A DECACORDON OF TEN QVODLIBETICALL questions CONCERNING RELIGION AND STATE: Wherein the Author framing himself a Quilibet to every Quodlibet, decides an hundred cross Interrogatory doubts, about the general contentions betwixt the Seminary Priests and jesuits at this present. ECCLES. VII. Noli amare mendacium adversus fratrem tuum, neque in amicum similiter facias. Do not love a lie against thy brother, neither do the like against thy friend. Newly imprinted. 1602. THE PREFACE TO THE READER. EXPERIENCE hath made the case clear, in all sciences, arts, and professions, wherein human capacity doth show the soul's excellency, in apprehension, discourse, and judgement of things past, present, or to come, by invention, moral conjecture, and wit of man: that these five Rules hold out as inexpugnable Principles, The Author in all these five Principles & certainties of things, of none denied, doth clearly convince the jesuits faction and all their fautors of many gross errors: which ignorant people deduct from their absurd rules, opposite to these in all things: as that their General with his company of Provincials, cannot err: that they cannot fail in their doctrine, instructions, government, and the like: that the foundation of their order is a state of most perfection of any other, etc. All which errors, with many other are impugned by these five grounds set down, as in a Preface to the particular Quodlibets here following. affirmed of all, and denied of none: to wit. First, that no ground in Divinity, no Axiom in Philosophy, no Maxim in the Law, no paragraph in positive Discourse, no Paradox amongst Orators, no Proposition amongst Schoolmen, no Article of our faith amongst Apostles by sacred Ecumenical Synod, defined, deposed, and decided to be thus and none otherwise believed, and taken under pain of damnation: but the same may be impugned by a seeming reasonable plea to the contrary, with arguments of proof in show holden on a whole day by fine wits, in a school despition: and the defendant so graveled (if of dull and slow conceit) that he shall have no reason to deny that to be true: (as verbi gratia: that black is white: that a man is a mouse: that there is no God at all, etc.) which to aver to be false, he is and will be ready to spend his life, and shed his dearest blood. Secondly, that bonum & malum, virtue and vice, religion and heresy, standing in opposition one against the other, yet have this concordance by a necessary sequel inserted into the subject, wherein they are inherent by proper kind: as if you build upon proof of either by examples, the one shall balance and beard out the other in authority to the uttermost. Thirdly, that there is no new thing under the Sun, nor any invention of wit invented, but another's wit can equal it by inventing the same. Fourthly, that there is no certainty of any thing here on earth, but that the fall and stand, the life and death, and the very Periods of times, Kingdoms, Princes, and all sorts of persons, hang upon mutation, alteration and downfall, known to God alone. Fiftly, that Aristotle's Principle, scil. Generatio unius, est corruptio alterius, is so perfect a current of time, and pliable to all, not only physical or natural, but also moral & political cadences and up-rests, as no excellency so rare but hath been abased, no complexion so perfect, but hath been corrupted, no Majesty so regal, but hath been subjecteth: no power so great, but hath come to nothing: no foundation so firm, strong, and sure, but hath been shaken, yea and hitherto quite overthrown (unless it were the impregnable rock of the Church, which hangs upon certitude of divine pillars independent upon human chance and change:) and no commonwealth, corporation, society, or state so prudent, political, and perspicuous in all things to make them famous, eternised, and their condition of life, government, and order permanent, but have had their sates by succeeding turns, with a no less fearful eclipse of their former fame, than a notable diminution of their wont glory. Thus came all the mighty Monarches, Worthies, and Monarchies of the world (as it were by a natural succession of birth and blood, devoluted from the father to the son) to have their rise and fall one after another. He meaneth the continuance of that Monarchy, from Nimrod or Ninus, to the last of Nabuchodonosors' son, uz. Balsazar, as the Roman Empire from Julius Caesar to this present, though up and down, as the Assyrians was. The Assyrians first swayed the sceptre Royal of the world's Monarchy, and longest of all other continued with the same: and who then so famous as their Nabuchodonosor, in whose presence the whole earth kept silence: but yet subject to corruption. Who ever had a lost●●r fall, as to be turned out of the proper feature of a man, into the ghastful purport of a beast: and in the end his Kingdom taken from his house, name and line: no face of a commonwealth remaining under any Assyrian title at this day. Then rose up the Persian Prince: and where carried fame her sails aloft, but under the canapeall beaver of a Darius his brief, He alludeth to the Majesty of King Darius in his brief summon of all the world's Peers, then under his stately Monarchy, to come to his solemn feast. the renowned Monarch of the world in his days: and yet he also was cast off from the highest Pyramids of fortune's wheel. For although the now Persian Sophy have recovered an Asiaticke imperial state again: yet by the folly of Darius, his house and line, the second Monarchy, whereof Daniel spoke, was translated from the Medes and Persians to the Greeks'. Then in special, the Macedonian Alexander, (a second Worthy of the Gentiles) was the glory of former fame of his own, & wonder of future ages, as the only admired at Heroes of the world in his days. But yet such is the painful birth of Princes, and short, sorrowful, and toilsome life of Monarches, in their generation and corruption of kingdoms and regal states, as Alexander after twelve years reign yielding to destiny in Babylon, there consumed to dust: his Monarchy was divided into four principal (besides other inferior) members or Empires. And then again out of that Greekish corruption did rise a Latin generation of a Roman Monarchy: which in a tottering state by tract of time, is come unto that pass, wherein we now do see it. One while the Roman Caesars, and Octavians carried away the trophies and triumphs of the world, from all people and nations under heaven. After them the Albion's or great Britons Constantine, merited the renown to the famous English Isle: then the worthy French Charlemagne got the fame by Martial prows and just deserts to his worthy self, people, and nation where he lived. After that again, the Lumbards', and with them the Germans (where the imperial triple Crown of Caesar yet remains up and down) had the praise for many years together, And now hath the Portugeses and Spaniards continued & kept the honour's point for Martial exploits these latter years: but who shall carry away the price in the cadences of the Spaniards God only knoweth. Thus came the four patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch, Alexandria, and Constantinople, by succession of honour, wealth and fame in God's Church, to rise and fall one after another: and now all decayed, dead and gone from their ancient state, renown and dignity in the Church of God here militant on earth. Thus came all Monastical, Heremitical, and religious orders of Saint Anthony, of Saint Basill, of Saint Augustine, of Saint Hierome, of Saint Benedict, of Saint Bernard, of Saint Dominicke, of Saint Frances, of Saint Clare, of Saint Bridget, and sundry other religious orders of men and women, to have their generation and corruption, by the freedom left of God in human actions and man's choice, to be good or bad, virtuous or vicious, and to rise and fall by succession, one after another, by merited fame and just desert, of their life, manners and graces, given and employed by them to God's glory. In few, thus came the spiritual Knighthoods of the Templars, the Knights of Saint john's, the Knights of Rhodes, and now of Malto; by a lineal succession of fame, renown and worthiness to have panegyrical histories set forth of their praises. And the like is of later orders and societies of Carmelists, Carthusians, Capouchians, Theatines, jesuits, Bonhommes, etc. all which set upon the world's Theatre, represent a mournful tragedy of man's misery: how like to flowers, they have now one and then another order, company or society, burgened, blossomed, bloomed and flourished: and yet subject to the fates of free-will in all human wights: their derivatives are strayed abroad, have left and are gone from the obedience, devotion, piety, poverty, chastity, charity, humility, patience, and religious zeal, which was in the primitives and founders of their Orders. What shall we say more, the whole body mystical of Christ, consisting of the three estates, Ecclesiastical, Temporal, and Monastical, do aver the Peripatetical Prince his principle to be true in all things (depending upon chance and change) concerning the conversion of countries, people and nations to the Catholic faith. For was not the generation or beginning of the Mosaical law a plain corruption, fall, and decay of the law of nature: all the Gentiles (presently upon the Orient rise, bright shine, and flourish of the Israelites Church, and their Hebrew Monarchy) being given over into infidelity and Idolatry, contrary to the law of nature, under which the faithful had lived above two thousand years, without distinction of jew or Gentile, until this Mosaical law began. And when for the jews sins and offences, the period of their Monarchy, and end of their synagogues and temples, honour and religion came, did not then the primitives of the East Church amongst the Christians carry away the auriflambe of all religious zeal? After that, when the heavy cadens of the East Church came, did not also then the Son of justice, tanquam sponsus procedens de thalamo suo, spread abroad the bright beams of his spouses' glory in a transparent light, throughout these our West Ocean clouds of heathenish darkness, and give to these Northern Isles the prerogative regal of Prime-birth to his inheritance if the Britons, and afterwards the English Saxons could have kept it. When by succeeding turns the most part of Asia and Africa was corrupted and fallen away, and all Europe converted to the sacred Apostolical Roman faith: when Monasteries began in this North Christian world to be built, and great multitudes of Monks, Friars, Canons regulars, Nuns, and other sacred Saints and holy persons to consort themselves together: when Emperors, Kings, Queens, Princes, Lords and Ladies of all degrees, fled from their regal Palaces to private Cells, and left the triumphs of their conquests, the trophies of their loves, and pomps and pleasures of their Courts, to who so would possess them: when here an Anchoress, there an Hermit, and in every wood, wild and desert, some sacred virgin, vailed, invested, interred & dead to the world, was to be found: when all fertile soils, all places of pleasure, profit and content, all earthly wealths, and revenues of most worth, were turned into Abbey and Church lands, livings and livelyhoods: when holy emulation was, who might give most, all gave of the best, and made this flourishing Isle our Lady's dower: when Kings and Queens, Priests and Prelates, Lords and Ladies, Monks and Friars, sacred Virgins and chaste Matrons, and all sorts of persons knew their duties, first to God, to his Church, & to her Priests: then to their Prince, to the Commonwealth, and to her Peers: and lastly each one to another, how, when, and where to command or obey: when all things sorted to so sweet a sympatheall harmony in English hearts, as England by a prerogative royal of grace divine, merited to be called Anglia chara Deo gens: when flying fame of their rare Angelical conversation had fronted the coasts of furthest countries, and occupied with great admiration of mind the mouths of most men in the world: when England, France and Flaunders, Italy, Bohemia and Germany, Spain, Portugal and Hungary, Sicily, Naples and Cyprus, Denmark, Poland and Sweden, Scotland, Ireland and Norway, did strive for a supremacy to carry away the garland of virtue, devotion and religion on all sides. Then inimicus homo, envying at man's felicity, to conform (by permission divine) God's concurrence with secondary causes, to the Philosopher's prescript of generation and corruption: in tract of time, corrupting all these Northern and Western parts of the world, with contention, ambition, turcism, heresy and Pharisaism; a new generation of Catholic truth and religion gins to labour, and bring forth their children amongst the Indians, Antipodies, and new found world, before unknown unto these Northern and Western parts: discovered first by Portugeses and Friars, and after proceeded in by Spaniards and jesuits. And now listen what followed. Amongst many other cadences and falls, the heaviest of all the rest hath been judged by many to have been our English calamities, begun at first by the ambitious aspires of Cardinal Wolsey, who affecting the highest Sovereignty in causes Ecclesiastical on earth, made a great breach by his contrary plotting, betwixt King Henry the eight of famous memory, and the Sea Apostolic. And afterward, when under her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth our Sovereign now regnant, sundry persons of rare endowments, graces and abilities, had retired themselves to places of study and service of their Lord God beyond the seas, where they lived in diverse Seminaries and Colleges, leading there a right Monastical and religious life, in a most perfect state of religious profession, calling and order, (as both all other religious Orders, and Ecclesiastical persons that conversed with them, or knew their manner of life, and whereunto their whole study tended, did acknowledge sometimes in tears) proceeding after their return hither, in simplicitate cordis, with all humility, patience, and charity, abstracted from all gall, guile, or state affairs: as men most willing to communicate God's blessings and graces to others, fructifying marvelously in our country by them, and accepting as coadjutors with them in this their harvest on God's behalf, all and every religious person of any Order, that would hazard themselves as they did, had our language, and should come with like Apostolical commission and authority wherewith they came: none otherwise then as Saint Augustine our Apostle first entered this land. Of all the rest of religious Orders, that undertook with the Seminaries this special conflict, the fathers of the society of jesus were the most in number: who presently forgetting the Apostolical work of Seminary Priests already taken in hand, began foortwith to take a new preposterous and never heard of Apostolical course for conversion of countries: to wit, by tampering, temporising and statizing like martial men, or common soldiers in the field of war, in all temporal, mundane, and stratagemicall affairs. The Seminaries innocently judging the best of their bad meanings (as charity, they thought, did bind them) were willing at the first to colour, hide, and conceal all: making the jesuits cause, attempts, intents, practices, and proceed, their own in every thing, and yielding to them the pre-eminence, fame, honour and renown in every action acted by them: until at last they were entangled by penal laws justly made against them equally, as against the jesuits: (whose plots and practices, they seemed at first to defend, or at least to wink at) and withal perceived that the Ies. religious piety, being turned into mere secular, or rather temporal and laical policy, did occasionate in them an aspire to sovereignty: and that taking an elle upon an inch given them, did tempt them with an ambitious hope of domineering over them, and thereby over the whole Clergy and state Ecclesiastical: hand then the said Priests for their own indemnity, were driven to provide and look to themselves. Et hinc illae lachrymae of all the evils that since have ensued, aswell respecting the persecutions inflicted upon us all, for their own peculiar and private practices, as also in regard of the hartburnings and contentions, that since have been and are at this present betwixt them and the Seminary Priests: which heavy accident, and of all other most strange manner of proceeding in the jesuits, hath caused many to bathe their sighs in blood, and me to theme my speech in tears, to think, how that their insolency hath passed so far beyond the bounds of charity, justice and all humanity, as I must be forced to open to all the world, what gross errors they do maintain, how marvelously the people are blinded, and seduced by them: and how dangerous a race they run to their own and all others destruction, that will be currents of that fatal course begun by them, with contempt of Priesthood and all Ecclesiastical order, with contempt of sacred Majesty, and all magisterial government, and with most turbulent, seditious, and treacherous innovations, supplantations, defamations, and slanders of all, that rub not on their lofty bank, rebellions and conspiracies against both Pope and Prince, Church, Commonwealth, and all estates therein. And because that (as I have showed) there is nothing permanent or certain here on earth, save only the power of Priesthood, for administering of the Sacraments, (that sentence prophetical standing irrepealable for ever, tu es sacerdos in aeternum secundum ordinem Melchisedech) and that irremoveable ground of truth, granted only and wholly to the same priestly power, to remain without all possibility of error in Saint Peter's chair to the world's end: all other foundations, assurances, privileges and prerogatives failing, save this alone: no Monarch in the world being sure of his estate, no religious Order being certain of their stand, nor person of most perfection being freed from chance and change, from better to worse, and to have a hideous downfall this night before to morrow: hereupon (as in our case in hand we have experience) there rising many thousands of absurdities, whispered into gadding heads, and itching ears by so many intricate political plots and devices, as for to set them down in a positive discourse, Rhetorical style, or historical method, were but oleum & operam perdere: the ignorant multitude (to whom the matter most belongs for their better instruction, especially whom the jesuits use most, as women gospelers, trumpeters of their praises) being not possibly able to conceive, much less to carry away so many particular points, as are in question betwixt us and the jesuits: and as which (if either they acknowledge an obedience to God's Church, to the Pope's Holiness, and to all or any Priest, or a due loyalty to their Prince and Sovereign, or a dutiful respect to the common wealth of their native land, or any love or affection to their flesh, blood, kindred, friends, and generally to all noble, generous, and human English hearts: or lastly, any care of their own souls, good name and fame before God and man:) they must hear of, conceive of, have beaten into their heads and hearts, and carry about with them for their better information, resolution & conceit of things like catholics indeed, where ever they go or happen into company, prurientes auribus, & à veritate auditum avertentes: which is a common case amongst silly women, more devout than discreet, as always in extremes, either Saints or Devils. I have therefore thought upon the easiest, readiest, briefest, plainest and exactest of any other course or method, that (I think) could possibly be found out, aswell to satisfy all parties, that desire to be resolved of all or any point in question amongst us: or that will not wilfully and maliciously (as God forbidden any Catholic or well minded Schismatic should) be carried away with popular applause into manifest errors: as also to deliver the truth and state of the matter by such interrogatory questions, Articles or Quodlibets, as shall both touch to the quick, whatsoever is offered, proposed, or comes to be examined, qustioned withal, or reasoned upon amongst the learned or ignorant on any side: and yet withal allay the passions of the contrary affected Reader, and abate the heat of the haughty heart in all or any that find themselves touched or grieved therewith. So as by this kind of Method, they shall have neither cause justly to complain of injury or wrong done or offered unto them: neither any evasion or means to escape from detecting and making known, what is in their very hearts, who are wronged, and who are not, what every one is bound for his own security, to speak, writ, believe and practise in these things, and how far he may go therein. For if that by way of a Quodlibet or Thesis proposed, a man may without blasphemy, sin, scandal, or any offence in the world, ask whether God or the Devil be to be honoured: whether our Saviour Christ could sin or no: whether our blessed Lady were an adulteress or common woman or not, etc. and withal to bring arguments sillogisticall, enthymematical and inductive, or exemplary pro & contra for averring, and impugning of the same: then to put forth a question, whether a Seminary Priest or a jesuite ought sooner to be credited, esteemed of, and followed: whether a jesuite be a good or a bad man: whether their doctrine be erroneous, treacherous and seditious or not: whether it be lawful to call a knave a knave, an heretic an heretic, a traitor a traitor, a bastard a bastard, etc. or not: and how, when, where and upon what occasions such questions, doubts, and interrogatories may and aught to be proposed, and answer made pro & contra agreeing to human conceit, moral capacity, and just censure of and in such cases, cannot justly incur any reprehension or blame. Besides, this kind of proceeding shall (as I have said) both drive the true conceit of matters the better into people's hearts, heads and ears: and yet not exasperate any by galling words (which positive discourses in accusations do ordinarily occasionate, and cannot be avoided) further then the ripping up of truth in things necessary to be known, must needs stir and move the guilty, constrained by this means to hold up his hand at bar, and to have his wounds lanced, searched and discovered to the very naked heart in open sight. This then being the sum of what I intent to write and here propose, to no other end, as I take my sweet Saviour and all his holy Angels and Saints to witness, then to deliver the ignorant out of error: to give to the tersacred Apostolical Roman Church, faith and Religion their due, and to make known what loyalty, what service, what dear affection ought to be in every subject (even by authority of all laws of God or man) in defence of their Prince, country and state where they live: I will hold the indifferent, dispassionate, and diligent Reader, with no longer discourse of a Preamble: but leaving all to his best conceits, and desiring no evil opinion, sinister construction or hard censure to pass of my well meant endeavours, I commit his sharp wits, or her swift thoughts to the speedy encounter of this Buck of the first head in the quest at every quodlibetical relay, set in the pursuit of their game. LENVOY. THE contents of this book shall appear in the Table of the Articles: mean while be pleased gentle Reader, to take these rules to guide you in this Discourse. First, be not hasty to censure of any part or parcel, until you have read the whole book throughout: if you will be free from partiality, and rest reform of error, and quieted in Catholic unity, love and peace. Secondly, if you find in some Page, the names of particular persons, places, etc. expressly set down, and in other Pages concealed: take the reason & cause thereof to be this, to wit: that in the concealment, the respect is had to the hurt that might be done, by opening such matters, men, time, place, words, writings, etc. and again, in the express discovery of them, the respect is had to the common cause hindered by concealment of such persons, actions, etc. Thirdly, take this for a rule infallible, that no secret is written of here in particular, which was not before publicly known aswell to our common adversaries, as to our own company: and that aswell by letters taken, as by their own confessions in public manner whom the fact concerned. Fourthly, be not too curious in these two points, uz. if you find sundry faults escaped by the Printer, as quae for quod, Malto for Malta, anno primo for actione prima, and many such like, which the prudent Reader may correct by the sense, and upon his own knowledge, without setting down Errata here for every particular. Again, if you find some words more sharp and biting then in your conceit is requisite, yet do not for that condemn either the whole Book, which respecteth the matter, whereupon all our company in effect do agree, and not the words, sentences, or phrase of speech which respecteth the humour of every man with such a difference, as almost impossible to please all men's veins, or symbolise with their methods, conceits and meanings: neither yet do you upon dislike of such speeches, or of the Author condemn the cause, or the rest of his brethren: for what is more common then for one man to give censure and judge of a case thus, and for another so: and withal even in points of most importance, a controversy decided in sacred synod, is set down infallibly true, but the Scribe notwithstanding in adding a reason of his own in explaining the Text or Canon, may commit a great sin and gross error, and yet not the decree of the Council to be ever the worse thought of, or of less credit. THE ARGUMENT OF THE first General Quodlibet. FOrasmuch as all these 10 Quodlibets consisting of 10 Articles a piece, have a relation to the good or harm done, in and to the Church, commonwealth, the heads of both, and principal members either specifical or individual in either of them by the jesuits faction and confederates, in casting of plots for their purpose and most advantage: aswell by plausible persuasions in passages of speech, as also by countermined platforms in practical conspiracies, I thought it good to give you to understand (as a point of importance necessary to be known) that all and every of these Quodlibets and Articles, are of such special matter, as they are not to be termed Metaphysical conceits, or conjectured inventions of speculative knowledge, but are in very deed Physical, practical and known things, which rise in question, and are talked of every where, of Clergy and Laity, Catholics and Protestants, men and women, nobles and gentiles, boys and girls, home-born subjects, and aliens or strangers: yea, what part of Christendom, nay of the whole Macrocosm this day, almost is free or exempted from the knowledge or hearing of what I mean to discuss and reason of in brief: no nation under the cope of heaven but shall find themselves touched, and to have an interest, part, and portion in some one or other of these questions quodlibetical, & articles here proposed. For which cause the first Quodlibet offered as an object to the eyes of the ignorant, seemeth sitly to be termed a Quodlibet of plots by scandal and offence taken by some Pharisaically or jewishlike, and therefore not to be regarded: by others superstitiously, or rather too scrupulously, and therefore necessary to be informed of the truth, and reform of their error: as being in the original scandal not directly given, but only taken of their infirmity and weak judgement, and understanding (for a prudent, wise, and sound Catholic, or other person of stayed wit, censure and conceit, will never be scandalised at these contentions or the like.) And therefore have I placed it in the first rank, and before all other, as an introduction, to take away all scruple out of devout (but indiscreetly zealous) and tender hearts; in serious reading, perusing and canvasing the case, & cause of contentions betwixt us and the jesuits: aswell in these ten cross interrogatories as in others set down in order, one after another in form following. Amongst all which this being a chief and common passage of speech, where Catholics, Schismatics, and others do meet: to wit, what great scandal these contentions have given, etc. therefore thus go the articles concerning that matter. THE FIRST QVODLIBET OF plots by scandal. WHether the Seminary Priests or the jesuits were first beginners of these contentions betwixt them, and how long hath this thorough coal of scandal lain smothered in the hot embers of zealous hearts, before it did burst out into that hideous flame: which like a Babylonian furnace scorcheth and burneth those who first did cast their brethren into it. THE ANSWER. THe jesuits were the first beginners thereof, and have continued on this Salamandrian smoke of vaporous heats, even from their first authority gotten over the English College and Seminaries at Rome, until the foisted in authority of master Blackwels' Archpresbitery was conveyed over the seas into England. At what time the misty clouds of long conceited sovereignty did give a crack, and the lightning flashing over all this whole I'll of England, Scotland, and Wales: the thunderbolt fell upon the afflicted Priests and servants of God, striking all resistants with Ecclesiastical censures, without remorse, pity, compassion taken, or any respect had of either duresse or imprisonment, or yet the affliction and danger which obroad they lived in day and night. And if any now be desirous to know more precisely of these generalities in particular manner, he may please to read sundry books and records of this matter set out at large, what great troubles, incessant affliction, and extreme misery, all have endured from time to time, and how from point to point, one contention did follow upon another, presently after that discord seeds were once sown in the Roman College, by the plotcasters of the division betwixt the English and the Welsh: which was nothing else but a canvas to disgrace that reverend prelate doctor Lewis a Welshman borne, afterwards Bishop of Cassana, by putting master Morrice from the Rectorship of that College, whereunto doctor Lewis had preferred him. The which College was first founded as an Hospital by Briton, and after English Saxon Kings and Princes of this land, for the relief of such as went on Pilgrimage, to visit those holy places, dedicated unto God's Saints and servants, by the memorable Martyrdom of 33. Popes, betwixt Saint Peter and Saint Silvester the first: under whom the Catholic Roman Church had peace and perfect quiet. This Hospital being now translated into a College by doctor Lewis means, than Archdeacon to the Bishop of Cambray, and Refrendary to the Pope, at that time was enriched with the pension of an Abbacy by Gregory the thirteenth of all holy memory: at what time as Cardinal Allane erected the College at Rheims in France, for the same end, intent, and purpose of education, and bringing up of English youth in virtue and learning, to do their Lord God and country service. The sincere and religeous, designments of this grave learned and reverend Prelate being thus defeated by the displacing of master Morrice, and a jesuit Priest made Rector of the Seminary in his place: here-hence a Sovereignty being gotten in a sort under a colourable excuse of teaching and reading to the English youths there (which was the stroke of flinty heads on steely hearts, that gave fire to the seditious match, which hath well-nigh set all Christendom on fire and flame) then followed a pursuit of challenging a superiority by calling of Counsels, holding of Courts, and deciding of all matters here pell-mell of their own bare word (I mean father Heywood, though after in disgrace) and other jesuits and Priests that subjecteth themselves to his and their summons, without any known authority in the world so to do: to the great discomfort, discontent and dislike of many reverend Priests, and other virtuous, learned, and grave persons of the Catholic Laity: in whose high prudence it did even then appear, that the fire of ambitious aspires and contention begun at Rome, was closely conveyed over the English Ocean, and would break out (if not trod out in time) of itself, as not many years after it did indeed. For the Seminary Priests, studying wholly the conversion of souls, and weining their thoughts from all conceits of superiority or government over others in that afflicted state, wherein all did live: did never imagine that any jesuit or religeous person would ever have dreamt, much less have sought for any such authority over (indeed) their superiors, or at least their betters (as all Seminary and secular Priests are) neither were they willing to meddle in opposition against them, if in case they sought for it (as the wiser sort saw plainly at the first, they most greedily did affect it) being as desirous to live peaceably with all, as inconsiderate (right Englishmen-like with their after wits) to foresee what would happen. And if some one or more brake out in terms against them, upon injuries or wrongs received at their hands: yet were their complaints and demands of satisfaction and justice so far from being listened unto by any of the rest of their brethren (so cunningly had they cast their plots at first, all overcast with a bright seeming cloud of religeous zeal) that even those who felt the grief of the same thorn which pricked them at the heart, durst not once open their lips to speak in the defence of the innocent: but rather all with one voice: with general applause and clapping of hands, with whoops, whowes and hoobubs, would thrust them out for wranglers, discard them for makebates, and hold them for uncharitable malcontents, and disordered persons, that should seem to speak a word against a jesuit: nay, that should not freely, readily, and voluntarily consent to whatsoever they defined, designed or determined. Hereupon the fire of contention more and more enkindling, conglobed together in the highest cloud of surly minds: and thereby giving greater occasion of bursting out into an unquenchable flame: the next general conflict to keep in the smoke was at Wisbich: where by Nature's course, and Philosopher's consent (in generation of things) being unnaturally grown to a full ripeness, not able to hold in any longer: father edmond's (alias Weston) was the Champion under whose infested banner of factious contention and seditious aspires displayed the sharp shot of puny jesuits and their fautous, made first their challenge of superiority, and then a division from their brethren the designed Martyrs, worthy confessors and reverend Priests, of and in that place (some whereof had endured above twenty years imprisonment for their religion and conscience sake, before ever some of these hot-spurred censurers knew what durance meant, as master B●●et for one) and some others also, who had suffered more affliction and calamity, than any of these their young masters ever yet tasted of. And last of all the fire bursting out there first (though first enkindled at Rome, as erst I said) then began the like of fresh at Rome again, where it burst out into so furious and merciless a consuming flame (for fire and water have no mercy) as sundry reverend Priests burnt therewith, have deeply protested they would rather choose (if it were in their choice) to live captives under the Turk for security of their souls, then under the jesuits government, or rather indeed captivity: the temptations suggested by them, are so many, dangerous, intricate and difficult, which way to overcome them. And so by succeeding turns, Spain, France, Flanders, and all England became infected with these jesuitical contentions and garboils: the grounds, originals, causes, and continuance whereof were only, wholly and absolutely the jesuits ambitious aspires, fallen down now upon their heads, to their own destruction, that were the first plotcasters of their innocent brethren's ruins. THE II. ARTICLE. whether the Seminary Priests or the jesuits have given greater scandal by publishing of matters abroad, in projects to the world's theatre, concerning these contentions before in secret: at the first unknown to the Catholic Laity, and much less to any Protestant, or other of a contrary Religion: and which side, part or faction was the first beginners of spreading abroad infamous letters and libels, against the opposites to their designments. THE ANSWER. THe jesuits were both the beginners of the contentions (as before is showed) the fuel carriers to the seditious fire-feedings, and the first brokers, breathers, and brochers of them abroad, both to Catholics, Protestants Clergy, Laity, men, women, children, home-born and foreigners, as by sundry of their letters, libels, and other infamous, seditious, and invective writings, is yet extant to be seen, aswell in printed books, as in many manuscripts of master Blackwell, father Parsons, Creswell, curry, Gerard, Martin Array, Baldwin, Lyster and sundry others: whose false, malicious and most exorbitant dealings to detect, defame, and utterly exterminate the name, fame, and memory of the Seminary Priests and Clergy, aswell in general, as in special, will be brought out in deposition against them, when competent judges may be had, and the cause justly tried. Nay when did ever any Priest writ, and much less commit to the impression of a pamphlet any one word against them? The most part even of those that had suffered most, longest, and greatest disconsolation and wrongs put up at their hands, accounted that the touch of any Catholic Priests good name was tangere pupillam oculi sui: so dainty, nice, and precise a conscience had they, to detract, defame, or speak evil of any man or woman, yea though the reports were true. And until all was in an uproar: all Priests (that sided not with the jesuits in all things) were brought into obloquy, contempt, and disgrace: all shunned, avoided: and such slanderous speeches raised by the jesuits faction against them, as they knew not possibly how to live quiet, or to live (in truth) at all by them. Until then (I say) they winked, kept silence, and let pass all their letters, libels and injurious slanders unanswered. They said little or nothing to those erroneous (and yet to the jesuits most plausible) books of choice of ghostly fathers. They let pass that erroneous speech in the Wardword to Sir Francis Hastings watchword; making jesuits Christ his equals in a way of absurd comparison: and insinuating Seminary Priests and other Catholics to be but the Churches refuse. They friendly admonished the Author of the 3. farewells of the soul (giving to the jesuits, that which no religious order would accept of, or durst desire) to cease from publishing such gross errors, which otherwise had gone to the press and print (as extolling the jesuits therein to the skies, above all possible human deserts, under the title of religious persons, distinguished thereby from mere secular Priests as they term the rest) but never did they publish anything against it. They suffered with patience that long loud lie to pass unrecalled, wherein the Cardinals, and by Cardinal Caietane the Pope's Holiness was informed, that the cause of sending to the Sea Apostolic to have superiors appointed over the English Priests, was grounded upon great and dangerous contentions risen up betwixt the Seminary Priests and the Catholic laity in that nation: knowing in their own conscience there was no contention moving thereunto, but betwixt the Seminary Priests and themselves, and those of their and the Spanish faction. They sought not to control that seditious, false, infamous book entitled, Against the factions in the Church: applied directly by the Archpriest to the secular Priests, and those that sided with them on the Catholic Church, and their native country's behalf. They laboured not to call in question those stained records, with all falsehood, impiety and arrogancy on the jesuits behalf, of the memorable acts done by their society (forsooth) here in England. viz. how that they only were persecuted, and not the Seminary Priests: how such and such, and in general, all that opposed themselves against their proceed had suffered disgrace and shame, and came to miserable ends, notwithstanding (and they cannot deny it, neither are they ignorant thereof) that there be a whole brown dozen twice overtold of glorious Martyrs, all Seminary Priests, all defamed by them: all noted for malcontents, as opposites to their proceed: These indignities, calmuniations, injuries, lies and irreligious vanities, with many the like unchristian practices did they let pass, and neither did, neither ever would have set hand to paper to write of these contentions betwixt them until their long silence, condemned them all as guilty, and the jesuits prevailed and did what they list, by backbiting and writing most opprobriously against them. THE III. ARTICLE. WHether the Seminary Priests gave any scandal, or committed any sin, or incurred any danger of falling into schism, by resisting the Archpriest, after the first sight or hearing of the Cardinal's letters: and now of late, since the general admittance of him upon sight of the Pope's Holiness his Brief, whether they incurred the like offence by writing Apologies in their own defences or was, or is it, no sin, scandal, nor offence at all in them so to do? THE ANSWER. IT neither was, nor is any more sin, schism, scandal nor offence in the one or the other, (they being in justice, charity, loyalty and obedience, for defence of Christ's church and their country bound to both) then for a guiltless man condemned, to say, you do me wrong: or for an appellant against a known Rebel in act, word, or thought, (convinced by demonstration, vel à priori, vel à posteriori. i. either of the cause or of the effect to have intent) to say, thou art a traitor. For who of common sense would not have been touched with scruple, if but hearing of a plain simple man, unexperienced either in the Church or his country's affairs: (as living private ever since he came Priest into England, and thereby unacquainted how to manage a matter of such importance, as his authority in show extended unto, and that throughout a whole nation; nay throughout two mighty kingdoms: yea and over a gallant troop of as grave sages, and as fine a breed of wits, as the world this day enjoys) to be advanced upon the sudden to a higher authority, than ever was granted to any within this Isle: without all desert (as no way eminent but obscure, unless it were for libeling against his brethren:) without all notice given, or knowledge taken of any such man, matter, or manner of proceeding (unless it were perchance suggested by one sole man, Master Standish by name, a jesuits broker, factor, and follower:) without all marks, signs, and tokens, of judicial, Canonical, or sincere dealing: without all relation, insinuation, or least show of, and to the intent of those, to whom the election only, absolutely, and of due right belonged: without all cognisance, hierogliphie, or ensign of Catholic institution, christianity, or humanity (the whole sum of his authority consisting in very deed of no material point, but additions of affliction to affliction, in ordaining an ignorant man to be flagellum Dei over his brethren, castigando & flagellando like blind Longius, that pierced our saviour's side by others appointment, directing his hand to that tender tersacred and ever blessed heart, and yet he knew it not:) who, I say, hearing of such an extravagant, irregulate, exorbitant, and absurd authority, to tyrannize over the already tormented, and that by their suggestion, procurement, and foisting in perforce: who had discovered themselves a little before to be the rocks of scandal to Priesthood, and shelves of sinke-downe to all princely regality (as hereafter shall be proved, aiming at no lower mark than the highest dignities on earth:) who would not have suspected, resisted, yea and more readily, roughly, and roundly, then hitherto the secular Priests did; have deciphered both the jesuits and their Archpriest (for how should we call him ours, we having no part in him, unless a taste and touch of his heady, indiscreet, and evil packt-up sententious censures, by their designments fling out against us) upon the first blast of his authority wafted over the sea, and ere ever the poor silly man had warmed himself in his vain glory bay. And again, although they knew his authority was gotten to be confirmed (utcunque) from his Holiness, by many false suggestions, shameless clogs, and impious forgeries: yet putting up all matters, letting by pasts pass for bypasts, aswell for their marvelous, audacious, and passing all ever before heard of, impudency, insolency, and banded out boldness, in threats, slanders and exclamations, for not present acceptance of their new found out authority, upon the bare sight of the Cardinal's letters, even with as full affiance and repose put in them, as if Oracles had come down from heaven: as also for the manifest wrong offered to our brethren (too reverend learned and ancient Seminary Priests Doctor Bishop, and Master Charnocke Bachelor in Divinity) cast into prison, despoiled (or fitlier said) most cruelly, unnaturally, and inhumanly rob of all they had, that could by malice of man be taken from them; of purpose to stop their passage to his Holiness, and to terrify all others, from ever daring to make towards the Mother city to complain of their tyranny (though know they this, and if their faces will not blush, yet let their ears burn to hear it, that access and audience we will have, maugre the devils deceits, and their sly devices, or it shall cost us all our lives, one after another) notwithstanding all the premises, with a full half score of reasons beside added by me in another place, to prove that the Priests might have chosen, whether ever they would have admitted of such a violent intruded authority or not:) yet they in all humble, dutiful, and obedient wise, with filial submission embracing the Breve, from his Holiness when it came (which was many months after the first cog of that dye, for the cast at all our overthrows, and utter subversion of our country:) if then and thereupon all libels had surceased (for yet was nothing written against them on our part: but either a sad silence, or a charitable entreaty to cease of their detraction) and their tampering in State affairs lain dead: nay, if the secular Priests could but have lived quietly by them, they would never have set hand to paper against them, as in the former article is declared. But the forepast injuries and still of fresh inculcated ignominies, calumniations and slanders raised, urged and laid on by them, being so grievous, many and importable to flesh and blood without God's special grace, as earth would burst, and clouds would break, and seas would toare in cries out against them, if men kept silence: our present age will, and all posterity may account it to be one of the world's wonders, that the jesuits being men holden of all, (but especially in their own over-weend conceit) to be sance peers of the Christian globe, for pregnancy of wit, policy in government, and piety in intention, how ever they should so far have overshot themselves, that bestriding the horse, and having the bridle reins and all in their own hand, to lead the Priests and all other Catholics which way they list: they should be thrown down from their lofty mount, out of saddle, seat and all, by casting out libels of schism against sounder Catholics, more learned Divines and devouter Priests (if external signs were judges) than any puny Father amongst them, which will breed their bane ere all be ended. But it was no doubt God's just judgements so to have it, thereby to stir up the secular and Seminary Priests, to write Apologies in their just defence: yea and by occasion thereof to take in hand the defence of the Catholic church, and their native country, nay of all ecclesiastical and temporal States against them. And therefore to prove it was but a Seians jade they road upon (for such is the nature of ambition in greedy affectation of Sovereignty, as it both makes wise men fools in their drunken conceits, and strikes them dead with their own weapon, but not Achilles his lance to hurt and heal at a stroke, as most infortunate, when they think they are most secure) it were expressly against the law of God, of nature, and of man, for the Priests not to break off silence, and send forth Apologies, Pamphlets, and all kind of Quodlibets in defence of the premises: otherwise all the world would condemn them as guilty. And therefore of necessity (honour, credit, fame and report, being as dear as life, and he holden for worse than an infidel by divine Oracle that is careless of his neighbours, much more of his own good name) the secular Priests were bound to do all that they have done, and no sin, unless their too too long silence, which set the jesuits on cockhorse at unawares to crow so fast over all. Surely were I a jesuite and unpriested, I would never abide one hour in their order for fear of afterclaps. Well, I will be no blab, nor do wish to be the Prophet of their destruction: but fiat justitia & ruant coeli: they have had their time of defaming, disgracing and accusing, let them give us ours of defending. THE FOUR ARTICLE. whether is it lawful to set out the jesuits in their proper colours, to use satirical and biting words and writings against them: and to detect them of all such vices as may humble them, and breed in people's hearts a true conceit of them even as they are, and none otherwise better or worse. Or else fit to conceal from the world's ear, all such things as yet are not discovered of them, and only to defend in mild answers, & c? THE ANSWER. ALL Priests and others, that are not of that seditious jesuitical, and Spanish faction, are bound in charity (as now the case stands) to detect them to the uttermost. First, for a caveat to the ignorant multitude) seduced by them) hereafter to beware of them. Secondly, per legem talionis, returning their malice, foul detraction, defamation, calumniation, obloquy, and what not invented by them against the innocent, upon their own heads. Thirdly, for that the same legifer, Who willed the patiented, if smitten on the one ear, to offer the other: did also allow it as just and lawful, that in what sin soever a man had sinned, in the same he should be punished, and with like measure to his brother given, it should be remeasured to him again. Fourthly, for this cause it was, that our Saviour Christ himself, although he acknowledgeth, that the Scribes and Pharisees sitting in Moses chair, were in their doctrine to be obeyed (that is, so long as they remained visible members of and in God's church, they ought to be obediently believed in all points of doctrine, concerning the Catholic faith) yet for their corrupt manners, lewd life, and hypocrisy, with how many vaes and woes to you Scribes and Pharisees did he come upon them? How many hypocrites, how many progenies and vipers broods, and how many Satan's and begotten of the devil did he term them, yea and sometimes also even his own beloved Apostles? And have not all the saints and servants of God used the like liberty of speech, when occasion was given, and time was for it? Read Saint Paul's Epistle to his Timothe, to his Corinthians, to his Galathians, etc. Read the Ecclesiastical histories of the words of Saint john the Evangelist, of Saint Policarpe, of Saint Anthony, of Saint Chrysostome, etc. yea read but for proof hereof sundry of Fa. Parson's letters, books, libels and pamphlets, together with sundry Satyricals of Master Blackwels' (though silly man, I verily think, he wrote some things against his conscience, at the instigation of those seeming top of wits, willing precise Pythagorists the jesuits.) In the which libels, pamphlets, and satires, seeing you shall find a manifest (but most unlawful) liberty of speech to detract the innocent: then à fortiori, no reason but those should be discovered in way of justice and common charity, who hold an unjust charter of another man's good name, fame and life, tearing it in pieces with their tongues every hour at their pleasure: as though the fee simple of all men's acts, words and thoughts were in their gift, to raise and let fall the price of all at their devotion. Fiftly, this discovery made by the secular clergy, and Seminary Priests of the jesuits treacherous abuse of Synonamaes, Epithetons, phrases tialitie and simplicity to be made such a dotterel, as the jesuits cannot choose but laugh in their sleeve, to think how they can draw, wind and make him willingly to speak, writ or act, what they please with or against himself, without all sense, honesty, modesty, conscience, religion, understanding or learning. Insomuch as it appears by this, that his simplicity is so great, that he stands in such awe of them, and so much and wholly at the jesuits devotion to stand or fall; that if they should send unto him, or will him to set out an edict, that all crows were white, he would command all under pain of excommunication to subscribe unto it. For how is it possible otherwise that in a case so manifest as this is, scil: the jesuits writ directly infamous libels, against both Catholic Priests, and against the whole Commonwealth of their native land, and against all in general of both states ecclesiastical and temporal: and the Seculars writ only Apologies in a just defence of all these, this being the case on both sides, how is it possible that a half witted man (unless overcome with partial favour or fear) should err so grossly and palpably in the sight of all the world, as to suspend, excommunicate, etc. or at least make it be given out so, or wink at the brokers of it, to have it thought that the priests books may not be read, and yet the jesuits books may; nay, shall be commended unto both men and women of purpose to be read, as most excellent, rare and learned matter, scil: for to bring their necks into the halter: well if God pardon master Blackwell this fault, there is good hope, he will pardon all his offences; yet is it vincibilis, yea and Crassa ignorantia, in the highest degree of grossness. Secondly, Master Blackwels' authority is only (if he have any, and not lost all by abuse of it) in causes ecclesiastical concerning Religion, etc. and therefore let him look to the case of praemunire, for his accepting of an unheard of sovereignty, contrary to the order prescribed by the ancient laws of this kingdom, as some do hold, and for his intermeddling in allowance of the jesuits libels and statizations, and not threaten the seculars in that wherein he hath nothing to do. Thirdly, if his authority extended (as it is pretended) to inhibit and forbid all kind of books, but such as he should approve, allow and licence: yet in all reason it hath this limitation, viz: where he himself is not a party: or if not so, yet in an action of life and death, of soul, body, honour or good name: he cannot forbid any whosoever to write or speak in defence of any the said lives, and to clear himself if he can: neither can he yet forbidden or forewarn any one to read or hear any thing that may save the life of the innocent. And therefore the most inhuman, unchristian, uncatholicke, unjust and uncharitable part that ever was heard of, to stop or seem to stop the Priests Apologies, written in defence of their good names, taken away by the jesuits: an act so cruel, unnatural, and contrary to all laws divine or human, as the Pope's Holiness cannot dispense with any one, to fulfil it, no more, then to dispense with any one to kill himself, either bodily or ghostly, as the not writing of these Apologies, or the like, were (at least) the spiritual death of sundry reverend Priests. Fourthly, it is but a mere canvas and cavil of the jesuits put into the Archpriests, or some others of their broker's heads, that go about the countries, with witless scrolls of paper to make them believe that it is excommunication; or a great sin to read these books, and done only of purpose, not of any high policy, but of a sly Machiavellian devise of the jesuits, to keep the ignorant still in a blind conceit and opinion of their puritanian holiness, which these books would much discover. Fiftly, this is one difference betwixt a matter of fact and a matter of faith, that the first dependeth upon reasoning and discourse, and therefore is it called Scientia acquisita, which by some apprehension may this day err, & by some other to morrow be rightly informed again: & the second is independent upon all human knowledge, as a mere gift of God infused into the soul, whereupon that knowledge we have in matters of faith, takes his name thereof to be called Scientia infusa, which being once inserted in the soul of man by God alone, it may afterwards be helped (for matters of discourse) by natural wit & reason. Therefore is it, that wit & will being subject both to error, the unlearned are justly and very necessarily forbidden to to read heretical books; lest wading above their heads, they be drowned in error: but in a matter of fact, depending wholly upon human causes, experience and common knowledge, the case is quite altered. For that therein every one is to labour, and seek to be instructed and to learn experience, how in a like case thereafter he is to deal: and therefore no excommunication is due for reading of these books, neither aught any to be debarred from notice taking of them. THE VI ARTICLE. WHether the Catholic laity ought to meddle in these contentions betwixt the Priests & the jesuits or not: and what their office is therein? THE ANSWER. THey ought to commend the cause to God in their best devotions, to carry a reverend opinion of every Catholic anointed Priest, what part or faction soever he be of, to wish, seek, and labour for peace on both sides, and to defame, contemn or condemn neither party, as the seditious, factious and mistaught children of the jesuits do most irreligiously, imitating therein their spiritual father's examples. For true it is, such lips, such lettuce: such meat, such sauce: and such masters such scholars in all degrees. And if Father Stanney a jesuit Priest, called (of the Panegyrics) the lantern of England, (because forsooth he was in a chief place of honour) upon occasion of a cross encounter given him by a Seminary Priest, (who was then in a place of more ancient estimation and honour, and of a far more noble descent on all sides, in an honourable assembly) durst speak it openly that the secular Priests were justly defamed (to wit, at what time as their Archpriests authority was in hammering, and that certain Priests held out, and would not yield to put to their helping hand, in working that gross metal to perfection:) and so said this zealous father they should be still, until they had submitted themselves to the Archpriest their superior. If one and he their chief (as being appointed the Provincial of the jesuits here in England) have scoffed, ●●●er Garnet. jested, and made a laughing stock, or stolen at, and of Priests acts, writings, manners and conversation, and like a peremptory companion taken upon him to appoint some Seminary or secular Priests, to teach young scholars only, as fit for nothing else in his scornful conceit, others to be but doctors of clouts, per saltum; and therefore a dishonour to learning to have such shallow wits & mean scholars proceed, etc. others for want of wit, learning, and virtuous life and behaviour, to be unworthy the name of any Priest. If another surmised holy father of their society (in whose mouth a man would think butter could not melt) did make no scruple of so gross a lie (for to bring a Seminary Priest into contempt) as to affirm to a Lady in Nottingham shire, that he was ashamed to hear priesthood so disgraced, as it was by that party's simplicity, at whom a certain great Counsellor made a jest of admiration, to see so silly a fellow of no talon nor praiseworthy part in him in the world, to be so much talked of: saying in a smile of contempt (in turning back from him to his own man) is this the states man, etc. whereas it is well known the party never spoke with the said Counsellor in all his life. Father Lister. If an other puny father durst no less audaciously then officiously presume (as a matter nothing belonging to him, nor he of all other being by any to whom it did belong entreated: nor yet having any authority so to do) to write a most ridiculous evil patched up, shameful treatise of schism: and therein like a profound master Doctor (as a school divine in deed he was, which study, being as it seemed above his capacity, made his brains idle, his wits fly out, and his head light ever after) define, denounce, and upon his lunatic authority declare all to be schismatics, that consented not at the first to the Archpriest, and by consequent, that they were no better than Ethnics, Publicans, etc. & so to be censured & judged of. If yet another young father of the society plodding about the same subject to bring all secular Priests, nay & priesthood itself in contempt & disgrace, could not hold in the wrath of his zeal, but needs he must strike, and withal lend to his fellow his hatchet (so hotly was this holy society bend at that time against all secular, & especial seminary Priests, imagining they had had them all on the hip, either to have thrown over board at their pleasure, or to have thrust down under hatches, that they should never have recovered their former stand) and therefore published it as a most horrible crime, to maintain dogmatizando, that the foresaid resistance was not schism in the Resistens, & what a damnable state they stood in, that ministered any sacrament in that case without sufficient contrition, confession & satisfaction made at the discretion of their ghostly Father: to whom also he gives a caveat to beware how he receive any such unto him: see how saucy these malapert jesuits become, where they once get but never so little advantage. If the Archpriest (not to be behind with his part, lest he should be thought witless, or too favourable) confirmed all these things concerning schism, and the contempts of the Seminary Priests to be justly inflicted. If he durst command none to listen after, and others of them made a scoff and a jest at the judicial sentence of the University of Paris (one of the most famous and chief of the world, and so was always accounted of, save only by this seditious faction, that despise all men, manners, virtue, learning, wit, government, etc. but their own.) If he have affirmed it and practised it, that lay men might and should be put in office to summon Priests, and to talk, check, control, and censure of them at their pleasure. If tailors and cobblers, vassals and servants, with all sorts of lay brothers of the jesuits have presumed to go before secular Priests (a place unfitting for any jesuite Priest himself to take upon him.) If a thousand such like contempts of Seminary and secular Priests by jesuits themselves have been managed in secret, allowed of by connivence openly, and cunningly put in practise every where, though the authors of such irreligious contempt of Priesthood, and gross errors tending to a most blasphemous heresy (as hereafter shall be proved) dare never in presence of any Seminary secular or Ecclesiastical person avouch it: And if this be one chief principle of Machivell (and in very deed of Atheism) to leave no stone of honour or contempt unremoved, that may either by supply of place, hinder the platform (as the honour of Priesthood, doth the usurpate pretend of jesuitical esteem) or by bringing the adverse party (without whose fall the other cannot possibly rise to the dignity they aspire unto) into obloquy, contempt and disgrace, cause a remove, alienation, and change of opinion from the former, wont and generally accustomed conceit had of them. As here in the case proposed: who ever heard or made any question of it, but that a secular Priest was to be preferred before a monastical person, and most of all before a jesuite (as hereafter shall be showed?) Or who but an Arrian, Sabellianist, Montanist Priscillanist, Puritan or other absurd heretic, did ever go about as the jesuits do, to supplant, encroach upon, or seek to overthrow the Ecclesiastical: dignity and secular state, by way of disdainful and malicious comparison? They tittle-tattle amongst women, and lull babies a sleep with a black Sanctus in a whuzsh of a whispering foolish noise, amongst boys and girls: who make it a book of common places for ordinary discoursers, at all assemblies, in all companies, and with a stagean countenance, as actors in the Pageant of a play upon these matters: do come out with a Prologue, for the advancement of the jesuits in this manner, viz. o rare and admirable persons: the wonders of the world: glory of these, renown of former, fame of future days: the most learned, the most prudent, the most grave, the most politic, the most worthy: the most renowned: the most orderly, discrete, and of best government, for education, example of life and instruction: the most virtuous, holy, sainctly, angelical: the most devout, the most perfect, the most religeous, the most what not of worthy regard or reckoning: all superlatives: all Analagats: all Metaphisitians: all (I pray God not entia, transcendentia, for than they put us to our trumps, how or where to find or place them:) right Alchumists, that is, sance peers in all things are the fathers of the society, or fathers only. For it is enough to make known (forsooth) he is a jesuit: ergo silence: ergo yield, ergo stoop in his presence, etc. And then must come forth sundry famous acts, of this and that jesuit, for their learned books, their profound doctrine, their wholesome counsel, their good examples given: even their very looks, gesture and conversation, being able to win any creature: they are so full of meekness, modesty, gravity, humility, patience: and of so good nay rare, government, behaviour and circumspection in all their actions: as who but they to be worshipped and adored. But now on the other side, when they come to play the flirts and parasites with the secular Priests, then imagine that you see so many puppets dancing the antic, with sundry ptishes, face-making, shaking of their heads, and diverse very disdainful exclamations as ah hah hah: a Seminary, an old Queen Mary Priest, a secular, ah ah ah ah: alas poor men: you shall see them all leap at a crust ere it be long: (Indeed so said that holy father john Gerrard of late to the above named Lady in Notinghamshire,) They prevail against the fathers? they fit to manage a matter for peace, connivence or any relaxation of persecution? They able to judge, or of sufficiency to write books (as some of them have here and in Scotland, against that most learned book, by Cardinal Alanes censure of succession to the English Crown, that ever was written in any age?) They presume to write libels against those reverend fathers (as Bluet, as Much, as Colington, as Charnocke and others have: but so meanly, as I will take a boy of a Grammar school (said one R.C. a special broker of the jesuits) shall write aswell and more learnedly, and that more to the purpose than they have? They take upon them to govern others, having neither wit, learning, religion, government, nor any thing worth the naming in them. For what are their Doctors, as Gifford, as Ely, as Bagshaw, as Bishop and others? A company of Doctors indeed, scant able to say bo to a goose, much less to deal with Princes, or to be governors. They and their Parisian Sorbonists countenance out the fathers: whom the chief Princes in Christendom do admire, fear and reverence? No no, it is well enough known what the Sorbonists are: that the University of Paris is far to seek for any matter of learning: that a Parisian Doctor is no body, where a schoolman of the society comes in place: that the French Clergy is like the French religion, since the fathers were expelled from amongst them: to wit, both lose, both scandalous, both cold in all religious actions and piety: that the University of Paris is not now esteemed of any where, as of no account: as also none other are this day, but where the fathers live and teach. For so said a jesuited fellow to a Lancashire Gentleman of late, making a jest at the censure of Paris concerning schism, using these or the like words: What (quoth he) do the father's care for the University of Paris, or all the French Clergies opinion, being men of no judgement, nor learning, nor reckoning in the rest of the Christian world? If these, I say, and many such like scoffs and taunts, together with all the premises, have been used and practised in contempt of Priesthood, and especially of the secular Priests, by their followers, fautors and faction, being prompted, exhorted, and thoroughly instructed, how to set abroach this Machivilean device for the jesuits and their seditious, factious, and irregligious (nay I might have said sacrilegious) platform: no marvel then, though ignorant multitudes of the Catholic laity use their tongues more liberally against Priests, than either Catholic modesty, civil humanity, or natural inclination to thankfulness in a true English heart, can either imagine they would, or like, or allow of in them. No marvel, though they have not been afraid to detract, revile, yea to lay violent hands with offers to strike, or run with drawn swords at Priests (seeing it hath past as a principle from the jesuitical faction, that it is no offence to deliver up a secular Priest as an adversary to their seditious designments (just puritan like) into the hands of his or their enemies, etc. No marvel, though here a Lady A. (otherwise truly religious and honourable) there a Mistress A.U. a seeming saintly votary: and every where a whipping Mistress H. (whose tongue goeth like the clack of a Mill) so very unwomanly, much more so uncatholik-like do taunt, gibe, and despise the secular priests: being like antesignanes of some horrible monster to be brought forth very shortly after: all Arch-heretickes almost having, ere they fell out of God's church always acquainted themselves with some talkative women seduced by pretence of their holiness, to be the brochers of their poison and mischief. No marvel though some ignorant Priests (for though the power of priesthood be all one for the sacraments in a simple illiterate, Note that all the Jesuits saviours are either foolish, ambitions or needy. or bad living man in the Catholic church, aswell as in the wisest, most learned and religious; yet for instruction of others in matters not only of faith, but also of manners and fact, wherein judgement, learning, and experience is required: though many Priests (as in the case proposed) may be seduced as well as the laity, to follow the jesuits persuasive applause, either of simplicity or indiscretion, or of mere want and necessity, not knowing how to live under a jesuits frown, or else of an idle rolling stony vein of ambition, and desire to be counted some body, like him that set the Roman Capitol on fire) do labour with tooth and nail to withdraw all Catholics from their wont reverend conceit of all secular, and especially Seminary Priests: and their due obedience to their spiritual fathers (a right trick of all heretics, at their slight or intent to divide themselves by fall out of God's church) & thereupon dissuade the ignorant devout souls, that feign would do well, from coming at any of the factious (forsooth) or seditious (for so in all things taking the advantage, to second a right strumpet in crying whoreson first, they play upon the seculars, with these and the like odious names, justly returned upon their irreligious hearts full of all gall, guile and deceit:) pretending it to be a most horrible sin to come at, or receive any sacraments at their hands. Lo what mischievous uncharitable and cruel hearted men, these jesuits & their faction are: dare they, (think you) avouch this doctrine against the apellants hanging their appeal? No they will be burnt at a stake for heretics, if ever they come in any Catholic country & do so. No marvel though (by these and the like impious courses, plotted beforehand to place such for making of collections for the afflicted, as they know how to draw with gifts, gains, and fair promises to swear what they would have them: they have taken away all relief, yea all good, Catholic and bounden dutiful conceit of such secular Priests as they see daily suffer persecution for God's sake: some being constrained hereby to sell their very clothes off their backs, their Breviaries and other Service books, and whatsoever they have beside: others forced to take unseemly and unfit offices in hand, for casting how to live: & others (now that all catholic charity is almost quite extinct, & relief flatly denied to such as side not with the popular faction of these insolent irreligious men) being thereby either taken as destitute of all place of relying unto: or else (which would make any heart but a jesuits, tremble to think on) pined away through grief of mind and want of food. No marvel if all these and what not other mischiefs be meditated day and night by the jesuits faction against the seculars: (for it stands them upon, or else they want wit to equal Machiavelli and their Atheall plots of perdition withal) to work the ruin of the Seminary Priests to the uttermost, having committed so many execrable, cursed and never heard of more cruel and sacrilegious acts already against them; as if they be not victors over them, by secret murders, or open massacres, these same secular Priests will be their bane, genius, and fatal fall for ever, out of all Britain's bliss, and present glory they now make vaunt of and enjoy. THE VII. ARTICLE. WHether the case standing so by the jesuits plots and devices, for defaming of Priests, debarring them of all maintenance, using all cruelty, & breeding of scruples in timorous tender consciences, either of gross ignorance or wilfully blind affection, insomuch that though they knew they were damned for it (as some of them have said no less in effect) yet would they for obedience sake (lo a flat act of Idolatry) do whatsoever they should will or command them to do? Whether then the jesuits and their faction being thus desperately bend, and no hope nor possibility in the world to reclaim them, in regard of the premises, until God almighty strike them, as to whom it pertaineth to take vengeance of so impious a brood, as ever hitherto he hath in defence of the innocent: were it a greater act of justice, charity, piety, and worthy of higher commendation in the Seminary Priests to let all lie dead, to suffer the jesuits to rule and have their will in all things: and for them (I mean the seculars) as hitherto, so still to continue in their innocency, suffering with patience their good names to be torn in pieces, & so low humbled, as they may all with one voice (which a great many of them may already) say and avouch it: propter to mortificamur tota die: tanquam purgamenta huius mundi, facti sumus omnium peripsema etc. or else to prosecute the appeal, and to set out more books still one upon another, as occasion shall be offered for true declaration of the case, and refelling of the r assertions, objections or answers, by fresh rejoinders: it being questionless true, that no truth but may be denied, and being reconfirmed, yet denied again; & so per circulum it may, and very like it will go, until his Holiness have judicially & ex Cathedra decided it. Otherwise the saying is not more old than true: that Plus potest unus asinus negare, then tota schola Aristotelis affirmare. And so without doubt the jesuits will deny all. Therefore what is best to be done herein? THE ANSWER. TO leave off now and let all lie dead, or as before it was, were an act of injustice, unlawful, uncharitable, and prejudicial to the whole church of God. First, for that priesthood itself is called in question: scil. whether a Ies. cobbler or schoolmaster, being but a lay brother, and no Priest, aught to take place and go before a secular Priest or no. Secondly, the state ecclesiastical and secular clergy, is here examined: scil. whether the addition of this word jesuit, to one that is already a Priest, do entitle him in place of regard or esteem to be had of him above a Seminary or secular Priest, or no. Thirdly, the authority of the See Apostolic is here made doubt of: sci. whether the Priests might lawfully appeal from this mock-powerable, audacious, blind authority of the Ies. Archpriest or no. Fourthly, the inextinguible, inexpugnable, & indelible virtue of the sacraments of Christ's church is here weakened and made scruple of: scil. whether it be of equal force and validity in a secular Priest as in a jesuit, etc. Fiftly, the temporal state and commonwealth of this land, especially all Catholic subjects under her Majesty, are endangered by running of the jesuits fatal course, as hereafter shall be proved. Sixtly, the innocent laity of the simpler, but well meaning hearts, are already seduced by the jesuits faction, & more will be (nay utterly overthrown and led away in error, aswell against the Catholic church, as their native country and common wealth) if the seculars let the play fall, and now sleep in silence. Seventhly, the life, manners, good name, & all that is in priesthood, in religion, in conscience to be respected, stands now upon to be tried betwixt the jesuits and the seculars. Therefore I say that for these and many other weighty reasons, they ought in bounden duty to prosecute, so laudable, memorable, and spiritually heroical an act begun, to the uttermost: and nothing to doubt of aiders throughout all parts of Christendom to assist them, to the pulling down of these seditious Templarian jesuitical sectaries. THE VIII. ARTICLE. whether then, is not the former charity, zeal & fervour of Catholics on all sides much hindered by these unsavoury contentions or no? how it comes? and whether the like have ever been before amongst Catholic Priests? THE ANSWER. FIrst, whosoever was Catholic a 20. years, or but 16. years agone (about which time there was a muttering of this Allobrogical government of Fa. weston's, myself being one (though minimus fratrum meorum) of 22. Seminary Priests, and so many more of the Catholic laity, of honourable, worshipful, and meaner calling, all prisoners together in the Marshalseas) he should there have seen so palpable a difference betwixt the lose Catholics that were then, & the strictest that are now: as the first might have been patterns of piety to the second, for all religious, charitable and Catholic actions. Secondly no question there is in it, but that the like contentions have been in God's church heretofore, and will be to the world's end: otherwise could not the church Catholic be called militant here on earth: nor be fitly compared to a ship tossed upon the sea one while in danger of sinking, another while of splitting, and then again of running upon some rock or on ground, and still interchangeably fleeting betwixt storms and calms: nor yet parabolized with a net cast into the sea, gathering & containing in it all kinds of fish and fry: or with new sown seed, which growing up, is intermixed with weeds. Thirdly, although it be rather to be accounted of, as a miracle, that all this while there hath not, then to hold it as a scandal, that now there hath fallen out such contentions amongst God's servants & Priests, seeing that in heaven (and that in a second instant of time, or third of angelical existence) there was high ambition: in paradise (and that as some learned Divines do hold, within 3. hours space) there was too much curiosity: in the Apostles school (and that within 3. years space) there was too deep emulation, contention, avarice and treason wrought against the supreme Majesty. What should I say more: if in the Catholic Roman church and Apostolical chair of Peter, there have been already 23. schisms past; although then no wonder to hear & see the like contentions to these of ours: yet that the first brochers of any such, went away scotfree, it was never yet heard of, without a curse; as Lucifer, as the serpent, as judas: or else that they were the beginners of some new heresy or other in the end: as Nicholas, as Arius, as Donatus, as Novatus (all as rare men, as great show of zeal in them, as catholicly bend, and as many devout grave, and learned men to side with them at the first, as either Fa. Parsons or Maist. Blackwel hath.) Fourthly, it is clear that the jesuits contempt of priesthood, and irreligious doctrine was and is the original cause before God and man, of the decay of charity, piety and devotion. And therefore woe to the first brochers of these mischiefs: Sed nunquid in aeternum irascetur Deus: no, God forbidden. THE IX. ARTICLE. whether then all religious zeal, being turned into temporised platforms, to cast omnia pro tempore, nihil pro veritate, all Christian charity counterfeited, all justice violated, all piety decayed and gone, and that spirit of humility, innocency and simplicity of heart, which erst was in the late Primitives of English Catholics being lost, expelled, and almost quite extinct amongst us. Is it not the cause of withholding others, that would come into God's church: or is it no let at all: and if it be, then by whose means? THE ANSWER. IT is questionless the hindrance to some, and rock of scandal to many, that otherwise would be members visibly of the Catholic church militant on earth (though not one soul is, nor can be kept out thereby, that is of God chosen (though to us unknown to be of the same church triumphant in excelsis:) and all this by the sly devices and Machivilean practices of the jesuits, as is manifest. First, for that sundry schismatics and well willers to the Catholic church and religion, standing out hitherto upon worldly respects (as being more prudent in their mundane muddy generations, said our Saviour, than the children of light) and fears of losses, troubles, and the like, are now brought into a fools paradise of conceit; that they are in a better state, or at least more secure for the time, than those that are already catholic Recusants, by reason of these dangerous contentions they hear of, to be betwixt the secular clergy, and this (should be Monastical) now mock-religious: whilst the Catholic laity following the parts of this and that faction, contend with (Ego sum Pauli, ego Apollo) for a supremacy. And thus think worldlings to have a good excuse to hold out, and so be of neither side, but be as neuters or impersonals in terra. Secondly, amongst many Atheall Paradoxes taught in the jesuits conclave, or close conventicles: I remember an honourable person, and Lord of high degree, It was a flat Atheall doctrine, secretly taught in Scotland, where these three things are common: to eat flesh as company occasioneth: to read all kind of books indifferently, and to go to the mass in the forenoon, and to a Puritans ser●on the afternoon. All 3. acts indispensible of the Pope, himself respecting persons, time, and place. once objecting unto me, that the Seminary Priests were too scrupulous, nice, and precise in state cases of conscience: said, that herein the jesuits took a far better, and more politic course; in that they sought by disputation, setting out of books, and other private conferences, to make as many close Catholics (which you, quoth he, call schismatics) as they can: and yet not bring any of these into the Church, unless here one, and there one, as may seem in policy convenient, for keeping a memory of Catholic ceremonies, and use of sacraments and sacrifice. To the same effect were the words of their great Polipragmon Fa. Parsons, who audaciously durst presume to affirm, that it stood not with policy, to have liberty of conscience granted: neither did he wish it, that persecution should cease in England in afflicting of Catholics: which passages of speech drawn into one proposition, setting Atheism for a medius terminus betwixt that honourable Lords opinion, and this disgraceful jesuits censure; all English hearts may conceive in these words, four points of importance: one, that the jesuits make religion a matter of State and policy, to draw people unto them by plausible hypocrisy and show of zeal: not a matter of conscience to direct them aright: another, that they care not how many souls perish, so they may win their hearts and affections unto them for the time present, either by admiring them for rare prudence, learning and government, or adoring them for peerless piety, perfection and holiness: a third, that in stead of meekness, mercy and compassion, which of all other aught to shine out most clearly in a religious heart, these men have put on a stern, harsh and cruel hardness, void of all pity, mildness, or remorse (save only Cateolinian carrying their countenance in their hands, to sob and smile in a trice) and so care not what misery, affliction or persecution fall upon poor distressed Catholics in these heavy times of our common sadness: whilst they live secure who are the chief workers of our general incestant calamities, by their figure-flingings, plotcastings, and libel against their native country, and present state of English government in other countries. And the fourth and last is, their mischievous, bloody, and unnatural practices: in that it is apparent, that the only cause why they wish persecution of their poor afflicted countrymen, and brethren to continue, and no relaxation, leave, or liberty to be granted them, is of purpose to make our Sovereign, her honourable Council and Peers of the present State, seem more odious, tyrannical, and hateful to all Christian nations: and thereupon to publish libels and other seditious pamphlets of conspiracies for conquests and invasions. And this is that good, reverend, religious esteem, which the jesuits brokers should indeed have cried with an O yes in every street court and corner, that they have merited of the Catholic church & England's commonwealth, since their first coming into this land. Thirdly, I might add, as of all other articles, so of this many sundry causes, reasons, and proofs of the jesuits impiety: but I must infringe my speech perforce, to dispatch other matters: only this: whosoever knows the jesuits practices (as none living knows them all, and few but know too few of them) may easily conjecture, that where any of their faction may be heard speak and be believed, there must needs be a stop, stay, and hindrance of that soul's conversion. For they that have the art to enchant the already converted, to make them refuse the benefit of the sacraments (to the endangering of their souls) rather then to come at any Seminary or secular Priest that is not a current of their damnable doctrine: think you they have not the same skill of figure-flinging, to withdraw all those that want the serpent's wit to avoid their charms, from coming at any such as are opposite against them? No● questionless they want neither art nor evil will, nor yet malicious means to effect it, as having used from the beginning more Machivilean devices, & Atheall practices in secret conference by their inferior Agents, with Schismatics, yea and with our common adversaries, then with catholics & they that can delude any one Catholic, put him or her in fear, and to have a scruple of conscience to receive any Catholic Priest that is not of their faction, or at least not against them: it is wonder if all schismatics be not overtaken and misled in conceit by them. THE X. ARTICLE. whether then, the case standing so, as in all these 9 precedent Quodlib. articles it appears most plain, that the jesuits have raised much sedition, wrought great mischief, occasionated sundry afflictions of all Catholic Recusants: and most mightily and dangerously eclipsed the Church's glory.) Is it like that these contentions (the premises considered) will be any way beneficial to Catholics and the whole Church of God, or else hurtful? etc. THE ANSWER. This Quodlibet deciphering the extreme malice and mischievous intent of the jesuits, in the former Quodlibets discovered, do●● closely insinuate here, what grea● grief it will be hereafter to many devout Catholics, to remember how mad and senseless they were to believe, that such and such Priests were suspended, excommunicated, etc. and that none might come at them, and only upon the bare word of a jesuit, or one of his faction. Whereupon perceiving that it was spoken of mere malice, & sacrilegious cozenage of these hypocrites, those that are now deluded by them, will be ready to eat their own nails for anger, that they should have been so credulous, and unkind in believing their enemies false reports against their dearest friends, and spiritual fathers, that yet still are ready to spend their blood on God's behalf for them. ALthough for the time it may seem hurtful, yet questionless when these masked, religious jesuits are once made known, what and who they are, there can no harm come thereof: but on the contrary, to every one it will be very beneficial in the end, and as great a comfort to all true Catholic hearts, as now it is a grief. First, for that it was never yet seen, but that presently upon such deadly contentions, risen amongst God's servants and Priests, there appeared some blazing star, comet, or light of a rare bright shine of the Church's wont glory. So was it in the contention amongst the Apostles, when they strove together for a supremacy, even in our Saviour Christ his presence. So was it in the time of the Arrian heresy, when the whole Church and chief prelate's seemed to be at daggers drawing, with infamous libels put up by Bishops against Bishops, Priests against Priests, & one religious against another, before that pious Emperor of all worthy memory, Constantine the great: and so hath it ever been, & no doubt but now so it will be, God sweetly so disposing. Secondly, of all Axioms in Philosophy, this is holden for one of the truest, most certain, and infallible rule, that nullum violentum est perpetuum. Whereupon Christian Philosophers have defined, that though there were no Scripture, nor Catholic church authority to confirm it: yet by this physical position of causes, it is not possible but the world should make an end, and a stay made of the planets course and heavens motion, by reason that primum mobile, in a tergiversed violence of opposite race to the rest, runs a course against the hair And of like sort by an argument of induction, vel ab exemplo, vel à comparatione, it must needs follow, that it is impossible for the jesuits to hold out long, running a most violent course in opposition against the whole Church of God, and all the 3. estates ecclesiastical, temporal, and Monastical: as will appear at large by induction of particulars of their seditious and wrangling disposition, faction, and opposition against Popes, Cardinals, Bishops, and other prelate's and priest's in the state ecclesiastical: against Kings, Princes, Peers, Nobles, Gentles, and all sorts of civil Magistrates in the State temporal; against Canons regular, Monks, Friars, & all other religious orders in the state Monastical that have any livelyhoods, which they want: for as a Capouchine once said, his order lived quietest of any other with the jesuits, because the jesuits would willingly have all, and the Capouchines would willingly have nothing, but even to keep soul and life together. Thirdly, when our Saviour Christ imposed a necessity to the coming of heresies: he meant not only to the end that hypocrites might thereby be deciphered, and lewd seducers of others made known to the world (for he knew them full well himself long beforehand,) but withal that thereby his spouse might appear more beautiful, sweet, amiable and glorious. For seeing none can be called properly an heretic, but such as first have been catholic, either by birth of baptism, or after conversion and education: and none such draw any multitudes after their fall unto them, unless during the time of their stand & abode in God's church, they had gotten by a counterfeited holiness an admiration of inconstant people to be had of them. Therefore to the end that those, who by their corrupt life and manners in the Church, would not only damn themselves, but also draw many thousands by their external shows and pretences of piety to hell with them, should be stopped and prevented of their wretched course, it hath ever pleased the Divine goodness, whose providence is never enough to be admired at, nor his justice trembled at, nor his mercies magnified: to let be cast a stumbling block in the way of reprobates, whereby they might take an occasion to leap out of God's church: & thereupon God show his just judgements upon them, and all that leap out with them, and his mercies upon the remainder; that after their impiety discovered would no longer be seduced by them. And so in the rise and fall of every one, God is always honoured, his church glorified, and all Catholics hearts greatly comforted and benefited. Were it not the fear I have to be too tedious, I might here enlarge myself with a long discourse of all the principal heresies and Archheretickes that ever have been. For had not Arius many worthy prelate's all sound Catholics at the first to take his part? So had Donatus, so had Novatus, so had Eutiches, so had Dioscorus, so had many hundreds of Arch-heretickes aswell as he: yea and such stood on their side, as before ever the contention was decided, had glorified heaven with Saints, & beautified the earth with Martyr's relics. And yet we see it was neither an argument of their piety, because so many holy Cyprian's and other blessed men and women, sided on their side at the first: neither yet a confirmation of their error at the last, because one and he a Priest was of power to vex, trouble, and torment the whole church of Africa, and another the Catholic church of Asia in his abortive Primitives, & after the whole christian world infected with his heresies, in many millions of his followers. And howsoever it happen hereafter, or whether the time be yet come of revealing the full mystery of iniquity: or that these contentions may minister occasion before all matters be decided, of another sacred Apostolical, O ecumenical synod to be called: or howsoever it may fall out hereupon to man unknown: yet do I verily think it was Gods holy will and providence divine, that the Seminary Priests should once come, on the behalf of the whole Church of God, to buckle before Saint Peter with the jesuits again. And they sooner than any other Ecclesiastical, Monastical or temporal order, society or company, of none of all which they need doubt, (at length but to have a joyful furtherance, comfort and assistance in their just quarrel) because they of all other having merited most, at the jesuits hands: as admitting of them to be readers in their Colleges: receiving them (especially) to be coadjutors with them in Christ his harvest: yielding to them, nay seeking to subordinate themselves in a sort unto them: and that only to win the people's applause, and a name, fame and praise of them to pass above themselves, notwithstanding they were not ignorant that they had far their betters amongst them (for even a Sherwin Seminary Priest yielded to tread a jesuitical path, and yet he did far surpass a Campion jesuit, as all the world knew it:) and in few, they were so observant, or rather serviceable unto them in all things, as what was there but a jesuit might command in England: even if they would have had a Priest his crown to have trodden upon, there were then that would have obeyed, who now like angry sleeping dogs, unwillingly awaked by them, will both bark, bite, and leap in their faces, for a less audacious presumption. And then on the other side, considering the jesuits great ingratitude, insolency, cruelty, and inhuman tyranny (like storks amongst frogs) not contented with an undeserved sovereignty, unless all were made their bondslaves, to use innocent harmless hearts, as they have used the Seminary and secular Priests: that possessed no earthly riches, that had no worldly joys, that sought no settled state in mundane mansions caducall: that never dreamt of other dignities, conquests or triumphs, but over sin, schism and heresy, death, hell, and damnation, how to make their vocation sure by serving their Lord God, with all fear and trembling, in ministering of Sacraments to devout souls. This being their whole study and care (ah here how can the sorrowful sequels be remembered without Apostrophees of inconsolable griefs) that now (poor worms) they should be trodden under foot in their own cornfields, in the heat of their harvest, and even by those that they admitted to be their coadjutors, and fellow-labourers: and that in their own native country, having no other place certain to rely upon: whereas the jesuits have their peculiar houses and Colleges in every kingdom almost throughout the world? And therefore of all other if to to greedy desire of sovereignty had not made them stark blind, they would and might well without their loss or hindrance have permitted the Seminary & other secular Priests to have lived by them in England, to have passed on their time in this vale of tears, here during the short time of their transitory life, full of all heaviness: and not molested innocent lambs, that sought no establishing of houses, Colleges, sodalities, societies, or corporations to remain to posterity, which the jesuits chief aimed at. This being the ground of all their cruel oppression of the innocent, crying to heaven for vengeance: I undoubtedly believe, it was Gods holy will to have the jesuits impiety known sooner by the Seminary Priests, then by any other secular or religious: and that no doubt to God's great glory and the benefit, comfort and relief of all true Catholic hearts, either in England or elsewhere. THE ARGUMENT OF THE second General Quodlibet. I Have stayed longer upon the first Quodlibet, than time which hasteneth me to departed hence, will well allow me the like demur upon the rest. The next general Quodlibet followeth very fitly to be of plots cast by the jesuits doctrine; how near they come to Puritanisme, & what it is their doctrinals of policies do arm at: wherein there are ten Articles to be discussed upon concerning that matter. THE I. ARTICLE. whether the jesuits or the Puritans be more dangerous, pernicious and noisome to the commonwealth, either of England, Scotland, or any other Realm, where both or either of them live together or apart? THE ANSWER. 〈◊〉 that all Catholics would seriously weigh the danger that they do occasionate both to the Church and common wealth, yea a●d to their own both bodies and soul's reputation, and present state by siding with these sedition and factiousness 〈◊〉 many 〈◊〉 will not be ●●●med of 〈…〉, nor 〈◊〉 ●●ed of 〈◊〉 own folly. THe jesuits without all question are more dangerous: not that their doctrine is as yet either so absurd as the Puritans (I mean in matters not of faith (for therein I must and will so long as they remain visible members of God's Church, ever esteem of the worst and badst jesuit, better than of the best and sanctliest seeming Puritan that lives) but in matters and doctrine, pertaining to manners, government, and order of life: nor that their intent is manifested as yet to be more malicious against both Church, commonwealth, Prince and Peer, than the Puritans are: but because the means and their manner of proceeding is more covert, more seeming substantial, more formal and orderly in itself: and therefore are they more dangerous, because of the two they are more like to prevail, by managing of whatsoever they take in hand. And the rather, for that their grounds are more firm, their persuasions more plausible, their performance more certain: as having many singular fine wits amongst them: whereas the Puritans have none but grossum caputs: many learned men on their sides, the Puritans not one: many Gentles, Nobles, yea & some Princes to side with them: the Puritans but few of the first: rare to have any of the second: & none at all (unless it be one) of the last on their side. And so by consequent if matters come to hearing, hammering & handling betwixt the jesuits and Puritans, the latter are sure to be ridden like fools, and come to wrack. Whereupon it also followeth that the former are in these respects more dangerous both to the Church and commonwealth, as hereafter shall at large more manifestly appear. THE II. ARTICLE. whether the jesuits doctrine abstracted from matters of faith and religion come nearer in matters of life and manners to the Protestants or to the Puritans? THE ANSWER. THey are in this respect all wholly Puritans; and therefore do some for distinctions sake, call the one Puritan Papists, and the other Puritan Protestants. To the better understanding whereof a certain great person is said to have used a comparison, in way of discourse betwixt jesuits and Puritans, conferring them together in this manner, or to this effect here ensuing. Of all sects or religions, the jesuit and the Puritan (quoth he) come nearest and are fittest to be coupled like cats and dogs together. First for that the Puritans count all to be wicked & sinful creatures but themselves: A reason why some Catholic Gentlemen that live about London (whom I could name, and what they have said about those ●arie●) were discontented when wanting their wives 3. or 4. or more days and nights together, they must be (forsooth) in the holy exercise: how they have conceited these matters, and whether a new sect of Anabaptists, or family of love be not greatly suspected, to be engendered of some foul monster or other amongst these new illuminated jesuits, I leave it there. & the jesuits will have none to be counted holy, virtuous, or religious, that are not of their society or followers. Secondly, the Puritans have their secret conventicles and meetings, which none other must be acquainted withal: and so have the jesuits. Thirdly, the Puritans are entered into secret league of conspiracy, against all other professors of the Gospel: and so are the jesuits against all other professors of the Roman faith. Fourthly, the Puritans call themselves the sainctly brotherhood, divided from all others, that are not of their sect and opinion: and the jesuits call themselves the holy division separated from all other, that are not of their faction. Fiftly, the Puritans have a secret watchword, to know whom to trust, or to admit to be of their confederacy: and so have the jesuits. Sixtly, the Puritans take an oath, as it is reported, never to reveal to death, any secret done, attempted or intended by them or amongst them: and to the same effect is the jesuits oath, or vow of obedience. Seventhly, the Puritans judge all men bound to tell them what they demand, and yet they bond to tell none any thing but what they please: and even right so the jesuits. Eightly, the Puritan holds he may deny any thing before any judge whatsoever, that is not of his fraternity with iura periura, secretum prodere noli: and to the same sense is the jesuits equivocations to any but to one of their society. Ninthly, the Puritans use all scoffing, scolding, and ignominious disgracing speeches that may be, with most infamous libels against the Bishops and English Clergy: and even so so the jesuits use the like against all the Bishops and Prelates of the Roman Clergy. Tenthly, the Puritans all wholly affect singularity in gate, in countenance, in speech, in apparel and all their actions: and even so do the jesuits. eleventhly, the Puritans cannot endure to hear of any to equal them in any thing: and no more or much less can the jesuits. Twelftly, the Puritans must have all men to obey them: An● 〈…〉 hereof was i● W●●ch, where being all examined by civil Magistrates, which were jesuits and which were not, not one of those that are known, and acknowledge themselves to be so indeed, amongst then jesuitical confederates, but did deny it unto the said justicers unless one Irish●an, etc. so must the jesuits. Thirteenthly, the Puritans may dispense with some of their confederacy, to insinuate themselves into the Ministry, and to use Surplice, cap, cross, ring, and all according to the Queen's injunctions: which is quite contrary to their doctrine, but that they do it for love of their benefices: and even so the jesuits may dispense with some of their close confederates or society, to pass under the name of secular Priests for their private gain and more advantage, though otherwise their profession be quite contrary. Fourteen, the Puritans will have no superiors: no more will the jesuits. Fifteenthly, the Puritans will acknowledge no obedience to any Ecclesiastical dignity: no more will the jesuits, but yet both of them counterfeitly and dissemblingly do yield. Sixteenthly, the Puritans labour to pull all Bishops down, and to have none but Superintendents in England, and have made havoc already of all such in Scotland: and the jesuits will let no Bishop be in either Realm, if they can keep them from that superiority over them. Seventeenthly, the Puritans seek to pull down Kings and Princes: and so do the jesuits. Eighteenthly, the Puritans would bring all Kings and commonwealths to a popularity and oligarchical government: and so would the jesuits. Nineteenthly, the Puritans control both Princes and Prelates, as if they were their superiors: and the jesuits check and control both Pope and Prince, as at least their equals. Twentiethly, the Puritan Ministers must be of counsel with the Prince, in the highest affairs of his Realm: & so must the jesuitical padres, or else all is out of frame. One and twentiethly, the Puritans must appoint Prince, Court and Counsel, what to set down and define in all matters of government and state: and so must the jesuits. Two and twentiethly, the Puritans must have the perusing, ratifying and confirming, of whatsoever doth pass from the Prince or Lords, spiritual or temporal of the land: and so must the jesuits, or else it shall be despised, rejected, and holden for ridiculous, and not worth the setting forth or publishing. Three and twentiethly, the Puritans must have all Princes, Nobles or other states so dutiful and serviceable unto them, as they must not laugh, they must not play, they must not walk, they must not talk, they must not give or receive any gifts, or use any private conference, or decent recreation, etc. without their consent or privity: and only so much and no more, than they appoint them: and even just so is it with the jesuits. Four and twentiethly the Puritans hold he cannot be a good Christian that doth resist them: and the jesuits, that he cannot be a sound Catholic that speaks against them, etc. Five and twentiethly, the Puritans count themselves the new illuminates, etc. and the jesuits that they are freer from error, more familiar with God, more precisely and peculiarly illuminated, and more specially endued with the spirit of guiding souls, then secular Priests are, etc. Innumerable of the like comparisons may be made betwixt them in matters of life and manners (and I pray God not too many in matters of faith and religion) which seeing they both square, and differ herein from the Protestants: it followeth that the jesuits and Puritans, do come nearest together in platforms, though both opposite one to the other in intention as far as far may be? THE III. ARTICLE. whether the jesuits doctrine smell of innovation, and by consequent of heresy in any thing: or else is it only a singularity in matters of manners, in all things done or maintained by them. THE ANSWEE. IT is one thing to smell of any corruption, and an other to be infected with a povant, or stink of the same: and therefore that the jesuits smell most horrible of both, and that in a most dangerous manner, it is clear by all these five and twenty degrees comparative, betwixt them and the Puritans. And the like may be said of their new institution of an Archpriest: a plain and manifest innovation, as a word, title, and authority quite out of use in the Church of God at this day: All you devout but marvelously seduced Catholics: for the love of our sweet Saviour I desire you: and on God's behalf, I charge you as you love your own souls, to lay aside all blind affection and partial doom, and confer one of these Quodlibets with another, and then weigh well with yourselves what cause you have to move you to be so eager in defending these mo●e dangerous adversaries of your soul, than any other professed enemy to the Roman Catholic faith. and never at all taken or appointed to govern in that sense, and to that intent and purpose as he is taken to be, and is by them instituted and appointed. How they smell of other dangerous innovations, it will bewray itself in time. THE FOUR ARTICLE. whether any of them have published in printed books, or openly or in private conference taught any thing contrary to the belief of the Catholic Roman Church or not. THE ANSWER. THey have, and that every way in printed books, in written copies or manuscripts: and (but most of all) in private conference. Which (contrary to their opinion) will not be hardest to get witnesses of, to avouch it to their face, especially in matters of confession, and other points, which I blush to write of, as I have had relation made unto me. But to the purpose: whereunto otherwise do all their libels, letters, and suggested slanders spread abroad against secular Priests the Ecclesiastical state, and the resemblance betwixt them and the Puritan Zuinefeldians Anabaptists or family of love, etc. tend, save only to the broaching abroad of most abominable heresies. And in particular, whereunto doth father Parson's popular doctrine in the Civilians discourse tend, saw only to an absurd heresy of denying free will in human actions: when as in the first part and near the beginning thereof, to cut off all right of succession by birth and blood, he sets me this down for a general rule, maxim or exioma, scil. Those things that are of the law of God and nature, are common to all nations, as God and nature are common to all: ergo if the government and regal right of succession were by the law of God and nature descending by birth and blood, the same should be common and alike, in and to all nations, as God and nature are, etc. But we see that is false: for some nations have one kind of government and manner of succession: and some another, etc. ergo government and succession by birth and blood, are not of the law of God and nature. This Elenchiall fallacy (for he will not dare stand syncategorematically to approve it) denies slatly free-will, putting no difference betwixt the law of God and nature in man, and the same law in bruit beasts: whereas there is not a boy of any wit, that rightly understands only Porphiries predicables but would hiss him out of the schools, for a fond wrangling and unlearned Sophister, to confound nature's freedom, in her specifical brood, differenced by reason and sense (and so leave quite out the third universal) as rationale and irrationale: or thus, natural reason and natural sense: the former being naturally as free to change, as the latter is naturally bound to his object. Neither is any so sottish, as not to know the distinction of natural actions in creatura rationali & irrationali, sensibili & insensibili: and that by a liberty naturally inserted in the will of man: it is as free as common, and as fitly agreeing to the law of God and nature, that man should be mutable in all his human actions, and by consequent as natural for him ut creatura rationalis, to alter his form of government and manner of succession, as it is of necessity void of all liberty or choice by the same laws in him ut homo vel creatura humana sensibilis & mortalis to be immutable in his natural actions: as it is immutable by nature's law for smoke to ascend upward, and a stone fall downward: and yet God and nature common, and all one in their ordinary concurrence (granted to secondary causes) to the one as well as the other. But for this and other some half score of gross errors like unto it you shall see (I hope) sufficient matter in confutation of things in the Antiperistasis to the first part of Parsons Doleman, concerning his many many gross abuses of both Canon, Civil, and common laws, decrees and customs. Another principle or proposition of a jesuit concerning their false doctrine contrary to the belief of the Roman Catholic Church is, that the stews are in Rome cum approbatione as lawful as any Citizen, Magistrate or order of religion, or yet the Pope himself. Another like heretical, and most dangerous assertion of theirs is, that the ancient father's rem transubstantiationis ne attigerunt. A like to this is their scoff and jest at Priesthood affirming it to be but a toy, that a Priest is made by tradition of the Chalice, patten, and oast into his hands, etc. And a not much unlike contempt of Priesthood is collected out of the three farewells of the soul, made simply God-wot by a wiseman, and yet commended to the skies by the jesuits and their faction: because forsooth if that absurd book might have taken place none should have had any ghostly father but a jesuite, or some substitute Priest under him. Yea the Author of that false doctrine and most arrogant hypocritical or Pharisaical error, being friendly admonished in a letter from a reverend Priest to be wary of his writings, and not to be so lavish of his pen, nor rash with his tongue as he had been, rescribing back in a most saucy and peremptory manner, taking it in scorn to receive any charitable admonition (much less such correction as he had justly deserved) at any secular priests hands, was grossly bold to tell him, amongst other things, that whereas he acknowledged a duty, and respect to be had to religeous Priests (meaning jesuits, as the tenor of his letter imports) yet to him he acknowledged none, be being but a secular Priest, and himself a secular gentleman: and no difference unless it were in this that he might minister the Sacraments to him, which he could not, etc. A like to these is there no less absurd than erroneous doctrine concerning their Generals in fallability of truth for deciding of matters, their absurd paradoxes of equivocation, malapert, bold, and damnable doctrine in prejudice of the Sea Apostolic, secretly labouring to infringe the appeal, admitting a company of silly women to be the Archpriests and jesuits grave Counsellors (an odd conceit fit to have been laughed at by the Roman Senate whiles gentilism there ruled: When the wily wag told his curious mother the Senators were consulting about plurality of wives, etc.) Well, yet our English gossippes thus fawned upon by these seducing guides, and thereby poor souls made fond of them, must be set on with a company of green heads God wots, and some but base fellows (for so their base conditions, and unhonest dealing makes them, where otherwise being some of them gentles of ancient houses, yet deserve to have their arms reversed, and their coats pulled over their ears, for speaking or officiously intruding themselves for bribes and gain to be brokers of these seditious jesuits errors against their own consciences, to conicatch those as ignorant as themselves, and to work as much as in them lies, to make all Catholics abhor, contemn, and loath both Priests and all, or any of the seculars that are in the appeal, yea, which is most odious and seditious: they maintain a popularity to set all subjects on against their Princes, as hereafter shall be touched at large. Which with many the like, if they should maintain in any Catholic country they would be burnt at a stake for it, as absurd heretics one after another. I shall be too long perforce: but for the rest I refer the reader to sundry books set out,, and to be published against them. For it is high time for all Christendom to look to them, and either to infringe their insolency, and make them keep their cloisters, and meddle only with their books and beads, if they be religious as they would be counted: or at least if to teach, preach, hear confessions, and minister Sacraments, they would have leave: (yea, I say leave, for leave they must have, how proudly soever they look, and submit themselves to Bishops, Prelates, secular Clergy, and the state Ecclesiastical, though this word I know will make them startle and look as wild as March hares, or rather savage Cannibals, (as some have said that were they not religeous men I must account to find them, if ever they get me within their clooches:) Well esto quod sic in the mean time, yet so it must be, in spite of their arrogant usurpate authority, or else not allowed of so much as to hear any one confession, nor to say Mass abroad at all, then let them not presume to take state and jurisdiction Ecclesiastical upon them, and thereby to censure secular Priests at their pleasure, under whom they must perforce live, or else run out of their order and abjure it, as prejudicial to their preferment. THE V ARTICLE. WHether any of them have stood in defence of any of the premises: or of any other error or heresy by them, No one thing ●●●deth greater ●●●ed and danger to all Catholic, in England, than the jesuits a●●se of equivocating, making it indeed nothing else but an art of being cogging, ●●●sting: and ●o●ging and that without all respect of matter, time, place, person (so it be not to a superior jesuit) or other circumstance whatsoever. All is one utiscuentia & ●●ra partura, secretum prodere noli. either published in books: or insinuated openly, or taught secretly: or not any at all. THE ANSWER. THere have sundry of them apostataed & fallen out of God's Church, without ever return or reformation, or recovery, and thereupon have they and other jesuits that remained as then in the Church written most bitterly one against the other, some of whose heretical books myself have seen in print. But for those that seduce the English Catholics, of whom now principally these Quodlibets do entreat, they neither can, neither may justly be called heretics, because they do not stand obstinate in their opinion of any of these things: neither do they, neither dare they maintain any of these heresies or errors as yet, whatsoever they intent hereafter, when they see an end of the appeal, and who will stand to them and who forsake them: but all in such sly dissembling equivocate and covert sort, as hard it shall be to fasten any error upon them. For their plots by doctrine like as by all other projects, tending rather in deed to flat atheism, then to any particular heresy, they were unworthy the name of temporised statists (whereof they boast) or to be readers in Machivels' school (which is their secret practice in scholarism:) if they should not deny all and change their opinions, agreeing to time, person and place: and as a Counsellor at the common law once said (rather trusting God with their souls, than the world with their bodies) he would neither burn for the one nor hang for the other. So that (as I said) as hard it shall be to convince them of any errors in matters of faith, as it was to have convinced Arius who subscribing to the Counsels decrees, swear it was true, as it there was written, (meaning in the paper kept close in his bosom or sleeve) just like to the jesuits absurd equivocating, or counterfeited perjuries, sacrileges and cozenage in abusing the words of S. Paul, with factus sum omnia omnibus ut omnes lucrifaciam: as much to say in a jesuitical sense, as to be a Seminary Priest amongst Seminaries, a Secular Priest amongst Seculars, a religious man amongst religious, a seditious person amongst seditious, a factious Spaniard amongst Spaniards, an English traitor amongst traitors, a Scottish villain amongst Scots, and amongst all these to deny & affirm to object and answer, to swear and forswear whatsoever may be a gain to him for his incorporation, pragmatical commonwealth or society, which dissembling and Atheall dealing of theirs, to make it manifest to all the world, doctor Cicils book against father Creton, the Scots jesuit may suffice. For who doth not know how mightily this Scots father hath stood in opposition in show of the world (at least in presence of Scots and English) against father Parsons our English Polipragmon, concerning the Scots pretended title to the English crown. Insomuch as report hath gone, that his Majesty King james (by letters and messages devised and sent from these Scots religious statists, to settle a sound opinion in his Princely heart of this false hearted hypocrite) hath said, that there was one jesuit yet (good old father Creton) that dealt and spoke on his behalf, etc. notwithstanding that the same master Cicile doth clearly prove that this loyal Scots father in the Court of Spain did run a quite contrary course, sung Placebo to King Philip then; and as a most infested enemy used as bitter, peremptory and traitorous (or rather irreligious speeches) of his own Liege, Lord and King, as ever father Parsons had used in any passage of speech or libel against him. Therefore do I conclude this article, as with an exposition of the former, that as probable it is, they will stand out even as the Templars did to death before they will confess any thing that may discover their great impiety: so questionless it were no policy in them to profess themselves as yet open enemies to the Sea Apostolic (much less to stand to any one of their innovate & new invented paradoxal doctrines) either by word or writing: but rather to labour at the first to draw the ignorant multitudes (and so by piecemeal) others of more gravity, wit and learning unto them, by plausible persuasions: making them believe that they are the reformed Church (for so they say, a jesuite is nothing else but a reformed Priest, right Puritans in all things:) that they seek only to have all Bishops and Prelates, Kings and Princes ●iue in order according to their vocations and calling: that all went to wrack in England, Scotland, Flanders, Germany, Polony, and where not, before they came: that Catholic religion, Christian discipline, and orderly life amongst all Priests and religious persons was even worn out of use and memory until they revived it: & that they sought only to reduce all from errors and abuses which were in many old Q Marie Priests and others, and to draw them to the union of the Sea Apostolic. To which Sea (forsooth) they only did and ever would acknowledge, an obedience to death: this having been the platform of all other (or the most part) of heretics at the first under colour of rooting evil out of the Church, and that forsooth in the right of, and on the Catholic Roman Churches behalf, thereby to bring a greater mischief upon it, that is, more filth into it; and as our Saviour Christ rightly parabolized of such, finding the house clean swept, they bring seven other foul spirits with them worse than themselves were before. Et sic fiunt noviss. hominis illius peiora prioribus. So of very like sort their Pharisaical, hypocritical, and mock-mending doctrine of reformation, tends to none other end, than to be an introduction to the sorry sequels of their arrogancy. Whereof we need no better testimony then Fa. Garnet the jesuits Provincial here in England, his forward, resolute and zealous ostentation on the behalf (forsooth of the Sea Apostolic (O pitiful complaining) for institution of the Archpresbiterie upon Cardinal Caietans' surrepted letter of authority. Which fraudulent institution and violently intruded Archpresbitery being in a sort (yet with a reverend regard of the Cardinal's grace, and not with that contempt it justly did deserve) resisted by the secular Priests, this notable companion fa. Garnet in the froth of his zeal foaming against the said seculars to make them seem odious and contemners of the Pope's authority (for so these impudent shameless men made it seem to the ignorant) said he would (marry would he) stand to death in defence of the Pope's holiness his decree and institution of this new renowned Prelate. O huge, monstrous, audacious, nay officious intruding boldness, did you ever hear the like cogging mate, who to blear the people's eyes and to band and bolster out so horrible a fact, as to thrust a jesuit Archpriest upon us, and that most tyrannically to be flagellum Dei over the secular Priest's spite of their teeth, he would make men believe, nay women indeed; (for the most part of their pure spirits are of the female sex as easiest deluded) that he took upon him the defence of the Sea Apostolic in managing with huff and ruff this foisted in authority. Well yet I cannot blame his wit (though I detest his hypocrisy in this action, as an act then the which nothing could have been more prejudicial to the Apostolical Sea, nor more unjustly fathered on his Holiness) for in deed it stood all such traitors and conspirators upon (as he and his companions have showed themselves to be in that and other actions against both Pope and Prince, but especially against the Nobles and commonwealth of this land) to have had M. Blackwels' authority established by hook or by crook: otherwise their great Arch-atheall master, father Parsons with some others of them might have come in danger to have been degraded & set on the pillory for forgery, not in small matters or private actions, but in points of as high importance, as are crowns & kingdoms, or jurisdiction Apostolical & supreme. But of this matter I shall have occasion to talk hereafter: only thus much I have here noted to give the diligent Reader to understand what notable devices these men have to seduce the ignorant and well meaning hearts: how rightly they tread the paths of all former heretics at their first entrance into the blind by ways of singularity, which brought them quite out of the King's path, high way, or Watling street: how plain their absurd, gross, and manifest errors do appear, though it be impossible (by reason of their dissimulation, equivocation, sophistication, winding, twinding and doubling (to fasten any heresy upon them, they will have such interpretations, expositions, comments and glosses, or rather gloss, and how notwithstanding they may not be justly termed heretics, because neither is their pertinacy in general yet known, neither any one man's particular obstinacy made (as yet) manifest in the premises. And I pray God it never may be but that they may reform, correct, and humble themselves in time, either by coming out of their order and society (if they see the danger of their soul's perdition, eminent by living in it: there being some of them questionless very good men and innocent of the guile and deceit, that it is in their chief Rectors, & provincials) or else by purging and refining their lives and manners in it in general, that they may make me and many more false Prophets, who according to that race they do run cannot judge otherwise of them but as some of the wiser sort amongst themselves have judged, foretold and presaged of a heavy downfall to come unto them by their ambition and aspiring. And how sharp, bitter, and extreme soever, or exorbitant (as some of them term my letters) I may seem in speech or writing against them, for corrosives (not lenitives) must help or nothing in the deep lancing of these inward festered sores, covered over with sound flesh and skin to outward show, yet God is my witness, I do as affectionately & tenderly, as faithfully and unfeignedly wish their amendment even from my very heart, and in my poor prayers do as daily remember every day upon my knees, & at God's holy altar in time of my best memories and devotion: yea and withal, do recommend their and our unity, peace and quiet together, (as Catholics, both priests and lay persons should have and live in) to every penitent that comes unto me under benedicite, as duly and truly as for mine own needy (because sinful) soul. And so to make an end of this Article, let none think me to be out of charity in this vehement kind of writing: for I told you at the first, that the cause why I took this course in hand, to deal with them by way of Quodlibets, was of set purpose that I might without offence more readily and roundly touch them to the quick: wishing from henceforth till all be ended (for perhaps I may touch them more narrowly hereafter, then as yet I have) that both I in writing, and they all into whose hands these may come in perusing, may never let this charitable corrective, and fitly to be applied speech to our purpose of the princely prophet pass out of our minds, scil: Irascimini & nolite peccare, etc. with the which kind of anger I do now proceed in the rest of my Quodlibets. THE VI ARTICLE. WHether any Catholic man or woman be known to be or to have been seduced by them: and if there have, then by what means? THE ANSWER. WHat? any Catholic seduced? yes; who doth follow them, but is seduced by them? What Catholic in England where they bear sway, but is either seduced or grossly abused by them, for as they make these 3 sorts of C●th lick here mentioned the broker's of their forgeries, s●th either th● indiscreet, scrupulous, ignorant zealo●● 〈◊〉 the audacious, stirring read● w●tt●d need●e or else the p●ou●●, haughty, ambitious, we●lth● So have they other notable dog●ricks of consonage to cut purses, p●●ke lo●kes, comi● b● glaries, extortion, simony, ●all Lombardi●iā kind of devices to make gain of: but especially by two general rules: one to win all such to be of their society that are wealthy and worshipful, or honourable: 〈◊〉 note, though that they chase of the finest wits, and most stirring heads that can be gotten for money, yet when 〈◊〉 of two, they will always refuse the pregnant wit for the proud rich coat, though there be but a dunce within it: which is the cause that they have so many simple scholars amongst them. Another rule is to get an interest in them, that cannot or will not be o● their society: and so in every house where they live each jesuit forsooth, must rule like a Lord ●●am●, for s●ot and lot, to let and set, and buy and sell all at their pleasure, no man being Master of his own house where 〈◊〉 may bear swinge and be admitted of. Indeed those that least know them do most admire them: and therefore it is a common question among the meaner sort (as that seditious faction most proudly count all with whom they are not acquainted) to ask one of another, or of such Priests as come unto them. I pray you what are these jesuits, sure they are men of great account, worthy men, far above any secular Priest. They say in France noble men would come with their hats off to them, and yet suffer secular Priests and others of the French Clergy to stand bare headed before them. Certainly they are rare men. They are in high places. They never come at such mean houses as ours are. I never saw any of them but one, and sure he seemed to be very learned, wise, grave, and some extraordinary person, and so my brother, or sister, or mother, or d●ughter, or cousin, or some one friend or other told me in secret, that he was a singular fine man: but it must not in any case be known abroad in the house among the inferior sort of Catholics, unless to such, or such, by name. For I tell you, he is not a man that every one is worthy to come acquainted withal, etc. And thus, per iurari coeperunt homines Philosophari: These natural Philosophers, or rather plain naturals indeed, admiring what manner of men the jesuits should be, began to descant of a surmised worthiness to be in them above all others: and thereupon inferred by a senseless sequel of their seeming-sound conceit, that it could not be but the secular priests were in the wrong, would be overthrown, and impossible for them to hold out against the jesuits, who had all the greatest, chiefest, and most part of the nobles and gentles throughout England on their side: yea, and of the greatest princes in Christendom to take their parts, whereas the secular priests had none of any reckoning. For these are the vain vaunts of their brokers abroad, yea and of jesuits themselves as arrogantly made, as falsely affirmed, and neither way priestly, and much less religiously. But what should a man speak of humility, poverty, or any religious vow or virtue in them, that can draw out a quintessence from the highest dignities of Pope or Prince In ordine ad Deum, to make themselves demi Gods on earth, whereby a man may gather that amongst many other sundry means of seducing and drawing of others to their faction: one and a chief of all the rest is their Pharisaical hypocrisy. Now to the first part of the intertogation. To name any in particular seduced by them I am very loath, for that they are all or most part of them of one of these three sorts, and therefore may probably be reclaimed: to wit, some of them are led away of mere simplicity & indiscreet zeal, whose wits be on the one side insufficient to discern by outward actions what is in the inward man, which is a hard matter for any to define of: and on the other side, as insufficient to be practitioners for these statesmen in regard of the same defect: and therefore are made only Parrots, Pies, or jangling jays, to prattle up and down all that they hear and see: where you must note, that all which they shall hear or see, must be only of such things as may stir them up with zeal, (forsooth) and as an act of spiritual merit to defend these holy Fathers in every thing, and to be ready to spit in a Priest's face, to fly from him as from a vowed enemy of God's Church, because an adversary to the Fatthers, and think it to be as horrible a sin against their conscience to make as great a scruple to come to any Sacrament or service with them or to ask them blessing, as if they were Ethnics, Infidels, or other damned creatures, and already denounced to be so. But for any other secret or point of importance, they seldom or never impart it to these tittle-tatler, whereof I could name you beside simple men a whole brown dozen of silly Gentlewomen about London, that course both water and land, City and Suburbs, house and fields, with these and the like speeches, scil. Out upon the Seculars the Seminary Priests, the seditious, the factious: when as alas, good Ladies (for two of this holy crew are Ladies indeed) they know not what a faction means, but as I said before like Parrots speak as they be taught, & so they are to be accounted of accordingly. Others are wholly depending on them for their temporal necessities and bodily relief: and as the common saying is, need makes men of occupation, and the jesuits having gotten judas his office (scil to carry the money bag) into their substitutes hands, disposing of all the wealth and charity of Catholics (consisting of many thousand pounds) where, how, and to whom they please, though most sinfully, irreligiously and abusively they convert these Pios usus, intended by the benefactors where need is most into their own purses (these are brave religious men, be they not?) or into their purses at least, from whom they may conjure it at their pleasures, and make it fly over the Ocean (under pretence of relieving the Colleges or Seminaries) to prepare for an invasion. Now what would you have those distressed Catholics to do, that live in want, either by reason that their livings are taken from them, or upon some other accident of fortune's frown? the secular Priests are not able to help them, because they receive not (most of them) one farthing of the common contribution, but live only upon relief sent them from their private friends: to get a dodkin of a jesuit or his procurator it is impossible, unless they will run with open mouth in defamation of seminary Priests & their very first spiritual fathers oftentimes that begot them in Christ jesus to Godward: and to starve or famish they may not, if possibly they can avoid it. Therefore must this necessary relation needs be betwixt the jesuits and these kind of proctor's, that if the jesuits take away their upper lip, they spill their whistling: and if they whistle not apace against all the secular Priests, with panigeries sounded out of the jesuits praises: then shall they lose their upper lip, and all their hope of relief. And thus are these needy persons made another kind of sticklers for them, who according to their qualities and abilities to do them service with a cleanly conveyance in their actions, shall be more or less acquainted with some of their secrets, drifts and marks they shoot at. A third sort of the jesuits panigerickes or unskilful heralds in this blazon, are of those that are men of State in deed: A French jesuit rep●●●ing that the King of France gained three millions of gold by them at their expulsion thence: it cannot be but they have infinite treasure in store for an exploit when time comes. But it will questionless be their destruction. bear haughty minds: aspire to high mounts, and expect great matters at the coming in of the Spaniards, or time of the jesuits triumphs and conquest made of this Realm, through aid of foreign powers (together with Indulgences granted to the aidors, and excommunications thundered out against the resistants, whereof I will talk anon) levied at their costs and charges, taking up soldiers every where for pay, if they cannot otherwise prevail by help of Spain. And these are they which the jesuits boast not a little of. And though many of them be not God wots of the wisest (for if they were they would never be led into a fools paradise, upon Moon shine, hopes of Lucean towers to be built for them by these great Statistes:) yet by reason, partly of the great hope (as I said before) of receiving ever an hundred for one: and partly of some great enemies they have in opposition against themselves they do run the course of the jesuits. In deciding of the controversy betwixt the two great houses of Arundel & Dacre, I have made this point more apparent, how the one house, that it might the better suppress the other, applaudeth to all the jesuits undertake, in hope to be strengthened by them hereafter, whilst the jesuits in the mean time like greedy caterpillars do pray upon them, & except it be with the flap of a fox tail, shall never be able to do them any service. Besides in the said decision I have touched sundry of the exceeding great, base and most vile, standerous and contemptible indignities, wrongs and reproaches never in honour to be put up by any of a Dacres blood, offered by the jesuits faction to the now Lo: Dacre & his ever honourable house & name. Yea one of his own, etc. was brought into such a forwardness of following these holy fathers & taught withal her lesson how to use the art of dissembling, according to the jesuits rule, of sweeting and forswearing in a contrary sense and meaning: that she was as bold and resolute, as rash and impudent, unnaturally to maintain, that she would not for father, mother, sister, brother, nor all the friends she had in the world beside, ever yield to forsake the company of one jesuit (a Pearl for a Lady) let it hap as hap would, john Gerrard & yet afterwards being charged therewith, or to that effect that she should have no dealings with any of them, she deeply protested by a letter back unto his Lordship, that she had not, neither would have, notwithstanding that about the same time, her said jesuitical father was either with her or shortly after came unto her, and since hath she had all wholly, such as she knew to be of the jesuits faction: in plain terms affirming it, that there should none of the other side (meaning the secular priests, come to her knowledge) wittingly and willingly within her doors. Of all which with other practices in the North, as the secret confederacy made by that faction against his honour, I had intended to have informed his Lordship, if the foresaid party had not disclosed a letter which I sent to insinuate as much unto him, and to give him a caveat, etc. I will say no more here, but that this third kind of consorts or factious heads set on by the jesuits against the secular Priests, are of the proud, ambitious and aspiring minds, that hoping to climb high when these Realms of England, Wales and Scotland, shall be all one monarchial I'll of jesuits, they are not much to be blamed if they plead their cause and prosecute their quarrel with tooth & nail. Thus you see that there must needs be many seduced by them, and especially devout women (poor souls) who mightily dote and run riot after them. Now what kind of people they are that live so, and by what art and means these seditious plotcasters do work it, you shall in the end find to your grief. In the mean while I must tell you this withal, that of the more grave, wise, and truly more ancient Catholics and religious sort of both clergy and laity, men and women, they lose daily more and more: as by their own confession the case is manifest and clear. For whereas they said about a three years agone, that there were but three or four of the factious Priests (so like lozel's this jesuitical faction termed the secular Clergy) they now acknowledge and cannot deny it (because the names of so many are in printed books for the appeal) that there are thirty, and yet we will find twice thirty more. And for three or four noble men and gentlemen of the laity on our side (as then they said we had no more: and those but of green heads and shallow wits God wots) we will account unto them so many scores. And the like is for women, which daily also increase of the better, and graver sort, more ancient Catholic and matronlike behaviour, as is manifest by those noble Ladies, some of honour & others of worship born, whereat their saucy factious jacks scoffingly do envy: to wit, that any such (matchless matrons by any of theirs) should modestly defend or speak in behalf of their ghostly fathers: or else very like it is that their malice doth rise of this; that these (rightly to be termed herein prudent virgins) carrying the oil of Catholic Christian charity (which their foolish virgins want) about with them in their timorous and tender hearts, could not be drawn to rail and scold with their pure spirited souls, (a quality said to be naturally proper to a woman, but yet neither proper, commendable, nor allowable to any gentlewoman of honour or worship borne, but a stain to that sex and a dishonour to womanhood: yea and also to their profession, if they read or rather hear S. Paul's Epistles read against women tattler, and Gospelers, wherewith he was troubled, as now the secular Priests are:) & to revile the jesuits with reproachful words as their seeming saints have the secular Clergy every where. Well let it pass, as the number of the Seminary and Secular fautors do increase on all sides, so questionless it will do still. And when these hot holy Ladies that now fume out flames of a jesuitical and seditious zeal against Priests, shall lay their hands a little heavier on their hearts with Mea maxima culpa: they will remember what they have said and done, and thereupon be as ready not to defame (for we desire it not) but to forsake their wicked seducers the jesuits that have set them on, to detract, contemn, and despise Christ his Catholic anointed Priests. THE VII. ARTICLE. WHether the jesuits or secular Priests are or ought sooner to be believed: and why the one sooner or rather than the other? THE ANSWER. Out of this quodlibet is inferied & made known the great folly & will full scruple of many catholics, that will believe a false hearted cousining jesuit or jesuitical broker sooner than they will do their own ancient & known ghostly father, or other secular Priest, & so upon a false suggestion that any authority (be it lawful or unlawful, inferior or superior without difference) being once obtained, aught to be obeyed, & by consequent that none may come to confession, etc. to a secular Priest, because (forsooth) an heretical (in this point) jesuit saith so, being in very deed themselves with their Archpresbitery in that danger of suspension, excommunication, and Gods curse by their wicked courses, which they would cast over to the secular Clergy in show of the people, not caring what damnable ●●●●e they live in, so as the blinded with their errors do not know it. THe secular Priests as worthier and superior persons are ever to be credited and preferred before the jesuits in matters of any account, either pertaining to the Church or Commonwealth. First, because the secular priests represent in themselves the whole eccesiastical state, which as a prime branch of a Commonwealth, is ever one and the first of the two, (called States ecclestiasticall and temporal, or the spiritual and temporal) subjecteth under every Christian Prince and King Monarchial throughout the world. Secondly, for that the laws of this land (concurring herein with the Pope's canons and Caesars codes) a secular Priest his word is accepted of in countervail of twelve other witnesses, whereas I doubt whether any or all the jesuits words, yea or oaths that are in England this day will be accepted of for the value of a straw by any that knows the: they are so fraudulent & full of equivocations and doublings. Thirdly, in the matters here in question, the secular Priests speak not in their own defence alone, but defend the whole ecclesiastical, yea and temporal state, against these jesuitical invaders, corrupters, and usurpers of both authorities. Fourthly, it is not a more common than true rule, received of all persons, degrees, and orders, either Christian or Heathen, and in and by all laws, nations, and ages ratified, confirmed and verified, that bonum quo communius eo melius: but secular priesthood (not jesuitical societies) extends itself over all estates, persons and places; being rightly called Seculars, because they have the cure and charge of souls laid on their backs, to direct all that live in a secular, worldly or temporal state, in matters of conscience & soul affairs as christian directories to all human or moral actions, wherein virtue or vice, impiety or holiness, good or bad may be included. For which cause when the Apostle had commanded all with obedite prepositis vestris, etc. he gave a reason with a quia ipsi dabunt rationem pro animabus vestris coram Deo: As much to say, as neither father, mother, sister, brother, or dearest friend: neither Prince, Peer, Lord, Lady, Master or Mistress: neither Abbot, Prior, Canon, Regular, Monk, Friar, jesuit, Hermit, or Anchorite: neither any other person or persons can or shall be admitted to give an account before God at the latter day on your behalf concerning your soul's affairs whiles you lived secularly in this vale of tears, save only those appointed over you to take this cure and charge upon them. For which cause they are also called Curates and Pastors, etc. Fiftly, the jesuitical society, although the order be approved by the Pope his Holiness, & therefore it is to be honoured of all good Catholics, & they that live in it agreeing to their first institution, profession & calling, are therefore also to be reverenced (if any such be now to be found amongst them:) yet being in the best sense and construction themselves can make of it, a private peculiar corporation or an order, not common but proper, and therefore must needs respect their own society most (yea grant them herein their principle to be tolerable, In ordine ad Deum) it followeth then by necessary sequel, that all that are not jesuits, should follow, believe, credit, trust to, and defend the secular Priests, as a common corporation in the weal public with them, & not those that even in their Ordine ad Deum, must and will carve for themselves first, and leave to their fautors, and ignorant favourites, the off-fals, scum or refuse of their commodities. I might here add a new corollary of another kind, in confirmation of the credit, respect and esteem that all secular Priests should and may even de iure & ex merito & condigno, challenge to themselves of the Cath. laity before any jesuit whosoever. As first, for that notwithstanding these seditious & most mischievous men have bespattered with a most dangerous Gangrene, the whole body mystical of Christ (which unless it be feared up with hot irons here in England, will never come at Rome to be sound cured, it hath so venimously infected all flesh) they furthermore, have most maliciously inflamed so many both men, women and children's hearts with insulting pride, deep disdain, and such vehement fury, outrage and malice against secular Priests, as the unnatural heat of their cursed zeal hath passed already gradum ad octo, and pass it any further, it is twenty to one it will pass extra spheram activitatis, and fall into terms of Apostasy: yet spite of the devil & all jesuitical Atheism, the secular Priests have been reverenced ere ever Ignatius Loiola the Spanish soldier and first founder of the jesuits order was borne: they are at this present in the midst of these new masters throughout all Europe, and they will be when not one jesuit shall be left alive in the world (unless they amend their manners and reform their order) but all damned for heretics, or thrust out of God's Church as Apostates and Atheists. I say the secular Priests have been, are, & will be after all this, these indiscreet misled Catholics, ancient, most loving and faithful ghostly fathers. Who (all gusts, gallings, infamies, contempts, slanders, injuries, wrongs, & other points of unkindness set aside) do & will love them still unfeignedly: pray heartily for them day and night, & are, and will be ready to offer their worn out bodies in prison and abroad for confirmation of them in the Catholic faith, when these elated pharisees shall be far to seek. And further, I put this for a second point, which the Catholic Laity may please to consider upon, that the power of Priesthood is called in question by these new religious Scribes and pharisees: of whom it is not more strange to hear into what credit they are grown with the people, especially women, then to understand into what obloquy, contempt and disgrace the secular priesthood of Christ is brought by their hypocrisy to the worlds eye, in alluring the people's hearts from their ancient true friends and spiritual fathers, and by their factious opposition against us, never ceasing to calumniate, slander and defame all men most injuriously, falsely and perfidiously, by their treacherous projects and treasonable practices: nor leaving of to insult, triumph and tyrannize, first over secular Priests, and then over all others that are not professed jesuits, most proudly, maliciously and disdainfully. As these things need not seem strange, (much less incredible, and least of all other impossible) because their antesignanes or forefathers, (I mean the Scribes and pharisees in our Saviour Christ his time) discountenanced priesthood with like pretexts to these: and were grown into as great admiration with the people then, as these new jesuitical Scribes are now: witness josephus, witness all antiquities, witness Christ himself, who with great zeal did cast those jetting jugglers out of the temple of jerusalem. So then no Catholic being so ignorant, simple, or affectionate, but knows & must needs confess, that priesthood is the chiefest hold, stand & stay for them to build upon: it followeth that they must either renounce the Cath. Churches authority in crediting these false hearted, seditious & erroneous jesuits, or else renounce the said jesuitical doctrine, & credit the secular clergy & Christ's church herein. THE VIII. ARTICLE. whether ever any jesuit have Apostataed from his faith, and fallen out of the Catholic Church or no, and if there have, whether any such have ever returned or been reconciled again or not? THE ANSWER. NAy ask whether any of them do stand firm, and remain sound and live conformable to the first institution of their order or no, considering that even those who otherwise are of good disposition, and have many signs of grace in them: yet being but of shallow wits, simple conceits, & mean judgement for casting of plots or statizing, they must silly souls be employed as practitioners in another kind, to wit, to win affections unto them, and admiration to be had of them, either by a vowed silence, Quia stultus si tacuerit pro sapiente reputabitur: or else by rules given them, what they may speak, and not pass those limits assigned them: or otherwise to employ themselves as they find every one fittest and best agreeing to feed humorists with fantastical conceits. Which points if any either make scruple of, yea or think it not meritorious for obedience sake, or otherwise, do not manage it handsomely, he is sure to be thrust out for a reprobate, or some evil end to come to him one way or other. But now for heretics and Apostates, I have said enough in the former Quodlibets, that there are many of them fallen already out of God's church without ever return again, and so they do daily, and questionless so they will do still: there being no more certainty nor assurance of their stand then of any other, either secular, or religious person, nor in very deed so much (as they now live) because they have made religion, but an art of such as live by their wits, and (as I said before) a very hotch potch of omnium githerum, religious secular, clergical, laical, ecclesiastical, monastical, spiritual, temporal, martial, civil, economical, political, liberal, mechanical, municipial, irregular, and all without order. And howsoever they brag, band and boast of their familiarity with God, their rare and special endowments for guiding and government of souls more than secular Priests have (whom Catholics are admonished to take heed of, and beware of all Priests in general, that are not either jesuits or guided by jesuits in all things) their high contempt of Priesthood, their fanatical dreams of extraordinary inspirations, insufflations, illuminations (or term them incantations, or what you list, for all is stark nought) yet will they never or hardly be able to recover that credit they have lost throughout all Christendom by these arrogant vaunts of their holiness. And as for the last point, whether any of them have returned again into God's Church after their lapse or no: another question might be made whether they have not brewed a new heresy in a green fusty vessel, or broached an old, raised up ab orco out of a rotten stinking cask, in maintaining it in precise terms as they have, viz: that after a man is fallen out of the Catholic Church, although he return again & be reconciled to outward show: yet is he still an Apostata, & so to be accounted for ever after, & never to be admitted of into the Church of God, to bear any authority, or to be preferred to any ecclesiastical dignity, as one of God forsaken, & impossible for such ever to recover their former grace, & stand again. Insomuch as hereby you may note, that if S. Peter had come under a jesuits censure (as he did under his merciful Lord & Master jesus after his relapse with thrice denial & forswearing of him) he should never to death have been head of the Church afterward, no nor ever numbered amongst the twelve Apostles: nor yet judged worthy to have been one of the seven Deacons equals: but well, if he had recovered the name of one of the seventy Disciples amongst these sharp censurers of all men. And this is the cause why it hath seemed so rare amongst the ignorant people to hear of a jesuits fall out of the church. Were it not that all histories, Chronicles, antiquities & daily examples make it manifest that there is no error so gross, no sect so absurd, no here●y so blasphemous, no archbroker of any impiety, so base, but hath had and still will have millions of followers, yea & at the first before they be discovered) some very wise, blessed, and perhaps learned men, to follow favour and defend or allow of them: I should otherwise have thought it impossible that so many sound Catholics, & some wise, learned and vertu●●●, should ever ha●e been blinded with thes●●●arisa●call jesuits as they are 〈◊〉 it is ●●●oueltie, neither ●●y ●●●●●ent of a Ie●●●● piety of just ca●se. Nay whosoever should say so, or yet that a jesuit could fall or err, or misgovern himself or others, or do any thing amiss, you shall have a young jesuitesse ready to fly in his face, to cast the house out at the window where she stands, and better had it been for such an infamous detractor (forsooth) to have gone an hundred miles on his bare feet, than ever to have spoken such a word, as being sure to be accounted of as a spy, an heretic, or at least an unsound Catholic, attainted in his good name ever after: for who can fasten such a slander upon these new illuminates, they have such cogging shifts with them, and so many of them: as that (amongst others) if any going under the name of a jesuit chance to fall, than it shall be given out that he was a Seminary or secular Priest, and quite discarded from the society. If it be so manifest as it cannot be denied, but he was a jesuit indeed: then shall he either be gotten in and reconciled again, and so secretly conveyed out of the land, or else the matter hushed up in hucker mucker, so as it shall never be after spoken of: for you know a wonder lasteth but nine days, and then it is forgotten, (especially if no reckoning be made of it) as though it had never been. And this Machiavellian trick they have by means of their spials & intelligents in every country, court and corner, that so soon as ever any mishap doth hap to any one, they presently being certified thereof, set down the conclusion: whether such a party his fall or other evil demeanour, be fit to be blazed abroad or smothered up, or in what sort it may be handled to their most advantage, and accordingly hereunto, if he be one of theirs, and that the fact cannot be concealed, then to give it out as a trifle, light matter, or thing of nothing: or else that the party was one long agone rejected and never accounted of amongst them, but yet let alone, for that they knew what end he would make before hand, etc. And so the speech going abroad amongst Catholics, as sent first from the fathers, there is little or no talk of it, as not worthy of any memory or notice: and such in a sort was Master wright's case, though to their shame he hath proved better than any of them as yet have proved: and far better since he hath consorted himself to live as other Priests did, then when at the first he had a smack of their singularity in his proceed. But let it be of any Seminary or secular Priest, and then all the bells in the Town, nay in the whole Realm must ring of it: nay sea and land must be coursed and canvased with their letters, posts and messengers, in the pass and repass out of England into France, and from France to Flaunders, and thence into Italy, Germany, Rome, Spain, Portugal and jerusalem, to blaze it abroad of the weakness, looseness, scandal, bad and corrupt life of all Seminaries and secular Priests in general: and how unfit they are to come into England, or for any of them to take the charge of souls upon them, for one man's offence or miscarriage. And he unhappy man, whose life, death & good name, for ever after must hang in the blast of their mouths, though he repent with S. Peter, or recant with S. Marcelline, yet shall his first fault be laid in his dish ever after, with Pharisaical upbraiding of him whensoever occasion is offered of a malicious revenge to betaken. Nay what is more common with these precise pure illuminates, than thus to censure of the most constant Martyrs and Confessors (if not wholly jesuited) of this age? Who though they never could be touched with any act, word or thought of revolt from God's Church, or stepping any whit awry: yet these devilish spirits of a Luciferian pride and conceit of their own proper excellency, will touch them to the quick with these speeches: I pray God he may stand, he is but a weak man, such a father had been fit than he to have managed such a matter, etc. THE IX. ARTICLE. whether in regard of the premises, if the jesuits be such wicked men, and so far gone astray from the first prescript and institution of their order, is there any likelihood of their continuance: or if not, then of what downfall? THE ANSWER. I Told you before that Nullum violentum est perpetuum: (which is to be understood of all human and natural causes, acts and motions: and that some of the jesuits themselves have presaged (if not prophesied) by many fearful signs, a heavy destruction, ruin and downfall to come unto their society, by reason of the great pride, insolency, heat of ambition, and unquenchable thirst, in affecting of sovereignty which reigneth amongst them. But what fall it is they shall have, or where or when it will happen, God he knoweth: as for me, Non sum Propheta, nec filius Prophetae, neither wish I to be: but shall truly rather bewail to see the genius of their hard fortune, that men of so many good talents, worthy parts, singular abilities, and rare endowments (as sundry of them have) should be bewitched as they are, and as men involved in labyrinths of errors, drown themselves in the Stigean lake of their own folly. Well, Solomon was wiser, more learned, of better government, fit to rule, had a more peculiar gift and grace in all things, and more often secreter and nearer familiarity with God then ever any of them had to this hour here on earth, and yet he became a profane Idolater. And therefore howsoever the Machiavellian or rather Mahumetane-like faction, give it out that it hath been revealed unto their founder how mightily his society should be impugned, but still shall prevail, etc. (whereof I will speak hereafter) yet am I rather moved to embrace the common opinion, scil: that their end will be a right Templarian downfall, which for to make seem probable (because I am still in every Quodlibet forced to be too tedious) I will refeerre you for this matter to a peculiar work which I have taken some pains about in comparing first the Templars and the jesuits together: then the jesuits and Machivell: after that, Cardinal Wolsey and father Parsons: and last of all the comtemplatives of the said Parsons in Greencoate to the actives of the same man in his practised Doleman for a Monarchy. In which book (if it happen to come forth) you shall see how all ambitions aspirers have risen up at the first and by what means: how base persons have attained to highest dignities: how a man may insinuate himself to become great, famous and admired at, and what is required to make fortune (as thsy say) a man's friend: In the mean space let it suffice that the jesuits are and shall be well warned (and therefore surely armed if they have grace to accept of it) to look to themselves and alter their course in time, lest they be taken napping at unwares as the Templars were. THE X. ARTICLE. WHether any danger to God's Church to err, and utterly to be overthrown by the jesuits ruin (if it happen) or no danger at all? THE ANSWER. NO danger at all of either error, or any overthrow, hurt, or inconvenience to come to the Church, yea or to the least member thereof by their outcast: but rather in very deed a greater security to all to have such infectious poison burst, and stinking weeds rooted out, that the good and bad do not perish altogether by their abode amongst us. So that amongst many other fables of their folly (or rather of the ignorant multitudes folly seduced by them) this is one: to bear people in hand, that these gallants (courtly rabbiss, I'll warrant you in their coaches) have such a special charge, care, and authority committed unto them, of and over the whole Cotholicke Church, that fail they, or be they once expelled and thrust out of England, all piety, devotion, Christian discipline and religion, Before ever any jesuits came in England to plot conspiracies against our Sovereign and her Realm, & to sow sedition amongst Catholic, and contention amongst Priests, there was more joy, comfort, and truly Catholics, unfeigned charity showed to one another in one day, than there is now in a whole year. will presently quail, perish and play turn Turk into Atheism. Thus said they before and at their expulsion (for high treason) out of France: but yet they proved false Prophets, God's Church having flourished more since their exile thence, then ever it did whiles they were amongst them. Nay what have they said more and averd, avouched, and confirmed the same by writings, preachings and other passages, all their endeavours tending to this end? forsooth they have not been scrupulous to affirm, that he could not be a sound Catholic; (and therefore father Parsons in Philopater is bold to call great Henry the now most Christian King of France, a very reprobate and one impossible to be a sound Catholic: nor yet the whole Realm of France ever sound to be converted, and so of others) that should any way dislike of the jesuits proceed against England. But for any directly to oppose himself against those men's holy designments, as sundry Catholics did in France: mary sir that were matter enough to make him burn at a stake, & the like it were to impugn the king of Spain, or Archduches his daughter's pretended title to the English Crown. Nay which is a most odious and loathsome breath of bloody broils, garboils and cruelties threatened to all Nations by these Ascismists (for what are they all say some that know them, but massacring butcherly buyers and sellers of their dear countrymen's blood?) they go about busily to persuade such a reciprocation to be betwixt the King Catholic of Spain, and the faith Catholic of Rome, that as real relations the latter relative cannot be without his former correlative, which must give him his being and essence in nature. Insomuch as it is become a point of necessity, or (as they absurdly and heretically would make men believe) a thirteenth Article of our faith: that either all Catholic Christians must endeavour to put all Europe into a Spaniards hands: or otherwise that the Catholic religion will be utterly extinguished and perish, and so by consequent all run Hysteron Protheron, a milne horse, a King Pope, a Curch Spaniard, and the faith of S. Peter and his successors must hang upon the monarchy of King Philip and his heirs. And how long forsooth? Mary even so long as the jesuits shall please; which is until they may be able to pull him and all other Princes down from their thrones by causing popular rebellions, as hereafter shall be proved. Well, well, these fellows must be talked withal in time, and made to know themselves and their gross errors against all divinity, philosophy, policy, piety and order. Mean while we leave them to chop logic in barbarism, and feed their chimerical, conceits with Relatives of Ens rationis, or rather Ens insensibile insensatum irroale, infatuatum, fictum, and so pass on to the next point of plot-casting by Fame and Report of the unworthy heroical, matchless, magnifical Mecenates. THE ARGUMENT FOR THE THIRD GENERAL QVODLIBET. ONe nail drives in another, the first party provokes a rejoinder by a second encounter: and upon occasion of plots cast by doctrine principles, rules and observations of practice, doth necessarily follow a Quodlibet of new plots cast by Fame and Report, and how the jesuits come to be enriched, honoured, and regarded, with preferments above their deserts by that means. THE THIRD GENERAL QVODlibet of plots by Fame and Report. THE I. ARTICLE. WHether the jesuits or any other religious order be to be preferred before secular Priests or not, or (if not) whether the said jesuits are to be preferred before all other monastical or religious orders: or which and how many are before them? THE ANSWER. IT is never enough to be admired at, that religious men being by vow and profession dead and buried to the world, should be blinded with a conceit: Note here a simple conceit of good father Gerard, to infer a jesuits place to be above a secular Priests, because forsooth, an old Queen Marie Priest told him that he had seen religious men sit above other priests at Table. Well poor man I pity his simplicity in that, being otherwise of a good nature, he is much blinded and corrupted in his life & manners, by being a jesuit (which society would God he did and would forsake, considering how it is now corrupted) as any one amongst them. But for his author God wots, many Priest's & other men & women were and are too submissive at sometimes to their inferiors, & though in carresie a religious person (as a stranger be placed above a priest as an ordinary guest or friend, or in his own house (which is civility so to do) yet it is no way of due, right, nor ever was so taken. that they can possibly simul & semel & sub uno & eodem subiecto, be dead, and alive, mortified and made lively: yea, and that spiritu & carne simul, (for to be mortificatos quidem carne vivificatos autem spiritu, is no less than every Christian Catholic may and should be) & to be wholly sequestrate from the world in body and mind, and yet withal, all wholly, substantially & actually plodding in it, with body and soul over head & ears. Yet we must believe that such is the jesuits rare calling and state, that forsooth they are wholly dead and wholly alive, absolute spiritual men, and yet mere worldlings, which if they can make good and go through with it, I say it is a greater miracle to speak ad hominem (for in respect of God's omnipotency miracles admit not maius & minus) then to raise a triduane Lazarus from death to life again, yea only to the patible and withal, impatible body of our Saviour Christ was this privilege left as a prerogative royal reserved to his sacred Majesty divine: that it should be simul & semel, dead and alive. And this only by reason of the hypostasis or hypostatical union of his deity to his humanity. By means whereof (restraming, infringing and holding in, the impregnable force of the first in the time of his bitter death and passion, for otherwise he could not have suffered: in speech of miracles, we say it was more miraculous, because more seeming impossible, how that ever he could suffer death, then for him to rise from death to life again: suffering the same power divine, to have his yet limited force again, after that fearful and last gasp in giving up his blessed ghost upon the cross) it followed that the same tressacred body, or totum compositum Christ himself was both dead and buried, and yet the same Christ alive both in soul descending into hell untouched, and also in body lying three days and nights in his grave, and yet not corrupted as powerably preserved per concomitantiam divinitatis, so as no corruption of man's mortality could then take place: And therefore the jesuits striving for a superiority above seculars, would go an ace above both their and our Lord and master jesus (the circumstances considered) in this their miraculous working of wonders in themselves by their spiritual death and temporal resurrection. Here may be well remembered a merry jest of a Gentlewoman in Fetter-l●ne, who talking of one master Edward Cousin (a sorry fellow god-wot, but who is so bold as blind Bayard, and none more arrogant in place taking then this puny father) a Priest gone then over to be a jesuit: yea quoth she is he gone, now truly then I see he will seek to a state of more perfection. Well yet pure Lady by her leave, this (though a jesuitical fond persuasion) was quite contrary to a solemn protestation made by a chief father at Rome, in excuse of enticing the English youth, who said that ●f he were to choose a state of perfection: he would sooner choose to go as a Seminary Priest into England, then to enter into, or be of the strictest order of religion whatsoever, Of this matter I have written a peculiar Treatise, which is one of the 10. volumes or books I mean to set out against these new masters the jesuits, and their (especially father Parsons) errors, as time, place, approbation, and other occasions shall permit, persuade, & allow me, wherein I have made an historical discourse or chronicle of the conversion of all countries to the Christian faith, the beginning, progress, end and fall (of such and so many as are gone) of every religious order, as well of the Basilians, Antonians, and other amongst the Greeks', as of the Benectins, Augustine's, Franciscans, etc. amongst the Latins. Which are first in place, taking of one the other (for never did any religious person but a jesuit, seek, accept, or look for any place before a secular Priest) & how they follow in order according to the time of their original institution, and beginning one after another. Of all which approved, confirmed and allowed of orders, seeing the jesuit is the last, & by consequence inferior to all other before it: then doth it necessarily follow that their society or any of them, aught lest of any other to encroach upon secular Priests, or the state Ecclesiastical in place taking or expectation of any honour or preferment before the secular Clergy to be due unto them. And this might seem to serve for that matter. But now because their insolency herein is intolerable, & their audacious boldness, marvelous extreme in contempt both of Princes and Priests (●. distinct dignities which entitle the invested with them, with a pre-eminence above all other persons, so as they may not be spoken of with contempt, nor touched with violence, because both anointed: and further for as much as these holy fathers not knowing how to use honour when they had it without desert, and, thereby overweighingly valuing their own worth at too high a rate, in the erroneous opinion of their excellency, have fallen into presumptuous comparisons, with both Prince and Priest as fired in the ambitious mounts of Phaeton's Chariot, by contempt of all Ecclesiastical and monastical state, together with Monks, Friars, Hermits, Cannons, Regular, secular Priests, Doctors, Sorbonists, & other teachers, yea the very orders of all Universities, which are not under them: the government of all Princes that will not be ruled by them, the estate of all Nobles & Gentles of both sexes, that will not follow them, and the public affairs of all commonwealths and kingdoms, that will not yield them some special & peculiar, public or private gain and commodity (just Templarlike in all things) and of all other matters but especially in this point of superiority. Therefore you shall hear how they give a reason of their ambitious aspires. They say forsooth they are the chosen (what? Puritans if any thing) illuminates: who for as much as they have a more near familiarity with God, a more special grace and prerogative given them: for government, and guiding of souls: and in all things a degree of perfection above all other persons, be they secular or religious. Hereupon it is (say they) that the honour point of superiority in place-taking, etc. is given to them ex mirito & condigno. Which assertion if it were true, then were the sequel tolerable. But because the titles of honour are derived from God to man by participation of the divine attributes, whereof mercy and justice being the chief, the former applied to Christ his eternal Priesthood, the latter to his Regal power: therefore is it, that if a jesuit or any other person had as near, great, extraordinary, and often inward speech, conference and familiarity with God, as ever had the Seraphical Francis a more blessed Saint, and in a higher place in heaven, as I verily believe, than any jesuit is as yet, or like to be hereafter, or as had blessed Saint Mary Magdalen, or Saint Katherine of Seine, or sundry other blessed Saints: yet were he never to be compared with the meanest Catholic Priest that lives on earth: If he go to comparisons of nearness and familiarity with God, perfection of state, honour, esteem and regard to be had of the person, and the like arrogant speeches which the jesuits use in arrogating that unto them, which none that loves them but will blush to think of their extreme pride and vain glory grossly showed therein. Here I will tell you of one thing which I have observed, and often noted, especially since these broils begun to be hot betwixt the secular Priests and the jesuits. Having conversed and at sundry times been in company with diverse sorts of people, of Nobles, Gentles, and other meaner persons, I never yet (to speak in general terms) came in any place, but the more honourable or generous blood the party, Lord or Lady, master or mistress was (and that whether Catholic, Schismatic or Protestant, though in a different manner and respect had in them) the more reverent regard had they always of Priests, and used them with more peculiar esteem. And again, the base, meaner, more rude, uncivil, and low birth the parties were of, the less respect they had to any Priest, Clergy, scholar, or other person o quality. Many such mean persons, or but Gentlemen untrial, having made me often remember old Pinny the Innkeeper of Brodway in Sommersetshire, who would always have taken the highest place at the upper end of the table, whosoever had been his guest: which though in some sort his old age, and other circumstances might excuse him, A golden mean is best in all thing for as the Northern Proverb 1. to saty seems not nor over iolley dow not. It is an act of great humility, yea and of civility, at solemn times, especially amongst a man's familiar friends, for to give good example to others to be even amongst his or her inferiors tanquam unus ex illis, & neither to strive for the last or first word, or place taking amongst not much unequals, but rather wink at their rudeness, that will not give it them. Yet when the honour of the person doth concern not himself but the place or office wherein he than is resident in public (& not private) amongst his friends, or when the honour or worship devoluted unto him by blood, creation, consecration, anointing or other calling, is contemned or not acknowledged, then is it a dastardly part, and a great iniuty offered by that Priest, or other person to his order, house, office or calling, that shall suffer such an indignity to pass uncontrolled, if he may help it. For herein we must note a great difference betwixt accompanying our Saviour to Jerusalem with Osanna, & following him up mount Calvary, with crucifige, and by consequent howsoever we suffer with patience to be dejected, and Priesthood abused by our adversary, yet to permit every ordinary Gentleman, or any that is not a Knight (yea coming as an Apostle, a Priest is spiritually Princely, and his title honourable. But let that pass) if he be a Catholic, to take place above him peremptorily, he may not without dishonour to his Priesthood, mary what he is to do if the said Esquire or mean Gentleman, do rudely and contemptuously take place before him (as many do:) Nay who of the jesuits seditious faction doth esteem of any secular Priest more than of any ordinary servingman, or so much as of a base lay brother of their society) then herein and from henceforth the matter being now called in question, he is not bound to resist until the party may be made to know his duty, and justice had against him. yet is the contrary course commended, and amongst civil Gentlemen, yea and Nobleses generally more used, viz. to place their guests (as strangers and their friends) in their own house at table before them, unless they be far their inferiors. And once being in company where were four secular Priests at supper with a Noble person, a Lord of high renown, I noted that his Lordship would not sit down until they all were set and placed before him, though it was not their place, no not in his own house, so high to be exalted, but such was his Noble mind, merrily jesting it out with these words, How he had heard and seen it that Priests and women, had all the pre-eminences in the land of peace, and especially the first in the Church above Princes, and both at the table above all others their otherwise equals: but that in the field of war Captains, Colonels & honourable soldiers went before them. But now that a religious man, in respect that he is a religious man, should have or look for a place of honour or pre-eminence amongst men, having by solemn vow renounced all earthly honours and dignities, quite abandoned the company of all persons, where states of honour or place-taking is of due right respected: and wholly confined themselves to a private Cell, Cloister or Monastery, there to be occupied only with their books and beads: for them to look for places as the jesuits do, it was never heard of before this day: religious persons having no place indeed at all abroad in the world, because they have, or should have, quite forsaken the world, and only in three times of public assemblies, or affairs, they participate with the world, and yet therein with the Ecclesiastical or secular only, not with the temporal state (whereunto the jesuits are more near incorporate by conversation practise & popular life, then secular Priests themselves are: one is in time of solemn processions, at which it hath been noted that the jesuits will seldom or never come, because say some who call them Theatins, they must take there the lowest place, as inferior to other religious orders. Another is in time of general or provincial Council, where how they have shuffled for place taking, is not so openly known, because there hath been but one general Council since their order first began: & then probably it being in the primitives of their institutions they had better, lowlier, and more religious spirits then now they have. Marry notwithstanding for Provincials: father Heywoods' Council holden in Norfolk, and father weston's contention in Wisbich, declares what spirit they have had long agone, & daily more and more do smell of, in their humility for place taking, yea, and in all other respects of honour, reverence and esteem in such high Courts and Counsels. The third and last is in times of Bishop's visitations: which of all things a jesuit cannot endure to hear of to come amongst them. And whereas all other religious orders do humbly obey their Bishops, yield to their Summons, yea and seek to have visitations made amongst them: the jesuits quite contrary will acknowledge no superior but the Pope only, no nor his Holiness neither if he anger them. Whereupon one of their great Rabbis in time of the Bishop's visitation at Douai refused absolutely to come at his Lordship upon summons or sending for him, alleging in plain terms for his excuse, that he had a superior of his own order: that he acknowledged no obedience due unto his honour: and that he would know his generals will and pleasure therein, & then he would give him an answer. But when the Bishop replied that both he and his General (if they lived within his Diocese) should acknowledge an obedience unto him, or else get them both packing thence, and that he would lay him fast by the heels if he were so peremptory. Then forsooth this haughty Rabbi crouched & humbled himself & craved pardon of error. Let no man take exceptions at this my speech, or think it needless to talk of jesuits, Priests, Prelates, and Bishops places, foreseing England is become wild, Priesthood had in contempt, religion made but a matter of Atheall policy: our gallants, swaggerers, and lusty Brutes, neglecting their duty to God and man: and a company of new upstart squibs, under colour of zeal, religion and holiness (fie fie) take upon them to overtop, Pope, Prelate, and Priest: it is high time, and very necessary as the times are, to put the forgetful in mind, what things in times past have been, what God and his Church exacteth at all our hands: what hath been by pontifical and imperial laws instituted, and heretofore by sundry Parliamental acts and municipial laws of this land ordained. How by all laws, in all nations, & amongst all professions, Priests, and such as bare that name amongst jews, Pagans and Christians, of what religion soever, were always had in highest esteem, save only now brought in contempt by the jesuits. Amongst the Egyptians, a Priest was always next in honour, to a Pharoao: amongst the Cawls, the Druids had the renown: amongst the Britons three Archflamines, with thirty Flamines supplied, the place of three Archbishops, & thirty Bishops throughout Logiers Cambre: and Albanus (now England, Wales, and Scotland, with other Priests under them. And sundry other Heathen nations had their Priests in stead of Princes, as Kings to govern, as Presbyter john is at this present: and to this day the high Courts of Parliament in England do consist by ancient custom of calling to that honourable Court of the Lords spiritual and temporal, understood by the Lords spiritual, the Archbishops and Bishops, as the most ancient invested Barons (and some of their Earls and others Graces) of this land, and therefore always first in place next under our Sovereign King, Queen, Emperor & Empress, Lord and Lady (for there is no difference of sex in Regal Majesty.) This being so, and that by the laws armorial, Civil, and of arms, a Priest his place in civil conversation is always before any Esquire, There are 3. reasons of the contempt of Priests, one in that every Gentleman of any reckoning had his Chaplain in house with him & nimia familiaritas parit contemptum, and an other in that some were but simple & unlearned (god-wot) not knowing their own office nor the laities duty: and a third in that many wanting patrimonies and means to live, were forced to sing placebo, in applauding to all abuses. These were the causes of religious fall, & Priesthoods dishonour, which all feel smart of, because all offended (both Clergy & Laity) therein. as being a Knight's fellow by his holy orders: & the third of the three sirs, which only were in request of old (no Baron, Viscount, Earl not marquess being then in use) to wit Sir King, Sir Knight, & sir Priest, this word Dominus in Latin being a noun substantive common to them all as Dominus meus Rex, Dominus meus joab, Dominus Sacerdos, and afterwards when honours began to take their subordination one under another, and titles of princely dignity to be hereditary to succeeding posterity (which happened upon the fall of the Roman Empire) then Dominus was in Latin applied to all noble and generous hearts, even from the King to the meanest Priest or temporal person of gentle blood, coate-armor perfect, and ancetry. But Sir in English was restrained to these four, Sir Knight, Sir Priest, Sir Graduate, & in common speech Sir Esquire: so as always since distinction of titles were, Sir Priest was ever the second. And if a Priest or Graduate be a Doctor of Divinity or Preacher allowed, then is his place before any ordinary Knight, if higher advanced and authorized, then doth his place allow him a congee with esteem to be had of him accordingly. Thus have all laws and legifers with great majesty, ordained a distinction of place, regard, and esteem to be had of every person, though much neglected, through both Priests and lay persons faults: that a decorum might be kept for superiority on earth, as it is in heaven, and in all places unless in hell, where nullus ordo sed sempiternus horror inhabitat: and amongst jesuits and Puritans, who seek quite to alter, change and innovate, or quite to take away all both Ecclesiastical and temporal orders, laws, honours, and ancient decrees in all things. Which by so much the more for the honour of Priesthood and learning (wherein the first and chief rise of dignity doth consist, because that all true honour and renown riseth at first from pens, or pikes, learning or chivalry, Priesthood or Knighthood,) every Priest, Prelate, lay person, or other of any talon, knowledge or ability ought to defend: by how much the same is had in contempt, either of ignorance or malice, and may be avoided. But enough of this matter: now to another. THE II. ARTICLE. I can never wonder enough in my mind at these men that will take upon them a ●●●e of per●●●●ion above all other●: which state, if a ●●n look into it 〈◊〉 search it from top to toe, among t them all f●esh ●ll not si●●a perfect peace in ●●●ll, but it is either ●●●●ed or broken, or hath one point or other m●● that mishapeth it most notoriously, a● an e●e-so●e to all that behold it: For whereas the question is indeed amongst divines whether an active or a contemplative life be more perfect (and h●●e note that we speak of active and contemplative, as they both respect the church, the one in an Ecclesiastical the other in a Monastical state, as much to say, as whether S. P●ter or S john were to God more near for though ●t be said of Saint Marie Magdalen: and applied by 〈◊〉 unto our blessed Lady, that optiman partem elegit, yet was it by way of comparison with Marthaes' life, which was an active or practical life me●tel● temporal and therewithal very commendable and good, but yet not to be compared with an active Ecclesiastical which includeth both practive and speculative life in it, as Saint Peter did) of these two is the question: whether as the worthier. And the common opinion of divines being this, that in some sense the contemplative life compared to the Seraphines exercise in all spiritual love delights is th● chiefest and most perfect as the Seraphines are the highest order of Angels & in some other respect the active life compared to the Cherubins as their exercise consists in an act of the understanding & knowledge of things in God alone, appropriated to these holy Angels of the second order is perfect●● then that again, another way concluding that as visiobeatisica or eternal beatitude consists & in intelligendo intellectu & in amando velutate Deum, so where both active and contemplative life are joined in one person abstracted from all worldly or temporal actions, there and in that party must needs be a pre-eminence of perfection, above either the one o the other apart. In regard whereof there never was any doubt made, but that Saint Peter having both his understanding & w●ll occupied in knowledge and love of his Lord and master above the rest: and withal thereupon tending in all his actions to both states of active and contemplative life, he was of, and in a more perfect state & way to perfection ●hen Saint john was, though both of them exercised both these lives: and Saint john more prope lie said to be of a contemplative, and Saint Peter of an active life. But now for the jesuits, they will have and take upon them the name of religious: that is, of a contemplative life, and withal will not endure to be called seculars: and yet take upon them a secular state of life which is active. And further, accompany Martha rather than Mary in all things which are mere temporal. And so to conclude, they are neither actives, nor contemplatives: neither have they the perfection of any of all the 3. states Ecclesiastical, monastical or temporal in any of their actions. whether any other order goeth before these jesuits in perfection of life, and security of state or no? THE ANSWER. THeir profession is most imperfect, their life is most popular, and their state most unsecure, and dangerous of any others in all the world this day, as now they use it. And to speak of perfection when it was at the best, and therefore at highest rate amongst them, wherein should their perfection consist, that it should be so far and high in esteem, above the same kind of perfection (utcunque) in other religeous orders? First, they do not keep their hours, in vigilijs multis, rising either at midnight, cocke-crow, or other extraordinary times, as all other religeous persons do. Secondly, they do not keep four, nor two, nor one Lent in the year (much less do they fast the whole year through, or all their whole life time, as sundry do, some more, some less, in other religeous orders) nor use any other kind of fast, or abstinence more than other secular Priests, yea and all the whole Catholic laity do. Thirdly, they do not continually wear haircloth, go barefooted, refrain the use of any linen and soft bed: as many religeous, yea, almost all do most of these things. Fourthly, they never use any contemptible apparel, or other means to occasionate a contempt to be had of themselves in their own naked hearts: more than any other Ecclesiastical or temporal person doth. Fiftly, they embrace no poverty more than any, and not so much as many religeous orders do: For who hath half that wealth that the jesuits have, which they will get by hook or by crook, one way or other: as hereafter shall be showed. Sixtly, they are not confined to their Cells, Cloisters, or Colleges. For they will be stark mad to have their houses stained with the name of Monastical places, as other religious orders are: but have scope to go and live where and how they list, as much as students have in any University in Christendom, and far more than they will allow to the poor prisoners at Wishich, or to students at home, or other places where the Seminary, and secular Priests live under them, and therefore rightly called their prisoners, as kept so straightly that they may not recreate themselves together, nor two of them have any speech or conference without a third, with many like Turkish cruelties, which these tyrant's use against the English Priests, whilst they live in all jollity, wealth and pleasure themselves there: as in all other books and Apologies you may find set out at large of that matter. Seventhly, they profess no continual silence nor solitary life, as sundry religeous do, and keep it most strictly: thinking it a death to come forth of their Cells, and Cloisters, into the world to have any speech, meddling or sight of any worldly thing. But they quite contrary profess such a popularity, secularity, temporality, and all mundane kind of life and meddling in worldly affairs, as wonder it is how ever they have time to think of God or any good Saint. Eightly, they profess neither chastity nor yet obedience, more than any other religious order doth: yea no more in very deed (their manner of performing obedience to their superior considered) then every secular Priest doth. And if a man go to the ways and means of performance of this their vow of chastity and obedience, it is far inferior and more imperfect, uncertain and dangerous in them, then in any or the most part of other religious orders. Ninthly, if their perfection consist in this: that they labour in preaching, teaching, conversion of souls, ministering of Sacraments, managing of causes, with Princes and civil persons, and therefore as divines say (quia maius est illuminare quam illuminari:) so they affirm that they have taken a state of most perfection that way upon them (and indeed they take so much upon them in that behalf, as they seem to arrogate an Apostolical power and authority reserved to themselves alone, therein speaking it in plain terms, that the seculars ought not to meddle in such affairs, but content themselves like silly simple men, with hearing confessions at most, or only saying of Mass, for as for confessions I wis they will not with their goodwills permit that a secular Priest should take the confessions of any: unless it be of mean persons and poor folks, where no gain nor commodity is to be had but at God's hand only: yet by these worshipful Rabbis leaves, if they usurp secular Priests places and authority, and thereupon challenge a degree of perfection unto them, before and above all other, then would I know from whence they have that gift to illuminate, and power and authority of preaching, teaching, hearing confessions, and other like Ecclesiastical jurisdictions. For as for their managing of Civil and Martial causes, as invasion of kingdoms, raising of rebellions, defamation of Princes, and bringing all into a popular contempt, that are not themselves or dependent on them, and the like absurdities as they have received no such commission from God nor his Church, but directly from the common enemy of mankind, as suggested by him, and after bred in their itching, ambitious idle working brains, so no secular will wish, seek, or accept of that their seditious turbulent and bloody office (unfit of all other for Priests to deal in) out of their hands. It is therefore of the former Ecclesiastical jurisdictions & lawful authorities, whereof I speak, & would know from whence & of whom they have them. Either they must have them immediately from God, or else from man. To say they have them immediately from God, I think they will not: but yet if they dare say so (as who can tell what giddy heads puffed up with swelling pride, impudence & insolency will say or do, when it stands then upon to stand to their tackle, or else have all their followers & disciples forsake them:) then first it will be demanded per quam regulam do they prove it? Secondly, what testimony or witness have they for it? Thirdly, how, when & in what place was this new institution of Ecclesiastiques promise granted, confirmed & ratified? Fourthly, by what sign, token, wonder or miracle shall we know it is from God immediately: for miracles we must have, for confirmations of all new doctrine & approbation of ancient Catholic traditions, customs & orders? Thirdly, what manner of man, ubi gentium, where was he borne, whose son was he, where and how was he brought up, how lived he, how died he, that was the first author or illuminate of this innovation and change? Sixtly and last of all, after all these things are examined and known, and that with help of an Aesopian fable, they can bring us into a conceit of a Lucean Tower to be firmly built in the imaginative horescope of their wandering zodiac: yet will they all be proved by this means to be flat forerunners of Antichrist, and Archinuenters of new Puratinisme, worse than ever yet was heard of: or else made to do public penance throughout all Churches in Christendom, confessing before the whole world (as I pray God grant them grace, humility and patience to do it) what blind guides and seducers of innocent hearts, they have been: leading many souls into eminent danger of perdition, by arrogating to to much unto themselves, etc. Again if they say they have this authority, and by consequent are in state of perfection above the seculars by institution and gift of and from the Pope his Holiness and Sea Apostolic: then it will be replied by necessary sequel upon them. First, that the Pope himself must needs be thereby of a more perfect life than they are, which in no wise they will yield unto: yea arrogating an extraordinary familiarity with God, to be due to them alone, and a kind of impossibility of error in their synodal consultations, called under and by their General: their special prerogative and means to bring any one to perfection (they are so far from yielding or granting it, at least equally with them) to his Holiness is such, as they have preached openly in Spain against Pope Sixtus the last of all holy memory, and railing against him as against a most wicked man and monster on earth: they have called him a Lutheran heretic, they have termed him a wolf, they have said he had undone all Christendom if he had lived: and in few, Card. Bellarmine himself, as judge Paramount, being asked what he thought of his death, answered: Qui sine paenitentia vivit & sine paenitentia moritur, proculdubio ad infernum descendit: and to an English Doctor of our nation, he said: Conceptis verbis, quantum capio, quantum sapio, quantum intelligo descendit ad infernum. Well let this pass as a comfort to seculars to be full of imperfections, & as unworthy creatures to be justly censured of by these worthy perfectives, that dare judge their chief Pastor: which no sacred Synod, nor Ecumenical Council, either would, either durst ever have done so before them. Secondly, if these new illuminates take their perfection from this principle, Quia maius est illuminare quam illuminari, then must they by necessary sequel herein, also be pleased to hear it, that maius est dare quàm accipere: and therefore if the State Ecclesiastical & secular Clergy give them this authority, whereby they come to this peerless perfection à fortiori: yet still the secular Prelates as the givers thereof, must be before them in that degree of perfection. Thirdly, in order of perfections, this hath ever been an ancient Canonical observation and rule of none denied: that any religious person may pass into an other order of religion, that is stricter than his own is, whereunto he hath vowed himself, at the first intending therein to live and die; and all this in regard that the said stricter order is holden to be a state of more perfection, and nearer familiarity or intercourse with God and his holy Angels, and Saints. But now admit the jesuits order, or rather society (for they are such strange men, as all must consist of innovations, novelties, and new names amongst them) were so strict, as in regard of this point of perfection, none might pass out of their society into any other religious order: yet as out of all other religious orders, there have passed some in all ages to take secular charge, & curam animarum upon them, so also out of the jesuits society, there have passed divers that have been Cardinals, etc. And if they deny Cardinals to be seculars, or to take charge of souls upon them: once I am sure they are not Monastical, and by consequent, the farther secluded from seculars or ecclesiastics, the more temporal and laical must needs their lives be. But yet seeing all this notwithstanding they may come out of the society to be Cardinals, and then à fortiori to be Bishops, or other Prelates and Pastors more directly taking curam animarum upon them, it followeth that always their state of perfection is inferior to the secular. Fourthly, that thing wherein the merit is either counted greater in seeking for it, or in accepting of it being offered, or the sin greater in neglecting to take it, or refusal being commanded; is ever of more perfection than any other wanting those circumstances. But as no man is bound, neither may he leave his Bishopric, or other pastoral office void without dispensation of his superior. So on the contrary, any religious person, jesuit or other may lawfully, yea and oftentimes is bound to leave his Cell, Cloister, or College, (though by his departure the doors must, and may be shut up for any coming there ever after) and take curam animarum upon him, utpote quia is qui episcopatum desiderat bonum opus desiderat, etc. Et bonum (ut supra dixi) quo communis eo melius. Therefore still is a secular life of more perfection than a religious, by that principle of illuminating others. Fiftly, if they urge their perfection of life, by illuminating of souls to consist of this: that it is done under obedience to their superior: which virtue of obedience being in holy Scripture prophetically defined, to be better than sacrifice; it followeth that of all other signs of perfection, Christian renunciation, mortification and denying of themselves, this is the greatest, most manifest and chief: in that by reason hereof, be they never so well settled to their content, wish and desire, having all things that may please or delight them, and freed, preserved and defended from all things that may molest them: yet must they keep such a straight hand, and straight watch over their will and all their senses continually, as volens nolens their will must not be theirs, but their superiors, to go or run thence in change of a thought, or turn of a hand, and repair out of England, or other Northern region into Ethiope, Egypt or India: or else wheresoever they shall be commanded, yea though it be morally certain they shall never come thither, or else there to be murdered or slain. And this is the point indeed whereupon they stand as a precious mirror of all perfection, and attributed to their society alone. To which I answer first, that I could wish with all my heart, (and so could many thousands in England wish the like) that their obedience were tried, and themselves mortified to perfection, above all seculars in their quiet departure out of this land, and go and live where they list afterward, according as they and their superiors shall think fittest for them, to make this their state of perfection secure. But I doubt if they should by never so powerable authority be called out hence; yea if it were from his Holiness, they would call him a Protestant for so doing, as now they do all seculars or others that wish it, both for their own, and the general good, quiet and security of our Prince, country, present State, and all Catholics in general borne under English allegiance. And again if they should be thrust out and expelled by force, as like enough they are to be so by some sudden uproar & rebellion, or invasion procured by them: as a Gent. of the Spanish faction, and an entire friend and follower of one Father Ouldcorne, seemed to say no less of late: uz. That these contentions must end with blood: and I verily believe he said true: blood must and will end it indeed, if they be not thrust out in time: but cursed be these bloody massacrers that are the procurers of it. Then doubt I on the other side these perfectly mortified ghosts, will be so far out of patience, as they will lose all their merit without recovery: and the rather am I so persuaded, by reason of the great murmuring sorrow, execrations and curses they used so pathetically, passionately, and extreme outrageously against the King of France and his honourable Council, for expelling them thence, notwithstanding their lives were all in his hands: so that whereas he might justly have put them all to death for traitors, arrested upon high treason, yet granting them their lives gratis, and also giving of them three French crowns a piece, with a certain time of leave to provide for themselves to departed: they most ingrateful of all other (a vice, to be plain with you, which is generally noted in them all as a native branch, proper to Nick Machivels crew, never to be thankful longer, than they are in hope of a greater benefit thereby) forgetting, or rather not any way acknowledging any benefit, mercy or lenity: but all extremity, tyranny and cruelty showed towards them by the King, fell into such terms of malicious speeches against his Christian Majesty: as some English Priests being then in the low Countries, & confines of France at the time of their expulsion, did note and report unto me in verbo sacerdotis that the common people hearing it, and how vehemently they spoke against the peace then in hand betwixt these two potent Kings Christian and Catholic, did verily think they would have pulled them down and stoned them in the street. Thus you see what perfection these mortified men are come unto, and whereunto their ostentation of obedience to their superior doth tend. Obedience indeed is a special virtue, but one swallow makes no Summer: one virtue makes no creature perfect in his life, one only defect makes a privation, but all helps must concur to every perfection. unitas est principium numeri, sed unus vel unitas non est numerus nisi abusiuè sumptus. The five foolish virgins they did watch, they lived chaste, they were obedient, they were diligent, they were careful, they carried lamps with them, burning with indiscreet fire of zeal, but they wanted oil of charity to keep in the heat and make it perfect: and therefore were they rejected with nescio vos. Well: yet admit this obedience of the jesuits to wear the garland of perfection and merit the crown of glory, what then? Is there none hath equal part with them, or may none be as perfect as any of them by this same means? Yes questionless. Saint Augustine our Apostle was sent by Pope Gregory (surnamed the Great for his many rare excellencies and graces) into this flourishing Isle of England nolens volens, with command not to return until he had converted this people and nation to the Christian faith, or else lost his life in defence of the same. And he came by virtue of his Holiness command: and under obedience worthily performed the same to his great merit. How many Monks and Friars, and other both secular and religious persons, have gone, and do go continually with like authority when occasion is offered, and under the same vow of obedience which these jesuits make their vaunt of? It were too long to stand to number them, with what authority, and under what other obedience (unless a more perfect kind) do Seminary Priests come into England, save only this alone? Where is then the difference of this great perfection which is in the jesuits above all other Priests or orders of religion? Where it is I know not: but where the contrary is I can give a shrewd guess at it. It was said of old: Cucullus non facit monachum. It is not the death but the cause that makes a Martyr. And we say now, that meat makes, and cloth shapes, and manners makes a man: and that all these fair shows and flourishes in Academical virtues, may be without impeachment in their causes, and yet stark nought in the effects produced by them. And because saith the Philosopher that ex effectibus cognoscitur causa: therefore by demonstration à posteriori it will be proved, that the jesuits state of perfection is stark stinking nought, and their ostentation of obedience mere hypocrisy, and a seditious arrogant, vainglorious deluding of simple people with their usurpate authority. Is it always a virtue and merit in those qui trans mare currunt to hazard their lives in foreign lands, going either voluntary or under obedience by command of their Superior? If the jesuits say it is not, (as it is not indeed) than it followeth that they must grant, O that men would but give now and then an impartial glance upon the jesiu s protects and principles of their absurdities, than should they see it luce clarius, th●● they ab●●e every virtue, grace and mean left us to work our salvation by, cum ●●more tremore, & simplicitate cordis: who doth or can deny, but that the three evangelical virtues of chastity, poverty and obedience are of counsel only not of precept, a in the Gospel; and of precept not of counsel after a vow 〈◊〉 God hath passed of them, and yet ●oth wries they 〈◊〉 be and are often abus d to ●u●ll e●●●●●s ap●●e●●●●●●ne in 〈…〉 se●●●●●●●ons that 〈…〉. it is the intention not the action that occasioneth the merit. In respect whereof we say (and true it is by general opinion of all men) that two Christians going into the wars together against the Turk, and both of them there slain, the one may die a blessed martyr, the other be damned to hell without redemption: and then by consequent, they must needs grant that though the cause seem never so just yet the intention may mar all: & that that which is known only to God alone during the time of hanging the same cause, the same is known to man after the effects have discovered it. And so their ostentation of mortification, obedience, perfection of state, and I know not what is in policy by them to be kept silent: for burst it out once into the effects, it will prove nothing but avarice, extorsion, cozenage, treachery and treason. If they affirm (which were gross) that the very act of going under obedience be meritorious, and makes the habituated therewith perfect: then I infer that upon such a generality, Mithridates filling all the Adriatic seas with Pirates, to molest the Roman Navies, and to break their forces, did cause a high merit to redound by that act to his courageous soldiers: (for fear makes cowards courageous in extremities) though questionless many of them went for obedience, which had rather have wished themselves half hanged to have sit still at home, & slept in a sound skin amongst their wives and children. So a merchant's factor going by commandment of his master into Turkey, Barbary, Persia or elsewhere, committing himself to Neptunus' mercy, to winds and waves, and all adverse fortunes of sea and land: yet because those that are bound they must obey, and perhaps though unwilling to have taken that voyage in hand of himself: yet going on his master his cost and charges, he takes it upon him with great alacrity and joy of mind: and by consequent meriteth greatly thereby, if this principle hold true with the jesuits. And a number of the like examples may be brought to show their gross error, or rather the fond opinion of many, that think upon their inveigling persuasions, that a jesuite hath taken upon him the most perfect state and vocation of life, of any other whosoever. Whereas in very deed it is (especially as now they use it,) the most imperfect of all other, a very platform, canvas, and devise how to strengthen and enrich themselves with wealth, friends, and insinuating of themselves into Prince's Courts and affairs; and thus (forsooth) for obedience sake these humble souls, must pass into India, Turkey, England, Scotland, and all nations, and be removed, sent for, and posted ever (like merchants indeed that traffic where most gain is to be made by interchaunging of merchandise, from one Mart, haven, promontory, or Monopole to another) and so another sent in his place thither again, or perhaps none at all if no commodity be to be reaped thereby: either by holding in of some friends that would slip from them, or else by means of giving intelligences of affairs in those coasts necessary to be made known. And thus much for these pure jesuits perfections, that bring all the world into admiration of their Pharisaical holiness and scribistical zeal and religion. THE III. ARTICLE. whether, seeing the jesuits are of so bad, imperfect & corrupt a life, is their society a confirmed order of religion: or else is it a secular or ecclesiastical state of life, or otherwise a mere temporal profession of companionship (as the word society importeth) or none at all: or what is it? THE ANSWER. IT is (as I have told you before enough for that matter) a very hotch potch of all together, their founder's principles, (which were good in the original) being quite perverted, corrupted, and altered by them in the execution and practice. For as you may gather clearly out of the last Quodlibet: they are neither secular, nor religious, and yet they will be counted the latter in name, and will be of themselves the former: nay more than the former in action. Insomuch as to the great discredit of their society, and the reverend esteem had at the first of them, they run now such a desperate course, as if religion were but a mere political and Atheall devise, or practical science invented by fig-boyes, and men of the Bernard high law, & such like as live by their wits & principles of Machiavelli, taught by their Arch-Rabbies how to maintain with equivocations, dissimulation, detraction, ambition, sedition, contention, surfeiting sorer than ever did Heliogabalus (with his many hundred varieties of services, served in at every banquet, or feast royal at his Table) in setting division, breeding of jealousy, & making of hostile strife by opposition of King against King, State against State, 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 are 〈◊〉 f allows ●●●cap or wnes, to ●●●●on kingdom, and to 〈◊〉 Kin●● with Pamphlets in then ambi ious hearts. And wh● is it they cannot do with facing aloof of, but come it once to trysting, they are gone. So in their great ostentation of learning, when the secular, challenged or rather entreated a disp●●ation to be had about schism, they durst not come to the encounter, but like cowards and scolds ●ailed against of for moving of such a matter. Priest against Priest, Peer against Peer, parents against children, sisters against brothers, children against parents, servants against masters, wives against husbands, husband's against wives, and one friend against another: raising of rebellions, murdering of Princes, making uproars every where, until they make those they cannot win otherwise unto them, either yield to be their vassals for to live quiet by the, or force them to flight, or drive them out of their wits, or otherwise plague them to death. Are these men then to be called religious: nay are they to be called seculars or Ecclesiastickes? Nay are they worthy the name of Catholic laity, nay of temporal worldly Mechanical Christians? No, no, their course of life doth show what their study is: and that howsoever they boast of their perfections, holiness, meditations and exercises (whereof we will talk anon) yet their platform is heathenish, tyrannical, Satanical, and able to set Aretine, Lucian, Machiavelli, yea and Don Lucifer in a sort to school, as impossible for him by all the art he hath to besot men as they do: as is most manifest by this only contention betwixt the seculars and them, if there were none other proof. For could the foul fiend himself, or all the infernal furies have put such an odious conceit into Catholics heads and hearts against their own ghostly Fathers and dear friends, as these worse than wicked spirits have done? Can the Devil with all the art he hath, have made the laity to have condemned and contemned the seculars, and with whoups and howbubs made all the world ring of them, as of disobedient, irreligious Publicans, and Schismatics, for not subscribing to the Archpriest at their beck and command a full half year before ever he had any authority: It is marvelous to think of this ●●nding impudency of the jesuits, in establishing of then Archpriest, and what shameful and graceless shifts they are driven vnt●, or ●●●her v●●untarily fallen into, for defence of their intolerable wickedness, and abuse of all estates therein. Amongst others, of which bald shifts, this is one, and a chief, to blind the ignorant withal. For that the Pope having now confirmed the Archpriests authority, although it were unlawfully gotten, and that he showeth himself partial, unfit and too cruel therein: yet now, all men ought to obey it, and may no way speak against it: yea if he excommunicate, suspend, etc. unjustly, or whatsoever he do else, yet being in authority he ought to be obeyed: and those whom he so censureth to be avoided. And thus these ignorant see not, how that by this means, murders, treasons, blasphemies, usurpations, extortions, cozenage, heresy, or whatsoever vice or villainy is committed by any inferior officer, may not be complained on to a superior. But that an excommunication passing from such a gross usurper, is still of force, be there cause or no cause for it. they all this while keeping silence, and bearing all their reproaches with patience? And then again when a forged foisted in authority was gotten by cozenage and cogging most egregiously with his Holiness, and so the grant to none effect: yet the seculars willing to put all up quietly, and rest with the loss and taking away of their good names, which was dearer to them then their lives. But not permitted to live so: they being of fresh tormented again by these most turbulent and malicious men, and urged to make a kind of recantation or satisfaction by way of public penance, with repentance of not yielding at the first and acknowledging they were in schism: could then all the fiends in hell have driven into people's minds a conceit of scandal, or any other offence to have been given or committed by the seculars, for either appealing to his Holiness for justice against these tyrants in their just defence, and to have the cause tried there betwixt them: or for setting out books to declare and make known to the world what these wretched men were, and how mightily both the seculars were injured, and all others deluded by them? No, it had been impossible for any wicked spirit to have dealt so maliciously: and yet have persuaded the people that the seculars were still in the fault, and the jesuite innocent lambs, Saints, and free. And yet this have these Machivileans done, and banded it out most impudently: yea, so far as notwithstanding the discovery of their high impiety by books and other means, yet will the people still believe them in every thing. They will believe that the seculars in time of their long silence did yet deserve to be railed upon, contemned and reviled as they were. They will believe that their now writing in their own just defence, and setting out (but in part) as they have deserved, is odious, scandalous, and very evil done of them. So as both silence and speech condemns them: and all this by a cogging trick of Machiavelli to serve his own turn withal. They will believe that the Archpriests authority once had can never be lost again, be it from God or the Devil, at the first grant made unto him by forgery, cozenage, or false play, by deluding of the Pope's Holiness, prejudice of the See Apostolic, contempt of Priesthood, praemunire incurred against her Majesty, with treason to her Royal person, Crown and State, and by all abuses that may be (as he hath committed many since, and those such as the authority he had is lost by them) or by any other means. They will believe that he (this Archpriest) and the jesuits have still their authorities, and are not excommunicated, suspended, etc. as they are in very deed by their cursed proceed, most unjustly and injuriously against the innocent, and in taking upon them matters above their reach, by usurping his Holiness place and authority. They will still believe and follow these Saintly men, make no scruple to come at Service, and to Sacraments with them: notwithstanding that by all these Quodlibets past and to come, they may see what a dangerous, desperate and damnable race they run, and all those that follow them. They will still believe for all this, that the seculars are excommunicated and suspended, etc. by the Archpriest, and that he had and hath power to do it: and therefore will they still make scruple to come at any of them to confession or other sacrament, notwithstanding that neither will nor dare, the Archpriest or jesuits avouch it openly, but in hucker mucker: neither their brokers and trumpeters stand to it publicly. In few: if this will not resolve the laity, and move them to join with the seculars as a parcel of their own corporation and common body political, that must stick to them, when the other (I mean the jesuits) as a private corporation and body of itself, will be far to seek, at least for any help or secure yielding to them, further than will stand for their own private gain and commodity: but if quite contrary they will still run against the stream, and believe that black is white, chalk cheese, new sectaries, saints: and religious men seculars, or rather controllers of seculars: then can I say no more, but new doctrine, new faith, new masters, new scholars: new fathers, new children, and all in the end new, etc. and there I leave it. THE IIII ARTICLE. WHether any go before the jesuits in political government, prudence, etc. or not? THE ANSWER. LIke as in all true Heroical, moral, Cardinal, yea or Theological virtues in general, there are many thousands go beyond them: so in true prudence in special, and by consequent in political government as it is a branch derivative from prudence many do excel them, throughout the Christian world every where. Marry take policy as it is now a days taken by common phrase of speech, in the subject wherein it is inhaerent: as we say that a right Politician is a very Machiavelli, a very Machiavelli is an upright Atheist, and an upright Atheist, is a downright dastardly coward, void of all religion, reason, or honesty: so by consquent it may be said, that in political government, or Machivilcan policy none goeth beyond the jesuits at this day. For the better understanding whereof I will here set you down some of their sleights and devices, how they deal to become great, and to have government and charge of others committed unto them: and all this by the fame and report that goes of them by admiration, cunningly gotten to be had of them and their doings in all things. A ●hough sundry 〈◊〉 ●he seculars might have had ●●a●ple faculties for hallowing 〈◊〉 Chalices, dispensations, etc. as any je vit ever ●●d or h●●h: yet 〈◊〉 king humbly 〈◊〉 he● vocation, and co●●nti●g themselves with such faculties as might extend to the absolution of any sin●e, and delivery of any penitent soul out of the power of th● Devil (which authority the meanest Priest hath aswell as the mightiest rabbi of the jesuitical order) they littl● the ●me● of the inconveniences that would come of these newly enlarged faculties, that the jesuits at the first entrance came withal, as having cast their plot before hand how to win f●me, and m●ke themselves admi●ed a● of the English: a 〈…〉 ●●t to cea●e of every novelty. Neither did the seculars than consider what was spok●●●b●oad of the jesuits: not yet remembered the Cardinal's words, that the jesuits would prove but thorns in the se●●●● sides: and be cause of great troubles amongst them. So great was their charitable oversight, in not opposing themselves 〈◊〉 iu●t these pharisees 〈◊〉 the first: or seeking to have them called out of this land: but it was for our sins that 〈◊〉 we●e thus bewitched with them. Their first devise than is, to get a report to go amongst the people of them, to be the rarest men for learning, wisdom, virtue and government that are in all the world in this age to be found. Which opinion to confirm, they cunningly obtained extraordinary faculties, for hallowing of Chalices, etc. and after that they got a report to go, that for their familiarity and dearness to God to obtain their suit in all their need●: they are (and must needs be) endued with a special spirit for guiding of souls which the seculars want. 2 To second this withal, a secret admonition must be given, to warn all Catholics to take diligent heed to beware of all Priests in general, how they come at any Sacraments with them, at extraordinary times of making general, annual, or quarterly confessions (but weekly or monthly only) unless they be either jesuits, or such as are correspondents unto them, as wholly advised, guided, and ruled by them in all their proceed. 3 This foundation thus laid, then to huff and ruff it out, a Council of women must be called to set cock ahoope: and these of nature being as flexible to yield, as credulous to believe, and as prone to virtue or vice upon any sudden motion, as forward, dutiful, and truly devote, and timorous in doing any thing, otherwise then those that are their spiritual guides do move them unto: must be the chief factors for them a while: as those known to be potent in moving either to contemn or esteem whosoever they will have advanced or disgraced. 4 Having first got in a foot, and after the whole body by this piece-meal means into any court or country, then must there be a devise to get a residence for some principal man amongst them (who how unfit soever) yet shall he be commended for a sans peer without comparison: to remain in the Prince's court, or with some special man or woman of mark, who may give him best intelligence of all things that pass or are done there. And by this device there are few or no Kings Courts in Europe, or of Christendom this day, where some of their intelligents do not reside, of purpose to receive and give intelligence unto their General at Rome, of all the occurrents in these parts of the world: which they dispatch to and fro by such secret ciphers as are to themselves best, and commonly but only to them known. So as nothing is done in England, but it is known in Rome within a month after at least, and reply made back as occasion is offered. 5 Having thus established a Council almost in every Prince's Court, where the precedent or chief agent, or intelligent must always be a jesuit in re or in spe, and action to discover, propter bonum not Reipublicae, but rei privatae societatis without all scruple, to them the secrets of their Sovereigns, to their uttermost knowledge, though with the consequent overthrow of their own native Prince, country and all: as their prodigious, and more than heathenish practices in France, to have lifted the Spaniard into that throne and kingdom, to their perpetual shame and reproach (all Christendom ringing of those their unnatural treasons against their own natural Country) doth make it manifest: (to omit or refer over to another place, what and how spitefully, traitorously, and irreligiously they have dealt against England, and our Sovereign Lady and Queen.) Then followeth another shift for managing of their actions: which is, that if (as often it hath so happened) their treasons and treacheries be discovered, either by intercepting of their letters, and the mysteries therein (utcunque) made known, or apprehension of their messengers, or some of their inferior intelligents, than (to calumniate, deny and falsify all the actions and proceed of the Council and State very judicially, publicly, and apparently against them) they either pretend that the parties confessed such things by constraint of tortures, or that it was a plot of the State, to make all Catholics odious, whereas in deed they make us odious by this means to the State and all: as being all thought guilty of their conspiracies, because they know not how to put a distinction or difference in these tamperings amongst us. This calumniation must be seconded for a shift with a like unto it, which they call a lawful equivocation: and herein though there be no question to be made of it, but that in some sense it may be lawful: as for example: if a judge or other civil magistrate, appointed to sit in Commission upon a matter of fact, should examine in matter of law not pertaining to that purpose: or being of one and the self same kind in specie, yet no way pertinent to the knowledge or true information of the matter there to be examined: so as if the question be, (which is common) whether such a one being a Catholic have ever heard it preached or taught, that it was lawful for a subject to lay violent hands upon his Sovereign or not: and now the judge in examining this party, asketh him whether he know any Seminary priest, or were ever at Mass or confession, By the evil taught lesson of equivocation, one M. james Standish a jesuit priest abused his Holiness: when being a●ked whether the matter proponed by him, for setting up the new Hierarchy, was done by all the rest of the Priests consents in England or not: he answered (but very falsely, for sc●●ce one of the se●●●l●●: in England in respect of the wh●le number knew of it) that it was: reserving to himself (as since poor ignorant m●n not considering what he did to lie to his Holiness, he hath confessed) this part, viz. as I presuppose or presume, etc. Just like whereunto may be interpreted Card. caietan's letters for estabshing M. Blackwel Archpresbiter: who having by Parsons and Garnets' cozenage, got a long Catalogue of names out of England, exhibited to his Grace for election of M Blackwell, etc. his Lordship affirmed in the said letter, that it was by general consent of most Priests in England being abused indeed with names taken here for one purpose, and given up there for another: the parties altogether ignorant of what was intended, and the jesuits excusing the matter, upon the aforesaid equivocate presupposition, scil. that all would like of it. etc. or no. To this he were no way bound to answer, but might absolutely deny it, because it is as a thing impertinent to his place and office at that time, and maketh neither here nor there for coming to the knowledge of this article, scil. whether it be lawful to kill an anointed Queen or no. But now if the case be proposed, & the examination made of such articles as may either directly or indirectly boult out and make known the truth of the matter intended, & then of due right to be examined: then and therein equivocation is but a mere device of perjury, cogging and lying. As for example: what say you (saith the Magistrate) if the Pope come in with hostile hand to invade this Realm, thereby to set up the Catholics religion: whose part will you take, & c? and the Catholic answereth, I will take the Queen's part: meaning to himself, if the Pope will command me so to do: or for any thing further of my mind that you shall know. This I say is wicked cogging and unlawful, as being nothing else but a secret concealed treason. It being sure that invasion, hostile power and force of arms do denotate a population of the whole land, and no restoring (but per accidens only) of religion, or the Catholic faith at all. And therefore as every Catholic in England is bound in that respect to defend his Prince and country against all foreign invasion of King, Pope, or whosoever else shall come in with hostile hand, under what pretence soever, as hereafter shall be proved: so ought the party examined to answer absolutely without all doubling or concealed intents for that matter: it being a point directly tending to treason to her majesties person, and the Crown and State. Sixtly, upon this sly device of equivocation, whereby the jesuits hold it dogmatizando, that they may not only to our adversaries, but even also to any Catholic Magistrate, yea to the Pope himself, answer one way and mean another, so as impossible it is for any that is not a jesuit to know a jesuits heart: here-hence they have gotten or arrogated unto themselves an immunity of so ample privilege, as go where they list, neither Chancellor, Bishop nor Archbishop may meddle with them, when they do amiss: stat pro ratione voluntas: their own pleasure are their guides: and so strict a law imposed upon all others, where ever they live, as do they but only pretend a matter, they may not be called in question, nor once asked why they do it: so as their arrogancy is grown to that height now, as the whole Clergy (unless some few persons desirous to live quiet, & let all run on wheels) aswell secular as religious throughout Italy, France, and Spain, are brought almost to a non plus, not knowing what course to take to reform them. And as for the English seculars, presently upon the coming in of Fa. Campian and Fa. Parsons, they were but counted as their assistants, and that only in administering of sacraments: for Fa. Heywood durst presume to forbid preaching, etc. Seventhly, upon this intolerable pride, hypocrisy and immunity arrogated unto them; whereby no Prince or prelate living can escape their tongues, pens, yea nor fists (if it come to banding) until these mortificats have their wills, nothing being well done, nor any government well managed without their direction, as wanting discretion, zeal, learning or something, which these illuminates, made of a more excellent mould must perfect and reform in the gross headed seculars: there followeth then presently after it, another device plotted of purpose to make it seem meet to the ignorant multitude & afterwards to others (for note this, that popularity is the rover they aim at in all their proceed, the mobile vulgus being ever wavering and readiest to run upon every change) that all the whole Clergy both Ecclesiastical and Monastical throughout all nations should be subject to them. And to put this device in execution, England is made the main chance of Christendom this day. For effectuating whereof, having brought all things to that forwardness, as all the Colleges and Seminaries at Rome, Douai, Seville, Valledolid, and elsewhere beyond the seas, are under the jesuitical government (or rather usurpate tyranny,) the contention being about Father weston's supremacy (forsooth) over the rest of the reverend, ancient, and worthy Confessors the secular Priests in prison: and Fa. Garnets' sovereignty over the rest abroad, having already appointed a silly man for an Archpriest, as substitute under him, and he as Provincial here under Fa. Parsons, nostri fundi calamitas: there is now wanting nothing, but to bring this platform to perfection. But for the device itself in contriving this Luciferian aspire, it is this. They bear the people in hand, that the secular Priests, (besides their want of learning and zeal, which occasionated their immunity over them) are (forsooth) more subject to error, heresy & Apostasy, & more infirm, frail, weak, and readier to fall then they are, etc. What Princes will endure such person in their ●●ng●omes, as under pretence of religion, shall infect their subjects w●●h such hateful co●●e●ts so dangerous to their State: or who can be se●u●e of his stand if this popul●● doctrine take to ●e in rebellious subjects hearts, and what ●●n be expected thereby, but whe●e rebels can not have their w●●, presently to make h●mocke of the common wealth, and invest 〈◊〉 with the Crowns. 8 From this freedom of the jesuits, doth issue out a fresh, a fair seeming (but mischievously poisoned) fountain of zealing crystal streams, divided into two arms or rivals from the head: the one is called ordo ad Deum: the other, obedientia. By means of which two, there is nothing can go or be done amiss by any jesuite: for that always it is either in ordine ad Deum, (if an act of a superior:) or propter obedientiam, if done by a inferior. So as this seditious, odious, blasphemous and sacrilegious abuse of God's divine graces, virtues, and benefits bestowed, is a dogbolt in every bow, and shaft in every quiver, to draw out for the managing of any impious fact whatsoever. By this the popular multitude may depose their Princes, and choose others at their pleasure. By this no difference shall be put in their choice upon any right or title to Crowns or Kingdoms by birth or blood, or otherwise: then as the Fathers (forsooth) shall approve it. By this all things must be wrought and framed, conformable to opportunity of times and occasions: as verbi gratia. The people have a right and interest in them to do what they list in choice of a King: marry yet limited by reason of the times and occasions now offered to one of these two, scil. the King of Spain or the Lady Infanta. And then again the times and occasions changing after a Spaniard is settled in the Crown: it must be holden for a mistaking: yet such, as seeing it cannot be helped, the people must beware hereafter of ever attempting the like again. It is manifest to any that knows the jesuits course that although they pretend all their designments to be ordine ad Deum, as directed to the common good of the Church: yet their chiefest care is, how to advance & increase their own socie ie, hoping of likelihood by their number to bring one day some great matter to pass, after once they have firmly established their new Hierarchy, which being perimpleshed, who so then lives shall hear other news then ever yet were heard of, either of Antichrist 〈◊〉 some other ●onster. By this a check must be given to the publishers of such Paradoxes: after that a dispensation procured for restoring the offender, and then shall all be well ever after, etc. 9 Out of this directing and doing of all things in order ad Deum and for obedience sake, they frame a new devise, how to make themselves not only above seculars in authority, but also more mundane than any temporal worldling in practice. And this devise is grounded upon a principle amongst them called, uti scientia: that is, a rule prescribed unto them (if you please to know it) in plain English how to learn to shift and live by their wits. And therefore they, (as knowing better than any Cadger, Graser, Merchant, Farmer, Artisan, Broker or Usurer, where and how a commodity is to be raised, and to be disposed every way in ordine ad Deum) must command & rule all the rest in every Noble and Gentleman's house where they reside. In so much as no lease must be let, nor fine taken, nor piece of bread given, but by their advice. The tenant must please them or grease them, or else repent it: a part of the fine must be employed at their appointment: the Master or Mistress can scarcely rule or do any thing without their approbation: the children and servants are set in opposition against their parents and masters, if the least dislike be had of these Rabbis. Yea I tremble to write what they have not feared to work, and daily practise upon this sacrilegious and arrogant abuse of uti scientia: whereby they knowing (aswell by the servants, masters, & mistresses confessions, as also by the wives against their husbands, husbands against their wives, and the servants confessions against them both: all the secrets in the house, how they have abused that sacred seal (which neither by word, nor sign, nor by any other means, nor under what pretence soever may be opened to death) and all of purpose to tyrannize over poor souls, as getting thereby occasion to intrude themselves for disposing and managing of their worldly causes, I leave it to sundry reports & woeful experiences, whereof Mistress Wibur in Kent together with her husband can and will be witnesses another day against Father Cur. the jesuite, unless his repentance were great for it ere he died. 10 To help this forward, there must be another shift or device: & that is, at the coming into any Catholic country pretending by a charitable endeavour in them to teach young youth gratis: their principal drift is, to single out the finest wits, or (at least) fittest for their purpose, with whom they take extraordinary pains to work them in by kindness, and cunning allurements (if they be of good parentage) until they get them to promise, that they will be of their society, or somewhat to that purpose (which is sufficient to seize upon them, do their parents and friends what they can, unless they will incur a slander of inclination to heresy, or to some other impiety: for so they calumniate all that any way cross their designments or proceed: wherein if they find any unready or impossible to be won or drawn unto them, they shallbe loaden with detraction until their backs be broken. Of the woeful experience whereof, the English College at Rome hath left a mournful testimony to all posterity (all Europe talking of the jars there, by reason of the jesuits tyrannical government) none but such as will be wholly jesuited finding any favour, rest or quiet in that place. 11 Having by these devices mentioned in the premises brought all to that pass, Who so hath read Actiones Tullij Cic. in C. Verrem, of the means that proud Proconsul used in pilling, poulling and spoiling of cities: if they be conferred by, and with the jesuits, shall find that Verres was not more odious amongst the Romans, than the jesuits sleights, cousinages, frauds, thefts, and apparently unhonest, and shameful courses, are odious to all that know them. according to Machiavels' rule of divide & impera (which is as cunningly practised by the Rectors of the English Colleges every where, as in any place of the world (I verily think this day) they taking all upon them, as great men indeed, that were to be employed in matters of greater importance, than the seculars were ordained or appointed unto: (for to that effect is Fa. Campians letter out of England to their General) their drifts were deeper, than (to say the truth) the seculars ever dreamt of (for mysteries are difficult to be rightly understood, until the effects do interpret them) and therefore it was necessary to maintain what they had begun, with a magnificency agreeing to the majesty they carried: that great sums of money (where was no man-rents, nor other annual revenues) should be had to that intent and purpose. The drift and device to bring this to pass, was, that though their fair gloss & pretences of zeal, having blinded & bewitched both clergy and laity, so far as all gave way unto them, & suffered them even to do what they list: they being thoroughly instructed by their principle (uti scientia) in the first point of hawking, like Ma. Falconers of the game, knowing well how to cease on a pray, and then to hold fast: got by their cunning carriage with the people by little and little, so to carry all before them: as no alms was thought sufficiently meritorious, unless it were sanctified by a jesuits distribution. Who pretending they were but religious collectors for prisoners, and other distressed Catholics, have so fleeced their favourers, as over and above their own expenses (which is known to be so exceeding great, as one of them, having got 500 pounds at times, given to Priests & prisoners at Wishich, consumed all at his own pleasure, and spendeth more than would maintain 20. imprisoned secular Priests) they have been able of late to send over 2200. pounds towards the Low countries, as was pretended, the prisoners in Wishich being then in great want. I speak not here of Parry, first defrauding the prisoners of seven & fifty pounds, seventeen shillings: and after spending 27. pounds of the common money, by consent of his fellow jesuits. Yea their accounts to the prisoners have been so unjust, as the false steward mentioned in the Gospel, may be thought to give place to them. In few, they have dealt so unconscionably in these money matters, that whereas before Priests were honoured for their priestly function and labours agreeing to our saviour's definitive sentence: dignus est operarius mercede sua, and had many ghostly children depending upon them, as upon their spiritual fathers, shepherds and guides of their souls: they are now through the jesuits falsehood, calumniations, and untrue suggestions to their superiors, and to all estates brought into such high contempt, as their ghostly children forsaking them, none otherwise then if they were stepfathers, show their charity so coldly towards them, as many are in extreme want, & few or none but are scarce able to live. The mischief of these men is great, their impiety so extreme and all their actions so irreligious, that to recount from point to point, the stratagem, of all the mortal strifes and wicked contentions begun, made, and managed by them, every Quodlibet, nay every Article would make up a large Volume of more matter, than time will permit me to contrive within the compass of this work now taken in hand. But to be as brief as I may: by these eleven Principles or devices, you may see that in all tyrannical, Turkish, and Machivilean government, there is none goes beyond them any where. THE V ARTICLE. WHether any do equal the jesuits in wit, learning, and profoundness of knowledge, or no? THE ANSWER. THis Quodlibet may be answered as the former was: scil. that for crafty sly cozenage, and such points, rules, and principles of learning, profoundness and knowledge, as pertain to coney-catching and other Machivilean devices, there is none goeth beyond them. Marry for that such base qualities are not to be numbered amongst virtues or graces: either gratis datas, or gratos facientes: nor yet they habituated therewith to be accounted of amongst honest men, much less amongst generous hearts, and least of all amongst Priests. Therefore I conclude that the jesuits are sly, but nothing wise; they are crafty, but nothing learned: they are cunning, but not profound: they are practical but of no knowledge: and in all these gifts and excellencies of wit, learning, profoundness, and true knowledge, there are, of both the seculars and religious, that far surpass them every way. THE VI ARTICLE. whether then, if both secular and religious do surpass the jesuits in wisdom, learning, etc. do or have they or the jesuits written or set out more and more learned books: and if they have, then how is it, that the jesuits bear the bell away, and that we neither see of their works (here in England especially) neither of any either secular or religious to be of any fame, save the jesuits alone? It is a very mean occupation, and but course stuff that the jesuits can and will not make a commodity of one way or other. For who knowing what number of learned there are in the world of Dominicanes, Franciscans, Augustins Benedictines, Carthusians, etc. that I may omit sundry Cardinal's Bishops, Deans, Canons, and others, secular Priests, yea of our own nation: as Doctor Allane, Doctor Sanders, (though to much jesuited) Doctor Harding, Doctor Stapleton, Doctor Gifford, Doctor Parkinson, Doctor Ely, and a whole score twice told, now in esse of secular Priests, whom no English jesuit is able to hold tack withal, yet have these Machiavels' got such a general fame & report to fly abroad of them, as though there were not one of any talon in the world to be found unless he were a jesuit. THE ANSWER. I Answer: first, that where there is one learned man of the jesuits, there are a hundred either of seculars apart, or of religious apart. Secondly, where there is one learned book written by any jesuit, there are a couple of thousands written by others as learned (at least if not more) as they are. Thirdly, the cause why seculars (especially the Seminary Priests in England) do not write so many, nor almost any book at all, as the jesuits do & have done, is partly for want of money (without which no Press will go) the the seculars and jesuits living apart in extremes: the former pining in defects, and therefore can set out nothing: the other surfeiting in excess, and therefore may set out what they please: partly also, for that the seculars have been ever against writing of any such books, as might exasperate the present State, or occasionate a displeasure against all, for some such private persons offences, which the jesuits quite contrary least regarded. Nay, what books have they written almost, but such as are farced with rebellious conspiracies and treasons, justly occasionating a general persecution upon us all thereby? Only one Fa. Parsons hath written sundry books (for I account not of Fa. Southwell, as whereof to make any ostentation of learning) and all those of one practice or other in exasperating either against her Majesty directly, as his Philopator, or against the whole State in general, as his Doleman: or against all the blood royal in common, as his Appendix: or against the whole commonwealth, as his Machiavelli of oeconomickes, or book of Spanish Counsels against England, or against this or that Peer of this land in particular, as his Greenecoate or Scribe. And as for his book of Resolution which gets him all the praise, he hath or can deserve, yet alack, alack, it is easy to lay fine threads together, when they are gathered to a man's hand: and as easy to translate a work almost verbatim out of piecemeal copies into his mother language. Fourthly, the seculars until now of late had no means from beyond the seas for printing of any book: & in England they durst not venture (for offending the State) without leave: whereas the jesuits have always had means both here and there, for what is it that money cannot compass? Fiftly, the jesuits have learned herein one special trick of Machiavelli, which also was thoroughly practised of Erasmus in his days: and that was to be at composition with certain Nobles and great personages in Princes Courts to spread abroad his books, with this proviso, that they should report of every thing he wrote to be rare, learned and eloquent, and himself the most famous man of Europe for his pen in those days: for pregnancy of wit, dexterity of invention, facility of passage, pleasing accents, delightful, with a natural facility in all things: and then would he again in recompense of this grace and favour, to requite their honourable esteem had, and caused generally to be had of him: set them forth on the other side by dedicating of his books either unto them, or taking some special occasion to write of them or their progenitors, sound forth the Panigeries of their praises, extolling them above the skies, for their Nobleness, their heroical hearts, martial prowess, valiant acts, worthy feats, warlike exploits, honourable calling of parentage, by birth, blood, and high renown highly descended. And fame always following the reports of Echoes, such Nobles and Gentles, for nature's portraiture in the lineaments of their body, fine conveyance of their actions, not coined by art, but naturally passing from them, as a forgetful custom by instinct of proper kind: comely gesture, with countenance haughty, stern and championlike, yet dropped with spots of beauty, bounty, and magnanimity, intercepted with graces of mildness, courtesy and affability: at a word courtly, regardful, pleasing & acceptable in all things: being the right compliants of times, comperters of sages, and the full compliments of all admirable aspects, as the mirrors of virtue and all lively graces. Both by these means should be famous and respected, inquired of, talked of, peerless. And all this that I have said concerning the policy of Erasmus, you may please to decipher out in the jesuits with supererogation of an overheaped up measure. For let the person be never such a dolt, dunce, or dotrel, or his actions never so base, ignominious & dishonest or ridiculous: or his words or writings never so simple, gross and exorbitant, or impertinent to the purpose: yet being a jesuit, oh! he is a rare man; another Sallust, Cicero, or Demosthenes for eloquence, as was Father Southwell, but yet came short of them: an other Chrysostome in preaching, as Father Ned Coffin (alas poor silly man, sent. loquitur, etc.) another equal, nay far above that worthy pillar of the Church Saint Augustine, the Doctor Angelical S. Thomas Aquinas, the most subtle disputer Doctor Scotus, as is that top of wit Fa. Parsons; not worthy to hold the candle before the meanest of any of all these, or sundry other far their inferiors. But what should we say? fame flies far: & if the jesuits wanted this trick of coggery to make them seem famous, nay matchless, nay peerless in setting out of books, and doing of other like exercises pertaining to learning, government and knowledge, I would say they had no scholarism worth a blue button amongst them, nor were they fit to foot the instep in Machiavels' schools. Sixtly, another cause there is why the jesuits works and books are here in England so common, frequent and much talked of, and almost none other named, or at least accounted of at all. And that is forsooth an authority they have gotten to their Archpriest now, to stop all others from writing of any thing, be it good or bad, without his approbation or allowance: which he will never yield unto, but with disgraces to the Author, as experience hath tried it true. And beside before this authority came, the jesuits as high Admirals or Emperors of sea and land, dealt so cunningly (few or none ever imagining such an ostentative sleight and vainglorious device) as was, to have their own doings only praised, to lie close couched and packed up at every mart) therein as few or no books came ever from beyond the seas, but of some jesuits setting forth: or if they did, yet did not the discharge of that piece in striking sail, give so sound report thereof as of theirs: and so still it seemed there was no learning nor scholars, nor yet any one wise man, no nor sound Catholic or good Christian in the world, unless he were either a jesevit, in re or in spe, or a broker for them. THE VII. ARTICLE. whether any other profession or religious order have done like good for instructing of youth, or converting of countries to God's Church, or reformation of life and manners of such as live in the Church, as the jesuits have, or not? THE ANSWER. LIke as I told you before, the jesuits intrude themselves into both secular, religious and temporal Prince's affairs: and must every one of them be Rector chori & Dominus fac totum, and an absolute superlative in all things, or else all is nought: So herein they challenge a prerogative royal to themselves alone, so far beyond all measure of copartnership with any other, as they have been bold to affirm, that religion had utterly quailed, if they had not been: yea the Catholic Church in eminent danger, to have been quite extinct and overthrown. In so much, as they have not feared to affirm, that the Pope erred de facto in the reconciliation of the French King: which great, no less impudence and insolency, than arrogancy and impiety in them, as it may be put amongst others of their malapert errors, and usurpate censures: so know they to their own perdition, shame and confusion, that the Church of God hath no need of them. But let them all (as I pray God for their wretched soul's sakes, that too many of them do not) prove rank heretics: yet for the Catholic saith and Church of God, neither they, neither portae inferi prevalebunt adversus eam: and that he qui potens est ex lapidibus suscitare filios Abrahae, can raise up better, more learned, prudent and perfecter and purer, than any pure illuminate amongst them: out of the very ashes and dust of seculars, or other religious bodies, when they are all dead and gone to the place prepared for them. And therefore in answer to the Article I say. First, that as it hath always been seen hitherto in God's Church, at the rising of any new and extraordinary sect or opinion in religion, that God hath stirred up some certain person or order of religion, to be a curb to that new sect or heresy, as is clear by S. Benedict, by S. Dominicke, by S. Augustine, by S. Thomas Aquinas, and sundry others, and yet not these such as without whom the Catholic faith had been extinct, or the Church of God overthrown. So re●rend a regard was always had of both secular and religious persons as no Noble or other Peer of highest honour in this land, but would have had their children: yea, their heirs brought up in Bishop's palaces, or Abbot's monasteries, under those spiritual guides, before ever any jesuit came within ken of human knowledge. Yea some Bishops in England are recorded to have had 7. or 8. Earls with other Noble men's sons attending upon them at one time: not that any Bishop did expect service at their hands, but that it was thought fit to train them up these in their youth, etc. So no question of it, but the jesuits at the first institution of their society did much good in these dangerous times of heresies, sects and innovations, wherewith the Christian world was and is yet entangled, more is the pity: but yet being far inferior to the above named religious orders: as the church of God could then have been without them, so now much more without these; & yet done aswell, & perhaps better as now the case stands, than she hath done by their helps & means. Secondly, for their instruction of youth, etc. I have told you enough before: it is but a double diligence like to a bears love to his whelps to pray for his own paunch. And yet take it in best sense, there have been, are, & will be, youths brought up better then they do both by secular & religious teachers, when they shall be far to seek. Mary that it is so now for the present it proceeds of one of their former tricks of gaining credit & fame, as by alluring sweet natured youths unto them: & withal in stopping by disgracing speeches & other means, that none whom they can hinder, shallbe governed, taught, or instructed by any but themselves. Yea, was not this one special cause of foisting in the jesuits readers into the Roman College and other places? was not this one special cause to hinder the Benedictines religious intent & charitable designments: when they offered to have brought up and maintained 30. English youths from time to time, to prepare them for their native country. Which these Momists, Zoilists, Aristerkists, and envious jesuits could not endure to hear of? was not this the cause of their Archpriests late command that no youth should go over to any College without his approbation & testimony given of him to the fathers? Yea and withal, hath not this been the cause that many fine young Gentlemen have lost their wits, & have been made uncapable of all government either in the Church or commonwealth ever after? Let one William Tempest as fine a youth, & one who had as many signs of a generous heart and gentle blood in him, as any that ever went out of England in this age, be a heavy spectacle (as it cannot choose but be so to all his friends) for all others to look upon: when they are moved to send their children to be brought up under jesuits. Thirdly, concerning their pains taken in conversion of countries, I pray you what nation is there that is wholly converted by their only means? They entered Polony, and straight there followed upon it a rebellion against their Sovereign, & in conclusion the Danskers would not admit him to be their King, unless he would cast off that seditious society, that had raised such mutinies against the Clergy. They pierced India, thrust out the Dominicans, Augustinians & other poor religious Friars, & in fine made the Spaniards become odious to that strange people & nation. They ruled the roast over all in France. And whereunto tended all their seeming religious endeavour but treason to the king, rebellion in his subjects, & population, ruin, & destruction of their native country & commonwealth? They came here into England, and no sooner had they set foot on shore, but presently their hearts were inflamed with flashes of conspiracies, how to top the highest place. They have residence in Spain, and how mightily have they laboured to wring the bucklers out of the Dominicans hands, for possessing the chair to teach at Salamanca. And with the like busy turbulent & seditious heads is Germany, Bohemia, Sicily, Italy and Rome itself molested, pestered, and disquieted. Therefore as they have neither converted any country directly, and by their own only labours, but perverted many a devout soul by sinister dealings: so neither have they done half that good in any place wheresoevet they yet came, as sundry both secular & religious Priests have: and lest of all merited any thing at England's hands, unless it be the guerdon of traitors for their conspiracies, against both Prince, State and Peer. And a happy thing it had been to this land, and especially to all Catholics, if never any of them had been borne. THE VIII. ARTICLE. whether any other order of religion be so mightily impugned of all professions as their society is, or no? THE ANSWER. I Think none at all at this present. What mischief falsehood, heresy, or other impiety, but hath been bolstered o●● with authority of Scripture, and examples to confirm 〈◊〉 with all: which being turned back upon the wicked, sets them rightly forth in their proper colours. Yet notwithstanding non quia res agatur apud Graecoes, impetrabunt Demosthenem. Let them not think that all goeth wholly on their sides, because they are repugned on all sides (as they vainly make their vaunt of) nor think their cause to be any whit the better because Catholics aswell (say they) as heretics do speak and write against them. No no, let father Parsons recall his vain vaunt and ostentation made in his Ward-word to Sir Francis Hastings Watchword. Let him cease from comparing himself with his and our Lord and master Christ: for his comparison is odious: if it had been but in that sense he there sets it down in, with a mere mortal man of Christ his rare endowments abstracted from his deity. Let him return upon his own turbulent, seditious, & irreligious head and heart, all his allegations and examples out of Saint Paul's Epistes, and other places falsely applied by him to the secular Priests and Catholic laity, that are in opposition against the jesuits. For if he esteem every Catholic to be a Diotriphe, that is against him, utterly dislike of his course, and condemn in his best thoughts, many of his assertions, as heresies, or at least most gross and impudent errors: he must esteem so not only of the secular Priests in England with the whole Clergy here, The jesuits reproachful speeches against all Catholics in general, built upon these 2. erroneous principles, scil. one that it is a testimony of their sanctity, holiness, rightful cause, etc. because they are persecucuted of all men most: the other that it shows all those to be inclined to heresy, that speak or write against them, because all heretics do so. These 2. proud Luciferian assertions in arrogating a pre-eminence of all excellency to themselves, with contempt of all opposites unto them, declare a most dangerous downfall of them all, into some horrible blasphemous heresy, it being (morally) impossible: otherwise but that, what peculiar order, society, corporation of company, soever should follow singularly in opposition and controlment of all other orders, fellowship, yea and the whole state of God's Church, as the jesuits do, (affirming all to be amiss, erroneous, and out of order, but where they are and go●●●n●) must consequently become heretics, the very proporsion of arrogating all unto themselves in this sort, necessitating these sequels following, scil. ergo the truth is only with them, ergo the Church only theirs, and where they are, ergo no truth nor Church without them, ergo all the secular Priests are schismatics and heretics, ergo no Catholic amongst them: ergo no faith, no religion, no Church, no Pope: but a jesuit, an indubitate pillar of truth in all things. but the Sorbonists in France with the whole Clergy there, yea, and throughout Christendom: all for the most part disliking of them: the Dominicans in Spain with all religious orders there: the Franciscans in Italy with all friars observants there: the Benedictines in Sicily and Naples, with all the religious Monks there. In few, name me that nation, people, profession or order (that I may omit here to recite the temporal state, or to name King, Prince, or other Noble) in Christendom, that is not a jesuit in affection or faction, but mightily dislikes of them, but doth impugn them, but wisheth either their amendment, or speedy downfall ere they bring all to ruin and destruction with them. Therefore never let them boast of this, that it is a testimony of their virtue: of their holiness: of their religious zeal: of their painful endeavours, and of twenty odd cogging tricks they have to bewitch the people with all, in making themselves famous, their quarrel good, and their cause just against the secular Priests. For if the Zwinglians rising up in arms in Germany (though they had many more thousands to take their part against the Lutherans, than I hope the jesuits shall ever have against the secular Priests) could not thereby justify themselves, or persuade any but their own faction, that they had right on their side: because not only all the Catholics in Christendom spoke and wrote against them, but also all the Protestants and others that were departed from the Catholic Roman Church aswell as they, if the Mahometans in Turkey howsoever they flatter themselves, cannot make others believe that they have the right, because they are not only impugned of all Christians throughout the world, but also, and most bitterly by the Persian Mahumetane and diverse others: so deadly a contention being amongst them about the body of Mahumet, and rightful heirs of Ella, as in the open streets they have fallen together by the ears, and murdered one another in the strife and contention about that matter: One saying this was the heir of Ella, and another this. And yet who is ignorant of it, that they are more Mahometans then Catholics: and then à fortiori, many more than there are jesuits. If finally it were no argument worthy the answering, that because during the time of the Arrians, the Donatists, the Sabellianists, the Manichees, the Novatians, or other arch-heretics (there rising up some fine fingered figge-boyes in the Church that would teach a new trick, which neither the catholics whom they seemed and did to outward show in all things side with all: neither yet those heretics gone before out of the Church, could either allow or like of:) that therefore the same new masters should think all men would be bewitched by them. Or if in case they could win more unto them, then either the former Catholics or other sectaries could (as ordinarily it hath fallen out so cum sit natura hominum novitatis avida) that therefore that was an argument, of the truth to be in all things on their side. But rather quite contrary that they coming in with new innovations, did directly prepare the way to some new heresy, as the experience of all ages doth make apparent. Then let the jesuits take up in time and vaunt (if vaunt they will) of some thing else more to their credit, and driving of suspicion, jealousy and irremoveable conceit to be had of some monstrous heresy to be in brewing amongst them: the common saying being not more old than true, that that which one or two reports may well be false: but that which all men say must needs be true. And if either by our adversaries alone this speech, and slander (as the jesuits term it, but yet a slander of truth) had risen upon these seditious and factious persons: or else that the secular Priests and some Catholics in Enngland their favourits had raised it: or France only been the Heralds of that blazon against them: or any one peculiar order of religion: as Dominicans, Benedictines, etc. had only impugned them: it might have carried some sense to have been but spoken of malice, private grudge or revengeful mind at the first, & so blown abroad by misinformation, detraction and slander, augmented (like Scoggins wives crow, from one to twenty.) But now when Popes, Cardinals, Bishops and secular Priests: when Kings, Princes, Lords, Ladies and Nobles: when Gentles, Franklins, Farmers and artificers: when Generals, Provincials, Priors, Monks, Nuns, and Friars; when Catholics, Schismatics, Protestants, Puritans, and all other professions, sects and opinions holden by any, are controlled by them, and do impugn, dislike, and cry out of them, and every one of them upon a several ground, independent upon any relation made from one to another to build upon: that then and in that case all should be false that is reported of them: that therefore all their doings are justifiable: their quarrel good, and their cause right, because impugned on all sides: that this should be any testimony of error, heresy, Apostasy, or Atheism for any Catholic to dislike of them, or write against them: because an Apostata Bell did so, or because such & such heretics that are fallen out of their society (& God's Church withal) have done so: or for that the Protestants and present state in England do generally hate them: that hereupon they should infer by necessary sequel, scil. because such and such schismatics and heretics, etc. writ against us, ergo all secular Priests or other Catholics that do so, are schismatics and heretics. This I say is so gross a consequent, as if it were true they might by induction infer and prove it, that the Pope, Cardinals, Bishops, Prelates, and all the whole Clergy were schismatics and heretics save only such as sided with the jesuits: and then upon that infer again that the Church were no where but amongst the jesuits to be found: Et sic, uno absurdo dato plura sequuntur. No heresy ever yet was, but it began upon these very principles or the like grounds: whereof, and for to give you more light in this matter read Vinc. Lirinensis: and then tell me what you think these jesuitical assertions are like to come unto. THE IX. ARTICLE. WHether any order or profession have greater, better, or more signs of assurances that God fights for them, than the jesuits have, or no? THE ANSWER. THey are so far from all signs or tokens that God fighteth for them, that on the contrary, they have all the marks and impressions of his heavy wrath, and a hideous destruction to fall upon them, hanging eminent over their heads. For who that is a sound Catholic, but knows that these propositions, are manifest signs of reprobation to those that presumptuously build upon them as the jesuits do. scil. First, I am not like to other men. i. so gross a sinner. Secondly, I am of a society that cannot do amiss. i. neither err in faith, nor manners, nor government. Thirdly, I am in a state of perfection that cannot be bettered on earth. i perfect in all things. Fourthly, I am more near & familiar with God than any other. i. illuminated with his divine presence. Fiftly, I am most certain and fully assured that I do nothing but in ordine ad Deum. i predestinate and cannot be damned. Sixtly, I am most certain that all that fight against me, fight against Christ. i. fully assured that God fights for me. Seventhly, I am out of doubt that all those that die in and of our society, receive a plenary indulgence, or else a general pardon of all their sins, ergo a jesuite cannot be damned, etc. A thousand such like positions the jesuits have, which now I cannot stand upon, but leave them as they are a most dangerous company, for any man or woman that hath care of their own soul to match or deal withal. And sure if the Scriptures had not said, that the devil can transform himself into an Anof light, I should hardly have thought it possible for any ever to have been deceived, as (I said) many are by the jesuits plausible doctrine: carrying poison in their tongues unseen, and infecting all unknown, that gaze and admire at them. Sed haec est potestas tenebrarum. THE X. ARTICLE. whether then (the premises considered in these nine precedent Articles) the jesuitical labour to enrich themselves, be according to their rules of good life, to do all things gratis. And if it be, whether their devices to that end be lawful, and especially their manner of giving the exercise both to men and women, & what their intent and meaning is, or can be judged to be therein? THE ANSWER. HEre a true compassionate heart might take the Prophet's words out of his mouth, on our dear countrymen and women's behalf (the never enough to be bewailed Catholics of this age) and say, quis dabit captii meo aquam aut oculis meis fontem lachrymarum, to deplore day & night the Church Catholics present calamities. My heart doth bleed to think what here I must write of, for an upshot to these Quodlibets of same and report, by ruminating with myself, how infamous the jesuits will remain to all posterity that shall read or hear of what (for discharge of mine own conscience, for the ease of many a languishing heart, and for a caveat to all men and women, If great S. Gregory being a stranger to our nation, did be wail the wretched state wherein he saw our ancestors, & forefathers live in time of paganitine, in so much as he could take no rest until first by voluntary intrusion and offer of himself to the hazard, and after being prevented of his zealous intent, urging of S. Augustine to give the attempt for conversion of this land, not by the sword or hostile invasion, but by offernig of sacrifice, by preaching & teaching by going a procession, in singing the Litany, & by continual prayer, never giving it over until he had won all those sweet souls unto Christ: of whom he was wont to say O what a grief it is to see such angelic looks, to have so loathsome foul spirits within them, and if Saint Ambrose in hearing of confessions, would of en burst out into such vollees of sighs, and floods of tears, as would have moved a heart of flint to repentance: then wonder not if any Catholic Priest that hath any heart at all, cannot but be moved with pity, and pricked with pangs of inconsolable griefs, to see that state wherein Catholic souls now stand by these mischievous men's sedition, incensing them against secular Priests, and on the other side to remember the happy, joyful and comfortable life, all Catholics did lead before the jesuits came into this land. to beware of all hypocrites for a jesuits sake hereafter) I must deliver perforce. That meditation hath ever been in use as a mental prayer in the Catholic Church since God was borne: it is manifest by the practice of the Princely Prophet, who living above 1000 years before that time: said then & in meditatione mea exardescit ignis. Many most sweet, comfortable, and devout exercises, works of Christian renunciation (and other instructions, yea and those such as our jesuits works could never yet countervail for that matter) have been given and set out by sundry reverend fathers, and far more spiritual men than these medley, mundane, religious jesuits are: as both their life, the fruits of their labours, and the books, & other memories of their works left behind them witness it: and among others the Soliquium of S. Augustius, together with his, S. Bernard's and S. Anselmes' meditations, etc. also Lanspargine his Pharetra divini amoris: together with the Epistle of jesus Christ to the devout soul, now in English translated out of him: and furthermore Blosius, Gerson, Granado, with many more do convince it as undoubtedly true. Again never was there more flexible, sweet, and mild natures than are in England at this day of both sexes to work upon, nor more forward, religious, and better inclinations to a virtuous life, a speedy resolve, a voluntary willing, and comfortable yield: and an aptness or disposition in nature, as a man might say, framed of so delicate, tender & fine a mould, to obey readily to all such things as shall be put into their heads or hearts, for their spiritual weal, and helping of their poor souls forwards to a heavenly course of life under an earthly shroud, them this age doth yield. Of this none can be ignorant that have had the charge of souls: many with tears of cordial griefs for their own offences, renewed of a filial love, hearing the confessions of penitent hearts have often remembered it. That there was never any doubt or question made whether a Priest might receive any sum of money less or more according to the devotion of the giver, and that either to be left free to dispose of it as he list to others: or to retain all to himself, especially in time of persecution, when no patrimony nor benefice, nor other alms or means to live is to be looked for, it is clear by Saint Paul's words, speaking in the person of all Priests: saying to the laity (whom the insinuates to be bound in justice and charity so to do) scil. if we give you spiritual things, it is but a small matter for you to bestow part of your temporals and superfluities of fortune upon us again, as also oracled from those divine lips that spoke it in sadness: that spoke it in charge: that spoke it in rigour of justice, dignus est operarius mercede sua: as much to say, as they sin grievously, that withhold from Priests their necessary relief: the withholding of workman's pay or labourers wages, being one of the sins that cry for vengeance to heaven, and most of all when it is denied to Christ his Priests, which is to deny it to Christ himself in the highest degree, because Christ's part is a Priest's inheritance, Deus pars hereditatis meae & calicis mei, etc. That it is lawful, and a meritorious work for a man or woman, to give all he or she hath from them for the love of Christ (not that any is bound at all times so to do of precept, but wished of counsel for avoiding the occasion of unlawful delight taken in transitory things) it appeareth plain by our saviours own words in the Gospel to the rich young man, saying: If thou wilt be perfect, vade & vend omnia quae habes & da pauperibus & veni & sequere me, etc. Which Saint Hierome expounding, saith it is not enough to forsake the world and to leave all, etc. for so did Socrates, Plato, and sundry other of the Heathen Philosophers, yea, many heretics have done the like. Sed iungit (saith he) quae perfectum est scil. & veni, etc. as much to say, as that once done, then come and follow me: casting off not only the actual possession of worldly riches, together with the contentment & pleasure taken therein: but even also the vain glory taken in forsaking of them, & doing it only for the love of me, following my example and intent of so doing it, that you may vacare & videre quam suavis sit Dominus. Hoc enim proprium est Apostolorum atque credentium, etc. And this do all the ancient revenues, lands and livelihoods given to the Church in times past attest and confirm. Not a Bishopric, Deanery, Abbacy, Monastery, nor other College or Cloister, endued with possessions appropriated to their houses: but witness the great devotion of our forefathers, of Kings, Princes, Nobles and Gentles of both sexes in this holy I'll, worthily called Anglia chara Deo gens, and our Lady's dower for these respects and others the like. No nation under the cope of heaven more liberal to God's Church, more regardful of his servants and Priests, more ready with alacrity of mind to set forth the Church's glory in honour of her sweet spouse, nor more tender, scrupulous and chary of their conscience and soul's health, than English hearts have been, and (to God's glory be it spoken) many are yet to this hour. Two things have been generally noted in an English nature (that is not of a base and bastardly brood, as father Parsons is: who together with other jesuitical weeds degenerate from a native country gentle incline:) one is; an earnest desire of setting forth God's glory with an extraordinary pomp and majesty, which hath been noted in other nations, that wheresoever the English Cardinals or other Bishops came, When the prophet in the person of Christ despised the jews gifts & sacrifices, as moved with anger that they should seem to offer him meager, lame, blind, and the basest of their cattle and other things unto him, Doctor● do expound it as a figure of his priests and offerings and tithes in the new law, scil. that they should offer him the best of all their fruits, & that his priests should be of the best wits, education, comeliness and disposition of nature, & not of the worst sort, as many put their children, that are fit for nothing else to enter into the state ecclesiastical. they kept a Princely port in comparison of their equals in other countries, few or none being able to maintain the like courtly train: another, in that they were always loving, faithful and serviceable to God & their Prince, as naturally inclined to loyalty, duty & thankfulness in all things. Both which prerogatives of generous English hearts are now (ah hay me, alas for woe) abolished, obliterated, and stained with seditious factions, and unnatural dispositions, sprung out of oleastriall graffs amongst us. In few, that it is lawful, commendable, yea & expedient for priests to strain themselves how to win all hearts unto them: and therefore behoveth it them to be wise, discreet, virtuous, learned, religious, of special good government, knowing when to check & when to cherish again, & above all not to be either in parsonage or inclination of a hard, harsh, bitter, galling, sour, surly, & melancholy nature or disposition; but comely, grave, modest, affable, compassionate, humble, charitable, pitiful, & of a tender fortitude & comfortable magnanimity towards all sorts of people: it is to be proved (as apparently is to be seen) out of sundry places of holy Scripture with the approbation of the Churches, canons, constitutions and decres, for such as are to be admitted into holy orders: as that they should not have any notable defect either in nature or nurture, or other mischance in them: as not to be lame downright, nor wanting one leg or hand, or both, or blind of both, or only the left eye, or with more principal members than nature alloweth of, & sundry other notorious deformities which cannot be helped: also if he be, or have been a bloodsucker, a hangman, a butcher, a bastard, etc. All these things with many the like do irregulate the party that hath them, & makes him incapable of priesthood; yea some of them cannot be dispensed withal. Also if he have a foul leprosy, continual shaking or dead palsy in his hands, ordinary falling sickness, or publicly known to be a notorious drunkard, whorehunter, cousiner, usurer, etc. None of all which or the like are to be admitted into holy orders, much less to God's altar in the highest degree. These things being all evident, plain, & of none denied, notwithstanding all these immunities, privileges, prerogatives, graces, blessings & benefits bestowed on man in general, & committed to his priests in special to distribute them amongst the rest of his servants, his flock committed to their charge: that yet some should so perniciously abuse, pervert & turn all to a contrary sense in practice to that which they publicly preach, and seem at the first also in private to insinuate, & neither allow nor avow it to be otherwise: that so many sweet natures should be so bitterly abused as under pretence of persuading them to give all they have from them to follow Christ, that they should entice them, nay bind them to believe they may not in conscience follow any but them, nor be directed by any other, nor receive the exercise at any one's hands beside, nor enter into any other order of religion but theirs alone: that those sums of money either bestowed of devotion in Pios usus in general, or admit they were (as they are not) bestowed upon this or that particular private person only, All posterity so long as man is man, when jesuits and seminary priest● shall both be banished and gone, will talk of the jesuits tyranny used in England under Queen Elizabeth, against Catholics and secular Priests. The like bloody, cruel, monstrous, & ●●●●cilesse stratagems, having ne●e● been heard of in any age past, nor I think ever like to happen hereafter, unless at the coming of Antichrist if unhappily these do not bring him forth amongst them, or make the way plain for him to enter.) Only herein may rest the comfort of an English heart, that being assaulted on all sides (as the secular Priests with other Cath. of the laity that follow them are) in this dangerous innovation if they hold out against them, and stand stiff on the behalf of the Cath. Church & clergy in general, without yielding to this private jesuitical faction in special, upon any false suggestion that the Christian faith and truth is on their side: them certainly it cannot choose but that Antichrist shall have hard entrance among them. For though we must needs think that he will pass all other for seducing of souls, because our Saviour said so: in so much as it shall be hard for the elect to be saved, his baits will be laid so cunningly: yet to speak morally, it seemeth impossible for Antichrist to invent a more sleighty, plausible and colourable device nor with greater art or more cunning tricks bring it about to make him be credited, than the jesuits have invented and put in practice, etc. and in special of pure love and mere good will and affection, without all covin, deceit, or other sinister means of the doners used, for enticing of the donees so to bestow it, should or may lawfully be turned as in pium usum, of the parties own purse to spend at his pleasure, or be employed only in bonum privatum huius vel alterius societatis, when bonum publicum & common doth exact it before God at his hands, when clamant familici (saith S. Bernard) the children of our common holy mother the Church cry out for food, languish in necessity, & perish for want of relief (the direct case of English Catholics, yea of secular Priests) and the false stewards appointed (nay in this English case tyrannically intruding themselves) to be their Collectors, like cruel murderers keeping from them all natural sustenance, yea cutting off all helps and means of providing for them: O heathen princes & pagan judges, void of all knowledge of Christian laws, come sit in judgement upon these bloody hearted jesuits, that thus pervert all, both Gods and man's laws, and run against the course of nature and of kind, give sentence against them, let their names be in everlasting detestation. Priests and lay persons lie in prison, they live in extreme want both in durance & abroad, whiles the common benevolence sent from benefactors is seized upon into the jesuits private purses. It is allowable and justifiable in and by all laws that the needy may take by secret stealth or open violence to sustain his present wants in extremity & eminent danger of death by famine or otherwise, for hunger breaks through strongest walls: the Priests and Pastors of God's Church are bound in such cases of extremity, to break and sell the chalices and other most precious ornaments of the church, for relief of the church's children, be they the meanest or poorest beggars that are, rather than to see them famish for want of food. The cruelest tyrants that ever were, even amongst Heathen & Gentiles, seldom or never inflicted so cruel a death, as to suffer any over whom they tyrannised to famish ●●r want of food. The laws of nature & nations, have always so provided, that captives and prisoners though never so vile and wretched persons or malefactors should have relief: and never was it heard of to my remembrance, that any judge denounced by definitive sentence from the tribunal seat: that the malefactor (for what crime soever condemned) should be famished to death, unless it were so that the condemned person had been the death by cruelty used to some other in that manner of murder, for that then and therein it is Lex talionis, ut in quo quis peccavit in eodem punietur. Now than that this never practised nor ordinarily heard of the like cruelty, amongst heathen and infidels, should be in use amongst the Christians, nay amongst Catholics, nay amongst Priests, nay amongst religious persons, and that against their own dear brethren, countrymen and friends, that suffer for the same cause which they pretend to suffer for, that this should be maintained as lawful by any jesuit, who takes upon him to be an illuminate, an inculpable guider of souls, & a man come to the highest step of the scale or ladder of perfection: that all laws should bind men to give of their own proper goods and treasures, for relief of captives and the poor and needy, and that these men notwithstanding should withhold not their own (which were more tolerable) but other devout and charitable persons both men and women's devotions and benevolence: and that not from ordinary captives, or other poor afflicted for Christ his sake: but for such as are (not without cause of jealousy had of them all) for the jesuits cursed conspiracies & treacherous attempts, persecuted, imprisoned & put to death, The very Cannibals and Anthropophagies shall rise up at the last day, and condemn this barbarous and savage generation of Belials brood for this crime. And whereas the grace of God derived to his Church by the sacred priesthood ought to be bestowed gratis, as is said: Gratis accepistis gratis date: the jesuits have devised a false kind of exercise, whereby to fleece charitable people, and so enrich themselves, therein imitating Simon Magus, in selling Gods blessings: nay in that, their precise course is far more execrable than his was. For Simon Magus dealt plainly (though villainously and most blasphemously) in offering to buy the holy Ghost and gifts of God for money. But these (o what shall I term them) deal cousiningly, in making people believe, that the exercises or other graces which they bestow in God's behalf are more precious and singular in themselves, then if given by any other either secular or religious Priest that is not jesuited, The persecution of the jesuits is so extreme, in depriving of prisoners, yea and all others abroad so much as they can possibly, of all relief: that unless her Majesty and honourable Council either clearly dismiss her tried (most loyal subjects) with a gracious connivence at their secret use of their function, no way seeking to offend any one, or else extend her magnifical beneficence in maintaining them as condemned to her highness prisons, they are not possibly long to continue, hold out, or live. and so draw them on by little and little to make it seem a matter in conscience to give any thing from them, nay not to give all a man or woman hath or can possibly make for them, in recompense of these so great and extraordinary gifts & graces bestowed upon them. As though the least gift of God or drop of grace given in and by any sacrament ministered by any though the meanest priest, be able to be countervailed with all the wealth in the world: which foul abuse is nothing else but a mere mental Simony, usury, sacrilege and most impious hypocrisy. That this shameful theft should not only pass unpunished, in measure according to the quality, condition and state of the person, who taking upon him a religious profession, it aggravates (at least if it do not alter and change) the sin to be more heinous in him, then in any other, by many degrees of impiety. But withal, that the people should be set on to avow it, as most just & convenient to be so, scil. that no relief should be sent to any opposite to a cursed pharisaical jesuits designments, yea and that the jesuits themselves should glory in it & make their vaunt of it, scil. that they will make all the secular priests leap at a crust ere it be long (for so said that good holy father john Gerrard of late to the Lady Markham in Nottingham shire, who told it shortly after to Master Atkinson, etc. and that they will drive the Seculars perforce to yield unto them for mere poverty & want: The pillages of the jesuits both in England and Scotland, being so much the more odious, by how much as spiritual robberies, yea and that committed by religious seeming persons, pass all temporal pilfer, there are three in chief, which are generally to be noted. First, a report of faculties gotten to abstract from what parsonage or vicarige they list, all spiritualities (for preventing forsooth of simony) thereby to make them merely temporal and saleable: and then being sold at the highest rates upon pretence of dividing the money betwixt S. Peter and poor prisoners: one good father or other comes with Dominus opus habet, and makes always the best part of it their own clear gains. Secondly, alike to this is their order set down for restitution: as verbi gratia an usurer or extraordinary gaine-maker by buying or selling, or by anticipation or dilation of payment: or a Lawyer taking more of Clients than his ordinary fees: or a procurer of any evil cause: also a landlord, Sheriff, or other officer or person, whosoever that gets any thing falsely or indirectly, for which a restitution (as indeed there ought) must be made: because the parties often know not how much nor to whom to make it, therefore must they compound (forsooth) with the father's giving certa pro incertis to Saint Peter and the prisoners: but the fathers swallow up all or the most of it yearly amounting to a mighty sum of money: some one man having given 500 pounds to that end. Thirdly, but amongst all their devices to enrich & increase their order, their form of meditation called by them an holy exercise is worthy the noting, for all others to beware of them, that have not felt the smart of it already: and this practice is for such as are either for their pregnancy of wit & learning, or their parentage & friends, or their wealth & possessions fit for the jesuits purpose: & cannot otherwise but by the taking of this holy exercise be alured to their society. ) this then is such a barbarous cruelty as I want words to express the abomination of the sin. Master Tempest was so canvased amongst them, that having his faculties taken from him, and being thrust out a doors, of his own friends, his father in law hiding his face when he came in place where he was, his own sister not daring to own nor acknowledge him, nor to send him any relief: and in few, his ghostly father denying him to come at the Sacraments: at length being thus cruelly dealt withal, he was forced to yield to whatsoever they would urge him unto: notwithstanding, that as himself hath since confessed, and told some of his friends: he never to death could or should like of them in his heart, knowing their tyranny and extreme cruelty to pass all measure, against whomsoever they powered out their wrath. The like was their most odious and inhuman cruelty showed towards master Benson in keeping him from all relief: so as he became far in debt and being in the Counter, his fellow prisoner master Edward Coffin a young jesuit having abundance, known to be sent and brought unto him, yet could of his jesuitical charity, suffer him to continue in that want wherein he lived. It were too tedious to recount all the inhuman parts of these cruel hearted men, of their dogged natures, & jewish hearts, where once they conceive a dislike, rightly fulfilling therein that Atheall principle of Machiavelli: never to pardon (though in policy it be good to flatter and fawn, until thou seest thy time and may take thine advantage without repulse) where thou once hast taken a displeasure against any person public or private, or common society, or other corporation or company. I could enlarge myself here with a long tragical discourse of this one party last named, how maliciously they have been bend against him: not for any thing that he hath either published or done against them: but only for that, upon earnest suit made unto him by me, I got him to set me down with much a do, what he had heard and seen at Rome, concerning the death of Pope Xistus, Cardinal Allane, Cardinal Tollet, the Bishop of Cassana, and some others: of all which there went a general report, that their lives were not any whit lengthened, howsoever they were or might be shortened by the jesuits means: as a great suspicion there was of all or most of them. Which that reverend good Priest, of a mild modest & scrupulous fear, writing sparingly unto me: attesting (as his Priestly behaviour hath ever since approved it) that he was loath to meddle in discovery of any such matter, being then in place where he was, rather to occupy the best thoughts of his passage here hence (not knowing when he might be called to his account) then to busy his wits with calling to mind, what had passed in the Roman College or elsewhere, during his abode there. And only that which he wrote was, rather to excuse their impious dealings than otherwise, being not so much nor so plainly delivered as I had heard before. Yet this letter being so cunningly intercepted, or stolen out of my cassock pocket, or otherwise revealed by one master C. Io. who played on both sides, as the effects showed shortly after: or howsoever it was, a copy they got thereof: and to hear how the Archpriest laid on load on the poor man for it, and how his good masters the jesuits prosecuted it, would make any man hate them ever after. But to let these things pass, and to come to their sacrilegious abuse of that manner of meditation and method of holy exercise which was with more devotion, and more fruitful progress, practised, ere ever any jesuite was borne, than it hath been since amongst them: although I do not deny, but it is very good, and well set forth by them, as myself can partly witness of mine own experience, having taken it at their hands: Mary the managing of a matter is all, and therein the intention is chief to be respected: which is ordinarily known through the effects produced by it. For although that act, which is of itself evil, as we say intrinsic & per se, can never possibly be made good: yet doth it not therefore follow è converso, that an act which of itself is good, can no way per accidens be made evil; verbi gratia, for a man to kill his own father, or violently ravish his mother, can by no dispensation, or other means ever be made lawful, good or allowable: but yet a man intending to convert a soul, and takes his confession, with intent to enjoin him for penance to murder his Sovereign, or commit some suchlike or far less horrible crime, that act of teaching, preaching, & moving the penitent to confession, is good of itself, but yet the intention makes it stark nought, & damnable in him that urgeth, or persuadeth the said penitent unto it. To this doth fitly symbolise S. Augustine's quadruparte distinction saying: Est bonum bene factum: & est bonum malefactum: Est malum malefactum: & est malum benefactum: denotating by these two adverbes benè & malè, the intention: which may alter that per accidens that otherwise is, or might be quite contrary per se. And so the jesuits exercise: although in itself it did far surpass and go beyond all others in matter, manner, and method observed in the actual use of it: yet when it is done for an evil end, as to make it a coney-catching or cozening trick, or sleight to pick a man or woman's purse, nay to get all their lands by it, then is the intention wicked and nought, and by consequent the act is nought in them. Of this exercise then (because it is a point of most importance, as wherewith many good Catholics are mightily abused both men & women: and especially such as be of the mildest, sweetest & gentlest natures, fit indeed for heaven then to live amongst such counterfeits on earth) I will set you down, a relation made by a reverend Priest, a most ancient & worthy confessor: and one whose hoary locks, gravity, learning, wisdom, government and long sufferance, may justly appall and abate the heat of the proudest jesuits haughty heart within this land. His words are these, or to this effect set down as followeth. When the jesuits find one fit for their turn: they insinuate themselves into him, keep him company, use him with all kind of sweet behaviour and courtesy: & pretend to have an especial care of his well doing in all things, but principally how he may attain to be in high favour with God. To which purpose they enter by degrees into certain discourses of hell: wherein they omit none of their skill, by authorities, examples, and large amplifications to make the same as terrible, as possibly they can. By which course they cast the party in time, into great fear and pensiveness (all which were well done, if it were to a good end.) When they have held on after this sort so long, as they think convenient intermingling now and then some comforts, lest otherwise the party under their fingers, should grow weary of them: then they begin to be more plentiful, in the setting forth of such comfortable promises as are made in the Scriptures to the children and servants of God. Here they omit no part of their skill to describe the heavens: the Majesty and glory of God: the happy estate and joys of the Saints in that everlasting kingdom: which is prepared for those, who in this life shall embrace the Christian faith, and become obedient children in their true calling unto their holy mother the Catholic Roman Church. In a letter of father john Gerrard the jesuit dated in August 1599 to father Parsons amongst other simple compliments (whereby Protheus comports chameleon) he useth these words: scil. Yourself once showed me a most fine written book touching the manner of giving the exercise, etc. And again, if there were any special meditations used with you that are not ordinary, such riches I would beg, etc. Out of which words I have gathered 2. things, one that the silly man had not the wit to invent any thing himself, as in the letter may appear, wherein writing unto father Parsons for some written sermons, he desires him that they might not be of any deep school point (as indeed above his capacity:) another: that (as it appeareth by these words not ordinary) the jesuits invent still some new method for giving the exercise, agreeing to the platform of cozenage cast by them: that when one mean or way of alluring unto them faileth, another may be put in practice. Hereunto they add a discourse concerning the diversity of such callings, as God hath ordained for his servants and children to walk in: showing how necessary it is for every man to understand and know, what calling that is, which particularly belongeth to himself: and what danger ensueth when men do rashly undertake any occasion either for profit or pleasure to follow this or that course of life. As when Gentlemen being borne to great possessions, do think it sufficient for them to follow the steps of their ancestors: esteeming that to be the calling, which God hath prepared for them. Whereof it cometh to pass diverse times, that they make shipwreck of all their estates, and fall into many calamities: God approving and sanctifying of no calling, which is not entered into by direction of his holy spirit. Many (say they) through their own rashness, are spiritual persons, who ought by God's ordinance to have been of the laity: and many on the other side are (as we term them) lay men, which ought to be Ecclesiastical: both of them perishing in their own course, through their own faults: in that they had no care to learn and know their own proper calling ordained for them: which God would have sanctified to their eternal comforts: if they would have used the means to have understood and embraced them. In the description of these means the height, the depth and the breadth of all their cozening doth consist, as being the exercise itself above mentioned. Of these means they do at the first speak only in a generality: entering into a discourse of the loving kindness of God, that he hath prepared a way, whereby every man that list may know, how to serve him: whereinto so many as will enter, may have assurance in themselves by the testimony of the holy Ghost, what their several vocations are, whereunto God hath called them, and which they must undertake, if ever they mean to come into the joys and consolations of the Paradise of God. Thus after they have laid these grounds, no marvel if the party so cunningly and kindly carried on, do fall into their traps Howbeit you must observe, that in all these discourses made to such parties, they carry themselves so aloof, as that there may be no suspicion of their intents to draw them by such their practices to their society. So as when the poor souls (as ravished with a desire to attain unto the said means or exercise so highly commended: and so necessary for all that truly thirst after the kingdom of God and joys of heaven) do entreat the holy fathers, that they may be received into that happy and blessed exercise: their motion at the first in that behalf, the good fathers seem little to regard: saying that peradventure this their desire proceeds of passion: and therefore their manner is to leave them in this sort for the first time: adding with what deliberation and judgement that sacred exercise is to be undertaken: as being the ladder of jacob, whereby they may ascend into the third heaven, and there see and behold the admirable mysteries of God. If the party thus caught be of great possessions, wealth or parentage, they are much the sooner entreated to admit him to this exercise. The manner whereof is thus. The party at the time appointed coming to the holy father, who must deal with him, is recluded from the speech of any body but the said father for a certain time. Upon his first reclusion the father cometh unto him, and giveth him a meditation to study upon, for some four or five hours: willing him in the mean while carefully to remember all the cogitations that do come into his mind. The said four or five hours expired, in cometh this good father, and then the party must be confessed: and is to reveal all his particular thoughts, of what matter soever good or bad, that came into his mind all the time of his aforesaid meditation: which done, the father giveth the party another meditation with the like instructions to the former: and after the like distance of time returning, he heareth his confessions again: and thus the party is exercised diverse times every day the space of nine days, or thereabouts, which is a passing good order, able to mortify a heart of flint: But hearken what followeth. In this space the holy father having framed the said meditations according to his own drift: for example, if the party be rich, then of the contempt of the world, & the vanity of worldly riches. And further perceiving by his confessions, his disposition, and what effect the said meditations have wrought, It would seem strange to some to hear that the jesuits should ordinarily reveal confessions per tertiam vel quartam personam or sub incerto nomine yet so have they done most basely as will be proved against them verbi gratia thus: he will find an occasion (after one hath been with him at confession) whose sins he is willing to have made known, to ask of his fellows what say you to such a case. A man or woman falleth into such or such a sin, & after cometh to the Sacramen s without confession made thereof: what case is he in etc. And then they foreknowing of a general compact made amongst them, how to reveal secrets one to another, by putting out of cases and doubts, that may rise at every time they were confessed, they know by this mean, that seeing such a party w●● last confessed, ergo● is of him or he● that it is ●●●nt, etc. and are likely in the end to work in him (which always must be the forsaking of the world as they term it) and for the most part, if they find him by this trial, a sit man for the entrance into some profession of religion: then he telleth him a long tale of the fruit of his said exercise: as that he well perceiveth by his sundry confessions, how the spirit of God hath wrought in him by the means of his said meditations: and that he now supposeth him to be fit to enter into the consideration and choice of that calling, whereunto God himself hath ordained him to lead his life and walk in, towards the attainment of everlasting happiness. Whereupon the party hath time to consider with himself, whether he will be a Dominicane, Benedictine, jesuit or what he list. And yet thus far, well. But that time expired, the holy father entereth into a new stratagem. The said party exercised (as is before expressed) coming thus unto his election, hath peradventure determined to be a Dominicane: or to take some such other course, as he himself hath thought of. So as when the said holy father cometh unto him, if he find him bend to any other profession then to be a jesuit, he beginneth to cast many doubts, and collecteth at his pleasure by something that he hath confessed unto him, that his said choice is not agreeing to such godly motions, as the spirit of God wrought in him in the time of his exercise: and therefore adviseth him to consider with himself better of his choice, that the same may be suitable to the said motions of the holy Ghost. The conclusion is, that the holy fathers by this means having sundry poor souls in their hands, to work them by turns, devices and persuasions as they list, never leave or suffer them to be quiet, until (if it be possible) they make choice to be of the society of jesus: if in all these practices with them, they find them fit men for their turn. Howbeit sometimes it cometh to pass that the said devout fathers do meet with such persons, as will rather choose to be of some other order, do what they can, then to be jesuits, for that spiritus ubi vult spirat. In which cases, when their practices to win the parties for their learning, strength of wit, paretage, & other good parts more than ordinary do fail: they desist from dealing with them by little and little, & so in the end give them quite over: (meaning nothing less, then by such their pains to increase the number of any other order of religious persons:) and leave them to take what course they list. But yet with this fruit of their exercises, that they will never love or endure them afterwards, but rail on them, and plague them so much as is possible. Those they undertake for their wealth and large possessions, although such things be an hindrance from entering into any religious profession at all: yet do the jesuits so far prevail, as for the most part they either allure them to be Ecclesiastical jesuits, if they have any tolerable gifts besides their riches: and then all that they have must be sold, and the money committed to the father's discretions: or at least they draw them to be lay brothers, finding none other good stuff in them. In which case they get from them, either all or most part of their riches, and turn them either to be some of their officers, or leave them at large to be practisers for them in such matters as they think fit to employ them in abroad: as to be solicitors for them, and to stir up the people's charity to that society: not ceasing to persuade so many as they can to follow their example. This was the effect of one M. Gilbert, and M. Druries' exercises, uz. that they got from them all that ever they had: and then employing them in manner aforesaid, procured the Pope's blessing for them (for the better approving unto them their new calling) as appeareth in the faculties granted to Fa. Parsons, Campian, Heywood, etc. about 20. years since. The event of which proceed with the said Gentlemen was so apparent, that diverse greatly disliked of such exercises, in somuch as some in jest would say: such a one is Gilberted, and such a one is Druried. And others again would say to the like effect: they shall never Gilbert me, nor Drury me, nor cousin me with such their holy sleights. Another young Gentleman not long since entering into this exercise under a young jesuit here in England, was found by his meditations to have lands yet unsold, amounting in value to a 100 marks a year: wh●●h because it hindered his journey to heaven, he offering the same to the said young jesuit: the good young father allowing well the offer: said, that if he should receive the land, her Majesty would take it from him: but (quoth he) sell it, and then I am capable of the money. By which ghostly counsel the gentleman set his land to sale, and was offered 900. pounds for it: but the holy father insisting upon a thousand, the Gentleman died ere ever a Chapman could be gotten: and so the good father lost all. I could here recite many cozening parts played by sundry of them, through the abuse of giving this holy exercise: but I will only enlarge myself with a few golden threads of Fa. john Gerrard's web, work and weaving whom as I have often pitied in my heart, by reason of a good disposition in nature, which I ever taking him to be of have sundry times heartily wished, that he would forsake them, and live like a secular Priest: so finding V●●gils Eclogue truly verified in him, scil. Torua leaena lupum, sequitur lup●s ipse capellam: Florentem cythisum sequitur lasciva capella, etc. Therefore to the end none that readeth these Quodlibets, unless they be wilfully blinded, shall ever fear cozenage of him or his company hereafter; and for that it shall well appear he is not the man (as but a simple man God wots) whom fame reports him to be, I will here set down part of the cousining gains he hath made of this exercise. First, he was the man that caused Henry Drury to enter into this exercise; and thereby got him to sell the Manor of Lozel in Suffolk, and other lands to the value of 3500. pounds, and got all the money himself: the said Drury having chosen to be a lay brother. Afterwards he sent him to Antwerp to have his Novitiat by the Provincial there, by name Oliverius Ma●erius (for at that time Fa. Garnet had not his full authority to admit any) where after twelve or fourteen days he died, not without suspicion of some indirect dealing. Fa. Holt the jesuit ascribed it unto the alteration of his diet, saying: that he might have lived well enough, if he had remained at home, and not have come thither. Two other had the exercise given them at that time by Fa. Gerrard: uz. Master Anthony Rowse, of whom he got above 1000 pounds, and Master Thomas Euerard, of whom he had many good books & other things. Also he gave the exercise to Edward Walpoole, whom he caused to sell the Manor of Tuddenham, and had of him about 1000 marks. He dealt so in like manner with Master james Linacre his fellow prisoner in the Clinke, from whom he drew there 400. pounds. And afterwards got a promise of him of all his lands: but was prevented thereof by the said Linacres death. Furthermore under pretence of the said exercise he cousined Sir Edmond Huddlestones son and heir by sundry sleights of above 1000 pounds. And so he dealt with Master Thomas Wiseman: and by giving him the exercise, he got his land, and sent him to Antwerp where he died. He also gave the exercise to the eldest son of Master Walter Hastings. And he hath drawn Master William Wiseman into the said exercise so oft, as he hath left him now very bare to live. He hath so wrought with Master Nicholas King lately of Gray's Inn, as he hath gotten most of his living and sent him to Rome. Master Roger Lee of Buckingham shire hath been in this exercise likewise: and is also by him sent to Rome. In like manner he dealeth with such Gentlewomen, as he thinketh fit for his turn, and draweth them to his exercise: as the Lady Lovel, Mistress Haywood, and Mistress Wiseman now prisoner: of whom he got so much as now she feeleth the want of it. By drawing Mistress Fortescue the widow of Master Edmond Fortescue into his exercise, Master Garnet had the dealing with the Tremain● and not master Gerrard. he got of her a farm worth 50. pounds a year and paid her no rent. Another drift he hath by his exercise of cozenage: which is to persuade such Gentlewomen, as have large portions to their marriage to give the same to him and his company, and to become Nuns. So he prevailed with two of M. William Wiseman's daughters of Broddocke: with Elizabeth Shirley borne in Leicestershire: with Dorothy Ruckwood, M. Richard Ruckwoods' daughter of Suffolk, who had a great portion given unto her by the Lady Elizabeth Drury her Grandmother: with Mistress Mary Tremaine, Master Tremaines daughter of Cornwall, she having a large portion: with Mistress Mary Tremaine of Dorcetshire, of whom he had above 200. pounds: with Mistress Anne Arundel, of whom he got a great portion: with the Lady Mary Percy, who is now a Nun at Brussels. Thus you see by these devices how mightily the jesuits have increased their riches, and enriched their coffers: expecting a time no doubt, when to draw forth their treasure to their most advantage: and will offer largely, when they think to get some principal man on their side, or otherwise to work his overthrow: as was manifest by their sundry practices, against the Lord Dacre, to whom a Priest (set on, as was supposed by Father Holt the jesuit) after all their many gross abuses offered unto his Lordship; which, with honour, he can never put up at their hands made offer of a large annual sum of money, so as he would be ruled; you must imagine by a jesuit in profession or faction. But this is enough for this time of their practices by Fame and Report. THE ARGUMENT OF THE fourth General Quodlibet. FOrasmuch as it doth seem by the last Quodlibet of Fame and Report, that the jesuits direct all their intents, endeavours and studies to the advancement of their society, they care not which way, by hook or by crook: and by consequent, that they make religion in general, and therein their holy exercise in special, but a mere Machivilean device, of policy only to make strong themselves in their busy preparations for a spiritual Monarchy: therefore shall the next Quodlibet be of plots by Atheism, to examine thoroughly how far wit, conscience, honesty and religion may run together and not be discredited by one the other in their worldly political affairs. THE FOURTH QVODLIBET of Plots by Atheism. THE I. ARTICLE. whether politia be a virtue or a vice: and whether lawful or unlawful to be used? THE ANSWER. POlitia is like to a nose of wax, which may be turned what way soever a man listeth, and is pliable at all times, as fit to receive all impressions: fresh and fair, or foul and filthy. But to speak properly of it, agreeing to the Etymology of the word, it is always a virtue, & a special head, prime, or master branch of prudence. And yet again take it agreeing to the common acceptance in speech, use, and practise of it now adays, and it is a vice. And so by consequent, policy is lawful or unlawful, good or bad, a virtue or a vice according to the intention of the subject, wherein it is inherent: and the matter, occasion, and other circumstances which do concur, or may occur, and are or may be in hand. THE II. ARTICLE. whether Master Nicholas Machiavelli, or Father Robert Parsons excelled one the other in policy: or whether any be in England this day to be preferred before either of them, or any other jesuit whosoever? THE ANSWER. IF any will believe Father Parsons or other jesuit, there neither is, neither was there ever any borne in this land that could equal that prudent Polipragmon: or else can be able in any respect to be compared with him: nay, nor with the veriest dunce that peeps out of his Nouitiate in a jesuits school. In so much as in their deep jesuitical court of Parliament begun at Styx in Phlegeton, and suggested thence into Fa. Parson's sconce, was ended and compiled into a full complete volume by him and his General: & entitled, The high court of reformation for England. There was therein sundry acts enacted to this intent and purpose, whereof we speak, which were to take place & be in force, when the Catholic conqueror of Spain, or Austria should be invested with the sceptre royal of our noble Eliza's, and sit enthronized in her princely seat, as sole Monarch of all the Albion's or great Britain's Isl s. And to give you a taste of their intent by that base court of a tribe of traitors saucily (like to Cade, jacke Straw, and Tom Tiler) usurping the authority of both states Ecclesiastical and temporal in their rebellious enterprises: these were principal points, discussed, set down and so decreed upon by them. Note here these anabaptistical heretics, how boldly they dare censure of all others, and avouch themselves predestinates. First, that no religious order should resort into this land, or be permitted to live within the Britain's Ocean, save only jesuits and Capouchines. And their reason was (as always a reason must be given for a proviso, when it seems extraordinary, contrary to a statute law, or former act enacted:) because the holy Ghost hath forsaken all the rest of religious orders, and is only in the Capouchines and jesuits. But if you would know further how this good fortune falleth so out to the Capouchines to be exempted from this general irregularity, and to be consorted with these predestinates: the reason is; for that (as a good Capouchine once answered to the like question) they suit best with the jesuits humour by an Antipathy, not of nature, but of nurture: which consists in this: that the jesuits drift is to rule, and will have all: and their profession is, to have nothing, nor to rule at all in anything. And now, although these jesuits profess voluntary poverty, and to renounce the world, with all that belongs thereto, as all other religious orders do: yet because they are homines secundum cor meum, so thoroughly mortified in the world, Although it might have been in some sense a special point of uncharitable policy for the jesuits to have rejected that friendly offer to have brought up 30. of our English youths as at Rome: because that probably many of those would have been Benedictines, and have frustrate the jesuits hope of having all here for themselves without copartners: yet was it no policy in them, to beat a Priest almost to death, for but making the motion of receiving one into the Benedictines order: for that foul fact did openly bewray their unmortified passionate humours, pride, ambition, malice, avarice and other shameful vices, too too bad to be spoken of, but most of all to be in any religious person. that with the world's weapons they make their vaunt, that they can conquer the world. Therefore dare they attempt to bid battle living in the world, to religious men living out of the world, and still themselves be no worldlings. Herein then consists the misery, which being discovered, any man may read the riddle plain, scil. that for as much as the Benedictines had all or the most part of the Abbey lands in England bequeathe unto their Monasteries, by sundry devout, holy, and virtuous Catholic men and women in times past living in this Realm: and for that the Dominicanes have the chair of authority for reading in the schools (especially in Salamanca in Spain, which grieves these pure spirited souls at the very heart: and what banding, brawling, and quarreling they have made with them about it, were too long to recite) and also to them belongs of due right the sovereign authority of the sacred Inquisition, and withal to be called Predicatores, preachers where ever they go, with an higher prerogative, than ever any jesuite could, or I hope ever shall have: for it were dangerous and great pity that ever such ambitious men should obtain such ample privileges. And lastly, for that the Scotists, franciscans, (especially the observants) have also had sundry Friaries here in England, as also the Carthusians commonly called the Charterhouse Monks have had the like in some sort. Therefore was there bona causa cur, none of all these or any other religious order, that had ever enjoyed either house or land in Albion's Isle should ever come there again: or any other religious order that might live without the jesuits, for their sakes. But all of them as reprobates, and of God forsaken must be banished hence, and a statute made in that high Council, that none such should ever come within this land, after it is conquered by Spaniards and jesuits, sicut placuit jesuitis. The second Act enacted, or statute made in that high infernal Consistory, was concerning the Church and Abbey lands, scil. That forasmuch as there be an hundred bishoprics great and small in these three kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with well nigh 20000. Parsonages and Vicariges: and how many Monasteries, Nunneries, Friaries and other religious houses, it is hard to tell the number. Notwithstanding there was a book brought into Paul's Churchyard in written hand, to be bound up and sent (God knows where) into Spain, as it may be thought (because the party that brought it was a sideman of the jesuits) the collection whereof, as it was there reported stood the party in four hundred pounds. In which book (of a huge volume in a small hand) there were set down all the religious houses that ever have been in this Realm: what land was given unto them, where it yet lieth, who gave it, how long since, upon what condition and proviso, when, by whom, how much, and wherein altered, diminished, or increased: and in whose possession it is at this present. These with other circumstances and particulars being set down, no man can judge otherwise, but it was a work fit for that Synodical court to have the perusing and censuring of it. And there (if any where) is their number of religious houses like these to be found. All which as also nothing else belonging either to the Ecclesiastical or Monastical state: must be any longer in the hands of Bishops, Abbots, or other secular or religious persons, as heretofore they were accustomed and incorporated unto their several orders. But all must be under the holy society of jesus, presently upon the establishing of the spiritual monarchy. Which done, their father General or Provincial must call out four jesuits & two secular Priests, who must be also demi jesuits, else all were nought. These six Vicars (I pray God not of hell, for of heaven they are not, they smell so rankly of Cartwrights' and bruises pure synodal ministry) like six Dutch Peers (of whom the Prophecies talk) or so many mighty Lords, shall have the lands, manors, Lordships, parsonages, monasteries, and what soever else belonged to Church or cloister, resigned over into their hands: allowing to the Bishops, Parsons and Vicars, competent stipends & pensions to live upon: according as Bishops Suffragans & Montseniors have allowance in other Catholic countries, or rather as the Turks, Bassas, & janissaries under him are maintained. And all this sicut placuit jesuitis as the Romans in their leagues were wont to write: or rather juxta decretum Medorum atque Persarum à quo provocare non licet, as king Darius said. Livery and seizin thus taken by these six Tribunes or popular Nobles: all the rest must be employed in pios usus: as father General of Rome shall think good. The Colleges in both Universities must be likewise in the power of these mortified creatures. No Bishop, nor Parson, nor Vicar, nor fellow of any College must be so hardy as once to demand an account what is become of their revenues, lands and Lordships. If they do, this shall be the answer: mirantur superiores, etc. or in plain terms: how dare you seem to inquire, how a jesuite disposeth of any thing, being peculiarly guided by the Spirit, etc. The third Statute was there made concerning the Lords temporal and other of the Nobility & Gentry of this land. And this Statute did consist of this point especially: sci. That every Noble or Gentleman of special account and living, such as (to omit others) Sir Robert Cicill, Sir john Fortescue, Sir james Harington, Sir Robert Dormer, Sir john Arundel (now his son master john Arundel called great Arundel of Cornwall) Sir john Peter, Sir Matthew Arundel of Warder his son and heir, Sir Henry Constable, Sir john Savage, with sundry other Knights and Esquires, all which were there limited by that blind profane Parliament, what retinue they should keep when time came of enhancing, how much should be allowed them to spend yearly, and what diet they should keep at their tables. The fourth Statute was there made concerning the common laws of this land, and that consisted of this one principal point, that all the great charter of England must be burnt: the manner of holding lands in see-simple, free-taile, frank Almaigne, etc. by King's service, soccage or villanage, brought into villainy, scoggerie, and popularity: and in few, Often and often again must the jesuits arrogancy and deceitful dealings in every action, (transforming themselves into Angels of light) be made known to the world, and inculcated into the simple (and some wilfully blinded) ignorant peoples heads, that will believe any thing they fable of against any secular Priest whosoever, be he Seminary, Bishop, Card. or Pope, & yet will believe nothing on the contrary, written or spoken by any whosoever against them, though the affirmer or apellant will ever seal it with his blood: which blind drowsy conceit of many, doth argue some horrible monster to be in breeding amongst them: whom sundry of their fautor, will honour as a God. Otherwise sure they would never be so besotted as to think, but that a religious man may be exorbitant, a wise man forget himself, a bad liver creep into favour: and so Fa. Parsons to be familiar with Princes, and yet a stark, etc. For what greater means to work mischief, than wit and favour: what sooner deceiveth, and longer cloaketh deceit, than a religious habit upon a lewd person? when doth the Wolf ravin more cruelly, then when he is clothed in a sheeps skin? And when did ever any heresy arise, but under zealous pretence, at the first of the church's advancement? Then seeing a velvet hearse may cover a vile and stinking hide, a noisome action abuse, an innocent mean, and a religious yea, and that truly, a holy, and blessed order and habit, be abused by b●● persons irreligiously living in it. Let none hereafter be seduced with outward signs of religious piety, where apparent verities are of iniquity. the common laws must be wholly annihilated, abolished and trodden down under foot, and Caesar's civil Imperials brought in amongst us, and sway for a time in their places. All whatsoever England yields, being but base, barbarous, and void of all sense, knowledge or discretion showed in the first founders and legisers: and on the other side, all whatsoever is or shall be brought in by those outcasts of Moses, stain of Solon, and refuse of Lycurgus, must be reputed for Metaphysical, semie Divine, and of more excellency than the other were. The fift statute there made, was concerning calumniation, not much unlike that statute of Association: I mean in Father Parson's sense, as he in Greencoate makes it seem to have been put in at the procurement of the Earl of Leicester, or like the Proclamation he there talks of to have been made by his Lordship's procurement, against talkers of such great men's doings, as he was: whilst be himself might calumniate and call in question whom he pleased. And so conformably hereunto doth this jesuitical act of detraction or statute of calumniation tend, scil. to bar all men from speaking of Fa. Parsons that blessed live Saint, or any other jesuit whosoever: they being such rare men, as neither are their actions to be sifted, canvased, or discountenanced by any secular Priest whosoever (perhaps the Pope excepted if he keep silence, and seem not to dislike of them: which if he do not, have at him amongst the rest with heave and hoe rumbelow:) neither can it be otherwise thought of, but as an act and sign of an evil spirit, and unsound in religion for any one, that dare take that course, they being religious men, nay jesuits: and Fa. Parsons of all the rest, the rarest wise man of our nation, most familiar with Princes, admired at in Spain, reverenced in Italy, & only hated in England, which is a sufficient argument of his integrity, & a manifest token of their evil affection to the Catholic church and religion, that talk against him. This collusion of jesuitical sanctity caused a proviso in the foresaid statute, that whosoever did offend a jesuit, or speak against this high council of Reformation, it should be lawful for the Fathers, or their Synodical ministers to defame, destract and calumniate him or her at their pleasure, be, who they shall be, Noble, Peer, or Prince, Bishop, Cardinal, or the Pope himself. For which cause, and for the better understanding of the said statute, they hold two propositions: one is, that detraction is lawful in general: and so was it practised at Wisbich by a jesuit: affirming that there were so many and grievous enormities there committed amongst the prisoners, that Fa. Weston and his adherents were constrained to separate themselves from the other Priests: and being charged to name some particulars, or if he could not, he was to be reckoned of for an injurious calumniator, & so therein to have offended greatly in slandering the whole house: he answered, nay: my words were general, and therefore I offended none. Another proposition is for particulars, scil. that whatsoever particular person be he private or public, and that eminent or a chief, is directly bend against them, they never must leave him, but calumniate, slander and invent new matter against him to death. Thus did they calumniate Doctor Gifford, and malign him to this day (a man of good desert, and of as many good parts, abilities and graces, as ever past the seas in this age, and hath not his better, if any be his equal, of any English man, beyond the English Ocean now alive.) This reverend Priest then, for that he did not admire these monsters, nor applaud with Panigeries of praises to their worthless designments (for in very deed they had no other cause to calumniate or dislike him) they presently devised sundry most vile and unjust calumniations against him. They defamed him in England for a sour of sedition, an informer against the jesuits, and an exhibiter of the Memorial to the Pope. They procured him to be examined before the Nuncio in the Low countries: and failing of their purpose that way (the Nuncio after long delays, affirming in plain terms, that he was wronged) one Fa. Baldwin (a turbulent fellow of a Belial breed) dealt with the Nuncio for a general pacification, & remission on all sides: and Fa. Baldwin in the name of Father Parsons and all the jesuits asked him forgiveness: So shameless are the jesuits as the very pulpits are profaned by them, when it stands them upon to maintain their reputation, per fas aut ●efas they care not how, nor what tyranny they commit against any, as poor Fisher (if alive) can witness: whom some say, they sent to the Galleys at Naples (after they had got what from him as they cold) where he remained a galley slave ever after, and so is full, if alive, or not murdered, as it is lately reported, by Parson's means in his way to Naples. and the Doctor for his own part for civility sake, performing as much with this addition: if he had offended any of them. Which being done, and the Nuncio commanding them both to be secret of what had passed (in favour indeed of the jesuits,) yet Father Baldwin gave it out in a glorious sort, that the Doctor had asked Father Parsons & the jesuits forgiveness: and thereby to disgrace him a new, and to make their former injuries done unto him more probable, they caused the same to be openly promulgated out of the pulpit in the College at Rheims. The second particular calumniation (amongst an hundred now to be omitted) may well be that against Doctor Lewis (a man so favoured by diverse Popes, as first he was made Montseigneur, than Bishop of Cassana, afterward Nuncio for Gregory the fourteenth to Lucerna, and then Visitor general of Rome and all the Pope's dominions. Note here these base politicians ingratitude: they having received by him many very extraordinary benefits; as by his procurement they got the Rectorship of the English Seminary in Rome. Furthermore, when 22. of them were to be banished out of the city of Perugio, for their cozenage to have enriched themselves there: one of them being notoriously detected, for alluring a Gentlewoman to give them a very rich chain of gold, without her husband's privity: (as a very like case fell out at Liege in low Germany, these fine fingered fig boys are so nimble about Ladies and gentlewomen's jewels:) this prudent good Bishop being their general Visitor, used such means, as all was hushed up, and they continued there still. Notwithstanding all which with many like benefits received at his hands, A vile part of Fa. Parsons, and others, that, because the blessed man this good Bishop, now in heaven, disliked of the jesuits government, and their governors in the English Col. at Rome, they should publish libels against him here in England after his death: notwithstanding that the holy Bishop within four hours before his death, upon occasion protested, that he had been most falsely charged with upholding and maintaining of the Students in the English Seminary against the jesuits. Yea it is well known that whilst he was ali●●, he might have kerbed many of that insolent crew, being their Visitor general. But a milder man lived not, nor more apt to put up and forgive all injuries, and even of purpose he refrained to visit that crew, because knowing their hard conceits of him, he would not give them any occasion to say he was partial, if he had dealt so roundly with them as they deserved: yet all was one: nay, it is far better to be an open enemy to their cursed designments, then to connive, and be a flattering current of their fatal course. For it is a rule with them, Quinon est nobis●●● contra nos est, etc. yet the kind fathers could not endure him: and this only, because he disliked their courses & practices in their garboils at Rome about the Students in the English Seminary. And so extreme is their malice where they once take displeasure, as their wrath and indignation is intolerable, though it be for never so small a trisle: which this good Bishop found most true. For whilst he was alive, they caused their disciples to rail upon him most spitefully, calling him a factious, seditious, and most partial man. And a little before his death they cast out a libel against him, wherein they had laid many horrible crimes to his charge: and amongst other things made this devout prayer for him (full like their charity towards all good men) scil. aut mors aut Turca, aut Deus aut Diabolus eripiat cum à nobis: which cursed letter came to his hands, who hearty forgave it them. But being dead, when in all humanity, their hatred should have been buried with him: yet ceased they not to follow the pursuit of their impiety in persecuting his happy memory with their jesuitical calumniations, & that most irreligiously. Yea that impious caitise Fa. Parsons in a letter dated the 13. of july, 1598. and sent into England, not to be kept secret: writeth of this good Bishop thus after his sly fashion: scil. A third cause (saith Father Parsons) there was (meaning of the Students opposing of themselves against the jesuits) no less important, perhaps then any of the rest, or more than both together, which was a certain disgust given at the very foundation of the College, unto a certain principal man of our nation and his friends, then resident in Rome. Who afterwards not affecting greatly the government, or governors of that College, was ever in re, or in opinion a back to them that would be discontented, etc. Where by the way all men may see, that the secular Priests here in England have not alone disliked of the jesuitical government, governors and political, or rather Atheall designments. A third calumniation in particular, was of that most renowned Prelate and blessed Cardinal, Doctor Allane: a man in whose very countenance was portrayed out a map of political government indeed, stained with a sabled die of gravity, sublimated with a reverend majesty in his looks, yielding favour, and forcing fear, (the true allurements of affections in admirable aspects of world's wonders, as the memory of former, glory of these, and honour of future ages) one most reverenced of our nation, and worthily reverenced of us, (one or two actions excepted, whereunto he was drawn by Fa. Parson's exorbitant courses and impudency:) of whom Pope Gregory of holy memory said to his Cardinals: Venite fratres mei, ostendam vobis Alanum: as much to say, as: I will show you a man, in Anglia borne, to whom all Europe may give place for his high prudence, reverend countenance and purport of government. This blessed Cardinal then whom all admired, and none could justly blame: yea even our common adversaries did commend his mild spirit in comparison of Doctor Saunders, both writing about one time: but with a far different drift, intent and manner of proceeding. His Grace never liked of invading, conversions of countries with bloody blades. And howsoever he was drawn (as wearied out with impostors, exprobrations and expostulations of father Parsons and others of that hot spirited unnatural tribe of Dan. Coluber in via,) to some odious attempts against his dread Sovereign and dear country, both which he with no less loyalty honoured then dearly affected in his best thoughts: yet afterwards he retired himself from those seditious courses, mightily condemning and contemning all such factious dispositions in his very heart, as apparently was known before his death. His words, writings, and all his actions did ever tend to lenity: so as he was often wont to say, that seeing England was lost & gone from her ancient faith, by reason of our forefathers offences, neither clergy nor laity, secular nor religious, noble nor ignoble, man, woman nor child being free: it was to good sense that we and all their posterity should be punished, and remain in desolation, until by virtuous and good life it might please our most merciful Lord and redeemer to avert his wrath from our country, and to incline our Sovereign Lady and Queen to look upon our afflictions, and to commiserate our miseries, we seeking for none other worldly joy nor comfort here on earth, Note here the malicious policies of these wicked men the jesuitical faction, against Cardinal Allane for retiring himself from their traitorous plots of invasion: how marvelously they maligned him ever after. Insomuch that being desirous on his death bed to have had all the English students come unto him, this father Rector would in no case yield unto it, perhaps the better to colour the jesuits barbarous cruel●y, used in the suspected poisoning of him, and after fathering of it most ridiculously, but maliciously enough upon the holy Bishop of Cassana. But God will one day judge all hypocrites, & bring their secret mischiefs to light. but only to serve our Lord God without vexation or trouble, voiding our thoughts of all mundane honours and preferments, either in the Church or commonwealth: and leaving them freely to the present Incumbents, without once seeming to claim any interest therein, etc. To this same effect are his words in the English Apology, wholly, and altogether disavowing all these treasonable, treacherous, and factious courses and manner of proceed in the jesuits, and living always thus untouched by any, either for government, life or doctrine, yet in the end, he was touched most egregiously by them, and that only, and for none other cause in the world, then for that in very deed, he seeing daily further into them, than erst he had seen, did not only retire himself from their ways, but showed dislike with disfavour, of their bad dealings towards the end of his mortal life. Whereupon that they might be even with him one way or other, they gave out sundry disgraceful words against him: as that he was a good simple man, but not of any esteem or reckoning in matters of state affairs handled in the Pope's Consistory: a man of weak judgement, shallow wit, and small advice: and never used but a little for some matters of learning, and that in positive only, not in any school point: yea so great was their hatred towards him, upon this slender and small occasion as you see given them, as it was verily thought by many in Rome that he was poisoned. And the suspicion thereof was so great, that father Rector then Hieronimo Floravantio a jesuite, to drive the conceit another way into people's hearts, laboured to have turned that foul irregular fact from the jesuits to the good Bishop of Cassana: but in vain the entire affection of these two worthy Prelates, being well known to all the world: and the Cardinal's words unto the said Bishop not long before, declaring well from whence these mischiefs, garboils, seditions and contentions first did spring, and still were continued on and maintained: when he said on a time after a long and sad talk had betwixt them concerning the students and jesuits: Well (quoth the good Cardinal) Abraham and Loth were both good men, but yet their shepherds could not agree: meaning that how intrinsical soever they two were together, yet the seditious and turbulent persons under them would still be brabbling, supplanting and maligning those that would feign live quiet by them. Upon the death of this so memorable a person, they openly triumphed, insulted over the dead corpse, and gloried in their conceited victory: giving it out amongst others their jesuitical calumniations against him, that he was well gone, and that God had taken him away in good time. For if he had lived but a while longer, he would have disgraced himself, shamed his country, and lost the credit which he had gotten. It followeth here in order from Deans to Bishops, All you fond affectionates of the jesuitical tribe, note herein your own partial doom. And whether these paltry politicians persuading you to think it so odious a matter to call any of the in question for what offence soever: should be left free to talk of all men from the highest to the lowest at their pleasure: and if they do but wag their singer at them to persecute him to death. If this be well either in them to do so, or in you to think and sway so partially on their sides: ve● indicatote. & from Bishops to Cardinals, that the fourth calumniation in particular, must be against the supreme dignity and chief person, in and of the Church Catholic of Christ: wherein they verify daily the impudent speech of a puny jesuit to a secular Priest at Rome, in these words, Dare you (quoth he) meaning the students, presume to discountenance, contend withal, or seem to dislike of the father's doings, or designments in any thing, whom the greatest Princes in Christendom stand in awe of, and will not, neither dare offend them, being sure to hear of it to the uttermost, if they do but hold up their finger against them? Which speech in the conclusion serveth fitly to our purpose: to show it as manifestly as the day light at noontide, that who and whensoever any, be he Pope or Prince or other Monarch, doth not favour their jesuitical allobrogickes', although he do no way stir against them: yet for that he runs not with them, or on foot by them like a lackey-boy in a French joupe, (so rudely arrogant, are these lewd companions to challenge all Prince's favours, to patronage their barbarous outrages,) he shall be sure to have, heart, head and pen, yea and hands to (if it come to banding, canvasing and grappling) laid upon him, until both ears and cheeks shall burn with infamies. In testimony whereof their presumptuous proceed against the Sea Apostolic for a small and light check (God-wot) given to one of them by Pope Sixtus, is worthy to be registered, recorded and devoluted to all posterity, to mark and single them out for the most malicious, traitorous and irreligious calumniators that ever lived on earth, unworthy that ever the earth should bear them, and an intolerable indignity to the whole Church of God, that ever such wicked members should live unpunished in her as they do. But to the relation. Xistus Quintus then of holy memory, called before him on a time the General of the jesuits, and demanding of him why they called themselves jesuits: he answered, that they did not call themselves so: but clerk only of the society of jesus. Then the Pope replying, said: but why should you appropriate to yourselves to be of the society of jesus, more than all other Christians are: Note here by the way that a name is given to the followers of a prothoplast or first Author of a profession two manner of ways: ●●e by reason of h●● doctrine, as Ardeans of Arius, Donatists of Donatus etc. And an other by reason of his manners, habit and moral course of life, as Basilians of Saint Basill, Anthonians of Saint Anthony: Franciscans of S. Francis, etc. The first concerning doctrine, doth always denotate an heretic because it is about matters of faith. The second, concerning life and manners, doth ever denotate some religious orders, professions or society, that have taken themselves to that course of life, to save their souls by keeping the rules set down by the first founder of that order. Of whom for that cause they ever after take the name. of whom in general the Apostle saith, vocati sumus in societatem filii eius? To this no answer being made, his Holiness urged further, saying: And whereas the Benedictines are so called of their first author Benedictus, and the Dominicans of Saint Dominicke their founder: why should not you be called Ignatians of Ignatius the first author of your society and order? And besides why do you not withal (if you will be holden for religious men) keep the quiet, rise at midnight, and do in all things as religious men should, are bound, and ordinarily every where do? These words of his Holiness, the jesuits took so disdainfully, scornfully and contemptuously, as he lived but a short while after: and (here to omit what hath been reported) since his departure out of this life to blisle eternal, they have not ceased most maliciously (according to their accustomed envious and inhuman manner) to deprave him: they have preached openly against him in Spain: they have called the manner of his death in question: and they have reported, that at his departure he had no confessor with him: Yea they have seemed to make it a matter of damnation to endeavour to bring some jesuits into order, without great penance done for that bold attempt against such illuminates, and men sitting near under God Almighty's knee, so familiarly acquainted with the sacred deity as they are. Nay which few, or I think no heretic did ever affirm lawful to be admitted of in any ordinary Bishop, a base miscreant of that jesuitical faction, upon some opposition found on his Holiness behalf (no true Catholics heart enduring to hear Christ his Vicar on earth, being so worthy a Bishop in his time as whiles Rome is Rome his worthy works will sound forth his best deserved praises) in answer to certain objections made against sundry slanderous reports of this varlet (as he may well be termed in respect of any order) used of that worthy Pope: he fell to the maintaining of this most vile, Atheall and Heathenish assertion, scil. Hominem non Christianum posse esse Romanum Pontificem. Which proposition stands either vnrepealed in this high Council of Reformation whereof now we treat or yet unrecalled, or the miscreant censured by the grand master Archpriest for it: who is so ready a double diligent to send abroad his fribooters and flying out censures and inhibitions against others words and writings, in discovering these Antikes in their right colours. The like to this hath been their arrogant speech against Pope Clement the eighth that now is: against whom, notwithstanding that his Holiness hath been hitherto thought to be the greatest favourer and countenance to them of any that hath been since their insolency first began to be noted, and their ambition disliked: they have most ungratefully showed their accustomed wrath and indignation in calumniating of him in the highest degree of a dangerous detraction: and upon as light a ground and small a quarrel picked against his Holiness as against his predecessor or any other Pope, the circumstances considered: Father Parsons in Greenceate made (as some thought) a reasonable motion to her Majesty to give leave to her honourable Council to call the Earl of Leicester to his accounts, making no doubt but so to muzzle the Bear (as he saith) by that means, as he might be led with rope & ring, and tied to the stake quietly, that her Majesty might handle him as she pleased, agreeing to his deserts, whereas he was and would be still so unruly otherwise, as none should sleep in quiet for him. But now if his Holiness would but grant the like free admittance of every one to speak what they know against this insolent society, & suffer the Inquisition to pass on them according to justice: I think not England only, but all Christendom would be & live more quiet and peaceably together ever after. for thus it was. The Bishop of Cassana (so often mentioned) being the general Visitor in Rome, of all religious men amongst other orders and societies, he had many accusations exhibited unto him by the jesuits, one against another, & many petitions made unto his Lordship: with earnest desire to have him come & visit them. For howsoever they agree together here in England (which yet is not as the ignorant multitude believes of them, and more probably they may agree better together here then any where else beside, by reason that they have a colourable excuse to say, that the dissension is amongst seculars only & the lay Catholics, whiles the seed-cariers of these contentions are either close jesuits, and so will not be known, or at least such jesuited faultors of their policies, as they like discord the devil can set secular Priests at debate so covertly as it shall hardly be discerned to be their doing:) yet are they now both here and there prettily well deciphered out: so as it will not seem strange hereafter of most monstrous acts committed amongst them, and one against another: as there in Rome their libels & complaints exhibited to the Visitor general do declare it. The good Bishop therefore moved with these complaints and jars that were amongst them, as a man no less pious, then prudent in all his actions: knowing well the bad dispositions, seditious humours, rancour, & malice of the men against him, or any other that should seek to reform them: howsoever upon the spleen they sought for it at that time: he acquainted Pope Clement with it. Whereupon at the next general Chapter held by the jesuits, his Holiness attended on with the said Bishop visitor, & four or five other Bishops beside, went into their house: took a serious view of all things, and sharply rebuked them for their pride, their disorderly apparel, and their prodigality in all things: very roundly charging them in plain terms to be more humble, and to frame the course of their lives hereafter more like religious men than they did at that present. Which condign admonition (but nothing near sufficient correction, to pull down such unmortified haughty hearts) how it was taken, the effects since have showed it: A notable jest, if a Pope could err in absolving the king of France upon an information of his Divines: and yet (forsooth) it is blasphemy to say that Cardinal Caietane could er in appointing master Blackwel to be an Archpriest by false suggestion, misinformation and cogging of the jesuits. Sed spectatum admissi risum teneatis amici: let who as list be blinded with these patches: while I live all their vain applauses nunquam clamabunt in gutture meo. some of their society having since been so bold with his Holiness, as peremptorily to affirm, that he erred in absolving the French King great Henry that now is, the most Christian King, being deceived therein by his Divines. Wherein you must note by the way, that the jesuits (as it should seem) were not of the Pope's counsel in that action, to have given his Holiness better instruction, information, and direction for that matter. And therefore that absolution being given without their consents, like or allowing of, how could it stand firm, or be without manifest error, as of necessity it could not choose if the Church be wholly with them, and that they are the true, perfect and only guides of souls. But the truth was indeed, that the said absolution did so much tend to the overthrow of the jesuitical platform, under colour of prejudice to the King of Spain and their designments with him: as no marvel if they did so much calumniate it, and do the like still against the whole realm of France for his sake. For what is it that they dare not do by their general rule in ordine ad Deum. Now if these good fellows may presume thus far with so famous persons and men of mark, If these fellows have the reins laid on their necks, and be suffered to run forward with the bit in their teeth a little longer, they will hardly be reclaimed without great danger of Apostasy. Such is their extreme pride, and haughtiness of mind. as with Bishops, Cardinals, and Popes themselves: what can poor men expect at their hands that will not do and die what, and when they list? But yet withal this is a comfort (and under benedicite be it spoken) when certain of my dear, loving, and tender hearted friends, have sometimes with tears bewailed unto me my hard fortune to be tormented by the jesuits (as I think none in England hath been more,) this was to me the greatest consolation I ever found: to have such great bugs combined with beggars, and such admired at worthies, to be consorted with such miserable wretches as myself: and to undergo with me and many more poor afflicted, the spite of their malicious tongues, and extreme rage and fury against all men without exception of person, time and place. The sixth statute in this foresaid high Court or Council of Reformation may very well be called a statute of retractation of slander, which is a hot counterblast to the former horneblast of calumniation: and it goes under the tenor of a proviso: that if such, or such things do happen, than the person or persons before defamed, detracted, calumniated, contemned, and condemned ad inferos on live, S●me things there are where in the jesuits ●●●ernement and policy were to be commended: were they either mere temporal men, ●●b●t lay brothers, or in some ●a●e secular Priests or else the spiritual of the Ecclesiastical state: but when a man shall reflect upon these words monastical, religious, and men of perfection mortified in all thing; then alas for pure shame, I blush at their insolency, usurpation and abuse of themselves, and their society. shall be as highly exalted, extolled, advanced and elevated ad caelos after their death. And this is an apothegmatical rule of as political a stratagemitor as I think hath been in any age precedent to ours: so full of mystical A dages, as every word when it comes to a pragmatical practice, hath close couched in it the energy of a Seneschal sentence. The drift whereof is marvelous full of fine policy, and in truth if any thing be commendable, or to be freed from Atheism in a jesuitical platform, for the advancement of their society, abstracted from a religious faith and habit (which marreth all the market) this is doubtless one, and such a one as deserveth an hierogliphical emblem with a conceit in chief. But because it were too long to stand upon every apothegmatical sentence, rule, clause, and enterclause to be observed how, when, by whom, for what cause, to what persons, of what matter, with what intent: and how far a man may proceed (for omne nimium vertitur in vitium: therefore will I set you down the case stark naked uncased into a canvas by three or four examples agreeing to the purpose. The proviso in the statute is this: scil. whereas before it was agreed upon, that a father of the society might authorize any of his substitutes or confederates, or of himself, detract, defame, and calumniate any person that should seem opposite to their holy designments, this being thought very convenient for the present: now be it further enacted thus: that for and in consideration of the premises to advance the father by traducing all others through discommends of all their talents, abilities, and graces in government, learning, discretion, virtue and policy, it may be lawful not only to take away their good name, but even also their life if need require, propter bonum societatis. Provided always that if the party before defamed be dead, or bis back broken with slanders or other mishap, so as he is never able to rise to any honour afterwards: and withal if now the advancement of his credit (before disgraced notoriously, for another intent and meaning) may serve their turns to work some inconvenience or hindrance to a third person whom likewise they do malign and hate: That then and in that case (the party especially being out of the way, and thereby incapable of the honour which happily inter vivos might accrue unto him, through the panegiries of such praises) they should leave no stone unremoved to extol him above Saint Paul's heaven, where he saw that which was not to be revealed to men on earth. This then being the proviso of the case: now followeth the examples of the canvas. After the death of Cardinal Allane, the jesuits fearing least Doctor Lewis Bishop of Cassana should have had his place and bene made Cardinal, there were diverse pathetical discourses in conference used of that worthy Prelate where soever they came: with many mournful objects presented to conceit of his loss, if such a person should be preferred unto his place: and amongst the rest these were special impressions by them imprinted in affectionate hearts towards his Grace and their holies: scil. It was there objected what enmity this Bishop bare to their society: how that he stirred up all their garboils in the English College at Rome: and that he never could endure the said Cardinal his Grace: but was ever his vowed enemy, and one that had wrought him much spite, woe, and grief in his days. And to make this political canvas go current (or rather Machivilean platform, I could find in my heart to term it) to blemish the good opinion had of the Bishop (thereby to trump in his way, until they might get him triced out of their way) they entered into a large discourse of the Cardinal's extraordinary singularities. They spared not then to spread it abroad (as men that had worshipped Cardinal Allane for a Saint, Many words, confessions, & reports made, and given out by the Scribes and Pharisees, and the Devil himself of our Saviour jesus Christ were good, lust & true: but yet they did the same to a wicked end. So these good fellows the jesuits dealt with the Cardinal, making a true report of him in all things here recited, save the last, that they reverenced him, at we say the devil loves holy water: for even so they deemed nothing less of him then their words imported, but what they did, & said therein, was to hinder the Bishop from the preferment they feared would be laid upon him. And thus like pharisees do they deal: Sed pece ●●ori dixit Deus, quare tu enarras iustitias meas sedens adversus fratrem tuum loquebaris, & a luersus filium matris tuae po●ebas scand●lam, etc. and loved his memory in their hearts as a holy shrine) how beneficial his Grace had been to their College: how highly he was esteemed of, and respected of all princes in Europe, that either knew him by sight, or else had heard of him by any passage of memorable speech: how dearly accounted of, and deeply affected of sundry Popes, aswell his Holiness then in supreme esse, as his predecessors of all holy memory. How all his whole study, chief endeavours, and greatest care, was ever bend for the good of his country: for reducing of the same to the Catholic faith, and for the comfort of the afflicted, here and there and every where? To what high dignities he was advanced: how well he merited his place and calling: and how greatly honoured in the Court of Rome: how much admired at by the rest of the Cardinals: in what possibility to have been Pope, and how reverenced by themselves the jesuits, etc. Thus charitably they dealt with the good Cardinal after he was dead, and that they were sure their praises given out of him could not then obfuscate, obscure, nor abolish one jot of their pre-eminence, or mirificall designments. The like example to this might be a correspondent, and evident favour showed to the said Bishop after his death, as the former was after the Cardinal's death. For according to the philosophical Axiom, as contraria juxta se posita magis elucescunt: so virtue and vice having such a dissocietie by consequence of kind, that the one follows the other like form and privation. Hereupon it comes that (faith and hope failing) charity never dieth but goeth to heaven with the happily possessed therewith: so his opposite vice, envy, neither ever dieth, but goeth to hell with the cursed soul infected therewith at her death. For this cause then it is plain, that as these men never spoke well of the Cardinal after his death for any love they bore unto him: so neither did they use the like good speech of the Bishop, for any entire affection towards his Lordship: but that which they did, was thereby to hinder and discountenance the said Bishop of Cassanaes' nephew Montseigneur Hugh Grissin. Which to perform stratagemically, they commended his said Uncle exceedingly, to insinuate thereby, that he did far degenerate from his uncles virtues. And a very like canvas is all the whole discourse of Fa. Parsons in Doleman, conferred with his practice about the bequest of the English Crown, now extolling Scotland's title to the skies: and then abasing it in the presence of Spain. To day all wholly for the house of Austria: to morrow as forward for the house of Parma. Now fawning upon Derbie to bring Earl Ferdinand to destruction: and then upon Essex to stir up Earl Robert to rebellion: and still in the mean by intercourse of parley with any, who either by their greatness may comport with his ambition, or whom he by his platform may couple withal, to bring this whole Isle to a popular confusion. In all which treasonable practices, seeing he hath always used one to another's disgrace, by praise and dispraise as time and occasion prick him forward, with affiance in one more than in another for his society's advancement, not sparing Spain itself (when any hope was by any other mean) but to insinuate in plain terms, that his advice was for the mobile vulgus in England, to choose and set up a Sovereign, it made no matter who amongst them, when opportunity should be offered: affirming boldly that he liked not of the Spaniard, as heretofore he had liked, neither saw any hope to come by their means: Yet making the royal issue of King Philip still his dogbolt, when all other hopes did quail, and helps did fall him: there is none that reads his libels, and confers them with his practice, but shall easily discern, that he would not be improvident of setting down this statute of Retractation of slander, as a proviso, in that high Council of Reformation for England, that being the master trump he had to play, for the main chance of his conceited Monarchy: and the only bolt that would serve his turn, if any could in time of need, to drive the bunting to the bay. I might here add a fourth example of this proviso, out of the practice of that simple misled man Master George Blackwell the new Archpriest of England: nay, the Subuiceroy rather of all the Isles of Albion. Master Blackwell a plain simple man, always full of sentences in his writings (as one who hath very probably flores sententiaruus tum Philosophorun, etc.) by reason whereof, wanting a head for invention, discourse or judgement, his sententious letters are often evil couched in delivery of his mind, by a long passage written togetherward of one matter. But of nature being at the first, & for many years together, by report of those that knew him, very humble, scrupulous, and affable, became some 3. or 4. years before his miraculous advancement, so testy, peremptory, etc. (I will leave it there) that there was no ho with him: no servant could dwell in the house with the widow (questionless a virtuous Gentlewoman otherwise) where he lived: no nor yet her own children have but what he judged meet for them, etc. was not so hot against the jesuits (especially Fa. Parsons in time of his natural and priestly secular mildness: but now is become as furious against the said seculars, since his heart was smitten by Mercury's melancholy (yet jesuitically guilded) caduceus. Thus times go by turns, honores mutant ●ores, & sic transit gloria mund●, to men of no deserts. This plain Polipragmon (as none more elated in conceit of their own proper excellency, than an ignorant body advanced to immerited, unexcepted, and inconceited dignity) having either heard of, or belike had received this statute of Retractation (sent from Rome by heart) or a like unto it taught him per coeur. For before that time none seemed to mislike more of the jesuitical course & proceed then he, nor spoke more suspiciously against some of them in particular: especially against Father Parsons by name: whose coming into England being known, Master Blackwell bewailed the same very tenderly to a friend of his then in prison; saying: that the Precedent at Rheims (meaning Doctor Allane) played a very undiscreet part to send him hither: as being an unfit man to be employed in the causes of religion. And being asked why he was unmeet for that employment, he answered: because his casting out of Balliol College, and other articles and matters depending upon it, betwixt him and Doctor Squire (then living) were very likely to be renewed: and so to work great discredit both to him and the cause Catholic. Thus stood the case then with Master Blackwell; now see the canvas for Retractation of this slander given out of so stately a Polipragmon. This simple man quite altered in nature, manners and conversation, by reason of strong drink, private close living, and familiarity with some fathers of that society, became an officious Agent, libeller-like to Rome, by writing against his brethren the seculars: enticed I make no question of it by some coney-catching devise of Fa. Parsons, thereby intending to be his bane at length: as his new magisterial office at his procurement instituted, will be (no doubt of it) the only means to plague him, in revenge of his former speeches used against the said father. Who should quite forget himself, his principles of Machiavelli, and all his rules of policy, if Master Blackwell scape scotfree after all the jesuits turns are served, by such a blockish instrument, as cannot perceive their mumbling meaning: as resting wholly at their devotion to stand or fall? Yet so it is now, as whether drowned in vain delight of his new supremacy, or otherwise inveigled to be a close jesuit (as sundry such there are, which going under the name of seculars, make the said seculars cause seem more odious, weak and exorbitant: or howsoever it comes to pass, Master Blackwell sings now placebo domino meo Parsonio in terra viventium for the time: and layeth me on load upon every opposite to a jesuits designment. Now he condemneth all, as suspended and irregular persons, that either directly or indirectly maintain, writ or speak in defence of the censure of Paris, which cleared the seculars from schism, sin, and all other crime or offence in the first resistance of his Archpresbitership: and then again threateneth all with thundering sentences of Ecclesiastical censures, that speak, confer, procure or seek for any redress against his ignorant cruelty, appointed of purpose (and either doth not or will not know it) to be slagellum fratrum suorum: yea a scourge to himself and all England beside. It is strange to consider, how now he be labours himself in laying about him on all sides, to defend the never heard of more impudent, shameful, and palpably ignominious, It is but a sign of a dastardly mind, and most unfit to be in authority, to persecute those most, whom all men note to be freest from offence: and yet such as by reason of a humorous, tender and scrupulous heart they carry, are easi jest overcome, and forced to yield. For example whereof, get and read all the passage by letters and messages betwixt the Archpriest and Ma. More, etc. reproachful, and abominable facts of Fa. Parsons, and the rest of the jesuits. And especially he tyrannizeth, if he find a sweet nature, and mild disposition any way opposite unto him: such a one as Master Thomas More a very reverend secular Priest, of many good parts and abilities: who (as I have heard of late) hath fared worse for my sake, which I am very sorry for, though outwardly there was made no show of it, for I could tell perhaps why. I can no less admire, how that ever wise men should be so blinded, as not to discern (which many do not) then smile in my sleeve to think how bravely they have bobbed this double diligent M. Blackwell with this statute of Retractation of slander: whereby if ever it come to hearing, he is as sure to be hoisted over the bar for an ambidexter, by comparing his former speech to his present proceed, as I am sure to have written, and set it down here for a looking glass unto him, with this emprise above it tristitia vestra, trust to yourself good Ma. Blackwell, and forsake in time that seditious company, who move you to act, writ and speak you know not what against yourself, as one day you will find it. I could here particulate this statute (but it were too tedious to do so) more exactly in discovery of M. Blackwels' ignorance & simplicity. Who whiles I was in Scotland, sent out an inhibition against all such books (printed per Biennium etc. by any Catholics means or procurement within these two Realms of England or Scotland) as either might exasperate our common adversaries here, or otherwise prejudice the worthy labourers in our common causes, that had merited so well of their country and all Catholics as Father Parsons had: for he was the famous man and I the infamous wretch whom all men judged that speech to be intended for, as no doubt it was, and that by instigation of his good spirit Fa. Garnet, to stop thereby the answer to Fa. Parsons Doleman of succession to the English Crown, which then they knew I went about. A copy of which schedule being sent unto me by a friend out of England to Edinburgh where then I lay: I could not tell well whether to laugh or be angry, to see the slyness, craft and policy of the jesuits, to put such a sharp sword of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, into a raw, simple and mad man's hands: as if the point had not been blunted, and the edge turned by abuse of his authority (never rightly had, and many ways since justly lost, as will be proved against him) he would have killed all that ever came in his (I should say the jesuits) way, and himself unnaturally therewith as I fear he hath already. For amongst other errors committed by him in that inhibition, this was one, scil. that he would suffer all Parson's seditious books to pass current, as his Philopator, speaking most rebelliously against her Majesty, and the whole State and Nobles of this land: his Doleman, entituling most traitorously the Spanish Infanta to the English Crown: together with his Appendix fathered on Cardinal Allane being dead: his Letter to the Marquis Huntley (to creep in again with Scotland, but sent through England to be huffed, ruffed and vaunted of) and sundry other of his confederates libels, letter's, and messages (matter enough to have moved a Saint to anger, much more a mortal wight to be exasperated thereby:) and knowing (as he could not choose but know it) that I sought nothing less than to exasperate either my Sovereign or present State, but all quite contrary, to confute all and whatsoever he had written, leaving the question undecided and fault where it was, in him & his clearly to be seen: yet he to forbid both printing and reading of mine, and extolling the other to the skies, what a man should think hereof it may be easily discerned. another error therein was; in that his authority (if he had any, and that it were not lost again) did extend only to the censure & allowance of such books as were of matters of Religion and Ecclesiastical government and discipline: so as this book I then was thought to be in hand withal was out of his commission to meddle or deal with, either in allowing or forbidding the reading or printing of it. A third was, his presumptuous boldness, in that he would by virtue of his authority (suppose it were such, so great and so inviolate as he takes upon him to have it) intrude himself to meddle with forbidding books to be either read or printed in Scotland, without either asking leave, or at least giving the Catholic Bishop of Glasco to understand thereof beforehand. A fourth was, the insinuated suspicion of a Praemunire he hath incurred already (he may thank his good fathers for it) by his authority to be increased hereby, as seeking by this inhibition of printing or reading of any book that may touch a jesuite, (especially that so dangerous a Polipragmon Father Parsons) he shows plainly that he would have all the treasonable practices concealed, not regarding what danger of both body, soul and commonwealths wrack happen to any, so as these new Fathers may have their wicked designments. Many other particular points have I noted, as being collected by necessary sequel to ensue upon that Letter: whereof in the Apology I intent to imptint of mine own peculiar purgations I mean to treat at large. Only this for the present he may please to know: that I never writ nor spoke word in my life, that I dare not publish in any Court of Christendom concerning these matters: so far I am from all fear of exasperating any Prince or Peer, or incurring of any danger either in England (which I am bound in all respects to my dread Sovereign and native land to be most wary of offending or hurting any manner of way) or elsewhere. And if, as I have suppressed the printing of that book and sundry others for a time: let him not think it came upon any account or reckoning I made of his suspension for that cause: but for other reasons which he and his may and yet do both miss of: though some of his assistants have taken upon them to know the causes why. And hereupon one of them of a bravado hath made his vaunt since my return last out of Scotland, that he (another manner of man than I poor wretch to deal with Princes) hath written to his Majesty King james, exhorting him to embrace the Catholic faith and religion: Were it not that the jesuits have a special privilege in two things: one is, to make all things to be believed as Gospel be it never so false that they speak or write: another to make all things to be judged false be it as true as the Gospel itself that any other shall write or speak without their approbation. But if directly against them: out upon it, it is not to be heard, spoken of, or once looked upon. If these were not, and withal, that the vilest parts that can be played are counted acts of zeal amongst them if done by a Father: so as it may be any way covered with either of their two principles, scil. propter bonum societatis, vel ordine ad Deum: otherwise I should greatly muse at the fair gloze of father Southwell concerning father Parson's birth and education. It being most untrue that Fa. Southwell reports of him, scil. that having placed the uttermost of his ambition in the contempt of honour; and the highest of his wealth in voluntary poverty, will easily acknowledge his birth to have been of more honest than great parents. Yet were they not so mean, but they were able to afford him such education as might have made his good parts a way to no small preferment, etc. All which is most false, a bastard he was: unhonestly begot, basely borne, a Wolsey in ambition, a Midas in mundicitie, a traitor in action; which here I had not touched, had he spared his own Sovereign and blood royal of this land. which if he do, then all, all, all, every true Catholic should take his part for the English Crown by this new statist's procurement. But what answer he had let himself report. I think it will be but a scorn, and he laughed at for a stolen, in showing his exorbitant audacious folly. I may not here forget a fifth Statute, which I make no question of but that Father Parsons would be most careful to have it thoroughly perfected in that high Council of Reformation for England: and it is to be thought that it goes also under the tenure of a proviso for legitimation of bastards. For we may not imagine that Father Parsons was ignorant of his own base estate, as being a sacrilegious bastard in the worst sense, scil. a spurias begotten by the Parson of the Parish where he was borne, upon the body of a very base quean. This then being so, and he not so senseless as to think but that he will find the Canon law more strict in dispensation with him for his irregularity, than the Civil or common law will be for dispensation to inherit, etc. (which may be a good caveat to him to look to his orders, lest otherwise he lose his Rectorship, & perhaps a better thing beside:) there is no question to be made of it, but that some close statute and proviso was closely made, and covertly foisted in for enabling some bastards in the spitefulle● sense, to be capable of any honour or dignity, either in the Church or Common wealth. And true it is, that this good Fa. Parsons (altas Cowbacke) filius populi & filius peccati, or the very fiend himself might be chosen to a kingdom by his doctrine, if any people would be so mad as to choose him for their king: because the said fury can translate himself into an Angel of light for an hours space, though he turn into his hellish ugly shape within a minute of an hour after, etc. Happy were some men, if they might have a sight of that statute book or huge volume of the high council of reformation for England; no doubt but he should find notable stuff in it, that would serve for many purposes. But here I make an end, concluding out of the premises. 1. That the jesuits would take it in scorn to have any poor secular or Seminary Priest compared with them in prudence & policy: considering that they dare beard the greatest and highest persons on earth in all things. 2. That in general England for this age were able to set Nick Machiavelli to school; either in a good or a bad sense of policy. 3. Yet taking Politia as S. Thomas and Divines do, for a chief branch of prudence, with relation to government of a body political or common wealth civil, there are that excel, both Machiavelli and the jesuits: their politia being but an extravagant or apocryphal virtue at the uttermost. 4. But take it as a she, crafty, dissembling wiliness, with a relation to Atheism or a non religion; and then & therein the jesuits do far pass Machiavelli, and I verily think any whomsoever of and in this age. THE III. ARTICLE. whether then (if this kind of jesuitical policy tend to Atheism) may a man be possibly an unspotted Catholic by external profession and outward show of life, and yet be proved to be an Atheist in action practise, and manner of proceeding in the same external show & profession that he makes? THE ANSWER. HE may be so: for a right Machivilean whom commonly in that sense we call an Atheist, must be a counterfeit of all religions, professions, sects, A Preacher, an Herald of arms: and an Alchumist must be universal men fit o discourse of any thing: the first by application of his speech agreeing to the quality of the person, for one kind of document is for Princes: an other for students: another for peasants, etc. and so in the difference of coats and confections of quintessences: & the like is of an Atheist in another kind, scil. in counterfeiting of actions, etc. opinions, factions, and affairs, he must be one of those three sorts of persons, that aught to be seen thoroughly, and not superficially in all arts and sciences. He must be a Catiline in countenance, a Protheus in shape, and a Chameleon in change: gaudere cum gaudentibus, flere cum flentibus, & semper vultum gestare in manibus, to chide and cherish, to wink and look, to laugh and weep with a breath. He must be a precise Pythagoras, a sage Solon: a magnifical Maecenas, and a wanton Thraso, all at once. He must be a legifer with Lycurgus, a martial man with Hector, and a Councillor with Cicero. He must be an Antiquary with Nestor: an Historian with Plutarch, and a Sapient with Cato. He must be a Daws in crafty slyness, a Pigmaleon in fond affections, & an Ulysses in courtly pleasance: to cast his eye here & there: his head up and down, & use his voice high or low at his pleasure. In few, he must comply with all times, comport all persons and be full of compliments in all things pertaining to motion, in gesture and behaviour, speech, silence or any action. So as a perfect Atheist must be either a complete Alchumist, or an upright humorist, but always an hypocrite. THE FOUR ARTICLE. whether all the jesuits may in the sense precedent in the last Article be rightly called Atheists or not, and wherein their fallacy doth most consist? An odd conceit I have of the jesuits perfection & excellency, moves me to place the General loco summi generis as a Summist of all the rest subordinate under his fatherhood. For their society being subject to no superior authority otherwise than as they please & yet authorized of their own bare word, to check control, and correct, all & whom they are displeased withal, sparing neither king Kesar, Pope nor Priest, their head must needs be a primum or supremum genus, as not subordinate to or under any earthly power: nor yet subject to any law THE ANSWER. TO say the jesuits are all smattred with Atheism, I will not: and to say, that any of them all are absolutely scotfree from it, I cannot: it is so repugnant from their own principles. Therefore must we needs use a distinction betwixt a jesuit commandant, and a jesuit obeisant. A jesuite commandant I take in this place to be one of these three universals or predicables. scil. father General, father Provincial, father Rector: the first as a summum genus of the society, commands all in all nations: the second as a species commands those of that kingdom, nation and province where he lives: and the third loco differentiae, like the Lord Mayor of London, or governor of this or that Town or City, doth command with a different authority all those that live under him there. And a jesuite obeisant may be divided into the other two Pophytian universals, called proprium & accidens, with the addition of omni soli semper & ubique to the former: and separable and inseparable to the latter. For all inferior jesuits must obey their superior fathers: they only must acknowledge their obedience to a sole jesuit, and none other Prince, Potentate, or Prelate whosoever: their obedience must last for ever, at no time free, for what cause soever: and it must be every where without exception of person or place: so as if they be commanded to call the Pope his holiness Lutheran, they must do it, and so they have: if to murder an anointed Prince, they must do their endeavour and none hath been wanting: and if in court or country, Church or Palace, the field of war or land of peace, & that in a Heathen, Heretical, Schismatical or Catholic country, all is one they must obey it. And this is proprium quarto modo, as agreeing to none other order, society, association, company or corporation whatsoever, save only the jesuits. A sword is inanimate, and but a dead piece of metal, and yet it is the death of a quick life leading man. A cause instrumental is the immediate agent in every action artificial and the principal agent natural, is but therein a cause remote. Take then away the instrument, and the artificer is able to do nothing: & move the instrumental jesuits, and their fantor● instrumental to forsake the jesuitical Principles, and then will not. Fa. Parsons be able to do any thing: which being so, therefore stands it their Provincials, Fa. Garnet & Weston upon all they are worth to bestir themselves to lie, to face, to forge, to deny, to forswear, to renounce, to praise, to extol, to admite, to defame, to despise, to count light, and to do all that the devil can suggest, or wit can devise, to advance themselves and overthrow the seculars, else are they no Atheists nor currant politics: sed utri credendum sit censetu: whethe: seculars or jesuits are herein to be obeyed. Again it is rightly called accidens aswell separabile as inseparabile: for as it cometh by chance, and falleth out by haphazard, that any one is a jesuite: so being once admitted, confirmed and professed in the society (which few are, such is their policy to keep them in awe, and themselves out of fear of revealing their chief secrets, which only the professed fathers are acquainted withal in chief, until they be thoroughly tried, by many years continuance) the graces granted, and rules prescribed them being both inherent to their order: it is an inseparable accident unto them to be such, and none other ever after: for otherwise there were no reason of their freedom, more from impossibility of error, than others have. And yet because free will bewrays their folly, launching out right Libertine-like perforce: hereupon it comes, that popular applause, puffing them up with proud conceits of their own proper excellency: finding that they have as good parts, gifts, and abilities as their superiors (be he Rector, Provincial or General) greedily affecting sovereignty with their fellows (a quotidian hot ague naturally burning in all ambitious hearts) and either being inwardly too scrupulous, or outwardly too lavish after many and perhaps long conflicts with themselves: they break out & renounce the society: some afterwards becoming very holy, virtuous and religious persons in another kind: and others given over to such liberty, as (the observation had by them of their superiors behaviour, and other rules and principles, partly insinuated and taught them, partly collected by necessary sequeles, and conferring of things together by them) they fall quite away out of God's Church, and become Apostates from their faith, their vow, their obedience and all things: and so make the former inseparable accident to become separable, and quite separated from them. Of this kind then of the jesuits obeysants (to leave the former commandants to purge their Politics from Atheism) I can say none otherwise, then as of inferior subjects, petite captains, foragers, purveyors, and common soldiers: to wit: that though such be bound to obey their Sovereign, the General of the field, or Emperor of the wars: yea perhaps sometimes in battle unlawful, in attempts tyrannical, and unjust enterprises: which they often neither knowing, neither suspecting, neither bound to inquire after, (for Prince's affairs are subjects secrets, & sacramentum regis revelare, nefas est) they may intend, act, and perform without offence under obedience, that which in the commandant is most criminal, offensive and damnable: yet neither doth, neither can this excuse them in foro externo, and by the law of nature, of nations and of arms, to be equally guilty as the other are: and being taken in the wars or otherwise, by the opposite Prince or adversary, may be proceeded against, as if they were the Generals, Colonels and Captains of whole regiments, companies and bands: because they as instruments, & these as principal agents intent the producing of one and the self same effect precedent in these causes. And conformably hereunto: forasmuch as the General, the Provincials and the Rectors amongst the jesuits are those in cuius virtute caeteri operantur, although many of the inferior sort of jesuits obeisants may be, and I verily think are virtuous and good men of themselves, and so do live, and may no doubt continue so to their lives end: yet by reason of this subordination, and due obedience required in all inferiors to their superiors, and all & every religious or secular order or society: as Friars, and Monks, to their Abbots, Priors and Guardians: these again to their Provincials, and these to their General, of Benedictines, Dominicanes, Franciscans, etc. Also in Cannons of Cathedrals to their Dean: Deans, Archdeacon's, Parsons, Vicars and all the rest of the seculars and religious or Ecclesiastical and Monastical order, to their Bishops: Bishops to their metropolitans and Primates, etc. and all these again together with the Lords and other Nobles, Gentles and meaner subjects subordinate one under another to their Sovereign Lord, Prince and King, etc. It must needs follow, that there is not a jesuite in all England this day, but hath a bitter smack of Fa. Parson's impiety, irreligiosity, treachery, treason and Machivilean atheism. And so by reason of their subordinate obedience, they are all tainted with that fowl vice, which consists of many Atheall principles, all reduced to two monstrous heads: to wit, exaltation of themselves, and downcast of all that side not with them. And like as the cutting off of whole bands of common soldiers, The jesuits have all the three helps of advancing them to a Monarchy, scil. money by cozenage: men by false devices: and munition by promise of kingdoms to great persons. is a more security for the adverse party, then if but one captain were cut off alone (these three matters, money, munition and multitude, being the strength of all warfare, and only hope of conquest, victory and triumph:) and again, as the increase and supply of such, is the only help and means of repairing an annie casseered, or bringing a broken battle into ranks & orders again: it must needs be a consequent of course that the jesuits have no small drift in collecting, conveying and hoarding up so great and many sums of money, in creeping in with so many great persons, and in flocking together here in England as of late years they have, and daily do more & more increase. And it cannot be otherwise, but that so long as there is one jesuit left in England, there will be mutinies, treasons, conspiracies, and factions, do what Pope or Prince, or any other is able to do, or say to the contrary. Therefore do I conclude, that their advancement being the ready downfall of all that are not with them: there is not a jesuit nor a jesuits fautour any where to be found, but hath a fowl taste of Atheism, either directly per se, or indirectly, or virtute primi & principalis agentis. The experience whereof half witted men may see in England and elsewhere: the chief objection in request to make silly souls to dote on them being this: scil. Why? is not such a Father a good man? I never heard him speak an evil word of any creature, nor meddle in any state matter, or other worldly affair: but all his speech tends to piety, virtuous life and mortification, etc. I say, if any be so pure, as believe it that list, now that I have both heard so much & seen so many letters of Fa. Gerrard to the contrary: (of whom of all the rest I ever thought the best,) that jesuit of all other doth most hurt: as used of purpose to win affections; and get great sums of money into his hands: whereby the society is backed & strengthened, and the adverse party thereby more weakened every way. And this reason was once alleged on the Lord Dacres behalf, why none of his should in policy give any extraordinary countenance to any jesuite, knowing the chief was his Lordship's mortal enemy: and therefore the name of a friend to any inferior did increase the number of enemies: all running one way for obedience. THE V ARTICLE. whether then, seeing it seemeth that the jesuits work much by inferior agents, employing those that are fit for nothing else, to win people's hearts unto them by gifts, bribes, plausible persuasions, words of admiration, and other means, in all things rare: may then any one man or other set forth himself to the world or not, verbi gratia, in concealing such things as may hinder his own advancement, as meanness of birth, insufficiency of wit, want of learning, wealth and other favours of fortune, or abilities, virtues and graces, either attending on the body or mind, together with hiding such defects as are private in himself, either of nature or otherwise accidental. And if he may, then whether to the prejudice of any other or not, either in general or inspeciall? THE ANSWER. NO question but he may do so, either for a public or for a private good, so it be without prejudice of others thereby: yet neither may all persons do so alike, nor those that may; yet not at all times alike, nor in all places equally without difference. For the better understanding whereof, it is to be noted, that those who have quite abandoned the world, ought not to seek advancements in the world, and by consequent not to set forth themselves otherwise then they are indeed. Neither in truth shall you find it in any religious order or person, (unless they be apostataed from their faith, as is ordinary by that occasion taken,) save only amongst the jesuits, with whom it is as common a practice as to say their Breviary. See a notable stratagem for this matter in the next Article, how Doctor Worthington precedent at Dowry, and father Ho●t the fully states man at Brussels bestirred themselves in procuring boys and girls, and ●ll sorts of p●rs●● to m●ke p●●t●on to the king of 〈…〉 and other Princes, to have f●●her Parsons made Lord Cardinal of England, m●king it seem otherwise, that all religion and hope of the king Catholics advancement to the English Crown, would ●uaile and be dashed for ever: & yet (forsooth) these holy fathers may not seek for any ●●●●ncemēt: neither will, neither may they take it being thrust upon them. So the fox will eat no grapes, not hungry hounds any du●ty puddings, unless they can come by them, and not be seen. And I verily think more common in some of them, whose whole study, meditation and endeavour seemeth as it were to tend to this only end, how to advance themselves and their society. Which mind of theirs, for that it suffers a contradiction by reason of their religious profession and vow of voluntary poverty (containing in it many particulars opposite to all or any either ecclesiastical or temporal advancement) therefore must they set all their wits a woolgathering, making choice of the finest locks to work up this web in so smooth a loom; and that so covertly, and the threads so laid and wrought in, close couched together, as not a break, knot, or any the least tuft or end of a thread, extravagant of any mundane thought or secular advancement fished for by them be left to be seen: but all pure zeal, spiritual contemplation, perfect mortification, Christian renunciation, contempt of honour, riches and all worldly esteem. Of this I need to say no more, every Quodlibet and Article ministering occasion to talk of the jesuits ambition, incrochment, and seeking for advancement by concealing such defects & wants in themselves as are very necessary to be known, & no way ought to be kept close: neither will they be so hereafter, unless they mend their manners, and reform themselves in their order. Now for others that live in the world abroad in way of advancement, to and in a state ecclesiastical or temporal, thus stands the case. I told you before in the Quodlibets of Fame and report what a Priest's place and office was, and how the state Ecclesiastical or secular was ever to be preferred before the Monastical or religious Monos tying them to a solitary life, & Religion to a stricter retired course and order. Therefore true it is, that though both Priests and lay persons may lawfully seek for advancement, as hereafter shallbe showed, Quia qui in Episcopatum desiderat bonum opus desiderat, said the choice vessel of divine election, to his scholar & disciple consecrated Bishop per impositionem manum suarum: yet is there a great difference in the matters to be revealed or concealed, for the better furtherance or hindrance of their advancement, verbi gratia, a man given over either to wine or women, is not to take upon him the charge of souls: but being initiated to holy orders, a close Cell is fittest for him, to avoid both the danger of damning his own soul by fact, scandal and lewd example given, and also the ruin and fall of others, by his conversing with them: Qui enim tangit picem coinquinabitur, & qui amat periculum, periculo peribit. And therefore ought he secretly to impart the conflicts he hath with himself in such a case to his ghostly father, with desire to have him work some convenient means to stop his preferment if he be urged to take curam animarum upon him. Otherwise, if needs he must take charge, then let him ever have just job his league written in his heart, Pepegi foedus cum oculis meis ne cogitarem quidem de virgine, and so concealing his own infirmities, obstando principijs as much as is possible ter dominum rogando (yea ter centies with S. Paul ut auferratur à se stimulus carnis angelus Sathanae qui illum colophizat: let him not double, but to beat in his heart or feel in his flesh that comfortable answer which the said Apostle had made unto him in the like case, Sufficit tibi gratiae meae, nam virtus in insirmitate perficitur. And so let him go forward in the name of God & reveal his defects to God alone. But now on the contrary in a temporal man, these defects are not so great a blemish, because the one may easily be remedied by marriage (a sacrament instituted in remedium peccati post lapsum Adami:) and the other as sufficiently supplied by competent diet: and neither the one or the other so dangerous to the Church, weal public, or the infected therewith, as they are in the former. Again in a temporal man these are greater defects and causes of hindrance to his preferment, then in a Priest, scil. meanness of birth, want of wealth, deformity of body, foul diseases, and the like. For that although all these things are to be respected in a Priest, scil. that he be not base borne, nor a bondslave, nor a beggar's brat, nor a deformed creature, nor infected with any filthy disease, etc. but on the contrary, of honest parentage, a free borne Denizen, of sufficient patrimony or means to live, though he were not Priest, of comely parsonage, and of a clean constitution of body, & optima quaeque Deo: and further although the question betwixt Civilians and Divines be pro & contra, It was well asked when Adam delved, and Eve span who was then a Gentleman, insinuating thereby, that all Nobleness and gentry came at the first but of mean persons, compared in manners and order of life, with their successors or posterity. Yea the greatest Emperor, honour and families in the world, came often up of meanest officers in their progenitors, scil. of bondslaves, of Scriveners, of gardiner's, etc. which is the cause, that whereas all honour and gentry riseth from one of these two heads, scil. from learning or from chivalry: that by consequent, a Gentleman of proper merit by either, may & is to be preferred before him of blood coat armour perfect, and ancestry, if his deserts excel the others, otherwise not, etc. concerning dispensations, legitimations, and enabling of such irregulates and defectives to advancement in the Church and common wealth, whereof somewhat I spoke in the foresaid Quodlibet of Fame and Report, and more at large have set it out in the Antiperistasis to Dolemans succession, in the bar of bastardy: yet forasmuch as honour est in honorant say Divines, in exposition of the princely Prophet's speech, Omnis honor regis ab intus in fimbrijs aureis, etc. And for that the question is not of admittance into the number of nobles, or gentles, but being once matriculated, cataloguated & registered in that Calendar, whether that then being but a Gentleman of proper merit only, and not of blood, coat-armor, or ancestry, the foresaid wants and defects do more disable the subject, wherein they are inherent to advancement ecclesiastical or civil; that is, whether a Priest by function, or an Esquire by creation aught more to conceal and hide his faults, and which of them may be soon hindered from preferment to higher dignities: as from an ordinary Priest, to be a Pastor, Vicar, Deane, Archdeacon, Bishop, etc. and from a Gentleman of coat-armor, to be a Knight, Baron, Lord baron, Viscount and Earl, etc. Wherein because it is presupposed, that they are both in the way to preferment: the one as a consecrated Priest by his spiritual, the other as a created Esquire by his temporal gentry: the difference by consequent must needs follow thereupon to be this: that being once admitted by dispensation, legitimation, etc. those things most in request with a Priest afterward must be learning, virtue, government, etc. None of which (in our speech of means to advancement) are so exactly required in a temporal Gentleman: and on the other side the graces, and abilities expected at a temporal man's hand, must be parentage, valour, comeliness of person, and wealth sufficient to maintain his estate, etc. which may cause his good fortune by marriage and otherwise: none of which are required so precisely in a Priest: and perhaps not at all necessities, his preferment standing not upon marriage or ostentation of his wealth, friends and temporal abilities, but upon the managing of the thing he hath, or is to take in hand, wherein wisdom, prudence and other civil, political, and moral virtues are required. And so by consequent it followeth, that as both are to maintain their honour, renown and credit to the uttermost, so both may conceal such defects as may hinder the same preferment, which otherwise might and would accrue unto them, always respecting time, place, person and other circumstances, as may prejudice either one or other thereby, which to explain how that may happen, I will set the case down in these few examples following. Saint Augustine (rightly called the Apostle of England) because sent hither by blessed Saint Gregory the Great, to convert as he did this country to the Catholic Roman faith) sending for the Welsh or Briton Priests fallen into Apostasy and Pesagianisme to come to conference with him concerning sundry of their heresies and gross errors, observing well his actions and behaviour towards them, upon the speech of a false prophet or Pelagian Hermit, they all that came to parley, presently left him before the first encounter: because he did not rise and give them the chair, place, or honour point at their meetings, mightily condemning him for an arrogant proud man. But yet was it no pride in him at all, because he both came in all humble wise, submitting himself to the meanest in all Kent, until he had converted them: and also for that he should by giving them place, coming as he did an Apostle, have prejudiced the See Apostolic, and the Pope's Holiness: from whence as an ambassador with Legative power he came: and also he should therein have prejudiced the Regal Majesty of King Ethelbert of Kent by name: who then having received the Catholic Roman faith at Saint Augustine's hands (whom for that cause his Majesty had highly privileged) they did not send for him, but he sent for them by authority from the said King, who afterward also compelled them to receive the same faith, and to renounce their heresy, with the death of two thousand Monks of Bangor Abbey at one time, procured by the King of Kent's exciting the King of Northumberland and others to war upon them, etc. Conformable to this example in another kind, may very well be the secular and Seminary Priests coming into England, with like Apostolical authority, as did Saint Augustine: and therefore as they are to humble themselves in all respects wheresoever they come in England (as he did in Kent) under any civil magistrate under her Majesty, and not to contend for a cap, or a knee: where is ready prepared for them a rack, and a halter, by course of law in this land through the jesuits mischievous practices, bringing all the rest to be had in jealousy thereby: so are and aught they to stand upon points, when they come in place, where their priesthood is called in question, A●●●e 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 we●l ●e two ●●●●ble ●●●●●●es of 〈◊〉 N● 〈…〉 bo●● h●●●●●d a●●b●●h 〈◊〉 ●●all men. Th● 〈◊〉 was assobre, shew●● by the Lord ●●d. D●cre ●o Capt. Stuke●●y: wh●ch Stuke●●y taking upon him to be ●n extraordinary g●●a● person, desire●●he ●●●le Dacre is 〈◊〉 on a time, to give him countenance and the place of 〈◊〉, where e●●● h● sta●●● 〈…〉 checks 〈◊〉 it, told hi●, ●o● and further, if he once esteemed to take either place or title of honour upon him in his presence, he would ma●● him know himself, as too ●reat ●n indignity 〈◊〉 so highly ●●scen●ed of that honour he was of, 〈◊〉 h● & blood to be suffered: & th●t be should well know, that honour consisted not in popular applause, nor yet 〈◊〉 excess & fur●●it of worldly aches. The other example was of a Noble man's son, who being prisoner to a Knight, f●r that the said Knight had enured, into some ●●ai●● with 〈◊〉 concerning hi● Noble blood, be took him by the sleeve, as they w●re in going over a style, & passing over before him, said. Know you Sir H.B. I am W. son of W Lo. S. and though I gave you place before, yet hereafter I will not, neither can I without prejudice of my house and honour do it, etc. and used with contempt either of their function or of the Sea Apostolic, by whose authority they plead. Marry yet herein also with a different respect had to an adversary of an other profession and religion (whom in these times to contend withal it were in vain, and but an occasion of more dangers, many blasphemies & greater sins:) and to one that is of the same religion the secular Priest is of. A very fit example agreeing whereunto was of late showed by one secular Priest to three sundry persons all Catholics, and one a Priest jesuited: to the first being a Gentleman, but yet meaner of calling then either of the other, he gave place at table hand, wall and style: because he saw it proceeded of simplicity, incivili l● & rudeness in him (though perhaps intermingled with some spice of s●l● conceit and sauciness) and withal there came no contempt of Priesthood directly thereby. The second having also before time always given place, because he was an intending person, & one that thought himself no small fool, being able to dispend 800. pounds by year; the said secular Priest on a time reasoning with him about these matters in contention betwixt the Seculars and the jesuits, and perceiving his jesuitical contempt of Priesthood, took him by the sleeve as they were going to dinner (in a Catholic company where he was sure) and thrust him back, sitting down before him, telling him in plain, the case was altered: & that though he had winked at his arrogancy before, yet now he must for the honour of Priesthood make him know duty, and give place to his better, etc. To the third, understanding that he had boasted much of his gentility and noble alliance, and that therefore he was to be preferred before any other secular Priest that was not a Gentleman of equal calling with him, they jumping just together upon a time at dinner, he put him back, and after the table was drawn taking him aside, he said: Sir, I understand you boast much of your gentility, preferring it before your Priesthood, to the great dishonour of your function: It is a fowl bird defiles his own nest: a base minded, ignorant and unworthy Priest that knows not whether he takes his place accordingly or no to his dignity and calling: and as worthy to have the skin razed, cut off, and flayed both from head and hand, and so degraded, as an abuser of nobleness and gentry deserves to have his colours reversed, his arms pulled down, and his coat pulled over his ears & so degentred for ever after. Know you therefore first that it is no note of pride in a gentlewoman of Royal blood married to one of Noble, to take place of her Lady mother in law, or her own mother in some case, if matched with one of honour borne, and highlier descended than her parents are. Secondly this is the difference betwixt spiritual and temporal Gentry, that the former by Priesthood is charactered in the soul, and therefore may it be profaned, and the party disgraced, the stamp can never be taken away: whereas the latter may not only be profaned, but as clearly taken away, as if he had never been. These two speeches going currant, scil. that a Duke being proved a traitor is made but a yeoman, and scarce so substantial a man: but a Priest though an Apostata, yet can never be unpriested again. Whereupon it cometh to pass, that as worship yieldeth, where honour comes in place, and therefore a Nobleman's son being dubbed Knight, rather looseth his place, and diminisheth or obscureth his honour then any way increaseth it, unless it be by name to his wife, by making her a Madam of a Mistress: so gentry is augmented, where priesthood is charactered: and therefore a diminution of honour to insert gently, as an argument of a priestly title, or ecclesiastical dignity. Thirdly then and last of all it followeth hereupon, As Priest amongst Priests take their place agreeing to their seniority of priesthood: so nobles amongst nobles, and gentles amongst gentles, according to their seniority of creation: yet as we see it often happeneth, that some gentles by their audacity, others by reason of some great friend, or affied potentate in Court or elsewhere: others by their wits being of quicker spirits, & withal having many better parts in them for to win favour and merit the place of advancement, than other seniors of their degree & calling▪ and others merely for their wealth and present employment, being otherwise far inferior, etc. so the like doth happen often amongst Priests upon the same occasions, which sometimes may be tolerable & sometimes not. that Priests amongst Priests take their place according to the seniority of their Priesthood, (unless either by office, Doctorship, or some singular other endowment attending on their function it be otherwise allowed of and given unto them) clearly abstracted from all respects had to their generous blood therein. And some move a doubt, whether a Noble man's son coming to be priested, have any prerogative given above other Priests by reason of his Nobleness: and questionless if he be a Monk, Friar, jesuite, or other religious person, he looseth the place and title of his former honour, as dead to all such titles accidental, as whose proper essence is not inherent in the soul. But if he be a secular Priest, than it seemeth he keeps his place of honour still, because as I told you in part before in the forenamed Quodlibet of Fame and Report, an absolute Priest by the laws Canon and Civil is a Knight's fellow in place taking, but not above: and by consequent as a Noble man's son takes place of an ordinary Knight that is not equally Noble as well as he: so doth he also of a Priest, etc. But now whether in place taking it be a diminution of his Honour to be priested or not: there may be a question: and I say it is not, by reason of the person whom he represents, which is the Divine Majesty of God, his Omnipotent maker and most merciful Redeemer. For like as Moses by the Levitical law, appointed an order amongst the aaronical Priests, that they should be in degrees one above another, until they came ad summum Pontificem: which he did aswell to avoid confusion amongst themselves, if all were equal, as they were for two thousand years space and more (during the law of nature, the first borne of every family being always a Priest, Lord and King, or Sovereign over the rest of his family and kindred,) as also to prefigurate the like order now kept throughout the Christian world, unless it be among the observants of the Puritans and jesuits platform and principles: yet still stood this sentence true, pronounced by the Prophet joel, many hundred years after Moses gave the law, that Labia sacerdotis custodiunt sapientiam & legem requires ex ore illius, quia Angelus Domini exercituum est: (making every Priest a Legifer and King, and by consequent a King's fellow and Princes equal, in prescribing of laws by the authority of the laws of God, of nature, and of nations.) So although in the new law, or law of Christ and us Christians, the Melchisedicanian priesthood be subordinate in divided orders one above another, even usque ad summum pontificem, and before and since for avoiding of confusion in place taking and other respects, the laws Canon, Civil and municipial or common of this land have assigned to Priests their places in order as afore is said: yet for that they represent the person of Christ by the merits of his death and passion, in a higher degree of perfection, aproximation and worthiness, than any of either the old Mosaical law, or yet of the new innovate jesuitical familians, although for order sake in civil conversation they keep a decorum in place, with a correspondence betwixt the States Ecclesiastical and temporal, as a Subdeacon before a Gentleman, a Deacon before an Esquire, a Priest before a Baronet, a Priest & preacher, If every Priest should take place agreeing to their Vicegerencie under Christ, there could be no order kept, all being of equal power in respect of Priesthood: therefore was it well provided by the laws, and proceeded of institution divine, as may appear by our saviours giving of pre-eminence to Saint Peter above the rest of the Apostles, that were as well as he all equally Priests, that the power of jurisdiction should be a note to take their place by, aswell amongst themselves as amongst others abroad in the world. or Doctor of Divinity before a Knight, etc. And finally, although in regard of the same order, a Nobleman or his son take place of all these: yet always joels' sentence stands inviolate, ratified, confirmed, and augmented with many sacred, sanctions, privileges, and prerogatives due to the priesthood now, which were not so before: in regard whereof the highest honour temporal on earth is no whit dishonoured, but rather hath an augment of honour by his Priesthood: which to confirm, that holy Bishop Saint Ambrose was bold (being moved by the Emperor and in his princely presence to drink to the best man at the table) to take the cup with a wassall to his Deacon, saying: all peace, health, honour and happiness to you my Lord Emperor: your Majesty knoweth that a Priest represents the person of Christ, and his Deacon supplies the place of an Angel: and seeing the lowest Angel in heaven is far to be preferred before the highest dignity on earth, pardon my dread Sovereign, if I have done your highness command, and preferred my poor Deacon in the cup before the Imperial Regality of Caesar. Yea what else but only this doth it mean, that the poorest Priest on earth, if admitted to hear the Popes, Emperors, or any other King or Prince his confession, sits covered in his chair, while the other kneels bare headed at his foot, to receive absolution at his hands. But enough of this matter. THE VI ARTICLE. whether may or ought a man to seek the like praise, preferment, or advancement for another of his society or company, equally as for himself: or whether fit in policy, if he seek it for himself or his special friends to do it per se, vel per aliam, scil. quartam vel tertiam personam, etc. THE ANSWER. IN matters wherein there is some difficulty, danger, loss, reproach, or shamefastness, a man may, and a true friend will often attempt, act, and perform that for his friend which he would never dream of nor wish to himself: and then by consequent it is clear, that a man may do equally and as much for another as for himself, in the case proposed in the former article. And a simple politician is he that will do it either immediately for himself or his friend. For always the farther off it is contrived by a fourth, fifth or tenth person, and that a thousand miles a sunder: the more cleanly politically Machivilean-like conveyed it is. An example whereof that ignoble Polipragmon father Parsons (though to the condemnation of his Atheall proud aspires, yet to the high commends of his natural ingeny) may be to all posterity in his practice for a Cardinal's hat. The device for which was as followeth. After many practices of father Parsons and his fellows, against her Majesty and the English Crown, Kingdom and State (whereof we will speak anon) aswell by his agents in England itself, as also in Italy, Spain and Flanders, finding the secular Priests at Rome and in England always opposite to his wretched designments, most unnatural attempts, and treasonable practices, Cardinal Allane being now dead, and Doctor Worthington homo secundum cor Parsoni, ruling all the roast in the Low-countries amongst the Seminaries: as that covertly sullen surly Prelate father Holt, did amongst the soldiers and other pensioners there: having devised many shifts for father Parson's advancement, and all failing, at length the King of Spain was made acquainted therewith, and how that the students & others of our nation, were bend against the fathers for his sake (forsooth) in that they sought the establishing of the English Crown to his royal issue, whereupon his Majesty wrote earnestly to his Holiness Pope Clement that now is, A very ●●k●● l●t to this is their now proceed here in England, to get bows and gills, vagrant fellows, and such as ●ee by these scol●●● & ●●ilings against seculars, 〈◊〉 it every 〈…〉 what a part wa● it for the 〈◊〉 to write 〈◊〉 ●●●terly against such blessed men as the jesuits are, wh●●only uphold religion amongst ●s he 〈◊〉 England, wh●●h otherwise 〈◊〉 equable, etc. and to other Cardinals, that in any case they should support, bear out, and mainaine the credit of the jesuits, against the complaints of the English: who without all cause, reason, and sense, but by being seduced by the Queen of England, did greatly calumniate these holy fathers that sought their country's good and happiness, as he affirmed. Whiles this was a hammering in drawing the king's affection from all the English & seculars to the jesuits in general: the above named agents like gallant states men father Holt and Doctor Worthington drew a very formal letter, petitionall or supplicative, in the names of all the common soldiers, labourers, artizens and pensioners, aswell men as women equally without difference, yea the yery scullions, laundresses and servants were not omitted in that pitiful complaining, showing to his Majesty the king of Spain, the present calamities that England stood in: most humbly beseeching his Catholic Majesty, in regard of the great affection and care of our country, and the afflicted English, he would vouchsafe to deal most earnestly with the Pope to prefer that unworthy, dishonourable Prelate father Parsons, to the dignity of Cardinal: affirming it to be the only way to bind and unite the English to his Majesty. (Miranda canunt sed non credenda portae.) But what was the issue (nunc spectatum admissi risum teneatis amice?) In expectation of the same preferment, and for what causes else is to himself best known, & are not much material: this good father went to Rome on pilgrimage, (you may please to imagine out of Spain very devoutly, or rather directly) in the year 1597. Where he no sooner arrived, but presently he was visited or rather courted with two Cardinals at his lodging, to wit Cardinal Baronius, and the other a Spaniard. This extraordinary courtesy and honour done unto the poor man, gave present occasion of some speech in the city, that out of all doubt father Parsons should be made a Cardinal. But the conceit begun thus in Rome, ended there also with a merry jest. For father Parsons being counseled by the Physicians to keep his stomach warm, sent his brother for scarlet to make him a stomacher, who of likelihood so soon as ever he heard the name of scarlet, he was possessed upon the sudden with so affectionate an opinion of his brother's advancement, that forgetting his intent to have only a stomacher, he procured two Merchants to carry in a whole waggon loaden with diverse pieces of scarlet, to his brother's lodging for making of his Cardinal's robes, giving it out by the way to all his acquaintance both going and coming, that his brother forthwith should be made a Cardinal. When this surly father saw such packs of scarlet brought unto him, no marvel though he greatly wondered at it: but finding his brother's error, he was in a great chafe, and mightily confounded, as easily seeing what sport it would be to those that should hear of it. Whereupon in all hast he dismissed the said Merchants, as secretly as he could out at a back door: howbeit it was so open and notorious a jest, as it could not be concealed, but caused indeed many to laugh at him. Amongst the rest one little favoured of this good father hearing of it, came to his lodging in merriment, to congratulate his new advancement. But as soon as father Parsons knew the purpose of his coming: yea (quoth he) doth he know it: then will it be in England within this fortnight. And thus much for seeking advancement. THE VII. ARTICLE. whether then (if lawful to seek advancement) is it lawful to defame, or cast out a detraction of any Catholic, that may by their opposition be an hindrance to the others designments? And if it be lawful than what kind of detraction in policy is fittest to be used? THE ANSWER. IN a matter of fact, if the unworthy be to be preferred, or his malivolous intent or insufficiency made known to be such, as by winking at him he will be the overthrow of the Church or commonwealth, or of the head or some public member or special parcel thereof: verbi gratia: of the Pope, Prince, chief Prelate, or Magistrate, upon whose high prudence the government depends, or of some special corporation, etc. then and in that case he may have a defamation cast out of him, which yet is not properly to defame or detract him, but to detect, discover and disclose his mischief and unworthiness: always preferring bonum publicum before privatum. The jesuits beating the world in hand, that they are the only men on whose Athlantike shoulders the whole frame of the Church and common wealth dependeth: may easily upon so fantastical a persuasion bring people to believe that it is so meritorious a work, to detract, cast of, and pull down all that side not with them, as whosoever doth so arbitretur se obsequit●m prastare Deo. But although ignorant people (not acquainted with cozenage, Atheism and villainy, that the wit of man or malice of the devil can invent,) seem & be incredulous, as not possibly induced to believe such horrible crimes as the jesuits have committed: yet the wiser sort knowing that those in a far higher degree of perfection and nearness to God, than any jesuite is in, have committed as foul● and fearful offences, make no question of it but the like may be in them, and do judge all things written by the seculars against them to be true, the rather for that the jesuits being not possibly able to clear themselves: have only these two naked shifts, scil. the one to deny all as lies: the other to defame all as calumniators that writ so. And upon these two Atheall grounds to stop all means of coming to trial before his Holiness, and in the mean space to incense the people against the seculars, as those that have committed the foulest or me that ever was in writing of books against them. All which the wiser sort do see it but an Atheall device to hide from the world their abominable facts: as though it were a sin to make known a traitor, an heretic, an apostata, an Atheist, a cosiner, a cutpurse, a thief, a murderer, or a knave in grain, etc. But if the case concern himself only, or his own sole corporation, company or society, in opposition against another, either equal or superior to it: then is it most odious in the sight of God so to do. And this is a right Atheall Machivilean device of the jesuits, who pass all that ever yet were for detraction, and taking away a man's good name: yea even when they have tormented a man to death, yet have they most sly and cunning sleights, to make it seem apparent they never did such a thing: and withal to make the party thus crucified by them, yet still to be condemned of all the world as maledictus and an injurious slanderer of them. Nay, which is admirable, they have gotten such a hand over the ignorant multitude, as even these things which are written and discovered of them to the saving health of many a soul, that otherwise would be drowned in heresy, and sink in sin by following of them, besides their preservation thereby from falling into the danger of the temporal sword, by this tribe of traitors and conspirators: yet have they gained people's hearts so far as they will neither read nor hear of their own dangerous and damnable state (if they hold on) whereunto they are brought by them. But on the contrary cry out of all books, letters and speeches, that may tend to the discovery of these men's never heard of more Atheall and great impiety. Which drift of theirs is nothing else but a mere sorcery, charm, or enchantment, to cast poor souls into some apoplexy, lethargy, or other drunken disease, or sweet poison that may soon work at their hearts (for the sweetest poison is a toad: and therefore the speediest death) and lull them asleep, until they be passed recovery, and then rousing them up, they so enchanted are like madmen, or such as run to go hang, drown, kill, or burn themselves: as many have in the froth of their fantastical, erroneous cursed zeal: whom yet whosoever should have sought to have saved, prevented, or persuaded to take a better course, and to renounce the devil and all such false illusions, persuasions and suggestions put into their heads by man, woman, or wicked spirit: they would have been ready to have slowne in his face for it. And even so many otherwise devout Catholics led away with a vain and erroneous conceit had of these new Scribes, Pharisees and hypocrites the jesuits: are brought into such a fools paradise as it is probable, if some did see them sink down quick into hell, they would be ready and entreat to go with them, imagining they were in heaven, wheresoever a jesuit were amongst them. Which is no less blasphemy then to affirm visionem beatificam or beatitudine à presentia divina profluentem to be appropriated unto them. Neither need any to wonder hereat (though no Catholic nor true Christian heart but may lament it) seeing of late years that absurd pseudochrist Hacket had so many followers as this wretched Polipragmon Parsons in his Philopator doth affirm, that the vaunts those base companions (Hacket and his company) then made (scil. of 100000. to be of their mind in England) is very probable to be true: taking Puritans, Barrowists or Brownists, Familians, Anabaptists and Atheists all put together: and knowing the jesuits have a more plausible and deceitful means to deceive poor souls than any of these: yea more colourable devices then the family of Love: who at the first set out books as catholicly written as any could be: so as you should hardly have perceived any heresy, or any other villainy to have lurked in them: until the very upshot, Epilogue, or conclusion in the last chapter, leaf or paragraph, wherein myself once noted how cunningly they dealt to delude the simple and ignorant, with a very like persuasion to this of the jesuits, scil. That all being bound to seek for perfection which consisted in renunciation of property in any thing, but to have all common as it was (say they) in the Apostles time, when every man and woman sold all that ever they had, came and did cast down the money at the Apostles feet, and lived in common together: none taking any thing of their own but as the Apostles assigned them. So this state of perfection being (say the Familians) quite extinct and gone out of the Christian world: we are those whom God hath illuminated to repair, restore, reduce, and make perfect the same again, etc. And doth not I pray you the jesuits doctrine and vaunt of their perfection tend to the same end, in as bad, if not a worse manner than the Familians? Read the second Quodlibet of plots by doctrine, for your better instruction in this matter. And so to return to the Atheall order in policy, observed by the jesuits in defamation and detraction of others for their own advantage. Although they do it by sundry means: yet so many devices they have for making their platform of advancement to a spiritual monarchy, strong and impregnable (if it were possible) as when I have done with these ten Quodlibets which contain as you see each one of them ten a piece, and every one of these ten more (one with another, which amounts to a thousand) yet shall I be ready, and perhaps put it in practice, to make up a new greater volume than this of so many more: the very complemental and historical sum of all plots, practices, stratagems, policies and devices that ever either art, wit or malice could or hath invented: being registered, refined, polished, and reduced into a formal method by them. But to avoid prolixity so much as I may, and discover them as they are: I will only take one principle or maxim of their mischiefs, observed by them for this matter, as followeth. In the practice of detraction there is great skill to be used many ways: but the chief points to be kept are these two, the one that the matter have some show of probability in itself: verbi gratia as to excuse a modest, grave, & sober man of drunkenness, who never tasted of any wine, cider or strong-beare in all his life: the presumption must be this, (with witnesses of it:) to wit, that he was seen twice or thrice go in or come out of a Tavern or Alehouse, etc. so to accuse another (though as innocent as joseph or Suzanna) of fornication or adultery: the presumption must be that he found such two together alone in a chamber, or other place of suspicion, etc. there being no man nor woman living but may be thus calumniated and slandered in whatsoever a right Atheist listeth. Then the second point is: that having a ground ab exemplo to build upon, what kind of detraction he pleaseth, he must always apply the infamy in just opposition to the true same and report: Of all other sins detractation is holden of divines to be most dangerous because fame slieth farthest, and would the backbiter never so gladly make restitution, yet he can n●●er possibly perform it, ne● he● in respect of the number to him unknown, to whose ca●e, the slander is go 〈◊〉 Neither y●● in ●e pect of the matter itself: the most part persuading themselves that some s●●h thing there 〈◊〉 more or less, though now it be 〈◊〉 coloured, 〈…〉 up ag●●●e. Therefore 〈…〉 the Iesu●● will be ●ble to ●●ke amends 〈◊〉 ●●●●●g so 〈…〉 ●●d● h●rs yet on live: I leave it to their strict actions, where they shall find that animus non detractandi will not 〈◊〉 their t●●nes. But yet on th● contrary, the seculars having animum detectendi of them in their proper colours, 〈…〉 of justice to make all men beware of them and their false doctrine, in this point of casting out a slander, or de●●●●ing of any opposite to their wicked courses. and be ever sure to defame a man most egregiously in that wherein, either he knoweth himself most faulty and likely to be overthrown, or else whereby as by an opposite vice to that special virtue, gift or grace noted in his adversary, he only hopeth to overthrow or attaint his credit for ever. For it being not more common than true: that there is no fire without some vapour or smoke: no man condemned without some suspicion, nor any slander raised without some occasion taken or given by one thing or other: so the party once thus detracted, were he as innocent as Christ himself, yet should he never be able to put it out of all men's heads, but that some would think it either was so, or little otherwise, or something was amiss. Conformably hereunto if the party be prudent, of a stirring wit, a quick spirit, and a working head, etc. give out that he is but a fool, one that can keep no counsel: will for a fair word tell all he knoweth, and hath nothing in him but a blind Bayardlike boldness, etc. and either learn out some oversight or other committed by him, or else get some one or other to supplant him in the premises (which may happily be done in some small trifling matter, with the wisest men in the world) the common speech being most true aliquando dormitat Homerus) and then let that oversight be a current of course in general terms: that he is b●t a weak, silly, peevish, foolish, impudent body, and say: for example, why, did he not do, or tell this or that? etc. If he be of a good carriage, government, discretion, learning and judgement, etc. give out he is rash, unexperienced, of no study, learning, nor quality, nor of any behaviour to the purpose, etc. If he be to enter into any office or government: cry who! what he a Cardinal? a Bishop? a Precedent? a Doctor, etc. and laugh him or them (that report it, or wish it) out of countenance for it. If he writ any book or work of worth, jest at it, scoff at it, find some special fault or other in it: as either that he brings no proof but of his own surmise, or that his author was of no reckoning, or such a place, person, time or action, falsely alleged (which in historical discourses, indeed sometimes may be amongst the soundest & surest chroniclers that are, as all men know it) or this sentence without sense, or this false and corrupt, or but a childish discourse without substance, method or style in it: or but a plain dunce, doggerel, dotterel, or without any phrase, but all in inkhorn terms, or written of spleen, malice and disdain, and but an infamous libel: and so reject it as unworthy the answering, or yet (and much rather) not worth the reading. If he be like to win or have won the hearts and affections of some great persons: or stand in grace and favour, with such as may countenance him out: let gifts walk to some night Crows, or other unfriends or back friends that may by bribes or other enticements be set on to incense against him: as to be but a base fellow, a blab, one of no talon, nor account, nor reckoning in places where he hath lived: a discredit to have him in their house or about them: or to suffer him to be in their company, or have any dealings with them, or for them, etc. If he be framed by nature to be of a good disposition, affable, and of a commendable and virtuous life: say he is but a dissembler, ambitious arrogant, a spy, a counterfeit: an apostata: an Atheist, etc. and be ever ready to cry whoreson first, in that vice whereof thyself art guilty, and against that virtue which in the other may prejudice thy purpose. And always be sure to have examples in readiness, be they never so bald or impertinent to the purpose in their original: to confirm that which is intended against him to be true: which to have plenty of in store: the readiest course is: to hearken out in every house, place and company, where such as thou intendest to detract have lived: and as it is almost impossible but that amongst the dearest friends that live on earth, there will sometimes be some cross words, or light dislikes: so always to learn out where such are: and if that will not make a breach, then for to cast out some thing or other of one or both, whereby to make them fall out and part company: that all and more than all, that the one knows by the other, may be known & so work upon it accordingly as before. Amongst many experiences of the jesuits malice in these practices of detraction, I will here set you down only two examples: one concerning myself, which I will be brief in here, because in the Apology for mine own purgation, you shall hear of it more at large: and the other shall be concerning the Students at Rome, wherein also I will be sparing, and take nothing but for this purpose now in question, for casting out of a detraction, and thus it was for both apart. It is not unknown to all Catholics in England, how easy a matter it hath been since the jesuits began their reign amongst us, for sundry lay persons if never so little crossed in their intents and purposes: or if that he (who is their gstostly father) will not applause unto them in every thing they do or say; how that presently they will take pepper in the nose, with caeteri volunt, and so utterly refuse him, and choose another ghostly father to their liking: or at the Fathers or some fautors of theirs, appointment over them. And no where sooner doth this happen, then where these ghostly children are, that being given to lose life, or other kind of wanton behaviour or scandalous liberty, will not leave off their lewd courses, nor endure to hear, or be advised, ruled and persuaded by their ghostly fathers in things pertaining to their soul's behoof. Whereof I having tried many rueful experiences: one amongst the rest was about a Letter sent unto me by a special friend concerning an Honourable person very notoriously defamed. Who having been my ghostly child, it was objected against me by my adversaries (some of the jesuitical faction,) that I knew of such lewdness and winked at it, etc. This rumour although I strait imagined it was but a device to make the parties and me fall in dislike at least one of the other: yet could I do no less then signify by letter so much unto the party on that behalf, and for mine own discharge wrote somewhat sharply, and yet in all charitable manner to avoid such company, etc. But how it proved the effects showed. One of the jesuits faction got presently an interest there in that party: and I was persecuted, made odious to some of my friends, and threatened (of a carpet Cales knight) to be killed if ever he could meet with me: yet anima mea in manibus meis, it was the least thing I feared. Another like to this was shortly after about one of no less Honourable calling: of whom having heard and seen such dealings as neither with a clear conscience could I any longer wink at as the case stood, neither could I find any hope or likelihood of continuance there, after the ye were once broken by reason of the heavy persecution I already sustained by certain lay persons of the jesuits faction, that most basely laboured by continual slanders, vile speeches, and most false reports to work me out thence: having first gotten my stuff conveyed from the party in secret (as no whit deceived in imagining what would follow) and then making a separation betwixt him and his wench, causing her to go home to her parents: presently hereupon there arose such a huffing perrie against me that I was forced to betake me to my heels; and ever since have lived banished from the place and company of those I ever dearly honoured, regarded and affected. And these two noble persons are now most earnest prosecutors of the jesuits and Archpriests sedition, falsehood and faction: notwithstanding that the latter hath heretofore often conceptis verbis most deeply detested them, with many vows, promises and protestations, never to admit of any of them, yea or of any other, that prejudice either our cause in general, or myself in special. Sed tempora mutantur & nos mutamur in illis: yet to this day will no blustering speeches nor big looks get that party a good name or credit, but to be a stolen and laughing stock to the jesuits for some noble blood that is the best in the said parties body. The reason whereof I could tell perdie, Sed transeant ista, etc. Now to the detraction of the students at Rome: therein only a word or two of father Parson's impiety in his letter dated at Naples the thirteenth of july Anno 1598. to make the English students odious to all posterity, so much as in this wretched caitiff lieth: affirming that such of the students as opposed themselves against the fathers, were not well established in the grace of God, when they came to Rome, or had no due preparation to the calling of Priesthood, yea, he spareth not our mother City, but impeacheth the credit of it most egregiously: it being the seat of Christ his honour here on earth. His words are these. When I came to Rome (saith he) I found the College as a field with two hostile camps, within it father General and his assistants wholly aversed and thoroughly resolved to leave the government, etc. And taking upon him to show the causes of those long troubles in the College, he saith: Some think that it is in great part the nature of the place that engendereth high spirits in them that are not well established in Almighty God's grace. For coming thither very young, and finding themselves presently placed and provided for abundantly, This speech had been fitly applied to father Parsons himself, and may justly be returned upon him and his society. and acquainted daily with sights and relations of Popes, Cardinals, and Princes affairs, our youths that were bred up at home with much more simplicity: and kept under by their parents and masters, more than the Italian education doth comport, forget easily themselves, and break out into liberty: I mean such as have run astray and lost respect to their superiors in Rome. And this opinion of the circumstance of place is greatly increased by the judgement of strangers: both Spanish and French, Flemings and other nations: who affirm that they try by experience, that their people which live in Rome, if they be not men of great virtue, do prove more heady afterwards and less tractable than others brought up at home. But yet to this other men of our nation add a second reason for the English College which is at Rome, being a place whereunto many young men do resort, only upon a desire of seeing novelties. When any come thither of the English nation, & find such a commodity of study and maintenance & themselves in want and misery, they made suit for that whereunto perhaps they had no true vocation from God, nor due preparation in themselves, to so holy and high an estate: and so being once admitted, fell afterwards into disorder, and to put out of joint both themselves and others, etc. Thus far this impious father showeth it to be the want of grace in some, and want of true calling in others, that they disagreed with the jesuits. But now to hear his report of the estimation that our English students and Priests have gotten by their being at Rome, I think it will make all parents afraid, and all our youth abhor coming at Rome amongst them ever after, unless their parents wish, or themselves intent to have them all jesuits, or at least jesuits bondslaves, to swear to whatsoever they say, to troth and trudge whither and when they please, and to run their most traitorous race and cursed courses, inhuman, odious, hateful to God and man. In good faith (dear Catholics, Lords, Ladies, Gentles, or whosoever you be that have your children or other friends under the jesuits tyrannical yoke in bondage beyond the seas: pardon for God's love, pardon my vehemency on your behalf, against these malignant wretches.) I could not with patience set hand to paper, after I had read this letter following, but walked two or three turns up and down in my chamber, trembling in anger, with my heart as high as my head, to think on the villainy of this bastardly runagate Parsons: (cursed be the hour wherein he was borne, this filius peccati, sacrilegij, iniquitatis, populi, Diaboli) how ever he durst come at God's holy Altar, after his blasphemies, and outrageous speeches, and writing against the secular Priests and Students, most falsely, irreligiously, and Pharisaically laying his own sins, and the rest of the jesuits seditious uproars, and more than heathenish impiety upon the innocent most cruelly persecuted by them all, and by him in special above all the rest, as most cruel jewish hearted unnatural. His words are these. Lo this wretch: There is no true humility, obedience, nor other virtue, but in a jesuite or his bondslave. Baconius (saith he, and that was one of the Cardinals that came comport him at his lodging) often told me that our youths bragged much of their Martyrdom: but they were refractarij (that was his word) had no part of Martyr's spirit which was in humility and obedience. His Holiness oftentimes told me that he was never so vexed with any nation in the world. For on the one side, they pretended piety and zeal, and on the other, showed the very spirit of the Devil in pride, All the world knoweth these things rightly to symbolize with Parsons, and the rest of the jesuits. contumacy, and contradiction, etc. and ever now and then his Holiness would put his finger up to his brain, signifying: that there stood their sickness: and so would most of the Court, when they talked of them, saying: the English were indiavoluti, and like words. His Holiness added also, that he knew not what resolution to take: for on the one side, to punish them openly, would be a scandal, by reason of the heretics: and if he should cast them forth of Rome, some had told him that they would become heretics, etc. Lo what a long loud lie this Puritan jesuite hath brought to a lose end, falsely fathered on his Holiness against the seculars: all the world knowing the jesuits to be the men most like of any other in the world this day, to fall into the most blasphemous heresy and apostasy: as these that are become already incorrigible of any Prince, Prelate, or people. And again he saith, that I have heard his Holiness often, and diverse Cardinals more often report, with exceeding dishonour to our nation, the headiness and obstinacy of our youths. So as now many great and wise men begin to suspect, that the sufferings of our blessed Martyrs and confessors in England, was not so much for virtue and love to God's cause, as of a certain choler, and obstinate will to contradict the Magistrates there, etc. O monster of all other (for so I may well term thee, because I imagine thou art an irregulate Priest, by reason of thy aspiring heart, which probably would never permit thee to seek for dispensation of thy bastardly base blood! Sundry mischievous practices of impiety are among the jesuits: yet of all their maxims, this is one of the most inhuman, bloody, cruel and merciless, to wit: that whosoever doth not approve and advance Fa. Parsons, and some of his fellows conceits and courses touching our country & nation: (though they be never so foolish, rash, furious, scandalous & dangerous: nay though men be desirous to sit still, and meddle nothing with them nor against them one way or other) yet if he do not aid & assist them, yea & be currents of their fatal course in all things it is lawful, yea, meritorious, to have such persons infamed, by casting out any calumniation against them that may discredit them: the practice whereof, how many poor Priests in England have tasted? nay who hath not? there being not one secular Priest, whom less or more they have not defamed: yea no Prince, Prelate, Lord, Lady, or other person is free from the sting of their tongue, unless they be jesuited. ) woe worth thee wretch: woe worth thee and all the jesuitical brood: who to maintain thy ambition, hast brought this obloquy, reproach and discredit upon our dear countrymen and brethren, innocent, harmless hearts, torn out bleeding by thy massacring merciless cruelty. No law was made in this land for shedding the guiltless blood of Priests, until thou and thy traitorous race by your conspiracies, brought all into jealousy: thou in the mean space, like a base dastardly coward (as commonly all traitors are) taking thee to thy heels: and when any thing happened that might yield profit, praise or esteem, tu & domus tua (the perturbers of Israel's peace) arrogated it to yourselves: if any thing were discovered that might breed danger, you attributed it to the Seminaries and other seculars: thou still reviving old rebellions, and thereby causing new persecutions upon the seculars and other Catholics, shrouding thy seditious practices under the wings of the innocent, and thereby making our Prince and country odious to all nations, for shedding so much guiltless blood: whiles the State knew not who were guilty and who were free: and yet not content to have embrewed thy irregular hands over elbows and all up to the shoulders in occasionating so much blood to be spilled, to keep still in hope thy ambitious heart, hast thou now opened thy profane sacrilegious lips to bring all into jealousy and suspicion one of another: to make both Pope and Prince, Martyr and Confessor, secular and temporal persons odious to all the world: and to themselves most hateful, injurious and contradictious. Hath not all Europe talked of our English persecutions? And hast not thou and thine been causers of it here, and brochers of it abroad in other nations to thy Prince and country's infamy? Have not all nations where the English lived, honoured the secular and Seminary Priests for their innocency? have they not sought to have had their prayers, and desired them to offer sacrifice for them, before those of their own nation? And dost thou as a Zoilus Timon, of an envious emulation at the reverend esteem had of them, condemn them to be men of evil spirits? have not they lived in honour, grace, and favour with Princes, Nobles, and people of all sorts where ever they came: some stooping to kiss the ground where they went: others hurling forth volleys of sighs at their departure, knowing they came like lambs with innocent hearts amongst their dear countrymen and friends, made wolves, tigers, and lions against them by thy means? which few of the innocent knew of, and none of them grieved, ever dreamt of: so closely thou kepst the venom in thy rankred heart? Have not sundry Popes much bewailed our country's desolation, showed true Gregorian affections towards the English nation: often entered into pathetical discourses of our youths, to see so fine, delicate and dainty a breed of wits, come from under the North pole: and sometimes shed fatherly tears in sending of them hither into the bloody shambles, which thy railing libels and traitorous practices had prepared for them? both Pope, Prince and Priest being abused, deluded, injuried and unjustly condemned by thee and thine? Have not all those that came malcontents thence, been such as exposed themselves to thy jesuitical pride, impiety & treachery? And dost thou now dare to say, their sufferance was of choler, and obstinate will to contradict the Magistrate here? nay darest thou father this new hatched lie of thine haughty brain upon his Holiness? for whose cause, and for our obedience to the See Apostolic we chief, wholly, and only suffer, as brought into jealousy here for our obedience that way by them? O wretched seed of Cain and son of Belial! think not but thou shalt one day reap the shame of this report, and end thy days with ignominy and stain to thy society, as the most impious detractor on earth that ever lived. THE VIII. ARTICLE. whether upon the premises in the answer to the last Quodlibetical Article, may it be inferred, that a man unfit to govern, or to be advanced, either for want of learning, or for some other defect thought not to be so worthy as another for that place: yet may be preferred before his better, or not: for some other respect of fame, kindred, wealth, affection, etc. And if he may, than what is chief to be required to make one that hath nothing in him worth the speaking of, to set out himself withal: yet to seem admirable to the mobile vulgus? THE ANSWER. RIches, honours, liberty, health, beauty, etc. are accidents attending on the external man, which go not by signs and symptoms: but by chance and change of fate or fortune, if any be, or may be termed so. Whereupon it cometh (as the Proverb goeth current) that the greatest Clerks are not always the wisest men: though oftentimes it be so. For it is a thing impossible for a fool ever to be a profound Clerk, and never seen, but that he which is very learned indeed, must necessarily have a very good wit withal, else could he never attain to any great or extraordinary knowledge: and then by consequent, learning and wisdom joined together in one subject, make that person more fit for government, then where there is but one of these alone. Yet to speak conformably in answer to the article: preferment at all times, in all places, & to all offices, goeth most by favour of the Prince or superior power: also by procurement of friends (whereupon cometh the saying, better to have a friend in Court, than a penny in purse: also eminency of the person by birth, blood, or otherwise amongst those where he liveth: wealth also may do much (for that will get friends every where) yea I dare boldly speak it, that the chief friends the jesuits have, and the greatest enterprises taken in hand by them; is done more by bribes given to brokers (such as john Fulwood, N. Norwood, George Cope, & other needy people, that know not how else to live, but by being the trumpeters of their trumperies, and to be common criers for them, going with oyesses up and down the streets on their behalf, to make them famous and others odious:) I say they bring more treacherous practices to pass by this, then by any other means. So that these external and accidental favours, attending on the body, and not the endowments of the mind, or deserts of the person, are often chief agents for advancements. Now as for the means to seem some body, and yet be no body indeed, that must come by brokers: whereof (as I have said before) the jesuits have plenty: no country, court, or corner, being without such Locusts or Philistines, ready to come upon all men, by spreading abroad what famous books, acts, etc. have passed from the jesuits, their austerity of life, their humility, obedience, contempt of the world, and a thousand lies beside. THE IX. ARTICLE. whether the jesuits use this as an ordinary kind of blazon for their preferment or no: or whether it be in them lawful so to do, or else only a Machivilean sleight & Atheall policy? THE ANSWER. WIthout all question it is a mere Atheall policy in their heads, as their Provincials, Rectors and others directly, and in their inferior substitutes it is so too, but indirectly: as doing what so ever they do for obedience sake (forsooth) to bring great masses of money, multitudes of friends and other helps unto them, for their better & speedier advancement, by pulling down all others that seek not their preferment, or have any favour showed them independent upon them: a notable example whereof, was a tragical trick of Fa. Parsons against one Master Fixer a secular Priest. This very great and reverend man, as good a linguist as the most were of our nation, coming into England with one master William Warford, a busy and arrogant stirring headed body, (and therefore fittest to be a jesuit, as afterwards he became one) together with Master Cecil (now a Doctor in Paris) having all of them a protection from the Lord Treasurer, Sir William Cecil, Lord Bourghley (that died last) an odious speech going out against them all at the first for that cause: at length they all fled out of the land, By these & innumerable the like examples a man may see how dangerous a matter it is to come within a jesuits danger: for either must he be an impudent copesmate d●ponendo conscientiam to act any thing that the jesuits will have acted: yea & besides this he must (if out of credit with their masships') do some desperate act, or bring some gain o● commodity to them or theirs, or some thing or other must he perform to their honour and credit, in testimony of his loyalty towards these high conceited perfectives, otherwise non introibit in requiem eorum: as was manifest by all these. This good Cardinal (a worthier then whom they never had on & in their society) being mo●● sp●●●fully infamed by these three Priests, (though in one predicament of sp●e●e if any were) yet the meanest of the three highly esteemed for his submission to them, swallowing up the greatest gazogene they could give him under hand with out once gasping at a haust: & the other too, especially the chief Minister Fixer never able to come in credit again, etc. mightily persecuted by the jesuits. Master Cecil went into Scotland where he played on both sides, (as is thought he doth still) like to one Master Tilletson & some others: notwithstanding that Fa. Parsons had termed him a very base fellow, a villain, a knave, a consiner and other like speeches he used of him, of his fatherly zeal to an honourable Earl who told me it. The other Master Warford as ambitious as any, (which his actions as well in Wales, as in sundry places of the West country declared) seeing the only means to recover his credit, and thereby to aspire, was to make the jesuits his friends (who then ruled the roast, and did what they list throughout England.) He therefore insinuated himself so far, and became so officious on their behalf, especially in getting an annual stipend from certain Catholics, for Father Parson's mother and sister (being otherwise not able to live, and by sundry of my friends, and mine own furtherance and procurement therein much helped, otherwise his accounts had come short) that at length he became a young father (forsooth) pater minister at Rome: and what a stickler he was in his new office, I leave it to another discourse: how he went skulking in and out in the English College, about the time of Cardinal Tolleds death, one while abroad with gloria patri when news came that the Cardinal was dead: another while retiring in mournful wise with non sicut erat in principio, when he heard he was again revived: whom the jesuits termed an Apostata, because this good Cardinal having been erst a jesuite, sought to bring them into order, which was thought to have cost him his life: the Rector and his companions denying the Students to come at funeral, or come in place of public prayers made for him. And this for his part. Well, now to the third of that company. Master Fixer was the man most hated of them, because he had spoken most on his Prince and country's behalf against the Spaniards and their government, and rebellious attempts and practices, as by a letter of his may well appear, wherein he toucheth some pure spirited jesuits fautors with infection of the Spanish pip (for these be his words) here in England. But in conclusion, he was so vexed, lacerated, and calumniated by these Atheall Fathers, that he became almost past himself: he renounced his protection, and in bitter tears often bewailing his hard fortune, that his innocency could not save his credit amongst devout, virtuous, and true meaning Catholics, as holden no better than a spy for the State, an Apostata from his profession, and an Atheist in his religion: yea the good Gentleman that kept him, was so belaboured, as invitis dentibus & ensibus he was forced to leave him: and yet, for that which is past, he hath not recovered his credit to this day, with that Puritanian jesuitical faction. In conclusion, this reverend Priest Master Fixer was constrained to leave the land, went thereupon into Spain, and so into Portugal, where he intended to have been a Reader in some religious house. And being at Lisbon in good credit, he procured the release of some fourteen or fifteen English men there taken prisoners, willing them to thank Master Bluet and Doctor Bagshaw for their liberty. Hereof Father Parsons hearing (note well the Atheall emulation of this Machivilean) upon special notice and information had of the danger of impairing the jesuits credit (forsooth) if this secular Priest should be in such high esteem within the King of Spain's dominions: he sent for him presently into Spain under pretence of his preferment. But when he came, he no sooner had him in his cloutches, but forthwith procured him to be laid in prison for a spy, where he still remaineth, unless he be dead. THE X. ARTICLE. whether then (the jesuits arrogating an immunity and liberty of speech, hand and pen against all the world unto themselves) may it be, or is it excusable, or otherwise to be holden as Atheall and irreligious in them, to suffer their seditious faction and jesuitical followers, that are lay persons: as simple or busy headed men, women, boys, and girls, to defame, contemn, and talk like ale-benchers at their pleasure, of Princes, Priests, and all sorts of persons as they do: and (as in the two first general Quodlibets we have delivered their impious dealings therein) is it therefore Atheall policy in the jesuits for their own advancement, and in defence of themselves against all that are not currents of their fatal course, to set down principles and books, or infamous libels of common places for their brothers to kon per coeur, how to insinuate a detraction under colour of zeal, religion, affection, or otherwise against any whom it stands them upon, either to have as an affied friend on live, or else pull down as an infested foe, upon his knees to death: or may they not do so? THE ANSWER. IT is a most unchristian, Turkish, heretical and traitorous ground they stand upon, and a promontory far beyond all the capes and points of piety, lying out into the dead sea, Persian gulf, or Stygian lake of perdition: to affirm, that all whosoever (without exception of person, time or place) must be defamed detracted, backbitten, despised and borne down, that are opposite to them and their designments. And therefore by consequent their suffering (if not urging, maintaining, commanding) the simpler sort so to do on their behalfs, is a new way discovered by a back door, set open to the entrance of the sorest, hatefullest, and most dangerous heresy, that ever yet was in the Christian world: which all true Catholic hearts will tremble to think on, when they see the effects of it apparently before their eyes, (as partly we have already, and mean, God willing to touch it a little further to the quick ere these Quodlibets be all ended) and bewail they shall with fear, grief and anger at themselves: that ever coming into the Catholic church with religious, devout, sincere meaning, care & desire of saving their own poor souls (for I am not of that wretch Parson's mind, that none can be a right Catholic, or established in God's favour, unless he run his restless cursed race against his Prince, country, and dear friends,) none I verily think (unless it were some such Atheist as Parsons, or an odd reprobate amongst a thousand) but come to be Catholic of mere remorse of conscience, for the love of God, and resolute belief, that (howsoever any other is persuaded) this is the only truth and way to walk in. In which though they may be damned by dying impenitent for their offences: yet out of it they cannot be saved, live they otherwise never so morally virtuous. Coming then with this consolation: as a special grace and mere gift of God infused into the soul of man, fully bend to hazard credit, honour, favour, fortune, goods, lands, life and all, rather than to lose their souls, by doing any one act against their own conscience in points of religion, and service of God (for therein only, not in other affairs doth Saint Peter's sentence hold, obediendum maius est Deo quàm hominibus.) And being thus quieted in their mind, voiding their thoughts of all temporising, statizing, and seditious meddlings with the affairs of Prince or Peer: that they should notwithstanding have been so ready to believe these new teachers of innovations, rebellions, invasions, conspiracies, hatred of their Prince, defamation of the blond royal of the land, wishing for population to their native country, havoc, spoil & destruction of all, for their ambitious, unnatural, unlawful pleasures and desires; this shall grieve many a devout Catholics heart, that ever after so many memorable, constant, worthy, and happy conflicts with themselves in these dangerous times, of soule-wrack: they should become so senseless, as to follow such false teachers, and the erroneous doctrine of the jesuits in these cases: this shall one day cause many a virtuous Lady wring their hands for woe, that ever they were so forward on these new Pharisees behalf: unnaturally, disloyally, inhumanly bend against their Prince and country: and indiscreetely, irreligiously, uncharitably against secular Priests. This I say shall make them ready to eat their own nails, to remember their rash, vehement and cruel begun persecution of their secular Priests their own ghostly fathers, the present Apostles of their country, their dearest, nearest, and carefullest tender hearted friends, prepared every hour to come upon their hands & knees, if need require, to expose their poor worn out bodies for their sakes, to the sorest trials on earth, rather than any the least danger of soule-wracke should happen unto them by their means, or want of instruction, comfort, and consolation in their sufferance for God's cause. And considering, that notwithstanding the jesuits fautors (a most seditious faction) have whetted their teeth to so sharp an edge, causeless against those that never did them wrong, but much good many ways (as none of the common adversaries were ever so eagerly bend against priesthood & Priests in general, than they show themselves to be therein, by these coney-catching, hypocritical mates procurements: yet still all being ready to shed their blood in defence of one and the self same uniform Catholic faith and religion, maintained outwardly on both sides alike: (I say outwardly on both sides alike, because no jesuite dare as yet openly maintain the contrary.) It would seem impossible how that ever such malice, hatred, deep disdain and contempt of any, either Prince or Priest could rest in a Catholic heart, as it doth generally in the jesuits faction: were it not that in like cases we find, how many thousands of seeming good Catholics, (and no doubt for the present were so morally outward: for who doth see the hearts of men but God alone, qui scrutator cordium est, etc.) have been abused, seduced, and drawn by piecemeal into most horrible blasphemies, heresies, contempt of the chief mysteries and points of our salvation: by such as at the first did hoist up sails aloft, bare as great a countenance, and were as sound Catholics as any jesuite: nay as any the most religious Priest, Monk, Nun, or Friar that is on live: and yet just by like singularity, ambition, arrogancy and aspiring humours, fell away into such gross errors and heresies, as afterwards they did maintain even to death. For neither Pelagius, nor Beringarius, nor Novatus, nor Arius, nor any other, but had as good, holy, virtuous, devout, religious, and seeming settled and established men and women in the grace of God, that were their followers at the first, and that stood in defence of them as earnestly, faithfully, resolutely, devoutly, and zealously in their kind, as any pure spirit, these new illuminates have at this present to plead for them. Neither did, neither durst any of these heretics maintain their error openly at the first, but by degrees, being crossed in their proud conceits. First they raised a sedition and dislike of their ancient fathers, teachers and governors, then taught secretly strange paradoxes and opinions amongst the ignotant people, which might be interpreted diverse ways: after that (ut est natura hominum novitatis avida) finding how that new names, strange words, and other novelties out of use in the Church of God (as hereafter shall be proved of the Archpresbiterie) did breed an admiration to be had of them, as rare learned men, and I know not what: then from the mobile vulgus they proceeded further to draw great persons, Nobles, Honours and Graces promiscually unto them: upon that again, perceiving exceptions to be taken against them (as there is always some dog in the dorter of God's Church waking, ready to bark at every passe-by out of the way, thereby rousing the Lioness the sweet spouse of Christ, who sleeps with open eyes day and night beholding what is done or said every where) being noted of singularity, and suspected of innovation by sundry tergiversations, equivocations, sophistications, windings, twinding, tracings, and doublings, being often driven to repeal, recall, recant, renounce and deny all their doings, speeches, practices and proceed in seducing of the innocent, at length when they could colour their malice, ambition & lewdness no longer, then lo they burst out into open wars against the Catholic church, and dividing themselves from all other Catholics (as in a sort the jesuits at Wisbich first, and now since throughout England do begin prettily well to ominate what they aim at) affirming that the Catholic church was only and wholly amongst them, and that all others that were not of their company, were schismatics or Heretics: they than advanced their dismal banners, and so many thousands (otherwise virtuous devout, and religious persons) were thus seduced by them, became absurd heretics in following of them: and in the end died (many thousands losing their lives, and many hundred thousands of souls perishing) in defence of them and their heretical doctrine, sects and opinions. And even like to all other heretical proceed, is this course that the jesuits take: God amend them, or cut them off, that no Catholics be ever seduced in the end of their downfall by them. THE ARGUMENT OF THE fifth General Quodlibet. BY reason of the great obloquy, hatred and disgrace that the English nation is brought into by the jesuits practices, (as in the last Quodlibet appeareth, and especially concerning the English Students at Rome most cruelly handled by the seditious faction of the jesuits,) it followeth sitly in this place, to put forth a Quodlibet of Government, to search out, what may be the jesuits drift in plotting for the sway, sword and authority every where to be in their hands Therefore shall this fifth general Quodlibet be of their plots by government and rule in manner following. THE FIFTH QVODLIBET of Plots by Government. THE I. ARTICLE. WHether the jesuits or the Seminary Priests be fit for Government in the Colleges beyond the seas, and whether of the two is more necessary, either respecting God's church, or the weal of our country, to have the bringing up of English youths there? THE ANSWER. IF Cardinal Boromeus (whose rare virtues all Europe talked of, had had the hearing of this disputation, and been umpire, moderator, or judge paramount of this question) he would sure have been on the Seminary and secular Priest's side. For this good Cardinal observing well the pride of the jesuits, their practices for enriching, advancing & bringing of themselves to be admired at of all men (right Lucifer like, as much as to say, am I not the chief) and their coney-catching devices, for alluring of the finest wits, children of most towardness, and those of rarest aspects, and greatest hopes to their spiery, having intelligence how they held in diverse Seminaries within the Duchy of Milan the like course and state, taken upon them under colour of teaching and bringing up of youths there, as they did in other countries and provinces about him, and where ever they came, he thought them no fit men to remain within his jurisdiction. Whereupon he banished them out of all these places: esteeming it far more necessary to have such apt men, and those of the finest wits, quickest spirits, and likeliest to prove great clerks, to become secular Priests (as those appointed by institution divine to take upon them the care of souls: and therefore woe unto them if they be ignorant in the law they are to give and expound to their flock and charge.) This he prudently conceited, as it was more convenient, yea of bounden duty for those that were indifferent what state of life they took them unto in the Church of God, rather to have them secular Priests then intruded into any order of religion or monastical life whatsoever: which intermeddleth not ex professo with any such charge: but live after the prescript rules of their orders, private to themselves as their vow and profession bindeth them unto: and none more than the jesuits, if they say true, or as they would sometimes, for a device make people believe they do. So as it cannot be otherwise (which this worthy Cardinal well noted in them) but that the jesuits in all their practices, plots and pretences (shadowed over with never so condensate a bright colour of religious zeal) aim at a higher mark in the apple of the world's eye: then to do all things gratis, and of poor pure devotion, charity, humility, obedience, and I cannot tell how many Academical virtues and perfections, which must (forsooth) be attributed unto these perfect statesmen and religious illuminates. For how is it possible if they had any good, religious, Catholic or bare Christian meaning with them, that they should make exceptions of persons, in admitting none into their company or society, but such as either by his wit, wealth, birth, or other means, may bring some gain, help and means to their further preferment and advancement here on earth. You progeny of vipers (to use our saviours words against you) the offals of the old Scribes and Pharisees: who hath taught you to eschew iram venturam, to sequestrate yourselves from the world: to take upon you a state of perfection: and to include and exclude: to choose and refuse: to force whom you list (or otherwise to rail upon them and condemn them to hell on live in your arrogant censures) and to thrust back whom you like not of, that gladly would enter in: no doubt but of a religious conceit they have of you, though happy those that are so thrust out from among you. Is this your holy society? Is this your perfection of life? Is this your zeal of souls? Is this your freedom from error? Is this your skill of government? Is this your doctrine of reformation? Is this your familiarity with God? Is this your nearness by illuminated admittance to know secrets to others unknown: that you dare put out and put in whom you please to have this familiarity, and to be illuminated as you vainly vaunt of? No, fie blasphemous wretches, you prejudice Christ our Saviour, his sweet spouse, and his sacred anointed Priests. Nos talem consuetudinem non habemus neque Ecclesia Dei. Never was there any religious order that took your course: nor held such fantastical, extravagant, exorbitant, irregular opinions as you do. It is flat singularity, innovation, and absurdity of your idle brains, without any authority either of the Catholic Church, or Scripture for you: to single out any one soul in this sort. Did our Saviour teach, did his Apostles practise, did the Church deliver by tradition unto you, that you might or aught to admit none but wise: but wealthy: but of great parentage, or busy headed bodies into your society? Was heaven made, did Christ suffer his bitter death and passion: left he an order in his Church, that none should be admitted into a state of perfection, but either rich folks, or Philosophers, or Princes (for howsoever you teach to the contrary openly, yet your practice showeth it to be your meaning privately.) No, no: (seditious Choristes, Dathanians and Abironistes) there is no such text of Scripture, nor Cannon of Apostle, nor Decree of ecumenical Synod, nor Tradition of the Church, nor consent of Doctors, nor rule nor principle, nor any the least clause in the foundation of your society, or confirmation of the same by the Apostolical Roman Sea: that makes for you in this point of singularity, election and choice. The doctrine of the Catholic Church, consists of three special principia or causes (rightly so termed in Christian Philosophy) the one supplying locum materiae, scil. fides: the other formae vel efficientis, scil. charitas, and the last: finalis, scil. spes) called of Divines the three Theologicals, because they are all infused, and none of them acquisite virtues. The first is faith, as the gate without which none can enter into God's house, either here militant on earth, or triumphant in heaven: for accedentem ad Deum oportet credere, etc. The second is charity: as the way by which poor sinners walk in their journey towards heaven: which whosoever wants, if he have faith able to remove mountains, give all he hath to the poor, and his body to the fire: yet without charity shall he never come there, Si charitatem non habuero, nihil sum. The third is hope, as the finiall end of our entrance into the Church of God, and cause of our progress in a virtuous course of life therein: which is to be partakers of a glorious resurrection, and to enjoy eternal blessedness: for if it were not in hope of this miserabiliores essemus omnibus hominibus. Of these three the Apostle saith manent tria haec fides spes charitas: maior autem horum est charitas: as much to say as this: it is hope that moves us to troth and trudge, and take such pains to come to heaven: it is faith that openeth the way thither, without which God can never be pleased: but charity is the form and cause efficient, and therefore as a golden mean and chief of three, she gives the Crown to King and Queen: and remains in heaven for evermore. Now tell me you illuminates of high aspires, wherein doth your familiarity and approximation to the inaccessible light consist? I know you will not be Solifidians, because you smell more of Familians. And if you will be neither of both, but believe as the Catholic Church believes: then why doth not your words and deeds agree in one? You know our sweet Saviour died for all alike: and yet neither all, nor half, nor third, nor tenths of all shall be saved. You know the merits of Christ jesus extended on his part equally to jew and Gentile, Christian and Heathen, faithful and infidel, Catholic and Heretic: and aswell to those that lived in the time of his death and passion, as to those that died in noah's time, or are now, or shall be borne hereafter to the world's end: and yet but one kind, to wit, the faithful livers, members of the Catholic Church: for, unus Deus, una fides, unum Baptisma, & unica est columba mea: and would God all of that one company and body mystical might be saved. You know it is not Gods will absolute but permissive, that any one soul should perish: and yet herein is an insoundable depth, which a nearer friend of Gods than any of you are, calling to mind the Prophet's speech: jacob dilexi Esau autem semper odio habui, durst never define upon: but concluded with nescit homo utrum odio vel amore dignus sic. You know that infirma elementa huius mundi elegit Deus ut fortia quaeque confunderet: that Christ chose for his Apostles innocent, plain, and simple men, without gust or gall, welt or guard: and that he confessed unto his heavenly father, & humbly acknowledged it as a special favour: quia abscondisti haec (saith he) à sapientibus & prudentibus, & revelasti ea paruulis. Which paruuli I can never be persuaded was meant of the jesuitical elated spirit, but rather of a Seraphical Friar, whose patron sweet S. Francis, hath justly for his innocency and true humility abounding in his charity that Gospel appointed for his day. In few you know, that if heaven were only prepared for rich men, than beggars might go abegging indeed. If for Gentles, Nobles, and great Princes: then boors, peasants, carters and ploughmen might well entreat Peers Penniless to make a supplication for them to the devil. If for Academics, Peripatetics, Stoics, Epicures, and other Philosophers: or else if for Samothists, Solonists, Licurgions, and other Lawyers: or otherwise if for Petrists; Thomists, Scotists, and other schoolmen, learned, wise and profound clerk: then poor souls what should become of simple men and silly women: they might all go hang themselves in deep despair. If all these three be required in one person (as commonly you jesuits hunt after such bucks of the first head but yet with a velvet pawme) then alas for woe: how shall ever those come in heaven, that have neither quality of body to get it, nor gift of mind to gain it, nor quillet of land to buy it, nor quiddity of wit to keep it? No, no, proud Pharisees you are deceived: Non est personarum exceptio coram Deo: neither hath he left the kingdom of heaven to be given to one more than to another, for any human gift or quality in them. Sed qui potest capere capiat. It is laid open to all alike, and only the truest lovers carry away the greatest trophies: and charitable emulation (who may love their Lord God most dearly) that is the only spiritual strife for heaven, amongst all those that ever come thither: regnum caelorum vim patitur & violenti rapiunt illud. It is neither gotten by poised of words, by pregnancy of wit, by brag of birth, by boast of wealth: by dint of sword, or prick of spear. Only such a prick doth prick it, as pricks the heart of God and man, and no human creature is exempted, but all admitted to have that heavenly Caduceus stricken into their hearts. Not the poorest beggar, nor simplest soul, nor basest body that lives, but hath the touch of love and affections, as naturally inserted in his will: as hath the greatest Monarch under heaven: and therefore all alike near to God by creation, by redemption, by natures incline in every one: Love divine (which we call charity) making no distinction of persons, but by the measure of their affections. And so true it is dimissa sunt ei peccata multa quoniam dilexit multum. Et qui plus diligit, ei plus dimittitur. Hereupon riseth the common opinion to carry sense with it: that poor, that simple, that mean, that ignorant men and women, go sooner to heaven, then rich, then noble, then learned, than such wise wizards as you jesuits are. The reason whereof can be none other than this: For that these three virtues, faith, hope and charity being the gifts of God, and not to be gotten by Aristotle's wit, nor Caesar's might, nor Croesus his wealth: the simple meaner and poorer sort, suffer God Almighty ordinarily to work more freely, firmly, & sweetly in their hearts (utpote suaviter disponens omnia, abundantly supplying their other defects) then in theirs, who thinking themselves to be jolly fellows, will contend by reason or otherwise with the giver of all things: and so strive to give God check mate, or to be half with him in their proud Nemrodian aspires. Which is the cause that they often suffer a Luciferian fall: which other that seek not to climb so high are free from. And for this cause it is, and hath ever been in use (save amongst you jesuits) that those who did take themselves to a religious course of life, did it in simplicitate cordis, voiding their thoughts of all promotions, popular applause, or other gain, to accrue unto them thereby. Therefore do I conclude, that by all probable conjecture, there is not one amongst a hundredth that goes to be a jesuit, that hath any true religious intent in him: but a proud, ambitious, vain glorious, aspiring mind. For what hath poverty to do with riches? what, contempt of the world with worldly honours? what an abject life, with birth and parentage? what, original innocency, with sinful policy? what, solitariness with panigeries of praises? what, mortification with popular applauses? what, religious renunciation, with fame and renown? what, perfect humility, with vaunting arrogancy? what Cells and Cloisters, with Courts and Palaces? what, true obedience, with controlment of Princes? what, Monastical exercise, with Ecclesiastical: nay with temporal, mechanical, mundane affairs? Is this your profession of so high perfection? O that all states in Christendom would follow Cardinal Boroneus his example, either in banishing of you quite out of Europe, or at least in pulling in your horns, until you were brought into some better order, moderation, & knowledge of yourselves. For my part I confess unto you, that as I have hitherto always prayed and enjoined others to do the like, for peace, unity, and concord betwixt you and the seculars: so shall it be my continual prayer hereafter: that (howsoever other states do, it may please God of his mercy to look upon our afflicted country, and to move the heart of his Holiness, to call you out from amongst us here, until your insolency be abated: and withal to remove all jesuits for ever out of the English College at Rome: where there are other manner of practices than were ever attempted by any jesuit in the territories of Milan, nay or I think in the Christian world beside: many reverend, virtuous secular Priests being sent home into England, loaden till their backs cracked with the jesuits calumniations and slanders: and none but such as will be jesuitical wholly, and not perfunctory, may find any favour there. Therefore cursed be the hour that ever they got entrance in that College: and cursed be the time that ever they set foot on English ground, and a triple curse unto them all, that to maintain their ambition, pride, and seditious factions, have scandalised the whole world: brought our nation into reproach and obloquy, and heaped the hot coals of furious burning, nay, consuming flames of fire, famine and sword, upon afflicted Catholics, with their own and their native country's ruin, destruction, and desolation, so much as in them lieth. And sure, he or she hereafter that shall send their children, or go themselves, to become students at Rome or elsewhere under their government, do either by consequent cast themselves into a voluntary slavery, as bad as if under the great Turk: or else must they change the true nature of an English heart, and become traitors or sautors of conspiracies against their Prince, country, and dearest friends. THE II. ARTICLE. whether then (seeing the jesuits are so infested enemies to all that are not jesuited: and that it is a destruction to our English youth to be brought up under them, as far more fitting to have secular Priests to be governors over them at Rome and other places,) do they intend if they prevail in England to advance any secular or other English Priest to Ecclesiastical dignity, or else some seculars, of other nations: or none at all? THE ANSWER. I Told you before if you remember, that they have made a Puritanian division of the Ecclesiastical state in their high Council of Reformation for England: wherein amongst other things a statute is made for abrogation of all Episcopal dignity, and that just like to the Puritanian or the Cartwrightian, or the Brownistian, or the Genevian, or the Gehenian platform: there shall a new order or government be brought into the Church, whose governors shall consist of six seniors or elders (in the congregation of Bedlams or Dutch Peers, or what you will call them:) whereof the seculars shall be as it were chaplains to the jesuits, as Pater Rector and Pater minister, that is father Parsons and his minister. So as clear it is, that the jesuits will always have some seculars amongst them, either to use as asses to lay their load upon (if any thing happen amiss amongst them:) or else as jebusees in this land of promise (made unto them by the king of Spain, as they report) left for these choice people of God to work upon. But howsoever it happen, I find no mention made in that statute, whether the seculars must be aliens and strangers, or of a native brood: that shall be put to these mean offices. For it were an indecent thing, that the great fathers should desist from preaching, dealing with Princes and high affairs & ministrare mensis. No fie, God forbidden their honours should so basely be stained: and the matter I think is disputable, whether they shall be all Spaniards, or all English, or of a mixed hotch potch of all, or so many sundry nations. But I think sure the last: for it were no policy to have them all of one nation, but rather like the Turks Bassas, and janissaries of omnium gatherum. So that if any of the English Priests be admitted to that servile dignity, it is very like to be the Archpriest (were it not that more probable it is that father Parsons will have about with him for old done deeds) or Doctor Worthington, or Doctor Turner, or some hot spur of the assistants, or such one or other, as may be fittest to serve their turn for the time. Mary for any of our nation to be in the highest rooms save only jesuits, that is not a thing to be looked for, as too arrogant a part for any to think of it. Yea Doctor Allane troubled them much with thought and care, where to have bestowed that silly simple man, if the Spaniard had prevailed in the year 88 For to have made him only a Pater minister, they could not with honesty, because he was then a Cardinal: and to have made him Archbishop of Canterbury, or York, or Bishop of London, these were all too high places for him, as not a man of sufficiency to govern or deal in such affairs as these places did require. And again the Spaniards should have been our Bishops for a time, and the English jesuits their Interpreters. So as it was a very difficult and doubtful case, what should have become of the poor Cardinal, till at length (considering he could not live long) they determined to have bestowed some of the meanest bishoprics in the land upon him: as Carlisle or some such like: Sed parturiant montes nascetur ridiculus mus, all turned to a jest, there was no such matter. THE III. ARTICLE. whether then do the jesuits intent in that case the preferment of any temporal person (seeing they intent no secular) of England, or not, in the temporal state? THE ANSWER. THey do questionless intent it: for the preferment of some, for a while at the first: otherwise they had no policy in them (for I doubt not of their ingratitude further than to serve their turns withal.) First for that some of their greatest adversaries of the temporal Lords, as the Lord Dacre, etc. are no way to be bearded out, but by their joining with some such honourable persons, as may and will make the jesuits quarrel theirs, against him for their own advantage. Secondly, for that it cannot otherwise be, but that there are many secret promises, with bonds, vows and protestations deeply made of sundry great and high preferments to those that now are sticklers for them. Thirdly, for that they have received large sums of sundry great persons already: and therefore must repay them upon other men's lands, etc. Fourthly, for that they are not able to win, nor yet keep this so mighty a Monarchy, but by the aid of such, etc. But yet shall none of these be so advanced, but that they shall stand at the jesuits devotion: as now the Archpriest doth, to continue so long, and no longer then is for their turn, and that they shall be ruled and subjecteth under them. THE FOUR ARTICLE. whether then seeing it appears plain we shall have a change if the jesuits prevail, do they intend a change of government in the Monarchy only, or therewithal in the Universities: Inns of Court & Chancery, and in all other Colleges, corporations, companies and societies also: or do they only aim at some few chief houses? etc. THE ANSWER. NOw when you talk of societies, you make me remember the new buildings in Edinburgh called the College or society house of the City: where the Puritans have many pretty orders, observations, and rules set down amongst them for government, not much unlike the orders of the jesuits society. For all these new illuminates must have one trick or other of innovation and singularity in every thing. And so I make no question of it: but if the jesuits prevail, they intent, and will turn all things topsy-turvy, upside down, sink shall up and since shall under: a dead man shall rise and do great wonder: not so much as the society drink but shall quite be changed: and a lack what ails my minnie at me heigh ho. In Parson's high Council of Reformation (wherein as those report that have seen it, this whole monarchical Isle containing England, Scotland, and Ireland, is made a Province depending upon Spain and jesuitisme) all the whole state must be changed, as I told you before: and the lands and signiories of Clergy and Nobility, Universities, Colleges, & what not, must be altered, abridged or taken quite away. Yea these popular Francklines great rich farmers or muckle carls of the country: these Kentish yeomen, untriall Gentlemen the jesuits officers, must be authorized to confiscate certain houses of special note in particular, as this ignoble bastard Parsons in his vain, childish, but arrogant hope hath already in conceit confiscated Cecil house to be Casa professa, and another there by it to be Novitiatum: and so of others, all must be changed into nova vitia, yea such vices as were never heard of before. For it is an imagined principle amongst the jesuits (which infatuates them to adventure credit, conscience and all) that where they once set footing, they must prevail. Upon which vain conceit, their tormenting and troubling every nation where they come, causeth religion to be blasphemed: never any thing prospering in God's Church where they come, & have any meddling or dealing. France abounded with Hugonites (a kind of Puritans) and was never quiet so long as they were there: & yet now we see the Catholic religion hath marvelously increased since they for their sedition, treacheries, conspiracies, were justly banished thence. How mightily Polonia was pestered and troubled by them: it appears in a book entitled Equitis Poloni in jesuitas anno primo. Yea the Danskers made it an objection of not admittance of the Sweden king, to be their Sovereign without condition of expelling the jesuits from his Court and Counsel, what fruit the Indians have reaped by them, the Spaniards shall themselves report it. But so it is that by the cruelty of the jesuits and Spaniards together (let them take it betwixt them) they are brought into that hatred, as there is expected rebellions and revolts from under King Philip's allegiance every hour. The like is of their garboils in Italy, Spain, Germany, and other places: and for England we have said enough already: all the world seethe it, what mischief they have brought and wrought amongst us. Neither I will warrant, shall you hear of one jesuit, that ever will acknowledge himself faulty: nor say with jonas: Si orta sit haec tempestas propter me, proijcite me in mare: no it stands not with their lofty humility, nor Atheall obedience, nor Pharisaical zeal to do so; sed ex fructibus eorum cognoscetis eos. Name me that nation that ever prospered in those actions, wherein the jesuits dipped their fingers in the fat, or had any special commodity or gain in re or in spe thereby. What good have they done in the Low-countries, or in Germany, or in Scotland, or in any other place where they come? Only this they have done: they come in with gloria patri every where: and until they have, like great falcons or hawks of the Tower, firmly seized upon the prey, killed, at random, wing, or souse, they proceed forward with & filio, holding the panting heart fast in their talents (for every puny jesuit, though he be scarce able to say boe to a goose, yet must he be as a correlative to his admired at holy father, his jesuit predecessor, that went before him: and so by consequent a ravening bird of prey, to make poor fowls, I should have said silly fools, sweet souls, to tremble and quake:) Marry afterwards finding store of game, fawconers and spaniels enough at beck and command to discover the Covee, and spring the Partridge at their pleasure: and withal taking an extraordinary delight in preying upon such sweet young birds, and tender flesh (and herein no one nation under the cope of heaven, yielding more nor of greater pleasance of both sexes than England doth) then lo they begin cantare nobis canticum nowm, with, non sicut erat in principio, sed ut est nunc, & semper erit, until a better advantage come for another change. And thus play they Madge good cow, as erst I told you: scil. they give a good mess of milk, and when they have done, throw it down with their foot. They preach sound doctrine, give wholesome counsel, draw many back from a lose & dissolute life: but after they have once gotten firm footing, they cast all down with three lofty capers of pride, ambition and arrogancy. Which three makes them forget both God and all good Saints, and turn their religious piety into sacrilegious policy: still tampering about kingdoms, monarchies, commonwealths and temporal states, how to bring them into mutinies, contentions, seditions, rebellions and uproars: that thereby, whilst two dogs are a snarling together about a bone (perhaps but a brabble de lana caprina) they like a company of ours may come in and snatch away the bone from both of them. For even so is the jesuits vain hope of the English monarchy, as in the Antiperistasis I have set out more at large. THE V ARTICLE. whether then seeing the jesuits must in policy prefer some temporal Lords, and great persons (for a time at the least, if they prevail) do they favour, seek, or wish for the preferment of any of the blood royal of England, borne under English allegiance or not? THE ANSWER. THey wish no more, nor so much for the preferment of any English, be he or she of the blood or no (for all is one in that case, as hereafter shall be proved against them) as they do for a Scot, or a Spaniard, or a Fleming or German, or any other: marry yet in a different manner, using the help and aid of every nation to countervail the one or the other withal. So that in policy none must bear too great a sway under them: lest they keep all from the rest, and so thrust them out also. And therefore shall their authorities be limited, and the number set down, how many English, how many Spanish, how many Scots, how many Irish, how many Flemings, how many Germans: and no doubt, but there shall be some Italians, French, Polonians, Bohemians, Portugals, etc. THE VI ARTICLE. whether then labour they for the establishment of this their government more by the means of England, or Scotland, or Spain, or Austria & Burgundy: and what nation is it they hope and affy most in the intended conquest? THE ANSWER. THey labour in esse directly for the Spaniard and Burgundian: in spe, for any that they think for the time present may stead them most: which hope being passed of one then, for another again: as one while for Parma: another while for Derby, etc. But in re, they labour for none at all, more one then another: save only as I said before, to make a hodge-podge of all together: setting the subjects of each nation by piecemeal against their Sovereigns, & this famous I'll, to be a Scot to them all: that is a collection, flocking or gathering together of all nations, people & languages throughout the world, that have any jesuit of or in the country where they live. THE VII. ARTICLE. whether then have they any wish or intent of marriage for any of the blood royal of England, or whether for any one more than another: or none at all? THE ANSWER. THey could wish no question of it (as hereafter shall be proved) that there were not one of the blood of England left on live, either within or without the land, as a special help and mean, if it were so, to further their popularity thereby. But as now it is, they could wish them all bestowed in opposition one against another, to make the title more doubtful, and the rightful claim more difficult and dangerous: as those that care not which way the game go, so they go not out: or who be preferred, so the English state & commonwealth be not strengthened in itself thereby against the intended Allobrogicall government: which is the only thing they fear: as by all their practices it is apparent to be seen: and especially by their traitorous speeches, and disgrace of all the English blood royal in public writings: and yet covertly under hand working, now for one and then for another, as chance and change affords them hope and favour. THE VIII. ARTICLE. whether then their chief pretence being religion, and setting up and advancing and restoring of the Catholic Roman faith: as in all father Parson's books, and other of his and his fellows writings, conferences and speeches it may appear: do they seek willingly, absolutely, and sincerely the conversion of all or any of the blood royal of England, or of none at all: but for a fashion's sake to blind well meaning Catholics, with a pretended colour of religious zeal? THE ANSWER. THey are wholly sick of the fashions in these their seditious factions. But yet for fashion's sake, they have a new fashion, by which is fashioned all their fashions, follies and deceits: and that is to have a new trick of a viridary post or current of time to gain time withal, in keeping Nobles, State and all the people in suspense of events, until they have what they look for. And this is a practice of very high importance. I cannot tell what to say to them, they have so many Machivilean devices, as every plot & drift seemeth to be an infallible rule of falsehood, and a principle in chief, whereby father Parsons & his adherents do so square their actions, as never a Prince in Christendom, nor any man living can tell where to find them, or how to trace or trust them: they are so uncertain, & so full of forms, fashions, turnings & doublings, as never wild March hare had more. For they hold out, only as time serveth: now filling all their sails, & then launching forth with a fair gale of wind: & again within a ken casting anchor, with a breath in a plausible calm: & yet presently after with a whirlwind for another purpose, hail in the bol, and hoist up sail, pump amain, and cast all upon the starboard but took for a time. Time them being the length, change the breadth, & comformity the rule they square by: I can judge none otherwise of their intent for conversion of any one, then as of their like meaning in other practices: which is, that if they have any use of a man (who yet perhaps is not altogether for their purpose in all things) they make fair weather with him for the time, and afterward, lest he should expect some extraordinary favour or benefit at their hands, they have twenty dog-tricks, new ways & devices by detracting (which by their maxim is called gaining or winning of time) how to shake him off very jesuitically, and he never the wiser of it. Of this principle observed amongst the jesuits for winning of time, father Cryton a Scot jesuit (I think overslipping himself at unawares in his words) told the Lord Dacre, being then in Spain (put in hope of great matters, but impatient in delays) that it was their manner, when they had one of his account and calling, that although they could not, or at least would not perform what they promised, or put the party in hope of: yet was it in policy for them to draw him on, without giving him any resolute answer to the contrary: as the only way to gain time: so that by keeping him there, put off with lingering hope in delays, they might the easier either act some other action by him to serve their turns withal (which upon the sudden could not be in readiness to be enterprised) or else prevent some inconvenience, which might happen unto them by his present departure or absence in another place. Notwithstanding the Lord Dacre having had sufficient warning given him before, aswell by the Noble Duchess of Feria, half sister to Sir Robert Dormer, nephew to the said Lord by marriage (who hath often showed a true natural English Ladies heart, even living in a Spanish soil, against these unnatural Parsonian practices) as also by the said father Criton (who bid his Lordship in effect look for none other, then to have father Parsons his mortal enemy for ever: by reason of his refusal to favour or further the title of the Lady Infanta, and for his free and liberal speech on the behalf of his Prince and country against all foreign pretenders, etc.) expected no less, as since he hath found, then most injurious calumniations against him every where. Yet used Parsons often dalliance with his Lordship, either to make him break off friendship some with his dearest friends: or else to feed him with hopes or gifts, to colour other guiles, or to remove some old stools to make him break his shins upon them, etc. It was a pretty jest, to hear how they cogged with master Cecil after he had gotten his protection here in England, & how by gaining time of putting him off with hope of present parley this day & that day, and at such a place now, & then at another, they made him trudge & coarse both tide, Thames and time with cross encounters, until he was weary of it. But of all the rest, they used a faithful servant of theirs, Doctor Barret precedent at Douai most unthankfully: which because it is the very Anatomy of all the jesuits base gained time, I will set it out word for word as it is in the original, wherein I found it: yet very briefly there delivered. This master Barret was for a long time one of the jesuits chief darlings, and a special instrument to many purposes: whom they requited in the end with all manner of disgusts and disgraces, even to his last breath. For being sent for up to Rome about the breach of the students with the jesuits: Cardinal Tolet hoping he would have taken part with the seculars, intended to have made him Rector there, and to have cast out all the jesuits as he did cast out six of them. But Master Barret contrary to the Cardinal's expectation, became wholly jesuited, and did what he could in favour of them against the students. Whereupon Cardinal Tolet rejected him as an unworthy man. The jesuits afterwards sent him down to Douai to his old charge: and father Parsons the archcousiner craftily made him purchase a house which cost 1200. crowns, and withal stopped at Rome the Pope's pension for the College the space of two years. By these occasion's Doctor Barret in behalf of the College fell in debt 3000. crowns: the jesuits all this while keeping from him the annual pensions. With this the Doctor at length being moved, sending to Rome to complain and require the money: gentle father Parsons went to the Pope, and accused him of excess and evil husbandry, in disposing the Pope's Pensions. And so by this means through gain of time, suffering the house to fall in extremity, father Parsons gained two commodities thereby: one was thereupon to send into England for collections to be made: and that none should come over unto Douai without twenty pounds or a good large sum in their purses, by reason of the great want that the College was in: another, that hereupon through tract of time, he got advantage of the poor Precedent, as though the College had decayed through his default: and so intended upon that occasion to have cast him out, and have thrust in jesuits in his place, saving that his death prevented it. But other matters falling out here in England contrary to their expectation about their Atchpresbiter: it was thought necessary for gaining of time a while longer, not as yet to place there the jesuits, but one Doctor Worthington for a time to be a stickler to gain time by for them. Thus you see the jesuits axiom of winning, redeeming or gaining of time is nothing else in effect, then to run withal times, in altering their positions, by three general rules or propositions (used now one way and then another as a medius terminus for every doubtful argument) one is tempora mutantur: ergo nos mutamur in illis: Another is: omnia pro tempore: ergo nihil pro veritate. The last is: divide & imperia at all times, so as the division of the spoil being in thine own hands, thou mayst make it serve thy turn, to win by time thy desires. The practice of which ground is in no jesuits affair so manifest, as in this very point and platform for their English government: labouring to outward show to set up now one, than another: intending it for none at all in very deed: as by conferring of one thing with another, may be easily discovered in their practices. For it is not unknown to all the Christian world (as I verily think) that in Rome, in Spain, in Flaunders and every where: but especially here in England, Scotland and Ireland, they labour to stir up all men, under colour of religion and zealous desire in them, of our country's conversion: against our Sovereign, the present State, and above all against the seculars, accusing them to be fautors of heretics, furtherers of heretics titles to the English Crown, and a faction (forsooth) we must be termed, by a company of Mountebanks, that have put this phrase into ignorant people's heads, that when they talk of any that is opposite to these seditious jesuits damnable courses, they must say: o, he is one of the faction: when like a company of asses, if they knew what a faction meant, they might easily discern that these their new masters did ride them (like fools, as they are) and made them become a most seditious, infamous, pragmatical, treacherous, diabolical faction, to set up and defend a bastardly fellow in all his mischievous plots and devices: and that the seculars are of no faction at all: unless they will call it a faction to join against these usurpers with the whole Church of God: and so may they (as probably like right heretics, they will do so one day) say that all Catholic nations throughout Christendom, are of the faction: there being no Catholic country, people, or nation in the world this day, but doth dislike of them, and is against their wicked proceed: or else for speaking in defence of their Prince and country, I mean in matters of government, succession, and state affairs, clearly abstracted from points of faith and religion: and then and therein also, if they say the seculars are of the faction, they may aswell say, that her Majesty and honourable Counsel, and in few, all that are exempted from traitorous attempts and conspiracies, either within or without the land, are so. And then by consequent, all are of the faction throughout the world, that will not yield to a jesuitical supremacy in the state Ecclesiastical, and to their Monarchy in a state temporal: and in both, to make father Parsons a king Cardinal. Concerning this matter it is worthy the noting, to see how this Chameleon jesuit Parsons, hath banded off and on with time, like a Protheus. His and his fautors ostentation in outward show, is wholly for religion, and that they do most earnestly desire the conversion of their country, and of such and such particular persons by name: yea they would (I marry would they) all follow, and prosecute the king of Scots title, if he would become Catholic: but if not, they would all die one after another against him. And yet contrary to this ostentation made, both in a letter of father Parsons to the Marquis Huntley (whom they account to be a special fautor of their faction) as also contrary to sundry other of their writings, schedules and passages, they have dealt both privately and openly to the contrary. In somuch that (omitting particular practices, as with the late Earl of Essex, to whom father Parsons sent a jesuite Priest, to have had him to take a pension of the king of Spain privately, for advancement of his designments, never mentioning any Religion to him, off or on: but be as he be would: and so with others hath he dealt beside) the viper showed his malice most in the treaty of peace, betwixt the kings of France and Spain. For at that time there was a rumour run abroad, that the Queen of England would enter into that league, and so grant a toleration of religion. But this, father Parsons utterly disliked of: saying, that either they would have all or none: that they would admit of no conditions. His reason was this: because (quoth he) a toleration would make the Catholics of England dull and without spirit, etc. But the reason indeed was this (and in good faith when I first did see the Articles here drawn out in England of the conditions for peace, before ever any news came of this great Statists censure) I said to a very friend of mine: that it would cost the jesuits a brace of a thousand pounds to stop it: for that it stood not with father Parson's platform to have any relaxation of persecution in England, so long as either her Majesty lived, or yet after, until he were ready to come with Montioy Saint james of Spain, and Parsons for the Britons Monarchy, because a toleration for religion would breed these inconveniences (all making against him and his faction.) First, he could not then have any colour to set out books, or antic shows (as he hath) or to blaze it abroad in all nations, how cruel, tyrannical, and inhuman the persecution of Catholics is in England. Secondly, he could no longer after have blown the infamous blasts that course both sea and land, he affirming England to be the nursery of faction, sedition, and of all mischief wrought throughout the world, setting all Princes, monarchs and States together by the ears, living in league with one to make war against another, and maintaining of rebels against their Sovereigns. Thirdly, he could not by all likelihood have had any Catholic Prince or other in Christendom to have banded on his side. For with what colour could either Spain or Austria, or any Catholic Prince have invaded England, if Catholics might live here as freely as they did in France, or as the Hugonites do now live there, and the Protestants in Germany, and the Christians in Turkey, and the Mahometans in Tartary, & the Pagans in Presbyter john's dominions. Fourthly, he could never after have gone forward with this platform for aspiring to the Monarchy. For whereas now all Catholics must depend upon the Archpriest, & the Archpriest upon father Garnet, & Garnet upon Parsons, & Parsons upon the devil, (the author of all rebellious conspiracies, treasons, murders, disobedience, heresies, & all such other diabolical & bloody designments, as this wicked jesuit hath hitherto devised) then and in that case this dependency had been utterly void. For we should have had Catholic Bishops as Suffragans or such like, that might have given holy orders, consecrated holy oils, ministered the Sacrament of Confirmation, exercised their Episcopal authority in all things necessary, privately: as it was in the Apostles time and Primitive Church, without either any the least encumbrance or perturbance of the state, or present incumbents (the Bishops & Archbishops that now are) or admittance of any seditious jesuit, or other factious person to come within the land. Fiftly, his malicious devices, & cruel hard heart towards all catholics had hereby been discovered: as never able hereafter to have stirred up her Majesty, or incensed her honourable Counsel against all her loyal and most dutiful subjects, for his treacheries, treasons & conspiracies. Because all in that case would have been ready to have revealed the least thought of any confederacy against her royal person, kingdom and state. Sixtly, his baits had been worth nothing for enticing and alluring of any subject to rebellion (either for the time present, or to come: because a league being once made with the French and Spanish nation: all Catholics of England being withal naturally inclined to love and loyalty of and to their Prince and country, all promises or hopes of preferment under foreign Princes, would have been and seemed hateful, ridiculous and senseless unto them. No nation under heaven affording greater honours, comforts and content then England, and our Sovereigns both are able & do afford to the inhabitants that live in grace and favour: as in this case (utcunque) the afflicted Catholics should. Seventhly, this toleration or liberty of conscience, would quite have cut off two bloody hopes, which Parsons hath in all his practices: to wit, aswell the endangering of her majesties royal person, as also the favouring, furthering, consenting, or any way seeking directly or indirectly the advancement of any one competitor more than another: otherwise than they should have perceived her Highness & the present state to have favoured and like of. For howsoever the seculars, & many other sound catholics do detest to death the said practices, & would be as ready as any to die at her majesties feet, in defence of her royal person, and (even in the afflicted state they live in) to reveal any such unnatural and monstrous conspiracies: yet all are not of that humour (though perhaps as good Catholics and loyal subjects in another sense as the former are) in that knowing themselves most innocent of all state-medlings, or practices whatsoever, they are notwithstanding nothing for that more favoured. And therefore nature inclining all men living to seek for ease, quiet, security & avoidance of troubles, dangers, afflictions & miseries: although they abhor, & would never to death be actors in such conspiracies: yet their wits being occupied with conceits of the premises, makes many one wish in their heart for a change: never thinking, considering nor regarding which way, nor by what means soever. And then when this general desire of living quiet & free in all, is sorted with an inconsiderate conceit in many, a vehement motion of revenge working in some, makes them ready to attempt what desperate act soever, ad iniustam vexationem redimendam. And so to follow any abettor, complottor, pretendor or conspirator. Which father Parsons well noting, & how that by liberty of conscience, all such conceits would vanish away, & so frustrate his hope for ever, egging, suggesting, or setting on any even to have the least wish or thought of alteration or change: no marvel though he cannot abide to hear of any league or liberty. Eightly, his chief hope being to procure a new formal excommunication against all that shall not join with Spain, or the Lady Infanta, when bloody Bellona shall once hang forth her slag of defiance within an English Ken in the streamers of her menaces: by this foresaid liberty granted, his butchery, sacrilegious and irregular hope, were not only frustrate in this, but also all former excommunications, suspensions and Ecclesiastical censures, that have erst passed against our Sovereign, by his seditious procurement, would be repealed, revoked, called in, and made void to all intents and purposes, that might any way prejudice her Majesty or the present State. Therefore stands it the jesuitical faction upon, to hinder all peace, liberty of conscience, toleration, or what else soever other gracious connivence would be granted either for security of her Realm and royal State, or otherwise for the safety of her worn-out loyal subjects, still afflicted upon the jealousy (I cannot say but justly) had of all that faction for these unnatural proceed. Ninthly, the great sums of money, which the no less consciencelesse than merciless jesuits collect over all the Realm, by cozenage of many a virtuous innocent, and well meaning Catholic, would by this means be better employed to the relief of the poor distressed, both Priests and other Catholics, that now famish and pine away for want of food, through these cruel jewish stony hearts restraint of all relief from them: and further he should not have such large gifts to bestow in bribes upon the brokers of his treacheries, slanders and calumniations: nor by consequent so many to take his part, as now he hath, if present gain, and promise of future preferment did not set heady careless people's teeth on edge, as both do: which would easily be avoided, if these extremities men are driven into, by reason of imprisonment, and other vexations for their conscience were taken away. Tenthly, his popular government would by this means be made void, by reason that all men, seeing him to have been the cause of their former troubles, persecutions and miseries, they would be in that case as forward to thrust out, reject, and expel both him and all his seditious company & confederates, as now they are to applaud unto them, or receive them. For such is the nature of the mobile vulgus, most to respect their present quiet, consolation and ease. eleventhly, by means of this toleration, all plots and conspiracies (whereof I am fully persuaded there are a great many yet lie hidden and unknown) would come to light: the very conceit of this long wished for liberty being a ready means to make many joyful hearts, even ready to open their own unnatural wishes, much more the treacherous practices of any other whosoever of their dearest friends: none next to God and their own souls, being in this case so near unto them, as their Prince and country. All these things well weighed, you see that Parsons (his vile bloody and bastardly mind considered, Lo here my masters and mistresses, you that be so hot spirited prosecutors of the jesuitical faction, and so vehement against the seculars: behold the grateful reward you are to look for at Fa. Parson's hands: vaunt of him as you lift: as sure as you live on earth, he careth no more for all your lives, than so many dogs lives, in time of an infectious plague. together with all his confederates) have great reason on the one side never to death to yield to any peace, liberty of conscience, or the least gracious connivence, or princely favours to be granted by her Majesty to any Catholic. This miserable wretch showing plain by these his lewd proceed, that he careth not: nay, questionless, he could wish in his heart, to see all the seculars & other Catholics in England hanged, rather than to be frustrate of his conceited japonian Monarchy. Yea I verily think he would be the hangman of them all himself, rather than his platform should fail, if it stood upon so desperate a point) one after another: as a fit office for such a base irregular bastard, then to come near God's holy altar, or once to touch those tremenda mysteria, or to supply in any one thing the place and function of a Priest. And on the other side you see again, what his ostentation is for religion: and how zealous these cogging mates would make men believe they are (right Puritans in all things) envying that any should receive, yea but the least favour at her majesties hands, which they have: nay they refusing to receive any, unless they may have all. Well, it hath been an ordinary matter, when any notorious heresy did arise, that sundry contraries out of the same did spring: and so I fear it will prove betwixt the Puritan jesuits, and the Puritan Ministers, unless some order be taken for them both in time, lest they win so much time, as it will be past time to correct them in any time hereafter. But to return again to Fa. Parson's practice for gaining time. You see, how that notwithstanding his forwardness in show for the conversion of his country: yet unless it may be said unto him withal, Divide & impera, he will not hear of any smaller matter in public. And yet again underhand & upon this ground of gaining time he laboureth continually for the setting up now of this man, and now of that woman, furnishing of every one with such bald stuff, as he hath to make them believe, they have matter sufficient to prove that the right of the Crown belongeth unto them. For notwithstanding all his fair weather to Spain: yet for winning of time, he hath still been practising from time to time to have raised up others, whilst the Spaniard was a breathing to have gotten the Kingdom if he could, and so to have plucked that morsel out of King Philip and his daughter's jaws, nor caring who, nor of what race, nor of what nation soever, that would step in for the Kingdom, so he were (forsooth) a Catholic. O good Lord yea a Catholic he must be: so her Majesty were deposed he careth not by whom, but yet must make show, that it must be by advancing some Catholic, otherwise he could have no colour of wishing for it: and much less any means either to exasperate her Majesty and the present State against Catholics, or yet to stir up Catholics with desire to redeem themselves out of the heavy persecutions laid upon them. For as he dealt first by his Agents with the Earl of Derby (and yet the said Earl was no Catholic) so at an other time he writ a discourse, sent it into England, and it caused to be published to many of the best Catholics here: which was, that he would wish, and did by those presents advise them, when the commodity served, that they should make an election of some principal Noble (and at last with much ado came out this word, Catholic) to be their King. And all this was but a point of dalliance to gain time withal. And still when no pretender nor people will be so mad as to follow his designments, then hath he ever his recourse to the King of Spain: and at this time insisteth upon the Infanta: whose title, though in his Appendix falsely fathered upon Cardinal Allane, he so approveth in conceit, as not only he is bold to call all men fools, malcontent (Atheists, and fautors of heretics, that labour or wish, or but think that any other can have right) being known an heretic, and no hope of reconciling them, as he saith: but beside, though Catholics, they all were yet by motheaten records found out in an old wall, (God knows when, where, or by whom) he will exclude all King Henry the sevenths' issue: marry yet always provided, that if the Infanta fail his expectation (as I pray God her Grace may fail it) then will he be left free, and in the mean while also debarred from following of none that will first take arms against our Sovereign Lady and Queen. And thus the case is clear in answer to the interrogatory, that absolutely the jesuits seek the conversion of no one of the blood Royal, but conditionally only, and for winning of time, they seek for the conversion of now one, and then another, as may for the time make most for their purpose. But they never (as you may easily gather by the premises) seek to have all Catholics, because that would make a general opposition against them, and be an occasion to thrust them quite out of the land. So as to conclude this vain vaunt of their religious zeal, perfection, and I know not what: is nothing else but an elenchiall cloak to cover their pride, ambition, and treacherous aspires. THE IX. ARTICLE. whether then in that case intent they absolutely the advancement of those conditionally converted by them, or only legatively: or as subordinate under any: verbi gratia: as to be Viceroys, or matched to some Alien, or home-born subjects, Viceroys under the Spanish or Austrian Monarch? THE ANSWER. THey intent it only conditionally, subordinately, and legatively under another. For it were no policy by their principles to have any one absolute Monarch or Sovereign in esse over all England, to rule over them too: no more than it were to have had an Archpriest that should have governed, and have been head over the jesuits as well as the seculars. Therefore as they got such a fellow for the nonce to be Archpriest, as both they might govern as they list themselves, and make him far like a Turk, tinker or mad man at their pleasure, to torment poor souls, the ignorant devout laity with scruples: the wiser sort with infamous libels, schedules, gallings, letters and messages of slanders: and all both men and women, clergy and laity, with threats, thunderings and fears, that would not obey a paltrey jesuite, and to be ready to crouch, bow, and kneel at an inch, a nod or a frown to these new pharisees: so of very like quality, condition, and order must be their Viceroy and his government. For all this banding on the Archpriests behalf, was only (you see) those vile patches hypocrisy: under pretence of a legative and subordinate power and authority under his Holiness, whom they most abusively, impudently, and (in the intended platform) scoffingly make the mask, cloud and cloak, under which they hide the never heard of more impiety. And like a company of swaggerers, ruffians, or bragging braggats of Toledo, they take upon them to defend the Archpriest in all his actions, under colour of obedience: with, o I will, yea that I will stand to death in defence of this due obedience, to the See of his Holiness, (for to defend him, say they, is to defend the Pope himself:) which might carry some sense, if they acknowledged him also to be their superior. But seeing they acknowledge no such matter, nay quite contrary, that he stands at their devotion, and is but like an Ape, a Parrot, or a Vice in a play, to prate what is prompted or suggested unto him: or like an axe, a saw, a sword, or other dead instrument that moves and works all things, intention rationalis agentis, (for he hath no wit nor discretion to do any thing, as it seemeth, but as their Provincial instructs him) therefore what is this else to say, uz. whosoever is disobedient to the Archpriest is disobedient to the Pope: then to maintain that, whosoever is not obedient to a jesuite in any thing, reus est of disobedience unto the Pope in all things: for he that offends in one, offends in all. And so by consequent in this subordinate authority, these corollaries follow one upon another in this manner: the Archpriest must rule all other Priests: the jesuits must rule the Archpriest: the Pope must appoint whom, and as they list: the disobedience to the party appointed must be holden for a contempt of his Holiness: the action goeth under the name of Schism and irregularity: the Court of Oyer and terminer, must be in the Low countries under Archduke Albert: the Commissioners, jury and judges must be the jesuits: the appeal to the Pope from them must be excommunication, suspension and loss of all faculties and authority: and so Parsons as summus Pontifex, or judge Paramount on earth, under the Devil in hell: must denounce the sentence following, out from his infernal seat. Forasmuch as the secular Priests durst presume to appeal to Saint Peter's chair against my faithful servant George Blackwell, instituted at my appointment, designments and instructions given to the Pope of Rome, to make him Archpresbiter, and Protonotharius, etc. in and throughout the great Kingdoms of Albion or great Britain, (to do law and justice upon such rebels, against my loving brother the King Catholic of Spain, as in that Imperial Isle it should seem, meet, just and necessary in his wisdom to have sharply rebuked, chastised and punished,) and for that also I did prescribe the manner, how the said Pope was to proceed according to the tenure of my abstract of statutes, laws, orders and acts, enacted by me and my General in the high Council of Reformation for England: with a proviso, that my forenamed servant Master Blackwell should have nothing to do with the fathers of the society. I thought it meet in my experience and wisdom, not only to exempt all my brethren and confatherhoods the jesuits in England, Scotland or elsewhere, from being under the Archpriest: but moreover and beside to will and command my said servant Master Blackwell, under pain of officipard to do nothing without my Provincial Garnets' counsel, designments and decrees: who being an especial illuminate, and having a more near familiarity with God than any of the rest, by reason of his place and calling: he the said Blackwell thus directed by him, shall be so far and free from error, or doing any thing amiss in acting all things under obedience to my Provincial, as whosoever should contradict any thing by him decreed, I hold it sit that he be noted for an Ethnic, a reprobate, and one that was never established in the grace of God, etc. All these laws, statutes and acts (with provisoes) thus enacted: forasmuch as the seculars contemptuously, have violated, infringed and broken, the very marrow, centre and quintessence of their contempt, accrueing to the prejudice of the holy society, and therein to Father Parsons in chief, it stood his Provincial Garnet upon, to lay about him on the behalf of Blackwell, to make his cause and quarrel his own: and this to be outwardly in show Clement the eighth, his Holiness the Pope of Rome's, in managing and menacing: and inwardly in intention, to be Parsons that bastardly vicar of hell: his in the platform, plotcasting and practices. And so for all the world never imagine nor dream of any kind of temporal government by a Puritan jesuit, to be otherwise intended: then as a Puritan Minister said in Edinburgh, God and the Kirke against the King and his Council: and other, neigh King or neigh Minister in Scotland. As much to say, and as Knox that seditious traitor did write to her Majesty: that those Princes who will not subject themselves to their infernal and damnable discipline, yea and submit themselves to be ruled by the Puritanian ministery, might justly and should be deposed and deprived both of Crown, government and life at their pleasure. Wherein you may please to note by the way, that the Puritanian Ministers made the Gospel, and the black Kirke of Scotland, their pretence for advancing such a man to the Crown, as should wholly subject himself, and swear and subscribe to the defence of their doctrine. And yet all the world knoweth it, that they would bring all into a Swisserly popularity, or a Genevian government, void of Prince, peer or other Noble: or at least will never yield to accept of any King, that shall not be ruled by them. And even so the Puritanian jesuits must needs intend & do make show of advancing none to the English Crown, but such a one as is converted to the Catholic Church of Rome, making the Gospel and spouse of Christ their pretence therein. But yet their platform allows no King power or potentate above them: and by consequent, seeing notwithstanding yet needs they must have the countenance of some great Monarch for a time to govern by, in the state temporal (as now they make his Holiness for a while their sconce and buckler in the state ecclesiastical,) it were no policy in them to have an absolute Sovereign to reign in this land: (no not even the Infanta, who questionless Parsons made choice of before her father or brother the King, of purpose to have her government subordinate either under him or the Emperor:) but as they have gotten an Archpriest to be as it were a Vicar general subordinate under his Holiness in causes Ecclesiastical, and yet his said Holiness only to be a shadow or cloak, but to have no meddlings or dealings, nor to know any thing of the affairs of his Church here, further than they shall please to inform him of: so will they never admit of other government, but a Viceroy to be as it were a Prorex, or King homage● subordinate to Spain or Austria in causes temporal. And yet the said Prorex must stand at their devotion, and not be able to inform any thing to the King absolute, further, or otherwise then as they shall appoint him: which if he do or attempt the contrary, he is sure to be deposed, and lose his life for it: & either such a new King homager chosen by the Prince absolute at their assignment, or else no King ever after, but a king Cardinal, and Pope jesuit. THE X. ARTICLE. whether then is it dangerous or not, to have any of the English blood royal either married to one of the jesuitical or Spanish faction, (which I perceive is all one in the general pretence, though not in the intention or practice) either within or without the land: or otherwise converted to the Catholic faith (if God so give them grace) by any jesuite or jesuited Priest of their faction? THE ANSWER. THe danger you make a question of, may be two ways taken: one spiritually, and the other corporally. In neither of which dangers, any one can be said properly and directly to be, in the act of either marriage or conversion. Because (as I said at the first) these seditious, turbulent, factious jesuits here in England, howsoever they may be in foro conscientiae and before God, excommunicated, suspended, irregular, or otherwise have incurred any ecclesiastical censure by their absurd, gross, erroneous opinions, practices and proceed: yet for that they live hitherto as visible members of the Catholic Church, and neither do, neither dare publicly teach, much less obstinately defend any thing contrary to the Catholic Church's doctrine and belief: and further, forasmuch as there is no sentence as yet denounced, from his Holiness against them, or if denounced, yet not here made known: or if known, yet no Bull nor Brief come for assurance thereof: or if any such, yet not publicly promulgated: therefore in foro externo (all these circumstances considered, and that the Church doth judge, secundum allegata & probata) as they must be had and known, before any danger can come to those that go to confession to them, or any other sacraments administered by them: so all the world may see their diabolical malice, malicious spite, and most spiteful calumniation, wrong and injury offered to the seculars, that without any one of these circumstances, they have like devils, (not men) presumed to torment devout souls with terrors, scruples and fears, in coming at any sacraments with those that are opposite to their cursed designments. Now for intended marriage, they do no question wish it for their own advantage, and so for the time there can be no danger to the person on their side. Marry now because that both in the one and the other, scil. conversion and marriage, their intention is treasonable and heretical (as by all which hath been or shall be said may easily appear,) therefore is there no less danger to any of the blood royal to deal with them, than the loss of honour, life, body, soul and all they have or may be worth: their pretence of zeal in converting souls to God's Church, and of marriage, practice, and in wish of this or that match, being nothing else but parasitical flattering, cousining of those that they deal withal: intending principally and all wholly, to stead their own turns thereby, making fair show, as though they wished it most by such, as for the time present are likeliest to prevail: but not caring in very deed how, nor by whom it come, so as they may be sticklers in it, and be either the Pilot or the masters Mate to guide the stern which way as they think best. And by consequent it appears, that they make no more store of a man or woman's life, Lord or Lady, King or Queen, than they do of the life or death of a dog or a mouse: as you may find by sundry examples here set down of casting off or tormenting those that were not for their tooth: notwithstanding all former courtesies, benefits, or credit gotten by them. So as to conclude this last Article of their plots by government, I hold him or her whosoever that subjects themselves to live under their thraldom, to be cast away for ever in this life, howsoever it far with them in the world to come. THE ARGUMENT OF THE sixth General Quodlibet. COnformably to this Quodlibet of Government, doth comply another general Quodlibet of Authority And therefore as the jesuits Plots and practices are discovered in their platform for intended government in time to come: so is it necessary to speak something of their pretended authority, said to be in Master George Blackwell their superintendant or Archpriest for the time present. Concerning which general point, there are these ten interrogatory Articles following to be canvased. THE sixth GENERAL QVODlibet, of Plots by Authority THE I. ARTICLE. WHether the Archpriests authority be over both seculars and jesuits equally, or only over seculars: and if over them only, then why it was so instituted, and by whom obtained? THE ANSWER. THis Article is touched before in effect to all that here is necessary to be said of it: to wit: that the Archpriest his authority is far from any equality or copercenarie dealing with the jesuits equally, as with the seculars: Note a notable stratagem in Par. who made it seem at first, as though the Archpriest should have had nothing to do with the l●●tie. Then afterward: that his authority was only for ending of surmised strife betwixt the seculars and the laity: after that again, his authority extended to excommunicating, interdicting, etc. all alike either clergy or laity: and lastly, a show was made outw●●●, that the Ies●●●● also were under his autho●●tie. that he neither hath any thing to do with any jesuite as a superior, no nor as an equal companion with them: neither may he, neither dare he show any favour to whom they dislike of, neither do nor speak, but as they will have him. Whereupon it is by demonstration manifest, that the appointment and cause of his election and institution, proceeded all wholly from the jesuits: & was the most vile, presumptuous and injurious part of Parsons that ever was heard of since the world began: as by all the books that are, and will be set out against that Atheall stratagemitor, will at large appear. Only for the present this Article is necessary to be proposed and answered for satisfying of the ignorant multitude: amongst whom these cousining mates the jesuits make it to be given out, as though the Archpriest were the head over all Catholics both Clergy and laity, spiritual and temporal, secular and religious: which is nothing else but a cogging device in them to build thereupon these false assertions following for blinding and deluding of the simple, scil. First, that now all is well we having an Archpriest, that as our head is an indifferent man for all, aswell seculars as jesuits. Secondly, that the seculars are only those that make sedition and strife, not living orderly as they should under obedience to the Archpriest their superior. Thirdy, that the jesuits live contented and quiet under his government, though he be a secular Priest only for obedience. Fourthly, that there being no difference betwixt the seculars and jesuits in the Archpriests authority, he being equally appointed over them both, it is a bad sign in the seculars that should seem to find fault with his government more than the other. Fiftly, that the seculars show no religion in them, but live as profane schismatics, in withdrawing their obedience from their superior more than the jesuits do. Sixtly, that the jesuits show themselves to be marvelous zealous, wise, learned & religious: in standing to the Archpriest, as they do against the seculars. Seventhly, that no good or sound Catholic would ever have made any question of his authority: now that it is gotten, though he were partial to one more than another. Eightly, that an authority being once granted, how impious, unjust, and unlawful soever, yet it ought to be obeyed in all things and of all those under it to the uttermost, without any question to be made of it ever after: & as unlawful to appeal from the one as from the other. Ninthly, that the Archpriest may excommunicate, suspend, interdict, etc. when he list notwithstanding the appeal, & even for making an appeal from him to the Sea of Rome. Tenthly, that the seculars committed a most horrible crime, sin or offence in appealing: and showed themselves to be disobedient to the catholic Church and the Pope in disobeying the Archpriest therein: he having commanded that there should be no writing nor sending over beyond the seas, nor meetings here, nor talk had about any such matters. 11. That they are a seditious, unlearned and unreverend company: for making no more reckoning of the fathers than they do, & are rightly called a faction for opposing themselves against so holy, virtuous & religious men, that are their betters, and superiors in all things as the jesuits are: who have done so many good deeds as the saculars never did nor can do the like. Twelftly, that no man or woman ought or may come at them, to receive any Sacrament, as having lost all their faculties & authority by their disobedience & contempt of their superior. Thirteenthly, that they have justly deserved to be evil spoken of, & to have no relief until they submit themselves & recall their names from the appeal. 14. That it were no more offence to kill one of them, then to kill a notorious persecutor & heretic. Fifteenthly, that the words Christ spoke when he said, whosoever will not obey the Church, let him be accounted of, as a Publican or Ethnic & infidel, did aptly agree to the seculars to be so accounted of, for disobeying the Catholic Church by their appeal & other seditious & slanderous libels against their superiors. These & many the like false suggestions (which no jesuit living dare for his life defend) are put into peopls heads of purpose, to colour therewith that bastard Pa. his impiety: whereby seeking to bind all unto him with the band of obedience, he sets all his jesuitical brokers here in England & elsewhere on work, like so many band-dogs, with bands of men, banding out his mischievous practices to bring all the whole realm bound hand and foot into bondage under him. THE II. ARTICLE. WHether any treason, praemunire or other prejudice to the Sea Apostolic, the Catholic Church, or England's common wealth, be incurred by the institution of this new authority, or none at all? THE ANSWER. ALL three are incurred to all estates in the highest degree, scil. both treason committed against the Church of God, and commonwealth of this land: both a praemunire incurred by ancient and recent laws against sacred Majesty, both, (yea, all) prejudiced, scil. Pope, Prince, Church, commonwealth and present state by master Blackwels' authority: as is evident by sundry books written, and to be written of every one of these points in particular, and may be gathered passant in these Quodlibets here and there of all three. And first, for treason: (which in Latin we call proditio or laesa maiestas, and a triritor, traditor, vel proditor, vel reus lesae maiestatis. It is always an act acted: or but only intended against supreme Majesty. Which here we take three manner of ways, to wit, either against the Majesty Divine, and so all mortal sins whatsoever, are so many treasons committed against the Majesty of God: or otherwise against the reverend Majesty of his sweet spouse: and so all Schism, heresy, Apostasy, and Atheism is treason against the Catholic Church and supreme head thereof under Christ on earth: or lastly, against the sacred Majesty of regal power: and so every act, attempt, or intent, etc. to the endangering of the Prince's person or commonwealth, is directly treason: and by consequent, the justification of the Archpresbiterie, being only and wholly by Father Parson's procurement, for the speedier, nay the only way and means to perfect his most traitorous platform, tending to the dishonour of God, prejudice of the Church, destruction of her Majesty, and ruin of the commonwealth: (as in the Quodlibet of statizing shall be proved.) It is clear then that this institutive authority of Blackwels', contains in it a whole mass of treason and conspiracy: and the like is of a praemunire (made by Catholic Princes, Kings of this land, and allowed of by the Sea Apostolic) incurred thereby. Whereof besides that which hath been and shall be said here thereof, you may please to read M. Charles Pagets' book against counterfeited Doleman, aliâs Parsons, and other books written against him and his associates. THE III. ARTICLE. whether the institution of the Archpriest, be equally prejudicial to the Commonwealth of Scotland and King james, as it is to England and our Sovereign: or not so faulty? THE ANSWER. IT is equally at least, and may in many respects be judged more prejudicial to the Scottish King and Commonwealth, then to our Sovereign: because the institutor Par. had before written his book of Titles or succession in most apparent prejudice, and ignominious slander of the said King, very saucily and rudely abasing both his royal Majesty and his whole Realm: and therefore too too vile a part and an act of most indignity, for him so officiously to institute an English man to be in so great authority within his highness dominions. Secondly, the Scots catholics had, & have yet their Bishop of Glasco living, a very reverend Prelate: ergo a more saucy part to appoint over them a superior above him. Thirdly, there was not one secular Priest at the institution of this authority in all Scotland, save only the Abbot of New Abbey, all the rest being jesuits that were or are there: ergo a greater presumptuous boldness in him to appoint such an authority there. Fourthly, he lying still at London, and neither having any acquaintance in Scotland, neither sending any other thither to labour in Christ his vineyard: it seemeth to be a male part kind of bearding out their King, Nobles, Gentles, & Leards of that land rather than any thing else: considering that he neither comes neither sends over thither. Fiftly, Fa. Par. platform holding equally for Scotl. aswell as Engl. the authority limited to M. Blackwell over both nations, bewrays the jesuitical ambitious humour and traitorous intent, more than any other action ever did before. THE FOUR ARTICLE. whether was it any sin, Schism, or other offence, not to have admitted of the Archpriest, upon Cardinal caietan's bore word or writing, before the Bull came from the Pope: or whether might the seculars, or ought they in conscience, equity and policy have accepted of him or not? THE ANSWER. IT was no offence at all then to have resisted (as by sundry books written hereof it is manifest) no more than it is now to appeal from him: but quite contrary, it was an act of justice. 1 His election was without our consent, knowledge, or acceptance. 2 It was not made palam, sed fraudulenter, secreto & animo decipiendi,, as may be proved: Capite contra Canon's: & videat, & casus excommunicationis in huius, etc. 3 No example of the Apostles actions, neither yet of any Infidel's conversion can free them from the decretum of the order observed in all elections: because our country had from the beginning of these new heresies, sundry Prelates with the laity, qui nunquam genu flexerunt coram Baal, etc. being continually ex part Catholica: therefore whatsoever doth bind for elections in other Catholic countries, binds here etc. Ergo Blackwellus contra Canon's, etc. 4 No law, human, divine, of nature or nations alloweth a forced governor intruded especially to tyrannize (as his authority by the words in his Brief, corrigere, castigare, etc. is none other) and not a word spoken of charity, equity, or justice. 5 It is opposite to all order in heaven and earth: a Michael chosen as head of the principates, quia unus ex illis: and not a Raphael of another order, etc. And as the Chapter of Cannons choose their Dean and not the Priests dispersed in parishes: the Dean, Chapter and Priests of each Bishopric their Bishop: and not the inclused Monks of that Diocese, the Dominicans their Prior: and not the Franciscans: the jesuits their provincial, and not the Benedictines: the Aldermen and City of London their Mayor, & not the justices, etc. and only in hell & amongst heretics, ordo negligitur: ergo the jesuits appointing us a superior do imitate one of these. 6 His letters to Rome against his brethren, & egor defence of the jesuits, convince him to be, unus ex, vel subditus illis: ergo contra ius imponitur nobis, etc. 7 He publicly professeth partiality: as in his bitter letters to master Benson, to master More, and to sundry others: and that he maintains them in all things: ergo ut iniquus & iniustus judex deponendus. 8 His authority was unhonestly procured: because we were never made acquainted therewith, having è contrario formerly imparted our minds unto them, etc. unlawfully confirmed: because by the Cardinal at Parson's suit (both our enemies) and unjustly executed: because by judges of their own cause: and therefore all three, Cardinal, Parsons and Blackwell, intrusers into our harvest, usurpers of his Holiness authority, and tyrants over us and our country. 9 That it was directly a plot cast of Parsons by and for the jesuits to expel or bring all Priests under them: patet ex bulla, qua instituitur praecipue, ut pacem habeant cum jesuitis: ergo ad interitum omnium aliorum, etc. 10 That it was foisted in by Parson's procurement only, upon a point of extremity to colour his impiety: and to stop the discovery of his treacherous mind towards his country appeareth: For it came jump at that time when both in Spain, Italy & the Low-countries, his dealings began to be odious for his tyranny against all Priests and lay persons, that consented not to his japonian kingdom: and in England his books, and all his and their dealings, being by Catholics generally disliked, and by secular Priests condemned and rejected, as full of ambition, bloodshed, infamy and ruin, intended to our whole country: it was time to set up such an Archiprate, or else had the jesuits faction been quite pulled down for ever: which though he have but a blind name of authority: yet it serveth to hold tack, till by invasion or otherwise the jesuits may work their feat, for enhancing of kingdoms, etc., ergo utterly by all English to be dejected. 11 That setting M. Black, private life aside (which now I omit) he is unfit (if such authority were lawfully granted) to be chosen for a head over so great a multitude of fine wits, & many more grave, ancient and learned then himself: especially in times of so many dangers, and full of diversities and differences in all things (besides religion & learning:) and this is most plain, for that he is well known to be a man of no reach: only he hath read & studied sundry positive authors, whereby he can speak or write sentences, evil couched together (God wots) out of others. But of himself, he never knew what discourse, writing to great persons, or of matters of weight, or what civil conversation or government meant. For having a charge only of a widow Gentlewoman with whom he lived, he never conversed with any to learn either wit, knowledge, or experience in any thing: or how to behave himself in company, discourse, or otherwise, to sift out any matter, or yet to know how to do justice in his office, further than his book told him, which often causeth error through want of practice and experience to know the custom of times and places, etc. which may alter quite his book cases, as applied by a correspondency to another purpose. Which gross ignorance a man shall find almost in every letter he writes: wresting this and that sentence, Canon, author and authority, quite contrary, to another act, matter, sense and meaning then ever thereby was intended: which I should rather think came of his simplicity, then of wilful error: were it not that he is become so proud, peremptory, and scoffing, contemptuous in his exorbitant letters, words, and all his other actions, since this immerited authority came upon him: ergo by Parson's rule of deposing or choosing governors, M. Blackwell is unfittest of an hundred: and consequently to be deposed for his insufficiency, though otherwise he had absolute authority. 12 That M. Blackwels' simplicity and unaptness to govern, showeth plain the great mischief and ruin of our country intended by choosing of him, is manifest. For who in policy would attempt that which the jesuits go about, by any but such, as wanting wit to enter into their drift, should think every word to be an oracle, or else to be the Gospel that they speak: and then upon this ground, Catholics having tender consciences, must think it a sin irremissible to resist, etc. 13 That the jesuits policy was marvelous dexterous, in choosing one by profession a secular Priest, and not a known jesuite: and consequently none fit then M. Blackwell: uz. First, otherwise they had opened their own ambition to all the world. Secondly, they could not in honesty, and with any face have spoken for themselves, as others may do for them. Thirdly, they may hereby colour all their treachery: for if it fadge not well, the head is a Seminary or secular Priest; if it hap to their wish, he is by them set up: ergo at their appointment. Fourthly, they may (as they do) more stoutly defend him, than themselves. 14 That a greater persecution is and must ensue by M. Blackwels' Archpresbitery, then ever came to Catholics by the civil magistrates: uz. First, for that it opens the way to all rebellion, freeing every one to speak or do what they list, or can, against any except jesuits: & all under pretence of zeal, in taking (forsooth) the Pope's part, by defending M. Blackwels' authority: and esteeming of all that resist it, to be Schismatics or worse. Secondly, whereas before some few were infamed by private oppositions against the jesuits: now all that obey not M. Blackwell, are so persecuted by these Parsonians railing and slandering tongues, as none can live free. Thirdly, it breeds that contempt, as every boy and girl are in manner of esteem of priesthood, become Haywoodists, Wisemanists, and (I could tell you what worse perdee) to put no difference, but all secular as well laity as clergy, etc. Fourthly, it makes vent for invasion both of England and Scotland, the Archpriests twelve assistants being dispersed in every corner with the laity, to work by North and by South, persuading it to be for the Scots good to join with Spain: ergo, mightily he is to be resisted. 15 That the plot was laid long ago for the Archpriest, videl. by their olim dicebamur and other forgeries of theirs. First, to breed commiseration of jesuits. Secondly, to make Seminaries and all secular priests odious to the laity, as injurious detractors. Thirdly, to give scope by this, to defame whom they would: (which were all that might seem to stand in their way) and this done, than such defamed persons being unfit to govern, none but M. Blackwell (supposing one must be chosen) could be found fit every way. A notable stratagem: but altogether Atheall, diabolical, intolerable. 16 That all who defend the Archpriest, are either jesuits, or do live under and by them: or are now put in authority for them: or have the collections for money throughout England: for Catholics to depend upon them or their substitutes for the sacraments: or live in expectance of mountains at the Spanish invasion by their procurement. All which, none that hath seen and known the state of things abroad, but may easily discern: and therefore of all well wishing to their Prince and country, were these Parsonians with their Archpriest to be resisted, and in no case ever to have yielded to his false foysted-in authority. 17 The expostulations, manages and menaces of the jesuits, in defence of M. Blackwels' authority, show plain how impiously, pharisaically and injuriously they have dealt therein. First, for that they had at that time nothing to show, but the Cardinals authorizing of him, who was known to be our adversary. Secondly, they never could bring any testimony, but of their own company to certify so much, as that the Pope ever heard of this man's choosing, or any such matter: until they had cast M. Bishop and M. Charnocke in prison, and so tyrannised like Turks over them. Thirdly, their excuse of a Pope's Bull was vain, that which they had being all one and the same, (if any thing worth) as confirmed by the Pope, and a praemunire incurred aswell by the one as the other, as they have handled it. Fourthly, their pretence of the Cardinal's fear, in that he durst not grant it, without the Pope's privit e, is ridiculous and for babies (as Parsons counts all the seculars) his answer being ready (if called in question) that he appointed Blackwell only as a Perfect or some such one amongst a multitude to keep good order, but no further: and not that, but as he was informed, uz. that he was fittest to appease contentions, etc. Fiftly, their comparison of the Cardinal, with a Lord Chancellor, or Lord Keeper, etc. is simple and impertinent: for it only (if so much) holds in a Priest and a justice of peace, verbi gratia: the Lord Chancellor or other may appoint and make a justice of peace by his general authority given him by the Prince: but to make a Lord Precedent, or to create an Earl, or Lord Baron by that authority, he cannot by any general grant: and therefore such being never, or very rare heard of (as only one Earl of Chester had authority to create Lord Barons, and never before nor since had any the like,) ergo the Cardinals authority to give faculties to Priests, extends not to give a supreme authority to any one Priest, more than himself had, or ever was known to be in any of his predecessors, no not in Cardinal Allane, whom common sense tells us should have had such authority in and over his own countrymen, sooner than any other here amongst us. Sixtly, their colour of charity, to have had us yield for the time, until we had heard to the contrary: was and is but flat hypocrisy, coggery and malice in them, pitying of us, to bolster out their own abusing of us all. For having by Parson's means (no doubt) laboured by impudent lies and threats to the uttermost, to stop all complaints, and put in a demur, until that bastard might hear hence, and get a like catalogue of names to that which the jesuits got before: their conscience then would stretch those names or other means used for that Atheall purpose, to as absolute a consent and acceptance of this usurper now, as the former did by their cogging and the cozenage used herein. Seventhly, their excuse of no ticket, nor testimony from the Pope, or other whom we might trust is nothing, and but a ridiculous confirmation of it, which they take by the example of Priests: for every one knows the faculties of Priests are general: ergo, need no other testimony, but notice given by any, that there they had such faculties: but this Archpresbiter is a particular thing never heard of before: ergo, unjust, unlawful and most to be suspected, doubted of, resisted, impugned, abrogated, abolished. 18 The peevishness, simplicity and unfitness of M. Blackwell, the ambition, envy and Machiavellisme of his electors, and the ignorance, lightness and even too too blindly overweened affection of the mobile vulgus being duly considered, this Archpresbitery will be the bane of all England, if ever accepted of, and established by general consent and applause. First, for that his authority extends to all England, Scotland and (ut ait) Ireland, with many agents in them all, ergo: once confirm it, and upstarts the japon Monarchy. Secondly, it derogates from all priestly authority: uz. by the liberty of every jacke and Gill, to defame Priests without satisfaction: by calling lay men to control seculars, and both to disgrace, and hear them disgraced: as M. Blackwell ordinarily speaketh not to any secular Priest, but must have some of the laity to hear the case: by their general maxim, that they may and do use laity to defame, control, and deject Priests, they being not able to be in all places, and at all times themselves: which they confirm by the general examples of their free speech, had of all Priests, Monks, Friars, Bishops, and the Pope himself. Thirdly, it arrogates all supreme authority to the jesuits: uz. by making it a sin most heinous, not to yield to them in all things or a sign of heresy to think they may err: or malice and looseness of life, to charge them with any fault. Fourthly, it is a plain testimony of no religion in the jesuits, but flat Atheism making religious piety, but only a matter of mere policy, by sending forth trumpeters to sound out their and Blackwels' virtues: concluding thereby, neither them to be spoken of, nor him to be refused, as fittest of all, etc. as though inherent justice depended upon external signs of virtue. Thus once yield to them and their Archpriest, and farewell all religion in England shortly after. 19 To confirm this withal, their malice and evil meaning towards Priests is in nothing more plain, then managing out that usurpate Archpriest: uz. by their ostentation of a most horrible sin to resist his authority: ergo we are (by their detraction) all fools, ignorant, indiscreet, profane, unlearned, consciencelesse, proud, malicious, infamous detractors, etc. and yet by the same acts, they on the contrary are all wise, learned, of high prudence, of special good carriage, virtuous and zealous, &c: o notable hypocrites: the old Grammar rule is fitly applied unto you: scil. hypocrita cupit se videri justus, hypocrita cupit se videri justum: a jesuite justus, must make a Blackwell justum. 20 The causes moving them thus vehemently to have urged our consent at the first, and their now surcease from calling this usurpate authority in question, must needs be these. First, their shameful abuses, which would be called upon, & sure to come coram nobis in the highest place: if once we had an equal judge, as we doubt not but at length to have. Secondly, their cruelty used towards all Priests. Thirdly, their unhonest proceed in this election and institution of master Blackwell. Fourthly, their unlawful authorizing of him at the first without commission, banding it out like a company of cutters of Queen hith, or roisters of Bellingsgate without all modesty, shamefastness or honesty. Fiftly, their forging, facing and coining of letters messages, etc. to get consents, etc. Sixtly, the general esteem simple people have of their phansaicall virtue, honesty, and sincerity: so as yield our consents, we occasionate their sin to increase: hold back our yield, and their impiety is strait known, and they quite overthrown, dismasqu●d, deciphered, and set forth in their proper colours. 21 We cannot in conscience yield to it, because that it is, first, to yield to the slander raised by them of us all. Secondly, an injury to those that are gone. Thirdly, a contradiction to our own doings. Fourthly, an opposition against one and other. Fiftly, a breach of all order. Sixtly, a participation, consent, association, combination, or sodality with the jesuits to overthrow our country, and make all our posterity curse us. 22 That M. Blackwell is but a cipher for the jesuits, to put what figure they list unto, uz. by the additions & subtractions, affirmations, & negations, etc. of the particulars of his authority: ergo part the figure, and the cipher: and the best is, but tittle est, etc. 23 That they have indiscretely marred their own market, in their violent course taken for confirmation of his authority. viz. First, by giving out such and such to be excommunicated, suspended, etc. which he dare not aver: nor can obtain authority to do so. Secondly, by constituting assistants before ever he had authority for himself: to whom he could not give any faculties, they having come to London some of them three sundry terms for such: and he answering still, that his authority for that matter was not yet come. Thirdly, the authority that now his assistants have, is only nomine non re: for they have to do with nothing, but as informers to give intelligence what they hear and see. Fourthly, the jesuits laity refusing to come at our Service, to receive us into their houses: or to give us any maintenance: and giving out that we are schismatics, etc. for not accepting this cogging authority at the first blast: show master Blackwell to be most greedy in affecting of honour, that could not have patience until we had heard an answer from them we sent: and the jesuits to be most impudent in their dealings, that would Turkize over us in that shameless manner, to urge our consent by violent force, not only to save their credits which had been more tolerable: but withal to bolster out their impiety, and most vile practices against us: and both to be void of conscience, shame, religion or honesty, to have set a work abroach which to maintain they must needs be desperate, or else are quite overthrown and disgraced for ever. 24 This simple man's election now confirmed: the jesuits being his counsellors, and all things working and drawing to a head for invasion, so as the plots are like to be discovered shortly throughout Christendom, it stands these statists upon to urge dentibus & ensibus for master Blackwell, whom if we yield unto, we set up the japonian kingdom: if we resist we save our country: & overthrow them for ever: ergo ●o true English hearted catholic aught to favour Blackwels' authority. And for any other unless it be the Puritans, I think none will hereafter, howsoever some schismatics, and perhaps Protestants have heretofore been tempted with their fair promises. Many I verily think, that all Puritans will join wholly with the jesuits at length (how far off so ever they seem to be, and are yet in external profession of religion) there being at the least half an hundredth principles, & odd tricks concerning government, authority, tyranny, popularity, treason, conspiracy, etc. which they jump as just together in, as if both were made of one mould. 25 The very word Archpresbiter is Anomolum abolendum, quite out of use in God's Church at this day: ergo an innovation, never like to be allowed of by the Pope, after his Holiness shall once please to be rightly informed of the case. 26 It was but a policy of Par. to give such a silly man a poor tittle, without an ●ffectual title, to blear our eyes with his care of our country: because (forsooth) the name of a Bishop would have raised persecution: as though this be not as great and greater cause of persecution. But the reason was (indeed.) First, for that neither the Cardinal nor he could compass such a matter, without authorizing such over the jesuits equally with the seculars. Secondly, for that the Pope must then have been both privy unto it, and ratified and confirmed it. Thirdly, and most of all, for that then he must have come by ordinary election of the seculars: whereas now being an extravagant innovate authority, this extraordinary choice of him doth carry some better show in it. Fourthly, this great Island could not then have been governed absoultely by them, as is intended it shall be: by excluding all Bishops and other authority. 27 It is just agreeing with the Puritans to have this kind of Archpresbitery: and Parson's private rules of government in his high Council of Reformation, tend to no less in moral matters: though in religion he yet braves it out, as though the most zealous Catholics sided on his side. 28 It was of purpose to keep all government from amongst us, thereby to settle his japonian monarchy: ergo to be resisted. 29 It is contrary to the custom of all countries, ages, times and persons to have such an Archpresbiteriall government: ergo, etc. 30 It was intended thereby to bring all by solemn oath, to prosecute the jesuits wicked designments: and therefore were certain Priests in Spain of late urged to take an oath of obedience to the Archpriest in all things, at their coming into England, notwithstanding the poor Archpriest stands still at the jesuits devotion, to be cast out at their pleasure, if he act not what they command him. 31 It was invented of policy: sent over with unnatural hate towards our country: and will be maintained with great bloodshed if not prevented: ergo. These things being all matters of most weight (the circumstances on all sides considered) that in a world can be found, I conclude with a brief answer, to the Article proposed (after so many reasons in confirmation of what I speak) with that most famous University of Paris (which spite of their malice hath a better authority to define of such matters than any jesuit hath) deciding the case to be clear: that the seculars committed neither schism nor sin in resisting, or (but only indeed) not consenting at the first to the Archpriests authority. For to say troth, they resisted him in nothing: but only of desire to be satisfied, sent to Rome, living in the mean while, without willing offence given to him or any of his. And yet the peevish fellow could not be quiet to suffer them to wink at him, unless they either put out both their eyes, or stared him full in the face. So hard a matter it is to stay the impotent violence of an ambitious heart, where it comes to be in any conceit, of never before conceited Sovereignty. And so by consequent, seeing they never might, nor aught to have accepted of him to govern them, (who knew not how to govern himself) it was an act of justice in the secular Priests, and all others to resist his cousining, foisted in, banded, intruded, usurpate, tyrannical, unnatural, Atheall, barbarous, mock authority. THE V ARTICLE. WHether seeing by the precedent Articles the chief danger for the present incurred by the Archpriest came to Catholics by this occasion, scil. that it was procured from the Pope, Sea, and Court of Rome: and that by a Bull, and in such manner, as not only a praemunire was incurred thereby by ancient laws of this land, as before I said: but also and much more by recent statute laws, there being treason upon treason committed in this action, may then the seculars appeal to the same prohibited court against this Archpriest and these jesuits: and yet be in no danger of a praemunire (at least) by so doing, or not? THE ANSWER. THe case is quite altered in the jesuits procurement of a Bull, for establishing the Archpriests authority, and the seculars appeal to the same Sea against it. uz. First, cui enim iniuria fit, ei accrevit ius vindictae, But the Pope his Holiness was injured by their suggestions in obtaining the Bull, ergo. Secondly, the jesuits in procuring that Bull and authority, made it a matter of state in prejudice of regal majesty. But the seculars in appealing made it a matter of conscience, thereby to refel, infringe, and abrogate all such premunireall treachery. Thirdly, the pretence was made outwardly by the jesuits to be wholly for matters pertaining to the Catholic Church, religion and order in works of charity, piety, devotion, etc. ergo the seculars approving the contrary (that they never had such a meaning: neither did the Archpriest practise any such matter) meddle no way in any thing by their appeal, whereby a praemunire can be incurred, no not so much as interpretatively. Fourthly, the jesuits bolster out and build, aswell the intruded usurpate authority of the Archpriest: as also their own treasonable attempts, plots, and practices, upon the said Bull and his Holiness authority: ergo none other to appeal unto for justice against them. Fiftly, the seculars by their appeal clearly exempt, redeem and keep out themselves, from acknowledging any obedience to that already premunirized Archpriest: and by consequent from all danger of incurring a praemunire. Sixtly, they labour by their appeal for security to her majesties person, for quiet to the State, for avoidance of all invasions: for cutting off all conspiracies: State tamperings, exasperating libels, etc. and for an assurance of relaxation and freedom from their heavy persecution, procured by the jesuits against them: aswell by false suggestions to his Holiness: as also by stirring up other Princes against our Sovereign and nation, and thereby bringing wars and fears upon all, and hart-breaking frowns to be cast upon the innocent: ergo so clear and far from all danger of any offence committed by appealing from the Archpriest to the Sea of Rome, as most dangerous, unjust, unnatural, indiscrete, irreligious & prejudicial to all, both Pope, Prince, Church, commonwealth and all estates: if they had not appealed: but let the matter lie dead in discontent, obloquy and danger of forest trials. THE VI ARTICLE. whether any danger for the appellants: to side wholly with the Archpriest hereafter, by making a general peace (upon his assurance made and given of a non partiality hereafter) and so let the appeal fail, and the pursuit cease, or not? THE ANSWER. IN two cases it were no danger: but a happy yield to the great content, comfort and quiet of many a devout soul: whose tender hearts lie a bleeding to hear and see into what pickle we all are brought by the wicked jesuits seditious brabbles & broils made and raised amongst us. The one case were thus: if that his Holiness, her Majesty, and the whole realm (wherein I take part meliorem pro toto, excluding all jesuited or Puritanized, neither of which will ever like of, or consent to any good, that to our whole nation in this case would be) should make a general atonement, league and peace together, upon such conditions as in their sacred wisdoms & princely prudence should seem meet, with mutual consent to expel, and call all the jesuits and other seditious persons out of the land, or otherwise to have justice done upon them where they shall be taken. The other case might be this: to wit. If the Archpriest could & would clear himself, shake off these turbulent jesuits, and utterly renouncing them, their counsel, advice, and company, stick fast hereafter to the seculars: which, as it were his best and surest way to deal for his own quiet, safety and security, both of body and soul, letting pass these brabblings & medling in matters above his reach, thrust upon him by the jesuits of purpose, to make a gull, a stolen, a laughingstock, and but an officious instrument of him, to serve their turn withal: so if the vain conceit of honour, to be of due right belonging unto him by his place, office and title of Archpresbitery, do still second his former course in proceeding against the seculars on the jesuits behalf, then may there no condition be admitted of by the appealants for peace with him and them, but with the endangering of themselves to incur a Praemunire, and be in the same state wherein the said Archpriest and all that seditious faction now stand: which is to be all hanged for traitors, if the laws be suffered to pass against them as now they are, and as the case stands. Yea the seculars by putting up the matter with a colourable peace betwixt them and the Archpriest, before any order set down by his Holiness for courbing the insolency of the jesuits, would be prejudicial not only to themselves, but also to his Holiness, on whom they will undoubtedly father all their wicked practices hereafter: and so by consequent this yield would also turn to the prejudice of the Catholic Church, the commonwealth of this land, and her majesties royal person. All whose general cause and quarrel the seculars having now in hand, may not in any wise yield before it be ended by his Holiness: and that in a more serious manner, than ever was in any the like case handled heretofore in the Court of Rome. For the whole State of Christendom, aswell in causes Ecclesiastical as temporal, will be proved to depend upon it: as hereafter you shall hear. THE VII. ARTICLE. whether then (seeing it must come to pleading before his Holiness, or ever the matter can be taken up or ended) are the seculars or the jesuits likelier to prevail on the Archpriests behalf. And if the seculars (as some seem to make no doubt of it, by reason that their plea is on the behalf of the Pope his Holiness, the whole Church in general (that is, for the Ecclesiastical, Monastical, and temporal state) and the particular commonwealths, and regal Majesties of England, France, Ireland, Scotland, yea of Italy, Spain, Polony, Sweden and Denmark: together with the Imperialty of Caesar, it standing the chiefs of all these in both states upon for their own indignity, security and preservation of their Princely prerogatives to their posterity, to join with the seculars in this their appeal) than what is like to come to the Archpriest? etc. THE ANSWER. Machiavell may do much in all courts of Christendom, in moral acts and human actions: and therefore although it stand all Princes upon to join with the seculars, and none more, or so much as her Majesty Queen Elizabeth and her honourable Counsel: yet considering what factious dispositions there are every where abroad in the world: what great matters men and money have attempted, achieved and effected (contrary to all expectation) to their wish and desire, and how plausible, tickling and tempting the jesuits doctrine is of popularity, to make subjects rebel, act and perform whatsoever they put into their heads for the conspirators advancement: no Prince in the world but hath some great Lord or other about him, that will be ready to speak a good word for the jesuits, in hope of a better turn at their hands at one time or other when kingdoms are at stake. It followeth then that for the present it will be doubtful, and very hard to say which part, whether seculars or jesuits shall prevail. All men that know the jesuits hard dealings and practices, and what foul matters they have bolstered, banded, bearded, and borne out against the greatest and chief Princes on earth, may and do easily conceive thus much: that look what the devil or man can do, shall not be left undone on the jesuits behalf. But seeing truth may be obscured for a time: yet can never be torn down: so as never after to rise: then make I no question of it, but that (admit the jesuits and Puritans bring in Antichrist betwixt them, who shall do more against all states and commonwealths and the whole Church of God, then ever hath been, or shall be done by any other beside) notwithstanding in the end the jesuits will be quite overthrown. Which happening: then the Archpriest (standing stiffly out on their side) is like enough to be called out of England to some preferment for a time: as to be Precedent or Rector of some College or Seminary, ut cedat cum honore. THE VIII. ARTICLE. whether this appeal and contention betwixt the seculars on the one side, and the jesuits with their Archpriest on the other side be like then in the case last proposed to be the utter overthrow either of the one or other party, or of neither of both? THE ANSWER. DIrectly it can be the overthrow of neither the one party nor the other, because the seculars are but in statu quo prius, and cannot be in a worse than they are in at this present. And as for the jesuits they may pass into India, and other countries where the rest of their company live. But indirectly it may be an overthrow of either of both, whose lot it shall fall out unto to be suppressed and have the foil: and so in that case the jesuits prevailing, the poor seculars were as good to be all hanged up togetherward, as live to endure the insults, triumphs and upbraid, that shall be laid upon them in animating of their saucy laical faction to glory in their malice, impotent iniquity, and overcrowing them for a time: which yet could not be long, as a thing impossible for any religious order utterly to overthrow (as thereby the jesuits would) an ecclesiastical or secular state, on behalf whereof that sacred sentence was oracled from those lips that could not lie that portae infernae non praevalebunt adversus eam. Again, in the same case the seculars prevailing, the jesuits of like sort were sure to be overthrown: marry not with such scoffs, taunts, insultations, tyrannies, and triumphs over them as the others do, and would surely put them more barbarously in practice. But the jesuits chief grief, discomfiture, and overthrow would be this (and a greater to an ambitious aspiring heart there can be none) to be excluded for ever out of this land, and so frustrate their hope of a jesuitical Monarchy in the Island of great Britain. THE IX. ARTICLE. whether then seeing it seemeth the victory consists wholly on the Pope's decree: (and that whose part he takes, that is sure to prevail) may he then err in deciding this contention betwixt the seculars and jesuits: or be partial on the Archpriest and jesuits behalf, against the other, or not? THE ANSWER. IF the matter come once before his Holiness, I do verily think he cannot: because, although the ground in show be but of matters of manners yet in re: I am persuaded they will be drawn to matters of such moment as a visum est spiritui sancto & nobis, must judicially pass ex Cathedra, in definitive sentence against them. Which two the holy Ghost, and spouse of Christ joining together in judgement, I steadfastly believe they cannot err: and by consequent make no question of it: but if ever the seculars get safe passage, admittance and audience, at the sacred chair of Saint Peter, that then down go both Archpriest and jesuits, at least by recantation, submission & surcease. But now for as much as hoc opus, hic labor est: the difficulty is all, how to have this matter come to light before his Holiness without sinister information or partial relation made, the memory of many both ancient and recent examples, putting all men in mind of what may and is (no question) most likely to happen for a time, scil. that as Parsons and others before used sundry Machivilean forgeries, stratagems, plots, practices and devices, for establishing of this usurpate Archpresbitery, most impiously therein deluding, abasing and prejudicing of his Holiness, and the Catholic Churches laws: So may he and his confederates do the like again, and by consequent the Pope as hitherto having never heard, nor been fully, exactly and sincerely informed of the truth of our cause: so hereafter also being stopped (as if it be possible no doubt he shall) from ever coming to know the sum of the seculars appeal: he may no doubt both err and be partial therein. THE X. ARTICLE. whether (seeing the Pope may without prejudice be said to be partial upon wrong information given, without hearing what the plaintiff hath to say, and thereupon judging secundum allegata & probata may also excommunicate, etc. the innocent, and set the guilty free) if any excommunication than should be gotten (utcunque) against all the seculars and others that resist the Archpriest, commanding all to side with the jesuits, either on the Spanish or any other inuadors behalf: or admit (which is impossible) scil. that the jesuits and Archpriest had right on their side in the pretended authority of and for master Blackwell: and that thereupon for the disobedience and contempt (as the jesuits term it) the said seculars should be suspended with loss of all faculties, etc. And further having thus far prevailed against them, and that justly as (in the case proposed) we must imagine: If then and from thenceforth an excommunication, suspension, interdiction, or other Ecclesiastical censure should pass conceptis verbis from the Sea Apostolic with general consent of the Cardinals, or procurement of the greater part of them on the Archpriest and jesuits behalf, against all their opposites in whatsoever, were it to be obeyed or not: or if it were in what sort, and whether usque ad arras, or how far? etc. THE ANSWER. IN this Article are many cross Interrogatories, as scil. First, whether if an excommunication should be procured on the behalf of an inuador (as questionless it will, if the jesuits and Archpriest prevail, and as assuredly it will be stopped, if the seculars may have audience) against all that should aid our Sovereign and native country: The point of foreign conquest, and invasion under colour of restoring religion, toucheth all English Catholics as near in effect for their lives as it doth the Protestants. And by consequent both catholics & Protestants have just cause to bear with, and defend the one the other: in these temporal and moral matters against the jesuits and Puritans, who only seek to stir rebellions of subjects against their Sovereigns, and urge conquests & invasions of foreigners, against their country: & both of them under colour of religion, to cast a combustion mixed of s●te, famine and sword, upon our country, without sparing of any man, woman or child, as the doctrines and proceed of both make it manifest: that no Protestants life shall be saved, if the Puritans preuaile● nor any Catholic if the jesuits prevail: yea questionless the Protestants shall sooner go to the pot than the Catholics, if the Puritans prevail: and the Catholics sooner than the Protestants if the jesuits (though in conclusion neither shall be favoured not spared. And this was plain by the Duke of Medinaes' words, who being told that there were diverse Catholics in England, answered I care not, I will make the best Protestants in England as good Catholics as they, if once I have them under my sword, etc. This hath he spoken often in the hearing of master Wencel●de a Devonshire man and others. So as this and other intelligences had of the jesuitical devotion and Spanish favours towards our nation, and us Catholics doth manifest their pretence of religion to be a bloody presage of a massacring intended conquest. were it to be obeyed, or not: the invadour coming with hostile power under colour and pretence of restoring the Catholic faith and religion in this land? And to this I answer: that it were not to be obeyed. For that although every Catholic be bound to receive, succour, relieve and aid to his power, any one that should absolutely (without any further intent) come to restore, plant and confirm the Catholic faith and religion in this land: yet because intentio perficit actum: and as (I said in another Quodlibet before) that act which in itself is good, may both by circumstance and intention be made nought: And further, for that man's judgement in human actions whiles he lives under a mortal sword, comes by senses objects, which are external ut sonus obiectum auditus, colour visus, etc. and for that the outward object moves the inward sense, than that outward presents it to the inward fantasy and imagination of man, called sensus internus: and that again by office brings it into the Court of reason: which reason reflecting upon the primary object judgeth ex cognitione sensibili de intelligibili obiecto, and so we say that Sacramentum est visibile signum invisibilis gratiae. Hereupon it cometh ●hat be the protestations never so great to the contrary (morally without approving the intention to be good by miracle) yet if the external signs be such as they implicate a contradiction, verbi gratia, as he that should cast a fireball into a house, & yet protest he intended not to burn it: or shoot off a piece at his supposed friend, charged with powder, bullet, pellet or shot, & yet intended not to kill him: or violently urge and force a yield to rape, & yet protest his intention was only to try that woman, but not to ravish her: no man will believe him. And so in the case proposed: the old Lord Montacute of worthy memory, Sir Anthony Browne Viscount Montacute gave a no less catholic then loyal answer to the like question: saying to this effect: That if the Pope himself should come in with cross, key and gospel in his hand, he would be ready with the first to run unto his holiness to cast himself down at his feet to offer his service unto him in all humbleness of heart, and what not to show himself a dutiful child. But if in steed of coming in solemn procession with cross, book, prayers and preaching: he should come in a sounding royal march with heralds of arms, into banners of blood displayed, trumpets, alarm, pikes, arquebus and men of arms all marshalled in ranks set in battle array: then would he be the first man in the field armed at all points, to resist him in the face with all his might and power he were able to make; and what not would he do to show himself a dutiful subject naturalised in an English soil on that behalf. To the like end did his brother in law the ever honourable Dacre his words tend even in the midst of his prince and country's enemies. And the same should be every true catholic English man's resolution. For let the colour, pretence and protestation be whatsoever it be may; yet for that one and the same person may come as an Apostle of Christ or knight of Mars: and that the marks for others to know him by, which of these two he is, are not his intentions, protestations, or meaning, but the signs and tokens he brings with him, together with the manner of his outward actions and proceed: we judging as men not as Gods in these cases: knowing that the words (invasion and hostile power) denotate a general subversion, population and overthrow of the whole common wealth and state, with slaughter of body, soul and all together, and not the conversion of any one: no nor preservation or safety of the already converted (for so said the Duke of Medina in plain terms) scil. I will respect neither one nor other if I have them once under my sword, for I mean to make room, place and space there for my master etc. Neither in very deed in such a case could he almost choose to do otherwise, though he had a more compassionate, religious and human heart than any Spaniard seemeth to have. For how should he know a catholic from a protestant in the open field, where is no time to bow nor kneel, unless it be against their wills. But when besides this it is manifest by the Duke's speeches (yea and the jesuits too, at sundry times affirming the same (as father Southwell at Wisbiche did confess no less in the hearing of divers priests there prisoners) that though the invaders might: yet would they not spare one catholic in England, more than a protestant, nor so much as they would spare the puritanes. The reason whereof may be this in their barbarous policy: scil. least under that pretence (if show of religion might save their lives) all for the time becoming wholly catholics, would be too many and too strong a party to remain on live, and ready upon every the least occasion offered, to rise in arms and take the crown off, from the invaders head (if invested therewith:) thrust all foreigners out of the realm, and set up a catholic king of their own country and nation again. Therefore seeing that to prevent this inconvenience: the invader (whosoever) will make sure work (if once he got footing) without sparing of man, woman or child: besides (those traitors of jesuits or puritanes that shall escape perhaps for a time, as coming in under his banner to betray their native country into his hands:) I hold that man for worse than mad, that will run upon his own death every way: as those English do (be they of what religion or profession soever) that should upon any false persuasion or fear of excommunication or otherwise oppose themselves against their native prince and country. And if when no such danger was of utter subversion and destruction of all: yet in these temporal and martial causes, we find: that no excommunication, suspension or interdiction did take place so: but that those punished by ecclesiastical censure, did still prosecute to death, their prince and country's cause (were the said excommunications or other ecclesiastical censure justly or wrongfully inflicted, which when hot bloods are up, is not regarded of any) as in the strife betwixt prince Lewis of France and king john of England, and his son after him, king Henry 3. and the Balliol and Bruse of Scotland, and sundry other examples it may appear even in catholic times, when there was no religion but one: then à fortiori, in the case proposed like to a Danois conquest, when the pretence is coloured with a religious mask, and the pretendor intends notwithstanding a general massacre of all indifferently to plant a new people there with utter extirpation of the ancient inhabitants: there is no sense, religion, nor sign of humanity in that English heart that would so unnaturally be deluded with scruples, doubts and sophistical buzzes put into his head in the premises: as not to resist. Secondly, an other interrogatory point or question in the article proposed is: that supposing the jesuits and Archpriest had right on their side in the matters of contention betwixt them (as they seem to make the case as clear for them as the seculars do on the contrary) & that thereupon they should justly procure an excommunication with other ecclesiastical censures to be inflicted according to the quality of the person & the occasion given upon the part of the appellans and all their adherents, for their contempt, disobedience etc. formally re-establishing, ratifying and confirming ad amplius the said Archpriestes authority: whether then ought not the seculars and all other catholics obey and surcease from further pursuit against either the jesuits or Archpriest or no? And to this I answer: that a supposed proposition must have a supposed solution, scilicet that supposing all were right, just, lawful and necessary on the jesuits part, and the quite contrary on the seculars: then were the seculars not only bound to obey and surcease, but also to cry peccavimus and submit themselves to do such penance as should be enjoined them etc. 2. in the case proposed, although they were to surcease from pursuit of the appeal in that matter: yet were they not bound to let fall their plea on the behalf of the Catholic Church and common wealth in general, or of their own native country in special: for that the matters of contention betwixt the seculars and jesuits, being of two kinds: the one proper as concerning the injuries & wrongs done, one to the other, and the other common, as concerning the injuries and wrongs done to the whole Church, the common wealth, the supreme power and sovereign Majesties in both states: they (being instrumental agents (and yet withal live members) of the two bodies mystical and political) were bound to respect Bonum publicum before privatum; and by consequent not to desist from prosecuting the appeal in those cases wherein the interest is in the whole Church and commonwealth, and not in themselves alone. 3. I say the supposition is but a mere metaphysical or rather chymericall supposal or conceit: neither do I think that there is any jesuite in England this day, but in his own conscience he knows he is in the wrong, and that the seculars have the right on their side, as well in the particular as general action, and by consequent it is impossible: (as I said in the former article) but that if ever the matter come to pleading, it will go on the seculars side against them. 4. I say more that admit an excommunication should be gotten & procured (suggesto mendacio) against them for the one cause or the other: yet were the excommunicated suspended, etc. only propter obedientiam to forbear coming at, or having the use of the Sacraments. But no further: so as in prosecuting their appeal, or doing of any other act for the furtherance of their cause, they were as free as before, from all sin or other offence in not obeying any charge laid, or commandment given them to the contrary. 3. A third interrogatory point, doth seem to import thus much in this article scz. whether an excommunication, suspension, etc. being gotten quo iure quaue iniuria, against the seculars and their adherents hanging the appeal, were it to be obeyed or not, in forbearing to come at the altar or Sacraments? Whereunto I answer. 1. That Post appellationem factam manis est excommunicatio, or as saith the gloss, Nemo potest excommunicari. 2. That admit there had been no appeal, yet could no excommunication, suspension etc. bind them in the case proposed in foro conscienti●e quia litterae impetratae suggesto mendacio, non nocent eyes contra quos impetrantur etc. & sententiae contra leges canonesue perlatae, debent utique pro infectis haberi etc. 4. Lastly a question doth rise here out of this article whether in foro exter. an excommunication, suspension etc. do always bind or not, The Archpriest is known directly to have no such authority as he & master Parsons giu●●ut he hath to excommunicate, suspend &c. neither was his holiness priu● to his usurpate intent on in taking more upon him than he hath granted, ergo ad plac● tum, whether any will obey him in the points in question or not, etc. vers. gra. whether if by means made to his holiness on the jesuits and Archpriests behalf, there should a precept, brief, or bull be obtained to command all Catholics to be at master Blackwels' command, and to obey him in all things, sub paena excommunicationis, suspensionis, amissionis omnium facultatum, etc. were it to be obeyed or not. To which I answer, first, that it were as is said before, scil. to suffer patiently that just torment inflicted upon them (if known directly that it were his holiness will and intent to have it so) by refraining from the Sacraments: and thus much propter obedientiam piae iurium ecclesiam eiusque cap. Rom. po. tum ad evitandum scandalum, which in this case might happen to the infirm and weak Catholics, judging it to proceed of contempt and disobedience to the sea Apostolic: if they should presume to come at the holy altar, or frequent any Sacraments being excommunicated etc. though never so wrongfully and injustly. Secondly, that notwithstanding such an excommunication, yet the said seculars and their adherents might proceed as before, either in prosecuting the appeal begun, or beginning a new, and following of the same: Note that the Archpriest cannot have authority from the Pope to stop all appeals from him to the Pope: and by consequence though in Blackwell had authority to excommunicate, suspend, etc. in all things (which he hath not, neither da●e take it upon him to defend, he hath so) yet were his excommunication void both in foro conscientiae & ecclesie, in this case of forbidding appeals wherein so free all men were from any bond to obey as they were bound to disobey it, and reject him as an Antipape. notwithstanding any command or authority to the contrary: until such time as the truth of their cause were made known to his holiness, and that they had received his resolute answer. Which had, no such censure could be incurred, because the wrong accrueing in ius suum by making the Archpriest above himself: it were not in the Pope's power to give him such an authority, and remain Pope after it: for that the passage of an appeal must always be from an inferior to a superior: ergo if master Blackwell have authority to command that none shall write, nor send, nor seek for justice from him to the Pope, nor (and by consequent than it followeth) to any other, but whom he shall assign (as his charge given to the apellants, to go into the Low countries, etc. includes so much arrogancy and usurpation of a supremacy at least) under pain of excommunication etc. then it followeth that he the said Blackwell is the supreme head of the church Catholic, (at least, here in England, from whom there is no appeal to be made: but all injuries to be borne off with head and shoulders: neither will his or the jesuits excuse for him serve their turns: to say, the seculars appeal is but about frivolous & light matters in themselves, proceeding of a seditious, stubborn, disobedient, obstinate & contentious spirit, not well established in the grace of God, etc. In all which cases it were expressly against the Canons to disobey him, or to appeal from him, as from (say they) their lawful superior, and by consequent that he may command them not to trouble his holiness with such brabbling matters etc. I say this neither will, neither shall serve his turn. For if they be but trifles or wranglings, A Bishop cannot authorize his chaplain: a king his secretary: not the Pope his protonotary in things wherein the so authorized deprives the authorizer of his superiority over him, and withal of the chief act of justice and title of his dignity and honour belonging to his person or place, but must withal make him by that act his superior, because no duals in popedoms, kingdoms or Bishopr ckes but all singles as one in one, etc. then have the seculars the worst of it, being sure to be sharply punished when the plea shall come before his holiness: but if otherwise it will prove: then videant ipsi jesuitae, cum suo Archipr. But howsoever, be it so, or be it not, yet the seculars affirming that it is of matters of most moment that ever happened in this age: as both by these 10. Quodlibets and sundry other books written of this subject may and will appear: it is neither Blackwell, nor Garnet, nor Parsons, nor Lucifer, nor who is the proudest of them: to face it with greatest impudence that shall dare presume to be judge therein, or stop it from coming to his holiness, but shall be noted for an Antipope at least. Thirdly I say further, that suppose there were neither Rex nor summus Pontifex in all the world (as for the space of 2000 years or thereabout it was so, the first borne son of every family being that while (under the law of nature) both king and priest in authority, without the name: and that all government on earth were (as it should be in that case) Aristocratical, yet did not that hinder but that still a subordinate power should be aswell in the church as commonwealth, and law and justice there take place in order, so as always an appeal might be lawful and not deniable from an inferior person, court, corporation, commonwealth, or what name, title, or authority soever to a superior (but not on the contrary in any of these without prejudice of the predominant) and so from one to another till it come to the chief and highest court. Yea this kind of subordination is even in the laws themselves, the Civil laws (or laws Common here in England, which equal the laws Civil) being inferior to the laws Canon, or municipal in this land, as is clear by a plea which ordinarily may be removed from the common Law into the court of Chancery: and the law Canon inferior to the law of Nature and Nations (which commonly is taken to be one with Nature's law) and again the law of Nature to the Law of God, as it is given written, or otherwise left in the Church dictant spiritu sancto, & therefore called the Law divine, because it is of divine institution. Though in very, deed the law primary of reason depending upon synderisis, & the Law divine, or of God relatione ad creaturas, and also the Law of nature, be often taken for all one: upon which conjunctions, divisions, and distinctions, I have treated at large in the answer to the first part of Parsons Doleman: and therefore thereupon we will not now stand. Only this is enough to know for the present, that all human laws are subordinate to nature's Law: and natures Laws to the Law Primary of God himself, which we call, Divina voluntas, or the aeternal Law; and by consequent the legifers of the same laws, are so subordinate one under an other: as when a case comes once to the highest Legifer on earth, there is thence no further appeal to be made but all wholly left to God's just judgements, Primam enim sedem nemo judicare potest. Out of these grounds than I gather these corollaries: First, that the Pope's excommunication etc. for any matters under his Pontifical jurisdiction and power (although unjustly inflicted) were to be obeyed in not ministering nor receiving of any Sacrament until the party were absolved etc. Secondly, that no excommunication can stop any man from seeking of justice. Thirdly, that no excommunication of his for disobedience to his holiness self, in things commanded by him, contra ius divinum vel naturae: doth or can take place either in foro conscientiae vel ecclesiae: because these laws and legifers are above him and his law. Fourthly, that master Blackwell and his jesuits with all those of their faction, are ipso facto thought to be excommunicated for usurping the Pope's authority etc. Fiftly, that he can debar no man from appealing to the Sea apostolic for any cause whatsoever: the worst being the appellants, if the cause be nought: as thereby incurring sometimes an excommunication, suspension, etc. Sixtly, that it is mere calumniation, falsehood, and slander for that seditious faction: to give out: that any one of the Catholics are excommunicated. Seventhly, that neither he nor any jesuite in England dare for their lives stand to it, to affirm: that all or any of the appellants are excommunicated for that action. Eightly, that he is a flat antipope in presuming to command any not to seek for justice against him to the Sea apostolic, and the like is for his, and his jesuitical faction in their extreme arrogancy, in blazing it abroad: that it is an act of disobedience, contempt etc. Ninthly, that no such authority can be given him as to command any to obey him in all things. Tenthly, that not the Pope himself can command any, in and by such general terms of obedience in all things. eleventhly, that if the seculars had been justly excommunicated for any matter depending upon the appeal: it had and aught to have holden still, hanging the same appeal: because no dispensation can be granted where the party is bend to continue in that state: for the prosecuting whereof the excommunication, suspension, etc. past against him. Twelfthly, that if the seculars had been excommunicated for any other matter independent upon the appeal, there is not a priest in England almost, but hath authority to absolve him: and so doth it show the malice of the jesuits to be so much greater, seeing no such thing, but that, if it were, yet an absolution did free them again: they notwithstanding do drive conceits into the people's hearts as though they remained still in a damnable state: which is as much to say as they cannot be absolved, (the grossest absurdity and greatest impiety that ever was heard of) every one seeing and knowing: that the greatest heretic that is may be absolved, and restored to his former state again. And therefore they denying this benefit to a Catholic priest show themselves flat usurpers, as before, and a worse thing beside. 13. That there is no question to be made of it, but if it be possible the jesuits will procure an excommunication against the seculars to confirm their former false reports and slanders, that they were excommunicated &c. before. 14. That no excommunication on the inuadors behalf doth bind any man to take his part against his prince and country. 15. That to this day was there never any excommunication, suspension, interdiction, etc. gotten from the Sea of Rome, and denounced against any Prince, person, common-weath, or other state on the behalf of any one ceteris paribus, like to this procured already by the jesuitical faction against their Prince and country on the behalf of Spainiards. 16. That as the prudent Greek appealed from Alexander furious to Alexander sober, and bishop Crostate from Pope Adrian private to Pope Adrian public: and as Summus pontifex in cathedra Petri: so may the seculars notwithstanding any decree set down by his holiness to the contrary by wrong information given: appeal even from the Pope, as Clement, unto his holiness, as Peter, on their own and their Prince and country's behalf. THE ARGUMENT OF THE SEVENTH GENERAL QVODLIBET. THe reasons alleged in the last Quodlibet against the mischievous plots and practices aswell in esse, as intended by the jesuitical intruded authority of Blackwels' usurpate Archpresbytery, ministereth occasion to speak in this place of matters concerning aswell the seculars as the jesuits proceed, with and on the behalf of the catholic Church and commonwealth. Of which subject there are two distinct Quodlibets occurring fitly to our purpose to be discussed and reasoned of: and both of them tend to one end, but by a diversity of plots casting in the way and manner of progress to the thing they aim at on both sides. And therefore shall the first be a Quodlibet of plots by religion: that is in what sort, and how far both seculars and jesuits do and may deal on the behalf of God's church for conversion of their country, and re-establishing of the catholic faith and religion. The other general Quodlibet shall be of State affairs, as how they either do or may meddle therein on the behalf of their country, pretending religion as the ground of all the controversy. THE SEVENTH GENERAL QVODLIBET OF PLOTS by Religion. THE I. ARTICLE. whether the seculars or jesuits seek more sound the conversion of their country from all schism and heresy. THE ANSWER. IT is without all question the seculars seek it more sound, sincerely, religiously, and Apostlelikely, pꝪ. for that the seculars take the very direct course that our Saviour Christ left, for, and to all his apostles to imitate, scil. First, to seek the conversion of souls by preaching and teaching, and good example giving by word and action. Secondly, by doing all things gratis, taking only things necessary for their maintenance and relieving of their present wants. Thirdly, not fishing after unlawful gains to enrich themselves by covin and hypocrisy or other means. Fourthly, in relieving those that want gratis either with their own superfluity (if their patrimonies be great) or with and out of that which is given them gratis. Fiftly, to make no exceptions of persons in bestowing of God's graces upon them, but as ready to go barefoot to save a poor beggar's soul, as in a coach of gold to reconcile a king. Sixtly, to give honour to every one, where, in what sort, and as far as is due: Cui vectigal, vectigal etc. Seventhly, to keep an order in charitable respects had of one person more than another: when it comes to a matter of moment to be done: wherein partiality may be used: always respecting the place, worthiness, deserts, and other circumstances of the person annexed unto the cause etc. Eightly, to prefer (in all things of importance) the common good either of the Church or common wealth before the private good of any particular person or corporation in either state. Ninthly, to live orderly, warily and friendly in conversing with every one Nemini dantes ullam offensionem, and most of all not exasperating the adversaries. Tenthly, to be ready prepared to do good to all maximè autem domesticis fidei. eleventhly, to respect the public good of all: not the private corporation of any in using bitter, sharp and galling speeches, by fraternal correction or discovering of the infested vices of any one more than another. Twelfthly, to give and teach obedience to all superiors in order, as in latrical adoration and honour to God alone: in reverence to priesthood: in loyalty to regal majesty: in filial love: to parents spiritual or temporal: and in all these wherein obedience doth consist, how far it doth extend: in what cases that sentence obediendum est Deo magis quàm hominibus, stands infringible without reply, exception or mitigation: and how obedience in one person may be simul & semel in divers respects had to two adversaries or opposite one to the other, without offence justly given to either, always concluding with this admonition given to every one: reddite quae sunt Caesaris Caesari, & quae sunt Dei, Deo. In these and many the like, have the seculars imitated so far as human frailty could, the example of their Lord & master jesus Christ in labouring for the conversion of souls in their country more apostlelike than the jesuits have; who in every particular are found halting down right: as in all these Quodlibets doth manifestly appear. Besides there are yet other particular differences which make the case more apparent. First, for that the jesuits are a society and corpotation of themselves apart, sequestered not only from other particular orders of religion, as Dominicans are from Franciscans, and Franciscans from Augustine's, and Augustine's from Benedictines, and so one from another by the rules of every particular order: but also and much more than any other religious company from the whole ecclesiastical and secular state: whereas the seculars are of the whole, public and common body both of the Church and commonwealth (that is both of the body mystical of Christ, and the body political of their country) and as indifferent to a Benedictine, Augustine, jesuit, etc. as to a Bishop, Deane, Parson, Vicar, etc. I mean that though in general terms for matters of faith and religion, they all both secular and religious, ecclesiastical and monastical, are equally members of the catholic church, the body mystical of Christ: and as all corporations, companies, and societies in every commonwealth are equally members in general of that same body political, commonwealth, kingdom, and state where they live: and yet may some of them be more dangerous or secure, commodious, or inconvenient, partial, or indifferent to that state ecclesiastical or temporal, church or commonwealth where they live, them others are or perhaps can be; by reason of more particular respects of propriation or otherwise, than others have: yet you will grant, & none will deny any Benedictine to labour lawfully for his own order sooner & more seriously then for the Carthusians, in obtaining of immunities, privileges, prerogatives, livelihoods, mortmains, and whatsoever they may lawfully receive and keep, for maintaining themselves and their order to serve there Lord God in that state of life they have taken themselves unto. Neither is it to be thought otherwise but that the Archbishop of York would if a commodity were to be had, and in his gift to bestow it where he list, more respect any particular church, chapter, or chapel under him and within his own diocese, than an other of like condition unto it within the diocese of Canterbury. Nor can it be thought otherwise but that the Lord Maior, Aldermen and others of the free companies of London, should have a more special care of augmenting their own privileges and the enriching of that city than the city of Coventrie, or any other corporation or town, though the same were even also enfranchised in their liberties. Of like sort then the jesuits being a corporation of themselves, possessing neither lands nor house, nor interest to any one (but in their own vain conceits) in England, and being a company or society gathered together of all christian people and nations: and finally this land as well by the fall and suppression of the Abbeys: as also by sundry other dangers wherein it stands, being now brought by their mischievous drifts and devices, and especially by popular doctrine to lie open to the spoil of who that first can catch it: there is no question in it: but that the jesuits seek their own private gain, profit, and advancement, in the conversion of England more than the seculars do: who are of no corporation, but as public or common members of the whole body, labour for all ecclesiastical, monastical, secular, religious, spiritual and temporal, and for this and that church, Bishopric, city, town, parish, corporation, society, etc. alike: as being free to incorporate themselves to any particular, either ecclesiastical or monastical state when they list, and when occasion shall be offered: and having no peculiar corporation nor company to leave that unto which they get, but in general to their successors in the church of God, and their harvest to whosoever it shall happen: it is plain in common sense, that they seek more sincerely the conversion of their country then the jesuits do. Secondly, they take a right apostolical course, labouring to stop all occasions of shedding any man's blood: and if some must be shed, yet rather exposing themselves with patience to all hazards in suffering their own blood, to be shed for preaching, teaching, and exercising of all other priestly functions, then in seeking to shed or to have any others to be shed, either by invasions, rebellions, or other treasons or conspiracies, whatsoever as the jesuits do: ergo their intention, action, and proceeding is more Apostolic, religious, and sincere. Thirdly, the very speeches that go abroad of both together, with the noted practice and experience had of both their dealings, do manifest it. For who doth not see, what a general calamity, and extreme want and misery all catholics, as well secular as lay persons live in, that are not jesuited: what huge sums of money they collect every year (as before hath been touched in part) what banks they have in other countries, and yet no pity, no relief, no respect had of any that are not of their corporation, or as brokers dependent upon them to serve their turns withal, used as bondslaves to enrich themselves with that they have or can gain by them. Fourthly, I here omit their officious enterprises for the conversion of their country: their seeking of superiority over the seculars: their bars put into all the blood royal of this land to disinherit them: their division made of all, both ecclesiastical, monastical, and temporal states, corporations and houses of any reckoning within the land: their devices to prevent as much as they can possibly, that no other religious order, especially no Benedictine nor Dominican shall come within the realm: In few look into their whole course & manner of proceed for their country's conversion: and you shall find nothing but a large exchequer of a charter of policies, how to bring by exchete the whole church & commonwealth to be under their private corporation & society: and so quite altering the course of conversion of countries, into a profession of a kind of Lumbards': Senseless be that man or woman holden for ever hereafter: that shall judge any sincerity, fidelity, natural and human affection, or other good meaning, to be in them, for re-establishing of religion or planting the catholic faith in their country, if they may have the swing and bear the sway. THE II. ARTICLE. whether the seculars or jesuits have had heretofore, or have now more secret intercourse and dealings inwardly and underhand with all or any of the Lords or other magistrates under her majesty here in England, or king james in Scotland etc. THE ANSWER. THe answer to this article pertains directly to a matter of state, and therefore shall it be handled more peculiarly in the next general Quodlibet of statizing, against Parsons the Archstatist of the jesuits. For the present, the question here intended is as of a matter of religion, scil. whether of them being both catholics have more close dealings with the common adversaries in religion to them both. The cause of which question doth rise upon these Zoilists envious emulation: that some few seculars (whom they thought either to have deprived of their lives, or pulled them down so low as never after to have risen) have by God's providence found grace, favour and justice at her majesties hands: by opening their innocency and loyal hearts towards her royal person and their native country, to those in authority under her Highness: as master doctor Bagshaw (whose death they most treacherously sought) and others (whom now they seeing to have cleared themselves of all state meddles, and thereupon to have found extraordinary favour) these most malicious, restless slanderers, invent a new devise: that seeing they cannot prevail with the adversaries against the innocent, to bring them to the gallows: they will spit out their gall against them to catholics, to make them to be holden and accounted of as spies, atheists, irreligious, and such as have (forsooth) extraordinary intercourse with some Lords or others in authority for the state, and thereupon more favour than others have, or then any sound catholic can have, or should seek for, or accept of. In regard of which viperous speech (fit for a fiend then faithful soul) the question here is moved: if it be an offence to have any secret dealings with the civil magistrate, then whether the seculars or jesuits have offended more therein. To which I answer here in brief: that if any offence be in that action, the jesuits will overweigh as far the seculars in that as a horse load will a pound weight: as the practices and dealings of their Parsons, their Heywoods', their Holts, their Holtbeiss, their Creswele, their Garnets', &c. will testify it, by sundry letters and witnesses against them to be brought forth and showed at time convenient. Yea do they think it is unknown under whose wings the Archpriest lives shrouded, or to and from whom the letter was sent on father Gerard's behalf, to wish her (after some few compliments and thanks for the token she sent him) to keep her jewel (the said Gerard) well, etc. or who they be, that ply and plead for the jesuits underhand, and to whom in special intelligence is given from time to time of all that ever they know that may not touch the jesuits: or sometimes by accusing some of their own company, to contrive some unhonest or sluttish part they are about, more handsomely than otherwise they could, or by whom they are backed to be so bold as they are, both in prison and abroad, to make their vaunt that they have more and greater friends both in the English and Scottish Court; then the seculars have: more than half (naming some particular nobles and others in high esteem and authority under her Majesty) that are secretly entered into league with them (forsooth) on the Spanish behalf. Nor no, it is but a base fear of that servile Parson's mind, lest by this favour showed of her Majesty, her honourable Counsel, and other magistrates to those tried to be innocent and guiltless of the general jealousy for conspiracies, had of all for their sakes: his treasons and treacheries should boult out more speedily, and not have so safe close, and secret means to tamper with any, to deal on his behalf with her Highness: to accept of him for a spy, as erst he offered himself to be so: with deep protestation and many vows and circumstances, that he would (yea and no doubt but in matters for his own advantage he doth) by his agents give intelligence to the state of all things that ever he should hear of, to be intended any way against her person, crown or kingdom; working in the mean while notwithstanding underhand with the late Earl of Essex, to be the king of Spain's close Pensioner for furthering of the invasion: & yet again at the same time dealt so, as it should have been bewrayed to the late Lord Treasurer Cicill: and thus the cogging mate never deals with any of this land: but it is to work their greater, heavier, and more speedy ruin. So as I conclude that the jesuits have more secret, close, and inward dealings under hand with the civil magistrate, than the seculars have: who go, speak, and deal openly, not afraid nor ashamed of any thing they do or treat of, with whomsoever it shall please God to move the hearts to listen unto or favour them: and by consequent the jesuits close tamperings showeth them to be most pernicious, dangerous, irreligious, infested, and enemies to the church and commonwealth of this and all other lands, their own guilty consciences accusing them by their words and actions. For true it is, Quimale agunt odit lucem: & veritas non quaerit angulos. THE III. ARTICLE. whether then is it lawful or not for either secular or jesuit to have intercourse with any of their common adversaries in religion, or to endeavour themselves to get and win favour of those now in authority under her Majesty: and if they may, then whether and equally with both Lords and states ecclesiastical and temporal: or with which most freely and without scandal or offence may they seek unto for succour, the said seculars and jesuits standing in opposition one against the other, as they in this point of intercourse with both their adversaries concerning the conversion of their country etc. THE ANSWER. THere is no difference nor exception of persons, places, offices or professions to be put in those of authority under her Majesty: but whosoever her highness hath appointed for to have the dealings in these affairs, all is one for them, that are to seek favour by that means. Neither is there any doubt to be made, but that it is lawful for either of them apart, or both seculars and jesuits together, to seek for favour at the civil magistrate or any others hands. * Some of these malevolous jesuitical faction have given it out as a most odious thing for her Majesty to be in league with the Turk, notwithstanding all that know any thing, know it to be a common matter for both Pope and prince of any nation to enter into league or truce with him for their own more safety, as the Spaniard hath. So as a man may see all their drift is but to make all men's actions odious that is or may be a hindrance to their platform, though the same thing be practised by them or their faction. Only these envious jesuits and their faction to make it seem more odious to the catholic laity: make a difference as though it were more lawful to have dealings with the Lord Treasurer, or any other civil magistrate of and in the temporal state, then with the Archbishop of Canterbury or Bishop of London or the like. Whereof I can conceive no other reason then that fulsome smell of puritanism: which remains in them, as to whom the very name of a Bishop is most odious as it seemeth. And knowing that these two have written, spoken, and otherwise dealt most against their fellow puritanes (in faction if not in faith) belike this is that, which maketh them murmur and speak against divers, but especially Master Bluett a reverend old secular priest, and truly a worthy confessor before some of these pure jesuits his malicious aemulators) knew what religion meant, and so he doth still; and no doubt by God's special grace but he will still so remain when the froth of their zeal shall be frozen in their hearts. But well: let it pass. It is but a Pharisaical blast of a jesuitical poisoned breath. God of his mercy grant that poor afflicted catholics may from henceforth find such friends in Court or of Counsel, that may be in such grace and favour, either as fautors of our religion, or as compassionates of our afflictions, that in either or both respects, as patrons of our innocency, they may supply to their lasting credit, renown, and worthily merited fame, the place on our behalfs to our noble Elizabeth: of an honourable Sebastian a wise Gamaliel, a grave Aramathian joseph, a zealous Daniel, a princely Zorobabell, a learned Esdras, a pitiful Ester. And so make I no doubt, but by such no less lawful and commendable, then necessary (and of all true catholic loyal English hearts to be both earnestly prayed and heartily wished for) means: that royal and princely heart, always of her own sweet nature inclined to mercy, lenity, compassion and pity: will at length grant a refocillation, relaxation, and free liberty to her faithful subjects worn out bodies in her prisons, to pass abroad and serve their Lord God without fear, and her Highness without fainting. The very conceit of so gracious a smile cast on their long frowned on heavy hearts (O God) would force out filial floods of streaming tears: so natural it is to loyal subjects (yea to whom not, of a human heart) to be overcome in ecstasies of affections, especially in conceited joys: when the loss, they most lamented, is repaid in place lest expected: and that which ever they most wished for, comes in time most unlooked for. What shall I say more, Corpora magnanimo satis est prostrasse leoni. THE FOUR ARTICLE. whether more secure then, for the catholic laity (seeing both priests and jesuits may make friends where they can) to join with the seculars or with the jesuits. THE ANSWER. THis might seem a frivolous question, were it not that the jesuits make such vaunts of so many great princes and potentates that are their friends, though they have just none indeed of any account save only the Spaniard, and he (as I said before) using them but as the Emperor Charles used Cardinal Wolsey, to serve his turn for the time. For seeing by all that we have said and intent to speak or write of this matter, it is evident: that the Spaniard or Austrian can not be, (neither are they) ignorant how the jesuits serve their own turns, with bolstering out their doings, and fathering of their actions upon them. They no doubt will repay them back with like measure again in a higher degree of reproach, shame, and confusion. For it is an honourable policy in princes to entertain spies, counterfeits, and traitors: but it is a base ignominy in subjects to presume so to dally with sovereigns. Therefore let brag prove a good dog at home: when it comes to grappling it will be tried the surest way to take the seculars part. THE V ARTICLE. whether any danger can come or be intended against all catholics in general, aswell priests as lay persons by the extraordinary favour showed towards certain of the seculars, and on their behalf towards many catholics that are known not to be jesuited: or is there no danger therein at al. THE ANSWER. THere neither is, neither can be any danger in the world therein to any one. But this doubt comes of a jesuitical envy and malice towards the seculars: like to the same their speeches in effect used in France and against the French king, when they enviously murmuring at the peace, was there concluded upon, used most slanderous detracting speeches, and put an hundred rebellious doubts and irreligious conceits in the people's hearts against it, and so have they done, and will do, the like here in England if any peace or quiet may be happily obtained to catholics to live secure and without trouble, of danger of law for their conscience and religions sake. Which (I fear) would even break the jesuits envious hearts to think on, and make them burst out into an open rebellion; either to hinder it, or to have it concluded on their side. For whereunto otherwise did tend father Parson's speech, whereof I told you before, when he was so vehement against the peace in speech, to have been betwixt her Majesty and the king of Spain, in that league with France, etc. And did not the same tend to the same effect in France, when one said, I pray God it be for good that this peace is made betwixt Spain and France; an other, the king of France is but a dissembler, and never meant, nor will mean well to the catholic church, or setting up of religion: and an other, that he was a reprobate of God forsaken, and therefore made but show of religion for a time, to entrap the catholic more cunningly thereby. And even so say they here in England, that this extraordinary favour granted to some in special, is but to entrap all in general: to get out the number of concealed catholics by this means, and to take advantages of I cannot tell you what, nor they much less have any reason to imagine what they maliciously babble of. As though the number of catholics, yea, and of those that are catholic affected were not known in every shire, city, town and parish throughout England: ere ever any of those favours were showed: or as though there need any fit, speedier, or more assured means to entrap whom they please then are already, and of long time have been used by spies, searches, and other means: or finally as though favour in mitigation were as dangerous, as rigour in execution of justice, or inflicting of punishments ordained by laws already made, of no less force then to take away the lives of what catholic soever they please if extremity were showed against them, according to the statutes, & as now our ticklish state by means of these jesuitical conspiracies stands. Therefore still say I, (and every day will pray for it on my knees in my best poor devotions) God of his mercy send us peace, that we may live without fear of serving our Lord God in any the closest manner, secretly in our chambers. And further it is to be both wished and prayed for, that God may move, First, his Holiness heart to call these seditions out from amongst us, who hinder (of mere spite, pride, and envy) all good acts done by any that are not theirs; Secondly then, her Majesty and honourable Counsel, to look upon our miseries, & not to impute to the innocent, these malignant speeches of the jesuits in prejudicial jealousies & suspicions had of this greatly and only hoped for favour to ease languishing hearts with all: Thirdly, and last of all, the devout catholic laity, that they may no longer be blinded with the workers of their woes: such as they may see daily more and more, Quaere quae sunt deorsum non quae sunt sursum, and care not what misery, danger, persecution, or other affliction, any or all the catholics in England suffer so their turns may be served thereby. THE VI ARTICLE. whether then (if no danger can possibly come to those that side with the seculars in labouring for this general good, ease and safety of and to all catholics or schismatics, that would be catholics but for fear of imprisonment, loss of lands and goods, and life itself, or other sharp punishments ordained to be inflicted upon catholic Recusants by penal laws) can any danger come to the country to such either catholic or schismatic as either join, or (at least) seem to favour the jesuits more than the seculars, and speak all wholly on their behalf against the other party: or if they stand neuters and indifferents to both: yet refuse either to subscribe to the general appeal on their Prince, their country, their own and the seculars behalf: or to be Umpires in the matter for the conditions to be agreed upon betwixt her majesties honourable assigns on the one side, and the catholics her loyal subjects suppliants on the other side: or otherwise deny their consent, yield and concurrence to the furtherance of this so gracious and (in very deed) miraculous incline of her Majesty and honourable Counsel to mitigate our general heavy persecution and affliction: or how stands, or is like to stand the case with such as refuse in the premises? THE ANSWER. MIght it be without offence to exemplate out of Parsons Philopater, by what means the change of religion came, I could descry the coast by colour of the sand, and set you down the case clear and easy to be understood of every one. But letting former examples pass, I say no more thereof then this; that be you fully persuaded and assured what bribes can work, what gifts can win, what women can move (and none more potent in moving then they (said Parsons in Greenecote:) what lying can deceive in, what impudence can face, what flattery can allure to, what promises can entice to, what hope can urge, what protestations can persuade to, what wit can invent: to hinder all furtherance aid, consent, or good liking to be had of this favour to be showed, that same shall not be wanting to the uttermost. But yet this withal will I give them to weerds, that those who are now furthest of from liking or consenting to the seculars in their action: shall wish when they cannot help it, that it had been nearest them in smothering of them and it both, with all their might: and so to the diversly membered article I answer thus diversly. First, that these lay catholics as are eager on the jesuits or Archpriests behalf, are hereafter in the same predicament of a praemunire, treason, etc. that their good ghostly fathers before spoken of are in. Secondly, that ere these matters came to light, & before the appeal was made, there was no more danger in following of a jesuit or the Archpriest, then in following a Seminary or other secular priest: because they were not then discovered, the one from the other: nor ever should have been in those cases if the jesuits might have had their wills as the only Scugge, buckler and sconce, they had to bear off all the blows that of due right should have fallen upon them: and not of the innocent seculars, which was and is, one special cause why they labour so mightily to make all books (written of these matters, in discovery of their egregious impiety both against the Church and commonwealth) to seem so odious, and to suppress so much as lieth in them, the Printing, and if not the Printing, yet the reading; and if not the reading, yet the believing of any thing in them, to be true: though the authors have and do still offer body for body to burn at a stake, or hang on the gallows for trial, in averring or recanting of whatsoever (in substance) hath been written or spoken against them. Thirdly, as for neuters or indifferents, they do but themselves wrong: in causing a jealous conceit perhaps causeless to be had of them. Fourthly, for those that refuse to deal being moved to be umpiers, or otherwise to further so good, commendable, and memorable an enterprise, which no doubt but will be commended to all posterity: let them look to the danger that may ensue: and so I leave them to their best thoughts had of those matters; fearing lest some of them will too truly verify the saying: that a Counsellor at law, is as wise as a daw unless he be amongst fools, etc. For I was not ignorant at the writing hereof, how some jesuitical lawyers that seem some body, and are taken so to be, both schismatic some, and catholic others: have not only refused themselves, but made others refuse to deal herein. Sed videant ipsi. THE VII. ARTICLE. whether (seeing many both catholics and schismatics do mightily dislike this discovery of the jesuits secret faults) admit it were true, and that the jesuits had given just cause for their injuries and wrongs done to the seculars (both which their fautors deny, and therefore account this writing and setting out of books with such bitter sharp galling words to be nothing else but infamous libeling, or Ovidian invectives, or Horatian Satyriques, of purpose to banish at least the jesuits out of this land:) could there then any danger of body or soul come to the jesuits by relinquishing of them with a general consent of all, both catholics and schismatics (for schismatics are most deluded and easeliest inueagled with fabulous reports given out of them) to follow and join with Priests for securing of her majesties royal person and her realm: and avoidance of all encumbrances or jealousies, to be hereafter had of catholics (her highness ever most loyal subjects:) or whether their endangering (if any were by this means) would not endanger the whole realm or no? THE ANSWER. IF a man will not be carried away with words and wind, but will deeply enter into the consideration of things so as by proofs and probates he doth find most like to be true: he cannot choose but think this question frivolous as wholly depending upon these weak grounds, and too too gross conceits of any half witted body to be possessed or entertained scz. First, that it is not possible for such things to be true as is here and in other books discovered of the jesuits: and by this rash resolve, they give more sanctity to these jesuits then to the Pope himself: who having greater, Note here differentiam actus liberi arbitrij. All angels, devils and mortal men have free will by creation: but the angels only ad bonum can not sin if they would: the devils ad malum cannot do good: & men ad utrum. libet may either do good or evil, as they list: because as yet in via, whereas the other two are in patria assigned unto them: to live the one, to die the other therein for ever. more and more effectual helps & means then any or all the jesuits in the world, to be good, sound, constant, and firmly confirmed in virtue: yet none denies but in matters of life and manners, he may be an evil man (the catholic faith and belief of his holiness freedom from error, being only in matters of faith, and est Petrus,) yea if this were so, scz. incredible: that such horrible crimes should be committed by the jesuits: then followeth it withal, that they want free-will, and have not potestatem ad utrumlibet, but are like angels confirmed in grace, & so by consequent must they be saints in heaven: whose ghosts or spirits walk here amongst us. For otherwise it implicates a contradiction: Saint Augustine's sentence standing infringible, allowed of by common consent of doctrine: that there is no sin committed in the world, or ever hath been, but I or he, or she, or any human mortal wight may commit the like, be it as horrible, loathsome and unnatural seeming, against the course of kind as can be imagined. This therefore is people's error, put into their heads by these new illuminates. Secondly, it is but an accustomed coggery of the jesuits, to make these books and writings against them seem odious, and such a deed as never was done before: their drift therein being only to continue their credit with the laity; to increase the contempt had in all men of the seculars: and to perfect their mischievous platform cast for the destruction of their prince and country thereby: which drift of theirs, may easily be perceived of any half witted body that doth but consider, that if such things may be, and that the jesuits be men, and therefore frail, and as subject to fall into sin as others are: then sure it cannot be otherwise chosen but that they are guilty of all these crimes laid to their charge, and knowing not in all the world how to excuse or defend themselves if it come to trial (the seculars urging so vehemently as they do:) they have no other shift but to stop the people's ears, eyes, and understanding from coming to the knowledge of these matters. Which stoppage can be by no other means then to make these books and writings set out to discover them to be holden for infamous libels, and Satirical invectives: neither to be read nor answered. And this is a second false surmise or coggery of the jesuits, to keep the ignorant in error. Thirdly, whosoever shall read and examine these 10. Quodlibets, and other books written against the jesuits from point to point, shall find, that there is no such detraction, slander, or bitter speech used as they talk of, nor so much as perhaps were necessary to discover as the case stands: (for that the particulars of any one man's private life and actions as they are private, with correspondency had to the general or common cause, are not as yet touched) but the cause so handled agreeing to the diversity of men, matter, time and place, discussed of in these Interrogatories, so, as the answer may pass currant and apparent, covertly, exactly, disjointly without either interruption of justice, on the one side violated by concealing things necessary to be made known for cleared of the innocent (fiat enim iustita & ruant caeli) or without breach of charity on the other side hindered by revealing of secret faults of any one impertinent to the manifestation of what in general is intended. And here I account the secret faults which are needless or not at all to be opened, to be whoredom, drunkenness, robbery on the high way, or in secret burghlary and the like offences: which come of passion or frailty of man. And again, I account these public, common, or general faults, though committed by private persons, which rise of pride, ambition, etc. may either endanger the church or commonwealth, or hinder the common cause, by taking away the life of any public person: or advancing any one to hinder the same: or finally be the cause directly, or indirectly, of leading ignorant people into error, or misconceit: contrary to the doctrine of the catholic church, and resolute belief of every obedient child and member of the same. And of this latter kind are the detractions and defamations (if any be) against the jesuits, which every catholic priest is bound unto to make things known: and every loyal subject and dutiful child, is to take notice thereof: for avoiding their own danger both of body and soul. Therefore must it needs follow, that forasmuch as a libel or invective imports a calumniation or slander against any or many, public or private persons, upon a special & peculiar intent, either of revenge or preferring a private faction or action, in opposition against a public cause: the matter here handled, and the wrong done, being no private hurt, but a public harm, no sole foul danger, but a commonwealth damage; no individual action of the person, but a specifical or rather generical faction of the case that is here in request amongst us, on the behalf of the catholic church in general: and our native country, together with all other commonwealths: * It may not be left, nor accounted of, as a libeling against the seditious jesuits and their private faction: but turning back the devils malice upon himself, and their slanders of the innocent upon their own heads: I conclude that as the relinquishing of the jesuits for Pharisees and conspirators against God and their country (as they are) were the safest way for all catholics, schismatics, or other of their and the Puritans fautors: so were it also the jesuits best course to avoid the land, and those pure spirited children of theirs that will come now at no seculars, nor much less hereafter, (if they ever departed) it were best for them to be packing with them, and make trial what will be the end of them both, if they delight so much as it seemeth they do in novelties and change: and when they are all gone, and the great new Abbot with them: or whether they be all exiled and banished the land or no, (which were great pity but they should) let them know this: that the Church of God hath no need of any of them, and the commonwealth much less: as both being now so pestered with them as a greater security could not come to either state Ecclesiastical or temporal, then to concur by one consent utterly to expel them the land. And although it grieves my very heart to think, that so many virtuous and truly sincere catholics and religious men and women are deluded by their Pharisaical life so much, as greatly it is to be feared (because greatly (if it happen) to be lamented) that if they should fall into manifest Apostasy or open rebellion (as they are in a great forwardness to both) or any other execrable error: these foundlings would follow them even into hell mouth, spite of priest or pope himself, so vainly are many persuaded of them. Yet false prophets shall they prove, and so let them trust unto it: as a general received verity of all true catholics throughout the world; and flat heresy to defend the contrary that shall dare presume to affirm the fall and stand of the catholic church, faith, and religion, to depend upon them: No, no, if every one of their brokers were a professed jesuit: and every professed jesuite a provincial over a 1000 Rectors: and every Rector had under him 10000 ministers: and every minister so many novices: & every novice a Parsonian spirit: and after all this if the proud gates of infernal dungeons were broken up, and that they had all the helps out of Styx, Corceris, and Fligiton, that old satanas signor Belzebuh Don Lucifer, or Damp. Bemoth could afford them: yet neither should they neither could they ever prevail against the impregnable rock, which standing post alone, would split them all one after another. THE VIII. ARTICLE. whether was it of secret intelligence given from some of the Lords of the Counsel, or did it rise only of a jesuitical Machiavellian devise; that catholics should have such a jealousy and fear, as many seem to have (lest these proceed of certain secular priests against the jesuits, together with the extraordinary intercourse betwixt them and the State) be like to occasionate all the said catholics overthrow heretofore or not. THE ANSWER. IT was spoken of late, as from a Lady of high renown, to one of her women in her bed chamber (but I will not say the Countess spoke it, because her woman not her Lady was jesuited, and therefore likely to be a plot of her ghostly fathers; fathered upon her honourable Mistress) that neither her Majesty, nor the Lords of her highness honourable Counsel meant any more good or scant so much to the seculars as to the jesuits: but only for the time present to get out of the seculars being but simple men, what they could by this means: and first set them forward to work out the jesuits, and then to pick a quarrel at the said seculars to make them all away etc. Which words smell so rank of a jesuitical breath, as they can not be imagined to come of any other spirit. First, for the great indignity included in them to regal Majesty, especially against our dread Sovereign and honourable Counsel, as to impute unto them, so cruel and never heard of the like tyranny to massacre the innocent: who labouring wholly for her majesties realms safety, desire nothing to themselves, but an abject quiet in a frowned on state. Secondly, for the accustomed arrogancy of a jesuitical spirit: in that, in contempt of priesthood and all seculars: they would impute this danger to come as their manner is by reason of the seculars want of experience, etc. Thirdly, be it so: (as it were too to prejudicial presumptuous and saucy a part for any subject especially living in like to this of our frowned on state, to cause any such jealousy to be had of their Sovereign and honourable Counsel) that no good were meant, but hard measure intended to be offered to the innocent by shedding of guiltless blood, adding affliction to affliction, and so increasing all our miseries by this small comfort of liberty granted to some few particulars: yet three commodities would ensue hereof which now we all do want: one is that we should then suffer but one kind of persecution, whereas now we suffer two at once, the jesuits tongue torments being more cruel and heavy unto us than our adversaries racks, ropes, or Tyburn tippets: an other is, that if we may by means of his holiness command get riddance of the jesuits hence out of the land, and an absolute confined liberty granted to all catholic prisoners, we should not then fear to die of famine, which now many are very like shortly to die of unless her Majesty take pity of them even of her innate princely disposition, and of her mere mercy: all that be in Framlingham castle ready to starve already as receiving no maintenance nor relief of the common benevolence. And a third (but not the least) is an assured hope, that by such a means all should die glorious martyrs, as freed from those factious seditions, and traitorous dispositions, wherewith Parsons that traitor attainted, hath brought all to be had in jealousy. And sure if it were for none other cause, yet were this alone sufficient to move all catholics to urge the jesuits exile out of the land: that our adversaries might hereafter have no excuse in putting any to death for religion under pretence as now caeteris paribus, considering the occasions by some given (whereof we will treat in the next Quodlibet of State) they have had just cause to prosecute all alike, not knowing who was innocent of state matters and conspiracies, and who was free. Therefore do I conclude, that this speech is but a mere coggery and Machiavellian devise of the jesuits faction to break of this intercourse, and clearly to take away all means of liberty to any seculars or other catholics that is not for their tooth to the uttermost. THE IX. ARTICLE. whether any assurance or hope be of the conversion of our country by this course taken by the seculars sooner than by that the jesuits take, all this while; the jesuits affirming, that all that they do or intend against their country proceeds of pure zeal and mere intent and meaning they have, to set forth God's glory: And by consequent though some are possessed with Machiavellian devices on their side, for to serve their own private turns withal: and others perhaps on the seculars to serve themselves also: yet forasmuch as all in both or either company are not of one humour nor mind in the particulars; then (holding them for a faction for the present, the seculars for their country, the jesuits for Spain) whether the contention in general be not, or at least may be thought to proceed of true zeal to the glory of God and spiritual good of their country or not: and how their intents (being many of both parties in general, very virtuous, wise, learned, and discreet men, yea and no doubt but far from treason or conspiracies in themselves howsoever, they are or may be corrupted in virtute principalis agentis) may be interpreted in seeking the one party for conversion of their country by invasion and possessing of the land with strangers: The other with apostolical manner and accustomed course of preaching, teaching, martyrdom etc. THE ANSWER. THis article containing sundry interrogatories, represents a memorable discourse I once did read in Sir Anthony Guiveraes' writings. Which for that it may fitly be applied to our purpose concerning this contention betwixt the seculars and jesuits, I will first set it down at large to the same effect he hath left it to posterity to look upon, and then apply it to our particular case and cause. The sum of his speech consists of this point, to wit: how that the contention, which amongst the wicked is nought as proceeding of rancour, malice and revenge: the same amongst the good and otherwise sincerely virtuous, is commendable: as proceeding of zeal, true piety and perfect charity even in the midst of their heart breaking broils. The sequel ensuing upon his speech is this: that if there have been in heaven high ambition; in paradise too much curiosity; in the Apostles school, a contentious desire of sovereignty; in the indubitate seat of infallible truth, three and twenty schisms already past, sometimes two, otherwhile three Popes (though but one Summus pontifex and he holy and Peter) in opposition by different elections one against an other, and so continuing the schism 3. 7. 20. 30. 40. 50. years together (some lucidum interuallum passing now and then between) ere it was ended: Emperors and kings and the mighties of the world interchangeably standing in a faction now with one, then with an other, sometimes with most infested wars, yea cruel deaths of the vanquished Antipapes, and perturbers of the Church's peace, which with all those tempestuous stormy blasts could not be blown up nor fail in faith, standing the oracle irreprooveable, ego rogavi pro te Petre ut non deficiat fides tua etc. Then neither is it to be wondered at in these contentions: if some wicked jesuits of Luciferian ambition, Euavistian curiosity, judastiall desire of gain & contempt of ordinary authority, stir up strife, cause rebellion, and make invovations of ancient customs and new gods amongst the people: set up an Antipape, golden calf, or Archpriest, and commit all impiety under colour of religion: and yet with Core, Dathan and Abiram saucily presume to tell both Moses and Aaron, Pope and Prince, state ecclesiastical and temporal, that they take too much upon them: nay that they are seditious, disobedient and factious that speak against them for so doing, and that they are but trifles, which they make so much ado about. Neither is it to be judged, that all have dipped their hands a like deep in these contentions, or intentions on the jesuits side: though all alike dangerous (that concur with them, or are agents for them, as I said before) both to the Church and common wealth (by reason of the aid and furtherance of the conspirators and principal agents, which in this case they yield) in the intent of the plotcasters; to the overthrow of all government, religion and authority; but in their own intent (at least in many of them) to the setting up of religion again in our country simply and plainly: some of them no doubt, thinking it impossible to be brought to pass, but by invasion and conquest of the land: and this only by false persuasions of the jesuits: whose intents many devout both men and women thinking to be sincere, good, just and conformable to the laws both of God and the catholic Church; do hereupon prosecute their purpose, as being led away with indiscreet zeal. Of this sort of catholics than is the question here to be made: Whether their course (supposing one or two jesuits be of that mind, and go no further gaping after gain, honour or renown, which Parsons and other of their chief ambitious practitionall state jesuits aim at) or the seculars course be of more assurance for the conversion of our country: which of them is most conformable to catholic doctrine and belief: and what examples can be brought on either side. This is the point I now stand upon: and the effect of the Spanish Bishops and chronicle before mentioned, tends to this end in form following. Amongst the many visions which good Daniel had: one was of the two guardian angels of the Hebrues empire and the Persian monarchy, two nations vowed enemies one to the other: the former being transported by the latter, and led captive out of Babylon into Susan, in change of the conquerors imperial place and regal throne. In this Babylonian transmigration daniel's Hebdomades beginning to take their place in working in the heart of Cyrus for delivery of God's people out of captivity: a question rose and thereupon a great contention followed with hot disputes amongst the heavenly spirits: concerning the jews delivery out of bondage, scil. whether it were more fitting to God's glory to move the Persian heart to grace and favour at the suit of Daniel to send home his countrymen in peace and quiet, or otherwise to harden his and Darius his heart, to yield to no release: but that for ever they should there condemned, despised and dispersed remain. In this heroical disputation (the moderators, wherein no doubt were full replete with no less cherubinical knowledge then Seraphical zeal) the three great princes Michael, Raphael and Vriel with the rest of the Regent's and governors deputed to the Hebrues monarchy, or twelve tribes of Israel taking part with the jew and Daniel: and the prince of the Persian kingdom (who had resisted Daniel 21. days) together with all the Lords, protectors, guardians and governors of Mede, of pierce, of Chaldaea, of Babylon, and of all the Asiacke monarchy usque & ultra Garamantes and Indos, taking the parts of the Gentiles, and defending those people, princes, and nations over whom by God's merciful designment they had the protection, government and charge of patronage: Thus began the plea. The guardians of the frontiers of Palestine alleged how all that rich country à fructu frumenti, vini & olet multiplicata, and abounding with milk and honey in former ages: was now become desert, wild, laid waste, to sack and spoil with robbers and thieves: having no rep●●●e of God nor good Saint: no soul in that soil but now di● p●r●sh. Whereas before out of every tribe there passed yearly sundry deuo●re souls thence, into Abraham's bosom to be in a readiness at th' M●ss●● his return into heaven: Therefore was it necessary that Z ●●ch 〈◊〉 Esdras, that Nehemias and others of the jews, priest's, Levites, prophet● and scribes, with the whole multitude: should be delivered, to replenish these provinces with God's people again. To this was answered by the Gentiles generals and captains: that forasmuch as Nabuchodonosor, as Balthasar, as Darius, as Xerxes, and other monarchs by secret instinct and often good motions put into their hearts by commission given unto them from their heavens king, had of their princely benignity granted unto the jews (after trial made of their constancy, and that their God fought for them in the cause of religion and sacrifice) a free liberty of conscience to serve their Lord God, agreeing to their jewish rites, and that even Daniel who was so desirous to have his people sent home, was in as high authority, grace and favour with those Ethnic princes, as any noble of their own sect in the court and country where they and he together lived: therefore was that argument for the Palestian empire of no validity: seeing it is not the soil but the soul, which God respecteth, and whereof they all have charge; and that no human wight be he jew, Gentile or Proselyte, Christian, Infidel or Catechumene (but hath his good Angel appointed to protect him at his first entrance into the world's vale of miseries, and is bound to continue with him, accompanying him where ever he goes so long as he or she remains in this territory of tears. Then the guardian of Jerusalem and principal of judea (S. Michael as it seemed) replied and said: that though it were the men which lived in the world, and not the world itself which they all had charge of in chief: yet because man came of earth, and in Salem city was Adam our protoplast created: therefore was the prerogative royal given to jebus land to be called Terra sancta for ever after. The language also which Adam first did speak, and which after some two thousand years continuance of that only and no more throughout the world remaining uncorrupted, as destinated to the posterity of Heber: in the time of Phaleg amongst 72. distinct tongues (cast amongst the Nimrodian rebels in the tower of Babel) coming by lineal descent to be called Hebrew after the division made: was the same which Moses, which Samuel, which Solomon, which David with all the jews legifers, used in their scriptures, codes, la books, prophecies, and other writings, and this tongue of all others is only called Lingua sancta. Moreover, the people of this nation, Iewes borne, and none but they are called Gens sancta, populus electus, regal sacerdotium: by right of inheritance even from Adam, from No, from Abraham, from Israel, from David by lineal succession in a downright line. And although their ancestors lived in bondage 400. years space under the Egyptian Pharaos': during which time seven mighty nations of sundry warlike people (whereof the chief being Canaanites, gave the name to the whole land) inhabited over all, yet did not that discontinuance any whit disable their rightful title and claim, but that at time convenient by God's appointment to the number of 1300000. and above, passed over the red sea, leaving not one Israelite behind them in Egypt, and under the conduct of Moses and Duke joshua, victorious over thirty kings and kingdoms, besides other states, this sacred nation possessed this holy land, the holy language still preserved amongst them. So as even to these countries, kingdoms, and provinces hath God assigned his Angel's protectors of his people therein, and by consequent in rigour of his justice the jews ought to return into the kingdom of jury and Jerusalem again. With this answer was not the Angel of pierce contented: but held on his plea on the Gentiles side: affirming, that, as it was for their sins, that God in his justice had rejected Israells' issue, so, although it pleased him to manifest his omnipotent power and Majesty that man might say: non in carneo brachio corroborabitur vir, and that there was no God, but the Lord God of Israel alone: yet was not his mercy so tied to their sleeve, as after so many signs, tokens, prodigious wonders, and miracles showed for their sakes in open sight of all their enemies, as amongst the Egyptians (before named) the Philistines, the Tyrians, the Moabites, the Ammonites, the Edomites and all other nations round about them, he should still forgive and forget to punish them, agreeing to their demerits as hitherto he had: but that the destinies of their days drawing to an end, the fatal web of their woes being at hand, and the period of their time now approaching? there was no expectation to be had of their return, nor in rigour of justice, any motion to be made on that behalf. And even Daniel, Ezechiell, jeremy, and the rest of the prophets do know that the quadrupart monarchy began in Babylon under Nabuchodonosor, which shall continue to the end, by translation from the Chaldeis to the Medes and Persians as now it is, and from them to the stout, invicted Macedonian Greeke: from whom by revolution of time it shall descend to the Romans sacred Senate: and whosoever be the monarchy: under that prince, power and potentate, shall the Iewes captives live. Therefore the holiness of the land, the sanctity of the tongue, the purity of the people: the sacred unction of the priest: is not to be named when it comes to pleading of God's justice and man's deserts. Heaven was ever a holier place than earth, the land of Eden far before Palestine, Paradise terrestrial always to be preferred before Jerusalem: and yet out of these have our fellow Angels and Israel's ancestors, man's protophlast: both been thrust out with infliction of perpetual exile out of heaven upon the former, and an inhibition to the latter never to return into the country of Eden, nor garden of Paradise again: and then à simili; no reason of their return home to the land of behest hereafter, nor to account them Gods people, th● 〈◊〉 Nation, and the like: more than any other inhabitants upon the 〈◊〉 the middle earth: seeing all are one by creation, as come of one man Adam: all one by preservation; (as, we are appointed to guard the Persians, with as tender care over them, as you have over the jews and so hath every guardian Angel over that country and people allotted to his custody;) all one by Synderisis and instinct of proper kind (as inclined to seek for good to eschew evil, and wishing after summum bonum, if in paris naturalibus they could have obtained it) and all one by relation betwixt the D. attributes and man's deserts on God's part: as one qui neminem vult perire, sed omnes animas saluas facere aswell Gentile as jew or proselyte. Yet for all this an other Angel replied, and it was our blessed Lady's paranimphe Saint Gabriel as may be well conjectured because Daniel saith that this holy spirit appeared unto him from the beginning, and told him of things to come towards the end of the world, what should happen in these latter days and how the Septuaginta Hebdomades were abbreviated over his people and over the holy city meaning Jerusalem. This Archangel than revived the plea on the jews behalf: that needs they must return to Jerusalem again to repair the holy City, to restore the Temple, to reinstall their high priest to consecrate the altar to anoint the holy of holies, to purge the place of sacrifice polluted by the Gentiles, and to exercise their many ceremonies, sacraments, and sacrifices which were not to be used, made or offered extra civitatem sanctam Jerusalem, and because that after 62. weeks (understand 8. Hebdomads to be first ended in time of this altercation, and despition amongst the Angels) occidetur Christus: therefore to confirm what God hath promised by his Angels speaking in the mouth of his prophets: the jews of necessity must return again, that God may be glorified, his church flourish, and his priests offer sacrifice unto him in the place appointed them. But to this roundly and readily Malachies' Angel made answer agreeing to the mind of the Persians guardian: that as he had said, so true it was: that non est personarum acceptio apud Deum, but that who, when, and in what place soever the name of God shall be called upon, there, then, and by that same person shall his name be glorified. And for the particulars: Jerusalem in deed was the holy city, and so it should be counted to the world's end, not for that Adam was therein created, lived, died, and his skull buried in mount Caluarie: not for that it was the seat of the holy line devoluted from Adam to Christ: not for that the law, the prophets, the sacrifice, and the high priests gave the prerogatives of all sanctity and holiness to this place before any other: But that which made that land holy, that people holy, that line holy, that city holy, was: because the holy of all holies Christ jesus the son of God, and Mary the immaculate tressacred blessed virgin, came out of that line, lived in that land, was linked in blood to that people, by the two tribes of juda and Levi, kings and priests: watered many a house with his tears, and sanctified that city with his own most precious blood, imbruing the streets, earth and stones from Pilat's palace to Caiphas his place, and from thence to the Caluarian mount without the gates of the city. Whose personal birth, life and death, as they left an inestimable sanctity behind them to that land: so the jews wilfully depriving themselves of so invaluable a price as he paid for man's redemption, have worthily deserved an utter extirpation of their race, a subversion of their state, and a captivity, bondage, and slavery of themselves and their posterity for ever. And although there had been and were during the time of captivity many holy, religious and devout men and women amongst them: yet not only because the greatest part of the multitude and sundry of their kings, princes and governors had offended their Lord God in the highest degree, which is in schism, heresy, and apostasy, with idolatry, so highly displeasing the divine majesty, as the punishment of those vices hath always been this: videl. a conquest of the land, a downfall of nobility, a desolation of the state, a deflowering of their virgins, a dishonouring of their wives, a massacre of their ancients, a population of the common wealth, and a servile life to all their youth, led captives out of their native land. But withal (as the Persian had said) because the providence in appointing of Guardians for every province, prince, people and particular person, had been in vain and to no purpose; if God should for ever withdraw his mercy from all, save only those of his own flesh and blood, as he was a jew borne: and if our jews prophets spoke in general, when they said, that: Deus non vult mortem peccatoris, sed magis ut convertatur & vivat: then can it be no otherwise, but that the Hebrues, Israelites and jews having continued these three thousand and odd hundreds of years, under one kind of true worship of our Lord God, the only visible Church, true faith, sacrifice and religion remaining inviolate amongst them alone; reason doth convince on the part of man, and mercy and justice on God's behalf, doth ratify and confirm the argument to be good, lawful and expedient: that the jews should be dispersed before the Messias come, into so many nations, provinces and kingdoms of the Gentiles, as his holy will is to have partakers of his merits. And all this to the end that the Gentiles being by creation in God himself, and preservation, in the power of his angels: his own people as well as they, living now in darkness overwhelmed with ignorance, and given over unto profane idolatry, might by this their conversing and familiar living amongst them, come to have some knowledge of their end, that there is another world after this: and that they are to acknowledge, honour, and latrially adore but one God alone. That this was the meaning of the holy Ghost Malachies' corrupt heretics: The former constantly expecting Gods just designments in these causes allege that they come as Apostles of their country, whose peculiar property is to convert souls, by suffering their own blood to be shed, not in procuring the shedding of any others (Sanguis enim martyrum est semen ecclesiae, as all do grant it, and experience of all ages hath approved it true:) the latter not for that surceasing, excepts against heretics in such proceed: who by authority of holy writ may justly be constrained with force of the temporal sword, to receive the faith of Christ and his catholic Roman Church, wherein they were baptised, and out of which they are now most perniciously fallen to their damnation, To this the former again makes reply: that that is in a case of law and strategeme of wars, when the plaintiff as a sovereign having right on his side, may have strength and power at hand sufficient to defend his just quarrel, and God's cause: but where and when the poor afflicted catholics are the weaker part and in subjection under their native prince, they must not tempt God with miracles, said in patientia possidebunt animas suas, expecting the time that God hath appointed either to ease the afflicted of their heavy persecution, by calling them to his mercy, or else to move the adversary, as here he did king Cyrus etc. Here again the latter doth urge very vehemently against the former, that it is their fault if they be not of strength enough. For if all would sided one way, run one course, join together of one part, they were able to match their adversaries at all assays: but because they favour heretics, and their titles more than catholics: as some the Scots king: others the house of Derbie: others that of Huntingdon, others of Hartford, and others the Lady Arbella etc. therefore is God's cause weakened, and the catholics quarrel quailed. But to this yet again the former makes rejoinder, professing, that if they had millions on their side for thousands on her majesties: yet they hold, it were not lawful for them by force of arms to gain the garland that they run for (as afterward it shall appear) and utterly denying that they favour any heretic as an heretic, or their titles under that pretence: but as remembering how divers princes and great monarchs have been converted to the catholic Christian faith, and withal considering, that neither the king of Scots, nor yet any of the rest were ever any special persecutors of us or our religion: but rather favourable to many catholics as is well known: not forgetting this beside, that it were an act of injustice (in us especially being private persons) either to manage a false title (as the Spaniard hath none other) or impugn a known right, as all the world knoweth it rests confined within the Albion isle. But admit it were revealed to any private man that the Spaniard or any other foreign prince should prevail and carry away our English crown out of the land: so as we should never have king regnant over us hereafter: as some old prophecies (many say) have foreshowed, that our dear countrymen, brothers sisters and friends; the flower of England's youth, the beauty of our Ladies, Widows, Wives, Virgins, of all degrees should be prostituted, profaned, ravished, and led captive into strange lands (the sore persecution of God's servants, the blasphemies, heresies, execrable schisms of this age, and our own sins in general urging God's wrath against our whole Nation to take so sharp, yet ordinary revenge for such offences) as some say also hath been spoken of long agone to come to pass in this our unfortunate age: or that we should have such a change of state government, common wealth and all, as the chief sovereignty should be in an alien prince, Spaniard or Burgundian, Netherlandian or the like: and the Lords spiritual and temporal governing over us for the time to be of that foreign prince his Nation, and the jesuits or fathers (as they term themselves) of the society to be their Interpreters for our English, Welsh, Irish and Stots nation, as both letters, and witnesses, besides invincible probates otherwise are extant to show: that Master Parsons and his confederates go about such a matter: and a sermon, himself once made at Rome insinuates no less, but that by tyrannical subjecting the Seminary there to be under his society; he expounded the prophecy (he there spoke of) in his intent and meaning, to be directly understood of himself and his company: that they should be those long gowns which should reign and govern the whole Isle of great Britain. Of which society there being some of all, or the most part of all Christian Nations, having once this land given them by and under the Spaniard as they hope for to make it a japponian Island of jesuits (but stay, they have not yet japponia in their hands) then should we have as many languages in this Isle, and the ancient Inhabitants dispersed into as many countries, as there should be provincials of that society: for it were no policy to let us all live here together nor yet lead all captive into one province or kingdom. Yet let God work his will in these things: be it true or false that any such heaviness be revealed, what then? Shall I therefore be the bloody instrument to work it of mine own head: without God's special designment so to do? Shall I show myself so unnatural, inhuman and cruel hearted as to write books, to persuade, to use all possible means to bring my native country into bondage and slavery? Shall I of a grudge or desire of revenge upon some particular person or persons, or for some private gain to myself or my own peculiar company, banish from my hard, nay stony, nay flinty, nay adamantine heart, all pity, compassion, charity, remorse and natural affection to that which next to my maker and his spouse, I am by all laws in chieefe to esteem of: the bond of love, loyalty and duty being greater to my prince and country, then to my parents or dearest friends? And whereas even tyrants in such like cases have been moved to lenity: shall I have no conceit of the wring of hands, of the sighs and tears, of the weep and wail, of the skrikes and cries, of so many sweet, young and tender babes of both sexes? Shall I have no feeling of so many mother's bleeding hearts: of so many noble ladies, and other young maids of generous birth, gentle blood and free education, for all rare parts, endowments and abilities of nature and fortune fit to be princes peers, now to be left desolate, or bestowed on every base fellow, not worthy to be their servant? Shall I take upon me to be an actor, an orator, or a broker in labouring to bring that old blind prophesy to effect, which saith, When the black fleet of Norway is come and gone, than lords shall wed ladies and bring them home? Shall I be the efficient instrumental cause or causa sine qua non, of so many great, worshipful, honourable and princely heirs, to be disinherited, of so many upstart squibs of foreign nations to start up in their places, of so many false texts, forged glosses, feigned laws of God, of nature, and of man; to disprove all titlet, customs and ancient rights of birth and blood, to lands, livelyhoods, and other inheritances, and make them of no validity: but that every one of most might may lawfully possess what they may lay hands on, dispossess the old tenant, yea ancient inhabitants at their pleasure, and dispose of goods, lands, and inheritances as they think good? For admit that a crown and kingdom may be thus handled (as Master Parsons in his book of succession affirms they may) than a fortiori, all other fee simples, fee tails, frank Almains, or what other estate soever is most sure, being depending of a kingdom, and subject to a crown, are of no force, effect, worth or value, more than an ordinary tenant at will hath of his farm, bartin or cottage. It was oracled from those divine lips (to which it were blasphemy to impute any possibility of a lie) that necesse est ut haereses: and in another place ut scandalum veniat: But to this necessity was given such a gird, as might even have made a reprobate appalled to think, that the evil which of necessity must come to pass, should be acted by his infortunate plottings. For vae homini illi was straightways added to the definitive sentence per quem scandalum venit, as far better and more tolerable to have had a millstone tied about his neck, and himself bound hand and foot, cast headlong into the sea, rather than ever to have been author, agent, plotcaster, current or contriver to so great a sin. Parson's is that wretch to whom with his jesuitical plotcasters of faction, this speech of scandal is applied. If he therefore have thus far meddled (and further, as in more particular manner shall in the next Quodlibet be showed) by his seditious libels, practices and conspiracies against the English state: if all men judge these unchristian, unnatural, uncharitable dealings of his, to have occasioned such a general jealousy to be had of all priests and catholic recusants: as the sequel thereof presageth a ruin, subversion, conquest, captivity and bondage of our dear country, native land, people, nation and friends: were it not that God of his mercy (in whose hands are the hearts of princes) had inclined her majesties princely heart to conceive of her poor catholics so, as not to condemn all for some private men's attempts and practices: which, if any thing prevent these general ensuing calamities to the whole realm, it must be that, or nothing else at all: the whole state being otherwise brought into such jealousy of one the other by Parson's agents, as all and every of them, of necessity constrained, must seek for their security to make friends where and as best they may: if he the said Parsons have taken upon him to promulgate these prodigies, to foreshow our ensuing calamities to be the genius of his own and all our hard fortunes, and to make known to all nations, the enormous dealings of private persons under our sovereign (still concealing his own and his associates) and to stir up, yea put foreign powers in hope of a conquest, nay full assurance of a rightful title to our English crown: if he in his books, in his platforms, in his secret persuasions in his agents tongue works, will labour to make all our royal and imperial heroical princes, our nobles, our gentiles, our commons, and the whole realm odious; by reason of some private and particular persons offences: if he will seek to confederate himself in a Spanish or jesuitical league, with those, against whom he hath written most bitterly, and showed by demonstration, that all the realm (in his judgement and censure) hath just cause to curse, hate, and spit at them: if he have offered himself like an impudent base fellow, to be a spy (to colour thereby his treason) for her Majesty, to fill all the whole realm with state practisioners, to tamper one while with this noble Heroes; another while with that royal lady: and get by his agents some or other of his jesuitical tribe and consistorian order, to insinuate his drift every where: If by his means there be not one noble family in this land, but the jesuits have been tampering withal to come within it one way or other: the nobles themselves both Lords and Ladies often dreaming of nothing less, then that any of a jesuitical faction came within their doors, or sat at table with them: much less that so smooth a creeper into their bosom intended to sting them at the heart, at time appointed for their purpose: neither the Marquisate of Winchester, nor the house of Oxford (for as for the house of Arundel, Westmoreland and Northumberland, how he and his associates have tampered with them all the world knoweth, especially the first, against which notwithstanding he hath written most bitterly in Philopater and other books, affirming the infortunate Howard of Norfolk, to have been one and the chief cause of the overthrow both of the Church and common wealth, yet with whom he, and his hath had (I will not say have videant ipsi) more inward & close dealing for advancement to the crown by marriage of Lady Arbella etc. and other means then with any other house & family within the land) nor the house of Lincoln, nor the houses of Cumberland, of Shrewsbury, of Pembroke, of Derby, of Hartford, of Huntingdon, of Warwick, of Leicester, of Worcester, of , of Kent, of Sussex, of Nottingham, of Montague etc. together with all and every of the nobles & Barons of this land: none I say hath been free from danger of entrapping of whatsoever religion they were, by some one fine fingered fig boy, or other cousin of his kind: always observing this for a general rule, that look where any of the blood royal lie most; there and in those places are the jesuits most frequent, and their faction is hottest: so in London, in Derbyshire, and (whiles Earl Ferdinando lived) in Lancashire, though God be thanked, there are not so many of that faction there now as erst have been etc. Finally, if he in all his said Philopater and elsewhere, have showed what miserable ends those Archmurtherers of the Church and common wealth, have made together with their posterity, before the fourth generation hath been past: if he have presumed to accommodate these examples to our country's nobles, and taken upon him the person of a wise man, southsaier, or prophet to foretell a sorrowful visitation of our nobility with like misfortunes: if they that take part with the wicked in their wickedness, must of equity and reason look to be partakers of their punishments, pains and miseries: what should I say more? religion moves me yet much more to speak; conscience binds me to clear true catholic hearts; zeal of God's house and honour constrains me to detect this wicked imp of cursed kind; affection to my dear country makes me tedious in discourse; love and loyalty, faith and duty, fear and affection strive for a supremacy in a troubled spirit, and all resolved into a sea of sadness command me now to a sorrowful silence: and so concluding this long article, that whatsoever the end of our country's calamities happen to be for subjection, captivity, bondage, desolation, or the like: yet if Parsons say and affirm, that they who were the original cause and occasion, of our heavy and just downfall, be sure to bear the greatest burden, and to abide the sorest trial: if he have been that infortunate Saians' jade, upon whom, whosoever hath sitten, have come to a sorrowful and wretched end, as all his tampering platforms with this and that noble, have declared: if he have hitherto ever joined most with those whom himself hath ever judged most infortunate, and justly to have merited these plagues which he threateneth on God's behalf to fall upon them and their posterity: Then what mad man or woman is he or she, that to second his own sorrows, will consort him or herself with the jesuitical faction, to side with those of whom their Polypragmon hath prophesied the destruction? Therefore happy say I is he or she, that setting all private respects aside for their own gain, seek the conversion of their country as the seculars do. For that although there neither is, neither can there be any assurance of either side, to wit: whether ever our country shall be again converted all wholly to the catholic faith or no, either by secular or jesuit, or any other: yet more hope questionless there is of conversion of it by the seculars, then by the jesuits course, because the seculars is more apostolical and directly tending to the preservation of all etc. THE X. ARTICLE. whether any certainty or possibility of conversion of any of the Lords of her majesties honourable Counsel, or other magistrates or officers in special authority under her highness, whom the seculars deal withal: and if none, then whether they may trust them in other matters and proceed, as D. Bagshaw, M. Bluett and others do or no, without offence, scandal or other danger either to themselves or their friends. THE ANSWER. THis question is sufficiently debated before, to wit: That although all or any one appointed by her Majesty to deal in these affairs meant fraudulently and with intent to entrap the seculars one way or other, to work their greater discredit disgrace and utter overthrow thereby (which yet were very ingrateful, uncivil and inhuman for any so to judge and censure without cause: for as it is said, it is sin to lie of the devil: and sure this calumniation and slander raised of these men for their intercourse with those in authority under her Majesty, declares a most malicious jesuitical spirit: there being no question to be made of it to the contrary (because former examples of other jesuits have proved it true, and led the seculars first the dance, in seeking of favours at civil magistrates or others hands) but that if either Master Blackwel, or Father Garnet, or any jesuite of them all that deal now in hucker mucker (and therefore more dangerously and perniciously as I said before) might have free access, and either were as clear in their own conscience as these seculars are, or else might have imputative justice by convivence from her Majesty on their side to obtain so much favour by, as these have obtained: there is not the purest of them but would come with his hat in his hand to the Bishop of London, or to any other in authority for to be shrouded under them: and so by consequent to ingrate thus injuriously both upon her majesties officers & the secular priests as the jesuits do (because they have not the like favour) deserves the challenge to a combat if they were other men than they are: yet howsoever (although as I said) there were evil intended, seeing notwithstanding that there is no way possible to work any evil to the seculars or their friends thereby: unless they count it evil for a man condemned to the gallows to be delivered and set free and his life granted him: or for him that is condemned in a praemunire, or otherwise to perpetual prison to be delivered thence: or for him that is in danger to be searched and ransacked every hour, to have a breathing fit of safety and security to sleep one week or fortnight a sounder sleep than he had slept in twenty years before: or for him that hath by statute laws forfeited his life, lands, goods, and all he is worth, to have some mitigation, and find an ease, not only in pardon of his life, but also in releasement of the confiscation of his goods and saving of his lands etc. And if any little ease to languishing hearts be comfortable: if lawful it be for any redimere iniustam vexationem: if all men be bound to clear themselves and to live without exasperating of any nor giving offence no not to Infidels: if for these and the like causes sundry secular priests have upon sufficient approbation and trial, had of their innocency: found extraordinary favour, and others also by their means: And if a Sebastian could court it out with his Lord and Emperor, and yet keep a religious heart to God ward, & help, and save many a man's life that otherwise had died; if a Daniel could obtain so special favour at a king's hands, as not only to be delivered out of prison, yea and from out of the lions den: but also to be made lieutenant general princeps exercitus and Emperor of the field even amidst those amongst whom he and all his countrymen lived captive: If both a Peter and a john could be like dearly accounted of to their Lord & master Christ, and yet even he who was rather of the two, yea or most of all the rest in greatest danger, because by his royal blood and alliance to the king his maker and his master, a just cause of jealousy was to be had of him: but notwithstanding, this we find, that Saint john found friendship when and where Saint Peter could not at the high priests hands, and amongst other inferior officers, and yet none ever spoke against it, or thought the worse of him for it. Yea if S. Peter (although he had better have used his friend in another matter, but that it was oracled so to be) used Saint john's help to come in amongst the thickest of his master's enemies: Then say I, it is the most envious, malicious and pharisaical part, that these proud disdainful sycophants could possibly play, and doth as much discover their vile and base minds as any one thing could possibly do: to malign, slander, and backbite men of better deserts than themselves. But the devil is ever envious. An envious man is always murmuring, grudging, and repining at an others good fortunes: and to hear of a jesuitical fellow to give a good word of any that is not jesuited in faction or affection: he sure by my consent shall be a king cipher, to command the nine figures in algorithm: with (o) rare, amongst the rarest illuminates. So then to the purpose to make an end of this Quodlibet, I say, First, that there is more assurance, and have been more perfect and true tokens of constancy wisdom, piety, religion, learning, virtue and government in all these: whom the jesuits do most kick at, and spurn against (for familiarity or intercourse by writing, access, personal parley, and other means with those in authority under her Majesty) then in the proudest spirited jesuit in this land whosoever, that may freeliest say: Non sum sicut caeteri homines, nor like these Publican seculars. Yea neither master Clarke, master Barneby, nor master Champney (who are the youngest of these thus extraordinary favoured) but a priestly behaviour hath merited unto them by their constant sufferance (before it came to this gracious connivence to favour them) so reverend a respective opinion to be had of them by all men, as that their young years ouer-shadowed with venerable gravity of hoariest hairs, might in their mild conceits with modest blush, move them to take S. Paul's words to Bishop Timothy as spoken unto every one of them apart: nemo te contemnat propter, inventutem: yea even master Barneby (the youngest as I take it a most sweet natured fair conditioned and humble hearted gentleman of good ability) might well have merited that grace and favour at the Apostles hands. And for the rest scz. doctor Bagshawe, master Bluet, master Mushe, and master Colington with others, but those especially had of the jesuits faction now in chase, I am fully persuaded that howsoever some surly sires, or mincing outraiers do scorn and scoff at them behind their backs: yet would their very presence, countenance, and conversation, put them to silence, or at the least dash them from ever entering into so contemptuous speeches as now they use against them. Not one of these four but (being any jesuits ancient, as a jesuite in England this day) they would be judged of all indifferent persons: to be more fit to govern both master Blackwell and all his puny Fathers, then to be governed of all or any of them. Secondly, the jesuitical arrogancy is most egregious in this point, when they say, I pray God master Bluet be not overtaken, he trusts and tells the Bishop of London too much, and doctor Bagshaw he doth the like with master Waade and so others of them: and I pray God they stand saith one: and they are but weak men saith another and unfit to deal in such matters: and (O) that such or such a father had had the managing of the matter: he could and would (I mary would he) have handled it more substantially, and to the purpose: whereas like vain glorious Pharisees as they are, many of those of whom they vaunt most, knew never what imprisonment nor any trial meant: but riding to and fro in their coaches like Sur-le-boyes, mount-segniors, or other men of state (as unworthy the name of a jesuite unless withal a statist) they lie pampering themselves here and there, surfeiting in sedition, ambition, and deep disdain: and when they have put on the cap of maintenance amongst their admirabliers, than they begin to descant upon all men's actions, and file their tongues agreeing to their auditor's fancies. Thirdly, there neither is, neither can be any offence committed or danger incurred, or scandal given in these favours received: unless it be jewish, Pharisaical (otherwise now rightly called a malicious jesuitical scandal) which to refrain from, were the most simple, indiscrete, uncharitable, unjust, uncivil, and immodest part that ever was played. Therefore let these new Pharisees, choose whether they will be scandalised or no, it is nothing to the purpose. For if they find a Haggard ready to bait at every bush, or an eyeese ready to cry at sight of every cricket, or a scrupulous, tender, and timorous heart ready to fear offending, in every word he speaks: then have these master Falconers that which they look for, these great Burgo-masters the thing they seek for, and the jesuitical tribe, their treacherous heart's desire. Fourthly, there is no assurance of any one catholics perseverance to the end, that lives on earth. For who that had seen Lucifer the day star glistering in excelsis but would have honoured him before Saint Michael the Archangel: and yet in ictu occuli he became a fowl fiend and loathsomest creature to look upon that ever God created? Who that knew king Solomon to have had the rarest and chiefest gift that ever was given to man, besides that, the gift of prophecy: also a more near familiarity with God than I think any jesuite dare presume to affirm he ever had: (and yet I cannot tell they are so arrogant) as for to walk and talk with him (be it mediate or immediate all is one) face to face: who than that had seen him in his highest pomp, royalest Majesty, and greatest glory would not have come with the Saban Queen to admire him and adore him? who that had seen judas chosen by God himself (who could not be ignorant of what was in the man) to be a priest, an apostle, yea and one of the twelve that our Saviour chose out of the whole world) but would have kissed the ground where he went, & c? who of like sort that had heard the holy Ghost speak it, and consecrate, design and single out seven Deacons: whereof Nicholas was one, would ever have thought he would have proved a puritan, or one infected with the family of love, or rather the first beginner and broacher of the same? who that had read Apollonaris works in 33. huge volumes against the heretics of his days: would ever have censured or thought he would in the end have become a rank heretic, yea and a father and author of most blasphemous heresies? who that had seen the Cannon or Doctor of Paris living a life irreprehensible of any man, would not have been ready to come and kissed his feet, gone on pilgrimage to his shrine, or done any worship unto him on earth, and yet with horror to think of man's heavy state, not one of these but are known to be condemned, unless it be king Solomon of whom some doctor's doubt, who yet I think would not be in his place for a myriades of millions of massy gold: ergo qui stat videat ne cadat. Fiftly, as our stand in God's church is uncertain, and known only to God alone: So there is not the hottest of our adversaries in religion, that a man can say or justify and bide by it: that it is impossible or no possibility nor likelihood in the world, that ever such or such a one should become a catholic: for we have to the contrary innumerable examples in this age. Many of our own knowledge having been noted and known to all the world for most lewd, profane, and bad livers: yet have come afterwards to give manifest signs, tokens, and testimonies of their true repentance, rare graces, and extraordinary amendment. Yea even Parsons (a lewder body than whom, was not I verily think, of any that is now a Priest in England to be found: nor in whom were less signs of true conversion when he first presumed to take that sacred function upon him) yet if a man should go so straightly to work with him, as he and his do with others: who that had seen and known him in Oxford and his dealings there, how seditious, wanton, & factious this lewd bastard's conversation was: how for his libeling and other misdemeanour he was thrust out of Balyoll College (and not for religion as he vainly vaunts, doctor Bagshaw being then fellow of the same College, and his stiff adversary in the matters objected against him, which I verily think is cause of a greater hatred in all the jesuits against the said doctor now, as an accident proper to that society to be revengeful to death: How he became so infamous there being then master of Arts, that they hissed him out with whoubs & hoobubs, & rung him thence with bells: how after his expulsion thence or relinquishing by compulsion that place and College, he deeply protested upon occasion of speech to one james Clark his old schoolfellow then abiding in the inner Temple, that he neither than was, neither ever meant to be a papist (for so it pleased that good fellow to call us catholics at that time) & offered for his better satisfaction therein to take an oath before him for assurance of the same: who I say that had & heard & seen the man at that time, yea and ever since had conversed with him, and noted well his whole life and conversation: would ever have preferred him for any good part or act of piety, or sign of grace, before any the seeming furthest of in all England, or else where? whom in truth (if his own books and writings, and the rest of his fellows speeches had not put me in mind of their impudency) I would never have touched thus narrowly (and yet sparingly as in an other place you shall hear) nor brought him in for an example to prove that Finis coronat opus, and that it is neither the good beginning, nor progress, nor regress, nor any one zealous act, nor long continuance, either in virtue or in vice: that notifieth a man to be predestinate, or a reprobate: before the end of his life approve it: and that the Parcaes have cut the twist in two. For which intent and none other but to pull down our peacocks plumy hearts, to keep our souls in awe, and our consciences in fear, and neither the one nor the other to murmur or make comparisons with God's graces & our deserts: it was parabolizd of the labourers, that had all a like pay at night, though some of them came not passing three hours before supper: and others at noon tide: & yet were equalled with those that came in the morning, and had borne onus diei upon their shoulders. And therefore a shame of the devil and all hypocrites and pharisees, that having been (whatsoever they now are) the worst men that live, and of as bad a nature and base a mould as ever water wet, or wind dried: must have panegyries of their praises, and pieces shot of to make report of their learning, their virtue, their prudence, their government, their piety, their charity, their constancy, their perseverance, their assurance never to fail, their predestinate state (fie, fie of the devil and puritanes, their pharisaical excellency, worth and rareness in all things with the contraries in all their opposites: yea so far contraries, as this base fellow Parsons (whom some can ever hardly think to be a priest, but to live still irregular upon a Luciferian pride) dare presume to call (in his impudently fathered appendix upon Cardinal Allen) the king of Scots an obstinate heretic, in effect: as no possibility of his conversion. And in an other book of his or Father Creswels, they censure the king of France for a reprobate of God forsaken; as impossible to be ever a sound catholic; though to the devil and their shame and confusion, and I hope utter destruction, at least expulsion, extrusion, exile out of these parts of Christendom, his majesty hath given better testimony already of his catholic faith, than that bastard Parsons ever yet gave. And in this fellows letters you have heard before what his report hath been of the students at Rome & other priests & lay persons else where: & the like is now of their presumption to censure these reverend priests actions above mentioned, for finding grace and favour at her majesties hands: as also their rash censure that such and such are obstinate heretics, and impossible to be reclaimed, & by consequent not to be used in other matters. Which great impudency in them, & manifest sign of an obstinate resolve, to maintain ere long a most absurd and heretical opinion of impossibility, of conversion of a sinner; both bewrays their archplot-caster, and others of them, never to have been sound catholics to this hour; and therefore they speak as in their own guilty conscience they find true: and also on the other side it is flat repugnant to the general consent of the whole church, yea, and to holy scripture itself, Misericordia eius super omnia opera eius, God can forgive more than man can offend, and many comfortable examples to all repentant sinners we have to confirm it: that Diligentibus deum omnia cooperantur in bonum, yea even etiam ipsa peccata, said Saint Augustine, than whom a greater sinner nor hotter heretic was not in his days. And if here I might enlarge myself a little: who that had seen good king David not content with all his wives and concubines, but first to have taken his true and faithful servants wife: and then after she had conceived by him, sent presently for her husband to have had him lain with her, and so to have fathered the bastard spurius on him, and that not serving the turn to have made the good knight Vry drunk of purpose to stir up lust in him, and thereby to get him home to bed with his wife: and lastly when nothing would prevail to hide his sin withal, rather than he would want his will, he would jeopard the hazard of his whole life, to have this good & true knight cast away & slain, & that done forth with to take her to his wife, Quam polluit per adulterium. (Lo how many sins one upon another were committed in this one act) who then to have seen this, and withal had remembered, how king Saul for a far seeming less offence, was of God utterly rejected and forsaken, would ever thought that it would have been said by God of David, Inuem hominem secundum cor meum? Who that had heard S. Peter curse, swear, forswear, & deny his master thrice in two hours space and less, would ever have judged him to have been the man of whom Christ our Saviour said, Et tu aliquando conversus confirma fratres tuos? Who that had seen S. Paul (then Saul) so busy to stone Saint Stephen, to keep their cloaks that ran after him to beat him down, to get letters with great eagerness and zeal in his kind, to take, examine and bring all up to Jerusalem that should call upon the name of jesus, and to leave nothing undone pertaining to a Pursuivant a persecuter a cruel tyrant's part? Who that had heard and seen these things would ever have thought to have heard it oracled from heaven of this same man: that vas electionis est mihi, ut portet nomen meum coram gentibus & c? And finally, who that had seen S. Marceline Pope, offering incense to idols: S. Boniface polluted in his lust with Aglae a noble Roman matron: The blessed Magdalene pointed at in the streets as a common woman: would ever have looked for to have heard, that the two first should have been martyrs, or much less the last to have been a woman of rarest virtues (our blessed lady excepted) that ever either before or since was borne? Sed non sicut homo judicat Deus. Sixtly, I say last of all, that as there is no assurance of any catholics perseverance, & not any impossibility of any one's conversion that lives on earth: So be the profession whatsoever it shall happen, yet may an affied trust be put for matters pertaining to civil conversation and other affairs, in men of good moral life and conversation, be they of what religion soever they be shall. And if experience have tried it in Queen Mary's days, that a Throckmerton Sir Nicholas by name (known to have been a hot protestant) was one and the first (by Parsons own confession in Greene-coate) that informed the said Queen of such attempts as then were to have prevented her reign over us: then should we wrong our own hearts, cause, and actions; if any the least-scruple should be in us not to reveal whatsoever treachery or treason were intended by any against our now Sovereign's royal person, crown or state, and by consequent do both ourselves and those under her Majesty wrong, if we should be distrustful to utter our minds freely, or to enter into familiarity with any for to do either our afflicted friends as we are catholics, or our country as we are English, any good that can be possible. THE ARGUMENT OF THE EIGHT GENERAL QVODLIBET. IN the argument of the seventh I told you of this eight Quodlibet, which by many particular points there glanced at you may perceive, must directly tteate of matters of state in the highest degree. And therefore is it of all other the most dangerous point to deal in without offence of any: whom I would not willingly offend for mine own part in any thing, by reason of special occurrents, which being handled as some heretofore have handled them, might breed great, apparent and manifest danger either to body or soul, or both together. For here I am to entreat of excommunications and depositions of princes, of pontifical power and regal majesty, and of other points of most importance that in a world can be found. And because I am a catholic by profession, and an Englishman by birth and education: in respect of the former religion doth enjoin me to acknowledge to death an humble obedience to the one and only tressacred apostolical catholic Roman Church, the See Apostolic, and our mother City. And hereupon I say with that reverend prelate the last catholic Archbishop of York, that howsoever his holiness hath been heretofore or may be hereafter durus Pater unto us and our nation, by inflicting excommunications or other ecclesiastical censures upon our prince, country or ourselves, and thereby occasionating our heavier persecutions: yet must we always be dutiful children. And again in respect of the latter, natural loyalty doth bind me to wish no longer to live then until the swiftest flight of a thought shall cross my dutiful obedience to my prince and country. And upon this ground do I build firmly to death, never to attempt by act, word or consent, any thing that may prejudice the one or the other: and so keeping a golden mean betwixt the two extremes, yielding to Caesar that which is Caesar's, and unto God that which is his own: I will now proceed to the effectual points, whereupon all true catholics do and aught to stand. THE EIGHT GENERAL QVODLIBET OF PLOTS by statizing. THE I. ARTICLE. whether any ecclesiastical person may or aught to deal in matters of state. And if they may: then whether any catholic priest may do so on the behalf of the catholic Roman Church: or the English Bishops on the behalf of the Church of England, or Scots ministery on the behalf of the Church of Scotland: or how and in what sort these do differ from one another in freedom to deal in state affairs. THE ANSWER. THat it is now, and ever hath been lawful, for the clergy in general to deal in state matters and affairs, practice, experience, and consent of all persons, nations, times and ages do approve, ratify and confirm it: not a legifer, not a law, not a parliament, not an act enacted, nor decree made without the Lords spiritual: yea the word State itself, when we talk of state affairs, hath a relation to an ecclesiastical state, which being the first and principal of the two members in a body political: once deprive the clergy of all dealings or medling any manner of way in state matters, and then repeal, revoke, revert all statute laws, and put out those words (Lords spiritual) for ever after; the first most ancient and worthily prime invested Barons of this land (as all Bishops of England are) being these Lords spiritual or ecclesiastical state. Therefore can I not but often smile in my sleeve to hear and see the jesuits coggery in every thing; and how that now of late it is blown abroad amongst catholics, that the secular priests (forsooth) are become profane lay persons in conversation, studying only state matters, and practising with the civil magistrate in state affairs. Upon occasion of which speech, a gentlewoman in a passage of these matters at her table, said to a secular priest (my self being there present unknown, and therefore freer to laugh as I did heartily to hear her) nay my masters (quoth she) if you once become statesmen, and have dealings with the Lords of the Counsel or other civil magistrates, than I have done with you: For I never could hear of any jesuit, that did so. As though there could be no dealings in matters of state, but that the party must be accessary to an act of treason, and be holden for a statizer in a sense detestable. Well, let it pass for a jesuitical jangling, and leaving the etymology: we will come to the common phrase and acceptance of this word State and Statiste as they are now taken, and thereby shall be seen, ere this Quodlibet be ended, whether the seculars or jesuits are greater statists: that is, intermedlers in state affairs. And for the time present I say as followeth. In answer to the Interrogatory (which is of many members) I say; First, that it pertains to all secular and ecclesiastical persons, equally and indifferently be they catholics, protestants, or puritanes: to deal in state affairs in two cases, the one is for the rectifying of men's and women's consciences, and instructing all such as are of their flock and live under their charges how they are to behave themselves to God, their prince, and their country: when, and in what cases, bound to acknowledge obedience to the one or the other, either conjunct or a part: and what is to be done in times of persecution, civil wars, or foreign invasions, and the like: the other is for making, giving, and promulgating of laws, publishing of books, and prescribing or setting down of orders to be observed, and therewithal delivering a genuine, true and literal exposition of the same. For although all these things be absolutely in the prince, who only may make laws etc. and is the direct legifer to all his subjects and others living within his dominions, or under his allegiance any where, as appointed by God himself for that purpose: when he said, Per me reges regnant, & legum conditores justa discernunt: yet forasmuch as there is a dependency of laws and legifers, one upon another (as I told you before) in the 7. Quodlibet, and for that it was said in holy writ of old, that Labia sacerdotum custodient sapientiam, & legem requires ex ore illius: quia angeli Domini exercituum sunt: which words expressly appointing priests to be expositors of laws, are to be taken as they may concern God's honour: and what in conscience they do bind unto how the so obliged subjects may be dispensed withal therein, and how not in any wise. Therefore this being the office of the clergy, to explain to prince and people, what the law of God and man is, and how far a temporal prince may go in making of laws without repugnancy to the law divine: It followeth, that as their knowledge and experience must needs be greater than the Lords temporal in all such cases, because it is their direct study: so also if any book be to be written or law made, given etc. their interest under their prince is the greatest and most of all other therein: and so by consequent in these two cases the secular clergy or eccclesiasticall persons in this sense for instruction of others, and by reason of their more learning and knowledge, then more temporal persons orderly have or commonly can have: may be said to deal in state matters of what profession soever they be. Secondly, as for the secular priests here in England, in these heavy times of their frowned on state, although they may lawfully deal in the premises: yet must it be with a proviso (which wanting) they endanger themselves and those they live and converse withal. Yea and bring all other catholics to be suspected and had in jealousy thereby. And that is, First, not to take upon them by word or writing to impugn the parliamental laws and statutes made. Secondly, not to control either peremptorily or otherwise, the present government of the state. Thirdly, not to impeach the dealings or proceed of any one of her majesties honourable Counsel or high commissioners in state affairs. Fourthly, not to meddle directly or indirectly with disposing of the crown this way, or that way, or appointing out of successors thereunto. Fiftly, not and much less, to stir up further strife (as hereafter will be proved) that the jesuits have dived too deep over head and ears in all these things. Sixtly, but a secular priests office (being neither of Court nor Counsel) is in these cases only to admonish all good catholics to bear Christ his cross with patience. Seventhly, not to meddle in writing, printing, or procuring the publishing of any such book, libel, or pamphlet, as may move, exasperated, or touch the present state in any of these points before specified. Eightly, and further, their office is by the way of mediatorship and humble suit, to procure by all possible satisfaction (standing firm and inviolate their function and faith) to her Highness, and those in authority under her: that those sharp penal laws made against innocent and harmless hearts, to the cause and shedding of much guiltless blood, that hath been spilled for the jesuitical offences: may either be abated and infringed by some new proviso made, or else all wholly repealed by parliamental act or otherwise dealt in, as in her majesties wisdom and high prudence of her honourable Counsel shall be thought meetest for mitigation of our general afflictions. Ninthly, and besides this the seculars office is to instruct every catholic what they ought to think and what to do and say in these cases if they should chance to come before the civil magistrate. Tenthly, and last of all, if any book be set forth of state: (as those are which concern succession of the crown, detraction of the present government, detection of any public person in authority, defamation of the blood royal of the land, blasphemies against regal majesty and the like, or any speech or practice for invasion of the land, excommunication of our Sovereign: and getting consents for advancement of an alien prince:) to write, act, speak, or otherwise to deal against such persons and their treacherous designments to confute their false, erroneous, and seditious books of those subjects, to confer or have intercourse with the adversaries how to prevent those mischiefs that hang over the whole realm. In these and all such like cases may seculars statize, that is, deal in state affairs how to prevent mischievous statizers, of their purpose and practices: but no further, and so far only by connivence for the good of our common cause and safety of our country. Thirdly, now for the Bishops and others of the clergy here in England, they no question representing the ecclesiastical state, may deal in moving, instructing, expounding, divulging or doing any the like act pertaining to prime-membred, numbered, and accounted on state; as much, and so far as the same state doth authorize them under that title and name to deal in. Fourthly, the like might be said in some sense for the Puritanean Consistory, representing the ecclesiastical state in Scotland, were not that their grounds, rules and principles of their government Oglogerchian (just like to the jesuitical platform) did utterly overthrow both states ecclesiastical and temporal, and brought both head and members of the body political, to be a plebeian hotch potch of popularity: void of all name, nurture or nature of any state. And by consequent the puritanes in England are in the same predicament for state matters, that the jesuits are in: both nought, unlawful, detestable and directly to be called statists or rather statizers against the present state. That this is so of the jesuits shall be treated of in all the ensuing articles; and for the present, that it is none otherwise to be conceived of the Puritanean ministers: the Consistorian discourses, letters, libels and practices of Knox, of Buchanan, of Beza, of Cartwright, of Barrow, of Browne, of Field, of Gibson, of Davison, and many others make it manifest: nothing being more ordinary then to press England, and to inveigle her majesties loyal subjects with the examples of Geneva & Scotland. Some few of whose principles concerning state affairs I will here set down, as well to give you to understand what state matters those are, which as unlawful, treasonable, and pernicious, both to prince and state, are forbidden and do endanger, entangle, and hazard their lives that deal in them: as also that thereby you may judge how justly the Puritans and jesuits jump together in statizing. First, one and a chief principle of the Puritan ministers is, never to let any form, face, show or name of an ecclesiastical state remain amongst them: but to obliterate, eradicate, and utterly extinguish the name of Bishops, and of all ancient ecclesiastical persons of, from the face of the earth. To which effect a Scots minister in a letter to his friend saith, that certain of the chief noble men of England dealt with him (by instigation no doubt of some English ministers in the year 1583.) to persuade the king of Scotland his master to overthrow all the Bishoprics in his country, that his proceed therein might be an example for England adjoining. And so within two years upon repair of 10000 men in arms to the king of Scots at Sterling, the Bishoprics being wholly suppressed in deed one Knewstub a Consistorian minister of Suffolk wrote thus to Field: I would be glad (quoth he) to hear somewhat of the estate of Scotland: It doth more trouble me then our own: For I am conceiving some hope upon the change of their former proceed. Which hope no doubt was (as Cartwright said) that as those turbulent Consistorians had been an example to the church of France and Scotland to follow them: so the Lord (saith he the said Cartwright) would have us also to profit and be provoked by their example, what to do? mary to play the rebels as they had done. Secondly, another principle (set down in Whittinghams' preface to Goodman's book) is taken out of Knox his doctrine, scil. that if kings and princes refused to reform religion, the inferior magistrate or people, by direction (forsooth) of the ministery might lawfully, and aught (if need required) even by force and arms to reform it themselves. The first practice of which principle was at Geneva, for abandoning of their lawful prince the Bishop of that place. For when they perceived that the Bishop sought by force to encounter their proceed, and that as Sleidan notes) he had excited the Duke of Savoy to that end to assist him: they then joined themselves into a more near amity with the Bernians, & other neighbouring consistorian states: so as the Duke and Bishop coming together to besiege the city were both repulsed Bernatibus illis auxilium ferentibus. Thirdly, another like principle to this is grounded upon an oath of confederacy, taken first amongst the followers of Knox in Scotland upon a letter of his written from deep in the year 1557. by the judgement (as he saith) of the most godly and learned that then lived in Europe (meaning john Caluin and the rest of the Genevians.) The effect of which oath, together with a testification of their intents made by a kind of subscription was this: (sent to the Queen Regent in time of parliament holden by her in Scotland:) that unless they had their desires, they would proceed in their course for suppressing of all religious houses in Scotland, agreeing to their order of reformation prescribed to be observed through all that whole realm, ann. Dom. 1558. whereof a memorable letter was sent in the name of the people to all the religious houses: that they should either remove thence by such a day, or else they would then eject them by force, and to make it sure on their part: these new statists enacted before hand, there: that neither themselves nor any that joined with them, should incur therefore any danger in life or lands, or other political pains: and that if any violence happened in pursuit of these matters, they meaning the Queen and her subjects) should thank themselves. Whereupon shortly after being all put to the harm, and all men under pain of rebellion inhibited to assist them for contemning the Queens summon for their appearance at Striueling: they rose up presently in arms at Saint johns-towne (excited by Knox his preachment, made for that purpose, for the overthrow of religious houses) and within two days had quite destroyed and razed the houses of Blackfriers, of the Gray-friers, and Charterhouse monks down to the ground; and so proceeding in Fyfe, Angus, Mernis etc. breaking down all altars and images: they wrote to the Queen (threatening to destroy Saint johns-towne for that fact) that unless she stayed from that cruelty, they should be compelled to take the sword of just defence; protesting that without the reformation which they desired, they would never be subject to any mortal man. Upon which occasion taken, they writ to all their brethren to repair unto them: as also to the nobles: upon pain of excommunication to join with them, as it being their duty (said Knox) so to do, to bridle the fury and rage of wicked men, were it of princes and emperors: Of like sort also they writ to the Bishops and clergy (which then were in Scotland) that unless they desisted from dealing against them, they would withal force, and power execute just vengeance and punishment upon them: and that they would begin that same war which God commanded Israel to execute against the Canaanites. Which exorbitant letters of theirs, took such effect with the temporalty: that when Lion Herald in his coat armour commanded all under pain of treason to repair to their houses by public sound of trumpet in Glasco: never a man obeyed that charge, but went forward to their associates at S. john Stow. Fourthly, this principle and manner of statizing they termed by an other name the resisting of the enemy: which to make strong they set down an other principle, by entering into a league by solemn oath at their departure from S. john's town, that if any one member of their congregation should be troubled, they should all concur, assist and convent again together for defence of the same. As presently after they did (upon a new quarrel picked against the Queen) at S. Andrew's, where by Knox his preachment, they made havoc, cast down, spoiled and destroyed all the friaries and abbeys in the town. And so dealt they shortly after with the abbey of Scone, the friaries of Striueling, of Lithquo, and of Edinburgh, whence the Queen being fled for fear, they kept the field two months, took away the coining irons (being as the Queen alleged a portion of the patrimony of the crown) and justified the same. Fiftly, upon this principle followed another for contempt of all authority, power and sovereignty in regal majesty. Whereupon entering into a new league of confederacy, that from thenceforth they would never come at the Queen (though she sent for them) without consent of their company: they animated their faction to be always ready, and to stand upon their guard. They gave their Queen the lie divers times, and used her with most despiteful speeches. They saucily termed her part, a faction: (even just in all things like to the jesuitical proceeding) and renouncing their obedience unto her, protested that whosoever should take her part, should be punished as a traitor, whensoever God should put the sword of justice into their hands. They consulted with Wilcocke, Knox, and other ministers, for deposing of the Queen regent from her government: who assuring the rest, that it was lawful for them so to do: process was made, sentence was given, and her highness was deprived of all regiment by a formal act set down in the same story penned by Knox, and printed in part afterward here in England. Sixtly, another most gross antistatistical principle of theirs is: that they of their exorbitant word and authority, might call a parliament, and enact what they pleased without consent of king, Queen or other state. Whereupon holding a mock parliament ann. Dom. 1560. by consent of the French king and their Queen his wife, they (forsooth) therein reformed religion, and set out a confession of the Christian faith: And upon intelligence given to the said king and Queen, denied to confirm or ratify the acts thereof being moved thereunto, the confederates answered: We little (said they) regard it, for all that we did, was rather to show our dutiful obedience, then to beg of them any strength to our religion. And when it was objected, that it could not be a lawful parliament, where there was neither sceptre, crown, nor sword borne: They made light of it, saying, that these were rather pompous and glorious vain ceremonies, than any substantial points of necessity required to a lawful parliament. Thus much for their principles of practice. Now for their doctrine of statizing: the principles are also of like condition, whereof these are chief, scil. First, that reformation of religion belongeth to the commonalty. Secondly, that the commonalty by their power may bridle the cruel beasts (to use that beast Knox his words) the priests. Thirdly, that the commonalty if the king be negligent, may justly provide themselves of true preachers, and maintain and defend them against all that do persecute them, and withal detain the profit of the Church livings from the other sort. Fourthly, the commonalty and nobility ought to reform religion, and in that case, may remove from honour and punish such as God hath condemned (he meaneth idolaters in the deuteronomical law) of what estate, condition or honour soever. Fiftly, it is not birthright only nor propinquity of blood, that maketh a king lawfully to reign above a people professing Christ jesus. Sixtly, if princes be tyrants against God and his truth, their subjects are freed from their oaths of obedience. Seventhly, the people are better than their king and of greater authority. Eightly, the people have right to bestow the crown at their pleasure. Ninthly, the making of laws belongs to the people, and kings are but as Masters of the Rolls Tabulariorum custodes. Tenthly, the people have the same power over the king, that the king hath over any one person. eleventhly, it were good that rewards were appointed by the people for such as should kill tyrants: as commonly there is for those qui lupos aut ursos occiderunt, aut catulos eorum deprehenderunt (saith Buchan. de iure regni.) Twelftly, the people may arraign their princes. Thirteenthly, the ministers may excommunicate the king. Fourteen, he that by excommunication is cast into hell, is not worthy to enjoy any life upon earth etc. There are an hundred twice told of the like statisticall principles and practices, to be collected out of Caluine, of Beza, of Buchanan, of Hotaman, of Vrsin (as he cometh out from Newstad) vindici contra tyrannos, and of other puritan ministers of the consistorial tribe: fitly agreeing to the jesuitical platform in their high counsels of reformation and other writings: All which are such matters of state indeed, as no true subject can deal in, allowing of them: but is a rank traitor for his pains. THE II. ARTICLE. whether the seculars do or may prejudice the crown, commonwealth, or both, or either state or government of England ecclesiastical or temporal, by dealing in these affairs now in hand? THE ANSWER. NO way possible for them or any other loyal and natural English subject to prejudice, hurt or offend any, either public or private person, or body natural, civil or political: dealing as they do, in seeking only a relaxation of persecution on their own and the catholics behalf, and a security of state and quiet on the behalf of their prince and country, for both which, nature, conscience, love, loyalty and duty do bind them all to plead: as is evident by discourse upon all the particulars. As first for her Majesty: it is a prevention of all dangers to her royal person, because hereby a singular means may in her high wisdom be used, as well to find out the puritan as the jesuitical faction, as also to root both out of the land by information given, and discovery of the one faction on the part of the protestants: of the other on the part of the catholics. Secondly, for the state present in general it giveth an assurance: that by no word, writing or other practice there can be any thing attempted without their privity, because every one for their own indemnity will be ready to reveal it, and thereby stop the impotency of traitors from so attempting, for fear of discovery ere ever it come to acting. Thirdly, to the Lords temporal or civil state there cannot come any thing for them to dislike of, as there being nothing desired at their hands by the seculars and other catholics, but only a good word on their poor distressed countrymen's behalf, to her Majesty: that they may be hereafter without fear of loss of life, lands or goods, or to be sacked, ransacked, piled and polled as by inferior officers they have sometimes hitherto been: And that the penal laws for payment of money for their recusancy may so be tempered, as both her loyal catholic subjects may be able to live; her majesties coffers more enriched; their service done with more alacrity to her Highness in time of need, and all better appointed and able to perform what they take in hand on her royal person and country's behalf, by this means. Fourthly, to the Lords spiritual, there can in like sort no inconvenience grow thereby: for that there is no suit either made or intended in prejudice of their present incumbency, or hindrance of one farthing they enjoy of the ancient catholic church revenues, or abatement of one inch of their honour: knowing that the gift of the bishoprics in England as well by ancient catholic, as also by recent laws, are in the prince to bestow where her Majesty pleaseth: And therefore committing the controversy of religion, succession and calling to silence in points of pacification and humble suit for release of affliction, they yielding to them the honour of Earls or Barons, as their place by gift of the prince doth invest them withal: there is no cause moving them, to dissuade from toleration: but rather in truth, both states and persons ecclesiastical and temporal in respect of the premises for the safer continuance in their present interest, may conceive just cause and many weighty reasons moving them on the seculars and other catholic recusants' behalf, against the jesuitical and puritanian faction, to commence their humble suit to her highness, for liberty of conscience: with a repeal, or at least a gracious, mild and comfortable mitigation of former sharp penal laws, made aswell against the seminary priests themselves, as also against all those that receive or relieve them any manner of way. Fiftly, to the catholic recusants themselves there is none sanae mentis (unless bewitched with the jesuitical vain hope of future advancements) but may and no doubt but do and will daily more and more easily perceive it, that this, betwixt the seculars and jesuits was the happiest contention that ever rose: and that all discreet, virtuous and sound catholics in deed, have just cause (especially if of a natural, human breed, and not mongrels, nor bastards) to give God thanks every day upon their knees, for this so sweet, unexpected, extraordinary, comfortable, and to be admired at, means to all posterity. scil. how ever such hart-breaking broils should have turned to so great a good on all sides, as doubtless if the devil play not the knave too too egregiously, and prevail more than ordinary, these cannot choose but turn unto: First, in receiving hereby a wholesome mithridate or antidotum to the spiritual health and recovery of many a devout soul, against the most dangerous infections, and by all other means irremedilesse poison of the jesuitical doctrine, then by banishing out of their minds this unsavoury comparison and distinction of persons in bestowing of spiritual graces, with ego sum Pauli, ego Apollo etc. after that by breeding in every virtuous, sincere, religious catholic heart a more reverend regard to priesthood in general, and to their ghostly fathers in special, then now they have by the jesuitical policies and most Machiavellian persuasions. And last of all there would be then, the wonted joy at meeting of priests and catholics together: whereas now, and so long as the jesuits remain in this land, there is none other, to be expected, but mutinies, brabbles, detractions, defamations, watchings, intrappings, betrayings of one another, and nothing but a mournful black sanctus in steed of a joyful Alleluia at the conversion of any soul, or furtherance of any good, catholic, and charitable action. THE III. ARTICLE. whether any religious person may, or aught to meddle or have any dealings in state matters or secular affairs as other ecclesiacticall persons, or as now the secular priests do deal, or not, and if any other may, then why not the jesuits. THE ANSWER. TO this interrogatory I answer: First, that Ex officio & de iure, no religious person one or other ought or may lawfully deal either in state or any other secular affairs: because the word secular & à fortiori stat, are words resumed into worldly actions in their practice: and therefore as far from a religious profession to meddle withal, in regard of their vow of poverty (whose essentials are humility, silence, solitary life, renunciation of the world and a civil voluntary monastical death) as for them to break out of their cloisters, and take a benefice without leave in regard of their vow of obedience: or to take a wife in regard of their vow of chastity, etc. Secondly, as notwithstanding their vow of voluntary poverty they may have and possess lands and all other things in common: so may they also carry a kind of state amongst themselves: and thereupon being subjects also to their prince, and members incorporate to the common wealth wherein they live; their Abbots, Priors, Guardians, and other superiors chosen amongst them to rule over them, may be admitted by the two states ecclesiastical and temporal to deal in secular affairs and matters of state: as other Bishops and Parson's ecclesiastical may, and so was the custom of old in this land, that commonly the Abbot of Westminster was Lord Treasurer of England: the Archbishop of York Lord precedent of the North, and sometimes one Bishop and other while an other was Lord Chancellor of the realm. Thirdly, yet was neither this a freedom to the monks of their cloister to live secularly, neither was it allowed of, as general to all religious orders, to be advanced so: because some are bound by vow to the contrary: and as repugnant to their profession they bear no state amongst themselves but live all in humiliation without possessions, lands, or any thing that smells of the world save only a house to shroud them from cold: a church to serve God in, and meat and drink to keep life and soul together: as of alms shallbe given them, etc. Fourthly of all other religious orders the jesuits by profession should be furthest of from all secularity statising, or other worldly dealings: and yet on the contrary, they of all the rest are become not only most secular and ecclesiastical but also most laical temporal and profane, yea most treacherous, ambitious, seditious and dangerous, both to themselves and all others where they live: as these articles here shall discover of our own country jesuits more at large. THE FOUR ARTICLE. whether any clergy person of what religion profession or sect soever he be (for I take it to be all one when we talk of state affairs whether the statist be catholic protestant or puritan every one thinking his own course to be best) may or aught to labour for planting of his own religion; or only ought he to seek the temporal good of his country, letting religion go where and how it pleaseth God it shall. THE ANSWER. THere is no question in it: but abstracting in this point of statizing from a matter of faith, to a matter of policy: all men of what religion soever (supposing they have and think in conscience that they have the truth on their side) are bound to propagate, plant, and establish the religion they are of to the uttermost of their power: yet so as all may be ad aedificationem, non ad destructionem. And whosoever thinks his religion best must think this withal, that the means of restoring it (be it the puritanes amongst protestants or protestants amongst catholics or catholics amongst either of these, or any other) must not be by treasons, conspiracies, and invasions. The conversion of any country by such attempts did never come to good effect. The old beaten paths have ever proved to be the best, readiest and surest ways to walk in: for the due performance of those designments. And the ancient manner of planting the catholic faith hath been by preaching, prayer and sacrifice, private instructions, hearing confessions, giving absolutions and exercising of other priestly functions; and that done, then to commit the rest to God. To yield all temporal duties and services to the Prince under whom they live: yea though aliens by birth and strangers to his Nation, people, and natural subjects much more than if borne under his native allegiance. And so shall he neither cast of the care and dutiful service to his prince and country: neither shall nor ought the care, fear or respect had thereof, discharge him of his duty to God and our holy mother the catholic church: and to wish to his neighbour as to himself therein: Always observing the Apostolical course in converting of others to the catholic faith: Such a course as Saint Peter took first in Jerusalem, then at Antioch, then at Rome etc. As Saint Paul took at Damascus, at Corinth, at Crete, at Athens, and at and in all countries, provinces and places where he came: As Saint james the just called our Lord's brother, took in the kingdom juda and Jerusalem, and throughout the provinces of Israel: As Saint john took at Ephesus, and throughout all the churches of Asia under him: As Saint Philip took at Hierapolis in Phrygia, and throughout all Scythia: As Saint james the son of Zebedee and brother to Saint john, took in Spain: As Saint Bartbolomew took in India, and the great Armenia: As Saint Matthew took in Aethiope: As Saint Simon Zelotes took in Mesopotamia: As Saint Jude or Thaddaeus took in Egypt: As Saint Andrew elder brother to Saint Peter took in Scythia of Europe: and as Saint Thomas took amongst the Parthes', Medes, Persians, Brachmen, Hyrcans and Bactrians: And in few, as Saint Denis took among the French: Fugatius and Damianus among the old Albion Britain's: and Saint Augustine amongst the English Saxons, of whom we all came. These courses then that these glorious martyrs and blessed Saints took for conversion of countries, are for all catholic priests to imitate: and to leave these jesuitical, seditious, rebellious, barbarous and preposterous courses to sathan and those infernal spirits from whence they came, ever confessing as true, sincere, and religious catholics should, that innovations are ever dangerous, that new fangleness in the least point of faith and religion is most pernicious: and that novelties and fine devices of busy and unquiet heads, are but as May flowers that are gone in june: carrying a fair show but never continue long. Therefore let every catholic priest seek (in the name of jesus) the conversion of our country: but not as the jesuitical faction hath sought. Let them seek it by priestly conversation not by popular devastation. Let them study to teach obedience not rebellion: to fill men's hearts with inward joy and peace: not feed their ears with outward hopes of invasions and treacheries: to possess their souls with laments in Apostrophees of compassion: with good Saint Gregory who sighed sore for our forefathers being strangers unto him, to see so many souls perish in our Nation every hour, and not puff up their hearts with preposterous cogitations of moon shine of the water. THE V ARTICLE. whether do the jesuits in this point of Statization agree either amongst themselves or with any other priests or lay persons? THE ANSWER. To this I answer. First, that it is manifest by the matter itself now in question: that the secular priests and they, do quite disagree herein. Secondly it is to be noted, that their agreement amongst themselves, concerning state meddles may be taken three manner of ways: one way as it concerneth our country in particular, and therein questionless there is no jesuite in Christendom but he is of one and the self same mind, that his fellows are of scil. that they all could wish to have England Scotland and Ireland under them, Note by this discourse here following, that if the jesuits had got England, we should have had a government deposition, and a Presbyter john penes quem imperium. to make these Northern Isles all one jesuitical Monarchy: to enfeoff themselves by hook or by crook in the whole imperial, dominions of great Britania: with the remainder over, to their corporation or puny fathers, succeeding them, as heirs special in their society, by a state of perpetuity: putting all the whole blood royal of England to the formedowne, as but heirs general in one predicament together. That this is so, and that their wish, their hope, their intents in proceeding, their labour in performing, their endeavour in perfecting this plot and platform are equally agreeing, to all of them a like (though the means and manner how to effect be different agreeing to their different natures, dispositions, qualities, and abilities; as some to be aulical, others martial, others rural: and again of those some to be actors others prompters, others inventors, or plotcasters, etc.) It is clear by many general circumstances. As that for one, of maintaining the Archpriests authority (as all the English jesuits do most eagerly): whose institutive jurisdiction is directly proved to extend to this point and practise for their advancement to the monarchy. Then for the Scots jesuits a man would think that if any of that society were against Parson's proceed they should be the most resolute. But notwithstanding this (omitting all the rest) conniving and some most earnestly pursuing, averring, embracing the said Parson's opinion as their speeches to myself declared when they were afraid I should have published my book in answer to his Doleman for the succession, etc. Yet even father Cryton who only the Scots king did hope well of, is proved by Master Cicills book against him to be as forward as the other on the Spaniards behalf; and most egregiously to mock, flatter, dissemble and collogue with his native Sovereign. And as for the jesuits of other Nations: it may appear by the state book of reformation for England drawn out by Parsons and the general of the jesuits, in cuius virtute caeteri operantur, that they all aim at one mark, and one course, and conceive one and the same general hope to have England a japponian Monarchy (as once one termed it) or an apish Island of jesuits. another way, their statizing may be taken for their private opinions concerning the next successor viz. whom this and that jesuite would gladliest have their umpire, patron, & champion, to fight the field on their behalf, in bringing the whole realm under their subjection. And herein because arrogancy, pride, and ambition, hath set them all so high on horseback, as look what Prince or Noble can go away with the English crown: that same, they hope to be the advancer of him most, who most did further their pretence, and was the greatest means to work on their behalf, to have them accepted of as General of the army, in that exploit expeditionall against England intended. Therefore in regard hereof, they are questionless often at daggers drawing amongst themselves, whether some English, or Scots, or Spanish, or Germane General should have the name of Emperor or Dictator for the time of the conquest. The Scots men knowing that if any of their nation should have the pre-eminence, then should their Critons, their Gordans and other jesuits of their nation be highest promoted: the English not doubting but that if any of our own nation should sway the sceptre royal by their means, that then their Parsons, their Creswels', their Garnets', and others should have the pre-eminence over the rest of the jesuits: and so if a Spaniard had the honour point, than the jesuits of Spain: if the Archduke, than those of Germany should be most advanced. And thus ambition and affecting of sovereignty doth so tickle them all with vain and fantastical hopes of England, as quot homines tot sententiae amongst them: for the particular action, by whom it should be chief acted. And I verily think, the first manner of proceeding, as Doctor Cicill insinuates, makes it apparent, that the hot contentions, wranglings, brabbles, and brawlings betwixt father Parsons and father Criton about the next successor, was not absolutely for defeating the Scots title, and advancing of the Spanish: which both (as it seemeth by Critons' speech in Master Cicils apology) did seek for. But the question in secret betwixt them was; whether it were fit, to have the Scots king, or some other noble of Scotland preferred as viceroy under the Spaniard, or else the Earl of Arundel, or Derby, or Essex, or some other of the English nobles (had they title, or had they none) to the English crown. And so both like traitors against their sovereigns and country, cogged the one with the other in their ambitious aspires, pretending a bears love each one to his country, for his own paunch. A third way of the jesuits agreement in statizing may be taken, as it is an humour in these kind of men that are ambitious: to be always loath to live in subjection under any, or to acknowledge any superior above themselves (though of their own order, society or company) where they live. And this aswell in regard, that they would not be crossed in their designments (for any the least touch of contradiction strikes a proud self conceited body dead at heart) as also for the humorous delight they take in commanding in chief, where they live; though but over three or four persons at the uttermost: for a king of crickets, a beadle of beggars, and a Pigmay captain in a conquest of crane's, will strait drive pride into a conceit of a supremacy to be in himself sans peer. And by reason of this natural inclination in most of those that are jesuits (for amongst these three sorts of men whereof I told you before, to wit, wise, wealthy or worshipful only admitted to be of their society) there is a great question, which should go away with the sovereignty, wit, wealth and worship being all three incentives of aspiring. And you shall not find any that hath spirit in him, but howsoever he vaunt of obedience (as the only way to win others to be obedient unto him) and doth indeed actually submit himself in all things to his superior jesuit appointed over him: yet will he seek so much as is possible to get his neck out of the collar, his head out of the halter, and his vowed obeisance from under the yoke of commandants over him, by setting forth himself so, as he may seem to be fit either to be a state Counsellor for his gravity: a provincial for his policy: a rector for his government: a courtier for his compliments, or an intelligent for his impudency. And in all these he must show himself to have a busy stirring head full of inventions, innovations, and novelties; and so coming to advancement, he is freed in a sort from ordinary controlment. That this is a third cause or kind of statizing, wherein the jesuits do mightily disagree, and are often at open wars by brawlings, wranglings, contentions and chide amongst themselves, defaming, backbiting, slandering and supplanting one an other (to omit what I have heard of their civil broils, hatred and emulations in other countries: as also what hath been already said out of Parsons own writings, and other things handled obiter in this treatise: especially whiles Doctor Lewis Bishop of Cassana was visitor general to whom I told you before how they put up complaints against one an other) I refer you for this time to one or two treatises penned and published by some very learned and grave catholic priests: wherein you shall find a large discovery of one of these Rabbis, ruffling, shuffling, flourishing jars and iumbling to exempt himself from controlment of any superior: and to be an absolute statesman paramount, peregall, peremptory to command all others as actor independent of any, to act all his actions, I mean the great emperor illegitimate, irregular, abstract quintessence of all coins, coggeries and forgeries, Parsons the bastard of Stockersey beyond Cosmage in Sommersetshire. How cruelly and Machivillianlike he overthrew the credit of father Heiwood, for presuming forsooth to equal himself with him, at their being together in England: and how flying hence, being laden with the spoil of many poor catholics, he practised to be exempted from the check of the Parisian provincial, under pretence forsooth, that the Queen of England had hired certain persons to murder him there: and since that time hath ever given himself to the study of state matters. This is that famous conqueror, who hath bathed all England by his seditious libels in priests blood. This is that worthy excellent, that lies, dissembles, and equivocates at every word. This is that learned counselor, that must rule, ruff & range through every state. This is that same Parsons, whom pope, prince and peer with all true English hearts have cause to hate. This is he of whom his own general reported, that he was more troubled with one English man, then with all the rest of his society. This is he of whom Cardinal Alan held this opinion, that he was a man very violent, and of an unquiet spirit: and of whom M. Blackwell (now his darling) said, that his turbulent head and lewd life would be a discredit to the catholic cause. And in few: the general conceit of all that ever have thoroughly conversed with him, is this, that he is of a furious, passionate, hot, choleric, exorbitant working humour, busy headed, and full of ambition, envy, pride, rancour, malice, and revenge: whereunto through his latter Machiavellian practices may be added, that he is a most diabolical, unnatural, and barbarous butcherly fellow unworthy the name, nay cursed be the hour wherein he had the name of a priest, nay of an irreligious parson, nay of a temporal, lay man jesuite, nay of a catholic, nay of a Christian, nay of a human creature: but of a beast or a devil: a violater of all laws: a contemner of all authority, a stain of humanity, an impostume of all corruption, a corrupter of all honesty, and a Monopole of all mischief. From whom as from the source of all our sorrows do daily ebb, flow and rise up to full floods in bubbles of blood and tears, new spring tides of our English calamities: keeping us all continually tossed to and fro upon the Ocean main of incessant sadness: All eyes of enemies casting a greedy look after the long expected prey, he hath put them in hope of: all our friends bewailing our heady downfall in his plotted intendments: all English hearts irritated by him: our sovereigns' life often sought for, our country standing betrayed into the enemy's hands: ourselves poor innocent men and women (that be catholics and ignorant of his bloody practices and unnatural designments) have already felt the smart of his wickedness: whilst he like a faint soldier, nay a dastardly coward (for never expect manhood in Machiavelli, high prows in politics nor valour in vices) and a false deceitful shepherd did wind himself out of the briars and left both us and Christ his flock to the spoil. And would God he had but only left: for than should we have found no want of far his betters, there having ever been better than he, for learning, wisdom, government and all true tokens of virtue, piety, and religion even when he was at the best: which was at the time of his writing the Resolution; a very commendable and worthy work in deed, though neither of any so high points above ordinary capacity, as to merit him the name of a schoolman or yet of any great or profound divine, being but a plain positive discourse, and that not of his own absolute invention but taken out of other authors, only the praise being his for well translating of it, close couching and packing it up together in a very smooth style and singular good method: wherein truly he was to be commended. But was all this comparable to Solomon, to Origen, to Appollinaris, and many more who lost their good spirits by their self conceits, & he his by his proud ambitious hearts aspires, so unable now to speak or write of any spiritual, priestly or religious matter, as a very reverend priest coming over of late told me, that he never heard a meaner sermon made beyond the seas, than he had heard of father Parsons, and that his words and writings for edifying or giving any good instruction and ghostly counsel, were as barren, bare and far from his former abilities on that behalf, as if he had been before father Robert Parsons the jesuit, and now poor George Parsons the wayward fool his brother. Thus it is when proud Nimrods' will presume to build Babel above the welkin: take upon them to be strong hunters coram Domino: and think to face it out, that the outward appearance and habit only may forestall, carry away and prejudicate men's conceits: where the effects disclaim to the contrary, crying out against him: that he hath lost the spirit he had through his arrogancy and abuses of God's graces. If he be a religious man he is in the number of monastics: what hath he then to do with the world, to cousin the innocent and heap together this muck of the mould? If he be a jesuit, he hath by profession sequestrated himself from all meddling in secular affairs: what hath he then to do with common wealths titles, successions and princes proceed? If he have abjured all pomp, majesty and glory here on earth: he is for a church and a cloister, not for courts and palaces: what hath he then to do in determining of state matters, to court to monarchs, to cap to crowns, to canton kingdoms, and to crown kings and Queens, with pamphlets as he pleaseth. If he be a priest, his office is to pray and offer sacrifice for the living and the dead (piè & religiose de resurrectione mortuorum cogitans:) for the pope's holiness, and all cardinals, bishops and clergy, & the whole church of God here militant on earth: for the unity, league, peace and concord amongst all Christian princes: for the conversion of all nations to the catholic Roman Church: for the extirpation of all Paganism, judaisme, turcism, infidelity, schism, and heresy: for the preservation of his prince and country from all invading foes, civil wars, and other enemies both bodily and ghostly: for all the nobles and peers of his sovereigns' realm: for his own flesh and blood, friends and kindred, if he have any (as being filius terrae: he is of a great Clan base though it be.) In few, if a vestal virgin in time of gentilism could not be brought to utter any curse, execration, or imprecation against an enemy of Rome: because as she said (in pagan rite) her office was to pacify not to punish, to preserve not to put down, and to pray for all, not to persecute any: then much more ought this to be a christian catholic religious priests office and charge: then what hath he to do in Campo Martio, with Bellona's banner, to balance his pen with ghastful gores of English blood, or to embrew a priestly hand in princes bowels? O monster of mankind fit for hell, then middle earth. If thy profession will not draw thee to consideration of the premises: yet show some signs of charity in sparks of grace, if it were but only in policy, to move thee to forbear thy barbarous cruelty: because thereby thou givest occasion for divers, to think thou art not a mere man, but some Fairy's brat, or begotten by an Incubus or aerish spirit, upon the body of a base woman. And there fore imitating thy vile progenitors, thou daily dost minister new matter to increase our home persecutions, by thy spritish cruelty. Princes are always jealous, & many times have just cause, and ever more than any other private person to be so: for the greater honours the greater, more, & grievouser osors. Why dost thou then not now surcease from provoking our prince to be suspicious of us by thy treacheries, after the blood of an hundred martyrs all innocent men and reverend priests shed by thy means? Lo, wretch, is not this enough to give thee a gorge: to glut a cormorants mew never satiated with our blood? Leave of, leave of, leave of: it is not possible for all you jesuits in the world, with all the help of hell and puritanes to band it out. Your plants are blasted in the bud: your corn shaken before the reap: and your whole society become infamous, by your provincials most hateful platforms. And howsoever these Quodlibets or other discoveries of your hypocrisy be hardly taken of some for a time, and holden of many for odious libels: yet in tract of time, when passions are alaid, and blind affections have referred the matter to reason to consider of: then questionless both men and women will give us thanks, for that we have done, in seeking your amendment, and riddance of you out from amongst them. THE VI ARTICLE. whether (seeing that all the jesuits seem to be of one mind for the conquest of England in general: and that they differ only in the particulars upon their own private ambitious respects had for every man's particular advancement (wherein father Parsons beareth down the rest) did then the foresaid Parsons meddle directly at any time in state matters in a case detestable, I mean whether did he and his complices ever solicit any foreign invasion of Spaniard or others to take arms against her Majesty their natural sovereign, especially in the year 1588. And not only excited the said king to depose her highness: but also to bring this realm into subjection of the Spaniards, under pretence of restoring the catholic faith. And if so, then whether did they well or not? THE ANSWER. WOuld God the wretch had not been borne that hath forced us for our free discharge before God and man, to enter into these five bloody articles here ensuing: to expostulate with one another, what hath been the cause of our daily increased persecutions and heavy calamities at home and abroad. Well, howsoever it fall out, jacta est alea. Poor catholics both clergy and laity, hurried, hailed, and tossed from post to pillar, from wigge to wall, by a restless course of miseries, fears & dangers, running per circulum, nunc cui neque apud Danaos locus est atque insuper ipsi Dardanidae infensi, poenam cum sanguine poscunt. We come to encounter this Hispanized Chameleon Parsons, with all his Africanian phalanges and jesuitical forces. Against whom maugre all their sophistry, aequiuocating and clenchiall doublings to the comfort of all true catholic hearts for their better instruction in time to come: and to make known to all the world how that the seculars were ever free of themselves from these state practices, and that only the jesuits are the men, who with their followers, fautors and seditious faction, have been the instigators, suggesters, prompters, actors and urgers of these unnatural, wicked and traitorous courses. I say then (and I am bound in conscience to speak it) that though it grieve and gall their guts out, that are of the jesuitical humour (as those who can endure nothing worse than to hear of their own lewdness: especially when they are prevented of their purpose, which will force them in that case to deny any thing be it never so true:) yet it cannot be denied, but that in the year 1588. There was never honest man (as I think) that penned such a treatise as this book here mentioned, to have gone under the good Cardinal's name, who sure would never have lent his name to it (as he did not) but fo● the vehement urging of this Machiau●llian jesuits persuasion, which full sore repent him afterward, in so much that when he hear●e and well perceived what they went about, for destroying and ruinating of his native country, he wept tenderly not knowing how to remedy it, nor much less how to bridle the jesuitical insolency. Cardinal Allan compiled a book, at the importunate suit of father Parsons impudently urging his Grace thereto, to have been published when the Spaniards should have arrived for the same intent premised in the article. The first part of which book was entitled A declaration of the sentence etc. the second, An admonition to the Nobility and people of England etc. Of these books a great number were printed, but presently upon the overthrow of the great invincible Armado under their heroical Adlantado, father Parsons for shame of the world, and to the end that it should not be known how the expectation of the false prophet was frustrate, procured the whole impression to be burnt, saving some few that had been sent abroad before hand to his friends, and such as had otherwise been conveyed away by the Printer, and others in secret wise. Some whereof ferrying over the main, were wafted into the south Ocean shores: and cast on land, came to divers their hands that durst not avouch their harbour. One father Currey a jesuit, speaking in a faint bravado of that book to a secret friend of mine (who durst not be known to favour me) said, that it was a work of that worth, as it would yet bite in time to come: and that if by conjuration or otherwise, the Queen or the Council (especially the Lord Treasurer whom he named in chief) could have any inkling where it were: they would not leave one stone standing upon another in the house where it should happen to be heard of, but blow it up, or burn and consume it all to ashes before they would miss of it. Well, as for that I understand the Counsel hath got a sight of it without any such extraordinary search made for it. And like enough by some jesuits means: now that the matter fadges not as they would, to have the fault laid wholly upon the Cardinal's neck, if possibly they could. But howsoever, yet great pity it was that the books and the burner, the worthless work and the wretched father were not both made a sacrifice or offering combust together. Amongst other seditious, pestilent, and craftily inveigling propositions set down in that book, one was this, (in the second part thereof) scil. That the king of Spain at length as well by his holiness authority and exhortation, as by his own unspeakable zeal & piety, moved also not a little by my (saith he) humble and continual suit, together with the afflicted and banished catholics of our nation, of all and every degree: Who have been by his special compassion and regal munificency, principally supported in this our long exile, hath condescended at last to take upon him this so holy and glorious an act, etc. Hitherto the Cardinal by father Parson's suggestion and prompting him, what he should write for to allure the Spaniard as master Charles Paget hath been informed. Out of which words I gather these corollaries following. First, that they are of the same tenure, and carry the self same sense with them that the like speech doth in a passage of father Parson's Appendix to the succession, fathered also upon the said Cardinal after his death, notwithstanding that Doctor Gifford (one of whose books no English jesuit of them all is worthy to carry after him) hath a letter to show that the same discourse was wholly of this Polypragmons own doing, very unhonestly put upon the dead. But bastards have ever one dog trick or other of the corruption they come of, and so hath he for forgery, cogging, and lying as a notorious a sign of a graceless wretch as any in this age. His words in the Appendix are these, scil. After a long circumquaquam locutionem, of the impediments infringing all and every pretenders title borne within this famous isle, and as long a peroration on the Lady Infantaes behalf: who though all England were Catholics, and those of the blood royal, so in esse with all, yet were her title as good as the best (saith he:) and by consequent concludes with this bob given to all our nation: that the gift of the crown of England was in the oldking catholics hands, who perhaps (quoth this patch Parsons) may be persuaded, as also his son the now king may be to the like, set to give over his claim, and surrender up his whole interest and right thereunto to his daughter Clara Eugenia Isabella, yielding her aid for achieving of the same to her, and some such chatholicks Noble as his Majesty shall think fit for a husband to a Lady of so high parentage. Who being now the Archduke Albert, late Cardinal etc. if followeth that he is the Peer must be our Prince by Coruester Parson's designments. And seeing he there insinuates as much, and that the foresaid Cardinal Allan had dealt with the king of Spain as he would make the world believe to that intent and purpose: the case then and therein is clear, that this same book here mentioned, and that Appendix were both of Parsons own doing; as birds of one nest, feather and wing, hatched by the unnatural heat of his ambitious heart. Secondly, I observe both here & there: that there was great difficulty and doubts put, in persuading the king of Spain to this exploit for the conquest of England, and that there was much ado to draw him unto it, had not the parties mentioned importuned him to our country's overthrow. Thirdly, they account the intended massacre of her Majesty, and of so many thousands of her good subjects as must have died if the Spaniard had prevailed (as before I proved it unto you by the words of the Duke of Medina, and other testimonies to that purpose) a holy and glorious act, and to have been undertaken of an unspeakable zeal and piety, etc. Lo Nobles and Gentiles you dear catholics of both sexes and all degrees: Medina vows he will spare none, be he or she Catholic, Protestant, or whosoever: this book affirms the massacre intended is an act of zeal: what case are you now in: if your Sovereign forsake you also? and who shall, can, or will defend you? if she give you over to the persecutor? what have you to say in your own defence to save your lives? if her highness draw the sword of justice and lay it upon you? Truly nothing at all: but so many of you as are loyal subjects (your religious catholic consciences reserved, being as innocent, as ignorant of those practices: whereof I dare boldly speak it in the word of a priest, many thousands in England never heard of before the publishing of these Quodlibets) might justly have fed your dying souls with hope of Beati qui persecutionem patiuntur propter justitiam, quoniam ipsorum est regnum caelorum. But for other hopes you could have none. Fourthly, the false hearted Catiline involueth all the catholics that were then beyond the seas, in that his most Turkish, jesuitish, Puritanian, and barbarous designments. Fiftly, he entangleth such as received so great favours at her majesties hands and the state here: as that where by the laws they might all have been put to death, they were only banished. Yet notwithstanding he forceth them to become intercessors both for the destruction of her Highness, and of her kingdom. Sixtly, what just cause is here given to her Majesty and the state, of severe proceeding against all such catholics as were then beyond the seas; when they should come home: in that they all sought and thirsted after the blood of their country, vos judicate. But I hope (and in part I know it) that the false bastard jesuits pen when he writ those words, did but express the traitorous hearts of himself and some few of his consorts: and that he hath most egregiously belied many. For of the Lord Dacres and sundry others as well of the clergy as laity, it is well known they were ever most opposite to those traitorous practices: and therefore most mightily persecuted by Parsons and his confederates: notwithstanding they still held and do hold out, as loyal English subjects usque ad sanguinem, as obedient catholic children, usque ad arras, and as serviceable in heart to both, God, and man Pope, Prince, and to the catholic Romish church, and the English common wealth, as soul and body in one person can afford, or faith & fealty: religion and loyalty: divine love, and natural affection can expect, or demand at their hands. And for the rest, if any were so sotted and bewitched with jesuitisme; or infected with the Spaniards as I doubt too many were: I wish for my own part, even from the bottom of my poor but resolved catholic loyal heart, so many of them as remain obstinate with Parsons in that unnatural combination, fair and well buried in their graves. Thus having made the first part of the Interrogatory most apparent and manifest, I will now prosecute the answer to the second, in as brief and plain a method as I may. Say then for the present (which yet is more than I would willingly put to maintain the time and our afflicted state considered) that his Holiness and the king of Spain might lawfully have taken arms against her Majesty and this her kingdom our native land: yet it was shameful part of father Parsons & his companions to be the contrivers or instigators of it: as it is to be proved by many memorable examples agreeing to this purpose, scil. First, out of holy writ it is manifest and apparent that the jebusites and other inhabitants of the land of behest, were permitted there to live even after the Israelites had obtained the land as their own ancient inheritance: ergo a foreign people of a native brood are not to be by God's laws subjecteth in their native soil by strangers of an alien land. Secondly, Gregorius magnus when he might have rid the parts and coasts of Italy, from the tyranny of the Goths and other savage peo-people, if he would have intermeddled in matters of blood: refused so to do, accounting it to be a course not fit for a man of his calling to deal in. Thirdly by the laws, customs, and practise of all kingdoms, such persons as shall machinate and devise to execute such outrageous designments against their prince and country: have ever been justly condemned and detested of all honest men and good subjects: yea, and even of those same princes inuadors or usurpers, that coming to sway the sceptre royal of a kingdom by such means: never suffered such traitors to pass unpunished, nor without the just guerdon of treason, deducere canes ad inferos, as by sundry examples in the Antiperistasis to Parsons Doleman I have proved it true. Fourthly, it had been Parson's duty, and so also the duty of all other priests, jesuits, and religious persons, to have prayed for her Majesty and their country, and by preaching to have sought the reformation that we all desire: and not to have taken this course that he did: to fly away like false shepherds from the flock of Christ, and to become trumpeters of invasion, blood, cruelty, and destruction. Our weapons ought to be spiritual: praeces & lachrymae, prayers and tears, preaching and sufferings for Christ's sake, according to the practice of all virtuous, religious, pious, and catholic priests in all ages. I know what father Parsons hath written of this point in an other treatise of his: but his examples do not warrant him, nor his fellows to deal in this sort as he hath done. Fiftly, to rebinde this again with authority of our omnipotent legifer Christ jesus when the Samaritans refused to receive Christ, did not Saint james and john speak thus to our Saviour (and I dare say in verbo sacerdotis, with a more sincere, true, and religious zeal, than ever Parsons had in all his practices) Domine vis dicamus ut ignis descendat de coelo & consumat eos: but Christ turning towards them: What said he? mary: increpavit illos dicens, nescitis cuius spiritus estis. They thought (as a good catholic noteth upon this place) that they might have done as Elias did; they imagined that they were led with the spirit of zeal, and of their master's honour: but indeed ducebantur spiritu vindictae & terrestri non caelesti. Sixtly, father Parsons and his companions with the rest of the seditious jesuits, taking upon them to be viri apostolici, jesuitical, or rather Ignatian apostles, who by their calling (forsooth) are to preach throughout all the world, and aught to be tied to no special place longer than they list: it should have been more agreeable to their dignities and estimation, to have come amongst us hither into England, as the Apostles did name whither so ever they went: and by signs and wonders to have converted their country to the catholic faith: seeing they take upon them a perfection above priesthood, and will be called new Apostles illuminats, and extraordinary Rabbis that have more near familiarity and acquaintance with God than any other. And this had been apostolical dealing indeed. Mary yet perhaps the case may be altered if they can persuade us that their founder & first father, having been a captain and a man of war: had some particular illuminations and privileges from heaven, that, although Christ's Apostles proceeded with mildness and patience, as we read in the Gospel their master Christ did (which was a longer course than a jesuitical humour is able with patience to endure) yet his the said Ignatius disciples should have leave to take a shorter way, and that by fire from heaven or hell (if they could) or by any treachery, cruelty, treason, or what mischief soever, so it were propter bonum societatis, or ordine ad deum, they were to omit no opportunity or villainy that might further such their intents. But by their leaves this being a new and ruffinly course, never heard of for conversion of any nation, they must show some better testimony than either Angel from heaven, or fiend from hell can afford them, or else we will not believe them to be any other than the forerunners of Antichrist as consorts of Puritans in this their rebellious doctrine. Seventhly, if father Parsons and his fellows have any such large commission from their founder, (for from Christ they have it not) as that by force thereof they might have solicited the Pope's holiness and the king of Spain, by all false and slanderous suggestions (as they did) to undertake that glorious and worthy act forsooth: yet considering that they only pretend thereby the good of their country, & the restitution of the catholic faith, they might have solicited some other prince to have taken in hand that enterprise, and not to have sought to have put their prince & country into the hands of the Spaniards: who are at this day reputed throughout all the world to be the most cruel and bloody nation that liveth upon the earth. The treatise of that worthy Bishop Bartholomeus Cusaus' (a Spaniard borne) dedicated to the last king of Spain, hath laid the Spanish proceed amongst the west Indians so plainly out in their colours: how many millions of men, women, and children, they have there murdered: and that with such inhuman barbarousness, and much more than phalerical cruelty: as until they do repent them, and are become a new generation, all kingdoms and countries in the world, are to pray at the least to be delivered from them. But none could or would (I am persuaded) serve their turns but the Spaniard; whose pride, ambition, and cruelty hath so possessed their hearts: as father Ignatius was not a righter Spaniard by birth, than our English jesuits are by imitation. Eightly, beside, by framing themselves with all traitorous practices and fury to assist and set forwrad the Spaniards designments: they have a stronger conceit, or rather a full persuasion, that when the king had subdued this realm, neither he, his son, or his daughter would make their residence here, (for then the Infantaes title, marriage, or placing in the Low Countries was not dreamt of) but that this kingdom should have been reduced to a Province, and committed to the government of their society, scil. to father Parsons our petty Coruine knight, & the rest of his superintendency or society. Which passage though it may seem very straight: yet if ever you see father Parson's book of intended Reformation, you will find room enough to put in more odious stuff than I have handled, or am willing to smatter my pen withal. And therefote think it no marvel if they profess themselves the very vowed vassals (in effect) of the Spaniard, for I am persuaded in my conscience that they have consecrated themselves more devoutly to advance the now king of Spain or his sister to the sceptre royal of this land: then they have to promote the catholic faith. Neither make I any question of it at all: but that if hereafter any Pope shall cross the Spaniards plots and purposes, (as like enough they may, England and France with other nations having hitherto been ever, more respective to the See Apostolic, and taken the defence of Saint Peter's chair more faithfully upon them, than ever Spain did, till now of late years: which God of his goodness may alter again, and grant to his church in these nations their wonted flourish) the jesuits will have such a fig in store for his Holiness that shall do so, as no Ruebarbe, Angelica, Mithridate, or other medicine or antidote shall expel the venom, poison, and infection from his heart: nor any bezoar, pearl, gold, or unicorns horn, long preserve his life after it. And if there be (as there are) shrewd suspicions in Rome concerning the death of two Popes, two Cardinals, and one Bishop already but for breaking, or rather intending to break the jesuits a little of their obstinate will and unbridled insolency, and only to reform them in their order: then no marvel at their designments for England, & much less doubt to be made of: what they would do in such a case if it came to canvasing for a kingdom. THE VII. ARTICLE. whether (seeing it is proved that the Spanish invasion was traitorously procured by father Parson's means) did he then also and some others by his procurement, move her majesties subjects to disobey her highness, to take arms against her, to surprise her person if they could, and to join their forces with the Spaniard 1588. affirming that it was lawful for them so to do, or not? And whether might any of her majesties subjects lawfully have followed their counsel therein? THE ANSWER. THey did solicit, stir up and move her majesties subjects, as it is here deduced: we cannot deny it, greater is our grief. But it was not lawful for any honest man or true catholic borne under English allegiance to have followed their advise. And this our general opinion of the seculars, is no small comfort unto many a devout catholic, whose tender consciences have been by the jesuits false pretended zeal mightily perplexed a long time with many doubts, as not knowing what to do in this case of obedience to his holiness and their sovereign. Therefore I say in few: that as concerning the first part of this article, it might have been a sufficient argument of Master Parson's hatred both towards her Majesty, and towards his native country to have solicited the pope and the king of Spain with so great importunity, to have assailed this kingdom with their own forces: though he and the rest of his crew, had left her majesties subjects to have (at the least) taken their own courses (as God should have moved their hearts) and not have troubled himself so much in persuading them with great torments of mind (in many) to have run with him, and such like miscreants (as he is) into the pit of perdition for company, to satiate his insatiable desires. But their malice, pride and ambition are so infinite in their activity and operation: as there is no mischief or villainy, which they will not attempt, to further their most savage and Turkish designments. It was much, that one (a clergy man, possessed and seduced at that time by the jesuits) did justify the treacherous dealings of certain English subjects, in betraying the trust committed unto them, by her Majesty; and therewithal upon jesuitical persuasions, did also furthermore exhort others her highness subjects to do the like. Mary the course that was held by them at this time 1588. passeth all Gods forbade: as our phrase is. But yet will the facing jesuits so face out this matter, as I shall not be credited herein, except I make the same as clear, as day at noontide, when the sun is brightest. Therefore to lay open the case in plain terms: you shall understand that in the said Declaration and Admonition before mentioned, father Parsons in the good Cardinal's name (whom he had bewitched) doth stretch all his rhetoric to the furthest extent, with so great art and cunning, used therein: as sure, great pity it is, that ever so good a wit as his Grace had, should have been so mightily abused by that cozening mate: and that they both were given over so far at that time, as that they should employ such good gifts to so wicked a purpose. For first they make their entrance into their discourse with a most odious and shameful declamation against her Majesty: thereby to stir up her subjects hearts to contempt of her highness, and to make her be holden every where for odious to God, to the world and all men. I will not trouble you with the particulars: but verily I am persuaded, that Don Lucifer the wittiest fiend in hell could not have written more spitefully. Secondly, they threaten the nobility, gentry, and all the rest of the inhabitants of this kingdom, with loss of all their goods, their lands, their lives, and with damnation beside; except that presently upon the landing of the Spaniards they joined themselves and all the forces, men, munition, victuals, and whatsoever else they could make, with that catholic army (forsooth.) For the words be these: If you will avoid (say they) the Popes, the kings, and other princes high indignation: let no man of what degree soever obey, abet, aid, defend or acknowledge her &c. adding, that otherwise they should incur the Angel's curse and malediction: and be as deeply excommunicated as any: because that in taking her majesties part they should fight against God: against their lawful king: against their country: and that notwithstanding all they should do, they should but defend her highness, bootless to their own present destruction and eternal shame. Thirdly, after all these and many other such like threats in a high and military style to scar bugs with: then they come to some more mild persuasions, and promise the noble men, that so they join with the Duke of Parma upon the receipt of their Admonition: they will entreat that their whole houses should not perish. Parsons did instigate the good Cardinal, to swear by his honour and in the word of a Cardinal: that in the fury of their intended massacre, there should as great care be taken of every catholic and penitent person as possibly could be: and that he was made a Cardinal of purpose to be sent then into England for the sweet managing of those affairs. Fourthly, other arguments they used, ●●wne from the certainty of the victory: as that all the protestants would either turn their coats, copies, arms, or fly away in fear, and torment of the angel of God prosecuting them: that although none of her majesties subjects should assist the Spaniards: yet their own forces which they brought with them, were strong enough: their provision sufficient: their appointment passing: that they had more expert captains, than her Majesty had good soldiers: all resolute to die in the cause which they had undertaken: that the blood of all the blessed Bishops shed in this land, and all the Saints in heaven prayed for the Spaniards victory: that all the virtuous priests of our country both at home and abroad, had stretched forth their sacred hands to the same end: that many priests were in the camp to serve every spiritual man's necessity: that their forces were guarded with all Gods holy angels: with Christ himself in the sovereign sacrament: and with the daily most holy oblation of Christ's own dear body and blood: that the Spaniards being thus assisted with so many helps: though they had been never so few, they could not lose: and that her Majesty and her assistants wanting these help, although they were never so fierce, never so proud, never so many, never so well appointed, yet they could not prevail: fear you not (say they to such as would take their part) they cannot. And thus far out of their said jesuitical Admonition. Now what say you reverend priests and you dear catholics of all estates to this pernicious book: wherein he would persuade you that all the priests in England and out of it, prayed for the heavy desolation and utter downfall, ruin, and destruction of our native country, and us all in very deed. Well, he therein lies falsely: but let him go. What prayers he and his made, they themselves know: for our parts, we were happy many of us, that we never so much as once dreamt of such matters. But as for the jesuits faction what say you: was it not time for them to burn this book? Will not those that escaped the fire be an everlasting monument of their ignominy and shame? God hath set a brand upon them for false prophets, to be ever hereafter hated and eschewed. Their blessings turned into cursings, and those whom they cursed God did bless. Confusion and shame fell upon her majesties enemies: and the crown of an incredible victory hath adorned her head for ever. The contrary in every thing fell out, to that which they prophesied. Their valiant captains fled: their strength, their provision, their passing appointment, and whatsoever else they had, served not their turns: their hearts were daunted, and the world hath judged them to have cried craven, as the speech is in cock pits. But that which they speak of divine assistants doth trouble me most. What will our common adversaries say, and what may they not say: in that an army assisted so mightily with angels, with martyrs, with priests, with the blessed sacrament, and with the daily sacrifice, should speed so evil? If I had Elias spirit, assuredly the filthy plague of leprosy should never leave them, nor any of their society, that ever should approve this their so profane abusing of those divine mysteries. Furthermore, in that they said, that all the priests abroad and at home, prayed for the Spaniards good success. I am persuaded not any one unless they were jesuited, did so: & sure I am that a great many did rather quite contrary. And therefore (as I said before) they lied falsely: yea, many of them at home (as I have heard some of them avow it) knew not of the coming of the army, till it was scattered: and others wished in their hearts that the pope and the king of Spain had not taken that course with her Majesty. And as for the priests that were in the camp, such of them (I doubt not) as were of the jesuitical humour did thrust themselves into that bloody service headlong. But sure I am withal, that some others, who were of a more mild and catholic spirit, were compelled to be in that camp, full sore against their wills; as some of them have often confessed as much unto me, upon occasion of speech betwixt us. Also they tell us of the indignation of certain princes, that her majesties subjects should incur, if they showed not themselves rebels and traitors to her highness, in assisting the Spaniards: as also that in taking her majesties part they should fight against their lawful king. Who would have thought that any jesuit living, nay any strumpet (were they never so impudent) could have put upon them such brazen foreheads? I am persuaded, that as many Englishmen as should have joined with the Spaniards, the very Spaniards themselves would afterwards in their hearts have detested them. And then much less, would any prince living have approved such treachery and treason. And for the lawful king they speak of: it is too too vile, traitorous and indign a speech, worthier to be buried in hell, then printed in any book, head or heart. And therefore to be heartily wished and prayed for at God's hands, that they may never live good day in England or elsewhere being Englishmen borne, that do either now or shall hereafter, honour or acknowledge, any Sovereign of this kingdom but Queen Elizabeth whilst God shall prolong her days. Concerning also the Cardinal's honour and promise: alas good man, there was never person of so high a place, more inveigled than he was, by that false jesuit Parsons. It hath been confessed by some of the jesuits themselves, in the hearing of sundry witnesses, that the Duke of Medina Sidonia openly affirmed upon occasion of speech, that his sword could find no difference (as he thought) betwixt an heretic and a catholic: his business was to make a way for his Master, which he meant to do, and intended no less as before is said. And this may suffice for that matter of moving her majesties subjects to rebellion. But I have run too long upon this point: I trust it appeareth by all that hitherto hath been said, what Parsons and his fellows drift was in persuading her majesties subjects to rebellion, etc. therefore now I come to the second part of the article: which is, that no honest man might lawfully have followed their council. And first, if the said persuasions were absurd, untrue, irreligious, and wicked. It followeth, that no man might without sin have yielded unto them. Secondly, titles to kingdoms are not impeached, either by the law of nature, or by testimony of Scripture, as you shall hear hereafter out of a great Doctor propter defectionem à fide: ergo the duty of subjects doth continue, and is not dissolved in respect of any such defection. Thirdly, Nabuchodonozer was as great an enemy in his time to the church and city of God as could be imagined, he destroyed all before him, and led the people away captive into Babel. And yet hear what commandments the prophets jeremy and Abacuk gave to the Elders, priests, prophets, and to all the people that were in captivity: and consider how unlike they are to father Parson's speeches before mentioned. Seek the prosperity of that city whither I have caused you to be carried away captive, and pray unto the God of heaven for it. For in the peace thereof shall you have peace. And that worthy Abacuk said further: Pray for the life of Nabuchodonozer king of Babylon, and for the life of Balthasar his son, that their days may be upon earth as the days of heaven: and that God would give us strength and lighten our eyes, that we may live under the shadow of Nabuchodonozer king of Babylon, and under the shadow of Balthasar his son, and that we may long do them service and find favour in their sight. Fourthly, the same obedience that here is prescribed, to these wicked kings: did Christ himself and his apostles prescribe and practise in their times to heathenish princes, Emperors and governors. Our Saviour paid tribute both for himself, and Saint Peter, and gave a general commandment to all subjects to do the like, both then and for ever after. For so I understand his precept: give unto Caesar that which is Caesar's. Fiftly, and as touching the Apostles: Saint Peter and Saint Paul, they are most plain and most earnest that all subjects without exception, should submit themselves unto the authority of those wicked emperors and governors that then reigned (in which number Nero himself was) propter dominum: because it was the will of God that it should be so: and that they should obey them not only for fear, but for conscience. Sixtly, there is an argument that carrieth some pretty show, which may be framed from a good rule of Cardinal Bellarmine's. It is apparent that the word of God doth prescribe obedience to wicked princes: & it is also as apparent, that the laws of the church (as in our case) do forbid obedience to such princes. Now saith the said Cardinal (but in another matter) Quando ius divinum & ius humanum pugnant: debet servari ius divinum omisso humano. Seventhly, justinus Martyr, Athenagoras, and Tertullian have notably expressed this duty of subjects to the civil magistrates, be what they shall good or bad. And though then they were very profane men, and cruel persecutors many of them: yet they laboured very earnestly to show, that by the doctrine of Christ himself, of all his holy apostles, and the whole church his sweet spouse: it was the duty of all Christians, living under them and being borne their subjects, to serve and obey them in all their temporal affairs and causes of employment. Vectigalia & collectiones, etc. There are none of your subjects (saith justinus to the Emperor) that pay their tributes, customs, and collections to such officers as you appoint to collect them, sooner than we do: that be Christians. Sic instituti sumus: for we are so taught, etc. to give unto Caesar that which is Caesar's. And again, Nos solum deum adoramus, & vobis in alijs rebus laeti inseruimus. Likewise Athenagoras to the Emperor Antonius: pro imperio vestro, etc. The Christians do power out their vows and prayers to God for your empire: that the son may succeed the father, and the empire may long increase and flourish. And Tertullian of like sort saith: we pray with all our hearts, that God will grant to all Emperors, a long life, a secure empire, an obedient family, valiant armies, a faithful Senate, honest subjects, a quiet government, and whatsoever is acceptable unto them. Eightly, but lest it should be objected that there is difference between heathen kings and such, as being once true Christians and catholics: as all Christians are by baptism) are apostataed out of the church: & therefore though subjects are bound to obey the first sort, yet it followeth not, that they, are so bound to the second. To this I answer, that although the difficulty be cleared in my second reason before set down: yet S. Augustine shall make the point more manifest. Ordinavit sic deus ecclesiam suam, etc. God hath so ordered his church: as all ordinary authority and magistrates may have in this world honour done unto them: & aliquando à melioribus: and sometime from their betters. Contigit tibi, etc. It happeneth that thou art become a Christian, having a master: non ideo Christianus factus es ut dedigneris servire: thou art not therefore made a Christian that thou shouldest think scorn to serve thy master still. O quantum etc. O how much are rich and great men bound unto Christ: who so ordereth their families, as if there be in them, a servant that is an infidel, Christ doth convert him: & non ei dicit: and doth not say unto him: serve thy master no longer: because now thou knowest him, who is indeed thy true Lord and master. Yea, but such a servant may say: Indignum est ut justus & fidelis seruiat iniquo & infideli: It is not meet that a just and faithful man should serve a wicked master being an infidel. Whereunto Saint Augustine answereth: non hoc ei dixit: sed magis ut seruiat. A servant may say so: but Christ never told him so: but that being a Christian, he should the rather continue his service to such a one his master. If Christ himself the Sovereign Lord of heaven and earth seruivit indignis, did obey wicked rulers: prayed for them being persecutors: quanto magis: how much more ought man not to disdain to serve his Lord and master with all his mind, with his whole good will, and with perfect love: etiam malo, though he be a wicked man. Quod autem dixi de domino, etc. And what I have said of the master and servant; understand the same of powers and kings, and of all other superiors of this world. Sometimes they are good and fear God: and sometimes they fear not God. And so he cometh to the place which I have all this while aimed at. julianus extitit infidelis: and was he not also an apostata, a wicked man and an idolater? But Christian soldiers served the Emperor an Infidel: when they came to a cause that touched Christ his honour, they acknowledged none but him that was from heaven: when he would have had them to have served Idols, and have offered sacrifice unto them, they preferred God before the Emperor. But when he said unto them bring forth your forces: go against such a nation, they presently obeyed. They distinguished their eternal Lord from their temporal Lord: and yet they were subject unto their temporal Lord in respect of his will: who is their eternal Lord. Thus far Saint Augustine: whereby I trust it is plain: that kings are to be obeyed by their subjects, whether they be wicked persons, heretics, apostates, or worse if worse could be. Besides all these general reasons before mentioned; why no good subjects ought to give ear to such traitorous counsellors as Parsons and his fellows were 1588. and so still continue: there yet are some more particular and more pertinent respects, why her majesties subjects ought not to have regarded any, or all their said jesuitical persuasions before mentioned for their joining with the Spaniards. First, the excommunication of Pius 5. having been procured upon false suggestions, and so by surreption: it hath ever been thought by the graver and more learned priests and catholics in England to have been void and of no validity in law from the beginning. And the same opinion is held of both the renovations: partly in that a renovation of that which is not, is void: and partly also for that the instigations, as Parsons hath set them down, are many of them false, and all exceeding malicious. Which opinions being true: in what case were they, that were animated with the first excommunication to rebellion 1569. and in what case should they have been, that should have followed the jesuits counsels, 1588.? Surely they were, and have been traitors both before God and man. Secondly, there are so many questions of the nullities of excommunications, as it will always be found a very hard matter for subjects to discern when they are so far to regard them, as that with safe consciences they may take up arms against their sovereigns: upon pretence that they are excommunicated. Thirdly, a great uncertainty riseth amongst the schoolmen concerning the denouncing of any such excommunication: when it may be thought to be so sufficient, as that the subjects of any king are bound to take notice of it. And peradventure if the matter were well looked into, there was never hitherto any such denunciation of any excommunication against her Highness, as by the Canon law it is required. So as in that respect, it had been unlawful for her majesties subjects to have yielded to father Parsons traitorous enticements. Sure I am that many catholics do not yet believe that there was ever any such an excommunication at all: but that it is a mere slander, devised by our common enemies, to make all catholics odious. Fourthly, I cannot easily devise (as matters are now a days handled) how it is possible that subjects (besides the former uncerteinties) should ever take sure and infallible notice of any excommunication said to be denounced against their king, so as they may obey it, and with safe consciences disobey their Sovereign. It was either a simple or a most insolent conceit of father Parsons, or of the good (though marvelously abused) Cardinal: to think, that their bare words, could in any reasonable man's judgement be conceived, to be a sufficient warrant for English catholics to have armed themselves against her Majesty. And for any other authority or warrant of Xistus the 5. his renovation of the former excommunication: I never yet heard of it. But howsoever it were: yet sure I am, that no other notice was to have been given of it. For after they have told a long and spiteful tale in their said declaration and admonition touching the Popes and the king of Spain's designments against her Majesty: they use these words, scil. Of whose proceed in this action: and as well of his holiness as his majesties intention and meaning therein: we are to advertise you all by these presents. And again. Be it notified to the inhabitants of that country etc. Likewise be it known that the intention of his holiness, etc. Moreover be it known by these presents: that it shall not only be lawful for any person public or private to arrest (the Queen) but also be held for very good service, etc. Hear we hear of nothing, that his holiness saith or commandeth in his own name, under his pastoral and authentic seal: but the credit of these two men, should have carried her majesties subjects to the most infamous and inconvenient action that ever happened in Christendom. Whereas in good faith, to speak my conscience: the Cardinal standing so bewitched with that Machivilean jesuite Parsons, and they writing thus much both together; their testimonies ought not to have moved any man to a much less mischief than this had been. Some late experience we have had as touching our Archpriest, how boldly some Cardinals will adventure to abuse the See apostolic: and the sacred disposition of the Pope's holiness, to serve their own turns therewith. Yea was not all the whole consistory and Cardinals of his holiness palace, unless it were two, most bitterly bend against S. Thomas of Canterbury. Insomuch as finding him at dinner with a capon on Saint Marks day, they would have delivered him up, as a lollard: had not God bewrayed their malice, by a miracle in defence of the holy and innocent man and blessed prelate: turning the capon into a carp: to show, that his weakness was the cause of breaking the Church's orders, for abstinence from flesh that day. Whereupon followed that in that street at Rome and here in England, within the bishopric of Canterbury ever since, it hath been dispensed withal, to eat flesh as lawfully upon that day, as any other. So as you see how the Pope his holiness, may and often is mightily deluded, abused, and prejudiced by false informations of some particular persons, and that thereupon (as I have told you before) he may err as a private man, in not knowing the case aright, and by consequent excommunicate, suspend &c. wrongfully: which although catholics are bound to obey in some cases (as before is said) that may concern their spiritual punishments, in depriving them for a time of the sacraments of God's Church: yet can I never find that it stayed any from their temporal allegiance to their Sovereign, or withdrew them that otherwise were loyal subjects from defence of their native country against any whosoever: Nay in the case proposed, considering the ticklish estate of things as now they stand, and what danger catholics are in on every side: adding hereunto the jesuitical humour; I say then (to proceed a little further) that although the Popes own Bull had been so, and to have been itself published in the most authentical manner that might have been well devised: yet such is the falsehood of the jesuits, and such is their favour in Rome, and so shamefully they dare presume to inform his holiness: as certainly it had been no sufficient warrant for her majesties subjects to have entered into that course, which father Parsons moved them unto. And except those false hypocrites be kept in more awe and kerbed from daring to intermeddle with his holiness actions in such manner of matters of so important, weighty and dangerous consequences: the authority of the Court of Rome will be greatly prejudiced in their proceed, and they will not let his holiness be in quiet till they have set him at a jar with his best and most faithful subjects and servants in Christendom: as we see in part already by their endeavouring to bring into disgrace the whole clergy, secular priests, religious orders, bishops and all; that they themselves may live at riot and rule, range and reign at their pleasures. Fiftly, to confirm then the premises, I say then, that let the renovation be as it was, and father Parson's persuasions go as they are: yet the very law agreed upon amongst all our Canonists doth allow the servants or subjects of any Lord or king excommunicated to perform in five cases their duties and allegiance unto them: nay they are bound unto it. Haec anathema faciunt ne possit obesse: utile, lex, humile, res ignorata, necesse. First, if their service be profitable for their Lords or for themselves. Secondly, the very law of nature (I think) doth allow such duties: as of the wife to her husband excommunicated: and the same reason is of the servant to his master, or the subject to his prince. Thirdly, excommunication doth not deliver a servant or a subject from his former condition: it finding him in the state of a subject or servant, doth not debar him from doing his duty. Fourthly, if the subject do not know that his sovereign is excommunicated, then is not he thereby either infected or affected: and of the uncertainty of any such knowledge, you have heard before. Nay though the subjects do know it never so assuredly: yet any of the former three cases do serve their turns for the continuance of their allegiance. Fiftly, but that which followeth, necesse: necessity is without all exception, as the saying is, necessitas non habet legem, though the Pope should attempt in person any thing against any prince or king, under what pretence soever: yet necessity will always excuse their subjects for not obeying his holiness bulls in temporal duties: and for performing their said duties and services unto their sovereigns. The Schoolmen do make sundry kinds of necessities: as necessitas adesse suppliciter: & adesse secundum quid & ad bene esse etc. which I will not trouble you withal. You shall see the very point itself set down in express terms, concerning the catholics of England that live at this day under her Majesty. The faithful of England and Saxony (saith Bannes) are to be excused: qui se non eximant à potestate superiorum, nec bellum contra illos gerunt, quoniam communiter non habent facultatem ad haec bella gerenda contra principes, & imminent illis gravia pericula: who do not exempt themselves from the power of their superiors, nor bear arms against them: because generally they have no ability to wage such wars against their princes, and great danger doth hang over their heads if they should attempt it. And a little before he saith: that subjects are not bound to war against their sovereign, or to exempt themselves from their subjection cum periculo mortis & amissione bonorum: with the danger of their lives, and loss of their goods: and so endeth his resolution with an & caetera: as if he should have said, there are also many other such like exceptions to be allowed of. And G. de Valencia agreeth with Bannes. For (saith he) when the Pope's holiness doth absolve subjects from their oaths of allegiance, that they may not be bound to perform their duties to their Lords that are excommunicated, and do forbidden them likewise so to do: they are thus to be understood, scil. that they are not otherwise bound to obey them in those cases: but si nimirum negare obsequium dominis suis possint absque notabili suo detrimento: ita enim hoc est intelligendum, sicut recte notavit Bannes: that is, When they may refuse to obey their Lords and masters without any notable hurt or loss to themselves: for so these kinds of absolutions and forbiddings are to be understood, as Bannes hath well observed. And Master Parsons of his goodness striketh this matter dead. For in his said Admonition he is pleased to tell the catholics of England and all other her majesties subjects in these words following: that in cases of evident danger the censures of the Church, so far as they concern only temporal matters, by the meaning of him that gave the sentence, do not bind. Now it might peradventure prove a very probable position as the world standeth at a gaze: whether it may easily be conceived by a man of a dull conceit that any king will be ever so negligent or careless of his own estate: or if he should, whether any counsellors of any kingdom will ever be so improvident for the safety of their sovereigns' authority, kingdom and life: as that it shall not always be dangerous for their subjects to rebel, and take arms against them. And then every man may see what followeth: that as Saint Paul said, Multa mihi licita sunt, quae tamen non expediunt: so questionless I am of that mind, that it will not be expedient for the Pope's holiness to intermeddle with the excommunicating of princes in these days. For assuredly it will seldom fall out (if ever) that subjects without danger shall be able by rebellion to put such a sentence in execution: besides the incertainties before specified, that it cannot well be imagined how they should in these dangerous times take sufficient notice of it, when so great and general a jealousy on the one side is had of all princes, and so manifest signs of intolerable abuses, falsehood, and malapertness on the other side in the jesuitical faction, to procure whatsoever may serve their own turns for the time without all or any respect had of God or man, Pope or prince, church or common wealth, catholic or heretic. And sure it cannot be but that all princes as well spiritual as temporal, will more narrowly look into the jesuits doings then heretofore they have: when they shall duly consider what danger they all do stand in (yea even those that now favour these seditious busy headed bodies most) if these factious companions may procure excommunications at their pleasure and provoke his holiness to strike with ecclesiastical censure whatsoever offendeth any of them, nay whosoever doth not please and content them in all things: nay more, whosoever hath that which they have a mind to, and that they cannot otherwise have their wish and unlawful desire: out goeth a slander, that he or she are of lewd demeanour not established in the grace of God; and in few, are reprobates, of God forsaken, and then straightways must his holiness strike them with excommunication etc. or else shall he also be holden for a Lutheran or fautor of wicked persons and heretics. In confirmation of the premises: here it offereth itself fitly to this purpose: what father Criton the great Scots statist said to an honourable person in talk of these matters concerning the excommunication of his Majesty king james. This noble Lord having heard some speeches against the Scots king blown abroad by fa. Parsons his under Agents at Brussels (such be like as that base fellow Verstegen, who having no more gentleman's blood in his body then in a coupers' son, nor scant so much of such a breed may the couper be) yet took upon him to cotize our English nobles and gentles there, affirming that there were not passed three or four in those coasts of all our nation that were of any noble or generous blood, coat armour, and ancestry, scil. the Earl of Westmoreland, the Lord Dacres, and as I remember, the next was himself or sir William Stanley, I know not whether: but either sir knight or sir knave was in the third place. Whereupon followed a fowl ado in the Flemish court for a while, sundry of noble and generous blood, being mightily disgraced by this base companions information given to the prince in derogation to our English gentry. And this untriall gentleman was one of that nobleman father Parson's spies, intelligencers and blazoners of what infamies as were to be conveyed thence abroad into Italy, Spain, France, and other countries adjoining. Amongst other things that might be thought to endanger his royal person most: one passage was this; that father Parsons with others of the zealous illuminates and more resolute, wise, religious, learned and grave fathers and other catholics had dealt very seriously with the Pope's holiness about excommunicating of the said king: which was expected every hour to come forth and to be promulgated against his highness etc. Whereof the foresaid Lord being desirous to know of father Criton whether any such thing were or not, and withal whether his own subjects or others that wished well unto him might lawfully defend his rightful title or no, he being by father Parson's definitive sentence denounced an obstinate heretic: and one of whom there was no possibility or hope of reclaiming from his heretical opinions: the said father Criton answered, saying: My Lord, doubt you nothing thereof, it is but father Parson's devise to endanger his majesties person thereby: knowing that the Scots are a false, traitorous and a rebellious people: quickly taking occasion to murder or otherwise rise in arms against their liege Lord and king. True it is indeed that father Parsons and other English jesuits, and those that are of the Spanish faction have laboured it much, to have the sentence denounced against his Majesty: but hitherto they have not prevailed, neither do I think that ever you shall see it, because no Scots will seek for it. And Popes are always sparing, unless they be mightily importuned & urged, as both Pius quintus and Xistus quintus were by father Parsons and other jesuits procurement against our own Sovereign and Queen. Lo what evil hap England had to breed this wicked jesuitical brood, that seek their princes and country's destruction, more eager than any other jesuits do the nations and country where they live. THE VIII. ARTICLE. whether then (because by the precedent article it seemeth very dangerous) is it expedient for the Church in these latter days of the world to excommunicate kings: and whether was it a good and godly act in certain of her majesties subjects, such as desired to seem more zealous than the rest to persuade Pius quintus to excommunicate her highness, and since also other Popes to renew the same twice. THE ANSWER. VEry well said Saint Paul (as erst I noted) Multa mihi licita sunt, sed non omnia expediunt. For it is one thing to talk of the power, authority, and lawfulness of excommunications: and an other of the time, place and persons when the sentence is denounced: therefore as we say, ex effectibus cognoscitur causa; so by demonstration à posteriori, it is manifest to all our woes that excommunicating of princes is not convenient in this irreligious and most unfortunate age. Neither did they well that either stirred up Pius quintus first to excommunicate her highness, or these that since have urged other Popes to renew the same: And therefore in answer to both the points of this article, I hold the negative. And for the first, these are my reasons. First, when Saint Ambrose excommunicated the emperor Theodosius, it was a time of greater zeal: and otherwise Saint Ambrose might thereby have procured unspeakable detriment to the Church. In my private cogitations hereof, I have assuredly often doubted whether Saint Ambrose deserved more commendation for his providencie in attempting such a matter: or the emperor for his patience and obedience in taking the same in so good part. But yet I hold it out of all question, that if Saint Ambrose had inserted any such clauses into the said excommunication, as of latter times are used, and should in plain terms have deposed him, or laboured to have had him deposed from his empire, or absolved his subjects from their obedience: the emperor would have startled: and I cannot tell, but by all likelihood he would not have obeyed it, but rather have put all to the sword, that should have withdrawn themselves from under his allegiance. Secondly, I find certain words in Saint Thomas which make me to marvel, in that he saith out of the gloss: that Princeps & multitudo non est excommunicanda: or as Rich. de Media Villa allegeth the place, neither the multitude nor the prince ought to be excommunicated. And the most of the Schoolmen that writ upon S. Thomas in this place, do agree with him: that a multitude is not to be excommunicated, or if it be, some hold that such an excommunication is void. But let it be their error, yet still they omit therein the other part as touching kings and princes, and do say nothing concerning the validity of it in that place: only the said Richardus de Media Villa doth touch this point somewhat to our purpose, for the inconveniency thereof; but in mine opinion very weakly: for that any thing be it never so plain may easily be so avoided. A king (saith S. Thomas) ought not to be excommunicated: that is (saith Richardus) but in maioribus peccatis: for great offences. As if we should think that ever S. Thomas thought so meanly of the wisdom, judgement and discretion of the Church: that she would excommunicate princes for every trifle. Nay if that should be his meaning, he had alleged the said place very ridiculously: which is far from Saint Thomas course and practise. Thirdly, besides whereas some inconveniences are made the impediments why a multitude may not be excommunicated, there may very many more reasons of mischiefs be objected that do ensue by the excommunicating of princes, which consequently should stay that course likewise against them. I have prosecuted this reason only disputatiuè non positiuè, saluo semper meliori judicio: let S. Thomas meaning be what it shall: his words are as I have alleged them here in this place. Fourthly, it is no good providence in S. Augustine's judgement to excommunicate those that have many followers to take their part: or when the same may breed a schism. But it is very likely that kings and princes will always have many followers to take their parts, and that the same may beget more than a schism. Fiftly, there was no probability of any good success that could be looked for by excommunicating her Majesty, as by experience might have been apparent, by the excommunication denounced against king Henry 8. Sixtly, I have made mention before of inconveniences and mischiefs: but if they may serve the turn to show the inconvenience of an excommunication against kings, and that I should enter into the enumeration of all the inconveniences and mischiefs; which have been the effects of both the said excommunications against her Majesty and against her royal father: it would appear, that there was never any excommunication more inconvenient, and I should be exceeding tedious. It may be sufficient that I remember unto you as touching our own time, how thereby her Majesty and the state have been more incensed both against the See of Rome, and likewise against all catholics; priests are become most odious; the general cause hath been more impaired; many dangerous questions and strait examinations have thereof proceeded: and to omit the rest, infinite perplexities and quiddities have grown concerning the consciences of the weaker sort of catholics, when, wherein, and how far they might profess their allegiance: which have entangled them diversly, and brought many of them into bands and other great dangers. Seventhly, I am fully persuaded, that there was yet never any Pope that did ever excommunicate any king or sovereign prince, but that afterward he saw cause for the most part in his own time (if he lived any while) to repent him of it, and wish either it had been undone or in this or that manner, otherwise than it was denounced and executed. That which hitherto I have said of the first point of this article, doth in some sort confirm my assertion concerning the second. For if the excommunication of kings be inconvenient, then what shall we think of those men being subjects, & in times so dangerous, as never any were more than we now live in, that did seek either to procure the said excommunication against her Majesty, or to renew it. As touching the first procurers of it, were it D. Harding, D. Stapleton, D. Morton, D. Webbe, all or any of them: they were yet by their leaves (with reverend regard to their priesthood and doctorship be it spoken) but simple men out of their positive divinity, and did mightily overshoot themselves in it divers ways. First, there being a rash affection or zeal (if you will have it so called) in some of the catholic Bishops when her Majesty began to reign, to have imitated Saint Ambrose by excommunicating her highness and divers others: yet (as Master Saunders noteth) prudentiores Episcopi, vel certe mansuetiores: The wiser sort of them, or surely the milder were of another opinion, and prevailed. Indeed he further saith: that they altogether thought it meet to refer the consideration of that matter to the Pope's wisdom, to do therein as he thought convenient: but it appeareth not, that they did afterwards solicit his holiness thereunto. But the contrary will easily be proved, by some that are alive, who can testify that they were far from that mind, especially afterwards, when they had better considered what was likely to ensue if any such excommunication should be procured. And it will likewise be justified sufficiently, that Bishop Watson was exceedingly grieved, when he heard that Pius quintus had been drawn to that course: as in his wisdom seeing the great inconvenience of it. Secondly, the same reasons ought to have hindered the said Parsons and any other from soliciting the Pope to that censure, which moved those catholic Bishops to forbear it themselves. They considered (saith M. Saunders) that they were the Queen's subjects, and that such a fact might peradventure have procured some tumult and scandal, and trouble of the whole Ecclesiastical state and order: and also might probably have stirred up some persecution. Thirdly, if it were true that some jesuits have lately written (but with great Machiavellian sleights to curry favour for the better furtherance of sundry their intended mischievous designments) that her Majesty was in effect constrained to take the course for the alteration of religion that she did, when she came first to the crown: then dealt they therein contrary to the reasonable construction of sundry canons of the Church, and consequently very rashly and unjustly. Fourthly, it may be gathered (as I suppose) out of Saint Ambrose by his duty to the emperor otherwise signified, that it was far from his heart to think of the deposing of him from the empire, or of absolving his subjects from their obedience, if the emperor had withstood him. But these men were of another humour: they knew that their suit to Pius Quintus did tend to her highness deposition from the crown (so far as the Bull would reach) and to the raising up of such a garboil in the kingdom, as any true catholic heart may justly quake to think of it. Fiftly, S. Augustine (as S. Thomas observeth) would not praecipitare sententiam: whether is worse a catholic of an evil life, or an heretic against whose conversation no just exception may be taken. Now it is well known to all the world, and acknowledged in Spain, what manner of person a certain king was that once bore a great sway there: and with how many most notorious and heinous enormities he might truly have been charged: but yet the Spanish jesuits and catholics were far from the violent humour of our men: they did never presume or once endeavour to seek or sue to have their sovereign excommunicated. Whose example of forbearance therein, doth argue the inconsiderate rashness of our said jesuited catholics and jesuits: that have dealt in such sort as all the world seethe, with her Majesty. Sixtly, whereas divers kings and absolute princes have rejected the authority of the See Apostolic, as well as her highness, and do still so persevere: yet we find not that any hitherto of their subjects, priests, jesuits, or what other soever, have sought their overthrow, deposition and destruction, as our English jesuits by profession, and some other priests in affection and faction jesuited have sought for. It is true that in France there are public monuments of jesuitical tyranny. For first they procured Henry the third to be excommunicated; and then by degrees they murdered him. The like course they also held for a long time with the king now regnant, saving that to their intolerable grief, the blow which they procured to be given him proved not mortal: though still their malice and hatred towards him, appeareth manifestly to be as extreme as ever it was, and therefore their good wills to be considered of accordingly. For all which and many more most traitorous practices, the jesuits are at this day an odious and detestable generation in that kingdom, and with great providence and judgement are banished thence for ever. Whereby we may see what all such persons do deserve, who have amongst us prosecuted her highness with little less malice and treason, in seeking to have her Majesty excommunicated, which is made by such miscreants, but an entrance to all further disloyalty, cruelty and mischief. Seventhly, it is apparent by the judgement of S. Augustine, that when excommunication cannot be denounced against any, but with the inconveniences that are in the point before touched, and are therefore in such cases to be forborn: those counsellors that shall notwithstanding solicit and labour for to procure any such excommunications, are to be utterly rejected and condemned, as being persons whose counsels are inania, pernitiosa atque sacrilega, quia & impia & superba sunt, & plus turbant infirmos bonos, quam corrigunt animosos malos: vain, pernicious and sacrilegious, because being wicked and proud counsels, they bring greater trouble to weak good men, than amendment to those that are evil and stout. For in such cases he saith, that those things must be borne with patiently, that cannot be reform, without the said inconveniences: and that it is the duty of good men in the mean while cum dilectione with love and charity to mourn and lament, and not to take such desperate and wicked courses against all duty, faith and allegiance, as these men we speak of did, and our Machiavellian jesuits do still pursue and endeavour. Eightly, whereas excommunication is termed by the learned sort of catholics medicina, a medicine, that is, such a censure as tendeth to reform the party censured: this their traitorous endeavour (for I can term it no better) aimed at nothing but blood, cruelty and destruction, not only of their sovereign, but an infinite number beside. For they could not be so absurd as to think, that the said excommunication was ever like to take effect, without either war or treachery. Nay it is now plain, that they had then plotted in their hearts a shameful rebellion, which they did solicit, some of them in person, as soon as the Pope had satisfied their desire. Ninthly, it is well known that the chief reasons that moved Pius Quintus to yield unto them, were most falsely & surreptiously suggested to his holiness, and carried with them very many absurdities, as this for one, scil. Forsooth the Duke of Norfolk was a most sound catholic, (which was false:) all the realm would follow him, (which was absurd:) the Pope's pleasure and censure once known to the catholics, there could be no resistance, (which was ridiculous.) Besides this, a marriage would follow, that would reform all and work wonders: as if they should have said, that when the sky falleth, they should have store of larks. And now to those that procured the renovation of this excommunication at the times articulated. If the first procurers of it may justly be condemned as you have heard: what shall we think of them (father Parsons and his associates our pretended holy fathers of the society of jesus) that when it lay asleep did revive it? Certainly they are to be detested of all true catholics and dutiful subjects to her Majesty. All that hitherto hath been said against the procurers doth touch them nearer, that were the solicitors to have it renewed: as it may appear (to any that is not obstinately wilful) for these two reasons. First, for that they did find by experience the mischief which the other might easily have foreseen, that is, all the plagues, miseries, calamities and inconveniences that the denouncing of the said excommunication had already wrought: which ought to have restrained their madness, considering that the renewing of it could not choose in any reasonable man's judgement but provoke her Majesty and the state to greater severity against all catholics: whereof they were in no danger themselves, being beyond the seas. Then a second reason, was the bad success, which they also might have noted by all the attempts made, given or intended against our sovereign & realm, apparently demonstrating thus much at least to be expected by renewing of the excommunication: scil. a sorrowful repentance of their after wits too late: right Englishmen in deed, but no way to be wished for such experimental knowledge of our native dispositions in matters of so great importance, as in a world greater could not be found. And howsoever any cause had been given, yet the case was clear by the effects ensuing, that it was not Gods will such excommunications, or other practices should have been used or gone about: especially by such men as father Parsons and other jesuited hot spurs: whose profession being far otherwise in labouring for conversion of countries, the evil success which he and all his confederates have had in all their proceed against princes, doth give all the world to understand that God was not pleased from the beginning with the jesuitical courses. Besides the more * The old Lord Mountacutes conceit was marvelous both catholic & loyal, against these new state religious jesuits: whose singularity he utterly disliking of, together with their busy practices and intrusions, would never suffer any of them to come within his doors, neither yet any other Seminary priest, all such being wrongfully suspected to be of a jesuitical disposition, from which humour many were even from the beginning most free: though some and those too many were infected by them. But all keeping silence in respect of the common cause, the said Seminaries and other secular priests & lay catholics were content to undergo that wrong conceit (had of them with their fellows) with many other inconveniences & miseries, wh●ch they might have avoided if they had sooner opened themselves & their detestation of such courses. As the only chief cause (ad hominem) of keeping out so many schismatics that otherwise would have been catholics, occasionating also the fall of sundr● others which probably would never have shrunk, if fear of entangling with state matters had not moved ●hem thereunto. ancient, learned, wise and graver sort did ever dislike with such kind of dealings, scil. Cardinal Allan that renowned prelate, he even wept of tender love to his country, in conceiting what mischiefs the jesuited Spanish faction had bred and would hereafter breed to this realm: and Doctor Watson then Bishop of Lincoln, with others (as it were presaging or prophesying) in plain terms foretold it: that as things than stood the jesuits progress in statizing as they did, would certainly urge the state to make some sharper laws which should not only touch them: but likewise all other both priests and catholics as since we all have found it to be most true: divers others also of sound judgement in forecasting what might happen by these rebellious, tumultuous, unpriestly, and irreligious courses: told father Parsons in plain terms that unless he did desist from those his unpriestlike affairs (whereof one was then to set her majesties crown on another's head as his letter to an Earl before mentioned declareth) they the said catholics would deliver him up into the hands of the civil magistrate to make him know they could and would, put a difference in discerning of a pretence, betwixt religion and treason; and that they did detest his platform and proceed to effectuate the same to the utter destruction, not conversion of our country. So also the succession of sorrows, which from time to time have fallen upon us all, and especially the most innocent most tormented, the false traitors flying away, casting of their load, and laying all upon their backs might worst and least desired, deserved, or demerited to have borne it, and leaving the guiltless blood to bleed, the harmless hearts to wring, the scrupulous catholics perplexed with many dilemmaes betwixt religion and loyalty, not knowing what to do; did plainly explain the case: when and how that posteriores cogitationes solent esse sapientiores: that though experience be called the mistress of fools, yet is she no foolish mistress: that the jesuitical plots for restoring religion in this land by surreptitiall excommunications, depositions, invasions, massacrings, murthoring, and other treacherous Catelinian conjurations and conspiracies were not sanctified nor blessed by the hand of God: and that happy had we all been, that are catholics borne under England's allegiance, if these men being priests and religious persons by profession (as the jesuits in their folly would be counted of in chief) had never troubled themselves with state affairs, nor procured by execution and practice of excommunication a firebrand of a bloody contentious dispute, to be cast amongst us. And as no doubt the original cause of religious change, came for the offences of our forefathers to be radicated in the mournful effects we now behold, both clergy and laity highly offending: so the succceding occasions of erroneous conceits, hath been our own faults, in treading our forefather's steps in this point of private respects, self conceits, and high aspires. So as justly we may say, Non sumus digni à Deo exaudiri: but rather and most true it is that nostris demeritis meremur puniri: and that the fault is not in her Majesty, nor honourable Council, nor civil magistrate, nor all, nor any of our adversaries: but in ourselves, that England is not yet converted, and our persecution of long time still increased, scil. by reason of some seditious persons, and others that followed them with indiscreet zeal, and those that were in expectance of great matters by a change, converting their thoughts from heavenly hopes to earthly hazards: employing their studies, how to compass their own ambitious advancements: God highly offended to see his blessings and graces lost and taken from amongst us for our forefather's sins, to be gone about by the like and worse proceed, to have it restored again. It could not otherwise choose but grievously offend the divine majesty, and until the archplotters of this preposterous course for our country's conversion, were either cut off, or otherwise had humbled themselves: and (surceasing from all ambitious aspires) sought sincerely the health of souls, not heaps of gold; England should never be converted. But we all die and pine away, leaving the achievement to those that shall succeed in our places, when we are all dead and gone. That the jesuits of the more fiery, hot, and Puritanian humour may not snuff at the quiet that catholics are here said to have liue● in eleven years, you shall hear the very words of two of their great Rabbis Parsons & Creswels' speaking to her Majesty in a Puritanian style, as followeth. In the beginning of thy kingdom thou didst deal something more gently with catholics, none were urged by thee, or pressed either to thy sect, or to the denial of their faith. All things in deed did seem to proceed in a far milder course, no great complaints were heard of, no extraordinary contentions or repugnancies. Some there were that to please & gratify you, went to your churches. But when afterwards thou didst begin to wring them etc. Which whensoever it was, we were the cause, as the attempts in France and Scotland make it manifest. This then being the course and cause of human hopes, our hearts do bleed to read and hear (as sundry of us have) what hath been printed and published out of Italy in the life of Pius Quintus concerning the endeavours of his holiness (stirred up by false suggestions) to join with the king of Spain for the utter ruin and overthrow both of our prince and country. Would God such things had never been enterprised, and more, that they had never been printed: but most of all that they never had fronted our native shores. And if Parsons and his associates had not busied themselves with that they should nor, than had we not now meddled in this place with that we would not: as whereunto for a just defence of all loyal catholic subjects, ignorant of Parsons and his complices drifts, we are now constrained to make appeals, apologies and replies. For what good soever the first or again renewing of the excommunication, the printing & reprinting of state books and other practices may bring hereafter to the Church of God: we neither see it, neither know it. But sure we are that for the present, nothing hath done us greater harm, nor given our common enemies greater advantages against us. It is elsewhere set down how that her Majesty used us kindly for the space of the first ten years of her highness reign, the state of the catholics in England that while was tolerable, and after a sort in some good quiet. Such as for their conscience were imprisoned or in durance, were very mercifully dealt withal (the state and change of things then considered) some being appointed to remain with such their friends as they themselves made choice of: others were placed with Bishops, and others with Deans, and had their diets at their tables with such convenient walks and lodgings as did well content them. They that were in ordinary prisons, had all such liberty and commodities as the place and their estate could afford them: yea even thus much and more doth Parsons confess in his Philopater: as also father Creswell in his Scribe to the like effect: though both very rude, peremptory and saucy in their speech to her Majesty, with thou didst this, and thou didst that &c. And Parsons in Grenecoate makes the case clear especially for state matters, though he turn his passage there against the Earl of Leicester, to a wanton speech as delivered from a Lady of the Court: how great quiet the state and Court was in, for twelve years space: no talk of treasons nor conspiracies, no jealousies nor suspicions, no envy nor supplantations, no fear of murtherings nor massacrings, no question of conscience nor religion, all lived in quiet content, and right good fellowship was amongst them, both Lords and Ladies, wives and maidens, nobles and gentles, knights and esquires, married and single, of all degrees: a joy it was to have been in the Court in those days (saith Parsons in that Lady's name, whose words moved much the company where she was (as women saith he, are potent in moving where and when they please) she did deliver her mind with so sweet a countenance and courtly a grace etc.) Now whiles you were (say our adversaries) thus kindly used of her highness, how treacherously was she dealt withal by you? For what had you to do being catholics and religious priests, as jesuits term themselves, with spreading pamphlets, libels, and other fooleries abroad of any misdemeanour in her majesties subjects and peers of the realm? You might have left such scoggerie as Parsons hath set out in Greenecoate, to Tarleton, Nashe, or else to some Puritan Martin Marprelate, or other like companions. And for you it was to have handled graver, higher and more important matters: and that concerning soul points, not subtleties nor new devices; much less to have dealt against her Majesty and the state in so traitorous a manner, as in a late treatise set out by our brethren, doth at large appear. Where to our unspeakable grief the world shall see, that we ourselves, who would be termed catholics, and that of all sorts, have been the true causes of all our own calamities. When I was examined before some of the high Commissioners at the Gildhall about 14. years agone, concerning matters of state, and especially about the six Interrogatories (which we commonly called the six bloody articles:) knowing myself innocent from the beginning of any the least disloyal thought: I have often since much mused with myself, what should have moved her majesties honourable Council to have proposed these articles to priests: but most of all why such strait laws were made for coming into England of seminaries priests, bringing in of Agnus Dei, crosses, medals, grains etc. reconcilement persuasions to the catholic faith, and the like: All which when I saw the books of the excommunication of her Majesty by Pius Quintus & divers others tending to that purpose written since, and withal had well considered what the jesuits dealing had been: how that they had procured these indulgences & pardons to serve their own turn therewith: I then well perceived upon what grounds the said six articles were built. And Master Bales a blessed martyr shall witness with me at the latter day, how woe my heart was, upon the last speech he and I had together (in the house of an honourable person where we met) about those and other matters: my last words being these unto him, scil. that his holiness was misinformed, and indirectly drawn to these courses by jesuitical means. And therefore of all other orders of religion (were I to go into any) I would never be jesuit whiles I lived. And this may suffice for the matter in question to convince any catholics true meaning heart, that the circumstances well considered (with all humble obedience to the See apostolic be it spoken) there neither was due circumstances in the Bull of Pius Quintus to bind any to withdraw their allegiance from our Sovereign, neither (and much less) was it convenient, that the same excommunication should have been renewed again. THE IX. ARTICLE. whether then seeing her Majesty and the state knew such practices were by priests and other catholics used and put in execution, and yet were ignorant who were of that faction more one than an other, till now of late that God hath most strangely, and in very deed (as it may he termed) miraculously revealed the truth, which long hath been hidden, to discern who are innocent and who free: may not then her laws and proceed against all catholics in general from the beginning of her highness reign to this present discovery of the treasons and traitors that urged it, be truly counted both mild and merciful. And that howsoever of her own accustomed innate royal disposition, benignity, clemency, her Highness may (and we should wrong our own conceits in prejudice of her sweet and Princely nature, if we should not think she would) now at length take pity of such her own catholic subjects, as have manifested their loyalty, innocency and ignorance, of what was intended against her royal person and state. Yet whether in tendering the afflictions which the innocent both secular priests & lay persons have sustained, by making such laws or provisoes, and adding them to the laws already made, as may free both the priests and those that receive them from the pains and penalties before by statute enacted against them all in general: may not for all that, the said former statutes, penal laws, and acts enacted, be thought to stand in force against the jesuitical faction? and no reason or sense to have them repealed, but both to have been made with great moderation, and also to stand and remain with as great policy in all or any wiseman's judgement, that shall duly consider the jesuits practices, and other her highness enemies against her person, state, and kingdom, in the course precedent of all this time. THE ANSWER. I Hold directly the affirmative part herein, scil. that both her majesties laws and proceed against all sorts of catholics, have been mild and merciful (the opinion and judgement of her Highness in religion one way, and their foresaid practices against her another way duly considered) and also that all the appellants and other priests and catholics that join with them in prosecuting that appeal, as there is just cause and many reasons (which we doubt not of, but that to her high prudence and Princely wisdom they will present themselves in laments, submissions, and tears on our behalfs, and in policy, mercy, and justice, on the part of her Highness towards us) why some provisoes should be made for securing of them the said appellants, and their associates, together with those that do, or shall receive them hereafter, from danger of the foresaid penal laws: so have they and we all that be catholics in England this day, as great motives, causes, and reasons moving us to admire: that ever any of us are left on live to make known to all posterity what hath happened in our days, the like wonders having never hitherto as yet been seen, as our wretched age hath left recorded to those shall follow us by succeeding turns of nature's course to the world's end. And by consequent, we cannot urge an absolute repeal of any former statute, or penal law, so long as any jesuit or other priest, or lay person of their faction (which I hope would be very few, if any were after they were gone) shall remain within the land: but think ourselves happy and deeply bound to her Majesty, if a proviso only may be made in form aforesaid, to keep the innocent harmless, though with an other proviso also or stricter statute (if stricter may be) for the utter expelling of all jesuits out of the land. And for to make this my opinion sink the deeper into all catholics heads and hearts, that either are infected with the Spanish pip, or otherwise jesuited in affection or faction, I must and do crave pardon for enlarging myself a little in handling this subject to the purpose, and agreeing to their capacity. Often have many wise, learned, and prudent, greatly mused what should have been the cause (in moral sense to speak to men) of the heavy and sore affliction of catholics in England for many years, yea it hath been thought of many great clerks (yet with pardon craved ignorant of our English cases, as hereafter will appear) that the circumstances considered, as the occurrents came to their minds, that their persecution in the primitive church was not greater (if so great) respecting the danger of soule-wracke, than the persecution in England hath been for these twenty years space and upward, to wit, since the infortunate arrival of the jesuits in this land. The causes moving many to admire thereat, and in multitudes of vollees in mournful sighs and sorrows, hurled out with wail one to another grieving (when wise, devout, & true compassionates of their country's miseries met together) that for our own and our forefathers sins, so heavy a scourge should be laid upon our nation, our dear countrymen, our flesh and blood, our nearest linked unto us, often times our greatest lothers. Amongst others these were the causes of their wonder, how it should be. First, they considered with how great a sympathy all concord, natural incline and reciprocal affection, It is no marvel though the jesuits be so eager of England as they are, and that they hazard body, soul and all they have or can be able to make to have it wholly theirs. For considering the poor lodgings, scarcity of victuals, and uncomfortable travel in other countries, as in Spain, constrained to carry their meat with them, otherwise to fast for three or four days space. In Scotland but poor lodging (God wots) and little better than Spain affordeth: In France & Flaunders not that civil order for bed or board as England yieldeth, and in all other nations compare their diet, their lodging, their entertain with the English, and certainly you shall find a stately difference, no where to be in all this realm, unless upon the wastes or borders and scant there) but you shall have lodging and entertain sit for any noble or state, within ten miles of that place where ever it be you are in▪ yea the common Inns on London way through Watlingstreete, or the four forced ways on every side, east, west, north and south, being sit & furnished to give better entertain to any prince in Christendom, than most nobles are in other nations. Therefore respecting worldly pomp and pleasure, happy were the jesuits faction (but unhappy all others besides) if they might once bring this flourishing English kingdom to be a defamed Spanish province. had ever been noted in former ages betwixt the sovereigns and subjects of this land. And that howsoever some princes had tyrannised over some few stumbling blocks that stood in their way, as impediments to their quiet reign (at least in their conceit) and other private persons had proved traitors & rebels: yet in general you shall not find that ever the subjects of England sought the death of their kings: or that the kings did tyrannize over the multitude, but the battle once ended, were they civil broils as the Baron's wars, and the contention for the crown betwixt the two houses of York and Lancaster etc. or foreign hostility, as those betwixt the Empress and king Stephen, and betwixt king john of England, and prince Lewes of France and others. Now then, seeing never any sovereign regnant in this land was ever holden to be of a more princely, magnifical, merciful, flexible, sweet, loving, compassionate, and tender inclination, than her Majesty is of, to take pity and pardon, to receive into grace and favour, and to win the hearts of subjects by lenity and gentle means: And again for as much as never was the multitudes and subjects in general of this land (I speak it of catholics, to mine own knowledge of many loyal hearts as well as of the rest) more serviceable, loyal, faithful, and affectionate, nor more willing to die at their prince's feet, or in their Sovereign's just quarrel, and cause any where, than they have been hitherto under her Majesty, and are still to this present: That all this notwithstanding so sore an affliction, so long imprisonments, so continual search, so many sessions, assizes, arraignments, losses of lands, goods, lives, and all should be by laws penal made against catholic Recusants, many are moved on both sides, scil. as well on the behalf of her majesties mercy, as of her truest subjects loyalty to wonder at it. Secondly, they had read the last will & testament of king William the Conqueror, and what his first passage of speech was in his last passage of life to king Henry the first, and duke Robert Curthoys his sons: to wit, that the English natures were noble, generous, and gentle in themselves, fierce, hot, and valiant in the field, loving, loyal, serviceable, and faithful to their prince: Always provided, that their Sovereigns used them as children not as slaves, for free borne denizens they are, & with enjoying their Franchises and liberties, they will perform more than the most on their prince and country's behalf, whereas the Normane (said he again) being a proud stubborn, but yet a servile las●e people, not carrying those generous minds which the English carry in all their actions must be kerbed, holden in, and still kept short: otherwise they will do nothing, nor regard either their prince his honour, or their country's weal. The council of this prudent prince caused a like respect in government to be had of these two nations, agreeing to their natural dispositions of all the succeeding kings and Queens that ever hitherto have reigned in this land: no nation under heaven bearing the port and countenance in general which the English carry. The retinue of our English nobles is comparable in pomp and show of honour. with prince's courts in foreign countries: our gentles are their nobles equals, in service & offices belonging to noble bloods, & generous hearts. Yea many knights and esquires in England, are able to dispend more than sundry Lords, Barons, viscounts, and Earls in other countries. And our Frankelings, Gentlemen untriall, or substantial Yeomen may be compared with the greatest Gentles in other nations, as their fellows for entertainment: either respecting the multitude of servants, service and attendance given to guests at their table, or in their chamber, or the great good cheer with variety of dishes, and those well and cleanly dressed and served in, with great and many civil ceremonies, or conveniences either of lodgings within, or walks without their houses, or other commodities attendant on pomp and port, that either may yield content, delight, or recreation to their friends: yea in sundry farmers houses in England you shall find better entertainment than the most part of ordinary Nobles in most kingdoms of the world is able to afford. This then being so, their liberties and immunities being so many, their loyalty so firm, their service so faithful: their education and bringing up so free, their inheritance, freehold, demesnes and rents so great and extraordinary duly considered: And aswell the high wisdom of her Majesty on the one side, as the free education of her subjects on the other side well weighed; especially in that an English nature even in the meanest member of the body political (scil. in the communality) is in this respect noble, free, of high courage, and not able to endure lingering deaths, torments, gusts and griefs as other people are: that notwithstanding her loyal subjects, as well noble as ignoble should be put to those exigents that catholics have a long time been put unto, the world hath mused and admired at it. Thirdly, they looked back sometime into the ages, acts, and reigns of Nero, of Dioclesian, of Commodus, of Probus, of Heliogabal, of Maximilian the Emperor and others: and read the histories and apologies of Damascen, of justine, of Athenagoras, of Tertullian, of Epiphanius, of Eusebius and others: wherein they found sundry reasons and motives as they thought not a little to move these heathen Emperors to lenity & mercy: which books and apologies often took effect as written to that end, but not as father Parsons Philopater. or father Creswels' Scribe, or father Southwels Epistle to her Majesty are written: always in accusing or reproving some one, or many, or all her highness nobles and civil magistrates: a very indiscreet part in them how true soever the reports had been; our frowned on state considered, and that we were to seek the favour of all, not to exasperate any especially so near her Majesty as those were etc. But amongst many worthy examples and reasons alleged by these ancient fathers to the heathen emperors in the primitive Church, why they should grant liberty of conscience to Christians: arguments deduced from policy, civility, humanity, and their own princely benignity (for they not accustomed with matters of faith, religion & conscience being infidels, only moral, civil, political, and human respects, such as some sparks of Synderesis, & the laws of reason, of nature and nations are in man) were motives to moon them to surcease from persecution, or else nothing. Of all the rest Athenagoras in his Apology to the emperor Commodus on the behalf of the Christians frameth his speech to the best construction and fitliest agreeing to the matter now in question, to the judgement of many on the English catholics behalf to our Sovereign. For the sum of Athenagoras speech consisting (as it doth) in this: that one and a chief reason why the emperor should grant free use and liberty of conscience to the Christians, was for that, his Majesty together with all his predecessors, freely granted the same freedom to all other sects, sectaries, professors of religion, and worshippers of sundry gods and goddesses, as far different in the worship done to, and derogating from the Majesty and honour of Caesar, as the God of the Christians, or worship done unto him did or could any way differ or derogate. And seeing that every particular province, country and people had their peculiar gods to themselves, whom they worshipped with a kind of singularity used in one thing or other towards them, that others wanted, where ever they went or lived either in the province of their birth, or else transported to some region further of, or nearer hand, and yet never once examined nor asked the question why they did so: then ab inductione, Athenagoras did conclude even iure gentium, that the Christians throughout the emperor's dominions, aught to have the like liberty, toleration and connivence granted them. Whereupon our catholics in England bringing in an argument à simili, that if there w●re reason why the Emperor should permit the Christian religion as well as other religions opposite to the Roman rites in gentilism, that were then allowed of, with all their pluralities: of like sort then say ours; seeing her Majesty permitteth Puritans, Brownists (or Barowists) Familians, etc. to live quiet within her dominions; it were agreeing as well to mercy suited always best with majesty, as also to, if not our just, yet our lawful desires, for to have the like liberty, or at least not to be haunted with continual search, hazard of life, ordinary taxations and losses of lands and goods taken from them, as the catholic recusants are and have been long in these vexations, troubles and dangers, from whence all other are free. Amidst this argument they urge further: for that the emperors in those days were heathen, our Sovereign a Christian; theirs often stranger's to the Romans, yea always strangers to one nation or other, over which they governed, especially during the reigns of some thirty emperors, even until Constantine the great his time (by reason that the imperial crown of Caesar went by mere election that while, whereupon followed so many bloody murders, massacrings, and open wars against one another, for aspiring to the imperial sovereignty. Here one proclaimed emperor in the field by a rabble of unruly soldiers; there another denounced, installed and crowned emperor by the Senate, and he sometimes an Italian, otherwhile a Spaniard, otherwhile a Frenchman, than a Britain borne in this land, and after that perhaps a Grecian &c:) Whereas now our Lady and Sovereign, is of our own nation, birth, blood, education, natural incline, and all things to move to lenity. Again their pluralities of gods and diversities of worships, sacrifices, and ceremonies tended only to points of religion, sects and opinions amongst themselves, no way otherwise derogating to the imperial crown of Caesar: But these in England (which yet as I said are permissible) differ not only, all of them in general, from the present church of England, yea, and one from another in matters of faith, and points of religion beside, as much as the catholics do differ from the Protestants, if not more; but even also in matters of state in the highest degree: the Puritans as eagerly seeking and wishing the death of her Majesty, and both writing and speaking as boldly unto her as any traitor ever did or durst speak to his prince, and yet they are permitted to live and enjoy their liberty, whereas the catholics can not be any way endured: which to nations abroad giveth no little cause of admiration. Fourthly, they otherwhiles turned over their books, wherein they had registered the imperial decrees of Caesar, and finding amongst other points of importance belonging to this great cause of our heaviness and wonder, how that ever so sore an affliction of catholics should have fallen out in our infortunate age, and that in our native country, and amongst our own dearest and nearest friends, by all conjunctions of laws, orders & motives, they had there quoted how that in time of Arrianisme & other afflictions & persecutions of the church under julian, under Valens, under Constans, under Constantius, under Theodoret and others the like: when the same emperors were fautors, yea and earnest persecutuors, protectors and patrons of the catholics adversaries, and that all the Christian world was infected with those heresies, which continued 400. years ere they were quite extinct: yet were these great monarchs and mighties of the world so far from inflicting such a general affliction upon all catholics in those days, as now the English catholics do sustain; that they thought it enough to have them, and that but in some places, for to be deprived of their Benefices, Bishoprics, and other as well ecclesiastical as temporal dignities and offices, suffragating Arrian Bishops and others in their places, without further taxes laid upon them, or other troubles and vexations in general. For what was done in special against Saint Silvester, and Saint Silverius martyr; against Saint Basill and Saint Martin martyr; against Saint john and Saint Donatus both martyrs: against Saint Athanasius, Saint Chrysostom and others, it was of private grudge and no general cause. Nay, which was more, even those same emperors that persecuted the catholics most; yet often of their own princely benignity and mere motion, proceeding of their innate clemency; they would and did authorize, grant, and make offer from their imperial throne to sundry catholic Bishops and other prelates, even under their hands. (For as I said before in places, provinces and countries further of, though subject to the Roman empire, there was no question made of having catholics or Arrian Bishops equally & alike, as the number of the one or other religions did sway most) that they might use their Episcopal jurisdictions and other rites and ceremonies agreeing to the custom of the catholic church etc. And at Milan, at Antioch, at Constantinople and elsewhere, were sometimes offers, and often grants made to catholics to have their churches & chapels to themselves apart from the Arrians and other infested enemies of the catholics, suffering them (the said clergy on both sides) to do it by dispitions amongst themselves, never persecuting any catholic for that cause, unless some special grudge or occasion of high displeasure taken by the emperors against some particular person (which for the most part proceeded on the Arrians behalf and suggestion made by them) had moved them to the contrary. Which being so, and that the princely disposition and royal heart of our Sovereign is behind none of the worthiest emperors that ever sat enthronized with imperial crown, for a flexible, mild free nature, and sweet incline to mercy, bounty, pity, grace, pardon, favour and compassion taken of her subjects (be as they be may) in different affections of religion aliened from her, together with her magnificency, liberality and majesty equalling, (if not before them) either great Alexander or julius the worthy Caesar. Of which two, although it were said of the former in Greece, and of the latter in Rome: that Alexander the Conqueror in using liberality, and julius Caesar in pardoning of injuries, none ever equalled or at least went before them: yet was it spoken (and so it is understood) of precedent ages, not of future heroeces: we no way yielding in our heaviest thoughts, of heart burning griefs sustained, to hear our noble Elizabeth, prince peregall, paramount and paragon, the so admired at Saba of Europe's England, as all the world hath wondered, at her more than ordinary endowments of princely nature: otherwise accounted of, then as a Sance-pere: giving place to none of former present or future times, persons or ages, for and in all points attending at the gates of royal honour or throne of regal Majesty. That then notwithstanding all this: her Highness worn out subjects, suppliants, poor afflicted catholics in her prisons, in durance, dangers, and distress every where, should have so hard a hap, as not only to be deprived of all ecclesiastical and temporal dignities, offices, preferments any manner of way, which yet were more tolerable, as a thing they nothing less expect, wish for, or desire; it being so, that both clergy and laity of the catholics take it as a sweet chastisement and fatherly scourge sent them from God, to be humbled with so heavy a downfall; but also (which doth grieve them most) to live in sorrow, heaviness, and suspicion had of their unattainted loyalties in general, for some private offences in special: that they of all other should feel the force of these unaccustomed frowns: which pierce those hearts the deepest, whose faithful services have been dearest to their Sovereigns, in their own and their forefathers days: That not one noble will speak for them: that no solace should be left them: no comfort ever afforded them: no hope at all this long time given them, of ever receiving a glimpse or glance of those accustomed gracious smiles, which ordinarily do flow in pearld streams, from lion's heart, of truest gold gushing out at silver lymbecks, of eagles eyes all royal in their rareness: That this should be all catholics heavy case: her highness a prince, and second to none in majesty, mercy, and magnificency: her catholic subjects seconded with as few for service, submission and loyalty: and yet that they should be put from time to time to such sore trials, and endure so many calamities, is a suitable cause with the rest of admiration and wonder. Fiftly, they sometimes cast their eyes aside to Turks, to Persians, to all Pagan provinces, to see if they can espy any one sect, profession, or professors of religion, tossed, turmoiled, and tormented as the English are, and throughout all this vast Macrocosm, they find not one pattern, sampler, nor example left to posterity to be recorded like to ours. The Sophy indeed hath a long time had great and mortal wars with the Ottomane race, family, and successors in the Turkish tribe; so hath great Mogor, great Cam of Catay, Presbyter john, and other monarchs adjoining and affronting him: but yet omitting the general contention amongst the Mahometans about the heirs of Ella, and the body of Mahomet: there is a liberty granted for religion to all men, in a sort more tolerable then in England is to be heard of for catholics to enjoy. The very Turk (who hath the straightest laws) forbiddeth indeed all talk, disputation, or controversy to be about religion: but yet he permitteth either Christians or any other to live quiet under him, using their own rites, service, and ceremonies, for paying a certain yearly tribute: which is not much more than catholics pay in England, even to their natural Prince and Sovereign, and yet cannot have the like security, safety, and quiet, from inferior officers: but still in one place or other within her majesties dominions they are piled and bold to the uttermost: So as when all is quiet at London, then are they aloft in Yorkshire, and throughout the North: when quiet there, then up in Wales, and the marches that way. And thus persecution running per circulum, the land never wholly at rest and quiet: these things many learned men and others have wondered at, not knowing what were the causes. Sixtly, sometimes those grave and reverend prelates cast back their eyes to these our latter ages and present times wherein now we live, and to the bordering kingdoms and princes round about us, to see whether any like to these our English miseries and catholic distresses can be found. And in Germany howsoever there be some slackness and dislikes at their Diets and election of their Caesar: yet in civil conversation one with another, and for life, government and order, the emperor though a catholic findeth as great service and concord amongst his subjects, and they again use and enjoy all their immunities, freedoms and liberties with as great content and quiet living in one Province, in one city, in one town, in one street, yea and in one house sometimes together of different, as if they were all of one mind, faith, and religion. In France we see what liberty of conscience wrought. Did it not as well animate the Hugonites to join with king Henry of the house of Valois then a catholic in show, howsoever the jesuits censure of his heart, as it did of like sort the catholics to join with the now most Christian and catholic king Henry the 4. then a Protestant? yea, & did they not stick as sure & fast to his christian Majesty, as if he had been of their own catholic religion & profession, & that with as great alacrity of mind, in regard of his present right to that crown, and their future hopes of his conversion to their church and faith, as afterward it happened God sweetly so disposing: that he who could not by rough handling be made flexible by experience of his subjects loyalty, is of a lion become a lamb. In few, we see in Polony, in Sweden, in Scotland, in Flaunders and every where, that catholics are together with those of other professions, sects, and opinions, unless it be where only the Consistorian Calvinian, Cartwrightian puritans rule the roast, and that a company of ministers, or exorbitant superintendants overtop both Prince, prelate, and all, as in Scotland and at Geneva, etc. Otherwise all kings and princes of this age have judged it in policy the fittest, wisest, safest, and most honourable and princely course they could have taken: to grant liberty of conscience to their subjects. Which seeing our sovereign Queen Elizabeth hath not granted, and yet is known to be in her own high towering princely wisdom of as high a pitch, sound and deep conceit, censure, and judgement: in reach not to be seconded of any of these: adding hereunto, that for government of her land, for policy in her state, for nobleness in her court, her Highness hath the choice of as fine, delicate and dainty breed of gallant, grave, quick wits as Europe, nay as Africa, nay as Asia, nay as the world this day enjoys. The Italian, the Spaniard, the Polonian, the Sweden, the Moscovite, the Turk, the Persian, and who not is willing to advance her majesties meanest sort of subjects, sometime to the highest types of honour, to win them wholly to be theirs, to learn wit, sleight, and policy out of their practice and experience. These Boreas blasted lads, borne under the Britain Ocean, able to fire with their wits the hot climatical Southern Sages: witness our Stukeleyes, our Candishes, our Furbishers, our Drakes, our Hills, our Sherleys, our Parsons, etc. All these circumstances duly weighed: that this heavy yoke should be laid by so merciful, wise, and prudent a prince, upon the weak necks of her poor subjects with weight importable for them to carry, unless her highness should stretch forth her accustomed Atlantike arms of clemency, to support them before they sink down right under their burden. That this severity should be more used against catholics in England, then either any catholic king or prince of other professions, either Christian or heathen use against either subjects or foreigners of contrary religions unto the said princes throughout the world this day: This is the point which many stand upon in admiring how ever things should have come to that pass they are at in England concerning the affliction of catholics, and cannot find out the causes. This then to make manifest to all the world by an historical discourse, and that howsoever we have matter enough against our adversaries even for religions sake, yet neither to aggravate more than is necessary, nor to accuse further than is expedient: nor to excuse more than is convenient: nor yet to lay the fault of any that is faultless: therefore shall it be made known, that as the affliction of catholics in England hath been in very deed extraordinary as is here set down, and many an innocent man lost his life: so also hath the cause thereof been extraordinary; and so far beyond the accustomed occasions of persecution given to any prince in christendom, or monarchy, that is, or ever was in the world to this hour (unless the Puritans of Scotland, which may in some sort equal the offence here to be set down) as rather it is to be wondered at (all things duly considered) that any one catholic is left on live in England, then that our persecution hath been so great: for name one nation (I know none can) under heaven, where the subjects (especially if they were catholics) ever sought the death of their Sovereign (though of a different religion from them) the conquest of their native land, the subversion of the state, the depopulation of the weal public, the alteration & change of all laws, customs, & orders, & in few the utter devastation, desolation, & destruction of all the ancient inhabitants of their land, in so unnatural, unchristian, uncatholike a manner, as the Spanish faction have sought it in our own flesh and blood against this realm: which treacherous courses, although they were but some few and those private persons offences: and by consequent in a court of conscience, and in rigour of justice, the rest neither acting, nor concurring, nor consenting to their conspiracies; were innocent and no way to be used with that severity as many catholics have been. Yet forasmuch as the pretences of such practices were general and common to all catholics alike: all maintaining one and the same opinion concerning what might be done by apostolical power and authority, and never talking of what was necessary: therefore was it that her Majesty and the state standing on the other side affected in religion as they did: had both cause to judge secundum allegata & probata in foro externo, and also can not otherwise be thought of, but that the circumstances on all sides considered, as well making for her own security, as also for a Non-knowledge, what catholics were guilty, and who were free; her majesties laws and proceed against catholics have been both mild and merciful. And as we are to think (in deed) our hap now to be hard if no mitigation nor proviso should be made for the innocent (now that the way and means is known for discovery of traitors, & distinguishing betwixt state catholics & catholic loyal subjects: so also are we to give her highness humble thanks for our lives, that we were not all cut off, whiles no difference was made, put, nor known betwixt the secular priests & jesuits: & that we have been permitted to live to this happy hour, of manifesting our catholic constancy & obedience to the See apostolic in all our actions, and our natural loyalty and serviceable hearts to our Prince and country in all our proceed, in neither staining our catholic religion with unnatural treason, nor priestly function with factious dispositions and state affairs. But of this matter I will here be silent: referring you to a treatise lately set out by my brethren, entitled Important considerations, etc. whereunto I have prefixed an Epistle. By both which you may see at large what statizing by acts, words, and writings in most treacherous and treasonable manner hath been against her Majesty, against the present state, against the whole commonwealth, against us all without exception her highness loyal and natural subjects, of what religion soever we be, which seeing her Princely heart, hath forborn as no Sovereign on earth would ever have suffered the like to have past unpunished as she hath, I must conclude and end as we began, that her laws and proceed have been both mild and merciful. THE X. ARTICLE. whether then (the premises considered) is it fit that catholics should send their children and friends to be brought up in the Seminaries beyond the seas or not? If not, then how should the salt of the earth be kept uncorrupted or the seed of priesthood be continued for restoring of the catholic Roman faith in England: And if so that they be sent, then how should her Majesty and the state here be satisfied or moved to mitigate the former several laws made against them and all catholics for their jesuitical crimes. THE ANSWER. THis Interrogatory is indeed a very doubtful Dilemma in a sequel to great sense: respecting what hath been said in the last article. For kings have ever been jealous of their estates: have and do orderly take any occasion to prevent the worst: and none hath ever had greater cause than her Majesty hath had to suspect her catholic subjects loyalty in general, for some private and peculiar jesuitical treasons, wrought against her royal person and state in special: they still practising and we still punished: they only faulty, and we commonly smarting for their offences: they still attempting, and the catholics cause daily more and more endangered and hindered by them▪ And again the jealousy had of us all is greatly increased, by these three heads viz. One in that it is apparent that the Seminaries in Spain were intended by father Parsons of purpose to cause a conquest and to bring this land into bondage and slavery of the Spaniard: An other in that he being Rector of the Seminary at Rome, all that come there must dance after his pipe or else woe be to them etc. The third, for that all school Divinity being banished out of the Seminary at Douai (because saith Parsons Scientia inflat) his subject Doctor Woorthington must teach them to practise what he will have them in England else get they no faculties. Which things occasionating a marvelous great suspicion to be had of all catholics by the state, and thereby withal increasing our manifold dangers on every side: it makes the case very doubtful what to think of continuance of the Seminaries being all now under these bloody cruel hearted traitorous and most unnatural, irreligious and consciencelesse jesuits tyrannical government. Therefore to the article thus I answer. First, that I am not of their opinion who hold that the said English Seminaries at Rome and Rheims were ordained of purpose to train up seditious youths (as our adversaries say) and after some time to send them into England to move rebellion. Secondly, I am fully persuaded that his holiness Pope Gregory the thirteenth and some others had very sincere hearts in the erecting of them, and were far from any intent to have the Seminary priests of England brought up there in any treacherous or traitorous manner, but in a most holy, religious and virtuous course of life, study, and exercise: as Cardinal Allane in his apology doth demonstrate. Thirdly, no man shall be able to write that commendation of their doings therein, whereunto I will not most willingly subscribe, and avow whiles breath is in my body, or life doth last in me. Yet all this notwithstanding as the case is now with the said Seminaries, I am of opinion (setting aside the said holy intent and godly institution) that no catholics aught to send their children or friends thither. First, because they are greatly degenerated (though the time be not long since they were erected) from their primitive foundation and intent of the founders. Secondly, they were ordained for the training up of the best wits to be secular priests: but now they are abused to the increasing of the number of the jesuits. Thirdly, true cases of conscience, school divinity, positive exercises for matters of controversy in religion, and other studies of humanity beside were there taught: but now their heads must be filled with treacheries, equivocations, dissimulation, hypocrisy and all kind of falsehood: otherwise they are not fit disciples of jesuitical traitors nor fit for to be of the Spaniards faction. Fourthly, the jesuits have gotten into their hands the government of the same Seminaries: who being very odious men to divers states will bring likewise a detestation of all such priests as shallbe brought up underneath them. Fiftly, we find by experience that the jesuits here in England do therefore challenge superiority and precedency of the secular priests, because whilst they were in the Seminaries they were brought up and trained by them: which tendeth to the great derogation of the secular priesthood. Sixtly, although her Majesty and the state hitherto have not dealt so roughly either with priests or other catholics as they might have done: yet knowing now that our english students being brought up by Parson's direction chief, and that in their missions hither his manner is to bind them to set out the said Infantaes title as is before expressed: it cannot choose but that the state will proceed against them as they shallbe taken with greater severity. Seventhly, whereas heretofore it was made only subject to a pecuniary mulet for any catholic to send their sons or friends beyond the seas: if hereafter a law be made to inflict the same punishment upon such as send youths thither: who can justly take exception to it? And the rather can they not take exception to such a law: because of the punishment that is already ordained for those that shall receive priests from thence. Now for the last point in the article: my opinion is and I verily think that all catholic English subjects, priests or lay persons (that are not to too much bewitched with jesuitisme) are of my mind: that all faithful catholics (the premises considered) are bound in conscience to become most humble suitors to his holiness for the removing of all jesuits not only out of England (where they have already wrought all our woes) but even also from intermeddling in any sort with the said Seminaries in any place beyond the seas. Or if they cannot be heard through the Machiavellian practices of the jesuits (as questionless what the malice of the devil, or wit of his fowl instrument Parsons can invent shallbe urged to the uttermost to stop this course): then they are to fall to their prayers that God himself will thrust out labourers into this vineyard: and draw the hearts of the students in our own universities here in England: to receive and embrace the catholic faith, if not in general (which we heartily wish and pray for) yet in some certain colleges either in the one or the other: And withal for the better hope thereof to commence our humble suit unto her Majesty, joining thereunto our hearty prayers, that God of his mercy would vouchsafe to incline her princely heart to grant us some college or other house fit for that purpose, with free leave to teach and read such lectures as may be fitting for our profession, and for to withdraw and take away all occasions or necessities of sending any of our friends beyond the seas. In which most pious, politic and honourable act (fitly agreeing to her Majesty, and magnificency, and granted even of heathen princes to christian priests and prelates) her Highness should not only merit lasting fame, renown; and memory to all posterity, but even also thereby cut off occasions of infection with jesuitical conspiracies ever hereafter: when as such seditious rotten weeds should be rooted out, which both endanger her royal person and present state, and bring us all her faithful subjects to be suspected by their means. And as for study, learning, and other catholic exercises, let this good motive (dear catholics) be no way heavily taken, nor rashly censured: as though there were no learning nor method of teaching, nor any government or virtuous exercise, but where a jesuite bears the stroke. For know you this, that as there are their betters in England and out of it that are no jesuits, even of our own nation this day in all things required in teachers, masters, and governors: so before ever any jesuits came or were in rerum natura, the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge flourished amongst the most famous schools in Christendom: either for school method or positive doctrine in Divinity, Philosophy, or any other study. And seeing it cannot be denied but that for all the jesuits boast of their learning, government, method of teaching, and I can not tell what: yet still have the seculars & Seminary priests been the chief Readers & profoundest Clarks either in Divinity or philosophy, that have gone out of our Nation in these days: witness our alan, our Stapletons', our Giffords, our Hardings, our parkinson's, our Elyes, our Kellingsons', with sundry other Doctors & schoolmen (to omit, those that are in England at this present, together with divers religious Englishmen of S. benedict's, of S. Dominicks, of S. Frances, and of other religious orders:) all of them to be preferred before our new illuminates these vainglorious vaunting men. Besides we see that for all our Seminaries under the jesuits, yet the most famous men from time to time have been brought up under the secular clergy, or the Dominican preachrers and teachers in all nations. Also it is well known, that there is nothing wanting in our Universities here in England for making profound clarks and learned men in deed: save only that sound catholic doctrine and school method which was used in Gabrell Beoll, in Alexander of Hales, and in john Scots days. For otherwise never was there a finer breed of wits, nor braver Orators, nor more pleasant Poets, nor perfecter Grammarians, nor more copious Linguists, nor riper men in all studies of humanity, then are brought up in our English Universities. Therefore seeing that which is wanting might be supplied by catholic doctors and teachers of our own nation (any jesuits equals) and that we see sundry of the finest wits resort to our side daily, notwithstanding all these either contentions betwixt us and the jesuits, or yet the present affliction and danger we all do live in of our common adversaries: then think (dear catholics) as true it is, that there can no question be made of it to the contrary, but that where one cometh now unto us, there would then come ten of all sorts, by such careful diligence and choice of tutors as upon this so gracious a grant (O happy who may live to see it) of her Majesty, might be used both in Oxford and Cambridge; as that you might have your children there inclined and trained up with some such good conceits of the catholic faith and religion, as nourished and cherished therein by you that are their friends in natural love and affection, and confirmed by us that are priests, as in christian charity and catholic duty we are bound: there would quickly follow a joyful forgetfulness of the jesuits exile, as the perturbers of both the catholic church and England's commonwealth, and ruin of us all if they remain amongst us. And thus having brought this long, tedious, intricate, and most dangerous, difficult, and doubtful Quodlibet of plots, by statizing to an end in some sort, though not half so much said herein, as both the weight of the matter itself doth require, and also as willing I was and am to have written thereof, as well in respect of justice as of charity (both moving me to speak:) were I not infringed upon other considerations justly compelling me to silence. Therefore unwilling to hold you any longer in this so uncomfortable a party, as necessarily the talk of these matters must needs be to many devout souls, which no doubt will be assaulted with variable cogitations in the peruse of this discourse, woe be to them who have occasioned such strait passages of our heaviness: I now end in hearty prayer upon my knees, that God may turn all to his glory, as well for religion as state: and so proceed to other matters in hand. THE ARGUMENT OF THE NINTH GENERAL QVODLIBET. Having said more in the last Quodlibet than I shall have thanks for at the jesuits hands, but that I am john Indifferent and a Wilful Will, that will never force a friend nor fear a foe in an act of public justice: as I hold it for such that a greater act both of justice & of chatity could not be, than (if my poor conceits by pen expressed can do it) to defend God's cause & quarrel, my prince & countries right, the gaulelesse catholics innocent hearts: and to ferret these coney-catching jesuits out of conceit from all English berries or warrens, that carry either oil of perfect charity in their lamps, or fire of true catholic zeal within their breasts, or natural affection to their prince, their country, their parents, children, flesh and blood, their dearest friends. Hereupon there doth occur to my memory two general Quodlibets which make as much for our purpose as any we have hitherto handled, scil. to make known to the world the surmised form, (but in deed very weak) foundation the jesuits have laid, especially this most Atheall Polypragmon father Parsons) to perfect the platform of statizing mentioned in the last Quodlibet precedent, for the overthrow of all that are not as they. And therefore shall the first of these two Quodlibets be of plots by succession: the second of plots by presages. The former, then consisting of such devices, engines and baits, as the jesuits have cast abroad into every mundane puddle●, pond and pool of Christendom: to fish for an absolute monarchy; that as there is but one God and Saviour Lord and king jesus in heaven, so but one sole regiment by jesuits on earth: the articles concerning that point are these 10. following. THE NINTH GENERAL QVODLIBET OF PLOTS by succession. THE I. ARTICLE. whether is the practice of the jesuits agreeable to christian charity, and the duty of true subjects, to interpret every thing that their Sovereign and the state of the country doth, in the worst part, to slander, deprave, and calumniate the king their Lord, and his proceed, by libels and sundry sorts of chartals, books, and pamphlets; of purpose both to make his highness, his government, and his whole kingdom, as much as in them lieth offensive to other princes now, and odious hereafter to all posterity or not? THE ANSWER. THe Quodlibets of state and succession having such an affinity by sequel of proper kind (as we now handle them) that the one followeth the other as the shadow doth the body: there is nothing said in the last general Quodlibet of state, but it hath a relation to this of succession. So as it can not be otherwise imagined, but that the jesuits have a further drift and intend a greater mischief, than all the world dreams of: to make princes, state, government, and all authority, seem odious to the multitude. Therefore I affirm and say absolutely as in my heart I think it: that their proceed therein, are neither religious, catholic, christian, nor dutiful, but very barbarous, impious, and dishonest: which I prove first by testimony of holy writ: Thou shalt not speak evil of the prince of thy people, said the wise Solomon amongst his many proverbs. Secondly, Curse not the king: no not in thy thought, said the great Preacher in his ecclesiastics: and to the same purpose are the two great princes of the earth Saint Peter his words in his first Epistle, and Saint Paul his speech by an Epistle to Titus. Thirdly again if any action can bear two constructions: charity bindeth a man to take the best. But princes have never had more cause than now they have by the jesuits practices, to be jealous of their estates, ergo it aught to be construed in the best sense, a man may, if their government be contrary to our like. Fourthly, besides king's proceed are oft above the capacity of the subjects and are not by them to be scanned or sifted: much less to be slandered and depraved. Fiftly, furthermore kings being the fathers of their country if they should have in their proceed any nakedness: their subjects show themselves to be of the generation of Cham, that will not rather cover then detect them. But such are the jesuits unnatural hearts and greedy desire of sovereignty, as it seemeth nothing doth more delight them then to find in a prince, or priests coat some thing to make them seem odious to their subjects or ghostly children. Sixtly also the honour of our country ought to be more dear unto us, than our own credits or estimation: nay oftentimes then our lives themselves: ergo, how can it be chosen but that the jesuits being so ambitious in seeking their own glory, so greedy of their own praises and so deeply affecting sovereign dominion, should not condemn themselves in their own consciences in detracting and calumniating their sovereigns. It is therefore most manifest and true as I have often said and must have often cause to repeat the same: that of long time the gravest sort of the secular priests in England have utterly disliked such pamphlets, and railing treatises and books as have been set out to the dishonour of her Majesty and state here. The book that Doctor Saunders writ De schismate, and his other De visibili Monarchia, we wish with all our hearts that they had never seen light. divers of father Parson's books letters, and treatises, we have and do from our very hearts utterly condemn them: as containing many seditious and traitorous points: and being very full of slanderous speeches and impudent calumniations. Andrea's Philopater being the fruits of father Parsons, and father Creswell, we hold to be fraught till it almost burst again (as some of my brethren elsewhere have noted) with all jesuitical pride and poison. And as touching the Exhortation before mentioned printed 1588. it is so detestable a treatise, as all posterity cannot choose but condemn father Parsons for a most scurrilous traitor. If he had been brought up amongst all the ruffians and Courtesans in Christendom, he could not have learned to have writ more vilely, profanely, and heathnishly. Furthermore, in that father Parsons and his fellow father Creswell, do glory in their said book that they have caused not only it, but also master Saunders treatise De schismate, to be translated into the Spanish tongue, and do rejoice, that thereby the Spaniards are brought already into a greater detestation of her Majesty, her government & proceed then they had before: I think they glory in their own shame, and that they are to be accounted by all true catholics to be most vile and traitorous persons: that they dishonour priesthood, and are as right jesuits, as insolency and hatred can make them. And so I conclude that the jesuits practices and intents in wresting their Sovereigns and the state affairs in every political, moral, and human action, to the worst sense: is neither agreeing to Christian justice, catholic charity, nor bounden duty of true subjects: but like rebellious traitors to bring all into uproar, that they may have all crowns, kingdoms, governments, succession, state, inheritance, and all at their pleasure. THE II. ARTICLE. whether may not jesuits: although they are religious men, and therefore excluded from dealing in public secular affairs, yet for all that which hath been said, employ themselves in matters of state thus far: scil, to direct and appoint the form of the civil government: to set down who ought to succeed: to alter the ancient laws of their country: to decide and determine difficulties that may rise concerning all and every competitors title, in way of succession by birth, blood, etc. to the crown: and to innovate all things under the pretence of god's glory and the promoting of their own society? Or whether are not all these imputations, so many untruths and calumniations? THE ANSWER. I Hold it as I said before altogether unlawful for them to deal so in state matters and by consequent indecent. First, for that it is against the rules of their orders: and very presumptuous, for any of them to meddle with the succession to the crown at all. Secondly, it doth repugn from the very nature of all religious profession, which is a separating of men from the actions of the world. Thirdly, it tendeth to that which we most condemn in our common adversaries. For the consequence will be hardly denied: it is lawful for clergy men to manage civil causes; ergo it is lawful for temporal men to manage causes ecclesiastical. For wrest it and wring it aswell and which way soever we can possibly devise, yet will it always be judged of our adversaries an assertion, most evident and absurd to be denied, that temporal men should not have as great authority in church causes as jesuits, monks, or friars at least, if not also as other secular and ecclesiastical persons should have in causes civil. Fourthly, I shall not much need to travel in this point, because the jesuits themselves do digest nothing worse than to hear themselves charged with it: for it is a practice with them to do all things under hand, and to be as little seen in them as possibly they can devise. And therefore (as I have often told you no less) for the most part that which they go about, they do it by other men or by feigned names: that if any inconvenience should happen, they might either lay the blame upon others, or else deny it: so you shall see in time that although our worshipful Archpriest hath done nothing but by fahaer Garnets' direction: yet when his ridiculous, unjust, uncharitable, d●ttyrannous proceed shall come to the scanning, father Garnet will do the best he can to pull his neck out of the collar, and master Blackwell shall be the Ass that must bear all the burden: So father Parsons that holy man by his practice doth give father Garnet a pregnant example. In the most of those seditious books which he the said father Parsons hath published, he hath either concealed his name, or given them such names as it hath pleased him to devise. And one of his said books being set out by him under the name of master Dolman, now that many exceptions are taken unto it: he (good man) was not the author of it: his name is not Dolman: and gladly he would shift and wash his hands of it: but all the water betwixt this and Rome will not serve his turn so to do: although by the common principle of the jesuits, he may by lying and equivocating make a fair show. But of this enough is said before. As concerning the second point I will now make it plain unto you: that the jesuits being charged as in the former question is set down, are not therein slandered any way unjustly. For, First, it is plain that father Parsons and his company (divide it amongst them how they list) have laid a plot as being most consonant and fitting to their other designments, that the common laws of the Realm of England must be (forsooth) either abolished utterly, or else bear no greater sway in the Realm then now the civil law doth. And the chief reason is, for that the state of the crown and kingdom by the common laws is so strongly settled, as whilst they continue, the jesuits see not how they can work their wills. And on the other side, in the civil laws they think they have some shreds, whereby they may patch a cloak together, to cover a bloodly show of their treasons for the present, from the eyes of the vulgar sort. And certainly I could not choose but smile when I read this point in father Parson's book, to see how prettily this fine fingered figgeboy conveyeth his matter: how the common lawyers must wait upon the Civilians to bear their books after them: and how they are to applaud to all that the doctors will aver to be law upon their bare words unto them. Secondly, the said good father deeming of all men (it seemeth) by himself, hath set down a course how every man may shake off all authority at their pleasures, as if he would become a new Anabaptist, or king john of Leyden, to draw all the world into a mutiny, rebellion, or combustion. And this stratagem is how the common people may be inveigled and seduced to conceit to themselves such a liberty and prerogative, as that it may be lawful for them when they think meet, to place and displace kings and princes, as men may do their tenants at will, hirelings, or ordinary servants. Which anabaptistical and abominable doctrine, proceeding from a turbulent tribe of traitorous Puritans & other heretics: this treacherous jesuite would now foist into the catholic church, as a ground of his corrupt divinity. And sure it is strange to consider how the caitiff handleth this point, giving advantage thereby to all nations to revolt from the See apostolic: if any catholic prince would take hold or build upon this absurd fellows word or authority. For that amongst other arguments he insisteth upon certain rebellious & most traitorous examples, how some kings in this Island have been dealt with. As if a man should take upon him to prove murder lawful, because many examples of murder may be produced: or as if this were a good argument: England, Scotland, Ireland, Denmark, Swethia, many states in Germany, & many men in France and else where, have rejected the authority of the Pope his holiness, & the See of Rome: therefore Italy, France, Spain & other catholic countries may do the like. Fourthly, the said good fathers with their ringleader, and muster-master father Parsons, do take upon them in the said book and in other treatises to deal with matters of succession and titles of the crown: as if their bare words were of higher authority than either Court Parliamental, Prince, or Pope: and because as it seemeth their said ringleader is a bastard himself, it is wonderful to see what very small account he maketh of succession by inheritance, title of descent, birthright or blood. Now tell me in this case. A gentleman, or substantial yeoman having one heir and many servants, dieth: were he not an ass that would affirm that the right of the said heir should depend upon the pleasure of his father's servants: If they thought meet, he should have his father's lands: or otherwise, they would bestow them as they thought good. I am sure you would account it unjust, unnatural, indecent, and ridiculous. And all that this traitorous jesuite writeth of this point, is grounded upon the like folly: whilst he laboureth so giantlike in opposing himself against succession by inheritance to fight most impudently with all laws, nay with nature and with God himself. Hereunto it also appertaineth how after he hath contrived the means as he thinketh, how to deprive kings and heirs from their inheritance: he than taketh upon him, to appoint how others may and are to succeed in their rooms, and possess their ancient right. And he proceedeth herein as gravely and substantially, as he hath done in the premises. For except this may carry a show of a good argument five hundred or a thousand years since, the ancestors of the king of Spain, the king of France, and of divers other kings, had no interest to the kingdoms, which now they enjoy: therefore some others must be found out to be preferred to those kingdoms: the good father saith nothing. There is one who hath written a book of the Baths in England: and as I remember (for it is long since I saw the book) the author of it, the rather to extol the first finder out, of the said Baths, that thereby he might prove him to be an ancient gentleman, doth set down his pedigree, and never leaveth it (I assure you) until he come to these words: which was the son of Seth, which was the son of Adam. It were not amiss in my poor opinion, that Master Parsons should carefully seek out for this man's kindred. It is not unlikely, but that by his skill, he might entitle them to very many kingdoms; distributing this to one, and that to another, as in his omnipotentencie he should hold it most convenient. The man if he live long will prove mad in the end without question: except you can imagine that these and such like vanities are sober conceits. And yet that which he saith against the blood royal of England, to advance a pretended interest to the Infanta of Spain, is more intolerable than these such idle speculations before mentioned. For it is grounded not only upon the said most sottish speculation against all the kings that live; but likewise upon a most slanderous & traitorous lie, in making all the kings & Queens that have been for above two hundred years in this land, to have been usurpers, tyrants, traitors and I wots not what. And that which doth not a little move my patience; this bastardly jesuite doth father this traitorous assertion upon that worthy person Cardinal Allane, from whom I durst be sworn he never had them, nor so vile a conceit ever harboured in his breast. Whilst I have been divers times thinking of this fellows writings touching these & such like matters: I have wondered with myself how possibly he could be so blind, as not to foresee: that when kings should understand, what a plot he hath laid for the overthrow of all authority, by setting up and advancing a popular fury: they should find thereby very just cause given unto them, to detest both him and all the generation of jesuits, or any other catholics whosoever, that should teach or defend such bloody & traitorous doctrine. But I have stood too long upon this point: if you can procure Master Charles Pagets' book against father Parsons, you shall find the fox so uncased and left so naked of all honesty, wisdom or judgement touching these points: as you may well think my pains herein to have been needless, except you will remember that my drift is only to let you understand, that father Parsons and his fellows are great intermedlers with matters of state, and succession especially, concerning the English crown, which when they shall be out of all hope ever to obtain: I am verily persuaded there will some of them run mad about it; they are so extremely eager upon it: and in such a desperate jealousy and fear of losing it. And therefore will I proceed therein a little further by his Mastership's leave. For as the said father Parsons hath laid his plot when England shall be Spanish: how the ancient law of this realm shall be abrogated, and the civil law advanced in the place thereof: so hath the provident gentleman another treatise of reformation in store, how to establish amongst us when that time shall come, the ancient law termed Lex Agraria. Because that (as it seemeth) his mastership is of opinion, that the nobility of England have too large and great possessions: and therefore by one of his rules, in the said reformation: their abilities and what they shall yearly spend, must be limited unto them: as also what retinue they shall keep, and what their diet shall be. The like course he hath also ordained for the Bishops and clergy: they must be put to their pensions, and the overplus is to be at the direction of the jesuits: to be employed by the appointment of their General resident always in Rome propter bonum societatis and ordine ad Deum. Of all which follies, although I have told you in part before; yet they coming so fitly to hand, as best agreeing to this Quodlibet of succession: they can do no harm to be repeated again. But now, if any man think it impossible that these fellows should be thus bewitched with these vain conceits: let him but consider the nature of pride, ambition and liberty, into what a fools paradise they are able to cast any manner of persons or professions, that are possessed with them. They can hardly think of any thing, but they account themselves worthy of it: and able by their wits to effect it, even the very supreme power and church of S. Peter, such is their ambition. And for their liberty they are men exempted from the jurisdiction of all the superiors of the clergy; saving to their own officers, whereby as lawless libertines, they writ, do and say what they list, and dream of (I know not what) jesuitical monarchy. And thus far of this general point, that those men do not slander the jesuits, that charge them to be greater statists than they would be accounted, and thereby to transgress all ancient orders of religious persons, and to show themselves as runagates and degenerated from their own profession. THE III. ARTICLE. whether is it profitable or expedient for the church of God, that the jesuits, as father Parsons in sundry of his writings, and so generally all the rest in effect of that society, and some other of their humour, should oppose themselves so much as they do against princes in extenuating their authority upon every occasion: and eftsoons by telling the world what small interest and hold they have of their kingdoms: as that in this case and that case: or if they do this: or will not do that: then forthwith dominium amittitur: all is lost, they cease to be kings, and what else (if they escape with their lives) it shall please their fatherhoods to tell us. THE ANSWER. I Think their course therein to be neither profitable nor expedient for the church: but on the contrary very pernicious and dangerous and especially in these our days. First, because I do not find that the Apostles sent by our Saviour jesus Christ to preach the Gospel, did inculcate any such matters or points, either of doctrine or policy: yea in their writings (for aught I see) there is no such thing expressed: neither do I remember that any history doth tell us of any such course; but rather the quite contrary, to have been held by them. Secondly, the heathen kings both before the coming of Christ and in the Apostles times, did suppose their titles to their kingdoms to be much more firm: and their subjects being both learned and wise men, skilful in all human knowledge and laws, did thereof assure them, terming them to be the very life and souls of their kingdoms. And it was accounted in the primitive Church, a great slander to the Gospel & catholic doctrine of the church of Christ, when some did report that the doctrine of the Christians was injurious to the empire or civil magistracy, as tending to the diminishing of their right and authority. Thirdly, if either the Apostles, in those times, or their successors afterwards in the Primitive Church, should have written or preached of these matters, as now the jesuits do: they would out of question, have been cut off presently. It is true: that although they took a very mild course, yet they endured great persecutions, and were very many of them put to death. But if they had been of the jesuits spirit: it is not probable that any but the jews (who had traitorous hearts to the Empire) would ever have endured to have heard them speak. We see that if their enemies could but devise some little show though most falsely, that they touched Caesar's authority: it was sufficient to cry out against them, that they were not worthy to live. Nay how sought they to have entangled Christ himself, by their question of tribute, which he dissolved, not like a jesuite though Caesar was an Infidel, but as all true Catholic Priests ought to do: saying in direct terms give unto Caesar that which is Caesar's and unto God that which is his own of due right. Fourthly, the Apostles followed the steps of their Master. For he being suspected by king Herode to aspire by degrees to the Empire, cleared himself thereof by paying of tribute: and by teaching all other subjects to give unto Caesar that which was Caesar's right. Then his Apostles afterwards understanding that it was commonly conceived, that the doctrine of the Gospel taught such points and precepts, as were very prejudicial to the state of the Empire and other kings and Princes, they to purge that suspicion did so oft in their writings commend and extol the authority of all Emperors, kings, and Princes: showing the same to proceed from God himself, and to be his own ordinance. Non est potestas nisi à Deo, said Saint Paul to the Romans. And Civil Magistrates are sent from God said Saint Peter. Ministri Dei sunt, thus they taught for the justifying of the Magistracy of such as were at that time Infidels and persecutors: never mentioning that thereby they had lost their Empire or kingdoms, or that they might justly be deposed, or any such matter as our jesuits in the like case do now a days affirm. Fiftly, the holy Fathers of the Primitive Church, following the Apostles, as they followed Christ: when they found that (through the malice of Satan) the same objections (amongst many other) were still insisted upon against the Christians and their doctrine, as if all had tended to the impeachment of the Monarchy and treachery towards the Emperors: they bent themselves to refel those slanderous imputations. justinus Martyr, Athenagoras, and Tertullian, succeedingly did writ divers discourses, and some to the Emperors themselves: wherein they acknowledged as much as the Apostles had taught them. And thus these ancient fathers said of the authority of their Emperors: being still Infidels, and persecutors: Noster est magis Caesar ut à nostro Deo constitutus: Lo, we (quoth Tertullian in his Apology) have more interest in Caesar then the heathen; because he is appointed Emperor by our God, and not by the false Gods, whom they worship. The name of an Emperor à Deo traditur; Dicam plane Imperatorem dominum. I will plainly call the Emperor my Lord and Master. Ind est Imperator, unde est, & homo antequam Imperator, inde potestas illi, unde & spiritus. He that made him a man, made him an Emperor: from him he hath his authority, who gave unto him life. Sciunt, etc. Christians know, who giveth the Emperor's authority, and that they are in their Empires, à Deo secundi; post quem primi. The second person to God himself and next him the first. With Tertullian the other two fathers before named, do in effect very fully agree: whose doctrine you see doth no way sound like the aforesaid tune of jesuitisme. Sixtly, I have not read all the rest of the ancient fathers: some of them I have: but neither by mine own reading have I found, nor ever heard it reported by any of credit, that the said fathers did in their times, either preach or write any otherwise of the authority of magistrates, although Infidels and persecutors, nay Apostates: then as you have heard Christ, his Apostles, justinus Martyr, Athenagoras, & Tertullian did. I will only trouble you with S. Augustine, who is most plain; That whether the king be good or bad, mild or tyrannous, bountiful to the church or a persecutor: one that embraceth the Gospel & Cath. Roman faith, or is become an Apostata, yet they are Gods lieutenants; their power and sovereignty are both from God; of him they hold their kingdoms, & are to be obeyed in all things which are not against the law, divine, and God's church here militant on earth: as for their paying of tribute, fight his battles, defending their countries, and such like. Read (if you please) that which he writeth upon the 13. Chapter to the Romans, and in his fift book De Civitate Dei. Cap. 22. and upon the 124. Psalm; in which last place you shall find, that he mantaineth in precise terms, that julian by his Apostasy was not held to have lost the Empire, or his right, interest and title that be had before unto it: but obeyed by the Christians propter Dominum aeternum, because the eternal God would have it so. Now, no king be he vicious, a schismatic or an heretic, can be thought with any reason so evil, as an Apostata. It is worse to slide from the faith of Christ totaliter, wholly; than aliqua ex part, as it is apparent in Saint Thomas. Seventhly, I am of his opinion, that as the receiving of the Catholic faith and Gospel of Christ, cannot make a private man to be a temporal king: so the rejecting of the same faith, &c. cannot make a king a private man. And indeed to my understanding (saluo semper meliori judicio) it were against all reason it should be otherwise. As for example à Simili, A Farmor being a heathen man, and having the lease of a manor which is not good in law, doth receive the faith of Christ, and so becometh a Christian. Were it not an absurd conceit for any man to think, that the receiving of the Christian faith, should make the said bad lease to be sound and substantial? Likewise, on the other side, the said Farmer, having as sufficient a lease (as law can make it) of another manor, doth return again to Paganism. It would seem to me as absurd, if any person should imagine that the said lease or his right unto it were thereby any whit impaired. Again, when men receive the Gospel and are baptised (be they kings or private men, it altereth not our case) they receive thereby an interest to the kingdom of heaven, but no further right to their worldly inheritance than they had before. And so also for the contrary. If any king or private person, being a Christian, and withal a Catholic, do fall out of the Catholic church and forsake the faith of Christ, it is a sufficient punishment for him to lose thereby his inheritance and right to the joys of heaven, though for his worldly state he be left as the church (in puris naturalibus) did find him. And the same is in my judgement in an other like case. If the heir apparent of any Catholic king or other prince, were either addicted to heresy, or should become an Apostata. I being borne to be his subject, would use my uttermost endeavour to reclaim him; but if that purpose would not prevail with him (which I know God hath appointed to be the ordinary means for men's conversions) I hold it were a very impious part either in me or in any other private person being his subject, if we should seek to prevent him of his right, or if it lay in our powers should take upon us to give it unto another, were he never so good a Catholic that had no right thereto. justinus Martyr speaking of the duty of Christians to the civil Magistrate in those times of Infidels and persecutors, affirmeth that they prayed not only for the Emperors themselves, but also for their sons, that they might succeed them in the Empire, quod aequissimum est, which (saith he) is most agreeable to justice and equity: were they like to prove as evil as their fathers there is no exceptions of it. The which I rather observe to show my dislike of Fa. Parsons in this point: who is accustomed upon every occasion, when he is in his best mood, to affirm that he careth not who it is, from whence he cometh, or what right he hath to the crown of this kingdom, that when the time cometh shall be able to catch it, so he be a Catholic. But concerning both this point and the former, lest it should be said, that whilst I would seem to give a reason of that which I have in hand: I do only show my opinion, and illustrate the same with similitudes, that are of as great uncertainty as that which I propound: I will confirm my opinion with the judgement of a principal man to whom there will no great exception be taken: and then that which I have said will prove to be an argument ab authoritate. Thus he writeth, Soloiure naturali, & divino non privatur aliquis Dominio in subditos, propter peccatum Apostasiae in fide etc. If you go no further then to the law of nature, or to the law of God: no king is deprived from his sovereignty over his subjects, though it be for the sin of Apostasy from faith. And he giveth a very sound reason for this his assertion, nam fundamentum dominij non est fides, etc. For faith is not the ground of dominion, but some other politic title having force by the law of nations, of succession by inheritance, or of election, or of just acquisition, by just war, Qui tituli possunt etiam manner sine fide: neque unquam extat ius aliquod divinum, quo eiusmodi tituli eneruantur propter defectionem a side: which titles may remain without faith, neither is there any law of God whereby such titles are impeached for defection from faith. 8. I know that iure ecclesiastico, & by the authority & sentence of the Pope's holiness, much more may be done then here I will speak of. But yet I think it will prove in the end the best course, for men not to do so much as they may. Many things be lawful which are not expedient. And this jesuitical course of down with princes, when they offend them, may peradventure so provoke them, as they will say as fast down with priests, and of a certainty we shall have the worse. When they find that the titles of their kingdoms cannot be touched, either by the law of nature or by the law of God, do what they list, it may give them occasion to oppose themselves with greater severity against the See Apostolic, in that the same should make such extreme laws voluntarily against them, as should tend to the thrusting of them out of their kingdoms. And out of question it will be subject (if once they take this course) to great jangling, whether such laws as should touch the deposing of a king, are not rather to be accounted laws civil and temporal, than any matter or subject fit for ecclesiastical men or laws to work upon. We see already that some kings do take upon them to deal, and make laws in causes ecclesiastical, denying his holiness authority therein within their kingdoms. And will it not seem a thing much more plausible & probable: if other kings shall stand upon it, and say; that his holiness hath no interest to make any civil or temporal laws, that may touch their freeholds? Nay if things should come to this rifling, I fear they would in their heat go further, and tell his holiness, that for aught they find, kings have as great authority to depose priests, as priests have to depose kings. Besides it must be confessed, that all priests, jesuits, and every other sort of clergy men (the Pope's holiness excepted) are borne subjects of kings and princes▪ and it will be an odious assertion to say, that the taking of priesthood upon them, should give them warrant to bristle, and make head against their sovereigns. Furthermore, it cannot be denied (shift the jesuits with all their cunning never so prettily) but the immunities which priests have from the temporal laws of kings, do proceed (as Saint Thomas acknowledgeth) from their mere favour and godly zeal towards them. Also it is most manifest, that as the kings of England have been most bountiful to the church and churchmen here within their dominions, in so much as all the revenues and temporalties with many singular privileges (which in this realm our forefathers have enjoyed) have proceeded from their most princely liberality and authority: so standeth the case of the clergy in all other kingdoms; which two points would be duly considered of in time. For if princes should by the same means seek to spoil the church, and take from it all her said immunities, privileges and temporal possessions: it will little avail to bring in our distinctions how parliaments may give what they list to the church and churchmen, but they can take nothing either from them or from the church. What the power of a parliament is in England, we have had too great experience, and I suppose the states in other kingdoms have the like. And therefore in all policy, kings and sovereign princes are not to be ruffled with, in this jesuitical manner. That which they may pretend, how in these their discourses they aim but at some one or two, doth indeed touch all kings, if they incur the displeasure of his holiness. Surely though I humbly acknowledge myself to be minimus fratrum meorum, and neither arrogate to myself to be of such mature judgement as many are, nor will presume to take upon me so peremptorily on the one side, as Father Parsons doth on the other (though unlearnedly God wots) yet I find many great dangers that may happen to the Catholic Roman church, if these violent spirits be not in time suppressed. Such furious insulting over princes will never do good. They may be drawn many ways by gentle and mild proceed with them, rather than by such indiscreet and desperate courses, whereby they grow to greater resistance. For if the Pope's holiness in times past dealt so sharply (as it seemeth with Baldemarus king of Denmark that he writ in this sort to the supreme Pastor: Notum tibi facimus, vitam nos habere à Deo: nobilitatem à parentibus: regnum à subditis: fidem ab ecclesia Romana: quam si nobis invides remittimus per presents. Be it known unto thee, that we have our life from God: our nobility from our parents: our kingdom from our subjects: our religion from the church of Rome: the which if you malign us for it, we send you back again by these presents: then what shall we think? or can we imagine that sovereign princes of this our infortunate age will brook it well, to find his holiness to be tam durus Pater towards them? But for mean subjects to presume as the jesuits do: never was it, and now is it least tolerable. THE FOUR ARTICLE. WHether it is a fit point of doctrine to be broached and divulged to the world in these days by the jesuits, that subjects are no longer bound to obey wicked Princes in their temporal commandments and Laws but till they be able by force of arms to resist them? THE ANSWER. THat this is a most dangerous doctrine, and most unfit to be published in this age: there is no one Catholic in England this day, but, I think, will confess it: and therefore I hold it meet before I come directly to answer this Article. First, to make it apparent that the jesuits and their seditious faction do broach & publish such a kind of doctrine: for otherwise it might well seem a slander maliciously imputed unto them. Amongst others, father Parsons in his admonition before mentioned, giveth this reason, why the Pope's sentence hath not been put in execution since it was first given, because (forsooth) her majesties forces were so great, that they could hardly be resisted by the only Inhabitants of the Realm, without evident danger and destruction of very many and noble persons etc. in which case the censures of the Church do not bind: which is as much to say, as if they had been of might sufficient, they had been bound to have put the said sentence in execution against her highness, and the overthrow of the whole state and common wealth of their native land. The same jesuite also in his book entitled Philopater is very peremptory, sly, and saucy (as his manner is) very boldly affirming, that when kings do deflect from the Catholic religion and draw others with them. Liberes esse subditos, etc. posseque & debere (si vires habeant) buiuscemodi hominem dominatum eijcere. Subjects are free and both may and ought (if they be able) to cast such a man out of his dominions. Secondly, when Henry the third of France had procured the death of the Duke of Guise and some other (whereunto the French writers do affirm he was compelled except he would have suffered the Duke to have pulled the Crown from his head) it was not long after but that by the secret practices of the jesuits he himself was murdered. And not resting thus contented: they writ such a discourse against him being a Catholic, as if it had been hatched in hell: entitled, De justa abdicatione, H. 3. In which treatise they affirm, that it is lawful for a private man to kill a tyrant (for so they termed that king) though there be neither sentence of the Church or kingdom against him. Now in this book (to come to my purpose) he propoundeth this objection: how and why it was, that in the Primitive Church the martyrs attempted no such course against the tyrants that then reigned, and doth answer it in this sort: V●●d laudable est cum resistere nequeas; ita ubi p●ssis nolle resistere religionis, & patriae hosti nefarium ac pernitiosum est: As much to say, as thus in English, As it is laudable to do as those martyrs did when thou canst not resist, so not to resist when thou mayst the enemy of Religion and of thy country (so they term all kings that they dislike) is a pernicious and horrible sin. Thirdly, an other at that time, with a jesuitical spirit doth tell us his mind in plain terms: so as I shall not need to prove the matter by any consequence. The quarrel for Religion (saith he) and defence of innocency is so just that heathen Princes not at all subject to the Church's laws and discipline may in that case by the Christians arms be resisted: (naming none, but speaking in general terms without exception of persons, so indefinitely or rather peremptorily and dissemblingly (as all jesuits do) that as well servants as souer●ignes, may by his principle, take arms at their pleasure, etc.) And might lawfully have been redressed in the time of the Pagans and first great persecutors ●hen they vexed and oppressed the faithful. And again, There is no question but that the Emperor Constantine, Valens, julian, and others, might have been by the Bishop excommunicated and deposed and all their people released from their obedience, if the Church or Catholics had had competent forces to have resisted. Lo what doctrine this is, to be divulged in this so dangerous an age. I leave to others to conceit these things in as good sense as may make for our general safety and common good of the Catholic cause: only I wish such passages had never fronted any English Port, nor come to our adversaries ears or knowledge. And an other jesuite to the same purpose saith. Quod si Christiani olim non deposuerunt Neronem & Diocletianum & julianum Apostatam, ac Valentem Arrianum & alios: id fuit quia de erant vires temporales Christianis. Nam alioquin iure potuissent hoc facere. In that Christians in times past did not depose Nero, and Dioclesian, and julian the Apostata, and Valence the Arrian and others: it was because Christians did then want temporal forces, for otherwise they might lawfully have dealt so with them. Now what think you if such a doctrine had been heard or spoken of in julian's, nero's, or Dioclesian's days: what think you would have ensued thereof? Questionless, though the persecution were great, yet probably it would have been double increased and augmented thereby. And as for the schoolmen, which they allege for this doctrine, one and the chief is S. Thomas who hath some such point. For Christians (saith he) obeyed julianus. Quod illo tempore Ecclesia in sua novitate nondum habebat potestatem terrenos principes coercendi, & ideo tolleravit fideles Iulano Apostatae ohedire in ijs quae non erant contra fidem ut maius periculum fidei vitaretur, etc. Because the Church then being in her infancy had not yet power to bridle Princes, and therefore she did tolerate the faithful to obey julian the Apostata in those things which were not against faith, for the avoiding of a greater danger, which might otherwise have ensued to the Christian faith. The other is Dominus Bannes upon Saint Thomas, who alleging that the cause why catholics in England do not rebel against her Majesty, is: Quia facultatem non habent, etc. Both whose opinions and words as they may carry a diverse construction: so were they not set down by either of them as conclusions, but as argumental reasons of doctrine disputative in the schools. Which no question if they had lived in our days, and withal under England's allegiance they would either have forborn, or that speech have qualified. Touching Bannes though of this age, yet a Spaniard he was, and therefore his doctrine is less strange for this point. But let that pass. I blame him not for holding what opinion he list disputative: because it is an ordinary matter so to do, yea and that in points of very great importance; one schoolman holding an opinion in matters that are not directly of faith, quite contrary and against one an other. And so could I well have borne with father Parsons (if a schoolman, as he is not, he had been) to have holden what opinion he listed, in the schools or for disputations sake concerning the conveniency or inconueniency of publishing this doctrine. Marry withal I wish from my heart that he had left it there still, & buried it in silence under his desk that it had never come within ken of an English eye, nor within the sound of our adversaries jealous ears. But seeing that published it is by them, and that in an other & worse sense then either S. Thomas or Bannes ever dreamt of; as tending wholly to a Puritans popularity, as hereafter shall be proved: therefore must it needs follow to be a most pernicious doctrine and very unfit to have been published to the world, in these so dangerous times as wherein we all do live. And by consequent it necessarily must and shall be improved and father Parsons justly convinced of treason and error for publishing of it, like a right Puritan which I prove by this discourse following. Buchanan that archtraytor of Scotland, in his book De iure regni apud Scotos, hath written at length to this very purpose: against whom master Blockwood a worthy man and a sound catholic, did very learnedly oppose himself, and hath at large confuted this monstrous conceit very substantialy. All the Buchanans' and jesuits in Christendom will never be able to answer him in that point. When Saint Paul (saith Buchanan as master Blockwood allegeth his words) commanded the Romans to obey the superior powers appointed by God he writ so, In ipsa nascentis ecclesiae infantia, cum christiani, nec numero, nec opibus, nec authoritate valerent, ac proinde eorum duntaxat ad quos scribebat, non autem universorum civium rationem habuisse: In the infancy of the church (saith this sacrilegious traitor, to sacred Majesty ever blasphemous:) Christians flourished not either in number, or in wealth, or in authority: and therefore Saint Paul had only respect of those to whom he writ, (that were not able to rebel) and meant not that his precept should be held for a perpetual law, when Christians should grow afterwards to be of greater force. Would not a man think he had heard a jesuite all this while. But let Buchanan go forward. In those times Christians were feign to shroud or hide themselves under the obedience of princes and magistrates though they were wicked, and under the shadow of any kind of dominion whatsoever: because they were poor: few of them citizens, but strangers: and for the most part such as had been bondmen, and the rest trades men, and servants that with great toil sustained themselves. And therefore Saint Paul admonished them ut temrori seruirent: that they should dissemble for the time being mindful of their condition, and not peep out of their holes, much less seek to trouble those that were in authority. But if Saint Paul lived now adays when not only the people but princes do profess Christianity: and when Christians are equal both in number and strength to match tyrants: he would command the multitude to inquire into the said tyrants proceed, and as they saw cause to put them to death. Thus far this Scottish bloodsucker, and enemy to all regal sovereignty: to whom father Parsons and the said jesuits that writ of the deposition of Henry 3. are exceedingly beholden. For he in his book of succession, and the other in their said discourse, do follow him up and down, step by step so directly, as if they had purposed to have professed themselves to be his scholars, and to defend whatsoever he hath written, were it never so desperate, impious, profane, and more than heathenish. Thus you hear what the jesuits doctrine is, and how jump, turn Turk, and Puritan like, they have proceeded therein. Now follow their grounds. For the grounds and foundation of this jesuitical and Puritan doctrine of obedience, till subjects have force to rebel: you may please to understand that it is built upon a new fond exposition of the Scriptures: as partly you have heard, which is a very dangerous point, and will give our common adversaries exceeding advantage against us: in that hitherto we have pretended to follow in all matters of controversy with them, that sense of the Scriptures which was generally received by the ancient fathers, and have greatly inveighed against their new expositions: whereby they wring at worst the written word, that it may seem to speak no other wise than they would have it. And that now the jesuits in this case do run the same course it is manifest. In testimony whereof: whereas the example of the jews by jeremies' direction under Nabuchodonozor hath been generally held for a precedent for all christians: (if ever they shall happen to come into the like bondage) so the practice of Christ concurring with it, in paying tribute to Caesar a wicked king, and commanding all men to do the like: and with this precept also the rules of the Apostles fitly agreeing in prescribing all Christians of what calling soever generally to obey and perform all duties of subjects to all superior powers, and particularly to kings, as those being more excellent than the rest (the civil magistrates being then likewise wicked persons and persecutors:) adding hereunto the general expositions of the ancient fathers. That the Apostles do speak in those places of such kind of civil governors as here we entreat of: and that all Christians if they happen to live under such like kings, are to obey them, and to submit themselves unto all their temporal and lawful commandments it is clear: yet all this notwithstanding, out come these new illuminates the jesuits, and as if they were become Caluinists, they take upon them with their new glosses to avoid and elude the true sense and ancient interpretations of all these places. The jews (say they) were commanded divinitus extraordinarily to obey and pray for Nabuchodonozor: which ordinarily bindeth not: Christ paid tribute, and spoke as a private person. The Apostle Saint Paul meant that his precepts should be generally understood of obedience to good kings only: and Saint Peter when he commandeth all Christians to be subject to the king, quasi praecellenti: that is (saith one) when the king doth excel in virtue and not otherwise: and father Parsons in his book of titles (omit his absurd Appendix, wherein he runneth riot in this point of rebellion and popularity) saith: that where Solomon affirmeth: By me kings reign: and Saint Paul avoucheth that authority is not but of God: and therefore he that resisteth authority resisteth God: these places are to be understood of authority, power, or jurisdiction in itself according to the first institution: for otherwise when it is unjustly used, it may be resisted in many cases even by the commons or multitude: whom in his Appendix he bindeth in conscience to rebel etc. which kind of shifts we have ever detested: and therefore now you shall hear what we think of this doctrine. To speak plainly my mind in this case, with all humble submission to the Catholic church and censure of my opinion herein. I hold this doctrine of the jesuits in these days to be an open way to Atheism, so to expound the Apostles as that they might be thought to temporize, which is a plain kind of dissimulation. For there being question made concerning the doctrine of the Catholic church and Gospel of Christ, as though it had impeached the authority of the civil Magistracy: the Apostles to clear themselves of so false an imputation did of purpose propose the contrary, and prescribed such obedience and duty to all subjects, as was by the laws of God and all nations due unto them. But if the Apostles had been of the jesuits opinion in this matter, and would have dealt truly, sincerely and directly (as the jesuits do never) when such a doubt was made by the States where they preached: they should have answered to this effect, scil. If you that are Emperors, kings, and worldly governors do mean to continue your wicked courses in opposing yourselves against Christ and us his servants, we are (by the doctrine of our Master Christ and authority committed unto us) to seek your confusion, and to deprive you from your Empires, kingdoms and governments as soon as we are able to make head against you: or if any of you will be content to hear and obey us: we must tell you that, whereunto you must trust, which is; that when once you have submitted yourselves to this our said doctrine, If you shall not forever afterwards conform your behaviour and conversation according to our rules and prescription, we must be bold with you, and do the best we can to move your subjects to rebellion, and to depose you likewise as soon as they shall have competent strength to encounter with you: and in default thereof, it is our duty to persuade by all the policies we can devise, some of your neighbour princes to take your subjects parts for your utter ruin. Inter bonos bene agere oportet, We profess ourselves to be teachers of the truth, and therefore we cannot choose being urged unto it in this particular: but to signify the truth unto you, after our plain and direct proceed with all men. Now if such a kind of answer to have been made by the Apostles do seem most absurd, then what wicked and absurd wretches are these good fathers, who by their interpretations do impose it upon them, if they had dealt sincerely? Or if the Apostles should have meant indeed as these men would have them, and as it is before expressed; then what might the world have thought of them, that (to cover such tragical points of blood and rebellion and to abuse princes: they did pretend nothing but prayers, paying of tributes, honouring of kings, and obeying of them for conscience sake. But this course was far from the blessed Apostles. It is indeed very well befitting the puritanes & the jesuits, such as Parsons, Creswell, etc. who are the men that teach & practise it. For it is their doctrine by dissimulation & hypocrisy, by lying & equivocating to seduce their hearers. But what saith Master Blockwood to Buchanan, Paulus utendum fore precepit? Laruatam hypocrisin sub persona religionis latere voluit? Potestatibus obediendum edixit quia resisti non posset? Christianos viribus admotos, ad armacessantes ad arma concitat, imperiumque frangit? Did Saint Paul command us to be time servers? Was it his mind, that religion should be disguised with such a vizard of hypocrisy? Did he command men to obey the magistrates, because they were not able to resist them? Did he provoke them to arms when their number and strength served, and bade down with the Emperor? This is right Mahumetisme, & tendeth to the overthrow of the Gospel and church Catholic, the sweet spouse of Christ, and therefore is to be detested cane peius & angue. Fiftly, this jesuitical dream doth derogate so much from the Majesty of holy Scripture and the church's authority, as thereby the vanity of it is very manifest and apparent. For what (saith Master Blockwood to Buchanan) Itan' divinas leges ut humanas Aristotelis mensurarum similes esse putas? Dost thou think God's laws as Aristotle speaketh of human laws: that they are like measures that they should turn with the weathercock, and change with the conditions of times and places. No no, much more truly, and as it were by divine inspiration doth he express the strength and constancy of divine laws, who saith Non erit etc. There shall not one law be at Rome, an other at Athens, now one and then an other, but there shall be one immortal law for all Nations and all times, & Imperator omnium Deus, and God shall be Lord and Emperor of all. He is the Inventer, the expounder and the giver of this law: which he that will not obey, is his own enemy, & maximas poenas luet, and he shall never escape grievous punishments. And such were Christ's and his Apostles precepts, not subject to alteration and change, not framed to serve the time, not fitted to this or that private person or plebeian multitude, one while commanding obedience to tyrants, and presently after to take up arms against them, but as we are to think of the very laws of God, their rules of obedience are permanent, and to continue unchangeable whilst this world endureth. Furthermore, it is to be supposed, that the Church of God in the times of justinus Martyr and Tertullian did understand the meaning of Christ and of his Apostles in this point as well as Parsons or any of his crew. But it would have seemed a strange doctrine both to them and all other Catholics that had the fear of God before their eyes, or any spark of true and unfeigned Catholic religion in their hearts in those days: to have heard it set down for positive Divinity, that notwithstanding any thing that Christ or his Apostles taught as touching obedience to kings and Princes: yet it is to be accounted a pernicious and unspeakable sin for subjects being of sufficient force and ability not to resist (for to that effect are father Parson's words in his Appendix) and take arms against them, if they be evil and wicked. Instinus Martyr as I have before observed having set down the duty of Christians towards the civil magistrate the Emperor (than a wicked man and a persecutor) doth in direct terms affirm: that Christ had taught them such obedience and allegeth his very words: give unto Caesar that which is Caesar's. If it be here objected that peradventure in justinus time the Christians wanted number to depose the Emperors. Tertullian will make the matter most manifest: that it was the only will and pleasure of God revealed apparently by Christ and his Apostles, that kept the Christians within the compass of their duties to the Emperors: when otherwise they wanted neither number nor strength to have been revenged of them. When the Christians laboured from time to time to purge themselves from sundryfalse imputations, and from this one amongst the rest: that whereas they professed their obedience to the Emperor, it was only but for fear: and that if they had strength enough, they would then show themselves to be his enemies: and take up arms against him. Tertullian writeth to this effect. Neque est ut obijciatis: Neither is there any cause you should object unto us: that therefore we dissemble the injuries done unto us, because we want force to revenge them. For every one of us is able although not openly, yet in secret to do mischief enough, For what were more easily done, if it were lawful to recompense evil with evil, then in the night to burn your City? Nay, if we were disposed to profess ourselves your enemies as you account us, we want not strength of soldiers, but have greater force than those Nations that do war daily against you. The Maures, and Parthians and other barbarous people are but one Nation whose borders are limited: but of Christinns the number in every place is almost infinite. There is no place nor order where there are not Christians. So as if by our discipline we could take arms, we could make a greater conspiracy against the Roman Empire then was hitherto ever made: whether you respect force or courage. Hitherto Tertullian, as unlike to our jesuits: as dutiful subjects are unlike Rebels and traitors. And for the better manifesting of our allegiance to our Sovereign unfeignedly from our Catholic hearts, so many of us as are not of the jesuits faction: I will here a little enlarge myself to show what further testimony and reasons we have to detest this jesuitical and Puritanian doctrine. Saint Augustine who lived in a troublesome time never dreamt: that the Scriptures did warrant subjects no longer to obey wicked kings, than they had power and force to rebel. If he were now alive, our jesuits would surely set him to school again. For whereas in his exposition upon the 124. Psalm, he hath at large discoursed: how servants and subjects by receiving the Catholic faith and Gospel of Christ, are not in any sort released from their duties, services, and subjection to their Masters, Lords, & Sovereigns, but are rather thereby more straightly bound to perform the same diligently, truly, and faithfully, as in the sight of God before whom they stand: he cometh to this objection: Sed numquid sic erit semper? ut iniusti imperent justis. But shall it be so always? Shall the wicked still have commandment over the rest. To this objection you know what father Parsons would say, viz. No it shall not be so any longer, then that you shall be able to overthrow such governors and get you better. And if in short time you shall not be able yourselves so to do: I will do my uttermost to procure you some assistance out of other Countries, by foreign invasions, procuring excommunications, suspensions, interdictions, depositions, and other means. But to omit this unnatural stepfather, let us hear what S. Augustine (that worthy Prelate, light, lantern, pillar, and Father of, and in the Catholic Church) will answer to the said objection. Nunquid sic erit semper? Shall it always be so? Non sic erit, It shall not be so? But when shall it be otherwise. The substance of his answer is: that it shall be otherwise when Christ cometh to judgement. Now (saith he) we often see, that there are many good Lords and masters: but when it happeneth otherwise, it must be borne with. Quare? Why? ut non extendant, etc. that the just may not stretch forth their hands to wickedness, & understand that such their service and subjection is not everlasting: Sed preparent se ad possidendam sempiternam haereditatem. And therefore reserving themselves for this lasting inheritance: let them bear injuries, but do none. And his conclusion of all this discourse is in these words: Haec cogitant qui voluntatem dei sequuntur, non voluntatem suam: who follow Gods will and not their own. Now if this were the doctrine of the catholic church in those days: then how inconvenient this jesuitical innovation is, and how dangerous to be published now a days, the state of all catholics in England, but especially of priests, may make it to be evident. For by this wicked assertion so soon as the number of catholics shall be so increased as that they may be able to take arms against her Majesty, they are bound in conscience so to do, and do grievously offend if they do otherwise: nay they do incur the Pope's excommunication (saith father Parsons.) Now what must her Highness and the state think of such subjects? doth it not stand her in hand to prevent that the number of catholics do not increase? if therefore they do increase faster than she would, if sufficient testimony be not given to the contrary, scil. that all are not of this jesuitical faction, & Puritanian opinion: hath she not good cause given her to cut them off? I speak after the manner of men: not presuming to tempt God with miracles. What could any king or prince in Christendom being persuaded in religion as her Majesty is, do otherwise: if he meant not to have the crown plucked from his head? There is no way to prevent this mischief for aught I know, but that all catholics do enter into a league and make a vow, that they never will give care to these bloody jesuits in that behalf, but utterly detest it: and that, were their number and strength much more and greater than her Majesties, they will never be persuaded or drawn, either by threatenings or promises of any (be it the Pope himself) to bear arms against her Highness, to the destruction of her royal person and state: but be ready to adventure their goods and lives in her majesties defence against him or any other that shall assail or invade by hostile hand her state or kingdom under pretence of restoring of the catholic faith or whatsoever. Nay, as many catholics as stand affected to the jesuits, considering how her Highness hath been used by these their false teachers: they shall think themselves most infinitely bound to her Majesty, if notwithstanding they shall now vow and profess as is expressed: yet that she shall be pleased to believe them: the doctrine of the jesuits touching equivocation hath already bewitched so many of them. But principally what are all catholic priests that are jesuited to look for upon the broaching of this desperate and devilish conceit? when the catholics are in number sufficient they must rebel: and the innocent priests are sent over to increase this number. Into what perplexities are they hereby cast? How can they expect any favour when they are taken? none cannot deny that their coming over is to increase the number of catholics: and that father Parsons reigneth and hath the whole direction at this day for all the missions that are for England. How then (alas) how may her Majesty & the state conclude against them? what laws can be too extreme to keep them out of the land? or if they will needs come in: what severity for the execution of laws against them can be more than sufficient? Into what gulf are we plunged? nay into what an obloquy are we plunged? nay into what an obloquy must the catholic church of Rome grow, in that the execution of priesthood and treason are now so linked together by the jesuits in England, as we cannot exhort any to the catholic faith: but dogmatizando in so doing we draw him in effect to rebellion? For the mitigation therefore both of her Majesty and the state, and that they may deal more mercifully with poor secular priests: I do here profess both for myself and those that are not jesuited (as too many are) that we loathe, and detest this point of jesuitisme: that if we find that we can not otherwise prevail, and that such as are catholics will needs run into these jesuitical courses of rebellion and treason: we will surcease from the execution of our functions, and from the increasing of that number that will will not be advised by us: with patience and suffering to expect the Lords leisure for the restitution of the catholic faith: and in the mean time to obey her Majesty as they did in Tertullians' time, and as Saint Augustine doth teach us in lawful commandments and points pertaining to civil government and temporal laws. THE V ARTICLE. whether seeing this Buchananian doctrine of stirring up subjects to rebel against their Sovereign's when they are of force, is so greedily snatched up of the jesuits, as it seemeth they would scorn not to be holden or accounted of, as the first author, or at least practisioners of it in their own sense and meaning: is it then the whole monarchy of all these northern Isles of England, Scotland, and Wales that they shoot at? or else do they aim at the crown monarchial of England only? or otherwise at none at all directly: but only for a superiority over the ecclesiastical and secular state. THE ANSWER. THey do questionless, cast at all both ecclesiastical, temporal and monarchical states: as may be demonstrated by sundry arguments, convincing them of their no less treacherous and ambitious, then Pharisaical and irreligious intents, attempts, practices and proceed therein. First, for that in precise terms they and theirs have given it out for England by name: that it should be made an Island of jesuits: and that they were assured of it, that the king of Spain upon the conquest would bestow it upon them. Secondly, before the Lady Infantaes title, marriage or placing in the Low countries was dreamt of, the chief speeches was of the king her father's title; and for hers it was but then coldly handled. And if you mark well the tenor of his discourse throughout his whole Dolmanian coined succession, you shall not find him absolute in his opinion for Spain. And he frameth all his passages to persuade as well all our English nation, that it will be fittest and for the most advancement of our nobles, and augmentive flourish of the whole common wealth: as also most secure, and to the greatest both merit and renown of the king catholic, never to offer to come hither himself, or to enthronize his majesty or royal issue within the Britons coasts, as a diminution of his honour & princely regality, so to do: considering our country is so base, obscure and beggarly: and the blood royal together with all the heroeces, nobles and gentles of these northern Isles so abject, mean and ignominious forsooth, where his Spanish paragons with their Mercurian gilded Caduceus come in place. Lo dear Catholics, and all you dee●●ly affected 〈…〉 country's 〈◊〉 thi●ke 〈◊〉 not b●● that 〈…〉, & you 〈…〉 Lady's 〈…〉 sh● 〈…〉 be●●● 〈…〉. Pa●●●● 〈…〉 the rest of 〈…〉 its 〈…〉 great 〈◊〉 ●●gher ad●a●ce●●●●, 〈…〉 you 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 the Spaniard 〈◊〉 montaigne ●a●●●s, etc. But the best, most convenient and contentive course to be taken for all parties is by this exlegall legifers laws set down; for the Spaniards to bring this whole monarchial Isle from the name, honour and title of successional regality, to be under a viceroys government & charge, & there withal reduced into the form & fashion, and proportioned order of a Province: to send the peers & other nobles (natives of this land that shall take the Spaniards part) into foreign countries, as Sicily, Naples, Peru, India, etc. to make them Viceroys there, and then to commit this Province to the government of the fathers of the society of jesus, sci. to our petty king father, Fa. Parsons and the rest as I said before. Which assertion if it seem absurd & to be but a surmise; then tell me I pray, what government can you gather out of all his books that we shall have: or who shall be our king o● sway the sceptre royal of this land? For the king of Spain himself, it is to mean for him, and therefore holden of Fa. Parsons for a dishonour if he should leave Spain to keep here his royal Court. For his daughter the new Archdutchesse of Austria, Duchess of Burgundy, & Lady of Netherlands: her grace was but then glancingly spoken of. Yea when Fa. Parsons had urged the subscription and consent to her title, afterwards to sundry of our nation (as before is said) amongst the rest a reverend priest and ancient gentleman old Master Midleton, being roughly handled by Fa. Parsons, and endangered in Spain before his departure to Rome, for not consenting to his unnatural motion, unless it might have been by marriage of the said Lady Infanta to some noble or peer of our land. This cozening mate protesting at the first that it was meant no otherwise, but she should: afterward when partly by force and fear, partly upon hope to have gotten all his money out of this father's hands (who by your leave (under Benedicite be it spoken, cozened him at the last cast of three hundred pound at least, as we have been credibly informed by reverend priests then there, which he never could get out of his hands:) he consented upon that condition to give his name to that charter of subscription. And then lo what the good father added (quoth he) I could wish her Ladyship married into England: but they are all too mean, and none to be found worthy within that Isle by birth, calling, or any other abilities of so royal a Lady as she is. It is wonderful how this Protheus windeth and turneth, now this way, now that way, and with what suppositions, exceptions, conditions, and quiddities he handleth this point. All which devices & the circumstances thereunto belonging, being with mature judgement examined, and a through review taken of the whole scope and mark he shutes at, glancing here and there at the popular authority given to the subjects of this land to choose a king of their own: do make it most apparent that his, and by consequent the rest of the jesuits meaning was, and is, if possibly they can bring it to pass. First, to destroy our whole Nation by aid of the Spaniard, and Austrian, Burgundian, Netherlandian, and such like German bred huff-muff forces. Secondly, and then having brought all into subjection, slavery and bondage, (especially the ancient nobility and secular clergy, by sending the former into other countries under pretence of advancement to higher honours, and suppressing the latter as illiterate, unexperienced and unfit to govern or any way to be advanced to the Ecclesiastical state) there must follow such weighty reasons moving aswell the king catholic, as the Lady Infanta to appoint some Regent, Viceroy or other substitute under them; as whether soever or who else beside win it by conquest, or compromises, yet none but a jesuite shall or can be found fit, Penes quem imperium, To have the whole managing of all causes: and to govern the whole Isle. Thirdly, the high Counsel of Reformation for England, doth make the case most clear, that they aspire to a Sovereignty above all these Northern Isles, aswell in causes Ecclesiastical as Temporal; as if you please to peruse the Quodlibet here set down of that matter, you may easily perceive: but more directly if you can get a sight of the book itself. Only this consider by the way, that the chief point there touched being an economical order set down to appoint all estates within what compass they shall live by an Agrarian law, there is neither Priest nor lay person from the highest to the lowest in either or any of the three ancient states of this land: but must by that high Court of Parliament or Counsel of reformation stand at the jesuits devotion to fleet and swim which way, and as their fatherhoodes will have them, so as a jesuit must be Dominus fac totum, in all these northern Isles. Fourthly, the institution of the Archpriest is in such form in their pretence: as it can not denotate less than a supremacy in time to come over this whole Isle of England, Scotland, and Wales, and by consequent then over Ireland as subject to England. For otherwise to what end is it that Master Blackwell should have as full and ample jurisdiction over all Scotland, as he hath over England, considering that they have a catholic Bishop of their own country and nation? And withal, to what purpose is it that certain priests of late coming out of Spain, should be more urged, than others were to obey him in what he should command: he still himself notwithstanding being at the jesuits devotion to stand or fall, and at their appointment and direction to command, when, what, and where they will have him. Fiftly, the most egregious, tyrannical, usurpate, intrusive authority of the jesuits gotten over all the Seminaries at Rome: at Saint Omars, in Spain, and at Deway (for even the precedent there, is but a subject, servant or (some term him the vassal of father Parsons) adding hereunto the like intendment for England, in plotting to have had father edmond's head of the afflicted Church in Duresse, and father Garnet the supreme head of all the priests and catholics living abroad at liberty; and both these then being but subordinate under Parsons, he directing, appointing, and commanding all both here and there as he list and as the general and his fatherhood shall judge: what else can this denotate, than an absolute intendment of a jesuitical monarchy. Sixtly, the presumed plea they take upon them against the secular priests on his behalf attributing unto him, Per argumentum è contra, The title of a Sovereign: by calling the said seculars and all that appeal from him, rebels, etc. Which word howsoever it may improperly be applied to any inferior, respecting his resisting of a Superior; yet the common phrase of speech is, to use that word only as a traitorous act or attempt of a subject against his Sovereign, And therefore do we call traitors rebels: when they rise by resistance or inpugnance of their Prince's authority, laws, orders, or decrees. Whereas if it be but against some noble or other private or public person: we call it a commotion, a riot, quarrels, a fray, a contention, etc. But treason, rebellion, sedition, and faction, do always presuppose such a superior as hath none above him in that state, calling, and condition of life wherein he lives as Sovereign, and those that rebel, etc. as subjects under him. Forasmuch therefore as we justly term the jesuits traitors, rebels, seditious and factious persons, not in regard of the contention that is betwixt them and us for superiority (which they vainly arrogate to themselves over the seculars resisting their proud attempts, plots, & devices that way) but in respect of their tampering in state matters, opposing themselves against their native Prince and Country, and practising the utter ruin and destruction of this land, by stirring up both foreign powers to invade and home borne subjects to rise in arms, adding hereunto their many libels, slanderous and infamous speeches in prejudice and against both Pope and Prince, church & common wealth & both states: This being that act and those proceed which make traitors, rebels, factious and seditious persons indeed: they still crying Whoreson first in a contrary sense, because (forsooth) we would not be obedient to the Archpriest, even jump in the jesuitical meaning, pretence, and action: therefore are we called rebels, seditious, factious, etc. By which words they plainly attribute a sovereignty to Master Blackwell in opposition, for causes ecclesiastical against and above the Pope's holiness: and for causes temporal over and against her Majesty. And although that this be an ordinary passage amongst them to call all that are not currants of Master Blackwels' course, factious, seditious, etc. Yet of all the rest, there is one jesuite Fa. Holt by name, who useth this word Rebel more than any or all the rest of his fellows, in a most arrogant proud conceited letter of his to a very worthy Catholic Lady of special note, name and esteem, as well for her calling, birth and abilities in gifts of nature and fortune: as also for her rare virtues, religious piety, constancy and other endowments and graces abounding in all works of charity. Whom how this factious jesuite (one of the right stamp) hath be laboured with his pen to win unto his byace, and to bring her Ladyship in dislike of the secular priests (as others have sought, but all alike prevailed, she being both too wise, constant, and virtuous to be carried away with gloss) you would marvel that ever any bearing the face of a religious man would write so exorbitantly as he there hath done) to his utter shame and discredit, as you shall well perceive when it once comes forth in Print with the discovery of his arrogancy, ignorance, & lies on the one side: and of his malice, slanderous tongue, & contempt of the secular priests on the other side. But to return to our former speech: These circumstances of Parson's actions and names given to offenders, demonstrating a sovereignty or superiority in chief to be in Master Blackwell: it followeth that he being notwithstanding all this subordinate, or (for fear or want of wit, experience and knowledge due to such a superior: as he takes upon him to be) at the command of Fa. Garnet, betwixt whom by a priest of their own faction, it hath been told that there is continual intercourse once in every 24. hours at least: there can no less be aimed at by the jesuits in this Isle, than a supreme power imperialty and dominion over all. And so I conclude that they aim at the succession themselves to rule under the Spaniards, or rather to cloak their intended ambitious aspires under the Spaniards wings a while, until they have gotten all subjecteth under them. Sed caveat Hispania praelio, partu, venditur proelis fides. THE VI ARTICLE. whether? then seeing they shoot at the whole monarchy of great Brittany together with Ireland: Do they intent any thing against France or not? Or whether their practice for England may hinder or further their attempts for France, more than their like practices for Scotland, one while, and for Ireland, another while, may do or no? THE ANSWER. ENgland is made the main chance of Christendom, as our country's heavy case is at this present by seditious, factions, tampering and aspiring heads. Wherefore we have just cause so many as love to live in quiet, to pray heartily for the preservation of her majesties life. For afterward great calamities are we sure to see, so many as live to that woeful hour by all probable conjecture. And by consequent than it followeth, that England is the only butt, mark, and white, they aim at; as well in intention, as in execution of their pretended expedition, exploit and action. Which failing, farewell a jesuits monarchy for ever. But holding their plots cast for England, then have at all France and other nations by piece meal, in succeeding turns of conquests. And therefore stands it both the state ecclesiastical and temporal upon: of England in chief: of France next; and so of all other states and princes, to look to them in time, and to join in aid, favour, and assistance of the Seminary and secular priests in this their appeal. This conclusion needs no further, better, nor other proof, than a relation with advisement of this discourse quodlibetical. First, for that as you may gather by the second reason in the last Article, and perceive more at large if you read father Parsons Dolemanian succession, he bringeth all his chief and strongest arguments for intituling the Lady Infanta to the English crown from that head, scil. for that she is the right heir of Britain and France, etc. Now than if she be the heir of France and Britain (as in precise terms he calleth her in his Appendix) and that thereby she be entitled to our English crown, then questionless if once she get, or (I should have said) they get possession of this Isle in her right which they aim at in chief, their title thereunto coming by this means, it stands with no sense that they should give over their claim on her grace's behalf to that kingdom whereof they say she is already heir, having obtained that monarchy whereunto she is entitled by the foresaid claim of heritage, and whereby withal reciprocally she is again reintituled to the same French kingdom and crown. Neither will the law Salic keep them out from advancing her royal ensigns in the midst of them. For I hold it but for a kindly canvas, banding bob, or taunting effect, to confront with France, for Burgundy, Britain, and other states and signiories, of old depending upon the French crown: affirming as father Parsons doth in Doleman, that though by the law Salic the Lady Infanta may be defeated and put from her rightful title of inheritance, and lawful claim to the whole kingdom of France, in concreto, or in sensu composito, (as a man may term it) yet no reason saith he there, but that so many states & provinces as came to the crown of France by heirs general or women, but that the same should twelve unto the Spaniard by women heirs again. Which if he can bring to pass (for all those signiories come by women) then shall the French be so fleeced in abstracto or in sensu diviso, as let them rest assured, to be distracted out of their wits ere the Spanish jesuitical faction have left them: unless they surrender up the whole into their hands, and yield perforce to abrogate the authority of their Salic laws, it holding no way either in piety or policy with father Parson's principles, that taking upon him in his said book of titles and high counsel of reformation, to abolish utterly the ancient municipal laws of this land, which were established by highest authority, than the law Salic of France, and that before ever the said law was heard of amongst them, that they should not tender, thrust upon and compel the French, to change their form of government, laws, customs, and all at his designment. Secondly, although during the time of their (I mean the jesuits) rebellious practices & conspiracies against the last king Henry the 3. of France, of the house of Valois, and this king regnant Henry the 4. (before king of Navarre:) it was not directly known that the jesuits had cast at the crown and whole kingdom of France in those wars then maintained by aid of the Spaniard: but as a great part of catholics here in England in former broils and conspiracies as well by the dukes of Norfolk, and of Guise, as also by captain Stukley and doctor Saunders aided with Italians, and Spaniards, etc. and finally by the attempt in the year 1588. did think that the jesuits and their faction had done all of zeal (though indiscretely) and for the advancement of God's glory and the catholic cause pretended by them to be religion. So the French catholics many of them of ignorance following the parts of Spain and other rebels against their Sovereign and country by jesuitical persuasion, having had the like good opinion of these religious men, and thereupon following their direction at an inch, yet since their expulsion thence for their treasons and conspiracies, upon more wary and further looking into their doings, drifts, and plot castings, comparing their infamous libels, letters, passages, practices, purposes, and proceed together, and conferring one thing with an other, here and there, and in all other nations, kingdoms, and provinces where they come and can get footing (as now in Swevia the case is clear, how the Polonian king is defeated of that kingdom, occasionated only by their treacherous, ambitious tampering aspires) sundry of sound judgement and of the graver, more politic and wiser sort amongst them that are not led away with passion or affection further than reason, law, justice, conscience, and religion, moves, binds and compels them for to think: are fully persuaded they escaped as great a danger of coming under a jesuitical bondage, when all France was in a furious combustion by them, as ever they or any other nation did, at what time as the Templars (the sampler of the jesuits often mentioned by me in sundry places) had confederated with the Turks or Saracens in a general conspiracy for the overthrow of the whole christian world & of France in chief. And therefore as that most Christian & catholic king great Henry of France now regnant hath just cause together with the state of France, never to admit of the jesuits again to come within his borders, or to like (as the Scots phrase goeth) within his bounds: so marvel not though all that are jesuits either in verbo or in voto, in re or in spe, or in faction or affection, do mightily grudge, murmur, and even gnash their teeth in the fury of their zeal, with most bitter words, reviling as well the Pope's holiness as the king Christian, the state, the clergy, the catholics, and the whole realm of France, when they hear but the name of that nation, or call to mind what a sweet morsel was taken out of their jaws, at the reconciliation of the French king to the catholic Romish Church: as the only act which dashed their hope for the time of that crown, frustrated their ambitious aspires to that mighty monarchy, and put them half in despair of ever obtaining the like means of aspiring to sovereign dominion. Yea I am verily persuaded it gave many of the more ambitious sort amongst them such a frantic, fanatical, mad, distraction in their wills: as seven years retired exercise of contemplation, will hardly bring them to a true mortified religious course and spirit again. For had they gotten France subjecteth under the Spaniards at that time, as the ticklish state of all things stood here and elsewhere: (the Spanish title and claim to the English crown rising thence as before is said) they would have had greater possibility of advantage, helps, and means by size ace and the dice, for the conquest of all these northern Isles then now they have, or are like hereafter easily to be possessed of: the whole Christian world beginning now daily more and more to look into them and their treacherous dealings. Thirdly, I might here enlarge myself with many weighty reasons to convince the jesuitical ambition and aspires to the French crown and kingdom, as well by some suspicious speeches given our by their fautors of the causes moving the marriage betwixt the Lady Infanta Isabella and the Archduke Albert, and placing of them both in the Low countries: as also by the general passages and the jesuitical faction concerning the house of Burgundy, and common applauses given on that behalf: how marvelous deeply affected the Burgundians are to the English, how hateful to the French, how worthy warriors of themselves: and how that their forces, together with the power of England, and strength which the Lady Infanta their sovereign, would bring or send under the conduct of some jesuitical General, perchance of Captain Cubbocke were sufficient to bring both France and Scotland under the English subjection, as of right they should. These with many other the like persuasions used by them both to catholics and others of our common adversaries, show plain (if a man ponderate every point, particular, and circumstance well with himself:) that the jesuits aim at all these northern Isles, together with the whole kingdom of France, and by consequent than these once gotten in full possession, what kingdom in the world, but per nullum tempus occurrens regi, may by degrees come under their bow, bondage and Allobrogicall government. THE VII. ARTICLE. whether then (because so it seemeth by this your last speech) do the jesuits (if they prevail in England or France) intent any thing against Spain and the whole house of Austria; and by consequent against the whole Empire and all other monarchial states of Christendom: or else none but only these before mentioned to themselves, and the rest for the Spanish and Austrian lines. THE ANSWER. IT is most certain, apparent, and manifest by all conjecture, reasons, proofs and arguments ad hominem: that they most traitorously have cast the platform, and do go about so much as wit of man can devise, to bring all kings, princes, and states in Christendom under their subjection. And therefore they have an intendment against Spain, Austria and the whole empire, as well as against England, Scotland or France, or any other peculiar province, though not against all at once (for that were mere folly in them) but by piecemeal (as I said before of these northern Isles) in setting one nation in opposition against an other, and every one to be jealous not only of their neighbour princes, but also of their own subjects each one apart: and all this under pretence of religion, making the Spaniards (because he hath the best bag in deed, though they pretend because he hath more religion in him then the rest: a great many not knowing, or at least not thinking of it, how that the Spanish state is as ticklish as any in Christendom this day, and as much bad and wicked livers in it, as any where almost is to be found, the number of infidels, Nuevo Christiano, and lewd catholics considered) to be the cloak of their colourable aspires, pretending for him alone: as best able they think to bear them out against all other princes or sovereigns whosoever. In which kind of practice, policy and matchivilean devise do blind the eyes of the multitude (which they chief labour for) though it may seem incredible to some that ever they should aspire to an absolute monarchy thereby: considering they are so few in number, and those dispersed here and there in sundry Nations over all the face almost of the whole earth: yet who so doth well consider that the Turkish empire, the Ottomans race, the Mahometans state, hath spread itself abroad upon no expectation had either of themselves, or fear conceived at first of any other by them (like to this platform doctrine and pretend of the jesuits) they will think it neither strange nor impossible; but rather very probable, unless God do strike them and confound their devices. And this I prove first to be so much the more probable, that they both aspire, aim and shoot at an absolute imperial mark, and withal will be able to give a greater assault, push and put for it when time comes, than ever any of the four monarchs or other upstart imperial states gave before them to this day: by how much as they are more dispersed and have greater fatours in all Christian kingdoms, than any other rebels or aspires to sovereign dominions had, in any one of these regions where they first began tyrannically to rule. For if Ottoman alone could pass out of Persia with other vacabonds, and in the end become so mighty a Lord in a strange land (vanquishing in short space the rest of his fellows, all great princes by fortune of wars and other means) that now his successor called Imperator Turcarum, is the most powerable Emperor of the world: yea above the Spaniards (by reason that his dominions are united together round about him) whereas the Spaniard is rather hindered, and his strength diminished by multitudes of kingdoms, entitled, subjecteth, and governed by him, than otherwise; by reason that they lie so far a sunder disjointed, by intercurring countries betwixt him and home on each side) then considering what manner of men they are: none can deny but that there is great likelihood of the jesuits advancement to sovereign dominion, with enlargement of their territories, further than ever it was like that the Turk should have enlarged his, until the effects did demonstrate it unto the world that so it was. Secondly, this is confirmed not only ab inductione, for every particular Nation, how many great potentates side with them, to second their adversaries every where; but also by the means they have to work that feat withal, scil. to increase their faction by winning inveigled single hearts unto them: which they do sundry ways, but especially by three devices, that are the chief aids and hopes of conquests, none of which the Ottomans had when they began their enterprise. One is wit, practice, experience and policy (for in vain are wars abroad, nisi sit consilium domi:) neither Matchivel, nor any that ever yet was in Europe coming near unto the jesuits for Atheall devices to prevent the stoppels of their stratagems, and to further their own proceed. An other is, pretended piety, whereby (through help of the former to put their rules and principles in execution in due time and place, respecting the person and other circumstances and occasions offered:) they have and do not only allure multitudes unto them daily, increasing the number of their faction, but withal, there can be nothing done nor almost intended against them, or for the strengthening (by counterplots) of their adversaries where ever they live: but presently know it, and thereby having their spials in every prince's court and place of most intelligence, that may inform their General, as they do once a month ordinarily from all parts of Europe) what is there done or intended with or against them; they have the advantage by being thus dispersed to save themselves from all universal, or any notable danger. And if possibly it can be prevented, or their adversaries overthrown in their own courses taken against these fathers, they have the means for it, else it is not in the world to be heard of or found. The last is, plenty of money, which Ottoman also wanted. And seeing (to speak morally) there is not that exploit to be done, which money cannot compass: then consider what huge masses of money and infinite treasure the jesuits have every where. It is credibly reported by some reverend priests, as I told you once before; that they lost at their expulsion out of France three millions at the least. Adding hereunto what large collections they make yearly here in England (which is the least they have in any other Nation, unless Scotland, etc.) where they are resident, little or nothing at all, sometimes coming to any afflicted Catholic (so merciless hard and cruel hearts they have) of many 1000 l. which some one of them hath reeceived, as before is touched in part, and more at large in other books written of their coney-catching devices to get money, is to be found. Then I say none ever had fairer means or greater helps and likelihoods of prevailing in their ambitious aspires, and affecting of sovereign dominion in an absolute monarchial state, than they have. Thirdly, that the jesuits practice is as well against Spain, and by consequent against the whole house of Austria, and the Empire, as against any other Nation: it is apparent by that I told you of in part before concerning Fa. Parsons, winding, twinding, doubling and boutgates, in intituling the Lady Infanta to the English crown, meaning it directly for himself and his society; as is manifest also by his said books of succession etc. which here you may please to confirm, as well by general collections out of the same books, as likewise by the common report given out by him and his faction: that not only the said king catholic was privy to the setting forth of that luckless' labour, but also patronized it: as a special work and piece of service done on his majesties behalf, to the greatest prejudice that could ever have been offered to the king catholic as well ancient as recent, and now regnant in esse. For first he makes his majesty the author, (in a sort) patron, and protector of all the conspiracies, treasons, and treacheries that are or can be brought against himself, or any other sovereign prince built upon the erroneous principles and grounds there laid down, by the many wide open gaps, made through his popular doctrine. For all rebellious multitudes in every province, court or country living under the Spanish government or else where: to enter and claim authority over him, if in any thing they take pepper in the nose, by least conceited dislike: and all this under pretence of glorious styles & titles of common wealths and states. Then he insinuateth as though the right & title as well to the crown of England as also of France (and by consequent to the crown and kingdom of all Europe, there being not one but his title to it, is as good if not better, than it is to England) were wholly in his highness gift and free for him to bestow where he pleaseth. And out of this gross conceit he bringeth for an assured assertion, for concatenation of the catholic religion and king catholic together: as bellum sacrum hath been ever since made odious even to a Christian catholics ears: and the Spaniard had in suspicion of all other Christian princes, that he aspireth to a sole absolute monarchical government, despition, whereas it is this said father and his society that aim at it in very deed. Which no indifferent, valorous or wise man hearing of, but will think that all princes in christendom have just cause to look hereafter to their stand, and to have a jealous, watchful restlesst eye, aswell upon the jesuits, (and never to trust a word they speak in commendation of the Spaniard, and discommendation of other people or nations compared with them) as also upon the said kings, Queens and Archduke, and Duchess, etc. When they pretend any thing either on the catholic church or the jesuits behalf: and by consequent shall do an act of high merit, justice, prudence, and policy if they (I mean all other christian princes and states) expel these seditious factions, & turbulent irreligious persons out of all their territories, signiories, regalties and dominions, that have pestered the Church of God with such wicked doctrine as the project of that book imports. As none will judge otherwise of them, but as of most conscienceles, careless, and bloody minded men, when they shall hear first of one book set out (as Greenecote is) wherein the Author doth manifestly demonstrate that no different religion (be it heresy or whatsoever) ought to deprive a lawful heir in fee simple of his father's inheritance, being but a subject and a foreigner; then in princes rights & titles to kingdoms, it must and aught to hold saith father Parsons in that place; bringing in sundry examples, how that neither in England, catholics by that name were debarred of their lawful inheritance under her Majesty since the change of religion here, neither the Puritans in Scotland under the Queen Regent a catholic there: neither in France, Germany, or else where, was it ever heard of, that any were disinherited for religious causes, etc. and then again of an other (as Parsons Doleman is together with his Appendix, Philopater and others) that quite discard all heretics as he terms them) from all interest, pretend or title to any crown. No not if in case hereafter they should be catholic at the attempting of such an exploit, or when they should see there were no remedy. This last conceit with these hot spirited Puritanian, jesuitical faction is holden so far wide and contrary to the former, as if the parties be not catholics, ever at the instant when their fatherhoods would have them (be you fully assured for no zeal of religion but of mere machivilian policy, either thereby to exasperate them against others, or others against them, and so to bring all a float in fire and sword, which is the only thing they long for) they must be censured, judged, and condemned presently for reprobates, atheists, impostors to be converted, and men (be they Princes or whosoever) utterly of God forsaken. This doctrine when princes and other men of learning, judgement, and experience in such pragmatical platforms do perspicuously look into: and withal perceive that religion is abused, and Gods holy name blasphemed (as being not his honour but their own, under a mask of catholic zeal they wish for) they enter further into a deep detestation of their Pharisaical projects, jealously had of their own natural subjects and princely fear, of their royal estates. When they hear a man pretend (as father Parsons doth on Spaniards behalf) & make a claim never heard of in any age, to another man's lands, in whose actual, quiet, and apparently rightful possession, by lineal descent from the father to the son for many hundred years space, times and ages past, it having continued: is now divoluted to the present incumbent, or prince regnant from his ancestors, whose state, title, and regal honour he hath, possesseth, and peaceably enjoyeth: that so ancient renowned, indubitate a right should now be called in question, and that upon the bare word of a clamorous claim, exceeding all mean, modesty and measure made by an arrant traitor, to God, his Prince, his country, and to all laws of God, of nature, of nations, or of man: and generally misliked of by all grave, discreet, prudent, learned, wise, religious, true hearted catholics, especially for this his sudden chameleon, unexpected, undeserved, ungrounded, exorbitant, passionate apostrophall change, of a foisted in pretend; audaciously presuming (without bulls, breve, billet, ticket, word or warrant of any authority) to charge all men to allow, admit, ratify and confirm without all gainsay, controlment, or contradiction; such a Sovereign as he the said father Parsons will appoint them: otherwise to be noted for Atheists, fools, rebels, malicious politics, and adverse to his catholic Majesty, and (forsooth) the common cause: this, this is that most odious, scandalous, irreligious, treacherous, & erroneous doctrine, which is so prejudicial to the king catholic and his pretended cause: as whiles Spain is Spain, England, England, France, France, and Rome, Rome, will it never be forgotten nor forgiven, nor the jealousy thereof put out of all princes hearts. So as justly father Parsons may be pointed at for worse than a fabling libeler: and were worthy were he not a priest, to be set upon the pillory, and that even by his catholic Majesty; for bearing the world in hand that he was set on, to write those libels by warrant and privity of the said surmised pretendor: whereas all circumstances both in the same books and scheduls, together with those plotcasters speeches in secret to their friends, and the many dangers, damages, indignities & discommodities accrueing to the king and his royal estate: do argue quite contrary. This is that venomous law, will pierce the king catholic to the very naked heart, if his Majesty permit it to pass currant without due punishment inflicted upon the presumant scribe: and speedy abolishment of so polypragmaticall a platform; no less dangerously cast, then traitorously laid to entrap all princes in Christendom in a Templars snare: and as prejudicial (if not more) in chief to the crown and safety of his royal person, to his family in esse, and to his successors for ever hereafter; as to any other prince or monarch whosoever. For let his Highness wink at this doctrine and seem to authorize it: and than what better warrant or more plausible can be devised (when minds of people in all nations as rueful experience doth tell us, are now a days so quickly exulcerated with grievous sores of gusts and discontent easily corrupted with maladies of contention, and hastily set on horseback with superfluous humours of novelties, innovations, ambition, disdain, revenge, thirsting after blood, desirous of liberty, and greedily affecting sovereignty:) then thus to authorize all and every Province under his government to rebel against him at their pleasure: and avouch, maintain, and defend for lawful, all their outrageous insurrections, malapert mutinies, and contagious crimes, against his highness and soundest part of his nobles and subjects every where, but especially in the Low countries under this counterfeited conference holden at Amsterdam amongst the States there. Yea by this colourable doctrine of Fa. Parson's hotch potch, prodigious common wealths authority, when it comes to reasoning (standing the premises without the king's controlment:) they may lawfully aver all their practices, proceed and deeds past: they may admit his majesty peaceably to govern and reign over them with this condition that he shall maintain the course by them begun for government, and allow of all their profane and irreligious orders set down for succession, as to be let in and put out at their pleasure. And thus under a cloak of a most shameful heathenish Turkish and ridiculous common wealth's authority (never seen, nor heard, nor liked, nor allowed of by God or man) the king regnant should be as the term goeth to day a man to morrow none. Now a king crowned at twelve a clock at noontide, and presently disinuested of all his robes of estate and uncrowned again by prime if it so pleased the mock majesty of the multitude: at the kings royal approach to the imperial throne of regality, he shall have the title in words of a king monarchial with vivat rex in aeternum, but like a king of clouts ere ever he take regal state upon him, he shall hear a proclamation from a Democracy, with penes nos respublica regimen & imperium: if the said state popular be strong enough to bear away the style and title of a colourable weal public. And thus per circulum, one king displaced after an other, none being sure of his state, but removable by law at the good will and pleasure of the mobile vulgus, as mutable as the weathercock: the Spanish majesty, and Archgrace of Austria (being once in possession of the English, French, & Scots crowns) must depend upon the exorbitant, inconstant, passionate wills of their own unruly vassals to be expelled the next day after: if either he displease, or an other better conceit them in their rustic, rude, ruffling humours. And so one after an other must be placed, or displaced, as these common wealths humorists fancy best. To whom (as Master Charles Paget hath well noted) king Philip must obey like a poor lackey in a French joupe, to run and turn, sit, and stand, reign, and render, accept and abjure his crown and kingdom, regality and all, as a subject, servant, and poor vassal at their appointment, and right served by his own acceptance and allowance of a Law and legifer so contemptible, disgraceful, and prejudicial to the sacred majesty of a King. But questionless, if either his late majesty, or present king regnant, had understood our English idiom or been truly informed of the contents of those his worthless works, or had known what absurdities, contradictions, and spiteful preiudices, had lain close couched betwixt the bark and tree, the root, and the rind, the superficial show in words, and real proceed in acts, of father Parsons and his confederates bewitching both his and our Sovereign's loyal subjects (together with all the populars of every Prince in Christendom) with this his most dangerous, irreligious, wretched, and rebellious doctrine, made for his own purpose, under a flattering dissimulate pretence, of advancing his majesties title to that he hath no right unto: and thereby to bring both him and all other Princes in subjection to these popular state conspirators, for their own ancient, just, and lawful inheritance: he would sure have rejected him with have, and ho, in a strappado: unless that his priesthood might happily have saved him at a pinch of extremity. But yet his majesty may perhaps cast him into the Inquisition, and cause him to be degraded, eraced, and burnt for an heretic, if he obstinately maintain what he hath begun: but that is the spite of it, a jesuite will stand to nothing, though there be a thousand witnesses of it) when his books and libels shall come in print for these matters, translated into Latin or Spanish, with perfect annotations of that corrupt text of his, taken out of his own, and his confederates works against himself, for better information of his highness, and the sacred Inquisition of many blasphemies, foul abuses, and gross errors. As first affirming as erst I told you: how that all succession government, and governors or whatsoever is included or dependeth upon the law divine and of nature, is all one without possibility of alteration or change: as God and nature (saith he) are common and one to all alike, etc. He thereby covertly by a fallacy denies free will in man, putting no difference betwixt the laws of nature general, and specifical: or that law which is common to man, together with brute beasts, and that other which is proper to man alone. Which latter (as that whereupon only this government dependeth) he must grant to be naturally subject to alteration and change, as the former is tied to immutability and permanent continuance in one and the self same state. Then hereupon followeth an other absurdity scil. a king saith he in plain terms holdeth his crown, regality, and kingdom, by the goodwill of the common wealth his vassals where he reigneth. Again, an other absurdity or grosser error may be this: that he affirmeth this common wealth (which he avoucheth to control regal majesty in form above recited to place, and displace, kings and subjects at their pleasure) hath to challenged this privilege unto it: that it is commanded by the holy Ghost in such sort as that in sentence judicial it cannot err. And by consequent I infer first; that he meaneth absolutely of a jesuitical common wealth squared, agreeing to the high Counsel of Reformation. (For never could I hear any other state, court, or association that they would honour so much as to give out they could not err, save only themselves and their society, etc.) And then again: that this supposed of a jesuitical common wealth scil. Quod respublica non potest errare: it followeth that rebels & traitors may hereupon build what the list, and bring in the great Turk, or Cam, of Catay, to rule over us without controlment. And this brings in an other contradiction. For whereas in one place he holdeth that titles to kingdoms of Princes once settled are not to be examined, but absolutely obeyed, by private men: in an other place quite contrary, he presumes upon his own head to examine titles of the greatest monarchs on earth, and to determine them by way of consultation in a public conference of a wine tavern authority. And because uno absurdo dato plura sequuntur: therefore to make show that this conference was by authority not of private but of public persons: therefore must every wayfaring man & traveler, tinker & pedlar, rogue and runagate, tag and rag that is a member of father Parsons common wealth, more exorbitant than his former (called of many the Earl of Leicester's common wealth or Greencote) must be a public person, and not daily and hourly carried away in private from his own opinion: nor yet examine the matter privately, before or after he come to confer thereof with this grave father, we may be sure and the rest of the jesuits appointed for that purpose: Just like to this legifers' law given to his vicegerent the Archpriest, to cut off all meetings or conferences to be had amongst secular priests about his authority. And a very like law or rather abuse of all law and order, is his tyrannical course taken amongst the English students at Rome, that they may not have their mutual meetings, congratulations, recreations, and other solaces and comforts of one chamber, class, and company with another, as erst they have had, and is every where else to be found, where any humanity, religious piety, or charitable wish or desire of either spiritual welfare, or corporal health, progress and practice of study, virtue and learning is resident in the Rector, Principal or chief. But jesuits must needs smell of innovations and singularity in all things: otherwise how should we know their rare endowments, illuminations, and familiar acquaintance with their maker etc. And to this absurdity a blasphemy of his may be added, wherein he maketh this opposition against the sacred state of regal dignity and throne triumphant of imperial majesty: to wit, that the title, honour, and regal dignity of a crown, is of all other things so irregular and extraordinary, as not only an usurper, disseizer, intruder, and impious tyrant, but also even a very infidel, a traitor, a butcherly murderer, or a most base Assismistial crew; if once he may attain it by the rules of father Parsons common wealth: then his title is never after to be examined by any (except a jesuit, you must always understand) but every one is bound (as is above said) in conscience to obey the same. Lo here noble princes and you dear catholics, what you are to learn out of the jesuitical doctrine. Certainly therein is nothing else but fallacy upon fallacy, error upon error, one contradiction encountering another, and all nothing but treacheries, treasons and conspiracies. The state of a monarchy is of all other governments the most perfect and excellent: and yet forsooth the tenure of a crown is imperfect, infamous, as out of all rule and order. The actual possession of a kingdom or state at the first usurpation of it, must only guide the right as the most material point to lead the inheritance and succession of a crown which way it liketh best. The common wealth is the only judge of the possessionar or king regnant to control him at the pleasure of the people. A king was made to rule a common wealth, and a common wealth to obey a king: and yet carts must lead carthorses, scholars guide schoolmasters, people teach preachers, children rule parents, and an unruly irregular disordered, multitude witkout head, or of many heads, (none good) like a monster, cloaked by a fallacy to abuse simple people under the name of a common wealth, must govern the most irregular and extraordinary crown. And so laws must be construed conformable to the sensual appetite of a multitude: & not the multitude reform agreeable to God's laws. Sovereign's must accommodate themselves to the manners and conditions of their subjects, be they good or bad: and not subjects apply themselves to the arbitrement of their sovereigns be they never so good and gracious, longer than they list to obey them. Sovereign's must reign upon sufferance only de facto ad beneplacitum populi, in a bare possession of a crown: but not de iure to continue the same by order of law in his own right, longer or otherwise then the varieties of humours altering the dispositions in men, may move the people to interpret the law from time to time unto them. Thus shall neither the king catholic, nor the emperor, nor any other sovereign have assurance of safety for their person or state one minute of an hour; and all by this unchristian directory of father Parsons: which makes all their actions good and allowable to displace princes at their pleasure. And yet still vice must be virtue, violence made law, wrongs judged rights, hangmen made judges, and traitors crowned kings: but deposible always and actually oftentimes must be deposed, be there cause or no cause; be they capable or incapable; be it in the field of war, or in the land of peace. Because (forsooth) Fa. Parsons public state or statisticall doctrine of runagates (called here a Common wealth) doth hold it necessary to be so: & is the only judge peramount in all state cases & commissions for a crown, king, & kingdom without appeal to any higher judge whosoever. And further every Precopite Tartarian multitude, thus incorporated getting once the style and title of a public state, in their own opinion, may brook the name of a Genevian, or an Helvetian, or a Switherly common wealth: and alter, change, and innovate the course of inheritance and succession, not only to crowns and kingdoms, but also to every private persons heritage holden in Fee simple. So as they may bear away the right and true title cast upon any from the king to the Freeholder by the laws of Fa. Parson's new common wealth; and give it to whom they list though the party be neither member of that state, nor subject thereunto by nature, submission, enfranchisement or other ordinary and lawful means. For if the only lawful and good tenure of a kingdom, diadem, and crown be holden by the king himself of the goodwill only of the common wealth, that is as much to say as a Tenant at will of the people: then followeth it by this hyperbolical fiction against the state of inheritance in regal majesty, that à fortiori, all a sovereigns' subjects also which have any lands of ancient demain or other inheritance must be subject to the like laws. And so by good or at least necessary sequel is inferred, that this they do to confront the king of Spain in chief points of regal state: and to harden the Hollanders, Zelanders and others, there to maintain wars in open action against him: as also to minister new matter of rebellion in Arragon, in Portugal, and in all other of his own dominions, for a seditious rout to thrust him quite out of his whole monarchial estate of Spain, and to deprive him of kingdom, crown, and life at their pleasure. To all this Fa. Parsons hath prepared a ready way to serve his own turn and his societies, not the king nor any of his royal issues therewith▪ for his admittance to the Spaniards (much more to any other) kingdom, being only by his common wealth and popular applauses never so well settled: yet holding his crown but as Tenant at will of the said common wealth, who may revoke their admittance when they list to quarrel: it followeth that he hath no estate of, nor assurance at all in him, for any thing he holdeth. Thus hath this great Statist discovered at unawares his own, and his confederates ambitious aspires, treacherous intent, Atheall expectation, pragmatical practice, and Matchivilian platform to make the world believe he pleads only for the Spaniards, and that simply and plainly for religions sake: when his drift directly is (immediately by means of conquest intended for England) to bring all Christendom into an uproar for common soldiers to examine their sovereigns what title they hold by: and thereupon themselves by craft, money, and multitudes gathered together through their Atheall policy, bring Spain and all the rest under their subjection. Which apparent intendment plots and practices with other like weighty considerations, if the late king had lived: would have been a sufficient warning to him for ever, being abused by any jesuite again. And happily when this king regnant, and his sister the Lady Infanta shall know thus much, and much more than here is said: it will breed the same effect in their princely heads, as a fit mean to cut off these turbulent state tamperers, and no less ambitious aspirers, then ungrateful maligners of those princes, that have backed, advanced, and defended them most. And either hereafter force them in Spain and in all other countries to avoid princes courts, and meddlings with nobles or the state where they live: and so retire themselves to their cloisters as religious men should do, and as all do but they only who despise all order; or else set them packing out of this Christian world amongst the Antipodes, Indians, & other people to us here unknown. For so long as they stay uncontrolled as they are, the church of God will never be in quiet nor suffered to live unuexed by them. THE VIII. ARTICLE. whether then (seeing it seemeth the jesuits aspire to the whole and absolute monarchy of the world) have they any intent or meaning to put in for a supremacy, & so to thrust out the Pope's holiness; or have they no such intended practices amongst them? THE ANSWER. IF the question had been whether ever any possibility or intendment were by them to get a jesuite to be Pope or no: the answer had been more ready than it is to the former interrogatory. For that the general jealousy which most of that sacred consistory have of the jesuits pride, ambition, & greedy affectation of a supremacy: hath been cause that of late (as some do say) there is an order taken that no jesuits shall ever be admitted hereafter to be Card at least not in that authority as some of them have been in, lest they work some crafty means to get to that worthy dignity as in tract of time they may bring it about to have him Pope by that means: and then questionless have at all Christendom for both states ecclesiastical and temporal. Which to make apparent, that they aim at no less (and by consequent that, as there was but one only jesus who was high priest and king in the Hebrews monarchial Empire or kingdom of the jews with his twelve Apostles and the rest of his disciples substituted under him: so in their intended platform but one jesuite Pope and prince monarchial (like a presbyter john) in the kingdom & monarchy of the whole Christian world, with the fathers and lay brothers of his society substituted in every country, region and province under him. Although by relection of what hath been already said there may enough be gathered sufficient to confirm and demonstrate it against them: especially if we confer our English jesuitical practices and proceed, with others of other nations: yet in my opinion there is no one thing that discovers their ambitious aspire more herein, then father Parsons Doleman in his peremptory censure of all impugners of his jesuitical or popular title (for call it no more his Spanish title hereafter, seeing he fisheth wholly for his own society, in as high prejudice to the Spaniards Majesty as to any other) to the English crown. For having as I have said before authorized his subject Master Blackwell with so ample immunities, privileges, pre-eminences, and substitutive jurisdiction, as neither pope nor prince, nor any power or authority (unless jesuitical) on earth may (as it seemeth by shrewd suspicion had of their speech and insinuation given by their actions) have to do with him, nor any in England, Scotland or Wales appeal from him: now by perusing that Quodlibet of plots by authority, and conferring the same with this of succession, you shall find here the doctrinal decrees intended of that which there is set down to have already begun to be in practice. Thus then, he (I mean father Parsons) teacheth in his said book of titles and other manuscripts: First, that all men living under the Spanish allegiance are bound to take notice of their kings rightful title, interest and claim to the English crown etc. Secondly, that the English our countrymen, though of another nation and no way subject to Spain at any time since the world began, were obliged to acknowledge and subscribe (and as some have informed us, to swear) unto the rightful succession of the Lady Infanta. Thirdly, every one (be he foreign or home borne subject) are prohibited in express words, by the king there (saith this good father) and by an inhibition sent from the Archpriest here to show their reasonable censure, or to deliver their opinion and conceit touching the contents of the foresaid books and writings, under pain of incurring the church's curse and his majesties high displeasure etc. In these three positions (that I may omit sundry others, whereof he rankly smelleth of heretical and rebellious doctrine to the See apostolic) you may please to note what he takes upon him, and then compare, confer, & quote the places in the first part of his Doleman making for this purpose: and you shall find that he arrogates to himself more then Apostolical power, so as what to make of him for my part I know not, unless an Antesignane or immediate forerunner of Antichrist: for he taking upon him authority above the Pope in this point of succession, so far as he would seem to make his bloody projects for performance thereof in a settled conceit, as infringible (if not more) as if they were matters of faith defined by a sacred aecumenicall synod: what this his doctrine and threats in compelling to believe and embrace it will breed in time, or what it is, that he thereby shoots at vos judicate. Only two things I will say: first, that a great many and those (some of them at least) no fools nor babies are mightily mistaken in their censure, judgement, and opinion had of his intended platform therein: another is, that whatsoever his intent or meaning is or was for that matter: yet hath he by that book and others very suspiciously prejudiced the See apostolic, and the pope's holiness in chief: whose office he having peremptorily forestalled, usurped, and preoccupated herein, he is to be noted of high ambition, great presumption, saucy disobedience, and what else you may guess beside) to the Roman See as his chief superior: without whose warrant, grant and authority, he hath audaciously presumed to overthrow states, to make new kings, to form common wealths, and to frame laws out of his own brainsick fancy: as though he were Monos, supreme, sovereign and superior in chief under God (if not equal) upon whom, Pope, prince, peer and all persons of what degree, calling, or quality soever they be, are to depend: and from whom all officers, magistrates, powers & dominations are to receive, take and accept of for their practice and directions in all causes martial, monastical, spiritual and temporal. This gross error of father Parsons, and his no less great absurdity then rash, foolish, presumptuous, and most dangerous course, where unto his projects do tend by this his pretence for the Lady Infanta, to colour his own and his societies traitorous aspires: do argue his insolency and pride to be, so great as they blind his judgement, sense and censure from discerning that these his plots, drifts and devices, will be not only condemned and laughed at by a general applause; but he also utterly rejected and cast off, out of all indifferent men's conceits (be they of what religion soever) that bear any love to their country: or that wish a preservation of their ancient nobility and gentry, freed by laws, customs, and privileges from that tyranny & spoil which this hard natured and most cruel hearted man seemeth most to desire for his own private respects and commodities. And surely when I remember the words of some of his proctor's, apparators, sumner's, pursiuants, attorneys, advocates, solicitors, and sergeant here in England that neither could neither can yet endure to here that the Pope's holiness should have any dealing or meddling in this matter (as a gust which gauleth them to the very guts to hear and see some already of a more gracious, sweet & mild incline to mercy in her Majesty towards the innocent on that behalf then heretofore hath been, or then they can hope for to themselves or any way (indeed) do desire to any others, father Parsons and the rest of his state compartners urging nothing more than to have persecution of catholics increased not diminished at all) further than to grant out bulls of excommunication against all those that should impugn the spanish title: and withal to send out pardons and grains of indulgence, to all those that should fight on the Spaniards side against their native country (both which unnatural practices, seeing the jesuits have sought for to be put in execution to the uttermost thereby to torment us on every side, and by consequent incense the so oppressed with rage, against their sovereign and the state: tell me dear catholics what moves you to fawn upon those that thus do labour for your heavy destruction) I cannot but muse with myself, how ever this disguised unfortunate stepfather father Parsons (being filius terrae by birth, an Englishman, by education a catholic by external profession, a priest by character, a religious man by vow and order: and taking upon him by function and calling wholly to advance God's cause, yea with hallows and how-hubs, with whowbes, whowes, and outcries against all that taste not on the froth of his zeal) hath hitherto refused to take his holiness for an example and his sacred predecessors (the successors of Saint Peter upon whom he ought chief to have relied as a special note of so sound a catholic and perfect religious person as he, and his, would make the simple people believe they are) for a pattern to imitate, who have ever held most mild, modest, and moderate courses towards all: but especially towards the kings of great Britain: (were they Scots or English) not half so severe against any; as oftentimes by surreptitiall suggestions of some evil and factious persons they were urged to have been. As well appeared in the bull of Pius the fift, which though we wish had never come out; and much more that the other two since that time denounced against her Majesty, had never been seen or heard of in this world: yet to speak God's truth when the Pope his holiness perceived what bloody tragedies and massacres on all sides, were like to ensue thereupon by command of withdrawing our natural allegiance, from our native sovereign upon wrong information given (as before we have touched at large) the said Bull was called in again and all catholics throughout England left as free to obey her Majesty in all things due to her princely regality as they were before. But letting that and other excommunications pass (as spoken of before with hearty wish they had never been) amongst many examples of the dear love and fatherly compassion of the Pope's holiness towards the inhabitants and princes of this land in times of eminent common wealths dangers: the chief since the Norman conquest was showed in the days and reigns of king Henry the second surnamed fitzempress and of his son king john the third Monarch of England of a Plantagenets royal race. Against whom having used his fatherly correction (as pastor universal over the whole flock of Christ) for their great tyranny and cruelty used towards their natural subjects: yet upon their repentance mercifully receiving them into grace and favour of God's church again; his holiness on the behalf of the second, did not only accurse and excommunicate prince Lewis of France with all his adherents: forcing him to yield up all the interest right and title, that he or his posterity had or ever should have to the English crown: but also surrendered up the said crown of England frank and free to king john and his heirs and successors from of the head of Cardinal Pandulphus (having sit enthronized three days therewith in the Pope's right of purpose to abate and end the strife) for ever to enjoy the same in as full absolute and ample manner as any prince or monarch ever enjoyed, or possessed a crown. And thousands there are in England that desire as much: and I verily think more unfeignedly and with a better, more sincere, true and catholic religious mind then any of the jesuitical or spanish faction do desire the conversion of our country: who yet will be ready to lay their lives to pledge for it, that if (as God forbidden and I hope it shall never happen, that any Lancastrian foreigner should get possession of this land: with as many oaths, homages, and fealties made and done unto him or her whosoever, as prince Lewis had: whom father Parsons brings in for an example in confirmation of the Lady Infantaes title by that house, blood and line of king Lewis of France, be like of purpose to urge the English as he hath to make the like protestation on the said Infantaes behalf) yet would even this Pope Clement the eight according to his predecessors example revoke, recall, repeal and force him or her to retire: and withal would of his mere mercy (a gift appropriated to Saint Peter's chair in special manner) grant to our nation, the election, and choice and set up a king of our own native soil, bred and borne within the confines of great Britain's Ocean upon the like repentance and submission of former princes in this and all other Christian kingdoms, maugre all the jesuits Spaniards and huff-muffs in the world. These important considerations should have touched father Parsons heart with deep remorse to remember: how mightily he hath resisted, impugned, and violated all laws, divine, and human whatsoever: how injuriously he hath dealt against his native Prince, country catholic, and all his friends: and how prejudicial he hath been in his projects, principles, and practices, against the See Apostolic, and S. Peter, by his audacious refusal, to take his holiness for a pattern and sampler to imitate, in these his so weighty, eminent, difficult, and dangerous proceed: He being but a poor silly impotent private man, forbibden latenter even by his order, by his function, by his priesthood, by his profession, by his religion, by his calling: to urge or use any passionate, violent, exasperating, furious course against his Prince and country: quite contrary to his holiness direction, mind, and commission given unto him. Who most agreeable to the practice of the tressacred Apostolical catholic Roman Church, as most wise, sweet, and truly compassionate loving mother, hath ever esteemed it the best, safest, and readiest way to draw and gain such Princes, and common wealths, as are gone astray, to the right and true religion, by sacrifice, prayer, teaching, preaching, good example giving, and that above all, of obedience to their sovereigns and civil magistrates in points of due right belonging to them in such cases: yea and patiently to suffer their own blood to be shed, agreeing to the Apostolical rule, for conversion of countries, rather than once to lift up their eyes with discontent, or set down their pen to paper in their passions, to suffer a flying thought of revenge, to take repose upon the buttress of their breast, or once to go about to tamper with state and temporize with Princes in temporal affairs. Which seeing he and his society have not only plunged themselves in over head and ears: but also he (this father Parsons) winding himself out of the dangers, hath set all in an uproar, by his seditious courses: and not content therewith, hath laboured by his preposterous agents to cast all the whole load, burden, and bundle on our backs, with most extreme obloquy, diffamation, and disgraces, that would not yield a free consent to his turbulent factions, and dangerous stepe eminent down falls in conspiracies: Neither thinking this enough, but as a lunatic, or one raging in his affectate sovereignty, laying about him like Will Somers on all sides, opposing himself together with his confederates against Pope, Prelate, and priest: against Prince, peer, and subject: and against all that are not jesuits, without all respect had of any that crosseth his designments in the way: this then being so (as too too true it is) can any man that hath either true charity, or other virtue, learning, religion, wit, worship, worth, or valour of spirit in him, but see what it is he aimeth at, detest him as an egregious hypocrite, dissembling Pharisie, sly soul murdering parasite: In pugna vi & armis dentibus, & ensibus, & usque ad arras, all his false positions, forgeries, and foisted in authorities, and make it known to all the world, that he, and his society do most greedily affect sovereignty, most traitorously aspire to an absolute monarchy: most ambitiously aim at a supremacy, and most treacherously delude both Pope, Prince, and people, with a seeming kind of zeal, religion, and holiness, to bring all in subjection under them. THE IX. ARTICLE. whether: seeing the jesuits aim not (as it seemeth) at a sole temporal monarchy such as Nabuchodonozer, as Cyrus, as Alexander, as Caesar achieved & attained unto: but such a monarchy as Adam by creation, as No by preservation: as Christ himself by reparation or restoring of mankind to his first right, obtained, possessed, and enjoyed, joining in one person that the two chief divine attributes mercy and justice: the former, proper to a priest: the latter, to a prince: and so by consequent their intended government including in it (as these three, adam's, noah's, and jesus Christ did) the whole and absolute jurisdiction, power and authority monarchial of priesthood and princedom over the whole world: Is there then any intent in the jesuits platform of any such government, as may bear the name and title of a monarchy indeed? or intent they a Democracy, nor an Aristocracy, or an Ologarcy? or what kind of government is intended by them? THE ANSWER. I Am of opinion that no man on earth can tell what government it is, they intent to establish, ratify & confirm: when they come to their preconceited monarchy: No not any of their plotcasters, be it the exlegall legifer Fa. Parson's can tell before hand what government he will have and continue withal. For considering that he intends to alter and change all laws, customs and orders (which make me often remember some men's strange conceits, that he should either beget, or immediately procure Antichrist) it cannot be; but that the popularity he now so greatly in covert wise commendeth, will break out upon one occasion or other (ere ever he be settled or well warmed in his kingdom) into some open rebellion against him, otherwise should such a rabble lose the name of Mobile vulgus. And further admit that his providence, forecast and foresight were such, as even in the establishing of the jesuitical state, there should be such governors (as lay brothers of the society) appointed at the sack of every city, winning of every hold, fort or sluice, and conquest of every kingdom, country or province, as by their martial prows combined with civil policy might keep them all in order subordinately one under another: and all under their Generall-Pope-monarchiall-sole Emperor over the whole world: yet considering the extreme ambition of that kind of people, as before hath been passantly touched here and there (especially noted in the brabbling contentions betwixt the two great emperors Fa. Parsons and Fa. Heywood) this order whatsoever it shall be, or how orderly soever observed for the whole, until they have gotten that into their hands, they all do gape after. No question but it will break off in short time, and that they shall be forced to alter, change, and make new laws again. And this being fitly agreeing to a principle of their own, set down by M. Paget as he hath observed in them, scil. Omnia pro tempore, nihil pro veritate: no question of it, but their government shall be as uncertain as their new conceited monarchy, their monarchy as mutable as their reign, and their reign as variable as the weathercock in the wind: or Protheus in his Compliments: or the sea Euripus in his cross tide ebbs and flows, who for his in constancy hath not of old been holden for more infamous then Fa. Parsons for the like offence is justly judged and accounted as most monstrous in our days. But to answer directy to the Article proposed, no question is to be made of it, but that the government they do directly intend at this present, is a most absolute sovereignty, dominion and state clearly exempted from subordination to any law or legifer divine or human: and therefore it is rightly called Despoticon in the highest degree of exemption, immunity, imperialtie, and absolute reign, rule, and authority, as containing in it all three sorts of government, scil. Monarchical, Aristocratical, democratical in matters of counsel and managing of common wealth's causes, but not in points of regalty, honour, & inheritance. For there shall be neither title, nor name, nor honour given taken or done to any Prince, Duke, marquess, Earl, Viscount, Lord, Baron, or the like (all the jesuitical governors being puritan like, seniors, elders, provincials, rectors, ministers, etc.) neither shall there be any succession by birth or blood, to any honour office or magistracy from the monarch Pater General to the minor Pater minister, but all shall go by election and choice: neither shall any title, claim or right of inheritance be made, challenged, pretended, intended or divolued from the father to to son: but all shall rest in this Presbyter john or Pope-monarchialls-general gift. No noble, knight, Esquire, or swain possessing more than the monarch shall bestow upon him, as tenant at will for the time, nor for term of life, just like to the Turks distribution of lands and honours. And if any think that this is but a surmise, let them reperuse what here passantly is written in these Quodlibets, and confer (if possibly they can get them) Fa. Parsons books of titles together with his high counsel of Reformation, and other passages in manuscripts, and then doubtless they will be of my mind. THE X. ARTICLE. whether then (seeing their intended government is most Antichristian, Tartarian, Turkical and Tyrannical) do they maintain this their paradoxal, pragmatical, and stratagemicall doctrine by any law, revelation or other authority, save only their own bare word, will and command to have it so? or what is the ground of all these their strange courses? THE ANSWER. STabat pro ratione voluntas: was the chief ground of the disciplinary law: why poor Todde was beaten in Rome until his bones ached: knowing no cause in the world for the jesuits to have used him so. And if any seem so peremptory as to ask a jesuite what authority he hath either concerning these or any other exorbitant, extravagant, exlegall, and extra ordinary laws, rules, customs or orders set down, observed and kept amongst them: let him look for none other but a thunderbolt of excommunication, or sharp censure irremissibly to be thrown against him: they being such Lords, lawless Sirs, and legifers, as cannot err in any act, word or thought of a matter, of fact to be form, framed and fashioned by them: and therefore high blasphemy to contradict these demi-gods in any thing. But if you ask them why such a law, doctrine or order is set down by way of submission, admiration, or humble acknowledgement of their powerable dignity and worthiness above all other persons living on earth: then to breed a greater reverence, dutiful regard, and respective fear in you towards them: they may happily tell you, that they have it by revelation: that as by special commandment from God their order or society was miraculously instituted for this end; so father Parsons was and is the prophet appointed to prophecy unto us a dismal change: that the time is come wherein all laws, customs and orders must be altered, and all things turned upside down: and that they being the only men that have the name, office and authority of jesus: by them it is that this marvelous change and alteration shall be wrought, in such sort as from the beginning of the world was the like never heard of before to this present, of the jesuits precedency. Mary yet if you ask other men dispassionate, unpartial and not speaking of affection, by what law or authority they do attempt and teach these things; they will tell you, they have neither law divine nor human so to do, but a law irregular made by an exlegall legifer father Parsons by name, who hath prejudiced, injuried, and wronged by his infamous libels, all laws and lawyers customs, states and orders. For first he hath prejudiced the laws, common, pontifical, of nations, of nature, & of God himself: as in the premises of sundry precedent Quodlibets may appear. Then he hath prejudiced the laws municipial of this noble Isle, labouring to foist in, to outward show the laws civil Roman, of Caesar abolished above a thousand years ago, by authority of the See apostolic at the instant suit of king Lucius with the general consent of all his noble Lords, the worthy Britain's then peers of these two realms. He hath abused the law, custom, and order observed in humanity, in fawning upon the Austrian line, under pretence to bring in the imperial laws of Caesar into this land: but intending in very deed to thrust a law upon us never heard of before throughout the universal world, nor I think ever shall be put in execution until the coming of Antichrist, that all run upon wheels with alteration and change. He hath prejudiced the law of property in instituting government, governors, and hereditary princes to be ad beneplacitum populi, and all other private possessiants ad beneplacitum suum. He hath prejudiced the laws civil and imperial of Caesar bringing them in falsely alleged; and one thing for another as a comment for a corpse, a code for a digest, a gloss for a text, a memorial for a principle, and a note of some allegation upon a suit passed on the behalf of a client, for a maxim in the laws, either unauthentically defined, or remaining litigious, pliable to any opinion, or else interpreted as father Parsons pleaseth, to the most disgrace he can devise to all Civilians, applied by him against proximity of blood, to breed a divorce of friendship and kindred, by disturbing the lawful course of succession by birth and consanguinity provided by laws, for passage of lands and inheritance after the law of property began in all nations. Which violent intrusion of Caesar's laws thus abused and bolsterd out, to the utter ruin of many noble families irrevocably: he hath no shift to ratify and get it allowed of, but to delude simple people, to confirm it by sundry examples of bankrupt common wealths or rather disordered multitudes. He hath abused and prejudiced all states, common wealths, nobles and gentiles, of this and all other Christian nations, by a temporised popularity, thrust in upon them: accommodating himself (as he saith) to the conditions, manners, and minds of the common people, which ever do delight in novelty and change. Otherwise (as he seriously noted) had the jesuits never been so admired at, in England as they are at this day. But omnia rara sunt preclara amongst the mobile vulgus who seizing quickly upon this popular doctrine: it presently imprinted a favourable opinion and liking both of the man and the matter in their wavering hearts: as all the world seethe it: and perceiving they might by this popular doctrine of father Parsons, control, disthronize, and overthrow their sovereign, the state, their landlords, and all other nobles and gentiles as they listed and liked best: hereupon than they inferred very peremptorily that when they list they might pick a quarrel at their lawful king, cast him down out of his throne and call for an election of a new king again. Because (forsooth) this good father hath authorized them so to do, and tells them that as his, so their pleasure must stand for a law, and vox populi. vox Dei. And for any other law warrant or authority the jesuits have none to take upon them as they do in these state cases and succession to princes crowns. THE GENERAL ARGUMENT OF THE TENTH AND LAST QVODLIBET. IN the argument of the ninth general Quodlibet we noted unto you how that the same together with this, had their dependency upon the seventh, and eight precedent, and so one depending upon an other in this disputative pursuit, having reversed, retriued, and firrited these religious statesmen out of all catholic, Christian, moral, honest men's good conceits, by demonstrating to the world: how all their religious piety in show, is but a rainbow cloud, of atheall policy in action, drawn up in vaporous, dews of cold congealed devotions interchangeably mixed with exhalated smokes of sparkling, hot, inflamed, dispersed, sublimed aspires: It resteth only in this tenth and last Quodlibet of the jesuits variable plots, & devices; to show unto you, what their hope is, or rather what the grounds are of that broken hope they have of attaining at length unto an absolute monarchy over all the world. And this being the great mark they shoot at, ad causam finalem vel effectum, As to the primary, principal, and final effect whereunto caetera agentia, all their acts, intents, drifts, and devices are directed to produce by actual form the government 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aforesaid: Now the hopes, causes, or motives moving them to these desperate attempts, strange courses, and rarest practices premised that in a world can be found or ever hitherto was heard of amongst mortal men are built upon presages, prophecies, and prediction of things to come. And therefore shall this last be termed a Quodlibet of plots by presages, containing ten articles as the rest have a piece. But for as much as it is a discourse of great, dangerous and weighty consequent, as a discovery of many mysteries (yet to the utter disgrace of the jesuits, and Spanish faction for ever) as also for that the time, place, and other occasions, do hasten me to make an end. I will therefore crave pardon at this time from proceeding any further therein, as minded (God willing) to set out a whole Book of this last Quodlibet, a second part by itself at time convenient. In steed whereof, I have thought good to exhibit unto you this Appendix following. AN APPENDIX TO THE QVODLIBETS. AFter I had compiled this quodlibetical discourse into a brief method before it came to the press, I was informed of the variable opinion had of my writings by occasion of an Epistle to a little pamphlet entitled Important considerations, etc. Which because I own it as mine own: and for that the jesuits, and their fautors according to their common custom and practice in the Art of Calumniation, have driven sundry weak, (but otherwise devout) men and women, into a quotidian fever, or shaking palsy, in assaulting them with an erroneous misconceit of that subject: I must therefore in all humble wise as an obedient child of the catholic Roman Church, and in all charitable manner, as wishing no worse to any, then to mine own soul, crave patience of the catholic Reader in this peruse. First then (dear catholics) be pleased to hear thus much from me, Note by this insinuation a notable trick of a Machiavilian, which is this, that if an act or actor of any action by deed, word, or writing, be for a jesuits purpose: then before ever the person book, or other practice by him, be discovered, or known abroad in the world: there shall a speech go in secret, as thus: do you not hear of such a man, or book, or attempts etc. o the worthiest man, the rarest book, etc. and so extolling of every thing to the skies (though unworthy the naming) this speech passing currant over all, the next that follows (when the men or matters are tried, and found ridiculous with the wiser sort) shall never possibly be able to overtake this passage, or to persuade the mobile vulgus to the contrary. And again, if the said persons, or book, be opposite to the jesuits, than they knowing thereof by their spials ere ever it be known abroad, a speech carried over all by fame of a most infamous person, book etc. is past overtaking with a true re●ort, when the truth is known. And even so just is the case concerning the late books so mightily (but most falsely) disgraced by the jesuits, ere ever they came to open view that even the innocent, have been in danger to applaud unto their guilty fears, and many ignorantly refused at all to read them as too too credulous: and not considering the jesuits drift therein. A notable policy of the jesuits to get some Neuters to spread abroad a detraction, or what they would have odious, knowing that fame is irrevocable, and a word once spoken, can not be recalled. that I expected no less before ever I set pen to paper, then to hear the matter to be made seem so odious by a trick of Machiavelli as now it is come to pass. Yea, they that knew how some of my brethren of a tender, soft, & mild nature did fear before hand, I would be too sharp if once the Northern blood were up, they (the jesuits) had never been worthy the name of Matchiavelians, Politicians, or masters of their crafty, sly, deceitful occupation, if they would not have fished so far before the net (knowing by their spials that the said book was come out: I promise you ere ever I knew it myself) as to preoccupate by anticipation, devout minds of men and women, with a conceit of monsters, of prodigies, of wonders in a sense detestable to be contained in that pamphlet: aswell because by W. W. it seemed to be mine, and therefore conceited strait to be bitter as gall: as also for that the title of mild, and merciful, by a wrangling sophistical jesuits interpretation, imported a condemnation of all catholics in general: and these with other particulars (applied in very deed, and meant only, wholly and absolutely of the jesuits, and their followers of the Spaniards faction, but wrested by them to the secular and seminary priests, together with all other catholics in general) gave such light to that watchful crew how to frame a cogging argument to make both the work, and Author seem odious, as the simpler sort, yea & some in other respects wise enough though they dearly affected the seculars and their cause, and deeply detested the jesuits and their faction: yet were they amazed, paid, and greatly affrighted with the sudden fear these Polypragmons had put into their heads by a company of neuters or impersonals, in terra viventium. And fame being the swiftest bird of wing that ever seized on prey, no sooner had these neuters (set on thus by the jesuits) cast off that haggard hawk from a false fist, but presently taking her irrevocable gate in a gadding mount she flew a foul flight in windings, twinding, and girdings over all, making many a sweet bird to tremble & quake when they heard that a catholic priest should have written such vild matters against all conscience, religion, sense, or reason, as to them at first it seemed. But I build so much upon the equity of our common cause, and mine own innocency and sincere intent, therein, as were that Epistle to write again, I would write verbatim as it is, and nothing doubt but that their impiety, plots, and sly devices, will turn at length to their shame, and my credit for the same. Secondly, the most I do wonder at in these strange conceits of you (dear catholics) is your simplicity and extreme folly (pardon me for God sake if I speak home, for deep is the wound that pierceth to the heart, and dead is the stroke that cuts life and soul a sunder) in that you think it a hindrance to our cause, to have such books set out in painting forth the jesuits in their proper colours. Which conceit of yours (by your leave dear catholics) may perhaps in itself have (& I doubt not but it hath in your charitable devout hearts and intentions) some sparks of piety, but certainly not at all of policy, as manifesting that to be true which they report of you & us all for this point: in declaring your judgement to be very weak, your wits shallow, your apprehension mean, your reach short, & yourselves fitter for a cloister then in very deed the jesuits are: but withal they more fit to manage a matter in a civil, political, secular, temporal common wealth: yea, or in the field of war then any of you are that have such pusillanimous spirits, as they affirm we have all: and therefore ride us like fools, lead us which way they list, and make us believe what they please to serve their own turn withal. For if you were of judgement and discourse, you would not but conceive and see what here I mean (God willing, and if in nature it be possible) to drive into your heads, to wit that the chief and original cause and occasion given of temptation on our part, to the jesuits hath been our serupulous remissness, childish niceness, and womanlike tenderness in speaking, writing or uttering of our griefs and wrongs put up at the jesuits hands, which made them so bold to attempt, and peremptory to control: so that accounting of us all to be but silly bodies and sorry fellows of no talon, gift or ability, like Storkish kings they came upon us poor frogs with minaces of death to him that first should leap out of the puddle from under their tyranny. And thus the erroneous conceit you had of their worth, and our and your own unworthiness puffed them up in pride, pulled us all down in miseserie, and blew the coal of their perdition through your indiscreet humility, renunciation and silence. Note the jesuits imitate Lucifer in pride; for he cannot endure to be despised, or to have any creature accounted of for rare endowments of nature but himself: and the jesuits cannot abide to be counted of, as good, devout, simple, religious men, but must be holden for the rarest politicians, the wisest sages, the perfectest statesmen, etc. (fit phrases be they not for religious persons to boast of?) and the secular clergy disgraced to the uttermost, else cannot that Luciferian spirit of theirs be quiet? By this shall you know a jesuits spirit in that having presumed to have their brokers revile priests and princes in the vilest manner as an act of zeal, yet are they and theirs ready to fly in his or her face that shall but seem to dislike of a jesuite. Thirdly, to enlarge my speech a little with your folly, you should have considered that the chief vice noted in the jesuits, is ambition and pride, which being a stately sin, sitter for fiends, then for beggars to boast of, as nothing torments the devil more than to be contemned, abased, and not feared or regarded: so questionless the jesuits having gotten an admiration of rare esteem to be had of themselves above all priests (who are to be had in contempt in respect of them and their followers:) there is no torture in the world like this unto them, scil. to be made known what lewd mock religious persons they are: and that those who are the best of them, yet if they fall into comparisons, they are the meanest, inferior, and last of all other religious orders. And now because these books do touch them to the quick, and make them both know themselves and all others to look into them, therefore should they want wit, or else have more grace than most of them seem to have, if they should let these discoveries of their treacheries and impieties pass uncontrolled or spoken against in hucker mucker, and not hinder what they can possibly that none of these pamphlets come abroad to be seen, nor (and much less) believed of any. And this you (dear Catholics) do not see into: neither how that all these commisserations and hypocritical pity taken, had their origine, sourze and spring from a jesuits sconce, and issued out in arms of manes from them amongst us to help themselves, & drown us in the ditch they have made for us. Fourthly, I desire you all (dear Catholics) search out the corners of your hearts, and tell me of your conscience which of you all (be you priests or lay persons) have suffered a sorer persecution of a jesuits tongue, since these books were written than you did suffer, before any of our company set pen to paper, or who that hath not written (but rather spoken against all writings of a kind of scruple, as I said before) hath been more spared or freed from their cruel bitings (always supposed he be no current of their course) then if he had written with the most, and as bitterly as any. Which being so, It is most strange to see the jesuits surfeit in persecution of their opposites, for long ere ever any book or letter was written or intended, did the jesuits so mightily prevail in seeking the priests overthrow as it was a wonder that one priests was left on live in England to make known their bad dealings and extreme cruelty. But more strange it is that Catholikes, knowing how the priests have been and are brought, into an intolerable contempt and disgrace by them. Will not yet look into them, nor acknowledge that the jesuits are men (at most) and therefore may sin as others may. Certainly I thi●ke their followers (being otherwise good catholics) are all bewitched, for else they would never be so sottish, senseless and irreligigious in contempt of priests, to believe none but jesuits. it must needs follow that silence hath mightily disadvantaged our cause: it is the only point the jesuits do (and must if they will be holden for politics) stand upon, to suppress all writings to death: and seeing they cannot show their extreme hatred (never merited by any of us at their hands) towards us more than they have already showed it, be we silent or speak we out: then conceive (dear Catholics) of our cause and case directly as it is, that these books do only the jesuits, not us (nor any of you) the harm if any be in publishing them abroad: and it proceeds of great simplicity in you to conceive otherwise, yea or not to see that it riseth of a jesuitical devise, to put such a conceit into your heads. But be you fully assured, when we are all dead and gone, these books will work good in your posterity to the extirpation of all jesuitisme & puritanismout of England for ever, they are so thoroughly discovered therein. Fiftly, admit all were true that their brokers have set a broach concerning that book and those matters: and that it were such odious stuff as they would bear you in hand: yet will you be so simple (dear catholics) as to believe them in this, that they have gotten any advantage thereby against us, or that they laugh in their sleeve to see us at variance amongst ourselves about it (as they say, but falsely as shallbe showed anon.) For what advantage shall they get by it when they are detected for seditious, turbulent, factious persons, ambitious aspirers & traitors: & the secular & seminary priests cleared of their conspiracies? Will this bring good men to be hated to have irreligious persons made known: or if they say the word, will all others run riot with them and so to hell for company? No, no (dear catholics) I will tell you what the mystery & meaning is of all that blazon. Nothing doth more torment an envious man then to have others live & prosper by him. And so when the jesuits saw that the priests found more favour at the civil magistrates hands, than they could find, because they had cleared themselves of all state meddles which the jesuits to death can not do: then envy burst out as all the world may see it in them. Again nothing is more duly observed in Machiavels' school than always to cast plots by contraries. As for example if you would have any thing done or said by your enemy for your advantage: then put on a cowardly face of fear lest such a thing should happen, & that seeming kind of trembling & unwillingness showed in you, will make him more eager in despite to prosecute it. But if you fear such words, writings or other acts indeed: and that it be so as possibly you cannot stop nor hinder it: then laugh at it, make it seem odious or ridiculous: and in disgrace of the actor or author, seem to make small or no account of it: and retort it, if it be possible by hook or crook, upon your adversary: or at least band it out with outward show of advantage on your part against him, to as many as you can come or send unto: and especially those such as are or may be thought to side on his side against you. And this is just the jesuits crafty drift, and your ignorance in not seeing into their policy. For whether any thing make for us or not, it is not the question: but would they trow you be so careful and diligent by their neuters to have us know before hand, how mightily we are disadvantaged by our writings if it were so? No, no, we never yet could find that charity in them: and so letting it pass for an ordinary cog amongst them: a half witted man may see there is nothing makes for them nor their advantage. Sixtly, you (dear Catholics) by this your childish compassion and womanlike lenity go against the principles, grounds and rules of all arts, sciences, laws, customs, and orders: you go against that General maxim in the laws, which is that, fiat justitia & ruant coeli. For wherein (dear Catholics) should justice take place in the case proposed, if we keep silence in concealing the jesuits great impiety, together with their and the rest of the Spanish faction (their fautors and followers) unjust calumniation, irreligious abuses, and high contempt of priests and all ecclesiastical jurisdiction and state, together with their unnatural attempts, practices, and confederacies against our Prince and country, and us all that are not of their faction. You go against all custom and order. For what is more innovate preposterous, and beyond all gods forbidden, than this new fangleness in you to prefer a company of jesuits (whose society began but yesterday in respect of many other religious orders) not only before all other monastical persons, but also even before all secular priests and the state ecclesiastical, whereupon they, and all others do and must depend in soul points: and not only so, but you forestall us in judgement, you condemn us, you justify them, you take upon you to be paramount to censure of us both before you hear our case and cause: nay you will not hear, nor read, nor understand what points we stand upon, but as blind affection leads you, so wilful ignorance eggeth you forward to censure us at your pleasure. And this (dear catholics) is out of all order, far from all ancient catholic custom, void of all reason, conscience or religion in you, running headlong upon your ruins through your simplicity, wilfulness and folly. You go against the divine rules and principles of charity, wherein per legem Talionis oculus pro oculo, an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, a tongue for a tongue, a hand for an hand is given on the one side to defend (for you know vim vi repellere licet) and on the other to make satisfaction. To persuade a jesuit to make satisfaction were as hard a matter, as to wreest the club out of Hercules fist; to wring water out of a flint, or to drink up the Thames at a haust. To put them to silence by our silence, it were a thing impossible: for the more silent we were, the more fiercely (like false hearted cowards) they insulted over us. To live disgraced, defamed, and contemned for atheists, apostates and reprobates as they accounted us, was a crueler death then to have been torn in pieces and eaten up alive amongst Anthropophagies. What should we do then? To escape their tongue torments (yea and hand tortures) we could not: and yet again common charity commands us, our legifer preached it, his apostle affirmed it, that he who is careless of his good name is worse than an infidel: and careless should we be, as hitherto we have been (as too too scrupulous in these points, God forgive us for it) if we should still sleep with a broken head, with a wounded heart, with a mangled conscience torn in pieces by them, and never seek redress, nor for amends at their hands. Which redress and amends let any (whosoever that think themselves most politic, most prudent, most wise) set me down and approve it (the premises and circumstances of the case and our cause considered) the way and means, how ever to have wrought or brought it to pass, otherwise then by making the jesuits known what wicked men they are, and I will be his bondman for evermore. And this (dear catholics) was another gross error in the undiscreet zeal of your devout folly, quite contrary to the rules and precept of charity: which I greatly wonder at, in that you seeing us condemned, contemned and rejected for the vilest creatures on earth: our company and presence shunned and avoided: our speech, names, and persons holden for most odious: our sacrifices, sacraments and poor devotions accounted of as schismatical, profane and damnable: damnable (oh damnable) not only in secular priests to offer any, but also in the laity to come at any offered by us: our dear brethren reverend priests, your true ancient catholic, loving ghostly fathers, ready to shed their best blood for your soul's behalf, Was it not monstrous in a jesuit broker in Fetter lane, hearing that Master Clarke a reverend priest was very sick in prison, and could through the jesuitical cruelty get no relief, to say he is well enough served: let him die and starve for his disobedience etc. what think you (dear catholics) would these jesuits and their seditious faction do if they had the sword in their hands, that are thus cruel hearted towards afflicted catholic priests. Questionless should once a jesuit and Spaniard bear sway in England, there is not one of you that now run not with them should be left on live: yea think (as true it is) that many of their brokers should then be cut off as unprofitable members in their atheall common wealth, etc. lying some of them in prison ready to perish for want of food, others tormented with slanders well nigh to death: many forced to yield against their conscience to a jesuits cursed will and proud mind, and all brought into obloquy, shame and disgrace, that would not run when a jesuit gave a nod to bid them go. And yet you (dear catholics) seeing all this, will you or can you in your conscience wish us to keep silence? If you say you could wish it, than you go flat against the rules of charity, Charitas enim incipit à seipso. If needs we must die, all laws allow it to kill before we be killed in our own defence: to suffer the infamy, reproach and shame to fall upon the guilty, rather than the innocent to be condemned: & to let every ass bear his own burden rather, then to lay all upon the weakest. If you think we have just cause to speak and write in our own defence, but yet not in detecting them: then tell me which way the one can be without the other, and I will cry peccavi. If you admit it necessary to have them detected and made known, but yet not in such bitter terms: then tell me what terms (dear catholics) do I use not agreeing to their deserts, yea or half so bitter or exorbitant as theirs are against the innocent? Do I call them apostates, or heretics, or schismatics, or soothsayers, or reprobates, with many such like, as odious to the ear, though none more detestable to the soul possessed with them, which they not only have imposed upon us, but also made you (dear catholics) under that pretence to refuse, to despise, to detest us for such. But what do I call them? Mary I call them seditious, because no company, nor society, nor order in any of the three states ecclesiastical, temporal, or monastical can live quiet by them: I call them factious, because they band out all their doings by making of parties, drawing of companies to side with them, threatening of opposites, promising of great matters to their fautors and followers: and setting all in an uproar with jealousy, suspicion, and backbiting one an other: I call them traitors, because of their many conspiracies, attempts, and practices against Pope, Prince, Church, common wealth, state and all: I call them by many such like names, but yet by none save only such as best do symbolise with their qualities and lewd devices. And therefore you (dear catholics) in this your partial doom set on by Neuters, go against the laws and precepts both of God and man: which as you do it of a scrupulous conscience, so doth your scruple rise of simplicity, and folly, in not seeing (it being as plain as the nose on a man's face) that it is the epicine jesuits which living in show masculine, in effect feminine, in esse neuters, put such buzzes into your heads, and when they have done, they ride you like fools. In few (dear catholics) you go against the rules and principles of all Arts and sciences, in conceiting these discoveries of the jesuits treacheries, to be a hindrance to our common cause, or any way to have hurt or harmed us. First, Of all wonders so the world, it is the greatest in my conceit, that any English catholic should so dote upon a jesuite, and rage against all priests that side not with them as to think it lawful, and to practise it as meritorious in them to leave nothing undone, unsaid, unthought of to bring priesthood in contempt, and jesuits to be holden for sanceperes and yet cry out of priests, if they do but clear themselves and shun the danger both of body and soul wrack that the laity doth stand and live in, by following of them and their traitorous designments. But it is a right smack of a Puritan spirit in them, and of a more dangerous infection than a Puritans wit is able to invent, etc. for that if you demand of politics which way to vanquish an enemy with most advantage, they will tell you, by turning his own weapon upon him, in that part wherein his strength is most. Now to the seminary and secular priests (omitting others) I do speak it before God, and his holy Angels, and Saints, I think there are not more infested nor deadly enemies this day on live, than Parsons and some other of the jesuits, and the Spaniards faction are: their weapons have been calumnies, infamies, and slanders: their strength consists in vainglory, vaunting, boasting, ambition, lying, falsehood, cozenage, and a thousand such impious sleights, and devices. Therefore is there no way in the world left to encounter them with advantage, but to retort and return all back upon them to their shame and confusion. If you ask of the Mathematician, how to pass betwixt two periods, he will tell you that ab extremo ad extremum non transitur nisi per medium. Now that the jesuits & we are in extremes, they too lofty, and we too lowly? thty to ambitious, and we to submissive: they to stirring, and we to quiet: they too seditious, and we too peaceable: they too clamorous, & we too silent, etc. it is manifest by demonstration in itself: yet because many can not, and most will not see into it, therefore is it of necessity, that the way, means, and occasions of the one and the other, should be set forth to the view of the ignorant multitude, that are led away through misconceit into error. If you ask of the Philosopher, or Naturian, how to make the very quintessence and natural quality of any thing best made known: he will say that contraria juxta se posita magis elucescunt. Now what can be more contrary than the jesuits, & secular priests proceed, therefore by consequent, there is no other course to be taken for clearing of the innocents, then to have both their dealings, intents, and purposes made known in opposition set one against the other, as in these books they are at large. If you ask a Physician how to cure a desperate disease, Doctor Atslewe, if he were a live, would give you a desperate, yet a sound answer, but any and all agree in this, that as Calida frigidis, humida siccis: sic contraria contrarijs curantur: And always the more dangerous the disease is, the more desperare is the cure: sharp corrosives are to be used, and few or no lenitives will serve for the purpose. Now I report me to you, whither a more dangerous, desperate, and infectious a plague could ever have light amongst you and us all (dear catholics) or not, than this jesuitical poison is: which makes you run riot after them: and so infatuates your Galathian minds as some of you have fared like infernal furies, when you had heard or read of any fault in a jesuite, or of any defence of a secular priest: therefore maugre the devil, and a jesuits malice corrosives shall they have as fast as this hand can troth, and shall be lanced into the quick spite of spite itself, without ever giving over, unto you (dear catholics) be freed from further infection, by them the innocent cured of the deadly wounds which they wilfully, and you witlessly have given them. And these friendly admonitions given with hearty desire of an upright conceit of things as they are in themselves, not as you, or I, or any other sound catholic and right English nature could wish them to be: I will now enlarge myself a little in more particulars (wherein my credit is touched, and lieth engaged by the jesuitical faction, in censuring, and putting into your heads (dear catholics) a deformed censure of my uniform and upright meaning in the foresaid pamphlet. The jesuits and their fautors do object against me, or rather suggest to you (dear catholics) many odious points of great importance and no less scandalous; then irreligious at least (if not heretical) to be contained in my writings, and by name in that book entitled Important considerations, etc. The epistle whereunto they (and many of you dear catholics) say still deluded by them through your too too scrupulous, credulous, devout simplicity) have rashly prejudicated to smell of an heretical spirit: which they urge as maliciously, injuriously, and uncharitably: as falsely, senselessly and irreligiously, upon such frivolous wrangling grounds, calumniations and surmises, as in particular shallbe here laid down with the answers unto them: making this humble confession in general before hand in form following: I W.W. from the bottom of my heart plainly and sincerely without all equivocation or doubling, in the presence of the divine Majesty and all his holy Angels and Saints, in all dutiful and obedient manner, offer and acknowledge by these presents, an humble submission of my poor self and of all my worthless works and writings to the censure of our holy mother the catholic Roman church, to correct and amend by her sacred wisdom whatsoever hath been, is, or shallbe found amiss in me. And I wish no longer to draw breath on earth than I have the least aversion of mind from her holy censure and decrees in any one word, syllable, tittle or title, by her defined, deposed, or decreed: humbly acknowledging that if any thing in that book or else where in any other of my words or writings be fault worthy, it is mine: and not our holy mother to be stained therewith: but if any quintessence of grace or other good gift be in me, it floweth from her, and is not mine but as a wretched poor miserable (yet a lively) member of that body mystical, from whence it is derived and given unto me to use to her spouses and her own honour and glory. And if I knew but one drop of my dearest heart blood, or the swiftest turn of a thought in my brains, or a word falling from my lips, or but a letter dropping from my pen in prejudice of Saint Peter's chair, the See apostolic, the catholic Roman church, faith and religion, our mother city to be harboured, fostered or favoured by me as such I wish (and attest it in verbo Sacerdotis) unfeignedly from my naked heart both the one and the other, heart, head, hand and all burnt into ashes and consumed in open sight. In regard whereof I charge and challenge the purest and proudest spirited jesuite (or whosoever shall dare so maliciously to call my name in question) on God's behalf and in defence of that body (whereof how unworthy soever yet a visible member I am) I have resolved to remain and hope by God's special grace concurring with my good will to die, and wish not otherwise to live) to name the least point or title for trial of toutch, taste or smell of heresy, wherein they as appellants and I defendant may be first be found creant. And hoping this in general may suffice for your satisfaction (dear catholics) on my behalf and not to believe these false hearted jesuits calumniations and slanders raised on me hereafter, until you find by proof, toutch and trial made of my works & writings, whether they be such or no, as they term them. I will now go to the particulars thereby to make known their Matchivilian spite more apparent, & to lay down here more plain your ignorance simplicity and folly. Patience dear Catholics, for I am angry at the devil, and malice; which two have so mightily possessed your hearts with error, as I know not with whom first to chide, whether with them in suggesting, or with you in consenting, etc. They say (and many of you dear Catholics confirm it in a doubtful speech) that I have written against the Pope his holiness, and in prejudice of the See Apostolic, because I affirm that the bulls and excommunications passed against her Majesty were wrongfully procured, and therefore of no validity: and again for that I say, that if the Pope's holiness should charge us to obey the Archpriest and the jesuits, yet we would not yield to it. In which two cavilling objections they play the right puritans or other heretics, that stand wrangling about the text, and leaving the common sense and spirit of the church, they follow each one of them their own private foul spirits of deceit and error, & so quot homines tot sententiae, So many men so many minds. But to the purpose, I say, if they or you dear Catholics will not be smattered with any smack or smell of heresy, then do not wrest the text otherwise then the letter importeth: nor do not mince nor mangle it in leaving out the principal part which gives light and life unto it. For wheresoever I talk of the non validity of bulls, etc. or the wrong done to her Majesty in procuring of them. I therewithal do show the case and cause why they were so sorry: for that they were procured either merrily by subreption, or wrong and false information and erroneous grounds: as that of Pius Quintus, whose holiness was made believe that the Duke of Norfolk was a Catholic, and yet he died a professed enemy to the Catholic church and religion; also that the Spaniards pretence was wholly, merely and absolutely for restoring of religion: and yet both by books, words and actions it hath and doth prove to the contrary, scil. that he pretends a conquest of the land, if by Parson's projects he cannot otherwise have it by compromise and composition given him. And for our disobedience to the Pope's command in subjecting ourselves to the jesuits or Archpriest, the very words following, (to wit, to advance an enemy to the English crown) together with the whole context & tenure of my speech in that place, and throughout the whole book doth make it manifest that it is absolutely meant in causes mere temporal; yea, martial, nay bloody, inhuman, unnatural hostility in betraying our Prince or country, or both, and all our posterity into aliens and strangers hands, by the jesuits urging and procuring an invasion and conquest of this land; and setting up an Archpriest principally for that intent (as an ignorant plain man God wots) fittest for their purpose to work withal. And this being not only a cleared of the Pope of Rome for sending forth bulls, etc. (as most irreligiously abused by the jesuitical & Spanish faction, making many sacrilegious lies to incense his holiness against our country, Sovereign and state: and against us all that be native subjects of the English blood, under pretence (forsooth) of religion, when the very ground was ambition and greedy affectation of English Sovereignty) but withal a plain manifestation of high prejudice offered by that unnatural jesuitical faction to the See Apostolic. I know not whether to inveigh more against their malice, or your folly in storming against me for that book as you do. For considering that the whole contents, tenure, scope, and drift of that book is to lay open the jesuitical conspiracies to set before your eyes the plain intent and meaning of the Spanish faction, for invasion: to show the danger wherein you stand, that sway with those alien Princes and their procurators, the jesuits: who labour for nothing more than to sway the sceptre royal of this Imperial Isle: and to manifest unto you our great dislikes of such unnatural practices: our intent to draw you if it be possible from applauding unto them hereafter: our deep desire to take away all occasion on our side of the argument, and augment of our miseries, and our public confession of our own and hearty wish of your continuance in the Catholic Roman church, and faith constant to death. These things well weighed, and withal that there is few or none of you but will acknowledge as much if you come before any civil magistrate: yea, some of your hot spurs have already confessed and acknowledged more (and that by virtue of your solemn oath) than I have written concerning this kind of disobedience to the See Apostolic, who notwithstanding having railed and scolded against me since, & in the fury of your zeal thrown the said book into the fire: I cannot see what equivocation can excuse you from (at least a mental) perjury. This it that which makes me amazed to see your great simplicity in murdering yourselves with your own weapons at a jesuits crafty persuasion in finding fault you cannot tell with what, or at most with that whereof when you are examined from point to point: not one of you all but will acknowledge as much, and even the jesuits (though with a false heart in all or most part of them) in their Apologies and other writings and examen have and will confess as much as I have written concerning that matter. They say I use certain rolling phrases and Rhetorical words which smell of heresy as in affectation of speech by often repetition of one thing (uz. Disobedient we are, etc. and never shall &c.) & these words, Romish, jesuitical, and the devil, etc. To which I answer (as to the last first) that if some words be placed or printed amiss as Romish for Roman, alas for pure need what beggarly quarreling objections are these: but yet to make a direct response (dear catholics) I was not present at the printing to be a corrector: nor had I the sight of one proof until the whole book was out in print, and sold, and then too late to set down errata which in that word Romish and in sundry others I found. A reason whereof aswell to confirm my sound conceit, as also to excuse the Printer in some sort may be this, that where I had written Roman out at length there they printed so, which you may find both in the beginning and ending of the Epistle, and thereby judge of me aright: and where they found I had written short (Rom.) there they printing it out at length added ishe, and so made it Romish, thinking it to be so as English, Scottish, Irish, Flemish, etc. To the next to wit jesuitical I cannot maruael though they cavil about it: for some 3. years agone I remember a reverend, grave, and virtuous priest, yea, and as sound, resolute, and constant a catholic as the purest jesuite among them all (that I go no further) having written a very learned, religious, and priestlike apology or rejoinder to the jesuitical calumniation about the Archpriest: and other matters because he used this word jesuite very often, & did not (forsooth) call every puny or novice of theirs by the name of a father of the society, or briefly the fathers therefore was he censured then to smell of heresy: and only for that word and none other. But to answer these carping Cynics directly: I use that word jesuitical not in contempt of their society, nor of themselves in general: for I always esteemed of it, as of a holy, good, and religious institution as well in the intent of their founder Ignatius, as also in the form and manner prescribed for observations of the rules set down by him: and the more holy, because confirmed by the Pope his holiness, and for that sundry good devout religious men have been of it (though no sans peers.) Neither do I call them jesuitical by way of analogy as the worthiest, perfectest, and supreme servants of our Saviour Christ jesus or as we use the word Apostolical. For I neither take them to be such Illuminates as to have any extraordinary familiarity with God, or that they sit nearer his knee, or footstool, than other penitent sinners do and have heretofore sit continually in this vale of tears: neither can I ever account of them for such Rabbis as to excel all, or almost any other ordinary catholic in any degree of perfection belonging to a true and faithful servant of jesus. But I call them Jesuitical (that is the faction of jesuits) by abbreviation to avoid circumloqution, in one word expressing them to be a factious, seditious, ambitious, avaricious, treacherous, traitorous, turbulent, machivilian, atheall consort that abusing the rules of their society, and quite perverting the course, cause, institution, and intent of their order, and Author, coming under a glorious style of the fathers of the society of jesus, and being commonly called by the name of jesuits, they most sacrilegiously abuse that tressacred name, and dishonour by usurpation thereof our sweet Saviour jesus Christ both God & man, together with his spouse the catholic Roman church and Saint Peter's chair, and successor therein: And as for the devil, I have not named that foul fiend but twice to my remembrance throughout all that Epistle. But suppose I had named him oftener, as probably I should if occasion of speech had offered it (as never imagining such poor shifts to bring me or my writings into obloquy, though I was told (and did expect no less) that whatsoever I writ, would be more narrowly looked into, than any other of my brethren's writings of a long conceited jealousy the jesuits (good fathers) have ever had of me. Yet what: was not this a simple reason to infer thereupon, a smell of heresy in me? Yes questionless in any man's judgement of common sense or but ordinary capacity. For so might they or you (dear catholics) as well have said that as holy a man as lived in his days had smelled of heresy for saying in a sole passage to an heretic Scio te esse primogenitum Sathanae. Of like sort you might say all the four Evangelists together with the Apostles so many of them as writ Epistles did smell of heresy, because they named often that foul spirit, as I have named him: yea (see what blasphemy you dear Catholics incur by this assertion) if this were so, than what smelled our Saviour Christ of, when he said to the proud Scribes and Pharasies (such Rabbis as the jesuits are) Vos expatre vestro diabolo estis: and in another place when he said to his elect disciple, successor, and prince of all the rest of his Apostles, Vade post me Sathanas, etc. No dear Catholics) these be arguments fit for children and women, then for men of any quality to use or speak of, and in truth not worth the answering, but to show unto you your own simplicity, and these patches policy, that will play so small and base a game ere they play quite out; or that it shall be said, they have nothing to lay, play, or say, to what is said, played, and laid to their charge. Well now to the first part of this objection concerning my Rhetorical phrases and often repetition of words: I say that if the style, tenure and method seem too too affectate; do you (dear catholics) me that favour as to impute that fault (if it be one) to nature's gifts not to smell of heresies, I ever detesting the latter as much as who can detest it most, yea even from my cradle or time of knowing sin, having an inclination and desire by God's special grace and favour (though wretched and sinful I, did not prosecute those sweet motions so speedily as I should, but fell from my faith (received by baptism) my maker and redeemer: until it pleased him Secundum multitudinem miserationum suarum to look back upon a poor servant of his own, his blessed mothers, and Peter's: and to call me home again) to be a catholic, etc. And no way embracing the former of any nice affectation or premeditate intent of fluent eloquence or settled study, how to be finical in my speech, or seeking for invention of exquisite phrases, or using the art or help of any Rhetorical figure (all which yet in some sense might be tolerable, lawful and commendable without all suspicion of heresy) but even as in preaching so in writing as God and nature hath given me a little mean, memory and poor and plain facility in speech for delivery of my mind: so naturally such passages do pass from me by inward motion (not affectation) ex abundantia cordis writing as fast as my hand can troth quicquid in bucca venit; and never to this hour could I have the patience to pen sermon or prick out a pamphlet otherwise then (after I had laid my wits together for a three hours or a days space at most, I had contrived the matter in my head; never writing any one thing twice over to this present: as witnesses enough I have of all these books and writings (so many of them as are done by me either in part or in all). Which I speak not for my own praise: for that no doubt through want of revising and perusing of my writings many things are amiss, or not so well as otherwise they might be if patience, space and place would permit me: But that which moves me thus to write is this slander of affectation and by consequent the smell of an heretical spirit, both which as I do detest to death, so hope I this may suffice as a sufficient testimony to abate (if not abolish) and take away all such rash, if not malicious jealousies had of me for the same. They say further that not only I, but the rest of our company that are opposite against them, are greatly to be suspected that we smell of heresy by reason that we never writ of these things before we saw ourselves in danger of the halter, and were become very inward (for bad offices) with some in special authority under her Majesty. Which to confirm and make seem more probable, they incense you (dear Catholics) against us to keep you in; that you slide not, nor wind yourselves out from them: they allege first the extraordinary favours which some of us have & do receive at the civil magistrates hands over & above the rest of our brethren: Ergo we are nought say they: then they reband this surmised assertion with the speeches which some great persons should use: yea, and those such as are said most in show to favour us, affirming (as the jesuits faction report) that we were all bad, lewd, seditious persons, and carried base and unhonest minds; that they would make one of us cut another's throat: that we had given the state advantage enough by our informations and writings one against another, to hang us up all when they pleased: that the Council did but use us for the time, until they had gotten out of us what they could: and then meant to pay us home agreeing to our deserts: and all such of the laity as sided with us: that they (the jesuits) had as great and more honourable friends in Court then we had or have: and all this for their resolute minds, and our inconstant dealings: which hath won to them honour and favour, and to us shame and hatred. And last of all they allege the open sermons which have been made against us at Paul's cross and other places, condemning us to be as dangerous to the present state and common wealth, as the jesuits are, & that which we writ is but for a colour to save ourselves, etc. To all which false surmises I answer in as brief a manner as such groundless forgeries do require. First, than it is most false that any one hath written of these matters, for riddance of themselves out of danger from under our adversaries hands: Nay it is well known, that all those who have written, were freest from danger, and furthest off from all likelihood or probability of troubles, or encumbrance of any whosoever that lived in England, or out of it of our afflicted condition of life, and frowned of state: as by articulating the particulars is apparent. And for myself in special witnesses enough I have of it, that these sixteen years space was I never (to speak morally) in less danger nor more security of keeping out of our common adversaries hands then I was at what time I first received any token of extraordinary favour. Nay letters are yet extant to be seen, which show that I stood so much upon mine own innocency to hazard my apprehension, as knowing assuredly that (my function and profession, priesthood, and religion set aside) no creature living could touch me with the least disloyal act, word, or thought: I rested indifferent whether I were taken or not, had not other motives byasde my will to acceptance of such honourable favours as then were offered, and since I have found which were and are lawful, honest, and commendable, as well in the donor as the donee. And yet not to give any jesuite account of the one or the other. But leaving them and their puritanean fautors in their guilty jealousies had of innocents. to be in their own predicament of corruption; I say now more, that before ever book, letter, or any speech passed from any of us of these matters and before ever any extraordinary favour was showed more to one then to an other, or any difference put or known to any civil magistrate, to be betwixt the secular priests, and jesuits, in points of statization and meddling of matters not belonging to our professions: I for my part had written as much in effect as since hath come forth in any book, letter, or pamphlet, against that Spanish or jesuitical faction. Which writings being afterwards taken in others of my brethren's custody to whom I had sent them, make the case as clear as day light at noon tide, that this is no new conceit had of the jesuits, by any of our company, and by myself least of all: neither done, nor set in hand withal; nor yet intended of any mind, or the least thought of preventing our own dangers (being in none at all) or yet of purpose to come in favour with the civil magistrate by this means; the jesuits and their faction, being the first brothers thereof; and it having been our conceit from the beginning, that their course was nought: and therefore our direct intent ab initio to stop the impotent violence of their heady attempts, and unnatural practices so much as we could possibly. And the only fault and offence (if any were) which we committed therein, was our too too long silence, often writing, often speaking, often entreating from time to time (but were rejected of that proud, insolent, factious company & of you (dear catholics) seduced by them) for peace, quiet, and unity with the jesuits; and to have a surcease from all state meddles, libel, or other proceed, that might exasperate the state against us, and you (dear catholics) that now so hotly are bend on the jesuits behalf, as in recompense of our good wills and tender care had over you, you are ready to fly in our faces, and requite us with all infamous, disdainful, and reproachful speeches. To the second point for our intercourse with the civil magistrate, I have handled it sufficiently enough in these Quodlibets, only I add in this place, that it declares a marvelous malignant spirit in the jesuitical faction, who being by their misusage brought out of grace and favour, & therewithal having sought to entangle us and you all (dear catholics) in their own dangers, their envy at our good fortunes to clear ourselves (and so many of you as will not wilfully be smattred with their treasons and treacheries) is so extreme as they care not what they do or say either to prevent our good or hinder your safety, or obscure our sincere intents, or keep you back from inclining to us, and our course taken for your quiet. Wherein they show themselves in this point to be right * Origens' opinion that the devils hoped to be saved by reason that so many souls were damned, as in way of justice and compassion taken, God could not, neither would suffer them all to be lost for ever. So the jesuits hope for pardon, yea and permission to live in England, by reason of so many that are drawn to be of their faction, as they can not be cut off without endangering the whole state and common wealth, and therefore labour they so mightily to gain if but a convinence or esteem to be had of them that all catholics favour their faction, their cause or themselves: or if but to speak against the secular priest, or only seem to murmur or show dislike of them, and of their words, writings, and other actions, it is enough. But let not catholics be therewith deluded, nor protestants incensed by puritanes against us, by such statistiall devices, for the devil will be deceived, and so will they in the end for all their shifts & policies. And come dog, come devil, come war, come peace, come torment, come ease, come truth, come error, come false witness, come true testator, come what come will, well may we be discomforted, and serve our Prince and country more faintly, coldly, and not with that alacrity of mind, nor agilily of body, as it were agreeing to our innocency we should. Yet shall not all the art that either the devil, or the puritanes, or jesuits have, bring us within the compass of a treasonable or treacherous thought, against God or his church, our Sovereign, or the common wealth of this land: but in life & in death catholic (by God's grace) will we be, and as loyal subjects as an English soil affords then the which none more loyal to their Prince in any nation to be found. Origenists, hoping that the more they have to side with them against us, the greater fear they will put the state in, and make it more ready and willing to pardon and accept of them upon any condition at their pleasure. For to that sense doth tend their banding it out with friends, their threatening of opposites, their vaunt made of more honourable and great persons in cour● and country that favour their Spanish faction and cause: then we have that labour to withdraw all English hearts from such unnatural intents, attempts and proceed. To the third objection of our common adversaries disgraceful speeches given out against us more than against the jesuits, it is a senseless forgery, and smells of a jesuitical spirit, whose Luciferian pride is such as it delighteth to be counted famous in mischief, extraordinary in suffering of torments, and to have none to equal him in impiety, but all base and meanly esteemed of, compared with himself in villainy. Which proud conceit seeing the jesuits have it, much good or mischief (whether they more delight in) may it do them. I will promise them we will never compare with them, marry to say that any honourable person should have us in contempt and them in grace and favour for our opposite courses taken, that is as far from sense to think it, as near to sottishness to believe it, unless they could make us believe that all the state, or those honours they mean of, are thoroughly spanified and entered into a traitorous league & confederacy against their Prince and country. And the like answer may serve to the fourth objection of making one of us cut one an others throat, etc. which are childish arguments, and but bugs, bulbeggers, or hobgoblins, fit to fear babies withal (as these patches by their cogging, foisting, and devices, make you all (dear catholics) none other, and yet you will not see into it. For what can the council, or state, get out of us more than is in our hearts, and inward intents, and meanings; and what is inwardly in us, which outwardly we do not profess and make known to all the world? to wit, a catholic resolve for our Roman faith, church, and religion: an English resolution for our native Prince, state, and country: and a resolute intent (ever God before assisting us with his grace) in well, and in woe, to remain constant, loyal, serviceable, and faithful to both to death. And more than this, neither Angel, man, woman, nor devil, can get out of us, because more than this we have not in us: and if this will cut our throats, or make one of us undo an other, or urge the state against us, or cause us to be evil thought of, and in the end cut off, when they (the said state) have gotten out of us what may steed them, and the like vos iudicate. Of this I am sure we shall die for religion, and not for treason, and this is also morally certain, that the state will never in policy (if we would like jesuits conceit them full of all impiety) seek the secular priests destruction, who labour wholly for the preservation of our Country, and in excuse of their law made (so far as is possible to excuse them) against us all in general, for some private persons offences: and on the other side leave them scotfree, whom they know for professed enemies against them, and all the world seethe how unnaturally they have sought the destruction of our country. This also is probable that (if the jesuits have so many great persons in Court of the Spanish faction, and their fautors as they make boast of) they may under hand prevail so far as to get us all cut off together with them, without deigning us any notice to be taken of our loyalty more than theirs; but if such an extremity should happen (as questionless no one thing that craft of devil, or wit of man, or weight of Mammon can afford, shall be left untried to effect it) yet, what then? shall we for that, consent to the desolation of our country, and utter extripation of all your (dear catholics) posterity, only to revenge ourselves of so inhuman cruelty, and extreme wrong offered us? no certainly, we will all rather die in misery, one after an other: and leave our innocent blood, to cry for vengeance to him who both can and will take vengeance on those should so afflict us, knowing as they do our intent and harmless hearts. And last of all, for the preachments of some at Paul's cross, and other places against us equally as against the jesuits, that first doth manifest that we are accounted of as opposite to our adversaries in points of Religion, and therefore no such yield, as the jesuitical faction report we have made. Secondly, it is no marvel though they preach against us, seeing those who are most noted to have done so, are known to be Puritans by common report, and also by their inveighing against sundry great persons in authority who are thought nothing to favour their Allobrogicall government. And no doubt the more earnest and outrageous they are against us, by reason that they hear already of these Quodlibets wherein they and the jesuits are coupled together in matters of state meddles, sedition, faction and treachery. Thirdly, who so looketh into the ticklish state of things as by these turbulent persons means they now do stand, every one being already brought into such jealousy and suspicion of one another, as hard to tell whether more dangerous to speak or keep silence in these national contentions and factions, it is easy to be seen from what spirit such preachments do proceed, even none other questionless then from the like blown abroad in the Court to the same effect, scil. that these books have done the secular priests great harm, hindered our common cause, given great advantage to be taken against us, and that it makes the jesuits laugh in their sleeve, etc. which is nothing else but an old stolen principle of Machiavelli or a new Atheall canvas of jesuitisme (which you please) and in very deed but a ridiculous jest to see what poor shifts these politicians are driven unto, to pack and sack up sacks of money to bring and bind men's tongues therewith to preach and prate in Court, country and pulpilt what they will have them to keep themselves in; that they be not banished the land, or put to exquisite deaths. And if any hurt come to us or hindrance to our cause by these books it is this, No marvel though the jesuits faction stop all ways & means of making known their impiety, being forced by this discovery to pay & lay out their evil gotten gold (whiles many a catholic starved for want) to keep in, that they be not utterly cast out on all sides, as well amongst catholics as Protestants and schismatics. None (unless it be puritanes, and such like factious statisers that begin already to discover themselves by storming against these books, and the authors in open pulpit) but do begin, & will daily more and more look as well into their perverse hypocrisy, and irreligious policy; as also into the secular priests sincere loyalty, and catholics innocency: howsoever for the time present, both jesuits & puritanes seem covertly to applaud the one to the other, in exclaiming against her majesties more joy all catholics subjects than themselves are. But a wonder lasteth but nine days, and when passionate clouds are vanished, then will all true English hearts, of whatsoever religion give thee thanks, etc. to wit, that whereas before the jesuits had us all upon the hip for god a mercy, and threatened us with all disgrace, bondage, and starving, which they brought to pass for nothing whiles we kept silence. Now by our writing they are and shall be forced to let corrupt Angels fly and pay sweetly for it, as well to prevent their just deserved expulsion out of the land, as also to bring us into the former obloquy. For what is it that god Mammon cannot work amongst mortal men: and they whose hearts were hardened to see our great wants whiles they wallowed in world's wealth (given of devout catholics at the first, for all our reliefs) it were contrary to God's justice, and the jesuits deserts, if they should not find some cross encounters to make them spend all again, contrary to their wretched intents and minds: for the saying is not more old than true, that one evil gotten penny sets away a pound: and that which passeth over the devils back, must needs repass over his belly again: and so it is of the jesuits evil gotten riches whiles many a soul mean while doth perish. They say moreover that in the said book of Important considerations I do condemn all priests (and by consequent than myself if that were true) in general that are or have come into England, to be equally traitors as well as the jesuits and their confederates. Good Lord how these cogging mates belabour themselves in sophistication and wrangling without any proof, sense or reason. Well let it go as a false lie, calumniation and slander, as I both there, and more expressly in these Quodlibets have manifested it to the contrary, setting down, conceptis verbis, what a reverend conceit I ever had and have of all priests that are not jesuits in re or in spe, and directly acknowledging all the seminary and secular priests (as in my very heart I do believe it, and esteem of them with all respective reverence for no less than so) to have died glorious martyrs, as suffering only and wholly on their parts, and in their devout, holy, and catholic intents for religion and conscience sake. And all that I said to the seeming contrary was that our adversaries said, and say still they died for treason, but not any of us ever said or thought so, and myself (without prejudice to any other of my brethren be it spoken) lest of all, because most of all and in plainest terms I have named above thirty twice told of our company most injuriously defamed, slandered, and detracted, by the jesuitical faction, all which (said I in that same place) are now glorious martyrs in heaven. And further, I yielded a reason of our adversaries opinion, why they account them for traitors to be this, scil. for that they knowing directly by books, letters, and their own hand writings, together with many witnesses, and testimonies, that the jesuits had dipped their hands too deep in plotting, practising, and contriving the means how to shed their native Prince, and natural country men, women and children's blood, the state judging of us all promiscually, Any man that readeth those books set out with the Epistles before them, may easily discern them all to be different from one another: and neither the style of and in all the said books to be out; neither yet the Epistles to be of the same authors that the books themselves are of. Only the question is whether the said books were set out by any secular priests or other catholics of the laity, or else by some Bishop or other person of the English religion: the latter is utterly denied: as well by reason that there is nothing in these books of any material point, but all those in the appeal, yea & the rest of priests and catholics (or so many as are not jesuited or puritanized) do agree in, & allow, ratify and confirm the same: And for the former, the speech, the phrase, the whole term is such as any may discern it to be of a catholic recusants work: no Bishop nor other Protestant in England this day, that will or would by word, or (& much less) by writing, have given so many pretogatives, or spoken so much in defence of the catholic Roman church and secular seminary priests, as in these books are delivered at large. But it spite's the jesuits and Puritans to be compared together, and therefore the one doth preach, the other speaketh, and both of them fret● so much against the secular priests, & England's present state, as they do. not conceiting at that time any difference in points of hostile invasion to be amongst us, nor, and much less knowing who were guilty and who were free: and having withal just cause (standing the Queen & state oppositely affected to us all in general for religion) to suspect us all alike; as coming all from those places where these conspiracies were set abroach, and professing all one kind of doctrine in all these matters to outward show. I therefore said, and so say still, that as on the one side our single hearts did, and do justify our cause before God, and in the face of the catholic Roman church, that we suffered directly for our conscience and religions sake: so on the other side the jesuits provocations, exasperations, and incentives did justify the state here in their dealings and sharp laws made against us. And thereupon I said that (caeteris paribus) her majesties proceed had been both mild and merciful: and that we are not so much to exclaim against the cruelty of the persecution, as to admire how that any of us are left on live to talk of religion, the premises considered of the contrary affectation of religion in the state one way, and the occasion given another way forcibly in all human policy moving our adversaries to have left nothing undone for securing of themselves from those dangers they saw hang eminent over their heads. They say beside this, that I have renounced or denied the said book to be mine: that we are at contention amongst ourselves about it: and that all the secular and seminary priests, do dislike and condemn it, as much as the jesuits do, if not more. Which notable jesuitical devise (setting neuters a work for this and the like blazons, as I said before) I answer at one bare word: that all this is most false. For neither did I, neither do I, neither will I, ever deny whatsoever I have written concerning that matter. And again neither did, neither do, neither will any of our brethren whom we account of as ours, to wit those in the appeal, ever dislike or condemn it in that sense as the jesuits do. Some others in deed there are, who favour our part, and heartily wish a good success to our brethren that are gone to Rome (I say to Rome if the jesuits murder them not in the way thither, and then give out they are run away: as some of the Puritans give out they will never come there, and the like do the jesuits faction (right Puritans in all these statizations): and as the said Spanish faction did before give out of the former we sent to the mother city, though by good hap their lives were saved) yet as their timorous, scrupulous, and weak minds in judging of things hath made them (I mean the fautors of our cause) hitherto stand aloof of from intermeddling up or down in these matters: so also the like fear, scruple, and inconsiderate censure may, and very probably hath moved them to dislike, and condemn it: partly of their own frailty, and rashness in precipitating sentence before they had read it exactly throughout; partly also of a niceness, or curiosity (it being a fault incident to many, to pick quarrels at whatsoever is not of their own doings; or at least before seen, & allowed of by them;) but most especially of a servile applause to the jesuits humour, which divers do use: who otherwise would be ready with the first, to cast all the jesuits in England over hatches, if they once could catch them on the starboard side. And as well those as sundry others (some whereof perhaps are in the appeal) that have as hard a conceit of the jesuits as I have (witness both their words and writings) although they did at the first dislike it (& perhaps condemn it ere they knew it, upon some neuters misinformation, given unto them out of it) yet was their dislike, and condemnation of it, ever limited to the method and style, not to the matter, treatise and tenure itself: and both the one and the other dislike and condemnation, did rise of a provident fear, lest the jesuitical faction, might, and would lay it to our brethren's charge that are gone; as though they had been of counsel and consent thereunto (as very like they would though yet it were a most wicked, unjust, and vile part in their opposites the jesuits, to charge the innocent therewith being now gone, and a mere calumniation as the case now stands) and all this because that it is set out in all the priests names: which in very deed is so, in respect of the matter whereupon all our company do agree and confirm it as true: (and the rather because in effect others have written of as much, both in Latin and English before that book of important considerations ever came to light) but not in regard of the accidental form and outward phrase of speech which is directly mine in the said Epistles; and therefore neither all, nor any other of my brethren to be blamed (if blame worthy it be) but only myself for the same: neither (and much less) do you (dear catholics) think our common cause hindered, or our brethren to be thought the worse of in general, for my bitter, sharp, or exorbitant writing, in special; for that were greater wrong then to beat an Oliver for a Rowland. And lastly, howsoever the jesuitical faction give out of me in this, as in other things: making (if it be but the wagging of a straw) a monstrous matter, of whatsoever comes from my hands: and enough it were to cause it to be holden for odious and damnable by their censure, if it be but once given out that I did, said, or writ it (as a great facility they have to coin lies by equivocation; to make any thing liked or disliked of, as they list: and to give out by Neuters, what they please) yet do you (dear catholics) deign me, of your charirity, so much favour: that seeing the only fault can be found with that book, in an upright censure and sound conceit, is the sharpness of the style: and this all, and only fault being mine; and my will mine own, in the kingdom of my mind: and by consequent then, no scandal, or offence given by any other; or justly to be taken against any: and much less against all my brethren for my sake: let me beg thus much at your hands, as to impute my fault, if not to a grant of grace, yet to a gift of nature: I mean if not to an action of zeal (which I hope it proceeds from;) yet to a passion of anger at the uttermost: and that of such anger, as is, as far from malice, as free from gall; as ready to forgive, as resolute to resist a jesuits proceeding to death. And because this is the only one fault that can be justly objected against me (for as for all the rest, you see they have no ground and are but childish reasons to infer so dangerous and odious sequels upon them, as that faction doth) give me leave therefore (dear catholics) to purge choler a little with enlargement of my speech: to clear me of that crime: to put you out of doubt of me: and to satisfy all infirm, and weak minds: for none of sound judgement, learning or stayed conceit, will err so far from all sense, in their censure, of my well meant endeavours towards you, as you do. You know (dear catholics) that zeal, charity, and love divine, Love, properly respecteth man, charity the church, and zeal God himself: as their immediate, principal, and proper object. are three words of a different signification, in regard of their objects: & yet may be, & often are all one, in respect of the subject wherein they are inherent: as all three, being poprer acts of the will, are inserted in man, by the benefit of creation: so are they perfected by grace divine, in the work of our redemption, by application of the merits of Christ unto us, in the sacraments of his church, as in the vessels of our salvation. And this difference of affections, or distinction betwixt love, charity, and zeal, is to be found here, and there, in sundry parts of Scripture; as well by the words, as actions, and practise of our Saviour, and his servants here on earth. As when our merciful redeemer would sound his servant, & successor S. Peter, his affections towards him, as he was man: amor & dilectio (both love in English) were the words most, & all wholly in request: as Simon joannes amas me, & diligis me plus his, etc. Again when he spoke in the person of his sweet spouse; and what affection those had or aught to have that labour on her behalf, & in his name to reconcile souls, and bring all into his fold, that they might be made all unum ovile & unus pastor then charitas (charity) was the word of that worth, as none could be worthier: and thereupon he said that maiorem charitatem nemo habet quam ut animam suam ponat quis pro amicis suis, etc. But when it came to an act, wherein God's honour (as God) was principally, immediately, and absolutely to be respected: and the honour of his spouse, and sacred humanity only (as a man might say) per concomitantiam, as by relation to his deity: then zelus (zeal) and none other, was the word of that sufficient significancy, to express what kind of love, and ardent desire, was, or aught to be in that subject, wherein it was inherent: and so said our Saviour zelo zelatus sum, & desiderio desideravi hoc pascha manducare vobiscum priusquam moriar, etc. Neither amor nor dilectio nor charitas being able, at full, to express with what an ecstasy of mind, and vehemency of affection, our most mild, sweet, and merciful jesus, did thirst after the saving health of our poor souls, that the devil should not triumph for ever over man, to the high dishonour of his heavenly father: but as well in regard of satisfaction to the divine majesty, in rigour of his justice: as also in respect of a redress for man's miseries, which could not be helped, but by the full extent of his mercies towards him: that all parties should be satisfied, the act to effect this withal, must in his proper essence, be an act of obedience, in a willing mind, to undergo, for that end and purpose, whatsoever should be laid upon our lord & master his tender body for to carry; and that same act, we call zeal, in the highest degree of ardent desire, of mercy and truth, justice and peace to kiss together, and make atonement betwixt God and man. And as we find this difference betwixt love, charity and zeal, to be oracled from those divine lips that knew best how to term them: so although the same three may be and often are taken in an evil sense, and therefore properly said to be, some times in bad men, who do things of indiscreet zeal, feigned charity, and unlawful or mundane love and affection: yet letting these pass, and taking all three, in a good sense: although again, we are not to imagine them to be, as they were in our Saviour, in any mortal wight, without some imperfection, more or less: yet do we find them all, in as perfect a manner, as mortal state can afford, in sundry of God's servants during their pilgrimage in this vale of tears: as all histories, canonical, apocryphal, sacred and profane, bear witness. For to omit the first tow gifts of grace, to wit Love & Charity: because I must be brief: and for that the third is the only one, which I am touched withal: for using inconsiderate speech of indiscreet zeal, as an act of the will, wherein passion, choler, or anger may be said most to abound. Was not the act of Phynees done of mere zeal, when he thrust the Israelite and Madianite quite through together for adultery? Was it not an act above ordinary charity in perfection (as a special virtue of another kind) when the Prophet said, Zelus domus Dei, comedit me. In which fervour of ardent desire, to have God glorified, in punishing of the wicked: Did he not (Elias the Thesbite I mean) wish for fire to descend down from heaven to consume (and so it did) the two Quinquagenarian Captains, with their bands of soldiers, for their malignant scoffing and contempt of God's servants? Was not Saint Peter's words to Ananias & Saphyra of like sort denounced of mere zeal on God's behalf, when for making but of a lie, or (in good faith in a plain jesuitical sense) a right equivocation, and that in a more lawful and tolerable manner than the jesuits and Puritans use: he strick them both dead at his foot with a word: taking the quarrel upon him (because a priest and an Apostle) on god's behalf, as he plainly expressed when he said; Why have you lied to the holy Ghost, & c? With what face could the princely prophet, good king David have said, Memento domine David & omnis mansuetudinis eius, after he had caused those that had slain king Saul, Isboseth, and others, (in way of justice, and by the law of arms, would a jesuit have said) to be slain presently before his eyes: yea and to his son Solomon gave a charge, that even joab, the general of his army, & as faithful, serviceable, gallant, and stout a captain, as was in his days, should not die in peace, nor bring his hoary locks to his grave, in quiet, by natural death? or how could he have justified all his bloody acts, if zeal of God's honour had not been his guide. In few, when Moses the meekest man on earth, gave one while charge for every one to kill his next neighbour, father, mother, sister, brother, or whosover, without difference or exception of persons: And an other while bewailed so the sins of his people, that he prayed unto God, either to take away their offences, or else to take himself out of the book of life: it was an act of justice directly in the first; and a point above ordinary charity in the second; and both the one and the other proceeded of a true zeal of God's honour; which the meek Moses would not have touched, no not though himself were utterly cast out of favour with the divine majesty etc. For such aught to be all faithful people's resolution, that though they knew they should be damned to hell without redemption; yet should they not for that, the less labour, to set forth God's honour here on earth, as created to do Gods will in all things, and their own in nothing contrary to the will divine. And the like was of Saint Paul his ardent desire, to be anathema pro fratribus secundum carnem, rather than to have them wallow in sin, so as God should be dishonoured thereby; as being forced to frustrate his divine promises through the jews offences. conformably to the premises (dear catholics) give me leave to enlarge myself a little in this act of zeal. I neither dare, neither do assume unto myself a perfection of my intentions, words & acts, in any sort to equal the least or lowest of God's servants, & saints above mentioned: humbly acknowledging that as in respect of the inward man, I am a sinful wretch, & conceit myself as unworthy as any jesuite can conceit me: so also in regard of any outward prerogative, I am Minimus fratrum meorum & indignissimus omnium sacerdotum. But well said Saint Ambrose, that though we can not equal Gods saints in their perfections, yet may we imitate them in their virtues: and even so I, looking after the worthy memories and acts of others, have laboured to follow a far of such examples as those have left behind them, whose natural inclination drew nearest in resemblance to mine own disposition, helped forward with grace divine: whereof I will always humbly pray to be partaker. And howsoever I am unfit to imitate them in virtue and gifts of graces: yet may I presume without offence to any, to challenge a child's portion amongst the holiest men (as they once were or are mortal creatures) in human inclinations, and in the gifts of nature, agreeing to the three foresaid effects of affections proceeding from love, charity and zeal; and that even in a sense commendable, honest, and lawful, abstracted from indiscretion, folly, and lightness in me. And this free delivery of my mind, humble confession of mine own choleric humour, and utter detestation of all partiality, singularity, or what else soever may prejudice God's honour, my country's weal, or common cause, or mine own innocency, as acting all mine actions in simplicitate cordis, of mere zeal (utcunque) will I hope suffice to take away all rash, if not peremptory, preposterous and malignant jealousies had of me, for smelling of that I will aver with my dearest blood, to detest as much (if not more) as any such precise censurers of my thoughts do, or shall be possibly able to give testimony of for their disgusting of the same. And here a little further to explain my mind (if still you will turn zeal into choler in me, and revenge into zeal in the jesuitical faction: be pleased (dear catholics) to remember that though all men came of one mould, yet are they not all of one metal, by reason of some aspect, star, or planet shrouded in the sky, or of the clime, constellation, and influence, of the bodies celestial, or other calculation, or natural incline, taking after their parents, their site of birth, place of education, etc. To all which, though will be free to yield or resist for astra movent sed non cogunt (say the sound divines) yet do those motions work, in some thus, in others so, and in all diversly; as the diversity of natures doth incline them, in acts, either of chiefest zeal, or of moral, and natural motion. And that as well in words, and writings, as in deeds and actions. As amongst the poets laureate, Virgil hath a grave and lofty: Ovid a light and pleasant; Horace a hearsh, biting and satirical style. Amongst Orators we have a sententious Sallust: a fluent Cicero: a thundering Demosthenes: and although all eloquent, yet the last a full summed or consummate Orator, terrified so the reader, in the only peruse of his books, as the perplexed with his parley, well perceiving it, said, viva voce with a deep sigh fetched from an half dead heart: What are you afraid to read? Yea but then, quid si audiuisses illam bestiam loquentem? As much to say, if you had seen and heard, as I have the acts, gestures, voice, words, and motion of the beast bend against you: how then would it have moved you: viva vox having quandam energian in it, as Saint Jerome noteth in that place. Amongst Philosophers Aristotle was wise, profound; Plato human, divine; Pythagoras hot, precise; and all sound exquisite naturians. Amongst Divines, Saint Augustine plain; Saint Gregory mild; Saint Jerome sharp, and all profound, learned, virtuous, and the last most eloquent. Amongst schoolmen, Petrus Lumbardus pithy; Thomas Aquinas angelical: Dunsus Scotus, quipping and yet Doctor Subtilis. Amongst the most famous preachers in Rome of later years, three were rare, and all superlatives in a different kind: whereupon the adages, went thus on their behalves. Tolletus docet, Lupus movet, Panecrollus delectat. In few amongst the Apostles Saint Peter was the only uterine, and german brother to Saint Andrew; and therefore by birth, blood, and education, nearest linked unto him, of any other: but yet in God's concurrence with secondary causes, none did sympathise so well nor came so near together in nature of all the disciples, as did the said supreme Apostle, with the vessel of choice election. Of which two it is song in the church agreeing to the purpose that gloriosi principes terrae, quomodo in vita sua dilexerunt se; ita & in morte non sint separati. For the later of which his own epistles make it manifest how choleric (nay how exorbitant and furious, if not heretical, would a jesuite have said) he was. And howsoever it seemed that the first of these, had his emulators; even of those that were most modest, mild, humble, and charitable, fulre pleat with love divine as was the chaste paranimph Saint john, our saviours love, and our Lady's darling, yet doth Saint Peter's acts set forth a greater zeal in him, then in Saint john: and that he had an inclination to be of a practic or of an active life as a gift required in an ecclesiastical or secular person even of nature. And therefore was it, that, noting well how quick, hot, and hasty he was, full of valour, activity, and stoutness, (as the sudden motion showed, in cutting of Malchus his ear, and after ask the question, Domine si percutimus in gladio:) although it pleased our Saviour to give him a gentle check, by his fall, to make him know himself, and to consider that none in carneo brachio corroborabitur, vir. yet did he never, after he was risen, and reconciled to his maker, and most merciful redeemer again; stoop, yield, or give back one foot, in prosecuting Gods quarrel, and the church's cause; in defence of both their honours, remaining resolute, constant, and invicted of mind, therein to death; even with the same valorous heart, he had before. The old saying being truly verified in him, that naturam expellas furca licet usque recurret: the Aethiopian can not change his skin: & caelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt: And be it in good, or bad sense taken, yet is the definitive sentence in human actions true, that nature hath her inclinations to this or that, according to the humour of the subject: which though it may be altered, changed, and turned to good, or evil; to virtue or vice, to well or woe: by reason of free will, and grace divine, relinquishing, or assisting the internal acts, in acting of their external actions, to produce the effects intended: yet nature always must, and will have her swinge, in the progress, and manner of proceeding, thus or so, as course of kind inclines her. And even so is it with me, in this bitter kind of writing: which my sharp censurers might have pleased of their charity, to have interpreted, as proceeding if not from an absolute perfect zeal, yet from an act of zeal (utcumque) conjoined with choler, or anger at their impiety: but never to smell of heresy, as I will aver it at a stake, against the purest proud spirited jesuite among them, that will or dare undertake the quarrel for discerning of spirits (whereof they boast) to try who smells, or stinks most vilely of heresy; they in pernicious usurpate censure of me: or I, in defence of whatsoever I have written always with, in, and under submission to our holy mother the catholic Roman church, in all humble wise. What should I say more (dear catholics) there are three internal parts or portions mixed of flesh and spirit, and naturally inserted in every man, to wit, pars irascibilis, pars concupiscibilis, pars rationabilis: and yet are they not all, nor any of them, predominant in all men equally and alike: not all alike witty; not all alike affectionate; not all alike angry, or easy to be moved, and again appeased: and even all this by reason of nature's gifts (abstracted from grace divine, in corpore organizato) disposed in one thus, in an other so, in a third otherwise. All mortal wights consist of four elements, qualities, or humours, which reigning in man, make all men and women upright humorists (less or more) in their proper kind; agreeing to the humour or element predominant: and yet it is neither a fit consequent, to infer all Spaniards to be choleric, because borne under the hot fiery clime: nor all Scots melancholy, because bred & brought up in the cold Orchadiam Isles, or betwixt Cheneal hills, and Feynd fells, in the bateable grounds, wastes, or borders. And for me (dear catholics) borne far in the north (and yet neither of a white liver, nor melancholy complexion) give me leave in this one thing to follow the motion of grace divine (I hope) or the instinct of proper kind at least. Note that every one hath some word, or phrase of speech to know the author by, as more usual with him or her then with any other: So father Parsons his books and writings is known by this phrase and method, and especially by using much this speech (as all the world knoweth) which is to be seen in his Greenecote in his Doleman, etc. Many other childish, weak, and witless objections are made against me: some in scoffing manner; others in malicious wise; and all simply (God wots) and for want of matter. As, because I use this word (scilicet) very often: which none that is a scholar, or hath any wit or learning, would except against; seeing none other word is more common amongst schoolmen for brevities sake, then scilicet, videlicet, exempli causa, verbi gratia, etc. also for that I have many parenthesis, whereof two reasons may be given: one for that the sentences, being often times very long, are thereby made more intelligible, and the sense easier to conceive aright: an other, for that I neither had time, neither ever used to write one thing twice, but contriving the whole matter first in my head, I set down the particulars in the method you find it in, written raptim as it came to my mind, which occasionated so many the more parentheses, by how much the more as many occurrents offered themselves headlong one upon another, each one striving to thrust forth his fellow to tell his own tale first, and yet all to the purpose. Many the like poor shifts they have, to make these books seem odious to the ignorant for want of better matter to work upon; but how vain and slender stuff vos judicate. Mean while pardon me for God's love, if I have offended any but a jesuit or a Puritan, which two (though I would not offend willingly) yet will I never crave pardon of for any thing I have written on the catholic Roman Churches behalf: to whose censure I William Watson secular priest do humbly submit myself and this work, with the other ten volumes which I have ready for the press concerning these matters. For I must needs be I, that is, a vowed enemy to a jesuits and Puritans course in all true catholic zeal and English loyalty, so long as they remain they, that is, the most infested enemies to the catholic church and Christian commonwealth: both which good Lord deliver from their snares. Dixi. Errata. Pag. 1. line. 33. read first General Quodlibet. lin. 35. wanteth, in these words. The first Article. pa. 2. li. 3. r. seminaries. l. 5. r. England: at. l. 13. r. large. l. 26. r. Silvester: the first under. pa. 3. l. 40. r. displayed, the. p. 5. l. 42. r. dozen, with many scores. p. 6. l. 1. r. proceed. These. lin. last, r. Longinus. p. 7 l. 34. r. premises (with. p. 9 l. 34. r. Satyrickes. pag. 10. line 7. r. in this, to wit, In. l. 26. r. repealed. l. 40. r. deliveries. p. 11, l. 24. r. called the high Council of Reformation for England. pa. 12. l. 6. r. and is so much. l. 30. r. and let him not threaten. l. 36. r. name, he cannot. p. 13. l. 25. r. like case in time to come. pa. 14. li. 38. r. hold in the heat of his zeal. p. 15. l. 5. r. he received. l. 9 r. inflicted upon them. lin. 40. r. For do they not tittle-tattle. p. 16. l. 2. r. And then out comes me one with. pa. 17. lin. 21. r. swords: seeing. li. 37. r. no doubt many priests. pa. 18. l. 23. r. place, or person to rely upon. p. 19 l. 36. r. the plea fall. pa. 21. l. 11. r. chosen: though. l. 22. r. (with, ego sum Pauli. pag. 25. li. 23. r. judge what they have deserved, to use. p. 26. l. 14. wanteth in these words. The second General Quodlibet of plots by doctrine. p. 27. l. 2. r. to heaving. pa. 30. li. 38. r. confutation of them all. p. 31. l. 40. r. consciences) p. 32. l. 17. r. clutches. Well. lin. 20. r. at all) p. 33. l. 18. r. Scots loon. pag. 36. l. 13. r. per mirari. pa. 37. lin. 26. r. conscience, and to make. p. 47. l. 4. r. first parley. pa. 49. li. 25. r. Benedictines. l. 40. r. anointed) pag. 50. li. 3. r. Cannons regular: l. 14. r. them for: l. 17. r. merito: p. 51. l. 30. r. state. pa. 52. l. 41. r. Gauls. l. last. r. Logiers, Cambre, & Albanact, p. 53. l. 2. r. & kings: p. 54. mar. r. by illation. p. 54. l. 27. r. alone therein) l. 42. r. absurdities: as. p. 57 l. 1. r. the last, p. 60. l. 26. r. And even so is. li. 30. r. obedience is. p. 63. l. 24. r. had, is in question to be lost. l. 26. r. as they are thought to be in very deed. p. 66. l. 24. r. and there of due. p. 69. l. 7. r. Wiburn. p. 73. l. 10. r. devise: as. p. 75. l. 28. r impugned. p. 76. l. 31. r. there are more. p. 78. l. 34. r. jesuits labour. p. 80. l. 1. r. he insinuates. li. 21. r. quod. pag. 82. mark r. dead & gone. p. 91. l. 7. r. Holtby. p. 93. l. 4. r. mystery. p. 97. l. 30. r. England. p. 114. l. 23. r. qui episcopatum. l. 29. r. S. Paul) p. 115. l. 28. r. by unction. pa. 117. l. 13. r. To the second. p. 118. l. 1. r. but the stamp. p. 121. l. 2. r. of a Cardinal. l. 3. r. poetae. li. 4. r. amici. p. 124. l. 6. r. to be observed. l 7. r. as to accuse. p. 124. mark r. detraction. p. 132. li. 25. r. at his funeral, or in place. p. 144 l. 34. r. Jesuitas actione prima. pa. 147. li. 33. r. starboard buttock. p. 148. l. 24 r. friendship with some of. p. 155. l. 4. r. male contents, Atheists. l. 5. r. right, being. 156. l. 11. r. See Apostolic and his holiness. p. 158. l. last. r. neither do, neither dare. p. 172. l. 7. r. fall. p. 173. l. 18. r. indemnity. p. 176. l. 22. r. shroud p. 198. l. 3. r. her Ladyship. p. 219. l. 26. r. ever have thought. p. 223. l. 5. r. then mere temporal persons ordinarily. p. 226. l. 8. r. put to the horn. l. 33. r. Saint john's town. p. 227. l. 28. r. who denied. pag. 236. l. 16. r. Coomage. p. 239. l. 2. r. cormorants maw. pa. 241. l. 12. r. one, whose. l. 27. r. for to give. p. 242. l. 5. r. Gentles. p 244. l. 15. r. did wheresoever. pa. 257. l. 10. r. Versteghen who having no more gentleman's blood, then is in a coopers son. l. 12. r. the cooper be. lin. 21. r. untriall. pag. 264. l. 28. r. religions. p. 271. l. 19 r. speech consisting. pa. 272. l. 19 r. gods p. 285. li. last. r. and tyrannous. p. 287. li. 26. r. and yet. p. 295. l. last r. dominatu. p. 298. l. 26. r. tempori. pa. 304. l. 26. r. none can deny. p. 305. l. 3. r. sufferance in expecting our Lord his leisure for restoring. p. 308. l. 1. r. (or as some. l. 11. è contrario. p. 311. l. 6. r. higher. p. 315. l. 2. r. but they. p. 316. l. 16. r. despoticon. p. 317. l. 11. r. impossible. p. 326. l. 28. r. some signs already. p. 329. l. 19 r. impugn vi &. l. 38. r. or an. lin. last r. Oglogarchial. p. 342. l. 1. r. until. pa. 355. l. 21. r. and as all three. p. 358. l. 20. r. faction) The rest of the faults I leave to the correction of the Reader.