any such sufficient person, as any shall bring unto them.  Eudox. 
But is there no law nor ordinance to meet with this mischief? nor hath it never before been looked into?  Iren. 
Yes, it seems it hath, for there is a Statute there enacted in Ireland, which seems to have been grounded upon a good meaning, That whatsoever Englishman of good conversation and sufficiency, shall be brought unto any of the Bishops, and nominated unto any living, within their Diocese that is presently void, that he shall (without contradiction) be admitted thereunto before any Irish.  Eudox. 
This is surely a very good Law, and well provided for this evil, whereof you speak, but why is not the same observed?  Iren. 
I think it is well observed, and that none of the Bishops transgress the same, but yet it worketh no reformation thereof, for many defects. First there are no such sufficient English Ministers sent over as might be presented to an● Bishop for any living, but the most part of such English as come over thither of themselves, are either unlearned, or men of some bad note, for which they have forsaken England. So as the Bishop to whom they shallbe presented, may justly reject them as incapable and insufficient. Secondly, the Bishop himself is perhaps an Irish man, who being made judge by that Law, of the sufficiency of the Ministers, may at his own will, dislike of the Englishman, as unworthy in his opinion, and admit of any Irish, whom he shall think more for his turn. And if he shall at the instance of any Englishman of countenance there, whom he will not displease, accept of any such English Minister as shall be ●endered unto him, yet he will under hand, carry such a hard hand over him, or by his Officers wring him so sore, that he will soon make him weary of his poor living. Lastly, the Benefices themselves are so mean, and of so small profit in those Irish Countries, through the ill husbandry of the Irish people which do inhabit them, that they will not yield any competent maintenance for any honest Minister to live upon, scarcely to buy him a gown. And were all this redressed (as happily it might be) yet what good should any English Minister do amongst them, by teaching or preaching to them, which either cannot understand him, or will not hear him? Or what comfort of life shall he have, where his Parishioners are so insatiable, so intractable, so ill affected to him, as they usual be to all the English; or finally, how dare almost any honest Minister, that are peaceable civil men, commit his safety to the hands of such Neighbours, as the boldest Captains dare scarcely dwell by?  Eudox. 
Little good then (I see) was by that Statute wrought, how ever well intended, but the reformation thereof must grow higher, and be brought from a stronger ordinance, than the commandment, or penalty of a Law, which none dare inform or complain of when it is broken; but have you any more of those abuses in the Clergy?  Iren. 
I would perhaps reckon more, but I perceive my speech to grow too long, and these may suffice to judge of the general disorders which reign amongst them; as for the particulars, they are too many to be reckoned. For the Clergy there (excepting the grave Fathers which are in high place about the State, and some few others which are lately planted in their 
* Trinity College by Dublin, which was founded by Queen Eliz 3 Martij 159●. The 13. of the same month, its first stone was laid by Thomas Smyth then Mayor of Dublin, and the 9 of jan 1593. it first admitted Students.  new College) are generally bad, licentious, and most disordered.  Eudox. 
You have then (as I suppose) gone through those three first parts which you proposed unto yourself, to wit, The Inconveniences which you observed in the laws, in the customs, and in the Religion of that land. The which (me thinks) you have so thoroughly touched, as that nothing more remaineth to ●e spoken thereof.  Iren. 
Not so thoroughly as you suppose, that nothing can remain, but so generally as I purposed, that is, to lay open the general evils of that Realm, which do hinder the good reformation thereof, for to count the particular faults of private men, should be a work too infinite, yet some there be of that nature, that though they be in private men, yet their evil reacheth to a general hurt, as the extortion of Sheriffs, and their Sub-sheriffs & Bailiffs, the corruption of Victuallers, Cessors, and Purveyors, the disorders of seneschals, Captains, and their Soldiers, and many such like: All which I will only name here, that their reformation may be mended in place where it most concerneth. But there is one very foul abuse, which by the way I may not omit, and that is in Captains, who notwithstanding that they are specially employed to make peace through strong execution of war, yet they do so dandle their doings, & dally in the service to them committed, as if they would not have the enemy subdued, or utterly beaten down, for fear lest afterwards they should need employment, & so be discharged of pay: For which cause some of them that are laid in garrison, do so handle the matter, that they will do no great hurt to the enemies, yet for colour sake, some men they will kill, even half with the consent of the enemy, being persons either of base regard, or enemies to the enemy, whose heads eftsoons they send to the Governor for a commendation of their great endeavour, telling how weighty a service they performed, by cutting off such and such dangerous Rebels.  Eudox. 
Truly this is a pretty mockery, and not to be permitted by the Governors.  Iren. 
But how can the Gourrnour know readily what persons those were, & what the purpose of their kill was, yea & what will you say if the Captains do justify this their course by ensample of some of their Governors, which (under Benedicite, I do tell it to you) do practise the like sleight in their governments?  Eudox. 
Is it possible? take heed what you say Irenaeus.  Iren. 
To you only Eudoxus, I do tell it, and that even with great hearts grief, and inward trouble of mind to see her Majesty so much abused by some who are put in special trust of those great affairs: Of which, some being martial men, will not do always what they may for quieting of things, but will rather wink at some faults, and suffer them unpunished, lest they (having put all things in that assurance of peace that they might) they should seem afterwards not to be needed, nor continued in their governments with so great a charge to her Majesty. And therefore they do cunningly carry their course of government, and from one hand to another do bandy the service like a Tennis-Ball, which they will never strike quite away, for fear lest afterwards they should want.  Eudox. 
Do you speak of under Magistrates Irenaeus, or principal Governors?  Iren. 
I do speak of no particulars, but the truth may be found out by trial and reasonable insight into some of their doings. And if I should say, there is some blame thereof in the principal Governors, I think I might also show some reasonable proof of my speech. As for example, some of them seeing the end of their government to draw nigh, and some mischiefs and troublous practice growing up, which afterwards may work trouble to the next succeeding Governor, will not attempt the redress or cutting off thereof, either for fear they should leave the Realm unquiet at the end of their government, or that the next that cometh, should receive the same too quiet, and so happily win more praise thereof, than they before. And therefore they will not (as I said) seek at all to repress that evil, but will either by granting protection for a time, or holding some emparlance with the Rebel, or by treaty of Commissioners, or by other like devices, only smother and keep down the flame of the mischief, so as it may not break out in their time of government, what comes afterwards they care not, or rather wish the worst. This course hath been noted in some Governors.  Eudox. 
Surely (Irenaeus) This if it were true, should be worthy of an heavy judgement: But it is hardly to be thought, that any Governor should so much either envy the good of that Realm which is put into his hand, or defraud her Majesty who trusteth him so much, or malign his successor which shall possess his place, as to suffer an evil to grow up, which he might timely have kept under, or perhaps to nourish it with coloured countenance, or such sinister means.  Iren. 
I do not certainly avouch so much (Eudoxus) but the sequel of things doth in a manner prove, and plainly speak so much, that the Governors usually are envious one of another's greater glory, which if they would seek to excel by better governing, it should be a most laudable emulation. But they do quite otherwise. For this (as you may mark) is the common order of them, that who cometh next in place, will not follow that course of government, how ever good, which his predecessors held, either for disdain of himself, or doubt to have his doings drowned in an other man's praise, but will strait take a way quite contrary to the former: As if the former thought (by keeping under the Irish) to reform them: the next by discountenancing the English, will curry favour with the Irish, and so make his government seem plausible, as having all the Irish at his command: But he that comes after, will perhaps follow neither the one nor the other, but will dandle the the one and the other in such sort, as he will suck sweet out of them both, and leave bitterness to the poor Country, which if he that comes after shall seek to redress, he shall perhaps find such crosses, as he shall hardly be able to bear, or do any good that might work the disgrace of his predecessors. Examples you may see hereof in the governor's of late times sufficiently, and in others of former times more manifestly, w●en the government of that Realm, was committed sometimes to the Geraldines, as when the house of York had the Crown of England, sometimes to the Butlers, as when the house of Laencaster got the same. And other while, when an English Governor was appointed, he perhaps found enemies of both.  Eudox. 
I am sorry to hear so much as you report, and now I begin to conceive somewhat more of the cause of her continual wretchedness then heretofore I found, and wish that this inconvenience were well looked into, for sure (me thinks) it is more weighty than all the former, and more hardly to be redressed in the governor, then in the governed, as a malady in a vital part is more incurable then in an external.  Iren. 
You say very true; but now that we have thus ended all the abuses and inconveniences of that government which was our first part. It followeth now that we pass unto the second part, which was of the means to cure and redress the same, which we must labour to reduce to the first beginning thereof.  Eudox. 
Right so Irenaeus: for by that which I have noted in all this your discourse, you suppose, that the whole ordinance and institution of that Realm's government, was both at first when it was placed, evil plotted, and also sithence through other oversights, came more out of square to that disorder which it is now come unto, like as two indirect lines, the further that they are drawn out, the further they go asunder.  Iren. 
I do see Eudoxus; and as you say, so think, that the longer that government thus continueth, in the worse course will the Realm be, for it is all in vain that they now strive and endeavour by fair means and peaceable plots to redress the same, without first remmooving all those inconveniences, and new framing (as it were) in the forge, all that is worn out of fashion: For all other means will be but as lost labour, by patching up one hole to make many, for the Irish do strongly hate and abhor all reformation and subjection to the English, by reason that having been once subdued by them, they were thrust out of all their possessions. So as now they fear, that if they were again brought under, they should be likewise expelled out of all, which is the cause that they hate the English government, according to the saying, Quem metuunt oderunt: Therefore the reformation must now be the strength of a greater power.  Eudox. 
But me thinks that might be by making of good laws, and establishing of new Statutes, with sharp penalties and punishments, for amending of all that is presently amiss, and not (as you suppose) to begin all as it were anew, and to alter the whole form of the government, which how dangerous a thing it is to attempt, you yourself must needs confess, and they which have the managing of the Realm's whole policy, cannot without great cause, fear and refrain, for all innovation is perilous, insomuch as though it be meant for the better, yet so many accidents and fearful events may come between, as that it may hazard the loss of the whole.  Iren. 
Very true Eudoxus, all change is to be shunned, where the affairs stand in such sort, as that they may continue in quietness, or be assured at all to abide as they are. But that in the Realm of Ireland we see much otherwise, for every day we perceive the troubles growing more upon us, and one evil growing upon another, insomuch as there is no part now sound or ascertained. but all have their cares upright, waiting when the watchword shall come, that they should all arise generally into rebellion, and cast away the English subjection. To which there now little wanteth, for I think the word be already given, and there wanteth nothing but opportunity, which truly is the death of one noble person, who being himself most steadfast to his sovereign Queen, and his Country, coasting upon the South Sea, stoppeth the ingate of all that evil which is looked for, and holdeth in all those which are at his beck, with the terror of his greatness, and the assurance of his most immovable loyalty: And therefore where you think, that good and sound laws might amend, and reform things there amiss; you think surely amiss. For it is vain to prescribe Laws, where no man careth for keeping of them, nor feareth the danger for breaking of them. But all the Realm is first to be reform, and laws are afterwards to be made for keeping and continuing it in that reformed estate.  Eudox. 
How then do you think is the reformation thereof to be begun, if not by laws and ordinances?  Iren. 
Even by the sword, for all these evils must first be cut away by a strong hand, before any good can be planted, like as the corrupt branches, and unwholesome boughs are first to be pruned, and the foul moss cleansed and scraped away, before the tree can bring forth any good fruit.  Eudox. 
Did you blame me even now, for wishing of Kerne, Horse-boyes, and Carroweses, to be clean cut off, as too violent a means, and do you yourself now prescribe the same medicine? Is not the Sword the most violent redress that may be used for any evil?  Iren. 
It is so, but where no other remedy may be devised, nor hope of recovery had, there must needs this violent means be used. As for the loose kind of people which you would have cut off, I blamed it, for that they might otherwise perhaps be brought to good, as namely by this way which I set before you.  Eudox. 
Is not your way all one with the former in effect, which you found fault with, save only this odds, that I said by the halter, and you say by the sword, what difference is there?  Iren. 
There is surely great, when you shall understand it, for by the sword which I named, I did not mean the cutting off all that nation with the sword, which far be it from me, that I should ever think so desperately, or wish so uncharitably, but by the Sword I mean the royal power of the Prince, which ought to stretch itself forth in the chiefest strength to the redressing and cutting off those evils, which I before blamed, and not of the people which are evil. For evil people, by good ordinances and government, may be made good; but the evil that is of itself evil, will never become good.  Eudox. 
I pray you then declare your mind at large, how you would wish that sword which you mean to be used to the reformation of all those evils.  Iren. 
The first thing must be to send over into that Realm, such a strong power of men, as should perforce bring in all that rebellious rout and loose people, which either do now stand out in open Arms, or in wand'ring companies do keep the woods, spoiling the good subjects.  Eudox. 
You speak now Irenaeus of an infinite charge to her Majesty, to send over such an Army, as should tread down all that standeth before them on foot, and lay on the ground all the stiffnecked people of that land, for there is now but one Outlaw of any great reckoning, to wit, the Earl of Tyrone abroad in arms, against whom you see what huge charges she hath been at this last year, in sending of men, providing of victuals, and making head against him, yet there is little or nothing at all done, but the Queen's treasure spent, her people wasted, the poor Country troubled, and the enemy nevertheless brought into no more subjection than he was, or list outwardly to show, which in effect is none, but rather a scorn of her power, and emboldening of a proud rebel, and an encouragement to all like lewdly disposed Traitors, that shall dare to lift up their heel, against their sovereign Lady: Therefore it were hard counsel to draw such an exceeding great charge upon her, whose event should be so uncertain.  Iren. 
True indeed, if the event should be uncertain, but the certainty of the effect hereof shall be so infallible, as that no reason can gainsay it, neither shall the charge of all this Army (the which I demand) be much greater, than so much as in these last two years' wars, hath vainly been expended. For I dare undertake, that it hath cost the Queen above 200000. pounds already, and for the present charge, that she is now at there, amounteth to very near 12000. pounds a month, whereof cast you the account: yet nothing is done. The which sum had it been employed as it should be, would have effected all this which now I go about.  Eudox. 
How mean you to have it employed? but to be spent in the pay of Soldiers, and provision of victuals.  Iren. 
Right so, but it is now not disbursed at once, as it might be, but drawn out into a long length, by sending over now 20000 pounds, and next half year 10000 pounds, so as the Soldier in the mean time for want of due provision of victual, and good payment of his due, is starved and consumed, that of a 1000 which came over lusty able men, in half a year there are not left 500 And yet is the Queen's charge never a whit the less, but what is not paid in present money, is accounted in debt, which will not be long unpaid, for the Captain, half of whose Soldiers are dead, and the other quarter never mustered, nor seen, comes shortly to demand payment of his whole account, where by good means of some great ones, and privy shareings with the Officers and servants of other some, he receiveth his debt, much less perhaps then was due, yet much more indeed than he justly deserved.  Eudox. 
I take this sure to be no good husbandry, for what must needs be spent, as good spend it at once, where is enough, as to have it drawn out into long delays, seeing that thereby both the service is much hindered, and yet nothing saved but it may be Irenaeus that the Queen's treasure in so great occasions of disbursements (as it is well known she hath been at lately,) is not always so ready, nor so plentiful, as it can spare so great a sum together, but being paid as it is, now some, and then some, it is no great burden unto her, nor any great impoverishment to her Coffers, seeing by such delay of time, it daily cometh in, as fast as she parteth it out.  Iren. 
It may be as you say, but for the going through of so honourable a course (I doubt not) but if the Queen's Coffers be not so well stored (which we are not to look into) but that the whole Realm which now as things are used, do feel a continual burden of that wretched Realm, hanging upon their backs, would for a small riddance of all that trouble, be once troubled for all: and put to all their shoulders, and helping hands, and hearts also, to the defraying of that charge, most gladfully and willingly, and surely the charge in effect, is nothing to the infinite great good, which should come thereby, both to the Queen, and all this Realm generally, as when time serveth shall be showed.  Eudox. 
How many men would you require to the furnishing of this which ye take in hand? and how long space would you have them entertained?  Iren. 
Verily not above 10000 footmen, and a 1000 horse, and all these not above the space of a year and a half, for I would still as the heat of the service abateth, abate the number in pay, and make other provision for them, as I will show.  Eudox. 
Surely it seemeth not much which you require, nor no long time, but how would you have them used? would you lead forth your Army against the Enemy, and seek him where he is, to fight?  Iren. 
No Eudoxus; That would not be, for it is well known that he is a flying enemy, hiding himself in woods and bogs, from whence he will not draw forth, but into some strait passage or perilous ford, where he knows the Army must needs pass: There will he lie in wait, and if he find advantage fit, will dangerously hazard the troubled Soldier. Therefore to seek him out that still flitteth, and follow him that can hardly be found, were vain and bootless, but I would divide my men in garrison upon his Country, in such places as I should think might most annoy him.  Eudox. 
But how can that be Irenaeus with so few men? for the enemy as you now see, is not all in one Country, but some in Ulster, some in Connaght, and others in Leinster. So as to plant strong garrisons in all those places should need many more men than you speak of, or to plant all in one, and to leave the rest naked, should be but to leave them to the spoil.  Iren. 
I would wish the chief power of the Army to be garrisond in one Country that is strongest, and the other upon the rest that is weakest▪ As for example, the Earl of Tyrone is now accounted the strongest, upon him would I lay 8000. men in garrison, 1000 upon Pheagh Mac Hugh and the Cavanagheses, and 1000 upon some parts of Connaght, to be at the direction of the Governor.  Eudox. 
I see now all your men bestowed, but what places would you set their garrison that they might rise out most conveniently to service? and though perhaps I am ignorant of the places, yet I will take the Map of Ireland, and lay it before me, and make mine eyes (in the mean time) my Schoolmasters, to guide my understanding to judge of your plot.  Iren. 
Those eight thousand in Ulster, I would divide likewise into four parts, so as there should be 2000 Footmen in every garrison: The which I would thus place. Upon the Black water, in some convenient place, as high upon the River as might be, I would lay one garrison. Another would I put at Castle-liffer, or thereabouts, so as they should have all the passages upon the River to Loghfoyle. The third I would place about Fermanagh or Bundroise, so as they might lie between Connaght and Ulster, to serve upon both sides, as occasion shall be offered, and this therefore would I have stronger than any of the rest, because it should be most enforced, and most employed, and that they might put wards at Ballishanon, and Belick, and all those passages. The last would I set about Monoghan or Balturbut, so as it should front both upon the Enemy that way, and also keep the Counties of Cavan and Meath in awe, from passage of stragglers from those parts, whence they use to come forth, and oftentimes use to work much mischief▪ And to every of these garrisons of 2000 Footmen, I would have 200. horsemen added, for the one without the other, can do but little service. The 4. Garrisons thus being placed, I would have to be victualled before hand for half a year, which you will say to be hard, considering the corruption and usual waste of victuals. But why should not they be aswell victualled for so long time, as the ships are usually for a year, and sometimes two, seeing it is easier to keep victual on land then water. Their bread I would have in flower, so as it might be baked still to serve their necessary want. Their Beer there also brewed within them, from time to time, and their Beef before hand barelled, the which may be used, but as it is needed: For I make no doubt but fresh victuals, they will sometimes purvay for themselves, amongst their Enemies. Hereunto likewise would I have them, have a store of hose and shoes, with such other necessaries as may be needful for Soldiers, so as they should have no occasion to look for relief from abroad, or occasion of such trouble, for their continual supply, as I see and have often proved in Ireland to be more cumberous to the Deputy, and dangerous to them that relieve them, then half the leading of an Army; for the Enemy knowing the ordinary ways through the which their relief must be brought them, useth commonly to draw himself into the strait passages thither-ward, and oftentimes doth dangerously distress them, besides the pay of such force as should be sent for their convoy, the charge of the carriages, the exactions of the Country shall be spared. But only every half year the supply brought by the Deputy himself, and his power▪ who shall then visit and overlook all those Garrisons, to see what is needful to change, what is expedient, and to direct what he shall best advise. And those 4. Garrisons issuing forth, at such convenient times as they shall have intelligence or espial upon the enemy, will so drive him from one side to another, and Tennis him amongst them, that he shall find no where safe to keep his Crete in, nor hide himself, but flying from the fire shall fall into the water, and out of one danger into another, that in short space his Crete, which is his chief sustenance, shall be wasted with preying, or killed with driving, or starved for want of pasture in the woods, and he himself brought so low, that he shall have no heart nor ability, to endure his wretchedness, the which will surely come to pass in very short time, for one Winter well followed upon him will so pluck him on his knees, that he will never be able to stand up again.  Eudox. 
Do you then think the Winter time fittest for the services of Ireland, how falls it then that our most employments be in Summer, and the Armies then led commonly forth?  Iren. 
It is surely misconceived, for it is not with Ireland as it is with other Countries, where the wars flame most in Summer, and the Helmets glister brightest in the fairest Sunshine: But in Ireland, the Winter yieldeth best services, for then the trees are bare and naked, which use both to clothe and house the Kern, the ground is cold and wet, which useth to be his bedding, the air is sharp and bitter, to blow through his naked sides and legs, the kine are barren and without milk, which useth to be his only food, neither if he kill them, will they yield him flesh, nor if he keep them, will they give him food, besides being all with Calf (for the most part) they will through much chase and driving, cast all their Calves, and lose their milk, which should relieve him the next Summer.  Eudox. 
I do well understand your reason, but by your leave, I have heard it otherwise said, of some that were Outlaws: That in Summer they kept themselves quiet, but in Winter they would play their parts, and when the nights were longest, then burn and spoil most, so that they might safely return before day.  Iren. 
I have likewise heard, and also seen proof thereof true: But that was of such Outlaws as were either abiding in well inhabited Countries, as in Monster, or bordering on the English pale, as Feagh Mac Hugh, the Cavanagheses, the Moors, the Dempsies, or such like: For, for them the winter indeed is the fittest time for spoiling and robbing, because the nights are then (as you said) longest and darkest, and also the Countries round about are then most full of Corn, and good provision to be gotten every where by them, but it is far otherwise with a strong peopled enemy, that possess a whole country, for the other being but a few, and indeed privily lodged, and kept in out villages, and corners nigh to the woods and mountains, by some of their privy friends, to whom they bring their spoils and stealths, and of whom they continually receive secret relief: But the open enemy having all his Country wasted, what by himself, and what by the Soldiers, findeth then secure in no place: Towns there are none, of which he may get spoil, they are all burnt: bread he hath none, he ploweth not in Summer: Flesh he hath, but if he kill it in Winter, he shall want milk in Summer, and shortly want life. Therefore if they be well followed, but one Winter, you shall have little work with them the next Summer.  Eudox. 
I do now well perceive the difference, and do verily think that the Winter time is there fittest for service, withal I conceive the manner of your handling of the service, by drawing sudden draughts upon the Enemy, when he looketh not for you, and to watch advantages upon him, as he doth upon you. By which strait keeping of them in, and not suffering them at any time long to rest, I must needs think that they will soon be brought low, and driven to great extremities. All which when you have performed and brought them to the very last cast, suppose that they will offer, either to come to you and submit themselves, or that some of them will seek to withdraw themselves, what is your advice to do, will you have them received?  Iren. 
No, but at the beginning of those wars, and when the Garrisons are well planted, and fortified, I would wish a Proclamation were made generally, to come to their knowledge: That what persons soever, would within twenty days absolutely submit themselves, (excepting only the very Principals and Ringleaders) should find grace: I doubt not, but upon the settling of these Garrisons, such a terror and near consideration of their perilous state, would be strucken into most of them, that they will covet to draw away from their Leaders. And again I well know that the Rebels themselves (as I saw by proof in Desmonds' wars,) will turn away all their rascal people, whom they think unserviceable, as old men, women, children, and hinds (which they call Churls,) which would only waste their victuals, and yield them no aid, but their Cattle they will surely keep away: These therefore though policy would turn them back again, that they might the rather consume and afflict the other Rebels, yet in a pitiful commiseration I would wish them to be received; The rather for that this sort of base people, doth not for the most part rebel of themselves, having no heart thereunto, but are by force drawn by the grand Rebels into their action, and carried away with the violence of the stream, else they should be sure to lose all that they have, and perhaps their lives too: The which they now carry unto them, in hope to enjoy them there, but they are there by the strong Rebels themselves, soon turned out of all, so that the constrainte hereof, may in them deserve pardon. Likewise if any of their able men or Gentlemen shall then offer to come away, and to bring their Cattle with them, as some no doubt may steal them away privily, I wish them also to be received, for the disabling of the enemy, but withal, that good assurance may be taken for their true behaviour and absolute submission, and that then they be not suffered to remain any longer in those parts, no nor about the Garrisons, but sent away into the inner parts of the Realm, and dispersed in such sort as they may not come together, nor easily return if they would: For if they might be suffered to remain about the Garrisons, and there inhabit, as they will offer to tille the ground, and yield a great part of the profit thereof, and of their Cattle, to the Colonel, wherewith they have heretofore tempted many, they would (as I have by experience known) be ever after such a gall, and inconvenience to them, as that their profit shall not recompense their hurt, for they will privily relieve their friends that are forth, they will send the Enemy secret advertizements of all their purposes and journeys, which they mean to make upon them, they will not also stick to draw the enemy privily upon them, yea and to betray the fort itself, by discovery of all her defects and disadvantages (if any be) to the cutting of all their throats. For avoiding whereof and many other inconveniences, I wish that they should be carried far from thence into some other parts, so that (as I say) they come in and submit themselves, upon the first summons: But afterwards I would have none received but left to their fortune and miserable end: my reason is, for that those which will afterwards remain without, are stout and obstinate Rebels, such as will never be made dutiful and obedient, nor brought to labour or civil conversation, having once tasted that licentious life, and being acquainted with spoil and outrages, will ever after be ready for the like occasions, so as there is no hope of their amendment or recovery, and therefore needful to be cut off.  Eudox. 
Surely of such desperate persons, as will follow the course of their own folly, there is no compassion to be had, and for others you have proposed a merciful means, much more than they have deserved, but what then shall be the conclusion of this war; For you have prefixed a short time of its continuance?  Iren. 
The end will (I assure me) be very short and much sooner than can be in so great a trouble, as it seemeth hoped for, although there should none of them fall by the sword, nor be slain by the Soldier, yet thus being kept from manurance, and their Cattle from running abroad, by this hard restraint they would quickly consume themselves, and devour one another. The proof whereof, I saw sufficiently exampled in these late wars of Monster, for notwithstanding that the same was a most rich and plentiful country, full of corn and cattle, that you would have thought they should have been able to stand long, yet ere one year and a half they were brought to such wretchedness, as that any stony heart would have rued the same. Out of every corner of the woods and glynnes they came creeping forth upon their hands, for their legs could not bear them, they looked like anatomies of death, they spoke like Ghosts crying out of their graves, they did eat the dead Carrions, happy were they could find them, yea, and one another soon after, insomuch as the very carcases they spared not to scrape out of their graves, and if they found a plot of water-cresses or Shamrocks; there they flocked as to a feast for the time, yet not able long to continue therewithal, that in short space there were none almost left, and a most populous and plentiful country suddenly left void of man and beast, yet sure in all that war, there perished not many by the Sword, but all by the extremity of famine, which they themselves had wrought.  Eudox. 
It is a wonder that you tell, and more to be wondered how it should so shortly come to pass.  Iren. 
It is most true, and the reason also very ready, for you must conceive that the strength of all that Nation, is the Kern, Galloglasse, Stocah, Horseman and Horseboy, the which having been never used to have any thing of their own, and now being upon spoil of others, make no spare of any thing, but havoc and confusion of all they meet with, whether it be their own Friends goods, or their Foes. And if they happen to get never so great spoil at any time, the same they waste and consume in a trice, as naturally delighting in spoil, though it do themselves no good. On the other side, whatsoever they leave unspent, the Soldier when he cometh there, spoileth and havocketh likewise, so that between both, nothing is very shortly left. And yet this is very necessary to be done for the soon finishing of the war, and not only this in this wise, but also those subjects▪ which do border upon those parts, are either to be removed and drawn away, or likewise to be spoilt, that the Enemy may find no succour thereby. For what the Soldier spares, the Rebel will surely spoil.  Eudox. 
I do now well understand you. But now when all things are brought to this pass, and all filled with these rueful spectacles of so many wretched Carcases starving, goodly Countries wasted, so huge desolation and confusion, that even I that do but hear it from you, and do picture it in my mind, do greatly pity and commiserate it. If it shall happen that the state of this misery and lamentable image of things shall be told, and feelingly presented to her sacred Majesty, being by nature full of mercy and clemency, who is most inclinable to such pitiful complaints, and will not endure to hear such Tragedies made of her poor people and subjects, as some about her may insinuate. Then she perhaps for very compassion of such calamities, will not only stop the stream of such violence, and return to her wont mildness, but also con them little thanks which have been the authors and Counsellors of such bloody platforms▪ So I remember that in the late government of that good Lord Grey, when after long travel, and many perilous assays, he had brought things almost to this pass, that you speak of, that it was even made ready for reformation, and might have been brought to what her Majesty would, like complaint was made against him, that he was a bloody man, and regarded not the life of her subjects no more than dogs, but had wasted and consumed all, so as now she had nothing almost left, but to reign in their Ashes, ear was soon lent thereunto, & all suddenly turned topside-turvy the Noble Lord eftsoons was blamed, the wretched people pitied & new counsels plotted, in which it was concluded that a general pardon should be sent over to all that would accept of it, upon which all former purposes were blancked, the Governor at a bay, and not only all that great and long charge which she had before been at quite lost and canceled, but also all that hope of good which was even at the door put back, and clean frustrated. All which, whether it be true or no, yourself can well tell.  Iren. 
Too true Eudoxus, the more the pity, for I may not forget so memorable a thing: Neither can I be ignorant of that perilous device, and of the whole means by which it was compassed, & very cunningly contrived by sowing first dissension between him, & an other noble personage; where in they both at length found how notably they had been abused, and how thereby under hand, this universal alteration of things was brought about, but then too late to stay the same, for in the mean time all that was formerly done with long labour, & great toil, was (as you say) in a moment undone, and that good Lord blotted with the name of a bloody man, whom, who that well knew, knew to be most gentle, affable, loving and temperate. But that the necessity of that present state of things, enforced him to that violence, and almost changed his natural disposition. But otherwise he was so far from delighting in blood, that oftentimes he suffered not just vengeance to fall where it was deserved: and even some of them which were afterwards his accusers, had tasted too much of his mercy, and were from the gallows brought to be his accusers. But his course indeed was this, ●hat he spared not the heads and principals of any mischievous practices or rebellion, but showed sharp judgement on them, chiefly for ensamples sake, that all the meaner sort, which also were generally then infected with that evil, might by terror thereof be reclaimed, and saved, if it were possible. For in the last conspiracy of 
* Consulat (s● place●) Camden. annal. rerum Anglic. & Hiber. ad an. 1520.  some of the English Pale, think you not that there were many more guilty than they that felt the punishment? yet he touched only a few of special note, and in the trial of them also even to prevent the blame of cruelty and partial proceeding, and seeking their Blood, which he, as in his great wisdom (as it seemeth) did foresee would be objected against him; he for avoiding thereof, did use a singular discretion and regard. For the jury that went upon their trial, he made to be chosen out of their nearest kinsmen, and their judges he made of some of their own Fathers, of othets their Uncles and dearest friends, who when they could not but justly condemn them, yet he uttered their judgement in abundance of tears, and yet he even herein was called bloody and cruel.  Eudox. 
Indeed so have I heard it here often spoken, but I perceive (as I always verily thought) that it was most unjustly, for he was always known to be a most just, sincere, godly, and right noble man, far from such sternness, far from such unrighteousness. But in that sharp execution of the Spaniards, at the fort of Sinerwick, I heard it specially noted, and if it were true as some reported, surely it was a great touch to him in honour, for some say that he promised them life: others at least he did put them in hope thereof.  Iren. 
Both the one and the other is most untrue; for this I can assure you, myself being as near them as any, that he was so far either from promising, or putting them in hope, that when first their Secretary (called as I remember) Signior jeffrey an Italian, being sent to treat with the Lord Deputy for grace, was flatly refused: And afterwards their Colonel named Don Sebastian, came forth to entreat that they might part with their Arms like Soldiers, at the least with their lives according to the custom of War, and Law of Nations, it was strongly denied him, and told him by the Lord deputy himself, that they could not justly plead either custom of War, or Law of Nations, for that they were not any lawful Enemies, and if they were, he willed them to show by what commission they came thither into another Prince's Dominions to war, whether from the Pope or the King of Spain, or any other, the which when they said they had not, but were only adventurers that came to seek fortune abroad, and to serve in wars amongst the Irish, who desired to entertain them. It was then told them, that the Irish themselves, as the Earl and john of Desmond, with the rest, were no lawful Enemies; but Rebels and Traitors, and therefore they that came to succour them, no better than Rogues and Runagates, specially coming with no licence, nor commission from their own King. So as it should be dishonourable for him in the name of his Queen, to condition or make any terms with such Rascals, but left them to their choice, to yield and submit themselves, or no: whereupon the said Colonel did absolutely yield himself and the Fort, with all therein, and craved only mercy, which it being not thought good to show them, for danger of them, if being saved, they should afterwards join with the Irish, and also for terror to the Irish, who are much emboldened by those foreign succours, and also put in hope of more ere long, there was no other way but to make that short end of them as was made. Therefore most untruly and maliciously do these evil tongues backbite and slander the sacred ashes of that most just and honourable personage, whose least virtue of many most excellent that abounded in his Heroic spirit, they were never able to aspire unto.  Eudox. 
Truly Irenaeus, I am right glad to be thus satisfied by you, in that I have often heard questioned, and yet was never able till now, to choke the mouth of such detractours, with the certain knowledge of their slanderous untruths, neither is the knowledge hereof impertinent to that which we formerly had in hand, I mean for the thorough prosecuting of that sharp course which you have set down for the bringing under of those Rebels of Ulster and Connaght, and preparing a way for their perpetual reformation, least happily by any such sinister suggestions of cruelty and too much bloodshed, all the plot might be overthrown, and all the cost and labour therein employed, be utterly lost and cast away.  Iren. 
You say most true, for after that Lords calling away from thence, the two Lords justices continued but a while: of which the one was of mind (as it seemed) to have continued in the footing of his predecessors, but that he was kerbed and restrained. But the other was more mildly disposed, as was meet for his profession, and willing to have all the wounds of that Commonwealth healed and recured, but not with that heed as they should be. After when Sir john Perrot succeeding (as it were) into another man's harvest, found an open way to what course he list, the which he bent not to that point which the former Governors intended, but rather quite contrary, as it were in scorn of the former, and in vain vaunt of his own Counsels, with the which he was too wilfully carried; for he did tread down and disgrace all the English, and set up and countenance the Irish all that he could, whether thinking thereby to make them more tractable and buxom to his government, (wherein he thought much amiss) or privily plotting some other purposes of his own, as it partly afterwards appeared, but surely his manner of government, could not be sound nor wholesome for that Realm, it being so contrary to the former. For it was even as two Physicians should take one sick body in hand, at two sundry times: Of which the former would minister all things meet to purge and keep under the Body: the other to pamper and strengthen it suddenly again, whereof what is to be looked for, but a most dangerous relapse? That which we now see through his rule, and the next after him, happened thereunto, being now more dangerously sick then ever before. Therefore by all means it must be foreseen and assured, that after once entering into this course of reformation, there be afterwards no remorse nor drawing back for the sight of any such rueful objects, as must thereupon follow, nor for compassion of their calamities, seeing that by no other means it is possible to cure them, and that these are not of will, but of very urgent necessity.  Eudox. 
Thus far then you have now proceeded to plant your garrisons, and to direct their services, of the which nevertheless I must needs conceive that there cannot be any certain direction set down, so that they must follow the occasions which shall be daily offered, and diligently awaited. But by your leave (Irenaeus) notwithstanding all this your careful foresight and provision (me thinks) I see an evil lurk unespyed, and that may chance to hazard all the hope of this great service, if it be not very well looked into, and that is, the corruption of their Captains; for though they be placed never so carefully, and their Companies filled never so sufficiently, yet may they, if they list, discard whom they please, and send away such as will perhaps willingly be rid of that dangerous and hard service, the which (well I wot) is their common custom to do, when they are laid in garrison, for than they may better hide their defaults, then when they are in Camp, where they are continually eyed and noted of all men. Besides, when their pay cometh, they will (as they say) detain the greatest portions thereof at their pleasure, by a hundred shifts that need not here be named, through which they oftentimes deceive the Soldier, and abuse the Queen, and greatly hinder the service. So that let the Queen pay never so fully, let the Muster-Master view then never so diligently, let the Deputy or General look to them never so exactly, yet they can cozen them all. Therefore me thinks it were good, if it be possible, to make provision for this inconvenience.  Iren. 
It will surely be very hard; but the chiefest help for prevention hereof must be the care of the Colonel that hath the government of all his garrison, to have an eye to their alterations, to know the numbers and names of the sick Soldiers, and the slain, to mark and observe their ranks in their daily rising forth to service, by which he cannot easily be abused, so that he himself be a man of special assurance and integrity. And therefore great regard is to be had in the choosing and appointing of them. Besides, I would not by any means, that the Captains should have the paying of their Soldiers, but that there should be a Paymaster appointed, of special trust, which should pay every man according to his Captain's Ticket, and the account of the Clerk of his Band, for by this means the Captain will never seek to falsify his alterations, nor to diminish his Company, nor to deceive his Soldiers, when nothing thereof shallbe sure to come unto himself, but what is his own bare pay. And this is the manner of the Spaniards Captain, who never hath to meddle with his Soldiers pay, and indeed scorneth the name as base to be counted his Soldier's Pagadore, whereas the contrary amongst us hath brought things to so bad a pass, that there is no Captain but thinks his Band very sufficient, if he can muster 60: and sticks not to say openly, that he is unworthy to have a Captainship, that cannot make it worth 500l. by the year, the which they right well verify by the proof.  Eudox. 
Truly I think this a very good means to avoid that inconvenience of Captain's abuses. But what say you to the Colonel? what authority think you meet to be given him? whether will you allow him to protect or safe conduct, and to have martial laws as they are accustomed?  Iren. 
Yea verily, but all these to be limited with very straight instructions. As first for protections, that he shall have authority after the first Proclamation, for the space of twenty days, to protect all that shall come in, and them to send to the Lord deputy, with their safe conduct or pass, to be at his disposition, but so as none of them return back again, being once come in, but be presently sent away out of the Country, to the next Sheriff, and so conveyed in safety. And likewise for martial Law, that to the Soldier it be not extended, but by trial formerly of his crime, by a jury of his fellow Soldiers as it ought to be, and not rashly at the will or displeasure of the Colonel, as I have sometimes seen too lightly. And as for other of the Rebels that shall light into their hands, that they be well aware of what condition they be, and what holding they have. For in the last general wars there, I knew many good Freeholders' executed by martial law, whose lands were thereby saved to their Heirs, which should have otherwise escheated to her Majesty. In all which the great discretion and uprigntnesse of the Colonel himself is to be the chiefest stay both for all those doubts, and for many other difficulties that may in the service happen.  Eudox. 
Your caution is very good; but now touching the Arch-rebel himself, I mean the Earl of Tyrone, if he in all the time of these wars, should offer to come in and submit himself to her Majesty, would you not have him received, giving good hostages, and sufficient assurance of himself?  Iren. 
No marry, for there is no doubt, but he will offer to come in, as he hath done divers times already, but it is without any intent of true submission, as the effect hath well showed, neither indeed can he now if he would, come in at all, nor give that assurance of himself that should be meet: for being as he is very subtle headed, seeing himself now so far engaged in this bad action, can you think that by his submission, he can purchase to himself any safety, but that hereafter, when things shall be quieted, these his villainies will be ever remembered, and whensoever he shall tread awry (as needs the most righteous must sometimes) advantage will be taken thereof, as a breach of his pardon, and he brought to a reckoning for all former matters; besides, how hard it is now for him to frame himself to subjection, that having once set before his Eyes the hope of a Kingdom, hath thereunto not only found encouragement from the greatest King in Christendom, but also found great faintness in her Majesty's withstanding him, whereby he is animated to think that his power is able to defend him, & offend further than he hath done, whensoever he please, let every reasonable man judge. But if he himself should come and leave all other, his complices without, as O Donel, Mac Mahone, Maguire, & the rest, he must needs think that then even they, will ere long cut his throat, which having drawn them all into this occasion, now in the midst of their trouble giveth them the slip, whereby he must needs perceive how impossible it is for him to submit himself. But yet if he would so do, can he give any good assurance of his obedience? For how weak hold is there by hostages, hath too often been proved, and that which is spoken of taking Shane O-Neales sons from him, and setting them up against him is a very perilous counsel, and not by any means to be put in proof, for were they let forth and could overthrow him, who should afterwards overthrow them, or what assurance can be had of them? It will be like the tale in Aesop, of the wild horse, who having enmity with the Stagg, came to a man to desire his aid against his foe, who yielding thereunto mounted upon his back, and so following the stag, ere long slew him, but then when the horse would have him alight he refused, but ever after kept him in his subjection and service. Such I doubt would be the proof of Shane O-Neales sons. Therefore it is most dangerous to attempt any such plot, for even that very manner of plot, was the means by which this traitorous Earl is now made great: For when the last O-Neale, called Terlagh Leinagh, began to stand upon some tickle terms, this fellow then, called Baron of Dunganon, was set up as it were to beard him, and countenanced and strengthened by the Queen so far, as that he is now able to keep herself play: much like unto a Gamester that having lost all, borroweth of his next fellow-Gamester somewhat to maintain play, which he setting unto him again, shortly thereby winneth all from the winner.  Eudox. 
Was this Rebel then set up at first by the Queen (as you say) and now become so undutiful?  Iren. 
He was (I assure you) the most outcast of all the O-Neales then, and lifted up by her Majesty out of the dust, to that he hath now wrought himself unto, and now he playeth like the frozen snake, who being for compassion releived by the husbandman, soon after he was warm began to hiss, and threaten danger even to him and his.  Eudox. 
He surely then deserveth the punishment of that snake, & should worthily be hewed to pieces. But if you like not the letting forth of Shane O-Neales sons against him, what say you then of that advice which (I heard) was given by some, to draw in Scots to serve against him? how like you that advice?  Iren. 
Much worse than the former, for who that is experienced in those parts knoweth not that the O-Neales are nearly allied unto the Mac-Neiles of Scotland, and to the Earl of Argyle, from whence they use to have all their succours of those Scots and Redshanckes: Besides all these Scots are through long continuance intermingled and allied to all the inhabitants of the north: 
* The causes of these fears have been amputated, since the happy union of England and Scotland, established by his late Majesty.  So as there is no hope that they will ever be wrought to serve faithfully against their old friends and kinsmen: And though they would, how when they have overthrown him, and the wars are finished, shall they themselves be put out? do we not all know, that the Scots were the first inhabitants of all the north, and that those which now are called the north Irish, are indeed very 
* vide ●ed. Eccles. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 1.  Scots, which challenge the ancient inheritance and dominion of that Country, to be their own anciently: This than were but to leap out of the pan into the fire: For the chiefest caveat and provision in reformation of the north, must be to keep out those Scots.  Eudox. 
Indeed I remember, that in your discourse of the first peopling of Ireland, you showed that the Scythians or Scots were the first that sat down in the north whereby it seems that they may challenge some right therein. How comes it then that O-Neales claims the dominion thereof, and this Earl of Tyrone saith that the right is in him? I pray you resolve me herein? for it is very needful to be known, and maketh unto the right of the war against him, whose success useth commonly to be according to the justness of the cause, for which it is made: For if Tyrone have any right in that Seignory (me thinks) it should be wrong to thrust him out: Or if (as I remember) you said in the beginning that O-Neale when he acknowledged the King of England for his Liege Lord and Sovereign, did (as he allegeth) reserve in the same submission, his Signories and rights unto himself, what should it be accounted to thrust him out of the same?  Iren. 
For the right of O-Neale in the signory of the north, it is surely none at all: For besides that the Kings of England conquered all the Realm, and thereby assumed and invested all the right of that land to themselves and their heirs and successors for ever: So as nothing was left in O-Neale but what he received back from them, O-Neale himself never had any ancient Seignory over that country, but what by usurpation and encroachment after the death of the Duke of Clarence, he got upon the English, whose lands and possessions being formerly wasted by the Scots, under the leading of Edward le Bruce, (as I formerly declared unto you) he eftsoons entered into, and sithence hath wrongfully detained, through the other occupations and great affairs which the Kings of England (soon after) fell into here at home, so as they could not intend to the recovery of that Country of the north, nor restrain the insolency of O-Neale, who finding none now to withstand him, reigned in that desolation, and made himself Lord of those few people that remained there, upon whom ever sithence he hath continued his first usurped power, and now exacteth and extorteth upon all men what he list; So that now to subdue or expel an usurper, should be no unjust enterprise or wrongful war, but a restitution of ancient right unto the Crown of England, from whence they were most unjustly expelled and long kept out.  Eudox. 
I am very glad herein to be thus satisfied by you, that I may the better satisfy them, whom I have often heard to object these doubts, and slanderously to bark at the courses which are held against that traitorous Earl and his adherents. But now that you have thus settled your service for Ulster and Connaght: I would be glad to hear your opinion for the prosecuting of Feagh Mac Hugh, who being but a base villain, and of himself of no power, yet so continually troubleth the State, notwithstanding that he lieth under their nose, that I disdain his bold arrogancy, and think it to be the greatest indignity to the Queen that may be, to suffer such a caitiff to play such Rex, and by his ensample not only to give heart and encouragement to all such bad Rebels, but also to yield them succour and refuge against her Majesty, whensoever they fly unto his Comericke, whereof I would first wish before you enter into your plot of service against him, that you should lay open by what means, he being so base, first lifted himself up to this dangerous greatness, and how he maintaineth his part against the Queen and her power, notwithstanding all that hath been done and attempted against him. And whether also he have any pretence of right in the lands which he holdeth, or in the wars that he maketh for the same?  Iren. 
I will so, at your pleasure, and will further declare, not only the first beginning of his private house▪ but also the original of the sept of the Birneses and Tooleses, so far as I have learned the same from some of themselves, and gathered the rest by reading: The people of the Birneses and Tooleses (as before I showed unto you my conjecture) descended from the ancient Britons, which first inhabited all those eastern parts of Ireland, as their names do betoken, for 
* In Richard Creagh's book de lingua Hibernica, there is a very plentiful collection of Irish words, derived from the British or Welsh tongue, which doth much strengthen the Author's opinion, in holding that the B●rnes, Tooleses, and Cavenaghs, with other the ancient inhabitants of the eastern parts, were originally British Colonies. vid▪ pag. 32 & 33.  Brin in the British language signifieth woody, and Toole hilly, which names it seemeth they took of the Countries which they inhabited, which is all very mountainous and woody. In the which it seemeth that ever since the coming in of the English with 
* Dermot Mac Murrogh King of Leinster, who was surnamed also ni-Gall, as being a friend to the English, and a chief instrument in inciting them to the conquest of Ireland.  Dermot ni-Gall, they have continued: Whether that their country being so rude and mountainous was of them despised, and thought unworthy the inhabiting, or that, that they were received to grace by them, and suffered to enjoy their lands, as unfit for any other, yet it seemeth that in some places of the same they have put foot, and fortified with sundry Castles, of which the ruins only do there now remain, since which time they are grown to that strength, that they are able to lift up hand against all that state; and now lately through the boldness and late good success of of this Feagh Mac Hugh, they are so far emboldened, that they threaten peril even to Dublin, over whose neck they continually hang. But touching your demand of this Feaghes right unto that Country which he claims, or the signory therein, it is most vain and arrogant. For this you cannot be ignorant, that it was part of that which was given in inheritance by Dermot Mac Morrough King of Leinster, unto Strongbowe with his daughter, and which Strongbowe gave over unto the King and his heirs, so as the right is absolutely now in her Majesty, and if it were not, yet could it not be in this Feagh, but in 
o● O-Birn●.  O Brin, which is the ancient Lord of all that Country, for he and his ancestors were but followers unto O-Brin, and his grandfather Shane Mac Terlagh, was a man of meanest regard amongst them neither having wealth nor power. But his Son Hugh Mac Shane, the father of this Feagh, first began to lift up his head, and through the strength and great fastness of Glan-Malor, which adjoineth unto his house of Ballinecor, drew unto him many thiefs and outlaws, which fled unto the succour of that glynne, as to a sanctuary and brought unto him part of the spoil of all the Country, through which he grew strong, and in short space got unto himself a great name thereby amongst the Irish, in whose footing this his son continuing, hath through many unhappy occasions, increased his said name, and the opinion of his greatness, insomuch that now he is become a dangerous Enemy to deal withal.  Eudox. 
Surely I can commend him, that being of himself of so mean condition, hath through his own hardiness lifted himself up to the height, that he dare now front Princes, and make terms with great potentates; the which as it is to him honourable, so it is to them most disgraceful, to be bearded of such a base varlet, that being but of late grown out of the dunghill, beginneth now to overcrow so high mountains, and make himself great protector of all Outlaws and Rebels that will repair unto him. But do you think he is now so dangerous an enemy as he is counted, or that it is so hard to take him down as some suppose?  Iren. 
No verily, there is no great reckoning to be made of him, for had he ever been taken in hand, when the rest of the Realm (or at least the parts adjoining) had been quiet, as the honourable Gent. that now governeth there, (I mean Sir William Russell) gave a notable 
* vide Camdeni annals, sub senem anni 1594.  attempt thereunto, and had worthily performed it, if his course had not been crossed unhappily, he could not have stood 3. months, nor ever have looked up against a very mean power: but now all the parts about him being up in a madding mood, as the Moors in Leix, the Cavenaghes in the county of Wexford, and some of the Butlers in the county of Kilkenny, they all flock unto him, and draw into his country, as to a strong hold where they think to be safe, from all that prosecute them: And from thence they do at their pleasures break out into all the borders adjoining, which are well peopled countries, as the counties of Dublin, of Kildare, of Catherlagh, of Kilkenny, of Wexford, with the spoils whereof they victual and strengthen themselves, which otherwise should in short time be starved, and sore pined, so that what he is of himself, you may hereby perceive.  Eudox. 
Then by so much as I gather out of your speech, the next way to end the wars with him, and to root him out quite, should be to keep him from invading of those country's adjoining, which (as I suppose) is to be done, either by drawing all the inhabitants of those next borders away, and leaving them utterly waste, or by planting garrisons upon all those frontiers about him, that when he shall break forth, may set upon him and shorten his return.  Iren. 
You conceive very rightly Eudoxus, but for that the dispeopling and driving away all the inhabitants from the country about him, which you speak of should be a great confusion and trouble, aswell for the unwillingness of them, to leave their possessions, as also for placing and providing for them in other Countries, (me thinks) the better course should be by planting of Garrisons about him, which whensoever he shall look forth, or be drawn out with the desire of the spoil of those borders, or for necessity of victual, shall be always ready to intercept his going or coming.  Eudox. 
Where then do you wish those Garrisons to be planted that they may serve best against him, and how many in every Garrison?  Iren. 
I myself by reason that (as I told you) I am no martial man, will not take upon me to direct so dangerous affairs, but only as I understood by the purposes and plots, which the Lord Gray who was well experienced in that service, against him did lay down: To the performance whereof he only required 1000 men to be laid in 6. garrisons, that is, at Ballinecor 200. footmen and 50. horsemen, which should shut him out of his great glynne, whereto he so much trusteth; at Knockelough 200. footmen and 50. horsemen, to answer the county of Catherlagh; at Arclo or Wicklow 200. footmen and 50. horsemen to defend all that side towards the Sea. In Shillelagh 100 footmen which should cut him from the Cavanagheses, and the county of Wexford; and about the three Castles 50. horsemen, which should defend all the county of Dublin; and 100 footmen at Talbots town, which should keep him from breaking out into the County of Kildare, and be always on his neck on that side: The which Garrisons so laid, will so busy him, that he shall never rest at home, nor stir forth abroad but he shall be had; as for his Crete they cannot be above ground, but they must needs fall into their hands or starve, for he hath no fastness nor refuge for them. And as for his partakers of the Moors, Butlers, and Cavanagheses, they will soon leave him, when they see his fastness and strong places thus taken from him.  Eudox. 
Surely this seemeth a plot of great reason, and small difficulty, which promiseth hope of a short end. But what special directions will you set down for the services and risings out of these Garrisons.  Iren. 
None other then the present occasions shall minister unto them, and as by good espials, whereof there they cannot want store, they shall be drawn continually upon him, so as one of them shall be still upon him, and sometimes all at one instant, baiting him. And this (I assure myself) will demand no long time, but will be all finished in the space of one year, which how small a thing it is, unto the eternal quietness which shall thereby be purchased to that Realm, and the great good which should grow to her Majesty, should (me thinks) readily draw on her Highness to the undertaking of the enterprise.  Eudox. 
You have very well (me thinks) Irenaeus plotted a course for the atcheiving of those wars now in Ireland, which seems to ask no long time, nor great charge, so as the effecting thereof be committed to men of sure trust, and sound experience, aswell in that Country, as in the manner of those services, for if it be left in the hands of such raw Captains, as are usually sent out of England, being thereunto only preferred by friendship, and not chosen by sufficiency, it will soon fall to the ground.  Iren. 
Therefore it were meet (me thinks) that such Captains only were thereunto employed, as have formerly served in that Country, and been at least Leiutenants unto other Captains there. For otherwise being brought and transferred from other services abroad, as in France, in Spain, and in the Low-Countryes, though they be of good experience in those, and have never so well deserved, yet in these they will be new to seek, and before they have gathered experience, they shall buy it with great loss to her Majesty, either by hazarding of their companies, through ignorance of the places, and manner of the Irish services, or by losing a great part of the time which is required hereunto, being but short, in which it might be finished, almost before they have taken out a new lesson, or can tell what is to be done.  Eudox. 
You are no good friend to new Captains; It seems Iren. that you bar them from the credit of this service: but (to say truth) me thinks it were meet, that any one before he came to be a Captain, should have been a Soldier, for parere qui nescit, nescit imperare. And besides there is great wrong done to the old Soldier, from whom all means of advancement which is due unto him, is cut off by shuffling in these new cutting Captains, into the place for which he hath long served, and perhaps better deserved. But now that you have thus (as I suppose) finished all the war, and brought all things to that low ebb which you speak of, what course will you take for the bringing in of that reformation which you intent, and recovering all things from this desolate estate? in which (me thinks) I behold them now left, unto that perfect establishment and new commonwealth which you have conceived of, by which so great good may redound unto her Majesty, and an assured peace be confirmed, for that is it whereunto we are now to look, and do greatly long for, being long sithence made weary with the huge charge which you have laid upon us, and with the strong endurance of so many complaints, so many delays, so many doubts and dangers, as will hereof (I know well) arise, unto the which before we come, it were meet (me thinks) that you should take some order for the Soldier, which is now first to be discharged and disposed of, some way: the which if you do not well foresee, may grow to as great inconvenience as all this that I suppose you have quit us from, by the loose leaving of so many thousand Soldiers, which from thence forth will be unfit for any labour or other trade, but must either seek service and employment abroad, which may be dangerous, or else perhaps employ themselves here at home, as may be discommodious.  Iren. 
You say very true, and it is a thing much misliked in this our Commonwealth, that no better course is taken for such as have been employed in service, but that returning whether maimed and so unable to labour, or otherwise whole and sound, yet afterwards unwilling to work, or rather willing to set the hangman on work. But that needeth another consideration; but to this which we have now in hand, it is far from my meaning to leave the Soldier so at random, or to leave that waste Realm so weak and destitute of strength, which may both defend it against others that might seek then to set upon it, and also to keep it from that relapse which I before did forecast. For it is one special good of this plot, which I would devise, that 6000. Soldiers of these whom I have now employed in this service, and made thoroughly acquainted both with the state of the Country, and manners of the people, should henceforth be still continued, and for ever maintained of the Country, without any charge to her Majesty, and the rest that either are old, and unable to serve any longer, or willing to fall to thrift, as I have seen many Soldiers after the service, to prove very good husbands, should be placed in part of the lands by them won, at such rate, or rather better than others, to whom the same shall be set out.  Eudox. 
Is it possible Irenaeus? can there be any such means devised, that so many men should be kept still in her Majesty's service, without any charge to her at all. Surely this were an exceeding great good both to her Highness to have so many old Soldiers always ready at call, to what purpose soever she list to employ them, and also to have that land thereby so strengthened, that it shall neither fear any foreign Invasion, nor practise, which the Irish shall ever attempt, but shall keep them under in continual awe and firm obedience.  Iren. 
It is so indeed. And yet this truly I do not take to be any matter of great difficulty, as I think it will also soon appear unto you. And first we will speak of the North part, for that the same is of more weight and importance. So soon as it shall appear that the Enemy is brought down, and the stout Rebel either cut off, or driven to that wretchedness, that he is no longer able to hold up his head, but will come in to any conditions, which I assure myself will be before the end of the second Winter, I wish that there be a general Proclamation made, that whatsoever Outlaws will freely come in, and submit themselves to her Majesty's mercy, shall have liberty so to do, where they shall either find that grace they desire, or have leave to return again in safety, upon which it is likely that so many as survive, will come in to sue for grace, of which, who so are thought meet for subjection, and fit to be brought to good, may be received, or else all of them; (for I think that all willbe but a very few) upon condition and assurance that they will submit themselves absolutely to her Majesty's ordinance for them, by which they shall be assured of life and liberty, and be only tied to such conditions as shall be thought by her meet for containing them ever after in due obedience. To the which conditions I nothing doubt, but that they will all most readily, and upon their knees submit themselves, by the proof of that which I have seen in Monster. For upon the like Proclamation there, they all came in both tagg and rag, and when as afterwards many of them were denied to be received, they bade them do with them what they would, for they would not by any means return again, nor go forth. For in that case who will not accept almost of any conditions, rather than dye of hunger and misery.  Eudox. 
It is very likely so. But what then is the Ordinance, and what be the conditions which you will propose unto them, which shall reserve unto them an assurance of life and liberty.  Iren. 
So soon then as they have given the best assurance of themselves which may be required, which must be (I suppose) some of their principal men to remain in hostage one for another, and some other for the rest, for other surety I reckon of none that may bind them, neither of wife, nor of children, since then perhaps they would gladly be rid of both from the famine, I would have them first unarmed utterly, and stripped quite of all their warlike weapons, & then these conditions set down, & made known unto them, that they shall be placed in Leinster, and have land given them to occupy and to live upon, in such sort as shall become good subjects, to labour thenceforth for their living, and to apply themselves to honest trades of civility, as they shall every one be found meet and able for.  Eudox. 
Where then a gods name will you place them in Leinster? or will you find out any new land there for them that is yet unknown?  Iren. 
No, I will place them all in the Country of the Birneses and Tooleses, which Pheagh mac Hugh hath, and in all the lands of the Cavanagheses, which are now in rebellion, and all the lands which will fall to her Majesty thereabouts, which I know to be very spacious and large enough to contain them, being very 
* This carrieth no fit proportion for the transplantation intended by the Author, considering the large extent of Ulster, and the narrow bounds here limited.  near twenty or thirty miles wide.  Eudox. 
But than what will you do with all the Birneses, the Tools, and the Cavanagheses, and all those that now are joined with them.  Iren. 
At the same very time, and in the same very manner that I make that Proclamation to them of Ulster, will I have it also made to these, and upon their submission thereunto, I will take like assurance of them as of the other. After which I will translate all that remain of them, unto the places of the other in Ulster, with all their Crete, & what else they have left them, the which I will cause to be divided amongst them in some meet sort, as each may thereby have somewhat to sustain himself a while withal, until by his further travail and labour of the Earth, he shallbe able to provide himself better.  Eudox. 
But will you give the land then freely unto them, and make them heirs of the former Rebels? so may you perhaps make them also heirs of all their former villainies and disorders, or how else will you dispose of them?  Iren. 
Not so: But all the lands will I give unto Englishmen, whom I will have drawn thither, who shall have the same with such estates as shall be thought meet, and for such Rent, as shall eftsoons be rated; under every of those Englishmen will I place some of those Irish to be Tenants, for a certain Rent according to the quantity of such Land, as every man shall have allotted unto him, and shallbe found able to wield, wherein this special regard shall be had, that in no place under any Landlord, there shall be many of them placed together, but dispersed wide from their acquaintance, and scattered far abroad through all the Country: For that is the evil which now I find in all Ireland, that the Irish dwell altogether by their septs, and several nations, so as they may practise or conspire what they will, whereas if there were English well placed among them, they should not be able once to stir or to murmur, but that it should be known, and they shortened according to their demerits.  Eudox. 
You have good reason, but what rating of rents mean you, to what end do you purpose the same?  Iren. 
My purpose is to rate the rent of all those lands of her Majesties, in such sort unto those Englishmen which shall take them, as they shall be well able to live thereupon, to yield her Majesty reasonable Chiefrie, and also give a competent maintenance unto the garrisons, which shall be there left amongst them; for those Soldiers (as I told you) remaining of the former garrisons, I cast to maintain upon the rent of those lands, which shall be escheated, and to have them divided through all Ireland, in such places, as shallbe thought most convenient, and occasion may require. And this was the course which the Romans observed in the Conquest of England, for they planted some of their Legions in all places convenient, the which they caused the Country to maintain, cutting upon every portion of land a reasonable rent, which they called Romescot, the which might not surcharge the Tenant or Freeholder, and might defray the pay of the Garrison: and this hath been always observed by all Princes in all Countries to them newly subdued, to set Garrisons amongst them, to contain them in duty, whose burden they made them to bear, and the want of this ordinance in the first conquest of Ireland by Henry the Second, was the cause of the so short decay of that government, and the quick recovery again of the Irish. Therefore by all means it is to be provided for. And this is that I would blame, if it should not misbecome me, in the late planting of Monster, that no care was had of this Ordinance, nor any strength of garrison provided for, by a certain allowance out of all the said Lands, but only the present profit looked into, and the safe continuance thereof for ever hereafter neglected.  Eudox. 
But there is a Band of Soldiers laid in Monster, to the maintenance of which, what odds is there whether the Queen receiving the rent of the Country, do give pay at her pleasure, or that there be a settled allowance appointed unto them out of her lands there?  Iren. 
There is great odds: For now that said rend of the Country is not appointed to the pay of the Soldiers, but it is by every other occasion coming between, converted to other uses, and the Soldiers in time of peace discharged and neglected as unnecessary, whereas if the said rent were appointed and ordained by an establishment to this end only, it should not be turned to any other, nor in troublous times upon every occasion, her Majesty, be so troubled with sending over new Soldiers as she is now, nor the Country ever should dare to mutiny, having still the Soldier in their neck, nor any foreign enemy dare to invade knowing there so strong and great a Garrison, always ready to receive them.  Eudox. 
Sith than you think that this Romescot of the pay of the Soldiers upon the land, to be both the readiest way to the Soldiers, and least troublesome to her Majesty; tell us (I pray you) how would you have the said lands rated, that both a rent may rise thereout unto the Queen, and also the Soldiers receive pay, which (me thinks) willbe heard.  Iren. 
First we are to consider, how much land there is in all Ulster, that according to the quantity thereof we may cease the said rent and allowance issuing thereout. Ulster (as the ancient records of that Realm do testify) doth contain 9000. Plowlands, every of which Plowlands containeth 120. Acres, after the rate of 21. foot to every perch of the Acre, every of which Plowlands I will rate at 40s. by the year, the which yearly rent amounteth in the whole to 18000l. besides 6s. 8d. chiefrie out of every Plow-land. But because the county of Louth, being a part of Ulster, & containing in it 712. Plowlands is not wholly to escheat to her Majesty, as the rest, they having in all their wars continued for the most part dutiful, though otherwise a great part thereof is now under the Rebels, there is an abatement to be made thereout of 400. or 500 Plowlands, as I estimat the same, the which are not to pay the whole yearly rent of 40s. out of every Plow-land, like as the escheated lands do, but yet shall pay for their composition of cease towards the keeping of Soldiers, 20s. out of every Plow-land, so as there is to be deducted out of the former sum 200. or 300l. yearly, the which may nevertheless be suppliby the rent of the Fishing, which are exceeding great in Ulster, and also by an increase of rent in the best lands, and those that lie in the best places near the Sea-coast. The which eighteen thousand pounds will defray the entertainment of 1500. Soldiers, with some overplus towards the pay of the victuallers, which are to be employed in the victualling of these garrisons.  Eudox. 
So then belike you mean to leave 1500. Soldiers in garrison for Ulster, to be paid principally out of the rent of those lands, which shall be there escheated unto her Majesty. The which, where (I pray you) will you have them garrisoned?  Iren. 
I will have them divided into three parts, that is, 500 in every garrison, the which I will have to remain in three of the same places, where they were before appointed, to wit, 500 at Strabane, and about Longhfoile, so as they may hold all the passages of that part of the Country, and some of them be put in wards, upon all the straits thereabouts, which I know to be such, as may stop all passages into the Country on that side, and some of them also upon the Ban, up towards Lough-Sidney, as I formerly directed. Also other 500 at the Fort upon Lough-Earne, and wards taken out of them, which shall be laid at Fermannagh, at Bealick, at Ballyshannon, and all the straights towards Connaght, the which I know do so strongly command all the passages that way, as that none can pass from Ulster into Connaght, without their leave. The last 500 shall also remain in their Fort at Monoghan, and some of them be drawn into wards, to keep the Keys of all that Country, both downwards, and also towards O Relies Country, and the Pale, and some at Eniskillin, some at Belturbut, some at the black Fort, and so along that River, as I formerly showed in the first planting of them. And moreover at every of these Forts, I would have the seat of a Town laid forth and encompassed, in the which I would wish that there should inhabitants of all sorts, as Merchants, Artificers, and Husbandmen, be placed, to whom there should Charters, and Fraunchises be granted to imcorporate them. The which as it willbe no matter of difficulty to draw out of England, persons which would very gladly be so placed, so would it in short space turn those parts to great commodity, and bring ere long to her Majesty much profit, for those places are so fit for trade and traffic, having most convenient out-gates by divers rivers to the Sea, and In-gates to the richest parts of the land, that they would soon be enriched, and mightily enlarged, for the very seating of the garrisons by them, besides the safety and assurance which they shall work unto them, will also draw thither store of people and trade, as I have seen ensample at Mariborogh and Philipstowne in Leinster, where by reason of those two Forts, though there were but small wards left in them, there are two good Towns now grown, which are the greatest stay of both those two Countries.  Eudox. 
Indeed (me thinks) three such Towns as you say, would do very well in those places with the Garrisons, and in short space would be so augmented, as they would be able with little to in-wall themselves strongly, but for the planting of all the rest of the Country, what order would you take?  Iren. 
What other then (as I said) to bring people out of England, which should inhabit the same, whereunto though I doubt not but great troops would be ready to run, yet for that in such cases, the worst and most decayed men are most ready to remove, I would wish them rather to be chosen out of all parts of this Realm, either by discretion of wise men thereunto appointed, or by lot, or by the drum, as was the old use in sending forth of Colonies, or such other good means as shall in their wisdom be thought meetest. Amongst the chief of which, I would have the land set into Signories, in such sort as it is now in Monster, and divided into Hundreds and Parishes, or Wards, as it is in England, and laid out into Shires, as it was anciently, viz. The County of down, the County of Antrim, the County of Louth, the County of Armaghe, the County of Cavan, the County of 
* This is now part of the County of London-derry.  Colerane, the County of Monoghan, the County of Tirone, the County of Fermannagh, the County of Donnegall, being in all ten. Over all which I wish a Lord Precedent, and a Council to be placed, which may keep them afterwards in awe and obedience, and minister unto them justice and equity.  Eudox. 
Thus I see the whole purpose of your plot for Ulster, and now I desire to hear your like opinion for Connaght.  Iren. 
By that which I have already said of Ulster, you may gather my opinion for Connaght, being very answerable to the former. But for that the lands which shall therein escheat unto her Majesty, are not so entirely together, as that they can be accounted in one sum, it needeth that they be considered severally. The Province of Connaght in the whole containeth (as appeareth by the records of Dublin) 7200 plough lands of the former measure, and is of late divided into six Shires or Counties. The County of 
* The County of Clare was anciently accounted part of the Province of Monster, whence it hath the name of Tuadmuan, or Thomond, which signifieth north Monster, and hath at this day its peculiar Governor, as being exempted from the Presidencies of Monster and Connaght.  Clare, the County of Leytrim, the County of Roscoman, the county of Galway, the county of Maio, & the County of Sligo. Of the which all the County of Sligo, all the County of Maio, the most part of the County of Roscoman, the most part of the County of Letrim, a great part of the county of Galway, & some of the county of Clare, is like to escheat to her Majesty for the rebellion of their present possessors. The which two counties of Sligo & Maio are supposed to contain almost 3000. plowlands, the rent whereof rateably to the former, I value almost at 6000l. per annum. The county of Roscoman, saving that which pertaineth to the house of Roscoman, & some few other English there lately seated, is all one, and therefore it is wholly likewise to escheat to her Majesty, saving those portions of English inhabitants, and even those English do (as I understand by them) pay as much rend to her Majesty, as is set upon those in Ulster, counting their composition money therewithal, so as it may all run into one reckoning with the former two counties: So that this county of Roscoman containing 1200. Plowlands, as it is accounted, amounteth to 2400 li. by the year, which with the former two counties rend, maketh about 8300l. for the former wanted somewhat. But what the escheated lands of the county of galway and Letrim will rise unto, is yet uncertain to define, till survey thereof be made, for that those lands are intermingled with the Earl of Clanricardes, and others lands, but it is thought they be the one half of both those counties, so as they may be counted to the value of one whole county, which containeth above 1000 ploughlands, for so many the least county of them all comprehendeth, which maketh 2000 li. more, that is in all ten or eleven thousand pounds. The other 2. counties must remain till their Escheates appear, the which letting pass yet, as unknown, yet this much is known to be accounted for certain, that the composition of these two counties, being rated at 20. shil: every plowland, will amount to above 2000 pounds more, all which being laid together to the former, may be reasonably estimated to rise unto 13000 pounds, the which sum, together with the rent of the escheated lands in the two last counties, which cannot yet be valued (being as I doubt not) no less than a thousand pounds more, will yield pay largely unto 1000 men and their victuallers, and 1000 pounds over towards the Governor.  Eudox. 
You have (me thinks) made but an estimate of those lands of Connaght, even at a very venture, so as it should be hard to build any certainty of charge, to be raised upon the same.  Iren. 
Not altogether yet upon uncertainties, for this much may easily appear unto you to be certain, as the composition money of every plowland amounteth unto, for this I would have you principally to understand, that my purpose is to rate all the lands in Ireland at 20. shil: every plowland, for their composition towards the Garrison. The which I know in regard of being freed from all other charges whatsoever, will be readily and most gladly yielded unto. So that there being in all Ireland (as appeareth by their old records) 43920. plowlands, the same shall amount to the sum likewise of 43920. pounds, and the rest to be reared of the escheated lands which fall to her Majesty in the said Provinces of Ulster, Connaght, and that part of Leinster under the Rebels, for Monster we deal not yet withal.  Eudox. 
But tell me this by the way, do you then lay composition upon the escheated lands as you do upon the rest? for so (me thinks) you reckon altogether. And that sure were too much to pay 7. Nobles out of every plowland, and composition money besides, that is 20. shil: out of every plowland.  Iren. 
No, you mistake me, I do put only 7. Nobles rend and composition both upon every plowland escheated, that is 40. shil: for composition, and 6. shil: 8. pence for Cheiferie to her Majesty.  Eudox. 
I do now conceive you, proceed then (I pray you) to the appointing of your Garrisons in Connaght, and show us both how many and where you would have them placed?  Iren. 
I would have 1000 laid in Connaght, in 2. Garrisons, namely 500 in the county of Mayo, about Clan Mac Costilagh, which shall keep all Mayo and the Bourkeses of Mac William Eighter: The other 500 in the county of Galway, about Garrandough, that they may contain the Conhors and the Bourkeses there, the Kellies and Murries, with all them thereabouts, for that Garrison which I formerly placed at Loughearne will serve for all occasions in the County of Sligo, being near adjoining thereunto, so as in one nights march, they may be almost in any place thereof, when need shall require them. And like as in the former places of Garrisons in Ulster, I wished three corporate towns to be planted, which under the safeguard of that strength should dwell and trade safely with all the Country about them; so would I also wish to be in this of Connaght: and that besides, there were another established at Athlone, with a convenient ward in the Castle there for their defence.  Iren. 
What should that need, seeing the Governor of Connaght useth to lie there always, whose presence will be a defence to all that Towneship?  Iren. 
I know he doth so, but that is much to be disliked, that the Governor should lie so far of, in the remotest place of all the province, whereas it were meeter that he should be continually abiding in the midst of the charge, that he might both look out alike, unto all places of his government, and also be soon at hand in any place, where occasion shall demand him, for the presence of the Governor is (as you said) a great stay and bridle unto those that are ill disposed: like as I see it is well observed in Monster, where the daily good thereof is continually apparent: and for this cause also, do I greatly mislike the Lord Deputies seating at Dublin, being the outest corner of the Realm, and least needing the awe of his presence, whereas (me thinks) it were fitter, since his proper care is of Leinster, though he have care of all besides generally, that he should seat himself at Athie, or thereabouts, upon the skirt of that unquiet country, so that he might sit as it were at the very main mast of his Ship, whence he might easily overlook and sometimes overreach the Moors, the Dempsies, the Connors, O-Carroll, O-Molloy, and all that heap of Irish nations which there lie huddled together, without any to over-awe them, or contain them in duty. For the Irishman (I assure you) fears the government no longer, than he is within sight or reach.  Eudox. 
Surely (me thinks) herein you observe a matter of much importance more than I have heard ever noted, but sure that seems so expedient, as that I wonder that heretofore it hath been overseen or omitted, but I suppose the instance of the Citizens of Dublin is the greatest let thereof.  Iren. 
Truly then it ought not so to be, for no cause have they to fear that it will be any hindrance to them, for Dublin will be still as it is the key of all passages and transportations out of England thitherto, no less profit of those Citizens, than it now is, and besides other places will hereby receive some benefit: But let us now (I pray you) come to Leinster, in the which I would wish the same course to be observed, that was in Ulster.  Eudox. 
You mean for the leaving of the Garrisons in their forts, and for planting of English in all those Countries, between the county of Dublin and the county of Wexford, but those waste wild places I think when they are won unto her Majesty, that there is none which will be hasty to seek to inhabit.  Iren: 
Yes enough, (I warrant you) for though the whole track of the Country be mountainous and woody, yet there are many goodly valleys amongst them, fit for fair habitations, to which those mountains adjoined will be a great increase of pasturage, for that Country is a great soil of cattle, and very fit for breed as for corn it is nothing natural, save only for Barley and Oats, and some places for Rye, and therefore the larger penny-worthes may be allowed to them, though otherwise the wideness of the mountain pasturage do recompense the badness of the soil, so as I doubt not, but it will find inhabitants and undertakers enough.  Eudox. 
How much do you think that all those lands which Feagh Mac Hugh holdeth under him, may amount unto, and what rent may be reared thereout, to the maintenance of the Garrisons that shall be laid there?  Iren. 
Truly it is impossible by aim to tell it, and for experience and knowledge thereof, I do not think that there was every any of the particulars thereof, but yet I will (if it please you) guess thereat, upon ground only of their judgement which have formerly divided all that country into 2. shires or counties: Namely the county of Wicklow, and the county of 
* This is part of the county of Wexford.  Fernes, the which 2. I see no cause but that they should wholly escheat to her Majesty, all save the Barony of Ar●l● which is the Earl of Ormond's ancient inheritance, and hath ever been in his possession, for all the whole land is the Queens, unless there be some grant of any part thereof, to be showed from her Majesty▪ As I think there is only of New Castle to Sir Henry Harrington, and of the Castle of Fernes to Sir Thomas Masterson, the rest being almost 30. miles over, I do suppose, can contain no less then 2000 plowlands, which I will estimate at 4000 pounds rend, by the year. The rest of Leinster being 7. Counties, to wit, the County of Dublin, Kildare, Catherlagh, Wexford, Kilkenny, the Kings & the Queen's county, do contain in them 7400. plowlands, which amounteth to so many pounds for composition to the Garrison, that makes in the whole 11400. pounds, which sum will yield pay unto 1000 Soldiers, little wanting, which may be supplied out of other lands of the Cavenaghes, which are to be escheated to her Majesty, for the Rebellion of their possessors, though otherwise indeed they be of her own ancient demean.  Eudox. 
It is great reason. But tell us now where you will wish those Garrisons to be laid, whether altogether, or to be dispersed in sundry places of the country?  Iren. 
Marry in sundry places, viz. in this sort, or much the like as may be better advised, for 200. in a place, I do think to be enough, for the safeguard of that country, and keeping under all sudden upstarts, that shall seek to trouble the peace thereof, therefore I wish 200. to be laid at Ballinecor, for the keeping of all bad persons from Glan-malo, and all the fastness thereabouts, and also to contain all that shall be planted in those lands thenceforth. Another 200. at Knockelough in their former place of Garrison, to keep the Bracknagh and all those mountains of the Cavenaghes, 200. more to lie at Fernes and upwards, inward upon the S●ane, 200. to be placed at the fort of Leix, to restrain the Moors, upper-ossory, and O-Carrol, other 200. at the fort of Ofaly, to curb the O-Connors, O-Molloyes, Mac Coghlan, Mageoghegan, and all those Irish Nations bordering thereabouts.  Eudox. 
Thus I see all your men bestowed in Leinster, what say you then of Meath?  Iren. 
Meath which containeth both East Meath, and West Meath, and of late the Annaly, now called the county of Longford, is counted thereunto: But Meath itself according to the old records, containeth 4320. plowlands, & the county of Longford 947. which in the whole makes 5267. plowlands, of which the composition money will amount likewise to 5267. pounds, to the maintenance of the Garrison: But because all Meath lying in the bosom of that kingdom is always quiet enough, it is needless to put any Garrison there, so as all that charge may be spared. But in the county of Longford I wish 200. footmen and 50. horsemen to be placed in some convenient seat between the Annaly and the Breny, as about Lough Sillon, or some like place of that River, so as they might keep both the O-Relies, and also the O-Ferrals, and all that out-skirt of Meath in awe, the which use upon every light occasion to be stirring, and having continual enmity amongst themselves, do thereby oftentimes trouble all those parts, the charge whereof being 3400. and odd pounds is to be cut out of that composition money for Meath and Longford, the overplus being almost 2000 pounds by the year, will come in clearly to he Majesty.  Eudox. 
It is worth the harkening unto: But now that you have done with Meath, proceed (I pray you) to Monster, that we may see how it will rise there for the maintenance of the Garrison.  Iren. 
Monster containeth by record at Dublin 16000 plowlands, the composition whereof, as the rest will make 16000 pounds by the year, out of the which I would have 1000 Soldiers to be maintained for the defence of that Province, the charge whereof with the victuallers wages, will amount to 12000. pounds by the year, the other 4000 pounds will defray the charge of the Presidency and the Council of that Province.  Eudox. 
The reckoning is easy, but in this account, by your leave, (me thinks) you are deceived, for in this sum of the composition money, you account the lands of the undertakers of that Province, who are by their grant from the Queen, to be free from all such impositions whatsoever, excepting their only Rent, which is surely enough.  Iren. 
You say true, I did so, but the same 20. shil: for every plow-land, I meant to have deducted out of that rend due upon them to her Majesty, which is no hindrance, nor charge at all more to her Majesty than it now is, for all that rend which she receives of them, she putteth forth again to the maintenance of the Presidency there, the charge whereof, it doth scarcely defray, whereas in this account both that charge of the Presidency, and also of a thousand Soldiers more, shall be maintained.  Eudox. 
It should be well if it could be brought to that: But now where will you have your thousand men garrisond?  Iren. 
I would have a hundred of them placed at the Bantry where is a most fit place, not only to defend all that side of the west part from foreign invasion, but also to answer all occasions of troubles, to which that Country being so remote is very subject: And surely there also would be planted a good town, having both a good haven and a plentiful fishing, and the land being already escheated to her Majesty, but being forcibly kept from her, by one that proclaims himself the Bastard Son of the Earl of Clancar, being called Donell Mac Carty, whom it is meet to foresee to. For whensoever the Earl shall die, all those lands (after him) are to come unto her Majesty, he is like to make a foul stir there, though of himself no power, yet through supportance of some others who lie in the wind, and look after the fall of that inheritance. Another hundred I would have placed at Castle maine, which should keep all Desmond and Kerry, for it answereth them both most conveniently: Also about Kilmore in the county of Cork would I have 2. hundred placed, the which should break that nest of theives there, and answer equally both to the county of Limericke, and also the county of Cork: Another hundred would I have lie at Cork, aswell to command the town, as also to be ready for any foreign occasion: Likewise at Waterford, would I place 2. hundred, for the same reasons, and also for other privy causes, that are no less important: Moreover on this side of Arlo, near to Muskery quirk, which is the Country of the Burkes, about Kill-Patricke, I would have two hundred more to be garrisond, which should scour both the white Knight's country and Arlo, and Muskery quirk, by which places all the passages of Theives do lie, which convey their stealth from all Monster downwards towards Tipperary, and the English pale, and from the English pale also up unto Monster, whereof they use to make a common trade: Besides that, ere long I doubt that the county of Tipperary itself, will need such a strength in it, which were good to be there ready before the evil fall, that is daily of some expected: And thus you see all your Garrisons placed.  Eudox. 
I see it right well, but let me (I pray you) by the way ask you the reason, why in those Cities of Monster, namely Waterford and Cork, you rather placed Garrisons, then in all others in Ireland. For they may think themselves to have great wrong to be so charged above all the rest?  Iren. 
I will tell you, those two Cities, above all the rest, do offer an in-gate to the Spaniard most fitly: But yet because they shall not take exceptions to this, that they are charged above all the rest, I will also lay a charge upon the others likewise, for indeed it is no reason that the corporate towns enjoying great franchises and privileges from her Majesty, and living thereby not only safe, but drawing to them the wealth of all the land, should live so free, as not to be partakers of the burden of this Garrison, for their own safety, specially in this time of trouble, and seeing all the rest burdened (and therefore) I will thus charge them all ratably, according to their abilities towards their maintenance, the which her Majesty may (if she please) spare out of the charge of the rest, and reserve towards her other costs, or else add to the charge of the presidency in the North. 
Waterford 
C.  Cork 
L.  Limericke 
L.  Galway 
L.  Dinglecush 
X.  Kinsale 
X.  Yoghall 
X.  Kilmallock 
X.  clonmel 
X.  Cashell 
X.  Fedard 
X.  Kilkenny 
XXV.  Wexford 
XXV.  Tredagh 
XXV.  Rosse 
XXV.  Dundalke 
X.  Mollingare 
X.  Newrie 
X.  Trim 
X.  Ardee 
X.  Kells 
X.  Dublin 
C.    
In all 580.  Eudox. 
It is easy Irenaeus to lay a charge upon any town, but to foresee how the same may be answered and defrayed, is the chief part of good advisement.  Iren. 
Surely this charge which I put upon them, I know to be so reasonable, as that it will not much be felt, for the port Towns that have benefit of shipping, may cut it easily off their trading, and in land towns of their corn and cattle, neither do I see, but since to them especially the benefit of peace doth redound, that they especially should bear the burden of their safeguard and defence, as we see all the towns of the Low-Countryes, do cut upon themselves an excise of all things towards the maintenance of the war that is made in their behalf, to which though these are not to be compared in richesse, yet are they to be charged according to their poverty.  Eudox. 
But now that you have thus set up these forces of Soldiers, and provided well (as you suppose) for their pay, yet there remaineth to forecast how they may be victualled, and where purveyance thereof may be made, for in Ireland itself, I cannot see almost how any thing is to be had for them, being already so pitifully wasted, as it is with this short time of war.  Iren. 
For the first two years, it is needful indeed that they be victualled out of England thoroughly, from half year to half year, aforehand. All which time the English Pale shall not be burdened at all, but shall have time to recover themselves, and Monster also being reasonably well stored, will by that time, (if God send seasonable weather) be thoroughly well furnished to supply a great part of that charge, for I know there is great plenty of Corn, sent over Sea from thence, the which, if they might have sale for at home, they would be glad to have money so near hand, specially if they were straight restrained from transporting of it. Thereunto also there will be a great help and furtherance given, in the putting forward of husbandry, in all meet places, as hereafter shall in due place appear. But hereafter when things shall grow unto a better strength, and the Country be replenished with Corn, as in short space it will, if it be well followed, for the Country people themselves are great plowers, and small spenders of Corn, then would I wish that there should be good store of Houses and Magazines erected in all those great places of garrison, and in all great towns, as well for the victualling of Soldiers, and Ships, as for all Occasions of sudden services, as also for preventing of all times of dearth and scarcity; and this want is much to be complained of in England, above all other Countries, who trusting too much to the usual blessing of the Earth, do never forecast any such hard seasons, nor any such sudden occasions as these troublous times may every day bring forth, when it will be too late to gather provision from abroad, and to bring it perhaps from far, for the furnishing of Ships or Soldiers, which peradventure may need to be presently employed, and whose want may (which GOD forbid) hap to hazard a Kingdom.  Eudox. 
Indeed the want of those Magazines of victuals, I have oftentimes complained of in England, and wondered at in other Countries, but that is nothing now to our purpose; but as for these garrisons which you have now so strongly planted throughout all Ireland, and every place swarming with Soldiers, shall there be no end of them? For now thus being (me thinks) I do see rather a Country of war, then of peace & quiet, which you erst pretended to work in Ireland, for if you bring all things to that quietness that you said, what then needeth to maintain so great forces, as you have charged upon it.  Iren. 
I will unto you Eudox. in privity discover the drift of my purpose, I mean (as I told you) and do well hope thereby both to settle an eternal peace in that Country, and also to make it very profitable to her Majesty, the which I see must be brought in with a strong hand, and so continued, till it run in a steadfast course of government, which in this sort will neither be difficult nor dangerous, for the Soldier being once brought in for the service into Ulster, and having subdued it and Connaght, I will not have him to lay down his Arms any more, till he have effected that which I purpose, that is, first to have this general composition for maintenance of these throughout all the Realm, in regard of the troublous times, and daily danger which is threatened to this Realm by the King of Spain. And thereupon to bestow all my Soldiers in such sort as I have done, that no part of all that Realm shall be able to dare to quinch: Then will I eftsoons bring in my reformation, and thereupon establish such a form of government, as I may think meetest for the good of that Realm, which being once settled, and all things put into a right way, I doubt not but they will run on fairly. And though they would ever seek to swerve aside, yet shall they not be able without foreign violence, once to remove, as you yourself shall soon (I hope) in your own reason readily conceive, which if it shall ever appear, then may her Majesty at pleasure withdraw some of the garrisons, and turn their pay into her Purse, or if she will never please so to do (which I would rather wish) then shall she have a number of brave old Soldiers always ready for any occasion that she she will employ them unto, supplying their garrisons with fresh ones in their steed. The maintenance of whom, shall be no more charge to her Majesty, than now that Realm is, for all the revenue thereof, and much more she spendeth, even in the most peaceable times, that are there, as things now stand. And in time of war, which is now surely every seventh year, she spendeth infinite treasure besides, to small purpose.  Eudox. 
I perceive your purpose, but now that you have thus strongly made way unto your reformation, and that I see the people so humbled and prepared, that they will and must yield to any Ordinance that shall be given them. I do much desire to understand the same; for in the beginning you promised to show a means how to redress all those inconveniences and abuses, which you showed to be in that state of Government, which now stands there, as in the Laws, Customs, and Religion, wherein I would gladly know first, whether in steed of those Laws, you would have new laws made, for now for aught that I see, you may do what you please.  Iren. 
I see Eudox. That you well remember our first purpose, and do rightly continue the course thereof. First therefore to speak of laws, since we first began with them, I do not think it now convenient, though it be in the power of the Prince to change all the laws, and make new; for that should breed a great trouble and confusion, aswell in the English there dwelling, and to be planted, as also in the Irish. For the English having been always trained up in the English government, will hardly be enured to any other, and the Irish will better be drawn to the English, than the English to the Irish government. Therefore sithence we cannot now apply laws fit to the people, as in the first institutions of commonwealths it ought to be, we will apply the people, and fit them unto the Laws, as it most conveniently may be. The Laws therefore we resolve shall abide in the same sort that they do, both Common-law and Statutes, only such defects in the common-law, and inconveniences in the Statutes, as in the beginning we noted, and as men of deeper insight shall advise, may be changed by some other new acts and ordinances to be by a Parliament there confirmed. As those for trials of pleas of the Crown, and private rights between parties, colourable conveyances and accessaries.  Eudox. 
But how will those be redressed by Parliament, when as the Irish which sway most in Parliament (as you said) shall oppose themselves against them?  Iren. 
That may well now be avoided: For now that so many Freeholders' of English shall be established, they together with Burgesses of Towns, and such other loyal Irishmen, as may be preferred to be Knights of the Shire, and such like, will be able to beard, and to counter-poise the rest, who also being now more brought in awe, will the more easily submit to any such ordinances as shall be for the good of themselves, and that Realm generally.  Eudox. 
You say well, for by the increase of Freeholders', for their numbers hereby will be greatly augmented, but how shall it pass through the higher house, which still must consist all of Irish?  Iren. 
Marry that also may be redressed by ensample of that which I have heard was done in the like case by King Edward the third (as I remember) who being greatly bearded and crossed by the Lords of the Clergy, they being there by reason of the Lords Abbots, and others, too many and too strong for him, so as he could not for their frowardness, order and reform things as he desired, was advised to direct out his Writts to certain Gentlemen of the best ability and trust, entituling them therein Barons, to serve, and sit as Barons in the next Parliament. By which means he had so many Barons in his Parliament, as were able to weigh down the Clergy and their friends: The which Barons they say, were not afterwards Lords, but only Baronet's, as sundry of them do yet retain the name. And by the like device her Majesty may now likewise curb and cut short those Irish and unruly Lords, that hinder all good proceedings.  Eudox. 
It seems no less than for reforming of all those inconvenient Statutes that you noted in the beginning, and redressing of all those evil customs: and lastly, for settling of sound Religion amongst them, me thinks you shall not need any more to overgo those particulars again, which you mentioned, nor any other which might besides be remembered, but to leave all to the reformation of such a Parliament, in which, by the good care of the Lord deputy & Council, they may all be amended. Therefore now you may come unto that general reformation which you spoke of, and bringing in of that establishment, by which you said all men should be contained in duty ever after, without the terror of warlike forces, or violent wresting of things by sharp punishments.  Iren. 
I will so at your pleasure, the which (me thinks) can by no means be better plotted, then by ensample of such other Realms as have been annoyed with like evils, that Ireland now is, and useth still to be. And first in this our Realm of England, it is manifest by report of the Chronicles, and ancient Writers, that it was greatly infested with Robbers and Outlaws, which lurking in Woods and fast places, used often to break forth into the highways, and sometimes into small villages to rob and spoil. For redress whereof it is written, that King Alured, or Aldred, did divide the Realm into 
* De bis qui plura scire avet, consulat D. Hen Spelmanni eq. aur. Archaeologum, in Borsholder & Hundred.  Shires, and the Shires into Hundreds, and the Hundreds into Laths or Wapentackes, and the Wapentackes into tithings▪ So that ten tithings make an Hundred, and five made a Lathe or Wapentake, of which ten, each one was bound for another, and the eldest or best of them whom they called the Tythingman or Borsolder, that is, the eldest pledge became surety for all the rest. So that if any one of them did start into any undutiful action, the Borsolder was bound to bring him forth, who joining eftsoons with all his Tything, would follow that loose person through all places, till they brought him in. And if all that Tything failed, than all that Lathe was charged for that Tything, and if that Lethe failed, than all that Hundred was demanded for them; and if the Hundred, theh the Shire, who joining eftsoons together, would not rest till they had found out and delivered in that undutiful fellow, which was not amesnable to Law. And herein it seems, that that good Saxon King followed the counsel of jethro to Moses, who advised him to divide the people into Hundreds, and to set Captains and wise men of trust over them, who should take the charge of them, and ease of that burden. And so did Romulus (as you may read) divide the Romans into 
* Livy speaking of Romulus hath it thus, Populun in curias 30. divisit, etc. Eodem tempore & centuriae tres equitum conscriptae sunt. And so we have it in Sextus Aurel. Victor's book, de viris illustribus urbis Romae. Tres equitum centurias instituit (saith he) Plebem in triginta curias distribuit.  Tribes, and the Tribes into Centuries or Hundreths. By this ordinance, this King brought this Realm of England, (which before was most troublesome) unto that quiet State, that no one bad person could stir, but he was strait taken hold of by those of his own Tything, and their Borsholder, who being his neighbour or next kinsman were privy to all his ways, and looked narrowly into his life. The which institution (if it were observed in Ireland) would work that effect which it did in England, and keep all men within the compass of duty and obedience.  Eudox. 
This is contrary to that you said before; for as I remember, you said, that there was a great disproportion between England and Ireland, so as the laws, which were fitting for one, would not fit the other. How comes it now then, that you would transfferre a principal institution from England to Ireland?  Iren. 
This law was not made by the Norman Conqueror, but by a Saxon King, at what time England was very like to Ireland, as now it stands: for it was (as I told you) annoyed greatly with Robbers and Outlaws, which troubled the whole state of the Realm, every corner having a Robin Hood in it, that kept the woods, and spoilt all passengers and Inhabitants, as Ireland now hath, so as me thinks, this ordinance would fit very well, and bring them all into awe.  Eudox. 
Then when you have thus tythed the Communality, as you say, and set Borsolders over them all, what would you do, when you came to the Gentlemen, would you hold the same course?  Iren. 
Yea marry, most especially; for this you must know, that all the Irish almost boast themselves to be Gentlemen, no less than the Welsh; for if he can derive himself from the head of any Sept, (as most of them can, they are so expert by their Bards) than he holdeth himself a Gentleman, and thereupon scorneth to work, or use any hard labour, which he saith, is the life of a Peasant or Churl: But thenceforth becometh either an horseboy, or a Stocah to some Kern, inuring himself to his weapon, and to the gentlemanly-trade-of stealing (as they count it.) So that if a gentleman or any wealthy man Yeoman of them, have any Children, the eldest of them perhaps shall be kept in some order, but all the rest shall shift for themselves, and fall to this occupation. And moreover it is a common use amongst some of their gentlemen's sons, that so soon as they are able to use their Weapons, they strait gather to themselves three or four stragglers, or Kearne, with whom wand'ring a while up and down idly the Country, taking only meat, he at last falleth unto some bad occasion that shall be offered, which being once made known, he is thenceforth counted a man of worth, in whom there is courage, whereupon there draw to him many other like loose young men, which stirring him up with encouragement, provoke him shortly to flat Rebellion, and this happens not only sometimes in the sons of their Gentlemen, but also of their Noblemen, specially of them who have base Sons. For they are not only not ashamed to acknowledge them, but also boast of them, and use them to such secret services, as they themselves will not be seen in, as to plague their Enemies, to spoil their Neighbours, to oppress and crush some of their own too stubborn Freeholders', which are not tractable to their wills.  Eudox. 
Then it seemeth that this ordinance of tithing them by the pole, is not only fit for the Gentlemen, but also for the Noblemen, whom I would have thought to have been of so honourable a mind, as that they should not need such a kind of being bound to their allegiance, who should rather have held in, and stayed all the other from undutifulness, then need to be forced thereunto themselves.  Iren. 
Yet so it is Eudoxus; but because that Noblemen cannot be tythed, there being not many tithings of them, and also because a Borsolder over them, should be not only a great indignity, but also a danger to add more power to them then they have, or to make one the commander of ten, I hold it meeter that there were only sureties taken of them, and one bound for another, whereby if any shall swerve, his sureties shall for safeguard of their Bonds, either bring him in, or seek to serve upon him; and besides this, I would wish them all to be sworn to her Majesty, which they never yet were, but at the first creation, and that Oath would sure contain them greatly, or the breach of it bring them to shorter vengeance, for God useth to punish perjury sharply: So I read, that there was a corporal Oath taken in the reigns of 
* Richard ●he 2.  Edward the Second, and of 
* This service was performed by Sir Richard Edgecomb, being appointed thereunto by a special commission from K. Henry the seventh. There is yet extant an exact diary of all his proceedings therein, from his first landing at Kinsale the 27th of june 1488. till his departure from Dublin the 30th of july next.  Henry the Seventh, (when the times were very broken) of all the Lords and best Gentlemen, of Fealty to the Kings, which now is no less needful, because many of them are suspected to have taken an other Oath privily to some bad purposes, and thereupon to have received the Sacrament, and been sworn to a Priest, which they think bindeth them more, than their allegiance to their Prince, or love of their Country.  Eudox. 
This tithing to the Common people, and taking sureties of Lords and Gentlemen, I like very well, but that it willbe very troublesome; should it not be as well for to have them all booked, and the Lords & Gentlemen to take all the meaner sort upon themselves, for they are best able to bring them in, whensoever any of them starteth out.  Iren. 
This indeed (Eudoxus) hath been hitherto, and yet is a common order amongst them, to have all the people booked by the Lords and Gentlemen: but yet the worst order that ever was devised, for by this booking of men, all the inferior sort are brought under the command of their Lords, and forced to follow them into any action whatsoever. Now this you are to understand, that all the Rebellions which you see from time to time happen in Ireland, are not begun by the common people, but by the Lords and Captains of Countries, upon pride or wilful obstinacy against the government, which whensoever they will enter into, they draw with them all their people and followers, which think themselves bound to go with them, because they have booked them and undertaken for them, and this is the reason that in England you have few such bad occasions, by reason that the noble men, how ever they should happen to be evil disposed, have no command at all over the Communality, though dwelling under them, because that every man standeth upon himself, and buildeth his fortunes upon his own faith and firm assurance: The which this manner of tything the poles will work also in Ireland. For by this the people are broken into many small parts like little streams, that they cannot easily come together into one head, which is the principal regard that is to be had in Ireland, to keep them from growing unto such a head, and adhering unto great men.  Eudox. 
But yet I cannot see, how this can be well brought without doing great wrong unto the noble men there, for at the first conquest of that Realm, those great Signories and Lordships were given them by the king, that they should be the stronger against the Irish, by the multitudes of followers and tenants under them: All which hold their tenements of them by fealty, and such services, whereby they are (by the first grant of the King) made bounden unto them, and tied to rise out with them into all occasions of service. And this I have often heard, that when the Lord Deputy hath raised any general hosting, the Noble men have claimed the leading of them, by grant from the Kings of England, under the great Seal exhibited, so as the Deputies could not refuse them to have the leading of them, or if they did, they would so work, as none of their followers should rise forth to the hostage.  Iren. 
You say very true, but will you see the fruit of those grants, I have known when those Lords have had the leading of their own followers under them to the general hosting, that they have for the same cut upon every plowland within their country 40. shil: or more, whereby some of them have gathered above seven or eight hundred pounds, and others much more into their purse, in lieu whereof they have gathered unto themselves a number of loose Kearne out of all parts, which they have carried forth with them, to whom they never gave any penny of entertainment, allowed by the Country or forced by them, but let them feed upon the Countries, and extort upon all men where they come, for that people will never ask better entertainment then to have a colour of service or employment given them, by which they will pole and spoil so outrageously, as the very enemy cannot do much worse: And they also sometimes turn to the enemy.  Eudox. 
It seems the first intent of those grants was against the Irish, which now some of them use against the Queen herself: But now what remedy is there for this? or how can those grants of the Kings be avoided, without wronging of those Lords, which had those lands and Lordships given them.  Iren. 
Surely they may be well enough, for most of those Lords since their first grants, from the Kings by which those lands were given them, have sithence bestowed the most part of them amongst their Kinsfolk, as every Lord perhaps hath given in his time one another of his principal Castles to his younger Son, and other to others, as largely and as amply as they were given to him, and others they have sold, and others they have bought, which were not in their first grant, which now nevertheless they bring within the compass thereof, and take and exact upon them, as upon their first demesnes all those kind of services, yea and the very wild exactions, Coignie, Livery, 
* What Coigny and Livery do signify, is formerly expressed see pag. 24. Sorehon was a tax laid upon the Freeholders', for certain days in each quarter of a year, to find victuals, and lodging, and ●o pay certain stipends, to the Kern, Galloglasses, and horsemen.  Sorehon, and such like, by which they pole and utterly undo the poor Tenants and Freehoulders under them, which either thorough ignorance know not their tenors, or through greatness of their new Lords dare not challenge them, yea, and some Lords of countries also, as great ones as themselves, are now by strong hand brought under them, and made their Vassals. As for example Arundel of the Strand in the county of Cork, who was anciently a great Lord, and was able to spend 3500. pounds by the year, as appeareth by good Records, is now become the Lord Barries man, and doth to him all those services, which are due unto her Majesty. For reformation of all which, I wish that there were a commission granted forth under the great Seal, as I have seen one recorded in the old Council Book of Monster, that was sent forth in the time of Sir William Drury, unto persons of special trust and judgement to inquire throughout all Ireland, beginning with one county first, and so resting a while till the same were settled, by the verdict of a sound and substantial jury, how every man holdeth his land, of whom, and by what tenure, so that every one should be admitted to show and exhibit what right he hath, and by what services he holdeth his land, whether in chief or in soccage, or by Knight's service, or how else soever. Thereupon would appear, first how all those great English Lords do claim those great services, what Signories they usurp, what wardships they take from the Queen, what lands of hers they conceal: and then how those Irish Captains of Countries have encroached upon the Queen's Freeholders' and Tenant's, how they have translated the tenors of them from English holding, unto Irish Tanistry, and defeated her Majesty of all her rights and duties, which are to accrue to her thereout, as wardships, Liveries, marriages, fines of alienations, and many other Commodities, which now are kept and concealed from her Majesty, to the value of 40000. pounds per annum, I dare undertake in all Ireland, by that which I know in one county.  Eudox. 
This Irenaeus, would seem a dangerous commission, and ready to stir up all the Irish in Rebellion, who knowing that they have nothing to show for all those lands which they hold, but their Swords, would rather draw them, then suffer the lands to be thus drawn away from them.  Iren. 
Neither should their lands be taken away from them, nor the utmost advantages enforced against them: But this by discretion of the Commissioners should be made known unto them, that it is not her Majesty's meaning to use any such extremity, but only to reduce things into order of English Law, and make them hold their lands of her, and to restore to her, her due services, which they detain out of those lands, which were anciently held of her. And that they should not only, not be thrust out, but also have estates and grants of their lands new made to them from her Majesty, so as they should thenceforth hold them rightfully, which they now usurp wrongfully, and yet withal I would wish, that in all those Irish countries, there were some land reserved to her Majesty's free disposition for the better containing of the rest, and intermingling them with English inhabitants and customs, that knowledge might still be had of them, and of all their doings, so as no manner of practice or conspiracy should be had in hand, amongst them, but notice should be given thereof by one means or another, and their practices prevented.  Eudox. 
Truly neither can the Irish, nor yet the English Lords, think themselves wronged, nor hardly dealt withal herein, to have that which is indeed none of their own at all, but her Majesties absolutely given to them, with such equal conditions, as that both they may be assured thereof, better than they are, and also her Majesty not defrauded of her rightly utterly, for it is a great grace in a Prince, to take that with conditions, which is absolutely her own. Thus shall the Irish be well satisfied, and as for the great men which had such grants made to them at first, by the Kings of England, it was in regard that they should keep forth the Irish, and defend the King's right, and his Subjects: but now seeing that in stead of defending them, they rob and spoil them, and in stead of keeping out the Irish, they do not only make the Irish their tenants in those lands, and thrust out the English, but also some of themselves become mere Irish, with marrying with them, with fostering with them, and combyning with them against the Queen: What reason is there but that those grants and privileges should be either revoked, or at least reduced to the first intention for which they were granted, for sure in mine opinion they are more sharply to be chastised and reform, than the rude Irish, which being very wild at the first, are now become more civil, when as these from civility are grown to be wild and mere Irish.  Iren. 
Indeed as you say Eudoxus, these do need a sharper reformation than the Irish, for they are more stubborn, and disobedient to law and government, than the Irish be.  Eudox. 
In truth Irenaeus, this is more than ever I heard, that any English there, should be worse than the Irish: Lord how quickly doth that Country alter men's natures? It is not for nothing (I perceive) which I have heard, that the Council of England think it no good policy, to have that Realm reform, or planted with English lest they should grow so undutiful as the Irish, and become much more dangerous: As appeareth by the ensamples of the Lacies in the time of Edward the Second, which you spoke of, that shook off their allegiance to their natural Prince, and turned to Edward le Bruce, to make him King of Ireland.  Iren. 
No times have been without bad men: but as for that purpose of the Council of England which you spoke of, that they should keep that Realm from reformation, I think they are most lewdly abused, for their great carefulness, and earnest endeavours do witness the contrary. Neither is it the nature of the Country to alter men's manners, but the bad minds of the men, who having been brought up at home under a strait rule of duty and obedience, being always restrained by sharp penalties from lewd behaviour, so soon as they come thither, where they see laws more slackly tended, and the hard restraint which they were used unto now slacked, they grow more loose and careless of their duty, and as it is the nature of all men to love liberty, so they become flat libertines, and fall to all licentiousness, more boldly daring to disobey the Law, through the presumption of favour and friendship, than any Irish dareth.  Eudox. 
Then if that be so, (me thinks) your late advisement was very evil, whereby you wished the Irish to be sowed and sprinkled with English, and in all the Irish Countries to have English planted amongst them, for to bring them to English fashions, since the English sooner draw to the Irish, than the Irish to the English: for as you said before, if they must run with the stream, the greater number will carry away the less: Therefore (me thinks) by this reason it should be better to part the Irish and English, then to mingle them together.  Iren. 
Not so Eudoxus, but where there is no good stay of Government, and strong ordinances to hold them, there indeed the fewer will follow the more, but where there is due order of discipline and good rule, there the better shall go foremost, and the worst shall follow. And therefore now, since Ireland is full of her own nation, that ought not to be rooted out, and somewhat stored with English already, and more to be, I think it best by an union of manners and conformity of minds, to bring them to be one people, and to put away the dislikefull conceit both of the one, and the other, which will be by no means better, then by this intermingling of them: For neither all the Irish may dwell together, nor all the English, but by translating of them and scattering them amongst the English, not only to bring them by daily conversation, unto better liking of each other, but also to make both of them less able to hurt. And therefore when I come to the tything of them, I will tithe them one with another, & for the most part will make an Irish man, the tythingman, whereby he shall take the less exception to partiality, and yet be the more tied thereby. But when I come to the Head Borough, which is the head of the Lathe, him will I make an English man, or an Irish man of special assurance: As also when I come to appoint the Alderman, that is the head of the Hundreth, him will I surely choose to be an English man of special regard, that may be a stay and pillar of all the Borough under him.  Eudox. 
What do you mean by your hundred, and what by your Borough? by that, that I have read in ancient records of England, an hundred did contain an hundreth villages, or as some say an hundreth Ploughlands, being the same which the Saxons called 
* Cantred is a British word, answering to the Saxon Hundred. How much land a Cantred containeth, is variously delivered. Some hold that it contains 100 towns. So Gir. Barry or Cambrensis, in his itinerary of Wales, (lib. 2. cap. 7.) Dicitur autem Cantredu● (saith he) composito vocabulo tam Britannica quam Hibernica lingua, tanta terrae portio, quanta 100 villas contineta solet. The Author here cites a record which makes it contain but 30. towne-lands: and john Clynn, (if my copy therein be not mistaken) hath but 20. But another more ancient MS. sometime belonging to the Friars Minors of Multifernan, hath 30. Qualibet cantreda (saith Clinne) continet xx. (al. xxx.) villatas terrae, quaelibet villata potest sustinere 300 vaccas in pascuis, it● quod vaccae in x. (al. 1111.) parts divisae, nulla alteri appropinquabit, quaelibet villata continet viii. carucatas. We find also there the Provinces of Ireland thus divided into canters. Vltonia continet 35. cantredas, Conacia 30. Lagenia 31. M●dia 18. & Momonia 70. See more concerning canters in Sir Hen. Spelman's excellent Glossary. As canters are diversely estimated, so are also carves or plowlands.  Cantred, the which Cantred, as I find it recorded in the Black Book of [the Exchequer of] Ireland, did contain xxx. villatas terrae, which some call quarters of land, and every villata can maintain 400. Cows in pasture, and the 400. cows to be divided into 4. herds, so as none of them shall come near other: every villata containing 18. Plowlands, as is there set down: & by that which I have read of a Borough it signifieth a free town, which had a principal Officer called a Head-Borough, to become Ruler, and undertake for all the dwellers under him, having for the same franchises and privileges granted them by the King, whereof it was called a free Borough, and of the Lawyers Franci plegium.  Iren. 
Both that which you said Eudoxus, is true, and yet that which I say not untrue, for that which you spoke of deviding the Country into hundreds, was a division of the lands of the Realm, but this which I tell, was of the people, which were thus divided by the pole: So that hundreth in this sense signifieth a 100 pledges, which were under the command and assurance of their Alderman, the which (as I suppose) was also called a Wapentake, so named of touching the weapon or spear of their Alderman, and swearing to follow him faithfully, and serve their Prince truly: But others think that a Wapentake was 10. hundreds or boroghs: Likewise a Borogh, as I here use it, and as the old laws still use, is not a Borogh town, as they now call it, that is a franchised town: But a main pledge of 100 free persons, therefore called a free borough or (as you say) Franci-plegium: For Borh in old Saxon signifieth a pledge or surety, and yet is so used with us in some speeches (as Chaucer saith) St john to Borroh, that is for assurance and warranty.  Eudox. 
I conceive the difference: But now that you have thus divided the people into these tithings and Hundreths, how will you have them so preserved and continued, for people do often change their dwelling places, and some must die, whilst other some do grow up into strength of years, and become men.  Iren. 
These Hundreds I would wish to assemble themselves once every year with their pledges, and to present themselves before the justices of the peace, which shall be thereunto appointed, to be surveyed and numbered, to see what change hath happened since the year before, and the defects to supply, of young plants late grown up, the which are diligently to be overlooked and viewed of what condition and demeanour they be, so as pledges may be taken for them, and they put into order of some Tything, of all which alterations notes is to be taken, and Books made thereof accordingly.  Eudox. 
Now (me thinks) Irenaeus, you are to be warned to take heed lest unawares you fall into that inconvenience which you formerly found fault with in others: Namely, that by this booking of them, you do not gather them into a new head, and having broken their former strength, do not unite them more strongly again: For every Alderman having all these free pledges of his Hundred under his command, may (me thinks) if he be evil disposed draw all his Company into an evil action. And likewise by this assembling of them once a year unto their Alderman by their Weapentakes, take heed lest you also give them occasion and means to practise together in any conspiracies.  Iren. 
Neither of both is to be doubted, for their Aldermen and Head Boroughes, will not be such men of power and countenance of themselves, being to be chosen thereunto, as need to be feared: Neither if he were, is his Hundred at his command, further than his Prince's service, and also every Tything man, may control him in such a case. And as for the assembling of the Hundred, much less is any danger thereof to be doubted, seeing it is before some justice of Peace, or some high Constable to be thereunto appointed: So as of these tithings there can no peril ensue, but a certain assurance of peace and great good, for they are thereby withdrawn from their Lords, and subjected to the Prince: Moreover for the better breaking of these heads and septs, which (I told you) was one of the greatest strengths of the Irish, me thinks it should be very well to renew that old Statute, which was made in the 
* An. 5. Edw 4.  reign of Edward the fourth in Ireland, by which it was commanded, that whereas 
* The statute refers only to the Irish, dwelling among the English in the counties of Dublin, Meth, Vriel, and Kildare▪ Vriel called also Ergallia, did anciently comprehend all that country which is now divided into the Counties of Louth and Monoghan although it may be conceived, that Louth was only intended by the statute, because Monoghan was then (in a manner) wholly possessed by the Irish.  all men then used to be called by the name of their septs, according to the several Nations, and had no surnames at all, that from thenceforth each one should take upon himself a several surname, either of his trade and faculty, or of some quality of his body or mind, or of the place where he dwelled, so as every one should be distinguished from the other, or from the most part, whereby they shall not only, not depend upon the head of their sept, as now they do, but also in time learn quite to forget his Irish Nation. And here withal would I also wish all the O's and the Mac's, which the heads of septs have taken to their names, to be utterly forbidden and extinguished. For that the same being an ordinance (as some say) first made by 
* The custom of prefixing the vowel O to many of the chief Irish surnames, began soon after the year M. in the reign of Brien boroma (the son of Kennethy) King of Ireland, As for Mac in surnames, it beareth no other signification, than Fitz doth among the French, and (from them) the English, and ap with the Welsh. And although it were more anciently used then the other, yet it varied according to the father's name, and became not so soon fully settled in families.  O Brien for the strengthening of the Irish, the abrogating thereof will as much enfeeble them.  Eudox. 
I like this ordinance very well; but now that you have thus divided & distinguished them, what other order will you take for their manner of life?  Iren. 
The next that I will do, shallbe to appoint to every one that is not able to live of his Freeholde, a certain Trade of life, to which he shall find himself fittest, and shallbe thought ablest, the which trade he shallbe bound to follow, & live only thereupon. All trades therefore are to be understood to be of three kinds; Manual, Intellectual, & mixed. The first containing all such as needeth exercise of bodily labour, to the performance of their profession. The second consisting only of the exercise of wit & reason. The third sort, part of bodily labour, & part of the wit, but depending most of industry and carefulness. Of the first sort be all handicrafts & husbandry labour. Of the second be all Sciences, and those which be called the liberal Arts. Of the third is Merchandise & Chafferie, that is, buying & selling, & without all these three, there is no Commonwealth can almost consist, or at the least be perfect. But the Realm of Ireland wanteth the most principal of them, that is, the intellectual; therefore in seeking to reform her state, it is specially to be looked unto. But because by husbandry, which supplieth unto us all things necessary for food, whereby we chiefly live. Therefore it is first to be provided for. The first thing therefore that we are to draw these new tythed men into, aught to be husbandry. First, because it is the most easy to be learned, needing only the labour of the Body. Next, because it is most general and most needful, then because it is most natural; and lastly, because it is most enemy to war, and most hateth unquietness: As the Poet saith, — bella execrata colonis. for husbandry being the nurse of thrift, & the daughter of industry and labour, detesteth all that may work her scathe, and destroy the travail of her hands, whose hope is all her lives comfort unto the Plough, therefore are those Kearne, Stocaghes and Horse-boyes to be driven and made to employ that ableness of Body which they were wont to use to theft and villainy, henceforth to labour and industry. In the which, by that time they have spent but a little pain, they will find such sweetness and happy contentment, that they will afterwards hardly be haled away from it, or drawn to their wont lewd life in thievery and roguery. And being once thus enured thereunto, they are not only to be countenanced and encouraged by all good means, but also provided that their children after them may be brought up likewise in the same, and succeed in the rooms of their Fathers. To which end there is a 
* Anno 25ᵒ Hen. 6.  Statute in Ireland already well provided, which commandeth that all the sons of husbandmen shall be trained up in their Father's trades, but it is (God wot) very slenderly executed.  Eudox. 
But do you not count in this trade of husbandry, pasturing of cattle, and keeping of their Cows, for that is reckoned as a part of husbandry.  Iren. 
I know it is, and needfully to be used, but I do not mean to allow any of those able bodies, which are able to use bodily labour, to follow a few Cows grazeing. But such impotent persons, as being unable for strong travail, are yet able to drive Cattle to and fro to their pasture, for this keeping of Cows, is of itself a very idle life, and a fit nursery for a Thief. For which cause (you remember) I disliked the Irish manner of keeping Boolies' in Summer upon the mountains, and living after that savage sort. But if they will algates feed many Cattle, or keep them on the Mountains, let them make some towns near to the Mountain's side, where they may dwell together with neighbours, and be conversant in the view of the world. And to say truth, though Ireland be by nature counted a great soil of pasture, yet had I rather have fewer Cows kept, and men better mannered, then to have such huge increase of Cattle, and no increase of good conditions. I would therefore wish that there were some ordinances made amongst them, that whosoever keepeth twenty Kine, should keep a Plough going, for otherwise all men would fall to pasturage, and none to husbandry, which is a great cause of this dearth now in England, and a cause of the usual stealths in Ireland: for look into all Countries that live in such sort by keeping of Cattle, and you shall find that they are both very barbarous and uncivil, and also greatly given to war. The Tartarians, the Muscovites, the Norwegians, the Goths, the Armenians, and many other do witness the same. And therefore since now we purpose to draw the Irish from desire of war and tumults, to the love of peace and civility, it is expedient to abridge their great custom of hardening, and augment their trade of tillage and husbandry. As for other occupations and trades, they need not be enforced to, but every man to be bound only to follow one that he thinks himself aptest for. For other trades of Artificers will be occupied for very necessity, and constrained use of them, and so likewise will merchandise for the gain thereof, but learning and bringing 〈◊〉 in liberal Sciences, will not come of itself, but must be drawn on with straight Laws and ordinances: And therefore it were meet that such an act were ordained, that all the Sons of Lords, Gentlemen, and such others as are able to bring them up in learning, should be trained up therein from their Child-hoods. And for that end every Parish should be forced to keep a petty Schoolmaster, adjoining unto the Parish Church, to be the more in view, which should bring up their children in the first Elements of Letters: And that in every Country or Barony, they should keep an other able Schoolmaster, which should instruct them in Grammar, and in 
* How requisite also an University is for the further growth in learning, the judicious well know. This happiness we now enjoy, to the great benefit of this Land. And although former attempts have been made for erecting and establishing Universities in Ireland, yet through want of means, which should have been allotted for their maintenance, they have soon faded. So happened it with that Academy which Alexander de B●gnor Archbishop of Dublin erected (in S. Patrick's Church) in Dublin, and procured to be confirmed by Pope john the ●2th. And no better succeeded that which was afterwards erected at Tredagh by Act of Parliament Anno 5. Edw. 4. (as appears in the roll of that year in the Chancery) whereby all the like Privileges, as the University of Oxford (in England) enjoyed, were conferred upon it. Besides these we find mention of others, far more ancient, as at Armagh, and Ross. Carbry, or Ross. atlithry, as it is called in the life of S. Faghnan the Founder, who lived in the year 590. Ipse Sanctus (saith the Author) in australi Hibernia plagâ iuxta mare, in suo Monasterio quod ipse fundavit, ibi crevit civitas, in quâ semper manet magnum studium scolarium, quod dicitur Rossailithry, habitabat. But a further search were fit to be made touching those of the elder times.  the Principles of Sciences, to whom they should be compelled to send their youth to be disciplined, whereby they will in short space grow up to that civil conversation, that both the children will loathe their former rudeness in which they were bred, and also their Parents will even by the ensample of their young Children, perceive the foulness of their own behaviour, compared to theirs; for Learning hath that wonderful power in itself, that it can soften and temper the most stern and savage nature.  Eudox. 
Surely I am of your mind, that nothing will bring them from their uncivile life sooner, than learning and discipline next after the knowledge and fear of GOD. And therefore I do still expect, that you should come thereunto, and set some order for reformation of Religion, which is first to be respected, according to the saying of CHRIST, Seek first the Kingdom of Heaven, and the Righteousness thereof.  Iren: 
I have in mind so to do; but let me (I pray you) first finish that which I had in hand, whereby all the ordinances which shall afterwards be set for Religion, may abide the more firmly, and be observed more diligently. Now that this people is thus tythed and ordered, and every one bound unto some honest trade of life, which shall be particularly entered and set down in the tything Book, yet perhaps there will be some stragglers and runagates, which will not of themselves come in and yield themselves to this order, and yet after the well finishing of the present war, and establishing of the Garrisons in all strong places of the Country, where their wont refuge was most, I suppose there will few stand out, or if they do, they will shortly be brought in by the Ears: But yet afterwards, lest any one of them should swerve, or any that is tied to a trade, should afterwards not follow the same, according to this institution, but should straggle up and down the Country, or mich in Corners amongst their Friends idly, as Carroweses, Bards, jesters, and such like, I would wish that a Provost Martial should be appointed in every Shire, which should continually walk about the Country, with half a dozen, or half a score horsemen, to take up such loose persons as they should find thus wandering, whom he should punish by his own authority, with such pains as the person shall seem to deserve; for if he be but once so taken idly roguing, he may punish him more lightly, as with stocks, or such like; but if he be found again so loitering, he may scourge him with whips, or rodds, after which if he be again taken, let him have the bitterness of marshal law. Likewise if any relics of the old rebellion be found by any, that either have not come in and submitted themselves to the Law, or that having once come in, do break forth again, and walk disorderly, let them taste of the same cup in God's Name, for it was due to them for their first guilt, and now being revived by their later looseness, let them have their first desert, as now being found unfit to live in the Commonwealth.  Eudox. 
This were a good ordinance: but me thinks it is an unnecessary charge, and also unfit to continue the name or form of any Marshall-Law, when as there is a proper Officer already appointed for these turns, to wit the Sheriff of the Shire, whose peculiar Office it is to walk up and down his Bayliwicke, as you would have a Marshal to snatch up all those Runagates and unprofitable members, and to bring them to his Gaol to be punished for the same. Therefore this may well be spared.  Iren. 
Not so (me thinks) for though the Sheriff have this authority of himself to take up all such stragglers, and imprison them, yet shall he not do so much good, nor work that terror in the hearts of them, that a Marshal will, whom they shall know to have power of life and death in such cases, and specially to be appointed for them: Neither doth it hinder that, but that though it pertain to the Sheriff, the Sheriff may do therein what he can, and yet the Marshal may walk his course besides, for both of them may do the more good, and more terrify the idle Rogue, knowing that though he have a watch upon the one, yet he may light upon the other: But this proviso is needful to be had in this case, that the Sheriff may not have the like power of life, as the Marshal hath, and as heretofore they have been accustomed; for it is dangerous to give power of life into the hands of him which may have benefit by the party's death, as if the said loose liver have any goods of own, the Sheriff is to seize thereupon, whereby it hath come to pass, that some who have not deserved judgement of death, though otherwise perhaps offending, have been for their goods sake caught up, and carried strait to the bough, a thing indeed very pitiful & horrible. Therefore by no means I would have the Sheriff have such authority, nor yet to imprison that Lozel, till the Sessions, for so all Gaoles might soon be filled; but to send him to the Marshal, who eftsoons finding him faulty, shall give him meet correction, and rid him away forthwith.  Eudox. 
I do now perceive your reason well: but come we now to that whereof we erst spoke, I mean, to Religion and religious men, what order will you set amongst them?  Iren. 
For Religion little have I to say, myself being (as I said) not professed therein, and itself being but one, so as there is but one way therein, for that which is true only is, and the rest is not at all, yet in planting of Religion, thus much is needful to be observed, that it be not sought forcibly to be impressed into them with terror and sharp penalties, as now is the manner, but rather delivered and intimated with mildness and gentleness, so as it may not be hated before it be understood, and their professors despised and rejected. And therefore it is expedient that some discreet Ministers of their own Countrymen, be first sent over amongst them, which by their meek persuasions and instructions, as also by their sober lives and conversations, may draw them first to understand, and afterwards to embrace the doctrine of their salvation; for if that the ancient godly Fathers, which first converted them, when they were Infidels, to the Faith, were able to pull them from Idolatry and Paganism, to the true Belief in CHRIST, as S. Patrick, and S. Columb, how much more easily shall godly teachers bring them to the true understanding of that which they already professed, wherein it is great wonder to see the odds which is between the zeal of Popish Priests, and the Ministers of the Gospel, for they spare not to come out of Spain, from Rome, and from Rheims, by long toil and dangerous travailing hither, where they know peril of death awaiteth them, and no reward or richesse is to be found, only to draw the people unto the Church of Rome, whereas some of our idle Ministers, having a way for credit and estimation thereby opened unto them, and having the livings of the Country offered unto them, without pains, and without peril, will neither for the same, nor any love of God, nor zeal of Religion, nor for all the good they may do, by winning Souls to God, be drawn forth from their warm nests, to look out into God's harvest, which is even ready for the sickle, and all the Fields yellow long ago, doubtless those good old godly Fathers, will (I fear me) rise up in the day of judgement to condemn them.  Eudox. 
Surely, it is great pity Iren. that there are none chosen out of the Ministers of England, good, sober, and discreet men, which might be sent over thither to teach and instruct them, and that there is not as much care had of their souls, as of their Bodies, for the care of both lieth upon the Prince.  Iren. 
Were there never so many sent over, they should do small good till one enormity be taken from them, that is, that both they be restrained from sending their young men abroad to other Universities beyond the Sea, as Rheims, Douai, Louvain, and the like, and others from abroad be restrained for coming into them▪ for they lurking secretly in their houses, and in corners of the Country, do more hurt and hindrance to Religion with their private persuasions, than all the others can do good with their public instructions, & though for these latter there be a good Statute there ordained, yet the same is not executed; & as for the former there is no law, nor order for their restraint at all.  Eudox. 
I marvel it is no better looked unto, and not only this, but that also which I remember you mentioned in your abuses concerning the profits and revenues of the Lands of Fugitives in Ireland, which by pretence of certain colourable conveyances are sent continually over unto them, to the comforting of them and others against her Majesty, for which here in England there is good order taken, and why not then aswell in Ireland? For though there be no Statute there yet enacted therefore, yet might her Majesty by her only prerogative, seize the fruits and profits of those Fugitives Lands into her hands, till they come over to testify their true allegiance.  Iren. 
Indeed she might so do, but the cumbrous times do perhaps hinder the regard thereof, and of many other good intentions.  Eudox. 
But why then did they not mend it in peaceable times?  Iren. 
Leave we that to their grave considerations; but proceed we forward. Next care in Religion is to build up and repair all the ruined Churches, whereof the most part lie even with the ground, and some that have been lately repaired, are so unhandsomely patched, and thatched, that men do even shun the places for the uncomeliness thereof; therefore I would wish that there were order taken to have them built in some better form, according to the Churches of England; for the outward show (assure yourself) doth greatly draw the rude people to the reverencing and frequenting thereof. What ever some of our late too nice fools say, there is nothing in the seemly form, and comely order of the Church. And for the keeping and continuing them, there should likewise Churchwardens of the gravest men in the parish be appointed, as they be here in England, which should take the yearly charge both hereof, and also of the Schoole-houses which I wish to be built near the said Churches, for maintenance of both which, it were meet that some small portion of lands were allotted, sith no more Mortmaineses are to be looked for.  Eudox. 
Indeed (me thinks) it would be so convenient, but when all is done, how will you have your Churches served, and your Ministers maintained▪ since the livings (as you say) are not sufficient scarce to make them gowns, much less to yield meet maintenance according to the dignity of their degree.  Iren. 
There is no way to help that, but to lay 2. or 3. of them together, until such time as the Country grow more rich and better inhabited, at which time the Tithes, and other obventions will also be more augmented and better valued: But now that we have thus gone through all the 3. sorts of trades, and set a course for their good establishment: let us (if it please you) go next to some other needful points of other public matters no less concerning the good of the Commonwealth, though but accidentally depending on the former. And first I wish that order were taken, for the cutting and opening of all places through woods, so that a wide way of the space of 100 yards might be laid open in every of them, for the safety of travellers, which use often in such perilous places to be robbed, and sometimes murdered. Next that Bridges were built upon the Rivers, and all the fords marred and spilt, so as none might pass any other way but by those Bridges, and every Bridge to have a gate and a gatehouse set thereon, whereof this good will come that no night stealths which are commonly driven in byways, and by blind fords unused of any, but such like shall not be conveyed out of one country into another, as they use, but they must pass by those Bridges, where they may either be haply encountered, or easily tracked, or not suffered to pass at all, by means of those gate-houses thereon: Also that in all straits and narrow passages, as between 2. bogs, or through any deep ford, or under any mountain side, there should be some little Fortilage, or wooden Castle set, which should keep and command that strait, whereby any Rebels that should come into the country, might be stopped that way, or pass with great peril. Moreover that all High ways should be fenced and shut up on both sides, leaving only 40. foot breadth for passage, so as none should be able to pass but through the high ways, whereby thiefs and night Robbers might be the more easily pursued and encountered, when there shall be no other way to drive their stolen cattle, but therein, as I formerly declared. Further that there should be in sundry convenient places, by the high ways, towns appointed to be built, the which should be free Burgesses, and incorporate under Bailiffs, to be by their inhabitants well and strongly entrenched, or otherwise fenced, with gates on each side thereof, to be shut nightly, like as there is in many places in the English pale, and all the ways about it to be strongly shut up, so as none should pass but through those towns: To some of which it were good that the privilege of a market were given, the rather to strengthen and enable them to their defence, for there is nothing doth sooner cause civility in any country than many Market towns, by reason that people repairing often thither for their needs, will daily see and learn civil manners of the better sort: Besides, there is nothing doth more stay and strengthen the Country, than such corporate towns, as by proof in many Rebellious hath appeared, in which when all the countries have swerved, the towns have stood fast, and yielded good relief to the Soldiers in all occasions of services. And lastly there is nothing doth more enrich any country or Realm, than many towns, for to them will all the people draw and bring the fruits of their trades, aswell to make money of them, as to supply their needful uses, and the Countrymen will also be more industrious in tillage, and rearing of all husbandry commodities, knowing that they shall have ready sale for them at those towns, and in all those towns should there be convenient Inns, erected for the lodging and harbouring of Travellers, which are now oftentimes spoilt by lodging abroad in weak thatched houses, for want of such safe places to shroud them in.  Eudox. 
But what profit shall your market towns reap of their market? when as each one may sell their corn and cattle abroad in the country, and make their secret bargains amongst themselves as now I understand they use.  Iren. 
Indeed Eudoxus, they do so, and thereby no small inconvenience doth rise to the Commonwealth, for now when any one hath stolen a Cow or a Garron, he may secretly sell it in the country without privity of any, whereas if he brought it to a market town it would perhaps be known, and the thief discovered. Therefore it were good that a strait ordinance were made, that none should buy or sell any cattle, but in some open market, (there being now market towns every where at hand,) upon a great penalty, neither should they likewise buy any corn to sell the same again, unless it were to make malt thereof, for by such engrossing and regrating we see the dearth that now commonly reigneth here in England, to have been caused. Hereunto also is to be added that good ordinance, which I remember was once proclaimed throughout all Ireland. That all men should mark their cattle with an open several mark upon their flanks or Buttocks, so as if they happened to be stolen, they might appear whose they were, and they which should buy them, might thereby suspect the Owner, and be warned to abstain from buying them of a suspected person, with such an unknown mark.  Eudox. 
Surely these ordinances seem very expedient, but specially that of free towns, of which I wonder there is so small store in Ireland, and that in the first peopling and planting thereof, they were neglected and omitted.  Iren. 
They were not omitted, for there were through all places of the Country convenient, many good towns seated, which through that inundation of the Irish, which I first told you of, were utterly wasted and defaced, of which the ruins are yet in many places to be seen, and of some no sign at all remaining, save only their bare names, but their seats are not to be found.  Eudox. 
But how then cometh it to pass, that they have never since been recovered, nor their habitations re-edified, as of the rest, which have been no less spoilt and wasted.  Iren. 
The cause thereof was, for that after their desolation, they were begged by Gentlemen, of the Kings, under colour to repair them, and gather the poor relics of the people again together, of whom having obtained them, they were so far from re-edifying of them, as that by all means they have endeavoured to keep them waste, lest that being repaired, their Charters might be renewed, and their Burgesses restored to their lands, which they had now in their possession, much like as in those old monuments of Abbeys, and religious houses, we see them likewise use to do: For which cause it is judged that King Henry the eight, bestowed them upon them, conceiving that thereby they should never be able to rise again. And even so do these Lords, in these poor old corporate towns, of which I could name divers, but for kindling of displeasure. Therefore as I wished many corporate towns to be erected, so would I again wish them to be free, not depending upon the service, nor under the command of any but the Governor. And being so, they will both strengthen all the Country round about them, which by their means will be the better replenished and enriched, and also be as continual holds for her Majesty, if the people should revolt or break out again, for without such it is easy to forage and overrun the whole land. Let be for ensample all those Free-boroughes, in the Low-Countryes, which are now all the strength thereof. These and other like ordinances might be delivered for the good establishment of the Realm, after it is once subdued and reform, in which it might afterwards be very easily kept and maintained, with small ca●e of the Governors and Council there appointed, so as it should in short space, yield a plentiful revenue to the Crown of England: which now doth but suck & consume the treasure thereof, through those unsound plots and changefull orders, which are daily devised for her good, yet never effectually prosecuted or performed.  Eudox. 
But in all this your discourse I have not marked any thing by you spoken touching the appointment of the principal Officer, to whom you wish the charge and performance of all this to be committed: Only I observed some fowl abuses by you noted in some of the late Governors, the reformation whereof you left of, for this present place.  Iren. 
I delight not to lay open the blames of great Magistrates to the rebuke of the world, and therefore their reformation I will not meddle with, but leave unto the wisdom of greater heads to be considered, only thus much I will speak generally thereof, to satisfy your desire, that the government and chief Magistracy, I wish to continue as it doth, to wit, that it be ruled by a Lord Deputy or justice, for that it is a very safe kind of rule, but there withal I wish that over him there were placed also a Lord Lieutenant, of some of the greatest personages in England, such a one I could name, upon whom the eye of all England is fixed, and our last hopes now rest, who being entitled with that dignity, and being here always resident, may back and defend the good course of that government against all maligners, which else will through their cunning working under hand, deprave and pull back what ever thing shall be begun or intended there, as we commonly see by experience at this day, to the utter ruin and desolation of that poor Realm, and this Leiutenancie should be no discountenancing of the Lord Deputy, but rather a strengthening of all his doings, for now the chief evil in that government is, that no Governor is suffered to go on with any one course, but upon the least information here, of this or that, he is either stopped and crossed, or other courses appointed him from hence which he shall run, which how inconvenient it is, is at this hour too well felt: And therefore this should be one principal in the appointing of the Lord Deputies authority, that it should be more ample and absolute than it is, and that he should have uncontrolled power, to do any thing, that he with the advisement of the Council should think meet to be done: For it is not possible for the Council here, to direct a Governor there, who shall be forced oftentimes to follow the necessity of present actions, and to take the sudden advantage of time, which being once lost will not be recovered, whilst through expecting direction from hence, the delays whereof are oftentimes through other greater affairs most irksome, the oportunityes there in the mean time pass away, and great danger often groweth, which by such timely prevention might easily be stopped: And this (I remember) is worthily observed by Machiavelli in his discourses upon Livy, where he commendeth the manner of the Romans government, in giving absolute power to all their Councillors and Governors, which if they abused, they should afterwards dear answer: And the contrary thereof he reprehendeth in the States of Venice, of Florence, and many other principalityes of Italy: who use to limit their chief Officers so strictly, as that thereby they have oftentimes lost such happy occasions, as they could never come unto again: The like whereof, who so hath been conversant in that government of Ireland, hath too often seen to their great hindrance and hurt. Therefore this I could wish to be redressed, and yet not so but that in particular things he should be restrained, though not in the general government, as namely in this that no offices should be sold by the Lord Deputy for money, nor no pardons, nor no protections bought for reward, nor no beoves taken for Captainries of Countries, nor no shares of Bishoprics for nominating of Bishops, nor no forfeitures, nor dispensations with poenall Statutes given to their servants or friends, nor no selling of licences for transportation of prohibited wares, and specially of corn and flesh, with many the like, which need some manner of restrainte, or else very great trust in the honourable disposition of the Lord Deputy.  
Thus I have Eudoxus, as briefly as I could, and as my memory would serve me, run through the state of that whole Country, both to let you see, what it now is, and also what it may be by good care and amendment: Not that I take upon me to change the policy of so great a kingdom, or prescribe rules to such wise men, as have the handling thereof, but only to show you the evils, which in my small experience I have observed, to be the chief hindrance of the reformation, and by way of conference to declare my simple opinion for the redress thereof, and establishing a good course for government, which I do not deliver as a perfect plot of mine own invention to be only followed, but as I have learned and understood the same by the consultations and actions of very wise Governors and Counsellors, whom I have (sometimes) heard treat hereof: So have I thought good to set down a remembrance of them for my own good, and your satisfaction, that who so lift to overlook them, although perhaps much wiser than they which have thus advised of that State, yet at lest by comparison hereof, may perhaps better his own judgement, and by the light of others foregoing him, may follow after with more ease, and haply find a fairer way thereunto, than they which have gone before.  Eudox. 
I thank you Irenaeus, for this your gentle pains, withal not forgetting now in the shutting up, to put you in mind of that which you have formerly half promised, that hereafter when we shall meet again, upon the like good occasion, you will declare unto us, those your observations which you have gathered of the antiquities of Ireland.  
The end.   

Faults escaped.  
PAg▪ 25. lin. 45. for and he, read he is. pag. 27. lin, 28. in some copies, for Albany, read either Albion or England. pag. 32. lin. 22. for admiral read admirable. pag. 33. lin. 38. for af●er, read before, pag. 48▪ lin. 14. for Term●ssa, read Tecmessa. pag. 54. lin. 34. & 46 for Talkmot●●, read Folkmo●es, and in the Margin add, vid. D. Hen. Sp●lmanni Glossarium, pag. 74▪ lin. 44▪ for Sinerwicke, read Swerwicke.   

ANNOTATIONS.  
Upon review of that part which was printed, before I began to inserte any notes, these few animadversions are added.  
Pag. 6. lin. 39  
— the first original of this word Tanist and Tanistry came. See whether it may not be more fitly derived from Thane, which word was commonly used among the Danes, and also among the Saxons in England, for a noble man, and a principal officer.  
Pag. 11. lin. 14.  
— duke of Clarence, who having married the heir of the Earl of Ulster, etc. It was not George Duke of Clarence here spoken of by the author, but 
a De hac re vid● Camd. Britan. pag. 336. & annal. Hib. ab to edi●. ad an. 136●  Lionel Duke of Clarence, third son of King Edw. the 3. who married the Earl of ulsters daughter, and by her had the Earldom of Ulster. and although Edw. the 4. made his brother the Duke of Clarence, Lo. Lieutenant of Ireland, yet the place was still executed by his Deputyes (which were at several times) Thomas Earl of Desmond, john Earl of Worcester, Tho. Earl of Kildare, and William Shirwood Bishop of Meth, the Duke himself never coming into Ireland to govern there in person.  
Pag. 26. lin. 26.  
— Kin is English, and Congish affinity in Irish. I conceive the word to be rather altogether Irish. Kin signifying in Irish, the heads or chief of any septs.  
Pag. 27.  
The discourse from the word Scythians in the 11. line, unto the end of the parenthesis in the 30. line, is wholly to be crossed out, as being then agreeable to the best MS. Copy, only after Scythians, add, which.  
Touching the Scythians 
b A regione quadam qua dicitur Scythia: dicitur Scita, Sciticus, Scoticus, Scotus, Scotia. Tho. Walsingham. i● Hypodigmat● Ne● striae, ad an. 1185.  or Scots arrival in Ireland, see Nennius an ancient British author (who lived in the year of Christ 858.) where among other things we have the time of their arrival. Brittones (saith he) venerunt in 3. aetate mundi in Britanniam, Scythae autem in 4. obtinuerunt Hiberniam.  
Pag. 28. lin. 35.  
— remembrances of Bards. Of the ancient Bards or Poets, Lucan makes this mention in the first book of his Pharsalia. 
Vos quoque qui fortes animas, belloque peremptas,  
Lavaibus in longum vates dimit●itis aevum,  
Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi.  Concerning the Irish Bards see pag. 51. The word signified among the Gauls a singer, as it is noted by Mr Camden, and Mr Selden, out of Festus Pompeius, and it had the same signification among the British. Sr john Price in the description of Wales, expounds it to be one that had knowledge of things to come, and so (saith he) it signifieth at this day. taking his ground (amiss) out of Lucan's verses. Doctor powel in his notes upon Caradoc of Lhancarvan saith, that in Wales they preserved gentlemen's arms and pedigrees. At this time in Ireland the Bard by common acceptation, is counted a railing Rhymer, and distinguished from the Poet.  
Pag. 29. lin. 10.  
— an Irish Scot or Pict by nation. Bede tells us that the Picts were a colony of Scythians, who first coming into Ireland, and being denied residence there by the Scots, were persuaded by them to inhabit the North parts of Britain. But Mr Camden, out of Dio, Herodian, Tacitus, etc. and upon consideration of the customs, name and language of the Picts, conceives not improbably, that they were natural Britons, although distinguished by name.  
Pag. 29. lin. 28.  
Those Bards indeed Caesar writeth— Concerning them I find no mention in Caesar's commentaries, but much touching the Druids, which were the Priests and Philosophers, (or Magi as 
* Hist. not lib. 16. cap▪ 44.  Pliny calls them) of the Gauls & British. Illi rebus divinis intersunt, (
* De b●llo Galli. ●o ●ib. 2.  saith he) sacrificia publica ac privata procurant, religiones interpretantur. Ad hos magnus adolescentium numerus disciplinae caussâ concurrit, magnoque ij sunt apud eos honore. etc. The word Dr hey had anciently the same signification (as I am informed) among the Irish.  
Pag. 30. lin. 30.  
— and Cornelius Tacitus doth also strongly affirm the same. Cornelius Tacitus in the life of julius Agricola saith thus. Silurum colorati vultus, & torti plerumque crines, & positus contra Hispaniam, Iberos veteres trajecisse, easque sedes occupâsse fidem faciunt. This he speaketh touching the Silureses which inhabited that part of South-Wales, which now we call Herefordshire, Radnorshire, Brecknockshire, Monmouth shire, and Glamorganshire. And although the like reason may be given for that part of Ireland which lieth next unto Spain, yet in Tacitus we find no such inference. 
c Rer. Scot lib. 2.  Buchanan indeed upon the conjecture of Tacitus hath these words. Verisimile a. non est Hispanos relictâ à tergo Hiberni●, terrâ propiore, & coeli & soli mitioris, in Albium primùm descendisse, sed primùm in Hiberniam appulisse, atque inde in Britannian colonos missos. Which was observed unto me by the most learned Bishop of Meth, Dr Anth. Martin, upon conference with his Lordship about this point. One passage in Tacitus touching Ireland (in the same book) I may not here omit, although it be extra oleas. Quinto expeditionum anno (saith he) nave primâ transgressus, ignotas ad tempus gentes, crebris simul ac prosperis praelijs domuit, eamque partem Britanniae quae Hiberniam aspicit, copijs instruxit, in spem magis quam ob formidinem. Siquidem Hibernia medio inter Britanniam atque Hispaniam sita, & Gallico quoque mari opportuna valentissimam imperij partem magnis invicem usibus miscuerit. Spatium ejus si Britanniae comparetur, angustius, nostri maris insulas superat. Solum coelumque & ingenia, cultusque hominum haut multùm à Britannia differunt, meliùs aditus portusque per commercia & negotiatores cogniti. Agricola expulsum seditione domesticâ unum ex regulis gentis exceperat, ac specie amicitiae in occasionem retinebat. Saepè ex eo audivi Legione unâ & modicis auxilijs debellari, obtineríque Hiberniam posse. idque adversùs Britanniam profuturum, si Romana ubique arma, & velut è conspectu libertas tolleretur.  
Pag. 31. lin. 4.  
— Slanius, in the end made himself Monarch. The Irish stories have a continued succession of the Kings of Ireland from this Slanius, until the conquest by King Henry the second, but very uncertain, especially until the planting of Religion by S. Patrick, at which time Loegarius, or Lagirius was Monarch.  
Pag. 33. lin. 35.  
Ireland is by Diodorus Siculus and by Strabo called Britannia. Iris is by Diodorus called a part of Britain: but Ireland by neither of them Britannia.  
Pag. 33. lin. 38.  
— King Arthur, and before him Gurgunt. Concerning King Arthur's conquest of Ireland, see Geoffrey of Monmuth, and Matthew of Westminster, at the year 525. where he is said to have landed in Ireland with a great army, and in a battle to have taken King Gilla-mury prisoner, and forced the other Princes to subjection. In our Annals it appears that Moriertach (the son of Erca) was at that time King of Ireland, of which name some relics seem to be in Gilla-Mury, Gilla being but an addition used with many names, as Gilla-Patrick, etc. But in the Country writers (which I have seen) I find not the least touch of this conquest.  
Pag. 34. lin. 23.  
— amongst whom he distributed the land. King Henry the 2. gave to 
d Gir. Camb. Hib. expugn. lib. I. cap. 2●.  Richard Strongbow Earl of Striguil or Penbroke, all Leinster, excepting the city of Dublin, and the canters adjoining with the maritime towns and castles. Unto 
e Vid. Rog. de Hoveden pag. 567, edit. Franc. & Camd. Brit. pag. 739.  Robert fitz Stephen, and Miles de Cogan he granted the Kingdom of Cork, excepting the City of Cork, and the Ostmen Cantred. And unto 
f Rog. de Hoveden ibid.  Philip de Bruse the Kingdom of Limericke. But in a confirmation of King john to William de Bruse (or Braos') Nephew to this Philip, we find that he gave to him only 
g Chart. an. 2. Io. in arce Lond.  honorem de Limerick, retentis in dominico nostro (as the words of the Charter are) civitate de Limerick & donationibus episcopatuum & abbatiarum, & retentis in manu nostrâ cantredo Ostmannorum & S. insulâ. Among other large grants (remembered by Hoveden) which this King Henry gave to the first adventurers, that of Meth to Sr Hugh de Lacie is of special note. The grant was in these words.  HEnricus Dei gratiâ Rex Angliae, & Dux Normanniae & Aquitaniae, & Comes Andegaviae. Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, justitiarijs, & omnibus ministris & fidelibus suis Francis, Anglis & Hiberniensibus totius terrae suae, Salutem. Sciatis me dedisse & concessisse, & praesenti chartâ meâ confirmâsse Hugoni de Lacie pro servitio suo, terram de Midiâ cum omnibus pertinentijs suis per servitium quinquaginta militum sibi & haeredibus suis, tenendum & habendum à me & haeredibus meis, sicut Murchardus Hu-melathlin eam tenuit, vel aliquis alius ante illum vel posteà. Et de incremento illi dono omnia feoda quae praebuit, vel quae praebebit circa D●veliniam, dum Balivus meus est, ad faciendum mihi servitium apud civitatem meam Duveliniae. Quare volo & firmiter praecipio, ut ipse Hugo & haeredes sui post eum praedictam terram habeant, & teneant omnes libertates & liberas consuetudines qu sibi habeo vel habere possum per praenominatum servitium, à me & haeredibus meis, benè & in pace, liberè, & quietè, & honorificè, in bosco & plano, in pratis & pascuis, in aquis & molendinis, in vivarijs & stagnis, & piscationibus & venationibus, in vijs, & semitis, & portubus maris, & in omnibus aliis locis, & aliis rebus ad eam pertinentibus cum omnibus libertatibus, quas ibi habeo, vel illi dare possum, & hâc meâ chartâ confirmare. Test. comite Richardo filio Gilberti, Willielmo de Braosa, etc. Apud Weisford. 
But above all other grants made by K. Henry the 2. that to his son john is most memorable. Deinde (saith 
h In Henr. 2. pag. 566·.  Hoveden) venit rex Oxenford, & in generali concilio ibidem celebrato constituit johannem filium suum Regem in Hiberniâ, concessione & confirmatione Alexandri summi Pontificis. By virtue of this grant both in the life time of his father, and in the reign of his brother king Richard, he was styled in all his charters Dominus Hiberniae, and directed them thus, joannes Dominus Hiberniae, & comes Morton. Archiepiscopis, episcopis, comitibus, baronibus, justitiarijs, vicecomitibus, constabularijs, & omnibus ballivis & ministris suis totius Hiberniae, salutem. Thus we have it frequently (although sometimes with a little variation) in the Registers of Saint Mary Abbey, and Thomascourt by Dublin. How the Earl in Leinster, and Lacie in Meth, distributed their lands, (besides what they retained in their own hands,) is delivered by Maurice Regan, (interpreter to Dermot Mac Murrough King of Leinster) who wrote the History of those times in French verse. The book was translated into English by Sir George Carew Lo. Precedent of Monster, afterwards earl of Totnes, and communicated to me, by our most reverend and excellently learned Primate. There we find that the Earl gave to Reymond le Grose in 
i Consul. Gir. Camb. Hib. expugn. lib. 2. cap. 4▪  marriage with his sister, Fotherd, Odrone, and Glascarrig, unto Hervy de Mount-marish, he gave Obarthy, unto Maurice de Prindergast, Fernegenall, which was afterwards conferred upon Robert fitz Godobert but by what means he obtained it (saith Regan) I know not. Unto Meiler Fitz Henry he gave Carbry, unto 
k This Maurice soon after deceasing at Wexford, king john then earl of Moreton confirmed to his son William Fitz Maurice cantredum terrae quem Makelanus tenuit, illum sc●in quo villa de N●as sita est, quam comes Richardus dedit Mauritio patri ipsius Willielmi. Thus the charter▪ habetu● in ro●. come. placis an. 10. Hen. 6. in iurri Birminghamiano▪  Maurice Fitz Gerald the Naas Ofelin (which had been possessed by Mackelan) and Wickloe, unto Walter de Ridelesford he gave the lands of Omorthy, unto john de Clahul the marshalship of Leinster, and the land between Aghabo and Leghlin, unto Robert de Birmingham Ofaly, and unto Adam de Hereford large possessions. What these possessions were, are thus noted in the Register of Thomascourt abbey, where speaking of the Earl, Posteà Lageniâ perquisitâ, erat quidam juvenis cum eo quem multûm dilexit, & dedit eidem pro servitio suo terras & tenementa subscripta, viz. tenementum de saltu Salmonis, Cloncoury, Kill, Houterard, & tenementum de Donning cum omnibus suis pertinentijs. Thus the Register. This Adam de Hereford was founder of Saint Wulstan's Priory near Leixlip in the county of Kildare. But we proceed with Regan. Unto Miles Fitz David who was one of his chief favourites, he gave Overk in Ossory, to Thomas le Fleming, Arde, to Gilbert de Borard, Ofelmith, to a knight called Reinand he gave 15. knights fees adjoining to the sea, and to one Robert (who was afterwards slain in Connaght) the Norragh. What partition Lacie made in Meth, he thus delivers. Unto his special friend Hugh Tirrell he gave Castleknock: and unto William Petit Castlebreck. I have seen an ancient deed made by Sir Hugh de Lacie to this William Petit wherein among other things he grants unto him Matherethirnan cum omnibus pertinentijs suis, exceptis Lacu & villa quae dicitur Dissert, etc. Unto the valiant Meiler fitz Henry (saith Regan) he gave Magherneran the lands of Rathkenin, and the cantred of Athnorker. Unto Gilbert de Nangle all Magherigallen, unto jocelin the son of Gilbert de Nangle, the Navan and the land of Ardbraccan: unto Richard de Tuite he gave fair possessions, unto Robert de Lacie Rathwer, unto Richard de la Chapel he gave much land, unto Geoffrey de Constantine Kilbisky and Rathmarthy: Unto Adam de Feipo, Gilbert de Nugent, William de Misset, and Hugh de Hose, he gave large inheritances. In Lacies grant to Feipo, we find that he gave him Skrine, et praeterea (saith the 
l Magn. regest. mon. B. Mariae iu●●a Dublin. fol▪ 76.  deed) feodum unius militis circa Duvelinam, scil. Clantorht & Santref. etc. In his grant to Gilbert de Nugent, (the original whereof I have seen, with an impression upon the seal, of a knight armed and mounted,) he gave to him Delvin, quam in tempore Hebernicorum tenuerunt O-Finelans, cum omnibus pertinentijs & villis, quae infra praedictam Delvin continentur, exceptâ quadam villâ Abbatis Fourae nomine Torrochelasch pro servitio 5. militum. Thus the Charter. To Misset he gave Luin, and to Hussey or Hose Galtrim. Regan proceeds. Unto Adam Dullard he gave the lands of Dullenvarthy, unto one Thomas he gave Cramly, Timlath-began north-east from Kenlis, Lathrachalim, and Sendevonath, and unto Richard le Fleming he gave Crandon at 20. Knight's fees.  
Pag. 36. l. 26.  
— they changed the form thereof into their cloaks called Pallia. As the Romans had their gown called toga, so the ancient outward vestiment of the Grecians was called Pallium, by some translated a Mantle, although it be now commonly taken for a Cloak, which doth indeed somewhat resemble a Mantle. By these different kinds of habit, the one was so certainly distinguished from the other, that the word Togatus was often used to signify a Roman, and Palliatus a Grecian, as it is observed by 
m Romanae histor. antholog. lib. 2. sect. 3. cap. 7.  Mr Tho. Godwin out of 
n De iud▪ l. 3. cap. 19  Sigonius. Togati saith he) pro Romanis dicti, ut Palliati pro Graecis. But that the ancient Latins and Romans used it, as the Author allegeth, (out of I know not what place in Virgil) appeareth no way unto me. That the Gown was their usual outward garment, is most certain, and that commonly of wool, finer or courser, according to the dignity of the person that wore it. Whence Horace: 
— Sit mihi mensa tripes, et  

Satyr. 3. lib. 1.  Concha salis puri, et toga quae defendere frigus  
Quamvis crassa, queat—  And from this difference between the ancient Roman and Grecian habit, grew the proverbs, modò palliatus, modò togatus, and de togâ ad pallium, to denote an unconstant person.  
Pag. 36. lin. 32.  — Humi mantilia sternunt. 
Euanders' entertainment of Aeneas, is set out in the 8. book of Virgil's Aeneis, but there we have no such word as mantile. In his entertainment by Dido we have it, but in another sense.  
jam pater Aeneas, & jam Troiana iuventus  
Conveniunt, stratoque super discumbitur ostro, 
AEneid. lib. 1▪   
Dant famuli manibus lymphas Cereremque canistri●  
Expediunt, tonsisque ferunt mantilia villis.  
Pag. 38. lin. 44.  
— as in that battle of Thomyris against Cyrus. Herodotus in the description of that battle hath no such thing.  
Pag. 41. lin. 30.  
— by the sword and by the fire. Lucian hath it, by the sword & by the wind. Somewhat may be gathered to this purpose out of the 
o An 45●▪  Ulster Annals, where Laegarius (or Lagerius) a heathen King of Ireland, being taken prisoner by the Leinster men, is said to have been released upon an oath, which was per solemn & ventum.   

Out of the fourth Book of the Fairy Queen, Canto XI. concerning the rivers of Ireland.  

NEthence the Irish Rivers absent were,  
Sith no less famous than the rest they be,  
And join in neighbourhood of kingdom near,  
Why should they not likewise in love agree,  
And joy likewise this solemn day to see?  
They saw it all, and present were in place;  
Though I them all according their degree,  
Cannot recount, nor tell their hidden race,  
Nor read the savage countries, through which they pace.   

There was the Liffie, rolling down the lee,  
The sandy Slain, the stony Aubrian,  
The spacious Shenan spreading like a sea,  
The pleasant Boyne, the fishy fruitful Ban,  
Swift Awniduffe, which of the English man  
Is called Black water, and the Liffar deep,  
Sad Trowiss, that once his people overran,  
Strong Allo tumbling from Slewlogher steep,  
And Mulla mine, whose waves I whilom taught to weep.   

And there the three renowned brethren were,  
Which that great Giant Blomius begot  
Of the fair Nymph Rheûsa wand'ring there,  
One day, as she to shun the season hot,  
Under Slewbloome in shady grove was got,  
This Giant found her, and by force deflowered:  
Whereof conceiving, she in time forth brought  
These three fair sons, which being thence forth poured  
In three great rivers ran, and many countries scowrd.   

The first, the gentle Sure, that making way  
By sweet clonmel adorns rich Waterford;  
The next the stubborn Newre, whose waters grey  
By fair Kilkenny, and Rosseponte board;  
The third, the goodly Barow, which doth hoard  
Great heaps of Salmon in his deep bosom:  
All which long sundered, do at last accord  
To join in one, ere to the sea they come,  
So flowing all from one, all one at last become,   

There also was the wide embayed Mayor,  
The pleasant Bandon crowned with many a wood,  
The spreading Lee, that like an Island fair  
Encloseth Cork with his divided flood;  
And baleful Our, late stained with English blood:  
With many more, whose names no tongue can tell.  
All which that day in order seemly good  
Did on the Thamis attend, and waited well  
To do their duefull service, as to them befell.    

Out of the seventh Book of the Fairy Queen. Cant. VI  

Eftsoons the time and place appointed were,  
Where all both heavenly Powers, and earthly wights,  
Before great Nature's presence should appear,  
For trial of their Titles and best Rights,  
That was, to weet, upon the highest heights  
Of Arlo-hill (Who knows not Arlo-hill?)  
That is the highest head (in all men's sights)  
Of my old father Mole, whom Shepherd's quill  
Renowned hath with hymns fit for a rural skill.   

And were it not ill fitting for this file,  
To sing of hills & woods, mongst wars & Knights,  
I would abate the sternness of my stile,  
Mongst these stern stounds to mingle soft delights;  
And tell how Arlo through Diana's spites  
(Being of old the best and fairest Hill  
That was in all this holy Islands heights)  
Was made the most unpleasant, and most ill.  
Mean while, O Clio, lend Calliope thy quill.   

Whilom, when IRELAND flourished in fame  
Of wealth and goodness, far above the rest  
Of all that bear the British Islands name,  
The Gods then used (for pleasure and for rest)  
Oft to resort thereto, when seemed them best:  
But none of all there-in more pleasure found,  
Then Cynthia; that is sovereign Queen professed  
Of woods and forests which therein abound,  
Sprinkled with wholesome waters, more than most on ground.   

But mongst them all, as fittest for her game,  
Either for chase of beasts with hound or bow,  
Or for to shroud in shade from Phoebus' flame,  
Or bathe in fountains that do freshly flow,  
Or from high hills, or from the dales below,  
She chose this Arlo; where she did resort  
With all her Nymphs enranged on a row,  
With whom the woody gods did oft consort:  
For, with the Nymphs, the Satyrs love to play & sport.   

Amongst the which, there was a Nymph that hight  
Molanna; daughter of old father Mole,  
And sister unto Mulla fair and bright:  
Unto whose bed false Bregog whilom stole,  
That Shepherd Colin dear did condole,  
And made her luckless loves well known to be.  
But this Molanna, were she not so shoal,  
Were no less fair and beautiful than she:  
Yet as she is, a fairer flood may no man see.   

For first she springs out of two marble Rocks,  
On which, a grove of Oaks high mounted grows;  
That as a garland seems to deck the locks  
Of some fair Bride, brought forth with pompous shows  
Out of her bower, that many flowers strews:  
So, through the flowery Dales she tumbling down,  
Through many woods, and shady coverts flows,  
(That on each side her silver channel crown)  
Till to the Plain she come, whose Valleys she doth drown.   

In her sweet streams, Diana used oft  
(After her sweaty chase and toilsome play)  
To bathe herself; and after, on the soft  
And downy grass, her dainty limbs to lay  
In covert shade, where none behold her may:  
For, much she hated sight of living eye.  
Foolish God Faunus, though full many a day  
He saw her clad, yet longed foolishly  
To see her naked mongst her Nymphs in privity.   

No way he found to compass his desire,  
But to corrupt Molanna, this her maid,  
Her to discover for some secret hire:  
So, her with flattering words he first assayed,  
And after, pleasing gifts for her purvaid,  
Queene-apples, and red Cherries from the tree,  
With which he her alured and betrayed,  
To tell what time he might her Lady see  
When she herself did bathe, that he might secret be.   

Thereto he promised, if she would him pleasure  
With this small boon, to quit her with a better;  
To weet, that whereas she had out of measure  
Long loved the Fanchin, who by nought did set her,  
That he would undertake, for this to get her  
To be his Love, and of him liked well:  
Besides all which, he vowed to be her debtor  
For many moe good turns than he would tell;  
The least of which, this little pleasure should excel.   

The simple maid did yield to him anon;  
And eft him placed where he close might view  
That never any saw, save only one;  
Who, for his hire to so foolhardy dew,  
Was of his hounds devoured in Hunter's hue.  
Tho, as her manner was on sunny day,  
Diana, with her Nymphs about her drew  
To this sweet spring; where, doffing her array,  
She bathed her lovely limbs, for jove a likely prey.   

There Faunus saw that pleased much his eye,  
And made his heart to tickle in his breast,  
That for great joy of somewhat he did spy,  
He could him not contain in silent rest;  
But, breaking forth in laughter, loud professed  
His foolish thought. A foolish Faun indeed,  
That couldst not hold thyself so hidden blessed,  
But wouldst needs thine own conceit aread.  
Babblers unworthy been of so divine a meed.   

The Goddess, all abashed with that noise,  
In haste forth started from the guilty brook;  
And running strait whereas she heard his voice,  
Enclosed the bush about, and there him took,  
Like dared Lark; nor daring up to look  
On her whose sight before so much he sought.  
Thence, forth they drew him by the horns, and shook  
Nigh all to pieces, that they left him nought;  
And then into the open light they forth him brought.   

Like as an huswife that with busy care  
Thinks of her Dairy to make wondrous gain,  
Finding whereas some wicked beast unware  
That breaks into her Dayr'house, there doth drain  
Her creaming pans, and frustrate all her pain;  
Hath in some snare or gi'en set close behind,  
Entrapped him, and caught into her train,  
Then thinks what punishment were best assigned,  
And thousand deaths deviseth in her vengeful mind:   

So did Diana and her maidens all  
Use silly Faunus, now within their bail:  
They mock and scorn him, and him foul miscall;  
Some by the nose him plucked, some by the tail,  
And by his goatish beard some did him hail:  
Yet he (poor soul) with patience all did bear:  
For, nought against their wills might countervail:  
Ne ought he said whatever he did hear;  
But hanging down his head, did like a Mouse appear.   

At length, when they had flouted him their fill,  
They 'gan to cast what penance him to give.  
Some would have gelt him, but that same would spill  
The Wood-gods breed, which must for ever live:  
Others would through the river him have drive,  
And ducked deep: but that seemed penance light;  
But most agreed and did this sentence give,  
Him in Deers skin to clad; and in that plight,  
To hunt him with their hounds, himself save how he might.   

But Cynthia's self more angry than the rest,  
Thought not enough, to punish him in sport.  
And of her shame to make a gamesome jest;  
But 'gan examine him in straighter sort,  
Which of her Nymphs, or other close consort,  
Him thither brought, and her to him betrayed.  
He, much afeard, to her confessed short,  
That't was Molanna which her so bewrayed,  
Then all at once their hands upon Molanna laid.   

But him (according as they had decreed)  
With a Deers skin they covered, and then chaste  
With all their hounds, that after him did speed;  
But he more speedy, from them fled more fast  
Than any Deer: so sore him dread aghast.  
They after followed all with shrill outcry,  
Shouting as they the heavens would have braced,  
That all the woods and dales where he did fly,  
Did ring again, and loud reecho to the sky.   

So they him followed till they weary were;  
When, back returning to Molann ' again,  
They, by commandment of Diana, there  
Her whelmed with stones. Yet Faunus (for her pain)  
Of her beloved Fanchin did obtain,  
That her he would receive unto his bed.  
So now her waves pass through a pleasant Plain,  
Till with the Fanchin she herself do wed,  
And (both combined) themselves in one fair river spread.   

Natheless, Diana, full of indignation,  
Thenceforth abandoned her delicious brook;  
In whose sweet stream, before that bad occasion,  
So much delight to bathe her limbs she took:  
Ne only her, but also quite forsook  
All those fair forests about Arlo hid,  
And all that Mountain, which doth overlook  
The richest champain that may else be rid,  
And the fair Sure, in which are thousand Salmon bred.   

Them all, and all that she so dear did way,  
Thenceforth she left; and parting from the place,  
Thereon an heavy hapless curse did lay  
To weet, that Wolves, where she was wont to space,  
Should harboured be, and all those Woods deface,  
And Thiefs should rob and spoil that Coast around,  
Since which, those Woods, and all that goodly Chase,  
Doth to this day with Wolves and Thiefs abound:  
Which tootoo true that lands indwellers since have found.    

To the right honourable Thomas Earl of Ormond and Ossory. 
Lord Treasurer of Ireland.   
REceive most noble Lord a simple taste,  
Of the wild fruit, which savage soil hath bred,  
Which being through long wars left almost waste,  
With brutish barbarism is overspred:  
And in so fair a Land, as may be red,  
Not one Parnassus, nor one Helicon  
Left for sweet Muses to be harboured,  
But where thyself hast thy brave mansion;  
There indeed dwell fair Graces many one,  
And gentle Nymphs, delights of learned wits,  
And in thy person without Paragon  
All goodly bounty and true honour sits.  
Such therefore, as that wasted soil doth yield,  
Receive dear Lord in worth, the fruit of barren field.  
E. S.   

To the most renowned & valiant Lord, 
Lord Deputy of Ireland.  Arthur Lord Grey of Wilton, Knight of the noble order of the Garter etc.  
MOst noble Lord, the pillar of my life,  
And Patron of my Muse's pupillage,  
Through whose large bounty poured on me rife,  
In the first season of my feeble age,  
I now do live, bound yours by vassalage,  
Sith nothing ever may redeem, or reave  
Out of your endless debt so sure a gage,  
Vouchsafe in worth this small gift to receive,  
Which in your noble hands for pledge I leave  
Of all the rest, that I am tied t'account:  
Rude rhymes, the which a rustic Muse did wove  
In savage soil, far from Parnassus mount,  
And roughly wrought in an unlearned Loom:  
The which vouchsafe dear Lord, your favourable doom.  
E. S.   

To the right noble Lord and most valiant Captain, Sir john Norris, Knight, Lord Precedent of Monster.  
Who ever gave more honourable prize  
To the sweet Muse, than did the Martial crew;  
That their brave deeds she might immortalize  
In her shrill tromp, and sound their praises dew?  
Who than aught more to favour her, than you  
Most noble Lord, the honour of this age,  
And Precedent of all that Arms ensue?  
Whose warlike prowess, and manly courage,  
Tempered with reason and advizement sage,  
Hath filled sad Belgic with victorious spoil,  
In France and Ireland left a famous gage,  
And lately shaked the Lusitanian soil.  
Sith then each where thou hast disspred thy fame,  
Love him, that hath eternised your name.  
E. S.   

A translation made ex tempore by Mr Edm. Spenser upon this distich, written on a Book belonging to the right honourable Richard Earl of Cork, etc.  

NVlla dies pereat, pereat pars nulla die●,  
Ne tu sic pereas, ut periêre dies.   

LEt no day pass, pass no part of the day,  
Lest thou do pass, as days do pass away.    

Verses upon the said Earls Lute.  
Whilst vital sap did make me spring,  
And leaf and bough did flourish brave,  
I then was dumb and could not sing,  
Ne had the voice which now I have:  
But when the axe my life did end,  
The Muses nine this voice did send.  
E. S.