HEXAPLA IN DANIELEM: THAT IS, A sixfold COMMENTARY upon the most divine prophesy of DANIEL, wherein according to the method propounded in HEXAPLA upon Genesis and Exodus, six things are observed in every Chapter. 1. The Argument and Method. 2. The divers readings. 3. The Questions discussed. 4. Doctrines noted. 5. Controversies handled. 6. Moral observations applied. Wherein many obscure visions, and divine Prophecies are opened, and difficult questions handled with great brevity, perspicuity, and variety, which are summed to the number of 536. beside the Controversies 134. in the Table, in the end of the book: and the best Interpreters both old and new are therein abridged. Divided into two books: the first containing the historical part of this prophesy, in the 6. first Chapters: the prophetical, in the 6. last.  
By ANDREW WILLET Professor of Divinity.  
THE FIRST BOOK.  Ezek. 28. 3. 
Behold thou art wiser than Daniel, there is no secret that they can hide from thee.  
Printed by CANTRELL LEG, Printer to the University of Cambridge. 1610   

TO THE MOST CHRISTIAN, RIGHT NOBLE, MOST excellent, and mighty Prince, JAMES by the grace of God, KING of great BRITAIN, France, and Ireland, Defender of the true Christian Faith, etc.  
THat which PLATO saw but in contemplation, 
Tum de num beatas fore respub. cum aut eas regerent Philosophi, aut reges philosopharentur.  that Commonwealths should be then happy when either Philosophers governed them, or the governors became Philosophers; we see by God's goodness now brought into action (your Christian Majesty being not only a princely Patron of human learning, and Philosophy, but a peerless professor of theology.) King HENRY the eight your Highness noble predecessor in the royal Diadem of this Imperial Kingdom, for writing against Luther in defence of the Papal religion, had given unto him the Title of Defensor Fidei: but that princely Epithet is more due unto your Majesty, who both by your pen and sword do uphold and maintain the truth, 
Scripsi●i tu● totam epistolam manu, ut ipsi apices fidem tuam, pietatemque loquerentur: Epist. 26.  that the saying of Ambrose of the Emperor GRATIAN may be worthily spoken of your Majesty: You wrote (not an whole Epistle only as he saith, but whole Books) with your own hand, that the very letters do proclaim your faith and piety. This your divine favour unto Religion and princely exercise in writing, hath emboldened me divers times heretofore to present my Commentaries upon certain 
a Hexapla on Genesis. Harm, upon the 1. of Sam. Hexapla on Exod.  books of the Scripture unto your sacred hands: and your gracious acceptance of them hath emboldened me also to exhibit this Work unto your princely view. Here in all humble duty I do offer a Treatise and explanation of the most difficult book of the Old Testament the prophesy of DANIEL: what I have performed therein, and especially in the unfolding of daniel's 70. weeks, the Work itself shall testify. I trust, that by this my travel, that which seemed before obscure, will appear plain and easy; and the depth which would before have taken up an Elephant, 
Prophetia obscura est, quod alio tempore canitur, alio cernitur. De vi●. perfect.  will afford footing for a lamb. Hierome saith, A prophesy is obscure, because it is said at one time, and seen at an other: But now we see that which the Prophet said, and so that which was wrapped up in obscurity, is now fulfilled in history.  
These my labours I most humbly submit to your princely judgement and direction, and your MAJESTY with bended knees of my heart, I commend unto the divine and highest protection.  
Your majesties most humble Subject, ANDREW WILLET,   

THE PREFACE TO THE Christian Reader.  
AUGUSTINE thus wrote to a friend of his, excusing the prolixity of his Preface, 
August. praefat ad Valeri●m.  Scio me non esse oneri tibi, si prolixum aliquod mitto, quia legendo diutiùs sis nobiscum, I know I am not burdensome unto you, if I send you any prolix writing, because you are so much the longer with me: But I will forbear by any long or tedious Preface to keep the Reader in suspense; though if I should, I presume of his courtesy, that he would vouchsafe it the reading. The length of the Work, doth make me more short in the Preface: a small entrance in, may serve to a large house: and the greatest cities have not the greatest gates. I shall not need in many words to show the excellent use of this prophecy of Daniel, nor what I have performed in it: the general Questions set before the Book, shall satisfy the Reader in the one, and the work itself shall speak for the other. I have gathered together the best things, and most worthy of observation, out of writers both old and new, both Protestants and others: that the Reader may in few hours find that, which I was many weeks in setting together: for here I say and profess with Hierome, 
ad Vigilant.  Operis est & studij mei, multos legere, ut ex plurimis diversos flores carperem, non tam probaturus omnia, quam bona electurus: assumo multos in manus, ut à multis multa cognoscam: It is mine endeavour and study, to read many, and out of sundry to take diverse flowers, not to that end to approve all, but to sort out the best: I take many into mine hands, that from many I may know much; and impart to others, that which I know.  
In the reading of this Book, let the Reader take these directions: I have followed the same course, which I propounded unto myself in other Commentaries, as the title of the book showeth: But I thought it best to set down the whole text, for more plainness and perspicuity, and not the divers Readins only: wherein C. standeth for Chalde: H. for the Hebrew: L. for the Latin: S. for the Septuagint: P. for Pagnine: A. for Arias Montanus: V. for Vatablus: B. for the great English Bible: G. the Geneva translation: I. for junius: det. is put for detract: add. for adding: The Author's names which are cited in this Book, are summed in the Epistle set before the second part thereof.  
If by these my travels I may profit the Church of God, I have my desire: it is mine only terrene reward and encouragement, if my poor labours may find acceptance: other rewards they sooner carry that labour not, than they which labour: 
Hos ego v●●iculos feci, tulit alter honores. Virgil.  as the Poet sometime complained, that he made the verses, and other had the honour: As for myself, I find by experience that saying of Augustine most true, In eo quod amatur, aut non labor autur, aut labor ipse amatur: in that which one delighteth in, either there is no labour at all, or the labour itself is loved: and it giveth me encouragement, that I am not in the number of them, 
Metth. 6. 2.  of whom our blessed Saviour saith, Receperunt mercedem suam, they have received their reward. God grant us all faithfully to labour in our vocations in this life, that we may receive our everlasting reward in heaven with Christ our blessed Lord and only Saviour, to whom be praise for ever.   

THE prophesy OF DANIEL EXPLAINED. General observations upon the whole Book.  

1. The sum, argument, parts, and contents of the whole prophesy.  
IN this heavenly prophesy of Daniel is set forth in general Gods fatherly care, and watchful providence over his Church: the use whereof is extended generally to the Church of God in all ages, but more specially it concerned the state and condition of the jews then being in captivity: wherein to their comfort three things specially are declared and foretold. 1. The diverse changes and accidents, calamities and afflictions, which should befall the people of God, under the kingdoms of the Chaldeans, Persians, and Grecians; First, under Alexander the great, then under his successors, which divided his Empire among them. 2. The coming of the Messiah is pointed out, the time when, and end wherefore he should come. 3. with such innovations as should follow, as the ceasing of the ceremonies, and the abdication of the jews: jun. And all to this end, that the people of God might be prepared, not to expect any terrene happiness in this life, but with patience to wait the time of the restoring of all things in the resurrection of the just, which is touched, cap. 12.  
The parts of the book are these: It is partly historical, partly prophetical.  
1. The historical part, is either concerning certain kings, or Daniel, and his godly companions: and these things are handled jointly together. The Kings whose history is set down, were Nabuchadnezzar in the 4. first chap. Balthasar in the 5. Darius in the 6. The history of Daniel is continued in all these chapters, only the third excepted: and of his godly companions, in the 1. and 3. Polan.  
And in this first part 3. special virtues of Daniel are described. 1. His sobriety and abstinence, cap. 1. 2. His wisdom and divine understanding in the opening and revealing of dreams and hid mysteries, c. 2. c. 4. c. 5. And 3. his piety toward God, c. 6. So he is commended propter sobrietatem, sapientiam, pietatem: for his sobriety, prudency, piety. Hugo Car. in proleg. in Daniel.  
And by these divine testimonies God gave witness unto Daniel, that the mystical prophecies following might be received with greater authority.  
2. In the second part: the prophetical predictions, either concern the enemies of God's Church, as of the judgements of God upon Nabuchadnezzar, c. 4. and Balthasar, c. 5. or they belong unto the Church, either showing their afflictions and calamities. c. 10. 11. or their deliverance begun in this life by the redemption purchased by the Messiah, c. 9 and perfected and consummate in the next in the resurrection. c. 12. Polan.  
Pereri●s another way divideth this book into three parts. 1. It consisteth either of bare visions and prophecies, as cap. 7. 8. 9 10. 11. 12. 2. Or of prophecies and visions mixed with histories, as c. 2. 4. 5. 3. Or of histories alone, as c. 3. and 6.   

2. The divers language and readings observed in this Book.  
The original text in this book is partly written in the Hebrew language, partly in the Chalde: from the beginning of the 1. Chap. to the 4. ver. of the second, and the five last chapters are all written in the Hebrew tongue. And from the 4. v. of the second chap. to the end of the 7. chap. the history is penned in the Chalde dialect. Polan. The reasons whereof, are yielded to be these. 1. For the credit of this history, the Lord bringeth forth foreign nations, annalesque eorum testes, and their Chronicles as witnesses, lest any should doubt of the truth thereof. jun. 2. another reason is, because God would have some part of this history come to the knowledge of the heathen, as it was requisite, that the Chaldees should know the sins and impieties of that nation, and the judgements which should befall them, ad testandam omnibus Dei veritatem, etc. to testify unto all the truth of God: therefore in general the alteration of the terrene states and kingdoms, and the power of Christ's kingdom are shadowed forth. c. 1. and c. 7. and published in the Chalde language, that the Gentiles might take knowledge thereof, but the particular histories of the coming of the Messiah, of his office, kingdom, and of the calamities and afflictions which should befall the people of God, are set forth in the Hebrew tongue, in the five last chapters, as most specially concerning them, jun. in cap. 7. 3. A third reason is, that the history of daniel's acts, set forth in the 6. first chapters, being expressed in the Chalde speech, might give testimony unto Daniel, that the jews might receive him for a Prophet of God. qui erat admirabilis etiam profanis gentibus, etc. who was admired even of the profane nations: Calvin. Proleg. in Daniel. 4. Unto these may be added, that for better credit of the history it pleased God, that the history of such things, as were said and done in Chaldees, should be written in the same language, wherein they were first spoken: like as in Ezra the epistles and rescripts of the kings, are delivered in the Chalde speech, as taken out of their public acts and records. jun. in proleg.  
Beside the original text thus consisting partly of the Hebrew, partly of the Chalde tongue: there was the translation of the Septuagint, and three other Greek translations beside, of Aquila, Symmachus, Theodotion. But Hierome showeth that the translation of the Septuagint, whatsoever was the cause thereof, whether they did not express the Chalde phrase, 
Hieron. proleg. in Daniel.  or some one ignorant of the Chalde tongue did set it forth under their name, multum discordat à veritate, doth dissent much from the truth, & recto judicio repudiatus est, etc. and therefore was upon a right judgement rejected of the Church: And therefore in the stead thereof the translation of Theodotion was received of the Church: as the same Hierome showeth, 
Lib. 2 contr. Ruffin.  which notwithstanding is in many places erroneous, as shall appear in the differences of the reading throughout.  
The latin translation also faileth in many points, as afterward shall be showed, though Pintus give it this commendation, 
Pintus in pro●●m.  that it is nitore veritatis, gravitate, authoritate, omnibus aliis illustrior & praestantior: in the evidence of truth, gravity, authority, more famous and excellent than any other, etc. but the contrary shall afterwards be proved in the general controversies following; that the vulgar Latin is in many places corrupt, and erroneus. And herein they attribute more perfection to Hieromes translation, than he himself would have acknowledged, thus modestly confessing, qui mihi videbar sciolus inter Hebraeos, caepi rursus discipulus esse Chaldaicus: I that seemed to know somewhat among the Hebrews, began again to be a scholar in the Chalde: in proleg.   

3. The questions and doubts discussed.  

Quest. 1. Of the author of this prophetical book of Daniel.  
1. Wicked Porphirie in the 12. book of those which he wrote against the Christians, contendeth that this prophesy was not written by Daniel, but by some that lived in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, or after when all these things here prophesied of were fulfilled: but his cavillous objections were long since refuted by Apollinaris, Methodius, Eusebius: and the falsehood thereof is convinced by this, that the Septuagint, who lived almost an 100 years before that Antiochus, did translate this book into Greek: and josephus in his 11. book Antiquitat. juda. reporteth how jaddus the high Priest showed unto Alexander the great this prophesy of Daniel, which foretold of a king, that should destroy the Persian Monarchy, in confidence whereof Alexander proceeded to that battle, and this was 60. years before Antiochus. 2. The Hebrews think, 
Lib. 6. Etym.  with whom Isidore consenteth, that this book of Daniel, of Ezekiel, and of the 12. Prophets, were written by the wise men of the great Synagogue, who were in the time of Ezra. 3. But that this book was written by the Prophet Daniel, who was so famous among the Kings of Chaldea, and of Persia, beside the title of the book, which is called in the Hebrew sepher Daniel, the book of Daniel; our blessed Saviour doth witness the same in the Gospel, When ye shall see the abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel the Prophet, etc. Matth. 24. 15. Perer. Osiand.   

Quest. 2. Of the signification of the name Daniel.  
1. The name Daniel signifieth the judgements of God, or God is my judge, which name was given him by the singular providence of God, for both per eum annntiata sunt judicia Dei, by him the judgements of God were denounced and declared, and God was present with him, as his defender and judge against his adversaries. Bullin.  
2. Lyranus then is deceived, who thinketh that in this name there is relation to that judgement which Daniel awarded against the two adulterous Elders, which wrongfully accused Susanna: for that story was not of Daviels' writing, neither is found in the original, as afterward shall more fully be declared.  
3. There was another Daniel David's second son by Abigail, who also is called Chileah: but he was long before those times: 2. Sam. 3. 3. 1. Chron. 3. 1.   

Quest. 3. Of the kindred of Daniel.  
1. Hierome in his preface to Daniel writeth, that the Septuagint in the beginning of the history of Susanna, which they make the 14. chapter of this book, do affirm that Daniel was of the tribe of Levi: whereupon Bellarmine thinketh that there were two daniel's, 
Bellar. lib. 1. de verb. Dei. c. 9  one of the tribe of judah, who writ the prophesy, the other of the tribe of Levi. But herein Perfrius, of his own sect and society, contradicteth him, 
Perer. praesat. i● Daniel.  showing that neither the Synagogue of the jews then, nor the Church of Christ now, ever acknowledged any more, than one Daniel to be a writer of Scripture.  
2. Dionysius Carthusianus thus removeth the doubt, that Daniel was by his father's side of Levi, 
Lib. de vit. & obit. sanct. vet. testament.  by his mothers of judah: so also Isidore thinketh, that Daniel was both of the kindred of the Priests and the kings: because it was usual for those tribes to match together in Marriage: Pererius also rejecteth this as an human conjecture without any ground of the Scripture: Praefat. in Daniel.  
3. His opinion then is that Daniel was of the king's stock, and that in him and the rest was fulfilled the prophesy of Isaiah to Hezekiah, that his sons, that is, his posterity should be carried captive into Babylon. Of the same opinion that he was ex genere regio, 
2. king. 20. v. 17. Lib. 10. antiqu. c. 11.  of the king's stock, are Bullinger, Osiander, with others: josephus also saith that he was of the kinsmen of Zedekiah king of judah.  
But this is no necessary argument, for that prophesy might be accomplished in either of the king's stock, as well as in Daniel: And josephus may be deceived in this, as in the like conceit that Daniel was a gelded man, and made an Eunuch: 
Orig. hom. 7. in Matth.  so thinketh also Origen: their conjecture is, because As●penaez to whose care and charge Daniel was committed, is said to be the chief Sarisim of the Eunuches; but this is no sure argument: for Pharaoh, Genes. 37. is called by that name, who had both wife and children. Calvin.  
4. Wherefore concerning daniel's kindred somewhat is certain, that he was of the tribe of judah: which is evidently expressed, c. 1. v. 6. Polan. some things are uncertain, as, 1. Whether he were of the king's seed: for they were of the king's seed, and of the Princes, v. 3. therefore not all of the king's seed. jun. 2. It is uncertain likewise that daniel's father's name should be Zabaa, 
Epiph. cont. Melchesedek.  as Epiphanius. 3. Or that Bethoron the upper, which first belonged to Ephraim, and afterward to the Levites, was the country of Daniel, as 
a In Synop.  Dorotheus and 
b Lib. de vit. & obit. Prophet.  Epiphanius.   

Quest. 4. Why daniel's kindred is not particularly expressed in the text.  
1. Some think the reason is, because this is an historical, rather than a Prophetical book: but this is no good answer: for so the book also of Nehemiah is historical, and yet his kindred is expressed, the words of Nehemiah the son of Hachaliah.  
2. Some make this the cause: Daniel his kindred was well known, and therefore it needed not to be expressed: So was Isaiahs' and jeremiahs', and their kindred well known, and yet it is set down in the beginning of their prophesy.  
3. Neither was this the reason, why Daniel inserteth not his name, because among the Chaldees he was called by another name, Belthazar: for c. 10. 2. he saith, I Daniel was in heaviness.  
4. Pererius saith, causam satis idoneam & probabilem, etc. I can find no meet or probable cause hereof, why daniel's genealogy is not expressed.  
5. Unless this reason may be yielded, that those Prophets have their kindred expressed, which were specially sent from the Lord upon some message and embassage to his people, as Isaiah, jeremiah, with the rest: not they which only had visions, without any such special commission: which observation notwithstanding doth not always hold: for Solomon had no such prophetical commission: and yet he is described by his parentage, Prov. 1. 1. Solomon the son of David.   

Quest. 5. When Daniel began to prophesy, and at what age.  
1. Pererius thinketh that Daniel was some 10. year old when he went into captivity, in the third year of king jehoiakim, being borne, as he supposeth, about the 25. year of josias reign: but this cannot be so, that Daniel was then so young: for 5. years after this he expounded Nebuchadnezzars dream, which was the 2. year after they stood before the king. c. 2. 1. their three years of education being expired. c. 1. 5. And upon that occasion Daniel began to be famous for his wisdom, celebrated by the Prophet Ezekiel, c. 28. 3. thou art wiser than Daniel. And before that the same Prophet maketh mention of Daniel for his piety, joining him with Noah and job: of whom the Lord saith, that they should only save their own souls, they shall neither deliver son nor daughter, c. 14. 20. it seemeth then that Daniel was of years to have sons and daughters. Daniel then within five years of his captivity growing into such fame for his wisdom, could not be so very a child, as Epiphanius maketh him, and Isidorus, the one calling him infantem, an infant, the other, puerum, a boy, when he went into captivity: he was rather 17. or 18. year old, as Osiander conjectureth. The ground of Pererius opinion is, because Daniel in the story of Susanna is called a young child, when he delivered her from her false accusers: which he thinketh to have fallen out in the beginning of daniel's captivity, in the 12. year of his age: but that is a weak ground which is taken from an Apocryphal story.  
2. Some think that Daniel began to prophesy one year after Ezechiel, who prophesied the year of the world 3359. and Daniel ann. 3360. Polanus: but that is not like: for Daniel prophesied in the 5. year of his captivity, when he interpreted the king's dream, which was in the 8. year of jehoiakims' reign, for in the third year he went into captivity: but Ezekiel began to prophesy in the 5. year of jehoiakims' or jeremias captivity, Ezek. 1. 3. which was 8. years after the 5. year of daniel's captivity. And how could Ezekiel in his prophesy commend the wisdom of Daniel, if before that time he had not showed it in the interpretation of dreams.  
Wherefore it is more probable, that Daniel began his prophesy before Ezekiel: yet not so long before, 
Praefat. in Dan.  as Theodoret thinketh, that is 12. years: for so long it was from the 3. year of jehoiakim, who reigned 11. years, when Daniel was carried away, to the 5. year of jechonias captivity. But we must not begin daniel's prophesy so soon, which was in the 5. year of his captivity, after the three years of his education, and two years more of his service and ministering before the king: though the history of Daniel take beginning from the 3. year of jehoiakim when jerusalem was besieged: Daniel then beginning to prophesy in the interpretation of dreams, in the 5. year of his captivity, which was the 8. year of jehoiakim, began some 6. or 7. years before Ezekiel to show his prophetical gift.   

Quest. 6. Of the time when Daniel had his several visions.  
1. Pererius thinketh that Daniel expounded the King's first dream, c. 2. when he was 35. year old: but that can in no wise agree with his former opinion concerning daniel's age, that he was but ten year old, when he went first into captivity: for this dream was expounded in the 5. year of daniel's captivity: so that though we hold him to be toward 20. when he was carried away, he could not then be altogether 30. years of age, when he opened the meaning of the King's first dream. Pappus also is deceived, who thinketh that this very year Ezechiel commended Daniel for his justice and piety, c. 14. for this commendation of Daniel by the Prophet Ezechiel, was at the least in the 6. year of jechonias captivity, Ezech. 8. 1. which was the 14. year of daniel's being in Babel: for he going thither in the 3. year of jehoiakim, who reigned 11. years, was there eight years of jehoiakims' reign, and then followed the 6. years of jechonias captivity: but the occasion of Pappus error is, for that he maketh the third year of jehoiakim, which he counteth from the time when he became tributary to the King of Babel, which was in his 8. year; in deed the eleventh year of his reign: which shall be showed afterward to be otherwise, in the 1. v. of the 1. chapter.  
2. But Pappus collecteth well, that 5. years after this, the same year wherein jerusalem was taken, that Daniel was celebrated by Ezechiel for his singular wisdom, c. 28. 3. which was in the 11. year of jechonias captivity, Ezech. 26. 1. and the last year of Zedekiah his reign: which was in the year of the world 3365.  
3. When Nebuchadnezzer set up the golden image, c. 3. it is uncertain, the time being not expressed: but it is like it was after the destruction of jerusalem and other nations, when Nebuchadnezzer was now become great, and puffed up with his victories.  
4. Pappus thinketh that 10. years after, in the year 3375. Nebuchadnezzer had his second dream of the great tree, c. 4. but that cannot be: for this dream the King had after he had conquered the nations, and subdued Egypt, which was the last, and this was after the 27. year of the captivity of jechonia, Ezech. 30. 1. but the 3375. was but the 21. year of his captivity, 10. year after the taking of jerusalem, in the 11. year of Zedekiah. Therefore I think rather with junius, that this second dream of the King, 
Annotto Ezek. c. 30. 1.  was some 10. years before the end of Nebuchadnezzers' reign, about the 27. of jechoniah his captivity, in the 37. year of whose captivity Evilmerodach began to reign after Nebuchadnezzer, 2. king. 22. 27. and it was in the 35. year of Nebuchadnezzers' reign, and the year of the world 3382.  
5. Then follows in order, within one twelve month after, how the King was taken from among men, and lived among beasts 7. years: after which time being restored, he reigned not 7. years, from years 83. to 90. as Pappus, but only two years. jun. ibid.  
6. The visions which Daniel had in the 7. and 8. chapters, which were in the 1. and 3. year of Belthashar, were showed him when Daniel was 80. year old, as Pererius thinketh: but he was then at the least 90. years of age: for he had been in captivity 75. years: from the beginning of Nebuchadnezzers' reign (which concurred with part of the 3. and 4. year of jehoiakims' reign, jerem. 25. 1.) who reigned 45. years, and Evilmerodach his son 30. Bulling. chron. and Daniel is supposed to have been 17. or 18. year old, when he first was carried unto Babel.  
7. Pererius taketh it, that Daniel expounded the writing upon the wall to king Balthasar, when he was an 100 year old: but that cannot agree with his former computation, seeing he holdeth that he was but 80. year old, when he saw these visions in the 1. and 3. year of Balthasar: for he reigned in all but 3. years: though indeed Daniel was then toward an 100 year old. Again, Pappus is deceived, who maketh 10. years space between the time of these visions, c. 7. and 8. and the vision of the handwriting upon the wall, which was, as he setteth it down, ann. 3434. the other vision being ann. 1423. as he casteth it: for Balthasar had but three years in all, as it may thus be gathered: The captivity continued 70. years: which must begin from jechoniah his captivity, in the 37. year whereof began Evilmerodach to reign 30. years: and after him Belthazar 3. years, which in all make 70. years.  
8. The next year following, which was the first of Darius, Daniel was advanced to be one of the 3. chief Rulers, c. 6. and the same year he had that prophesy revealed of the 70. weeks. c. 10. 1. Perer. Pap. About this time was Daniel toward an 100 year old: and this was in the year 3425. Bullinger, not ann. 3435. Pappus.  
9 The next year after this was Daniel cast into the lions den, as is declared c. 6.  
10. The visions in the 11. chap. Daniel had in the first year of Darius: the visions in the 10. chap. in the 3. year of Cyrus, which Pappus reduceth to the year 3438. but it was the year 3427. Bullinger.   

Quest. 7. Of the whole time of daniel's age, and time of prophesying.  
1. Isidorus giveth unto Daniel an 110. years, and thinketh he lived unto the reign of Darius Hystaspes: but this assertion overthroweth itself: for from the third year of jehoiakim, when Daniel went into captivity, until the reign of Darius Hystaspes, are counted an 128. years, unto the which the age of Daniel being added, which Pererius holdeth to have been but ten, all his years will make an 138. Perer. praefat.  
2. Pappus counteth from daniel's first captivity ann. 3354. unto the 3. year of Cyrus, which he maketh ann. 1438. 92 years: but he is much deceived: for they can come but to 82. years: for the 3. year of jehoiakim, was 8. years before jechonias captivity, from the which the 70. years must be numbered, which ended the first year of Cyrus, than 2. year more of Cyrus' reign must be put too, which in all make but 82.  
3. Therefore Osianders reckoning hath the best ground; who judgeth that Daniel lived an 100 years: he was 18. when he went into captivity, in the third year of jehoiakim, from whence to the 3. year of Cyrus, are years 82. which being added to the former number, make just an 100 years.   

Quest. 8. Why Daniel is not mentioned to have returned with the rest out of captivity.  
josephus writeth, lib. 10. Antiquit. that Daniel built at Ecbatane in media a goodly tower, which remained unto his time, so fresh and beautiful, as if it had been but lately builded: which the Kings of Persia made such account of, as that they made it the place of their sepulture, and committed the keeping thereof to one of the jewish Priests: but Daniel himself was buried at Babylon: whereupon this question is moved, seeing Daniel lived unto the third year of Cyrus' reign, after the Edict was sent forth for the restitution and return of the jews, why that he returned not with the rest: To the which it may be answered: 1. That Daniel being now stricken in years, an 100 year old, was unfit in respect of his great age, to take so long a journey. 2. Or rather that he remained to be the protector or defender of the jews which were left behind in Babylon, as many there stayed still. 3. But of all other it is most like, that he was thought a necessary man to be employed about the king for the good of his Nation, and to help forward their cause: as Theodoret thinketh, that Cyrus was taught of Daniel that prophesy of Isai, c. 45. wherein Cyrus is brought in by name, that he should procure the deliverance of the Lords people.   

Quest. 9 Of the times wherein Daniel lived, compared with f●rr●n Curonicles, and of the memorable things which happened therein.  
1. The third year of jehoiakim, where Daniel began his captivity, Pererius thinketh to fall out just in the 32. Olympiad, and the 105. year from the building of Rome, and the 3. year of Cyrus' reign, unto the which Daniel attained, he maketh to concur with the 3. year of the 55. Olympiad, and from the building of Rome 200. Bullinger accounteth it otherwise: the first time, which was the 3. year of jehoiakim, he maketh answerable to the 3. year of the 38. Olympiad, and the 125. year from the building of Rome: the 3. of Cyrus he setteth against the 59 Olympiad, and the 209. year from the founding of Rome: therefore of these things there is no great certainty.  
2. The memorable things which happened in the time of daniel's captivity, which Pererius maketh to contain 90. years, but in just account they make but 82. years (as is before showed) were these: for within this compass of time happened three captivities of the jews, under jehoiakim, jechonia, and Zedekiah, with their deliverance, and return into their country: three great Prophets were amongst the jews, jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel. Among the Romans were kings Ancus Martius, Tarqvinius Priscus, Servius Tullus: among the Grecians flourished the 7. wise men: At this time was Croesus' king of Lydia: among the Chaldeans Nabuchadnezzar: of the Medes Cyaxares: and Cyrus founded the Empire of the Persians: the kingdoms of the jews, Chaldeans, Medes were dissipate, and three famous cities, jerusalem, Nineveh, Babylon destroyed. Perer.   

Quest. 10. Of the excellency, use, and utility, of this book of Daniel.  
1. This book is commended by the worthiness of the author, the Prophet Daniel a man beloved of God, to whom he revealed the mysteries and secrets of his will, whom the Prophet for his piety and uprightness joineth with Noah and job, Ezech. 14. 14. and commendeth for his wisdom, Ezech. 28. 3.  
2. Beside, the excellency of the matter doth set forth the price of the work. 1. First, concerning civil matters, it treateth of the change and alteration of states and kingdoms: 2. For Divine it hath the most clear prophecies in all the old Testament of the time of the Messiahs coming. 3. Therein are set forth examples of excellent virtues, of abstinency in Daniel: of constancy in the three children, which were put into the fiery oven: of piety in daniel's thrice praying in a day unto his God. 4. Therein are contained the heavenly doctrines of the blessed Trinity, of the resurrection of the body, c. 12. of redemption and remission of sins purchased by Christ death. c. 9 5. Many admirable and miraculous things are here set forth, as the walking of the three children untouched in the fiery oven, of daniel's being in the Lion's den, of the transplantation of Nebuchadnezzer from being a king, to live amongst bruit beasts. 6. yea therein are contained all ways of Prophesying, which are either by dream, or vision, sensible apparitions, or illumination of the mind, all which ways and means the Lord used to reveal and declare his will to his servant the Prophet.   

Quest. 11. Of the authority of the prophesy of Daniel.  
1. The jews do derogate much from the authority of this book, not counting it among the Prophetical writings, of the which there are three opinions: 1. Some think that the jews do not reject the prophesy of Daniel, but only count it among the books called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, holy writings: for they divide the old Testament, into the law contained in the five books of Moses, and the Prophets which are eight, josua, the judges, Samuel, the Kings, Isaiah, jeremy, Ezekiel, the twelve Prophets: and into the holy writings, as they call them, whereof there are nine, job, David, the Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Canticles, 
Hug. in prologom. Hieron. in Daniel.  the Chronicles, Daniel, Ezra, Ester. So Pererius praefat. Likewise Hugo Cardinal, who maketh two kind of Prophets, some that had only gratiam prophecialem, the gift and grace of prophesy: others, which beside the gift were especially called and sent to that end to prophesy, and in this sense only the jews hold neither David, nor Daniel to be Prophets.  
2. Theodoret doth simply reprehend the jews for denying Daniel to be a Prophet, 
Theodoret. praefat. in Daniel.  and this book to be any of the prophetical writings: so also junius affirmeth, that the jews deny this book to be counted among the Hagiographa, or holy writings.  
3. But the truth is, as Polanus setteth it down, that the Elder jews did acknowledge this book to be authentical and canonical, and equal in authority to the book of the Psalms, the Proverbs of Solomon, the Lamentations of jeremy, and diverse of them have written commentaries, upon this book, as R. Solomon, R. Levi, Ben Gerson, R. Abraham, Aben Ezra, R. Saadia, with others: but the later Rabbins do deny the book of Daniel to be authentical, and therefore seldom read it, as he speaketh of his own experience, how diverse Rabbins in Moravia whose help he used, 
Polanus in Prologo●●  did confess, that they seldom did read the prophesy of Daniel: the occasion whereof he thinketh to be this, because Daniel doth so evidently point out the time of the Messiah his coming.  
4. But this error of the jews in rejecting this prophesy of Daniel may thus further be refuted. 1. The books which are called Hagiographa, holy writings, were of three sorts; either they are taken for those books which were laid up by the Ark, and had the miraculous & extraordinary approbation by the urim and Thummim, & other visible demonstrations: or for such canonical books, which though they had not that allowance, being written after the captivity, when those visible monuments of the Ark, the urim and Thummim ceased, yet were written by the spirit of God, and commended to his Church: and thirdly, those books were called holy writings, which were not made of Canonical authority, but only preferred before other human writings, and received of the Church into some higher order, though not made equal to the the Scriptures. Now though the prophesy of Daniel be not of the first sort, yet that it is authentical and canonical of the second, it thus may appear.  
The authority then of this book is set forth by testimony both internal and external: the external is either divine or human: the divine, essential or accidental: the human is either Ecclesiastical and domestical, or foreign or profane: these further shall thus be declared in their order.  
1. The internal testimony est spiritus testificatio, the inward witness of the spirit, which cleareth our understanding: that by the same spirit we acknowledge the Divine prophesy of Daniel, by the which he wrote it.  
2. The Divine external testimony, which is called essential, is consensio cum divino canon, the agreement which this prophesy hath with the rest of the Scriptures: and the warrant which Daniel hath from the testimony of Christ, Matth. 24. 15.  
3. The Accidental is à signis, & eventis, from the signs which God joined with the prophesy; as daniel's interpretation of dreams, and his preservation from the lions, c. 6. The events were the true and sensible accomplishment of the predictions and prophecies contained in this book, as all histories, which do write of these Kingdoms do bear record: and where these two do concur with the truth of doctrine, namely, the signs and events, they are diligently to be regarded, Deut. 17.  
4. The Ecclesiastical testimony, is the consent of God's Church, and general approbation of the servants and worshippers of God; which though it be not so forcible to persuade us as the former, yet it is a good motion and inducement joined with the rest: hereunto may be added that testimony of josephus, 
joseph. lib. 2. contr. Appio.  that all the books which were written unto the time of Artaxerxes were of divine authority.  
5. The foreign testimony is the authority and allowance, which this book found even among the Heathen: as is evident in that a great part of this prophesy is written in the Chalde tongue, which showeth that the truth thereof was even evident to the Chaldeans: junius. And here may be remembered, how laddus the high Priest, showed daniel's prophesy unto Alexander the great, and by name that vision, c. 8. how the goat, which signified the Grecians, overcame the ram, which betokened the Persian Monarchy, as josephus reporteth: whereupon this book was had in great admiration of Alexander.   

Quest. 12. Of the difficulty and obscurity of this prophesy.  
Pererius giveth these four reasons, and causes thereof. 1. Because diverse things are otherwise reported of foreign historiographers, than they are remembered in this book: as in the 2. chap. Nebuchadonazer is made the mightiest King upon the earth, whereas Herodotus much more extolleth the power of Cyaxares, who reigned about that time among the Medes. c. 5. Balthasar is said to be deprived both of life and kingdom by Darius' king of the Medes, whereas other writers ascribe it to Cyrus. c. 11. the Angel foretelleth but of three kings after Cyrus unto Alexander's time, whereas there were many more.  
2. The transposing of the story, which is often used in this book, is an other cause of the darkness and obscurity: as the prophesies contained in the 7. and 8. chap. which were showed unto Daniel under the reign of Balthasar, in order should be set before the 6. c. Pererius addeth, that the history of Susanna, which happened when Daniel was yet a child, and the story of Bell and the dragon, which was done the Empire of the Chaldees yet standing, should be placed t●e one before the second, the other before the 5. chap. But concerning these two pretended histories, there is no certainty of the truth of them, at the least when and at what time they were done, and therefore this instance might be spared.  
3. The prophecies and visions themselves are dark and obscure, as that c. 9 of the 70. weeks, which term when it should take beginning, and how it proceeded, and was continued, is a matter of deep understanding.  
4. The variety of histories, which must be used as helps for the understanding of this prophesy: and the change and alteration of so many states and kingdoms, in this book deciphered, do make this prophesy intricate: specially because many of those historical writers, whose works are necessary for the opening and unfolding of this mystical prophesy, are now lost and perished. As Hierome sendeth us to the histories of S●et●nius, Callinicus, Possidonius, Thean, Andronicus, Polybius, Diodorus, Titus Linius, Tr●gus Pompeius; whose histories concerning these matters here prophesied of by Daniel, are now either in part or in whole wanting.  
5. And thus much was signified by the Angel, that this history should seem obsure, until the things therein contained were accomplished: as he saith to Daniel, Go thy way Daniel, for the words are closed up, and sealed, till the end of the time: until than they should be obscure to all: but even afterward also, when the fullness of time is come, none of the wicked shall have understanding: and lest we should be discouraged altogether, it is added, but the wise shall understand. 
Dan. 12. 9, 10.     

4. Places of doctrine.  
1. The doctrine of God's providence notably is set forth in this book, that he than most of all taketh care for his Church, when he seemeth most to neglect it: 
1. Doctr. Of God's providence.  that nothing falleth out by chance, but that the confusion and alteration of states and kingdoms are by the providence and disposing of God: 
Matth. 10 29  for a sparrow cannot fall upon the ground without God's will: much more is the fall and ruin of kingdoms disposed of by the Lord, Calvin.  
2. In this book many profitable doctrines are laid forth, as of the Trinity, c. 7. of the redemption and remission of sins by Christ, c. 10. of the resurrection, 
2. Doct. Of the Trinity, of the passion of Christ, of the resurrection.  chap. 12. Pere.  
3. In this book is set forth the continuance and perpetuity of Christ's kingdom, when all terrene and earthly dominions shall cease: regna mundi caduca esse ostendit, he showeth that the kingdoms of the world are vain, and the kingdom of Christ only shall continue as the stone, 
Dan. 2. 36. Isa. 4. 7.  which was cut without hands, broke the image in pieces, as the Prophet saith, the increase of his kingdom, etc. shall have no end. Bullinger.   

5. Places of controversy.  

1. Controv. The vulgar Latin translation not the best.  
1. Pintus in his Prooeme upon Daniel saith, that the vulgar Latin translation is, omnibus aliis illustrior & prestantior, is a more excellent and worthy translation than any other: and so he preferreth it before the original Hebrew and Chalde text: therefore that the blind presumption and boldness of these Romanists may herein appear, it shall not be amiss to note some special places wherein the Latin translation hath greatly erred.  
1. c. 6. v. 15. The Latin translator readeth, Viri intelligentes regem dixerunt, etc. the men understanding the king, said, etc. whereas in the original the word is, hargishu, they came together. A. I.  
2. c. 7. v. 18. The Saints shall take the kingdom. L. where it is truly translated thus: they shall take the kingdom of the Saints. A. P. I.  
3. c. 8. 2. I was by the gate of Vlai. L. but in the original, I was by the river Vlay: A. P. I. V. the word is ubal, a river.  
4. c. 8. v. 9 and against strength, L. against or toward the pleasant or delectable (land.) V. A. P. I. G. hatzebi, beauty or delight itself.  
5. c. 8. v. 13. and he said to him. L. he said to me. A. P. V. I. etc. the word is eelai, to me.  
6. c. 11. 6. to make friendship. L. to make an equal (peace.) A. P. I. V. mesharim, rectitudines, equality, rightness.  
7. C. 11. v. 8. he shall carry captive their gods, and their graven images, L. their gods and their Princes. A. P. V. G. I. nesichehem, their princes: nesich, a prince.  
8. C. 11. v. 22. the arms of the fighter shall be subdued. L. the arms of the overflowing shall be overthrown. A. P. V. I. shataph, to overflow.  
9 C. 11. 45. he shall plant the tabernacle of (Apadno.) L. the tabernacle of his palace. A. P. V. I. G.  
10. C. 12. 2. some to shame, ut videant semper, that they may always see. L. some to shame and perpetual contempt. A. P. V. G. I. the word is diron, contempt.  
By these few places given in instance, a conjecture may be made of the rest of the translation, that being so erroneous it can not be compared for gravity or authority to the original. The other places of moment, wherein this translation often slippeth, shall be noted in the divers readings upon every Chapter.   

2. Controv. The history of Susanna, the Song of the three children, and of Bell and the Dragon, are no parts of Daniel, nor of the Canonical Scripture.  
The Romanists would thus persuade, that these histories which are annexed to Daniel, and make in the vulgar Latin translation the 13. and 14. chap. to be Canonical.  
1. Because the Council of Trent hath so defined them to be held for Canonical Scripture.  
2. They are used and recited in the Roman liturgy and Mass as Canonical Scripture.  
3. They are cited and alleged by divers of the Fathers.  
4. diverse of the Fathers of the Greek Church, as Origen, Athanasius, Chrysostome, Cyril, do hold these parcels to be Canonical. Thus Bellar. lib. 1. de verb. Dei. c. 9 Pintus in prooem. Perer. lib. 16. in Daniel, in praefat.  
Contra. 1. The Tridentine Council or Chapter rather, was no true general Council; but a partial conventicle of the Romanists, wherein there were not so many Bishops congregate or assembled together, as have been in many provincial Synods. 2. And though it had been a lawful Synod, yet it had no lawful authority to make the canon of the Scripture, which belongeth only unto God: the Church only is to declare, not to constitute the sacred Canon. 3. Neither can they produce any general Council, wherein the Pontificial canon of Scripture hath been confirmed.  
2. Pererius himself giveth instance of many things which are rehearsed in the Popish Mass, 
Peter. ibid.  which are not canonical: as the legend of S. Catharine, how her body was placed by the Angels in mount Sinai: the Mass of the immaculate conception of the virgin Marie: and somewhat is taken out of the 4. book of Esdras: all these he himself confesseth not to be of Canonical authority, though publicly recited and sung in their Mass: the argument therefore followeth not.  
3. Neither is all taken to be Canonical, which is cited by the Fathers: for they many times do allege the testimonies of Poets, and heathen writers: and the later writers do produce the authorities of the Elder fathers, justine, Tertullian, Ireneus, Cyprian, Origen: are their works therefore to be held canonical?  
4. Though some of the Greek Fathers, therein following the Greek translation, which was of great authority, do make these histories Canonical; yet their testimony is not sufficient to make that part of Scripture, which is not. And against their judgement, we may oppose the sentence of other Fathers, as of Hierome, 
Hieron. prolog. cum Paulúm & E● stach.  who doubteth not to call the historical narrations of Bel and the Dragon, fables: likewise he allegeth how Eusebius and Apollinarius would not answer Porphirie his cavillous exceptions against these supposed parcels of Daniel, because they were not found in the original, neither were held to be of divine authority. Pererius here answereth, Nobis cuae non sit, quid isti senserint, quidve scriptis prodiderint: mihi pluris est divus Ignatius Martyr, Athanasius, Chrysostomus, etc. We need not care what these thought, or what they set forth in writing: I make more account of holy Ignatius Martyr, Athanasius, Chrysostome, etc. In which indifferent answer, he teacheth us what to say: If he care not what Eusebius, Apollinarius, Hierome think or write on this matter; why should it move us, what Ignatius, Athanasius, with the rest, testify in this cause? neither do I see why the one should be more accounted of, or held of greater authority than the other.  
Our contrary Arguments against the Canonical authority of these additions, are these which follow:  
1. They are not extant in the Hebrew and Chalde original.  
2. They contain some things contradictory to the Canonical histories: as the Apocryphal story saith that Daniel was of the tribe of Levi, whereas he is said in the true story to be of the tribe of judah, c. 1. v. 6.  
3. josephus making mention of all the other histories recorded in this book, 
Lib. 10. antic.  yet omitteth these two as Apocryphal relations.  
4. Hierome toucheth certain objections propounded by a jew against these Apocryphal additions. 
Prologue. in Dan.  1. That it is not like, that the three children had so much leisure, as to go through all the elements and creatures in their hymn or song. 2. It was no such miraculous thing, but a natural work to kill the Dragon with gobbets, and balls of pitch. 3. And it is without example, that any Prophet was so transported in body, as Abacuk was taken up by the hair of the head to go and minister unto Daniel.  
Answ. Here the Romanists do give us this slender satisfaction. 1. That this book might be translated by Theodotian out of the Hebrew or Chalde, which is now extant: or it might be written in the Greek tongue originally, by some stirred by the spirit of God, as the author of Ecclesiasticus was. Perer.  
2. There might be two daniel's, one of judah, an other of Levi. Bellarm.  
3. josephus omitteth many things in his history of the jews antiquities. Perer.  
4. 1. So jonas prayed in the Whale's belly, being in great danger, as the other were in the fire. 2. Solomon though moved by the spirit of God, yet by human wisdom decided the controversy between the two harlots. 3. Henoch and Helias were translated in their bodies. Hug. Card. in proleg. Hieron. in Daniel.  
Contra. 1. It is evident that this book was not translated either out of Chalde or Hebrew, by the Greek allusion: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if one should say, alluding to a cutting or pricking tree, he will cut thee: and in the Greek tongue originally were none of the Canonical books of the old Testament written: for unto the jews were committed the oracles of God, Rom. 3. 2. but the books set forth in the Greek could not be committed to the Hebrews.  
2. If there were two daniel's, why are those additions annexed to the prophesy of Dani●l, as parts thereof, he being not the author?  
3. josephus omitteth many matters of circumstance, but complete histories, and the same memorable, he seldom omitteth: but this argument is urged, not as necessary, but only probable.  
4. 1. It is one thing to pray in distress as jonas did, an other to give thanks at large unto God, before riddance from the danger: for that had been in some sort to tempt God, to stay longer in the danger then there was cause. 2. That experiment of Salomon's wisdom is set forth as an act of a prudent and wise man, directed by the spirit of God: but the other is set down as a prophetical act: therefore the instance is not alike. 3. Henoch and Helias were translated out of the world, but not from place to place, as this Abacuk is supposed to have been: and it cannot be gathered, that they retained their bodies still, when they were taken up: but rather, that by the power of God they were dissolved: which we are to think for the honour of Christ, who was the first that in his whole humanity entered the heavens.    

6. Moral observations.  
1. 
1. Obser. The infallible certainty of faith in Christ to be the only Redeemer.  In that in this prophesy of Daniel, there is a manifest prophesy pointing out the very time of the coming of Christ, c. 9 quam clarum & firmum est hoc testimonium, etc. what a clear and sure testimony is this, which we may oppose against Satan, and all Atheists, and other gainsayers, that Christ is the true Redeemer, that was to come into the world. Calvin.  
2. 
2. The profit that cometh by affliction.  In that the Lord did such wonderful things for his people in captivity, in so much that the glory of God was propagated more, disperso & afflicto populo Dei, quam regnant, & agents in pace, etc. the people of God being dispersed and afflicted, then while they reigned and lived in peace: it showeth the profit that cometh by the cross, Bulling. both in general to the whole Church, and in particular to every member thereof, as the Prophet David saith, It is good for me, that I have been afflicted, Psal. 119. 71.  
3. 
3. The wicked though never so mighty shall be punished.  Further, illustria gloriae divinae documenta sunt judicia in reges, the judgement of God upon Kings and upon their kingdoms, are notable demonstrations of God's glory, Polan. as the Prophet Isai saith, Topheth is prepared of old, it is prepared for the king, Isa. 30. 33.  
4. 
4. The Church of God must still look for afflictions in this world.  In that Daniel after the prophesy of the coming of Christ, yet foretelleth many afflictions, c. 10. 11, 12. which should befall the Church of God in this world, until the blessed day of the resurrection which is spoken of, c. 12. when all tears shall be wiped from our eyes; thereby is declared that the Church of God, and the faithful members thereof must look for no firm and sure state in this world to continue, but make account through many afflictions to enter into the kingdom of heaven: sic Geneu. in the argument of the book: for as the Apostle saith, Here we look for no continuing city, but seek one that is to come, Heb. 13. 14. But now by the grace of God I will proceed to the book itself, having stayed long enough in these general observations.    

CHAP. I.  

1. The Argument and method.  
THis Chapter hath three parts. 1. The first showeth how that after the King of Babel had besieged and taken jerusalem, he carried divers into captivity. 1. c. 1, 2.  
2. In the next part the education of Daniel and of his other companions is described, from v. 3. to v. 18. where these three things are contained. 1. The King's charge unto the chief of the eunuchs for their education, to v. 7. 2. daniel's abstinence and refusal to eat of the King's meat, whereunto was made a way by that favour which God gave unto Daniel in the sight of the chief of the eunuchs, to v. 14. 3. The success thereof, they were increased with gifts both of mind and body. v. 15, 16, 17.  
3. Then the event followeth, their ministery before the King, and their advancement, especially of Daniel, v. 18. to v. 21.   

2. The divers readings.  
1. v. In the third year (in the years of three. C. for so shalash signifieth (three,) not the third, but when it is joined with an other word of a cardinal number, it becometh an ordinal, that is, a number of order) of the reign of jehoiakim (not joachim. L. for he was the son of jehoiakim, 2. King. 24. 6. whom Matthew calleth jeconias, c. 1. and the one is written with kaph, the other with caph. jehoiakim signifieth the resurrection of the Lord, or the Lord taking revenge) came Nebuchadnezzer king of Babel (not into jerusalem. L. for at the first coming he entered not into the city) and besieged it.  
2. v. And the Lord gave into his hand (not in his hand. L. into his power. V.) jehoiakim king of judah, and part of the vessels of the house of God, which he carried (that is the vessels, not the persons, as jun. Polan. for he spoke only of jehoiakim before) into the land of Shinar, into the house of his God (not the house. Polan, for the whole land was not the house of his god. I. his gods. V. and he brought the vessels into the treasure house of his god (his gods. V. the treasury. G.  
3. v. And the king had said to Ashpenaz the master of the eunuchs (the master of the palace. V. of the Courtiers: for so saris signifieth, as Potiphar is so called, Gen. 37. 36. who had a wife: but properly it signifieth an Eunuch, so called of keeping the chamber, of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a chamber, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to keep: Elias Levita noteth, that only the ministers or Courtiers of the Kings of Egypt, Babylon, Medes, and Persians were so called) that he should carry away, I. P. (rather, then bring. G. or bring in. L. V. for the same word is used in the same sense, to carry away, v. 2. and this charge was given at the taking of jerusalem) some of the children of Israel, and of the king's seed, and of the Princes (of the tyrants. L. but that word, though sometime it were taken in the better part, is now out of use: the word is (partemim) which Kimhi taketh for the princes about Euphrates: but Mercerus thinketh rather thereby to be signified the chief princes, and governors of the Provinces.  
4. v. Children in whom there was not any blemish, and well favoured (heb. good to the sight) and instructed in all wisdom, and skilful in knowledge, and endued with much understanding, and in whom there was faculty; that they might stand in the king's palace: I. P. (better then, which were able to stand in the king's palace: for the distinction coming between doth divide the sentence) and that they might teach them the learning, (heb. letters. I. P. L.) and tongue of the Chaldeans.  
5. v. And the King appointed them provision for every day (heb. the thing of the day in his day) of a portion of the King's meat, and of the wine which he drank (heb. of his drinks) and so to nourish them three years: that at the end thereof they might stand before the King.  
v. 6. Now there was among these of the children of judah, Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Hazariah:  
v. 7. Upon whom the master of the eunuchs imposed other names: for he imposed upon Daniel (he called Daniel. G. but the word shum in the original, signifieth to put on or impose) the name Belteshazzer, and on Hananiah, the name Shadrach, and on Mishael, the name Meshach, and on Hazariah, the name Abednego.  
v. 8. But Daniel had purposed in his heart (heb. put it in his heart) that he would not defile himself (be defiled. L. V. but the word is, in hithpael, and hath a compound signification) with the portion of the King's meat (not, with the King's table, L.) and with the wine which he drank: (heb. of his drinks) therefore he required of the chief of the eunuchs, (not, the chief of the eunuchs. G. for then the Hebrew preposition should be omitted) that he might not defile himself.  
v. 9 Now God had brought (heb. gitten) Daniel into favour and tender love (heb. rachamim) with the chief of the eunuchs (or prince of the eunuchs. I. master of the palace. V.)  
v. 10. And the chief of the eunuchs said unto Daniel, I fear my Lord the King, who hath appointed your meat and your drink: for wherefore (who if. L. V. G. but asher is here put for a causal (for) and (lammah) signifieth not (if) but (wherefore) should he see your faces worse liking (leaner. L. but the word properly signifieth, sadder, heavier, because they which are lean, are sad and heavy) then the children which are of your sort . G. (your companions. L. equals, heb. which are according to your revolution, that is, of like time and standing, and are appointed likewise three years for their education) and so ye should make me lose my head. G. (condemn mine head. L. make me subject unto a capital sentence. V. make me guilty of my head. I. heb. indebted for my head) unto the King.  
11. Then said Daniel to the butler, I. Pol. (not to Melzar. L. V. A. G. for it is was a propername, as appeareth by the article (ha) set before it (hamelzar) whom the chief of the Eunuches had set over Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Hazariah:  
12. Try, I beseech thee thy servants tenue days, and let them give unto us of pulse that we may eat, and water, that we may drink.  
13. Then let our countenances be looked on before thee, and the countenances of the children that eat of the portion of the king's meat, and as thou seest, deal with thy servants.  
14. So he hearkened unto them in this thing, and tried them ten days.  
15. And at the end of ten days, their countenance appeared fairer, and they were better liking (more corpulent. L. heb. fatter in flesh) than all the children which did eat of the portion of the king's meat.  
16. Then the butler (not Melzar, see before v. 11.) took away the portion of their meat (heb. was taking away) and the wine, that they should drink, and gave them pulse (heb. seed.)  
17. And unto these four children (children. L. (four) is. omitted) God gave knowledge and understanding in all learning (sepher, in books or letters) and wisdom: also he gave Daniel understanding (heb. made Daniel to understand) in all visions, and dreams.  
18. Now when the days were expired (heb. in the end of the days) which the king appointed (heb. said) to bring them in; the chief of the eunuchs brought them in before Nabuchadnezzar:  
19 And the king communed with them, and there was not found of them all like unto Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Hazariah: therefore stood they before the king:  
20. And in every matter of wisdom and understanding, which the king inquired of them, he found them by ten parts (ten fold. L. ten times. G.) better (heb. above, or superior) then the Magicians, and Astrologers, that were in all his kingdom.  
21. And Daniel was unto the first year of king Cyrus.   

3. The questions and doubts discussed.  

1. Quest. v. 1. Of the third year of jehoiakim, which is called the fourth, jer. 25. 1. how these places are reconciled.  
1. Polanus saith, that the prophet jeremy there speaketh not of the captivity of jehoiakim, as here Daniel doth, but only of a certain prophesy delivered by jeremy in the fourth year: so that he thinketh the third year here named, and the fourth year there mentioned, not to concur together: But that the same time and year in both places is signified it is evident, because the fourth year of jehoiakim, is said there to be the first year of Nebuchadnezzars reign. jer. 25. 1. And the last year of jehoiakim which was the 11. is elsewhere found to be the 7. of Nabuchadnezzar, jerem. 52. 28. and in the 8. year of the king of Babel's reign, 2. King. 24. 12. that is in the end of the one & beginning of an other; so that if the seventh or eight year of Nabuchadnezzar fall into the 11. year of jehoiakim, than the first year must concur with the others third and fourth.  
2. Calvin thinketh to dissolve this knot by the distinction of Nebuchadnezzer the father, and Nebuchadnezzer the son: that in one place the one is spoken of, and the other in the other: but the question is not concerning the year of Nebuchadnexzars' reign, but the year of jehoiakims' reign, wherein jerusalem should be besieged: so that the doubt remaineth still.  
3. Therefore the best solution is, that the first year of Nabuchadnezzar did concur with the end of the third and the beginning of the fourth year of jehoiakim, Vatab. jun. Genevens. factum est inter annum tertium ●t quartum, it came to pass between the third and fourth year, etc. Pintus: who thinketh that after the same manner the Evangelists may be reconciled, Mark, who saith that Christ was crucified about the third hour, and john, who writeth that he was crucified at the fixed hour: because Christ was crucified Intervallo illo, in that space which was between the third and sixth hour: but though this solution be not so fit for that place, which otherwise may be reconciled, yet it may serve very conveniently here.  
But Calvin taketh hereunto this exception: that Nebuchadnezzars first year cannot concur with jehoiakims' third and fourth, because Daniel three years after was brought before Nabuchadnezzar in the second year of his reign. Dan. 2. 1. Answ. That is not to be referred to the year of the king's reign, but rather to the time of daniel's ministry and employment with the king, that in the second year of his service he expounded the king's dream.  
Polanus objecteth thus, that this confusion of years, that the end of one should be the beginning of another, is observed in the reign of divers kings, the one succeeding another: but here the history of one king only is set down: But this comparing of years is more usual, in setting together the reigns of divers kings at the same time, then of divers kings one succeeding another: as is most evident in the comparing of the years of the reign of the kings of judah and Israel together, throughout the books of the kings: here then the years of one and the same king are not compared together, but the years of Nabuchadnezzar, and jehoiakims' reign.   

Quest. 2. How this third year of jehoiakims' reign is to be counted.  
1. josephus thinketh that it was the 8. year of his reign, 
josephus lib. 10. antiquit.  so also the author of the Ecclesiastical history following josephus, when Nabuchadnezzar came and besieged jerusalem: and of the same opinion are Lyranus, Hugo Cardinal. Dyonis. Carthusian. Bullinger, Polanus, Pappus, that the third year must be counted not from the beginning of jehoiakims' reign, but from the time, that he was made tributary to Nabuchadnezzar, which was in the 8. year of jehoiakims' reign: and from that time he served Nabuchadnezzar 3. years: so that the third year from the imposition of tribute concurreth with the 11. year of jehoiakims' reign, Polanus: who thus reasoneth for his opinion,  
1. The third year of jehoiakim here spoken of, was the seventh year of Nabuchadnezzar, jerem. 52. 28. when 3023. Iewes were carried into captivity: but the third year of jehoiakims' reign was but the first of Nebuchadnezzars. 2. If this were the third year of jehoiakims' reign, and consequently the first of Nebuchadnezzars, than it would follow that Zedekiah was taken in the 21. year of Nabuchadnezzar, which was in the 18. year, jerem. 52. 29.  
Contra. 1. He is deceived in thinking that the captivity there spoken of, jer. 52. 28. in the seventh of Nabuchadnezzar, was that first captivity, when Daniel was carried away: for there were two assaults and invasions of the land in the reign of jehoiakim, one in the third and fourth year of jehoiakim, and the first of Nabuchadnezzar, an other in the 11. year, which was the 7. of Nabuchadnezzar, whereof jeremy speaketh.  
2. The collection and inference of 21. years hath no consequence: for from jehoiakims' 3. year, who reigned in all but 11. years, to the last of Zedekiah, who also reigned 11. years, which make in all but 22. years, three being deducted, there are but 19 years.  
2. Wherefore the truer opinion is, that this year here mentioned must be understood to be the 3. year of jehoiakims' reign, and not from the time of the tribute imposed. 1. Pererius saith, it is violenta & dura interpretatio, a forced and hard interpretation, the third year being simply named, to understand it otherwise, then of the third year of his reign. 2. junius yieldeth this reason, because jerem. 25. 1. the fourth year of jehoiakims' reign inchoate or begun concurreth with the first of Nabuchadnezzar, than it must of necessity follow, that Nebuchadnezzars seventh must fall into jehoiakims' eleventh year: add hereunto an eleven years of Zedekiahs' reign, and so it will fall out that Zedekiah was taken in the 18. year of Nebuchadnezzer, as is set down by the Prophet jeremy, chap. 52. 29.  
Melancthon herein consenteth, that Nabuchadnezzar came against jerusalem in the third year of jehoiakims' reign, and imposed tribute upon him, and carried away some pray: and after he had served him 3. years, and he then would have cast off the king of Babel's yoke, than the seventh year after, which was in the 11. year of jehoiakims' reign, Nabuchadnezzar came up and carried away jehoiakim, and his son jechonias reigned in his stead.   

Quest. 3. Of jehoiakim and jehoiachin, what difference between them.  
1. josias had 4. sons, the first was jochanan, called also jehoachaz, the second jehoiakim or Eliakim, who is here mentioned, the third Matthanias, called also Zedekiah, the fourth Shallum, 1. Chron. 3. 15. this jehoiakim is also called Shallum, jerem. 22. 11. so Epiphanius testifieth, tom. 1. sect. 8. that he was called Sellus.  
2. jehoiakim written with koph and man, was the name of the father, jehoiachin written with caph and nun, was the name of the son, Pintus: and before him Hierom in 1. Matth.  
3. Rupertus then is deceived, 
in Daniel. c. 2.  who confoundeth these two, and maketh but one joachim, in whose third year Nabuchadnezzar came up and besieged jerusalem, and carried joachim captive: whereas it was jehoiakim the father, in whose third year Nabuchadnezzar came up, and jehoiachin, or jechoniah his son, who was carried captive to Babylon.  
4. But whereas Matth. 1. 11. there is mention made only of jechoniah: josias begat jechoniah and his brethren, etc. and again vers. 12. jechonias begat Salathiel; Pererius observeth out of Epiphanius, and Beza also is of the same opinion, that in the first place jechonias is taken for jehoiakim the father, in the latter for the son, for otherwise there are not 42. but only 41. generations there rehearsed.   

Quest. 4. Why the King of Babel had such an envy against jehoiakim.  
1. First, Nabuchadnezzar came against him, because he was made king by Pharaoh Necho king of Egypt, with whom Nabuchadnezzar had war and subdued his country: and thereupon jehoiakim became tributary to the king of Babel. 2. But Nebuchadnezzars hatred was more increased afterward, when as after three years jehoiakim rebelled against him, and would have cast off his yoke: then the king of Babel came up the second time, and carried jehoiakim away captive, who after he was dead, was cast out and lay unburied, according to jeremy his prophesy. c. 22. 19 3. But the greatest cause of all was the purpose of God to punish the wickedness of the king and his people, for he killed the Prophet Viiah, jerem. 26. cut jeremy his prophesy with a knife, and cast it into the fire, jerem. 36. beside there were found in his body when he was dead marks of idolatry, as Lyranus following the Hebrew noteth upon that place, 2. Chron. 36. 8. Concerning the rest of the acts of jehoiakim, and his abominations, which he did, and that which was found upon him, etc. God therefore for his cruelty, impiety, idolatry, brought this judgement upon him. Pere.   

Quest. 5. Of Nabuchadnezzar the king of Babel, and how many there were of that name.  
1. Pintus thinketh that Nabuchadnezzar was a general name to the kings of Babylon, as the kings of Egypt were called by the name of Pharaoh, and the kings of the Philistines of Abimelek. And he further is of opinion, that this Nabuchadnezzar had a son of the same name: and that neither of them are the same with that Nabuchadnezzar mentioned in the story of judith, who sent Holofernes against the jews: for that was after the return of the jews out of captivity, as appeareth, judith 5. beside he thinketh, that neither Nabuchadnezzar the father, nor the son, was that Nabuchadnezzar, which destroyed Tyrus according to the prophesy of Ezechiel, 26. 7. which he taketh to be Cyrus or Alexander. But Pintus is in many things here deceived. 1. It is not to be showed out of the sacred history of Scripture, that all the kings of Babylon were called by the name of Nabuchadnezzar, but the contrary rather appeareth, for this king's sons name was Evilmerodach, 2. King. 25. 27. and his son Balthasar, Dan. 5. 2. And this Nabuchadnezzar was the son, not the father: and the second was called great Nabuchadnezzar, for his great exploits, and many victories: for next unto this succeeded Evilmerodach. So throughout the whole prophesy of Daniel we must understand the second Nabuchadnezzar. jun. 3. We easily agree, that neither of these could be that Nabuchadnezzar mentioned in the book of judith: for who that was it is uncertain, and there is small certainty of any thing in the book beside: for Pintus will have that story referred to the times after the captivity: Pererius thinketh it was done before the captivity in the time of Manasses: but neither of these can stand: not the first, for we read of no Nabuchadnezzar after the captivity, when the kingdom was translated from the Chaldeans to the Persians: nor the second, for that story of judith maketh mention of the casting down of the Temple, cap. 5. 18. which had not yet been done in the days of Manasseh. 4. This Nabuchadnezzar was the same which besieged Tyrus, which he besieged 13. years as witnesseth josephus, lib. 10. c. 11. he could not be Cyrus or Alexander, for he is called the king of Babel, Ezek. 26. 7.  
2. Pererius acknowledgeth that there were two Nebuchadnezzars, the one here spoken of, and in the Prophets, the other, whereof mention is made in the book of judith; whom he taketh to have been before this: and he misliketh their opinion, who take this Nabuchadnezzar some for Cyrus, some for Cambyses, some for Artaxerxes, or Darius Ochus, the last king but one of the Persians: for neither was the Temple yet built again under the reign of Cyrus and Cambyses, as is mentioned, judith 5. and Artaxerxes was 200. years after the return of the jews from captivity: whereas the story of judith seemeth to have fallen out immediately after: judith 5. 19 Pere.  
Contra. 1. It appeareth what small certainty there is of the Apocryphal book of judith, seeing it cannot be agreed upon, who that king Nabuchadnezzar was. 2. He could not be the Elder Nabuchadnezzar: for in his time the temple was not destroyed, but in his sons: but before the time of judith it had been destroyed, judith 5. 18.  
3. Wherefore their opinion is to be preferred that make two Nebuchadnezzars, the father, and the son, who was called Nabuchadnezzar the great: jun. Calvin, Bullinger. Polanus, so also josephus, who giveth unto the reign of the Elder 23. years, and to the other 43. This Nabuchadnezzar seemeth to be the same, whom Ptolemy calleth Nabopolassar, in the 19 year of whose reign he saith the captivity of Babylon began. Polan.   

Quest. 6. Of the acts and exploits of Nabuchadnezzar.  
1. josephus out of Berosus who wrote of the Chalde affairs, reporteth of Nabuchadnezzar the second, that being sent by his father the Elder Nabuchadnezzar against the king of Egypt, who revolted from him, and in the mean time hearing of his father's death, returned to Babylon, and took the government upon him: where he did many princely and sumptuous works: he beautified the temple of Belus, repaired the edifices of the city, enlarged the river, compassed the city with a treble wall: built a goodly palace, in the space of 25. days (which seemeth incredible,) and built high rocks and mountains upon vaults of stone, and upon them planted orchards as hanging aloft, because his wife being brought up in Medea, desired to see some resemblance of her country: for the like acts he referreth us to the histories of Megasthenes the Indian historiographer, and Diocles who wrote of the Persian histories, and Philostratus of the Pheniceans, who witnesseth that Nabuchadnezzar besieged Tyrus 13. years, which began in the 7. year of his reign: as Pererius noteth.  
2. His acts set down in the Scriptures were these: in the third year of jehoiakim he besieged jerusalem, and carried the spoil of the city into Babylon: in the 11. year he came again, and took the city and carried many into captivity, and slew jehoiakim, who wanted the honour of burial: then he set in his place his son jehoaichin, whom after 3. months he removed, and appointed Zedekiah in his place, in whose 11. year, which was the 18. of Nabuchadnezzar, he took Zedekiah and put out his eyes: and the 19 year he burned the city and Temple, and carried away the people captive: these things are thus testified. 2. King. 24. 25. jerem. 52. And of Nebuchadnezzars expedition against Cyrus, Ezekiel maketh mention, c. 26. to c. 30. In the 25. year of Nebuchadnezzars reign he subdued Egypt, and removed all the jews that were thither fled, to Babylon: Pererius addeth further that in the 25. year of his reign he had that vision of the image, c. 2. but that was rather in the 5. year of his reign, as is before showed, quest. 6. general. After this he set up the great golden image, c. 3. and was translated from the company of men, and lived among bruit beasts for the space of seven years, cap. 4. then he was restored to his kingdom, which he enjoyed peaceably to the end of his days. Pere.   

Quest. 7. Of the time of Nebuchadnezzars reign.  
1. josephus thinketh that Nabuchadnezzar reigned 43. years: so also Eusebius, 
〈…〉. cap 9  and Pererius consenteth: wherein he doth not much vary from the years of his reign which may be collected out of Scripture.  
2. Some think that all his reign made up 45. years: Bulling, rather 44. between both: for in the 8. year of his reign he took jechonias prisoner, 
2 King 24. 12 and c. 25. 27.  in the 37. year of whose captivity, Euilmerodach the son of Nabuchadnezzar began to reign, who lift up the head of jehoiachin out of prison; these two numbers put together, 8. and 37. make 45. and one year must be deducted, because Nabuchadnezzar is supposed to have died in the 36 year of jechoniahs' captivity, the last year of his reign, and so the whole sum of years remaineth 44.   

Quest. 8. Of the city of Babylon.  
1. The occasion of the first founding of this city and of the name thereof, is declared Gen. 11. so called first Babel of the confusion of tongues, and afterwards Babylon, & the country about Babylonia: 2. Nimrod who was the first king or tyrant rather after the flood, in which sense he is called a mighty hunter, is held to have been the first founder of Babylon: which was afterward enlarged by Semiramis, 
Hierom comment in Oseam.  whom julius Solinus, and Diodorus Siculus, whom Hierome followeth, think to have been the first builder of Babylon: but she only enlarged it, and raised up the walls. 3. In this city and the country thereabout the jews were held in captivity 70. years: which term being the stinted time of man's life, Psal. 90. 10. showeth that man during the time of his life, and abode in this world, is but a captive, and stranger: as jaakob called his life a pilgrimage, Gen. 47. 9 Pintus.  
2. Polanus thinketh there were 3. cities of this name Babylon, one in Assyria, whereof mention is made, 2. king 17. 24. an other in Chaldea, which is here called the land of Sennaar, and the third in Egypt, which is now called Alcayr, the seat of the Sultanes of Egypt.  
But I think the received opinion is more probable, that there were only two Babylon's, one in Chaldea, the other in Egypt, or in the confines of Arabia: whereof Raphael Volateran. treateth lib. 12. now called Cayro, Pintus, that Babel mentioned 2. King. 17. 24. from whence the king of Ashur brought some to inhabit Samaria, is Babylon in Chaldea, which was then subject to the king of Ashur.  
3. Stephanus also is deceived, who thinketh this Babylon to be the same city, 
Stephan. de urbib.  which was called Seleucia, built by Seleucus Nicanor, which was indeed built not far off from Babylon, some 300. stadia or furlongs, by which occasion Babylon became desolate, and not so much frequented: but they were not all one city: Polanus.   

Quest. 9 ver. 1. Of the city jerusalem.  
1. jerusalem it was the chief city of Palestina, first founded by Melchisedech, as josephus thinketh, who Gen. 14. is called the king of Shalem: 2. It had divers names, it was first called Shalem, Gen. 14. Psal. 75. 3. then jebus, of jebusi the son of Canaan, josh. 18. 28. afterward it was named jerusalem, which signifieth the vision of peace; and last of all Aelia, of Aelius Adrianus the Emperor, who built mount Caluarie, and divers other parts of the city. Volat. l. 11. 3. It was divided into two parts, the upper city where was mount Zion, the city of David, and the Temple, & the neither or base city, which was under the hill. Pol. 4. The city jerusalem is sometime taken in Scripture for the Church of God, as Hebr. 12. 22. Ye are come to Mount Sinai, to the city of the living God, to celestial jerusalem. Pintus.   

Quest. 10. v. 2. What this phrase meaneth, To be given into one's hand.  
v. 2. And the Lord gave jehoiakim, etc. into his hand, etc. The hand is diversly taken in Scripture. 1. As first to put the soul or life in the hand, signifieth to put the life in danger, judg. 12. 3. jepthah saith, I put my life in my hands. 2. The hand signifieth a league or covenant: as the giving of the hand, implieth the plighting of the troth: as Esech. 17. 18. He hath despised the oath, and broken the covenant, yet lo, he had given his hand! 3. It signifieth ministery and service: as Exod. 38. 21. These are the parts of the Tabernacle, etc. for the office of the Levites by the hand of Ithamar. 4. The hand signifieth help and assistance, as 1. Sam. 22. 17. Saul commandeth the Priests to be slain, because their hand was with David, that is, they were aiding and helping unto him. 5. To lift up the hand against a place, is to assault it, and threaten against it, as Isa. 10. 32. He shall lift up his hand toward the mount of the daughter of Zion. 6. To lift up the hands is to pray: 1. Tim. 2. 9 I will that the men pray every where, lifting up pure hands. 7. To wash the hands, is to purge the heart and works from impurity and uncleanness, as Psal. 26. 6. I will wash mine hands in innocency, O Lord, and compass thine altar. 8. To put the hand to the mouth, signifieth to eat, 1. Sam. 14. 27. as jonathan is said to have put his hands to his mouth, when he did eat of the honey. 9 To lay the hand also upon the mouth, is a sign of silence: job. 29. 9 The Princes stayed talk, and laid their hand on their mouth. 10. By the hands also are understood the works & labours of men's vocations, as Eph. 4. 28. Let him that stole, steal no more, but rather labour, and work with his hands. 11. To do a thing with an high hand, is to do it presumptuously: Numb. 15. 30. 12. To touch with the hand, is to humble or afflict: Psal. 32. 4. Thy hand is heavy upon me day and night. 13. But to give into the hands of any, is to bring under their power and subjection, as judg. 7. 1. The Lord gave them into the hands of Midian seven years: and so it is taken here. Pintus.   

Quest. 11. How jehoiakim was given into Nebuchadnezzars hand, whether he carried him to Babylon.  
1. Some think that jehoiakim was bound in chains and carried to Babylon: as the Latin translator readeth, 2. Chron. 36. 6. & vinctum in catenis duxit in Babylonem: and being bound in chains he carried him to Babylon: but the true reading is, he bound him in chains to carry him to Babylon. jun. Vatab. Gen.  
2. Hugo Card, to justify the Latin translation, thinketh that he was carried to Babylon, and brought back again to jerusalem, and there killed, and his body cast without the walls unburied, which was after, at the request of the citizens, suffered to be buried. But this had been an idle and superfluous course, to carry him to Babel, and recarie him. And beside it is against the text, that he was buried at all: jerem. 22. 19 He shall be buried, as an ass is buried, even drawn, and cast forth without the gates of jerusalem. and, c. 36. 30. His dead body shall be cast out in the day to the heat, and in the night to the frost.  
3. Lyranus and Cajetan think, that Nabuchadnezzar caused jehoiakim to be bound, having a purpose to carry him to Babylon, but afterward he changed his mind, and only imposed a tribute upon him: but no such thing can be gathered in the text, that the King altered his mind for that matter, or laid any imposition upon him.  
4. josephus thinketh that Nabuchadnezzar commanded jehoiakim to be killed at jerusalem, and his body to be cast out of the gates: but the phrase used, 
Lib. 10. antiq. cap. 8.  2. king. 24. 6. jehoiakim slept with his fathers, seemeth to import, not a violent, but a natural death. And if he were killed at jerusalem, he needed not to have been bound in chains to be carried into captivity.  
5. Wherefore the more probable opinion is, that at this expedition jehoiakim only became tributary to the king of Babel, 2. king. 24. 1. but he died afterward in the way, as he was going into captivity (the second time that Nabuchadnezzar came up against him, which was in his 11. year) before he was past the borders of judea, and it may seem not far from jerusalem: and so he may be said to be cast out of the gates, that is, the borders and confines thereof. jun. Polan.   

Quest. 12. Whether Daniel at this time went into captivity with jehoiakim.  
1. Lyranus and Dionys. Carth. do refer the captivity of Daniel to the 11. year of jehoiakims' reign: but the text here is contrary, which maketh mention only of the third year of jehoiakim, when Daniel went into captivity, and other children of the Princes of judah.  
2. Hierome thinketh, that Daniel and Ezekiel were carried away captive together with jeconias, 
Hier. sup. 1. ●●se●chiel.  who reigned but 3. months after his father jehoiakim: but this text evidently showeth, that Daniel was carried to Babylon the 3. year of jehoiakims' reign, which was 8. year before the captivity of jeconias.  
3. But josephus is in a greater error, who thinketh, that Daniel was taken captive together with king Zedekiah: for this was 18. years after: Daniel went into captivity the 3. year of jehoiakim; the next year was the first of Nabuchadnezzar. jerem. 25. 1. But Zedekiah was carried away in the 18. year of Zedekiah. jerem. 52. 29. Peter.   

Quest. 13. Why it pleased God that Daniel and others that feared God should be taken captives.  
Though God sometime think good to exempt and deliver the righteous from temporal calamities, as Noah from the flood, Let out of the flames of Sodom, the Israelites from the plagues of Egypt: yet sometimes it pleaseth him that such temporal chastisements should fall upon the righteous, as this captivity upon Daniel for these causes.  
1. The general reasons may be yielded to be these. 1. God getteth himself hereby greater glory in the deliverance of his servants, as he did when the 3. children were cast into the fire, and Daniel into the lions den, and yet they escaped the rage of the one, and Daniel the cruelty of the other. 2. Hereby also the patience of the godly is tried and exercised, and others by their godly example are encouraged. Pin.  
2. The special reasons why Daniel went into captivity were, 1. that he might be as a guide and comfort to the people to keep them in the fear of God. 2. that by this means Daniel might become more famous, and be advanced for the good of his Church. 3. that by his means these idolatrous Kings and people might come to some knowledge of God. Pererius.   

Quest. 14. Of the meaning of these words, ver. 2. Which he carried into the land of Shinar to the house of his god.  
1. junius understandeth this clause of jehoiakim and the rest which were carried captive into Babylon into the land of Shinar: and the vessels were brought into his god's treasury: so also Polanus. But this exposition seemeth not so fit: 1. it is not like that the men were carried into the house of their God, but rather the vessels, Calvin, Polanus thinketh that the land of Shinar is called the house of his God. But beside that this were an improper speech, to call the whole region an house, which is otherwhere named the land of Shinar, Gen. 11. 2. this house is expounded to be the temple, 2. Chron. 36. 7. Nabuchadnezzar carried of the vessels of the house of the Lord to Babel, and put them in his temple at Babel. 2. Here only jehoiakim is mentioned to be given into the hands of Nabuchadnezzar: but the Hebrew affix is in the plural number, and therefore is better referred to the vessels, which also is the nearer antecedent. 3. Neither was jehoiakim carried at this time into captivity nor brought at all to Babel, as is showed before, Quest. 11.  
2. Therefore both these clauses are better referred to the vessels, that he first brought them into the house of his god, and then laid them up in his god's treasury, not converting them unto any civil use, Osian. Pintus. Some think the last clause is added, because the treasury was a special place in the temple where such things were laid up: first than he brought them to his own palace, and then to the treasury of the temple of his God, which was also in his house. Vatabl.   

Quest. 15. Of the land of Shinar, or Shingar.  
1. This land of Shinar or Shingar was the lower part of Mesopotamia, which contained Chaldea and Babylon, lying under the mount Sangara, whereof there was a town so called: the Hebrew letter aijn is pronounced often as the Greek g, as in these words, Gomorrha, Gaza, which begin with that letter, and are pronounced with a double aspiration, as Hhamarrha, Hhaza, jun. Polan.  
2. This was the land wherein the towes of Babel was built, Gen. 11. 2. whereof the whole region was called Babylonia; whereas then 2. Chron. 36. 7. he is said to have carried the vessels to Babel, there is no contradiction: for they were both names of the same country. Polan.   

Quest. 16. Of the gods and idols of the Chaldees.  
Ver. 2. To the house of his God. The Chaldeans had five idols, 3. gods, and two goddesses: 1. their first god was Bel, a name contracted of Behel, which cometh of Bahal, which signifieth a Lord: Berosus saith this was jupiter Belus the son of Saturn, to whom was erected a temple in Babylon, with a vast and huge tower in the mids, which continued unto the time of Vespasian the Emperor, as Pliny witnesseth, lib. 6. c. 26.  
2. The second god was the Sun which they called rach, that is a king, because he is the chief among the planets: and the Persians call him Mithra, as justinus Martyr saith, dialog. in Tryphon. the priests of this idol were called Raciophantae, observers of the Sun.  
3. Their third god was Nego the fire, so called of the brightness, which was carried about among them.  
4. Their first goddess was Shacha, which was the earth, worshipped also of the Romans under the names of Opis and Tellus: of the Syrians called Dorcetha. In the honour of this goddess they used to keep a feast five days together in Babylon: during which time the masters were under the dominion of their servants: this festival: time was called Shache, whereof Babylon was called Sheshach of keeping this feast, jerem. 25. 27. and 52. 41.  
5. Their other goddess was Mulitta which was Venus, whose priests were called Natitae or Natophantae, the observers of fair Venus. Polan. But the chiefest of their idols was Bel, Isay 46. 1. Bel is bowed down: which junius in that place thinketh was taken for the Sun, whom the Assyrians and Chaldeans worshipped: But he was the same who was called jupiter Belus, Plin. 6. 26. as is before showed: they worshipped the Sun and the fire beside.   

Quest. 17. Ver. 2. What is to be commended, what discommended in Nabuchadnezzar in carrying away part of the vessels of the Temple.  
Ver. 2. With part of the vessels of the house of God. 1. Herein he is commended for his moderation, that he would not as an insatiable conqueror, that came only to spoil, carry away all the vessels of the temple, but contented himself with part: which notwithstanding was Gods special work so moving the heart of Nabuchadnezzar, that the temple yet standing should not be stripped of all the ornaments. Pere. 2. In that he put them not to any civil house, neither enriched himself by them, but laid them up in the temple of his god: unde aliquam religionem Deo exhibuit, wherein he showed some reverence unto God in reverencing the vessels of the Sanctuary: gloss. ordinar. Pere. 3. But herein the gross blindness of Nabuchadnezzar appeareth, who giveth the honour of this victory unto his idols, which was only due unto God: as Habacuk saith, they sacrificed unto their nets, cap. 1. jun.   

Quest. 18. Why it pleased God to suffer that the vessels of the Temple should be carried away.  
1. God thereby would punish the wickedness and impiety of the jews, for it is no small judgement, rebus sacris privari, to be deprived of sacred things. 2. Herein also the Lord showed his just indignation against the sins of the people, that he would rather abijcere res suas, cast off his own things which were dedicated to his service. And for the same cause he refused their oblations, saying, incense is abomination unto me, Isay. 1. 13. 3. The Lord herein also reproved their carnal confidence, thinking that the Temple and the vessels thereof were sufficient defence unto them: therefore the Prophet jeremy saith, cap. 7. 4. trust not in lying words, saying, the temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord. 4. And by occasion of the transporting of these vessels, the Lord showed his wonderful and strange works in Babylon, as by the writing of an hand upon the wall, when balthasar profaned the vessels of the Temple. The like work the Lord showed among the Philistims, when at the presence of the Ark, Dagon their idol lost both his head and hands, Pere. While the kings of Babel did regard with some reverence the holy vessels, they prospered, as Nabuchadnezzar, and Euilmerodach his son: but when they grew to be presumptuous and profane in abusing them, as balthasar did, the Lord judged them for their contempt. 5. God also hereby signified, that he needed not any thing of theirs, as any vessels of gold and silver, but such things being offered unto God tended only to the good of the offerer. Pintus.   

Quest. 19 Of Ashpenah the master of the Enuches his name and office.  
V. 3. And the king said to Ashpenah etc. 1. there are three parts of the kings charge unto this Ashpenaz: first concerning the transporting and carrying of certain children of the King's seed, and of other nobles: for at this time jehoiakim the king himself went not into captivity: then what choice was to be made of them, both for their kindred, and for their qualities of body, and mind, v. 4. and to what end, that they might stand before the king: And in the third place order is taken v. 5. for their provision and diet.  
2. Concerning the name Ashpenaz it signifieth in the Chalde tongue, magistrum obiurgantium, the master of the controllers, that is, the chief controller and governor of the king's house: as Ctesias useth the word Ashpamitres, which signifieth the master or chief of the Priests, jun.  
3. The kings of the Chaldeans, Persians, Egyptians, at the first used eunuchs, which were gelded men, as their chamberlains, specially for the custody of their concubines: in Hebrew they are called sarisim of saras, which signifieth to pull away: but afterward the principal officers and servants to the kings were called by that name, as Potiphar Pharaohs chief steward or captain is called an Eunuch, that is a Courtier: And the Queen of Ethiopia her Eunuch whom Philip baptised was her treasurer, Act. 8. the word Eunuch is derived of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a chamber, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to keep; they first attended upon the king in his chamber: So this Ashpenaz was a chief minister or officer to the king: Polan, Osian, Pin.   

Quest. 20. Whether Daniel may be proved from hence to have been an Eunuch in the first sense.  
1. Of this opinion are 
a Lib. 10. antiquit. c. 11.  josephus, 
b Hom. 4. in Ezekiel.  Origen, 
c in vita Dan.  Simon Metaphrastes, that Daniel was indeed an Eunuch: and in him, and the rest of the king's ●eed, some think that prophesy of Isaiah to Hezekiah to be fulfilled, that his sons should be Eunuches in the King of Babel's palace, 2. King. 20. 18. But it is not necessary, as is showed before, to take an Eunuch always in that sense: for that name generally is applied to the principal officers and ministers of the king.  
2. Some are of opinion, that Daniel was called an Eunuch because of his perpetual virginity: Dorotheus in Sinops. Epiphan. in vita Daniel. so also Damascen. lib. 4. de fide orthodex. cap. 25. but this may be gainsaied by that place, Ezek. 14. 20. that Noah, Daniel, job, should deliver neither son, nor daughter: it may seem then that they all had sons and daughters: P●rerius hereunto answereth, 1. that by sons and daughters here are meant the things most dear and precious: but this is a forced and wrested sense: for the text speaketh evidently of the delivering of the persons of men, not of any other precious things. 2. it is sufficient (saith he) to understand some of these only to have had sons and daughters, though not all, etc. But Daniel by this text can be no more denied to have had sons and daughters, then either Noah or job: yet, I confess that this being but a supposition, and conditional speech; that if these three Noah, job, Daniel, were in the midst of it, they should deliver neither son, nor daughter, doth not necessarily conclude that Daniel had sons and daughters, & yet he might have both. 3. Now howsoever it was for his virginity, certain it is he was no Eunuch, as Lyranus, and Carthusianus, and Pintus infer upon these words, ver. 4. they must be children without blemish: which collection though Pe●●●●us mislike, yet it may be warranted, Leuit. 21. 20. where this very kind of defect in the secret parts is counted among other blemishes. And whereas Perer, saith, that they were only to respect the outward comeliness and beauty, which he saith is held longer to continue in Eunuches, I rather think with Lyranus, taliter castrati sunt male gratiosi etiam in facis, that such as are deprived of their vitilitie, have for the most part less grace in their countenance.   

Quest. 21. Who are understood here by the Princes.  
1. The word is partemim, which R. joseph Kimhi would derive of the word Perath, which was the name of the great river Euphrates: and that thereby are signified the Princes of the region about Euphrates: but this agreeth not to this place, as Calvin noteth, for these princes were of judah whose children were taken, they inhabited not near Euphrates. 2. Some derive the word of Pharah, to fructify and increase: noting such as were truly noble, and excelling others: some of Parath, which signifieth to divide: because the Magistrates and judges, which decided controversies, were of the nobler sort. 3. Some rather think that it was a strange word taken up in the Chalde tongue: Mercer. junius conjecture in that parthani may come of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so it generally signifieth the first, chief, or principal men. 4. The Latin interpreter it expresseth by the word tyrannorum, the seed of the tyrants: but that word, howsoever at the first in the Greek tongue it was used in the better part to signify great and excellent men, yet now it is applied unto such which are cruel governors, and are usually called tyrants: thereforre it is no fit word to express the sense here. 5. The Septuagint retain it as a proper name and title of dignity, Pharthammin, but that is not like: for the Princes among the Persians were so called, Ester. 1. 3. there were not the like titles of honour among the jews, which were among the Persians: I therefore prefer before the rest, the opinion of Mercerus and jun.   

Quest. 22. Why the children of the Princes and Nobles were taken captives.  
The reasons hereof may be these. 1. the king herein showed his triumph and victory in carrying away the more principal men's sons. 2. And because such having had noble education, and not trained up as the vulgar sort, were meetest to attend upon the king: to the which end he sorted them out from the rest. 3. And this might be his policy also herein, that these principal men's sons being brought up with the king of Babel, and so instructed in the manners and religion of the Chaldeans, might thereby have their hearts, and affections enstranged, and alienated from their country. 4. And he might have further this purpose therein, to keep them as pledges, and hostages, the better to contain the jews in obedience and subjection. Calvin.   

Quest. 23. How the Lord performed his promise to David that his kingdom should be established for ever, 2. Sam. 16. seeing jehoiakim was given into Nebuchadnezzers' hand.  
1. We must consider, that the promise in respect of David's temporal seed was conditional; that the Lord would make sure the kingdom so long as they continued in obedience: but if they broke the condition, the Lord was not tied to make good his promise. 2. Yet the spiritual kingdom in the Messiah, which was of the seed of David according to the flesh, shall remain for ever without any condition or exception. 3. And although jehoiakim were given into Nebuchadnezzars hand, yet the kingdom well nigh continued after this 20. years in David's posterity: and the Lord by degrees did proceed to take away the sceptre from judah, which for David's sake he would have continued still if they would have taken any warning. 4. But it must not be thought that God's purpose and promise to David was changed and overturned by any superior power: and even Nabuchadnezzar herein was the minister of God, to execute his judgements: for it is said, that the Lord gave jehoiakim into his hand, v. 2. Polan.   

Quest. 24. Whether it were lawful for Daniel to be taught the learning of the Chaldeans.  
v. 4. And whom they might teach the learning, etc. Though among the Chaldeans there were curious and superstitious arts, for both judiciary Astrology, and Genethlialogie, the casting of men's nativities, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, divination by the dead, are held to have been invented by the Chaldeans; yet they had other profitable sciences, as Astronomy, Geometry, and other liberal arts, which Daniel might safely learn, as Moses was brought up in the knowledge of the Egyptians, whose superstitious inventions notwithstanding he abhorred: and if Daniel refused to be defiled with their meats, which were but for the body, much more did he take heed not to have his soul defiled with superstitious inventions. Calvin.   

Quest. 25. Of the Chalde language, and the difference between it, and the Hebrew.  
1. The Chaldeans called in Hebrew Chasdim, had their original from Arphachsad the son of Sem: the Chaldeans at the first comprehended the Hebrews also, for Heber the son of Selah, the son of Arphacsad, was the father of the Hebrews: and Abraham the Hebrew was borne in Vr of the Chaldees. 2. At the first the knowledge of God did flourish among the Chaldeans, till idolatry and superstition increasing, it pleased God to single out Abraham, in whom the true religion should be preserved. 3. The most ancient tongue was the Hebrew, which was preserved in Heber's family, and so descended to Abraham, who also because he lived among the Chaldeans, could speak the language of that nation. 4. But seeing Daniel here being an Hebrew borne, was to be taught the Chalde language, than Philo is deceived, who thinketh the Chalde and Hebrew to be all one. 5. Neither was the Chalde and Syrian tongue the same, 
In 〈…〉.  which is the opinion of Mercerus: so thinketh also Hugo Cardinal. following the ordinary Gloss: some think that the Syrian tongue differed not much from the Chalde, but was the more eloquent language, and therefore used of the learned, Genevens. Dan. 2. 6. But I rather think with 
a In 〈◊〉. Chald. & 〈◊〉.  Tremellius and Polanus, that howsoever in times passed there was small difference: for that part of this book which is written in the Chalde tongue from the 4. v. of the 2. chapter to the end of the seventh, is called also the Aramites or Syrians language, c. 2. 4. yet now they do manifestly differ, the ancient Chalde speech, and the common Syrian language. 7. Now the Chalde tongue is either that purer kind of speaking and writing which is used here in Daniel from 2. c. v. 4. to the end of the seventh, and Ezra c. 4. unto the seventh, which was then commonly used in Babylon: or else it was more impure, such as the three Targums are written in, namely of Onkelus, jonathas, and the Hierosolymitan: as also the two Talmuds, the one of Babylon, the other of jerusalem. ex Polan.   

Quest. 26. v. 4. Of the necessary institution of schools, and the manner and order thereof.  
v. 4. Teach the learning and language of the Chaldeans. 1. Hence appeareth, that the institution of schools, wherein youth should be brought up in good letters, was very ancient: for here in Babylon, such as were afterward to be employed in the state, had their education in learning. So among the Egyptians they had the like use, where Moses was taught the learning of the Egyptians. Among the Israelites 48. cities were appointed for the Levites, which were as the common Schools and Universities for the whole kingdom. Samuel and Elizeus had their Schools and Colleges of Prophets. Among the Grecians, Athens was famous for the study of Arts: and in Egypt Alexandria: yea, the rude Indians had their Gymnosophists: and the Romans had their Colleges of Augurs.  
2. Beside hence it is gathered that the chief care of the promoting of learning belongeth to the King, as here Nebuchadnezer giveth it in charge.  
3. And because kings being occupied with other affairs cannot themselves attend that business, they are to set over such places good overseers, as here the King committeth the care of this business to Ashpenaz.  
4. And as here choice is made of the best wits, and such as were not deformed, to be brought up in learning; so such should now be preferred to places of learning, as are like to profit well in that profession: and not every spittle, and dullhead to be obtruded and thrust into such places by favour, to make a scholar of, being fit for no other employment.  
5. These upon whom this learned education is bestowed, were the sons of Nobles; whereas in many places noble men think it a disgrace to be learned: whereas there cannot be a greater ornament unto true nobility, than learning.  
6. Here also it is showed what they should learn, to be instructed in the knowledge of the tongues, whereby a way is made for other learning.  
7. And they must not be always learning: a time is prefixed here of three years, to take trial how they profit: they which are put to learning must not be non proficientes, but after some time make some proof how they profit.  
8. The king also provideth sufficient maintenance for them, a competent diet, not superfluous: but in times past Abbeys had too much, and now Schools of learning have too little. Bulling.   

Quest. 27. Why other names were given them.  
1. Quia nomina judaea oderant & fugerant, because the Chaldeans did hate and shun Hebrew and jewish names, jun, so also Hugo Card, indign ferebat quod vocarentur nominibus judaeae, the king could not endure that they should be called with the names of judea: to the same purpose Lyranus, nomina Hebraica erant Babyloniis abominabilia, the Hebrew names were abominable to the Babylonians.  
2. In changing of their names, the conqueror showed his power over them, and that by this mutation of their names, they might know themselves to be servants: for it is a sign of superiority to impose names: as Adam gave names unto the creatures; he also gave a name unto his wife: so conquerors used to give names to them whom they subdued: As Pharaoh king of Egypt, would have Eliakim king of judah called jehoiakim: and Nabuchadnezzar called Mattaniah the last king of the jews Zedekiah: Polan. Among the Romans they which were adopted and received into the number of the citizens, did change their names for a remembrance and memorial of that benefit: and servants likewise, when they were manumitted did take unto them the names of noble and free men. Alexander. 
Alexander ab Alexandr●, lib. 4. Gen●al. dierum.   
3. But there was a further reason in it: ut deleret rex memoriam propriae gentis, that by this means the king might blot out the memory of their own nation and kindred.  
4. And beside the names were abolished, which had any mention of God, as El. jah. as one of these was in all their names: Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, Azariah, and in the new names given unto them there were quasi trophaea deorum suorum, as monuments of their gods: So by this means they thought to extinguish all memory of their religion. jun. Polan.   

Quest. 28. Of the signification of their names both the new, and the old.  
1. Daniel signifieth the judgement of God, or whom the Lord judgeth, Hananiah is named of grace and favour: Mishael some interpret, asked of God: Pap. Osiander: but the better derivation is, which is of God: jun. Azariah helped of God.  
2. Their new names are thus interpreted: Belteshazar some would have signify, scrutator the saur●, a searcher of treasure, Pintus: some custos insignis thesauri, a keeper of a notable treasure, Bulling: some take it to signify divine treasure: Osiand, or the keeper of Bel, their idol: Pap. But the true sense is: one laying up or keeping the treasury of Bell: for the word is compounded of Bel and teshah to lay up, and atzar treasure, jun. Polan. this name was given by Ashpenaz to Daniel, but at the king's appointment, and therefore it is said, that the king named him Belthazar, cap. 5. 12. Shadrach, some expound a legate or ambassador, Osiand. some delicate, Bullin. Pap. some a delicate field: Pintus. but the true notation is this: 1. the inspiration of rach that is the sun: for shadah signifieth to inspire, and rach, a king, which name they give unto the Sun. Meshach some interpret prolonging, Pintus: some industrious, Pappus: some precious; Bullinger, Osiander: But it is compounded of Meh, which, and shach the name of Venus their festival gods: Meshach, that is, who is of the god's shacah, the festival goddess: for the Babylonians used upon the 16. day of the month Loy to celebrate the feast of their god's shacha for 5. days together, during which time one of the servants was Lord and ruler of the family, appareled in a princely rob called Segane, the Hebrews call it Saga: jun. ex Athenaeolib. 14. dipnosophrast. Abednego some interpret servus lucis, servant of the light, Pap. some servus illustris, a famous servant; Osiander. some the servant of Nego which was the star of Venus: Bullin. some think it should be read Abednebo, the servant of Nebo the God of the Chaldeans: some give the sense servus anxius, a careful servant, Pintus: But the true derivation is, of ghebat a servant, and Nego fire, which the Chaldeans worshipped as a God: So then in all these four names, there was some memorial of the Chaldean idols; of Bel in the first, rach which was the Sun in the next, of their goddess Shacah, which was Venus in the third, and of their god Nego in the last. jun. Polan.   

Quest. 29. Ver. 8. Why Daniel refused to eat of the king's meat, and of the divers kinds of abstinence.  
Ver. 8. D●●iel had determined in his heart, that he would not defile himself with the portion of the king's meat: 1. here we may remember that there are four kinds of unlawful abstinence.  
1. Some of the Philosophers, 
Philostrat. in vita Apollon. Laertius in Pythago. Porphyr. lib. de abstinentia.  as Pythagoras, Empedocles, Apollonius, Porphyrius, because they imagined that the souls of men did pass into the bodies of beasts, & in varia se corpora endure, and did as it were clothe themselves with divers bodies: for this cause they abstained from the eating of flesh.  
2. There were certain heretics, who therefore would eat no flesh, because they held them to be evil by nature, & a malo quodam principio conditas, and made at the first by some evil powers: such were the Heretics Martion, Tacianus, the Encratites, the Manichees: against whom Augustine did write, at large confuting their errors, but specially in his books against blasphemous Faustus the Manichee.  
3. Some were in an other error, who at the first being converted from Iudais●e, did think they were bound to abstain from certain meats as unclean, according to the law of Moses, concerning whom the Apostles made a decree. Act. 15.  
4. And some other there are, which have a perverse opinion of fasting, which think that the perfection of a Christian consisteth in fasting; or they fast only for the praise of men, and opinion of the world. All these are in great error, and do offend in their fasting, but daniel's abstinence was of none of these kinds. Pere.   

Quest. 30. The causes which moved Daniel to forbear the king's meat.  
There were many pollutions in the meat, which served at the king's table: 1. they might eat such flesh as was counted unclean by the law of Moses; as swine's flesh, hares and coneys, were held to be unclean by the law of the Hebrews, and diverse others both beasts, fish, and foul, as is declared, Deut. 14. which might be notwithstanding used as delicate meats in the king's court. Pap, Bullinger: which meats though of their own nature they defiled not, yet by the institution of God being forbidden, they defiled the eater, in respect of his disobedience to the law.  
2. Beside they in the beginning of their feasts did praise the gods of gold and silver, and so consecrated their meats and table to their idols: for which cause Daniel and the rest abstained. jun. Polan. Lyran. Hugo Cardi. And though the first observation of meats was only legal, and ceased with the rest of the ceremonies: yet the abstaining from things offered to idols was perpetual afterward observed of the Christians, as both is evident by S. Paul, 1. Cor. 8. 10. where he speaketh of those that sat down in the idol temples; and by the practice of the Primitive Church, as Caecilius objected to the Christians, 
Apud Minut. Foelic. lib. 8. Arnob.  praeceptos & delibatos altaribus cibos abhorretis, etc. ye abhor meats commanded, that are consecrate to idols.  
3. Beside sciebat perturbationum fontem esse intemperantiam, he did know that intemperancy was the fountain of all distemperature: he remembered that Adam was cast out of paradise, for eating of the forbidden fruit, and Esau lost his birthright for a mess of pottage: Daniel therefore and the rest abstained, lest they might be entangled with the desire of their delicate meats. Pintus.  
4. another reason was that the king by this sweet poison should not cause him to forget his religion; Genevens▪ ne inescaretur talibus illecebris, lest he should have been caught with such baits: he therefore shuneth the occasion.   

Quest. 31. vers. 8. How Daniel should have been defiled with the king's meat.  
Though that the meat itself in it own nature could not have defiled Daniel, as our Blessed Saviour saith, that which goeth into the mouth, defileth not the man, Matth. 15. 11. yet four ways Daniel should have defiled himself and others.  
1. He had offended the godly if they were weak, in following his example, so wounding their own conscience; if they were strong, yet they would have grieved, to see the law of God transgressed.  
2. The profane should have been scandalised, if they were enemies, in causing them to blaspheme, if they were indifferent, and such as of whom there might be hope, in putting before them a stumbling block, they might have discouraged them from embracing their religion, in seeing them to do contrary to their own profession.  
3. Their own conscience they should have defiled in sinning against the knowledge, and disobeying the law.  
4. God they should have contemned, in neglecting his law, and so in a manner have polluted him: as in another case the Priests are said to have polluted God, for offering unclean bread upon his altar, Malach. 1. 7. Polan.   

Quest. 32. Whether Daniel ever after abstained from the king's meat.  
It is like that Daniel afterward did both eat and drink of the king's provision: for he was of the king's Court, and was the chief officer about the king, and sat in the king's gate, cap. 2. 49. therefore it is not unlike but that he did live at the king's diet, neither do we read of joseph, that was in the like estimation with Pharaoh, that he refused the king's meat. Calvin. The reasons why Daniel abstained now, and not afterward may be these. 1. Daniel, principio abstinuit à lautitijs aulae ne inescaretur, at the beginning abstained from the delicates of the court, lest he should have been entangled, Cal. but afterward there was not the like fear, when Daniel was called to place of government, and depended not upon the command and authority of others, as now he did. So also Pellic●iam grandaevus & extra periculum constitutus, vinum bibisse legitur, etc. when he waxed old and was out of danger, he is found to have drunk wine, etc. 2. this must be admitted ceremonialia cedere magnae, necessitati, that the ceremonials must give place unto extreme necessity: It is no question, but the people of the jews being in captivity did sometime eat of the meats forbidden by the law, rather than they should be famished: but if the eating of such meats had been a denial of their faith and religion, in that case, they should rather have chosen to die, then in the least ceremony to deny their faith: Osian. Daniel might then in his captivity upon such necessity eat such things, as in their country were not lawful, as other of his brethren did: but at this time his profession being called in question, least by such baits and enticements he might have been drawn away from it, he did in a godly resolution abstain.   

Quest. 32. Ver. 9 What favour it was which Daniel found with the chief of the eunuchs not obtaining his request.  
Ver. 9 Now God had brought Daniel into favour, etc. 1. Some think, that whereas the chief of the eunuchs after excuseth himself by his fear, lest if he should have granted his request, to allow him other diet then the king had appointed, these two effects should have followed, their countenances would look worse, and his life should be in danger, that the Eunuch did deny his request: quod tentara, tnon successerat, that which he tried did not take place, Bulling▪ repulsam est passus, he suffered a repulse, Calvin. Pelican. impetrari non potuit, that could not be obtained which he desired. But this opinion is contrary to the text: which saith that God gave Daniel favour with the chief of the eunuchs: but if he had altogether taken the repulse, he had found small favour.  
2. Wherefore herein consisted the favour, which Daniel found. 1. in that he was not angry with Daniel for making such a bold request contrary to the king's commandment. 2. neither doth he urge him to keep the king's order for his diet. 3. or complaineth of him to the king. 4. but chiefly herein his favour appeared, in that he pretending his fear and danger, did insinuate, that he could be contented, so that it might be done without any such danger or inconvenience, Polan. And he secretly might also give him an hint to go unto the under officer the butler, that attended upon them, who was the fitter man to wink at it, if question afterward should have been made: for it is like the butler afterward being found so willing, that he knew the chief officers pleasure therein. jun. Polan.   

Quest. 33. Of daniel's request to the butler or officer.  
Ver. 12. Prove thy servants I pray thee ten days, etc. 1. Daniel first propoundeth his request simply, that he would prove them 10. days with course bread of pulse, and water to drink: he setteth only ten days, neither too long a time, ut de facili posset impetrare, that he might more easily obtain his request: nor too short, that the truth might appear, and some experience be had in that time, Lyran. for in the space of 10. days it might well be seen, whe●● their bodies macrescerent, vel pinguescerent, did wax leaner or fatter. Pelican.  
2. Then follow the conditions of his request: the one is expressed, that unless their countenances should be in as good liking as theirs, which fed of the king's allowance, they would ask no further favour: so he doth wisely antevertere, prevent what might be objected: for Daniel knew he would insist upon the same reasons which the chief of the eunuchs had done, v. 10. that their faces should be worse liking, and so he might be blamed. Calvin.  
3. another condition or supposal though not expressed, yet may be supplied, is that they did not purpose to make unto themselves any benefit of the king's meat, but they were contented it should be to his use that attended upon them, as may be gathered, v. 16. where it is said, that the butler took from them the allowance of the king's meat and wine, and gave them pulse. jun.   

Quest. 34. Whether Daniel tempted not God, in setting a certain number of days.  
1. In the Apocryphal history of judith, c. 8. 12. judith chargeth Ozias and the other governors of Bethulia, that they had tempted God in prescribing the space of five days, within which time, if they had no help, they would give up the city: But here Daniel doth not of any temerity, or presumption set this prefixed time, but fidei magnitudine, by the greatness of his faith, as Hierome saith: Pere. so also Hugo Cardinal. he was certior factus à Domino de foelici eventu, he was assured by the Lord of happy success. Calvin. And Daniel herein and his companions, did not only depend upon God's general promises out of his word, but they had some particular revelation and direction for this thing. jun.  
2. But it will be objected, if Daniel had such assurance, why then speaketh he so doubtfully, as referring the whole matter to his discretion: saying, ver. 13. as thou seest deal with thy servants: to this it may be answered, Daniel allocutus est altorem humanitus, ut tamen de re divinitus confirmatus esset, Daniel indeed speaketh unto his keeper after an usual manner, yet was in himself confirmed from God in this matter. jun.  
3. Daniel then having both the word of God to abstain from such meats as were forbidden, Deut. 14. and Gods general promise beside, that God would bless their bread and water, if they would serve him, Exod. 23. 15. and further ex arcana renelatione certior factus, being assured by secret revelation, of the event, was moved to propound this term of 10. days. Polan.   

Quest. 35. vers. 12. Why Daniel did choose rather to eat of pulse, then of the king's meat.  
1. Daniel here preferred not this course diet before the king's delicates upon any superstitious opinion, as thinking thereby to merit with God, and to be more acceptable for the meats sake; for according to the Apostles rule, both he which eateth, eateth to the Lord, and giveth God thanks, and he that eateth not, eateth not to the Lord, and giveth God thanks, Rom. 14. 6. every creature is good, and we may thankfully take whatsoever the Lord hath prepared for our food. Polan.  
2. But this may be one reason why Daniel made choice of pulse and seeds, herbs and such like, because such things were not at any time forbidden unto the jews, before or under the law, neque de talibus fiebat oblatio idolis, neither of such things did they use to offer unto idols: And therefore the Apostle saith, Rom. 14. 2. that he which was weak (not in body but in mind) did eat herbs, lest he should chance to eat things offered to idols. Lyran.  
3. Daniel might have eaten course bread, and other viler meats, but he contented himself with seeds and herbs, as the word hazeroghim signifieth, ut scilicet assidne gemeret, etc. that he might daily mourn, and remember his afflicted country, which he might easily have forgotten, if he had given himself to a delicate life. And therefore Moses also did forsake Pharaohs Court, and chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God.   

Quest. 36. vers. 15. Whether the beauty and strength in Daniel and the rest feeding of this course food, was a natural work.  
1. There are diverse reasons in nature, why they which live of simp●●●nd course food, should be better liking, than many which live in fullness and plenty: 〈◊〉 the variety of meat causeth variety of diseases, the more simple the food than is, the more agreeable it is to nature, Osiand. 2. continual use and custom to keep a slender diet, doth make it familiar and most wholesome to the body. 3. the strong constitution, temperature, and complexion of the body doth cause unto some better nourishment and strength, than a better diet doth unto those, that are of a bad constitution. 4. the cheerfulness of the mind, and inward contentedness helpeth much, even in a thin diet to strengthen nature: Pere. As the wise man saith, that a morsel of 〈◊〉 with peace, is better than a house full of sacrifices with strife, that is, with disquietness of mind.  
2. But this great increase of beauty and favour in Daniel and his companions, proceeded rather of the singular and extraordinary blessing of God, then of their thin diet: for they only did not exceed those in the goodness of their complexion, which fed of the king's meats, but their countenance in themselves appeared faiter and better liking, then at any time before. Pere.   

Quest. 37. ver. 17. Of the knowledge and understanding which God gave unto Daniel and the other three, whether it were natural or supernatural.  
1. This knowledge which was given unto them all was partly ordinary in all human learning, which was common unto them all: the Vulgar latin interpreter readeth, in omni libro, in every book: but the word sepher is as well taken for the literature, the knowledge of arts and sciences, as for a book, Polan. partly this knowledge was extraordinary in the understanding of visions and dreams, which was peculiarly above the rest given unto Daniel. jun.  
2. The knowledge of arts is obtained three ways: either naturally as Aristotle and Plato attained unto their learning: or supernaturally as Adam and Solomon had their wisdom and knowledge infused of God: or partly by natural means, partly by supernatural, as here Daniel and the other three used instructors, and other helps to come unto their knowledge, but yet it was specially the gift of God.  
3. For, whereas they attained unto a greater perfection, than any other, and that in so short a time, in the space of 3. years, it is evident, that they had more by God's special gift, then by any human industry. Pere.   

Quest. 38. Whether Daniel and the rest learned the curious arts of the Chaldeans.  
1. Pererius opinion is that whereas the Chaldeans had many vain and curious arts, as Magic, Conjecturing, Enchanting, judiciary Astrology, and such like, that they might learn and know these speculative, by way of speculation, to confute them and avoid them, not to practise or exercise them: as God himself and the Angels have the knowledge of such things: and the abuse in such knowledge, is either in the too great desire and affection, which they have unto them which learn them, or in the evil end, which they propound, seeking their own gain, or others commodity therein.  
Contra. 1. But that the very study and knowledge of such damnable arts is unlawful, by this it appeareth, because they which were converted to the faith in Ephesus burned their books of such curious arts: which they needed not to have done, if the having and reading of such books had been lawful, Act. 29. 2. God knoweth all things, and is perfectly good, and cannot be tempted of evil: but man is easily seduced and perverted: and Angels have not their knowledge by labour and learning as man hath, but by the light of their nature: therefore those examples are not alike: 3. even profitable human arts may be by these means abused: but unprofitable in their best use are unlawful.  
2. Osiander thinketh, that their Chaldean instructors would have obtruded upon them their superstitious precepts among other instruction: but as they abstained from the king's meat, not to be defiled thereby; so it is like they did take heed of such corrupt and unlawful arts.  
3. But it is more like, that as the king's meat was withdrawn from them, so by God's providence they were preserved from all contagion of their superstitious inventions, only being trained vp●● their commendable learning, as Muses was in the Egyptian sciences. Calvin.   

Quest. 39 Whether it be lawful to use the arts and inventions of the heathen.  
1. The profitable inventions of the heathen, Christians may safely and lawfully use: for like as in a tree, there are leaves for ornament, as well as fruit for necessary use: so the soul must be adorned as with the sound precepts of Theology in stead of fruit, so it must be garnished with the knowledge of the arts, as the ornaments and leaves. But when any thing erroneous doth offer itself in their writings, 〈◊〉 must either shun it altogether, or cautelously read it; as we gather roses in a garden, but take heed of the pricks and thorns. Deut, 21. when any of Israel took a maid in battle, whom he liked, he was first to pair her nails, and shave her head, before he married her: so we must cut away in human secular learning such things as are noxious and superstitious, and then captive it to the use of Christian religion. Pintus.  
2. The books then and writing of the Heathen are fit and convenient to be read: first in regard of some truth, which is set forth in them: 1. for every one naturally desireth to understand and apprehend the truth. 2. yea and the spirit of God is the author of all truth: so that the light which shined in the darkness and blindness of the Heathen proceeded from the spirit of God, the true illuminator of the world. 3. their writings contain many profitable inventions and precepts for man's life, as in the handling of moral virtues, of politic precepts, of mechanical arts.  
Secondly, even the knowledge of their errors is profitable. 1. that we may know them to confute and abhor them. 2. that knowing their errors we may the better avoid them ourselves, and win others from them. 3. to show the excellency of the Scriptures, wherein is no error or impurity, before all other human learning and writing: for there are five things requisite and necessary for every one to know: 1. that the soul is immortal: for he will never be persuaded to virtue, that thinketh there is nothing to be feared, or hoped for after this life. 2. what is the chief end and happiness, which every man is to propound unto himself. 3. which is the way whereby that end may be achieved. 4. whether God not only in general, but in particular watch over us by his providence. 5. how this watchful God, and most vigilant heavenly father is to be served and honoured. All which things so necessary to be known, are either not at all handled by the Philosophers, or very absurdly, deceitfully, erroneously. Perer.  
3. But it will be thus objected. 1. seeing the Scriptures are alone sufficient to salvation, what need we foreign helps? 2. S. Paul Coloss. 28. seemeth to condemn Philosophy, beware lest any man spoil you through Philosophy. 3. julian the Apostata, thus objected, Cur abhorrent Christiani a sacrisiciis Gentilium, cum non abhorrent à libris Gentilium, why do Christians abhor the sacrifices of the Gentiles, seeing they do not abhor, not abstain from reading of their books?  
Answer. 1. The Scriptures are indeed alone sufficient for such things as belong unto salvation, neither to any such end do Christians crave help from the heathen; but they use them only as supplies concerning things belonging unto this life: therefore as kings and princes use the service of artificers, husbandmen, cooks, for inferior services, so it is not unbeseeming a Christian to make use of the Gentiles inventions.  
2. S. Paul simply condemneth not philosophy, as that which consisteth of physical, moral, or political principles and observations: but he speaketh against that erroneous part of Philosophy and vain speculation, as in the adoration of Angels, and such like: and thus the Apostle expoundeth himself, in the next words, let no man spoil you through Philosophy, and vain deceit.  
3. There is not the like reason between the writings and sacrifices of the Heathen, for their books may be read without hurt, one may choose the good and leave the evil; but the sacrifices are altogether evil and idolatrous: yet the things in themselves, which they offer in sacrifice, the abuse set apart, Christians abhor not, as wine, bread, flesh; for they are the good creatures of God: but the abuse of them to most filthy idolatry, they only abhor and condemn. Per.  
4. Notwithstanding therefore whatsoever is, or can be objected, there is a lawful and commendable use of human arts and learning among Christians: like as Moses made use of the Egyptian, and Daniel of the Chaldean learning, and S. Paul in his writings of the sayings of the heathen poets: So the Christian Fathers armed themselves against the heathen with their own weapons: as Cyrillus Alexand. against julian, Origen against Celsus, Methodius against Porphyry, Hieronimus against jovinian, the Apologies of Quadratus and Aristides Christian philosophers which were presented to Adrianus the Emperor in the behalf of the Christians, are fraught with great store of heathen testimonies: so also are the writings of justinus, Tertullian, Eusebius, Lanctantius, Augustine, with others.   

Quest. 40. Of the dreams and visions which Daniel had understanding of.  
1. The visions were such, as were showed unto men waking: which were of two sorts, either, expressae signis corporalibus, such as were indeed expressed and represented by corporal signs, as the hand which appeared unto Balthasar upon the wall, and left a material writing behind it; or else per similitudines imaginarias effectae, such as were exhibited by certain imaginary similitudes: such were diverse visions, which jeremy and Ezekiel had, and the visions showed to Daniel in this book: by dreams are understood such visions, as were represented unto men in their sleep. Per.  
2. But this must be understood neither of natural and human dreams, the interpretation whereof belongeth unto Physicians and Philosophers, but of divine dreams.  
3. And hereby also is signified that Daniel excelled in all kind of propho●●e, which is understood by these two, visions and dreams, Numb. 12. 6. jun. so that Daniel only of these four was endued with the gift of prophesying. Genevens.   

Quest. 41. Whether this gift of understanding visions and dreams were in Daniel as an habit permanent and remaining always in him.  
Lyranus seemeth to be of opinion, that this gift was habitual in Daniel, and that it was always present with him: 1. because as God gave the other knowledge, which was an habit in them, so he gave Daniel this gift of understanding dreams: 2. there are but three things in the soul, potentiae, passiones, habitus, powers and faculties, as to will, to understand, passions and affections, and habits as of virtues, arts, and such like: But this gift to expound dreams, was no faculty of the mind, for than it should have been general, and much less was it any passion, which are most seen in the sensitive part; therefore it was an habit.  
Contra. 1. Both knowledge was given to the rest, and this special understanding to Daniel by the Lord the only fountain and author of every good gift, but they were not given in the same manner. 2. naturally in the soul these three things are to be found, but this gift in Daniel was supernatural, and therefore is not comprehended in that division of the natural faculties and parts of the soul.  
2. Wherefore I subscribe rather unto Pererius, donum illud non fuisse in daniel tanquam habitum permanentem, etc. that this gift in Daniel was not as a permanent habit always remanying with him, as may be thus showed. 1. An habit which is always permanent, one may use when he will, where, and how he will; but so could not Daniel use this prophetical gift of interpreting dreams: for when the first dream of the king was propounded to him, he obtained the interpretation thereof by his and his brethren's earnest prayers, and he desired the king to give him leisure, c. 2. 16. likewise when he heard the other dream, he held his peace by the space of an hour, c. 4. 16. in his heart beseeching the Lord to cause him to understand it.  
2. As it was in other Prophetical gifts, so in this: but the Prophets did not always prophesy, but at such time as the spirit of God came upon them, and did illuminate them: as the prophet Elisha caused a Musician to play before him, and then he prophesied: Nathan when first David consulted with him to build God an house, had then no prophesy or revelation till the night following, 2. Sam. 7. the prophetical illumination than is like unto the light, not which is always inherent in the body of the Sun, but which at times shineth in the air, and sometime is overcast: so the prophets could not prophesy when they would themselves, but as they received present illumination, and direction of the spirit.  
3. Now yet they were still called Prophets, even then, when they prophesied not, both because of their vocation and calling, they were threunto appointed by God, as jeremy, was sanctified in his mother's womb to be a Prophet, or because they did often prophesy, ex frequentia prophetandi, they had the name of Prophets. Pere.   

Quest. 42. Of the divers kinds of dreams, and whether there be any divine dreams.  
Dreams usually are divided into these three kinds, natural, human, which are called animalia, and supernatural. 1. Natural are such, which are chiefly raised by natural objects, as when men dream of meat and drink being hungry or thirsty: of such dreams speaketh the Prophet Isay, 29. 80. And these dreams are incident to bruit beasts. 2. human dreams are such as are raised by the multitude of the business, wherein men are occupied in the day: such dreams the Preacher describeth, Eccles. 5. 2. A dream cometh by the multitude of business. 3. Supernatural dreams are of two kinds, either divine, which are sent of God for some spiritual instruction and admonition, or the signification of some things to come: such were the dreams of Pharaoh, Gen. 41. and Nabuchadnezzar in this book, c. 2. 4. and c. 4. There are also Diabolical dreams, which are wrought by Satan to se●●ce and deceive: for if he can by inward suggestions delude and deceive the mind, he can also as well by vain dreams and fancies insinuate himself to deceive: such were the vain visions and illusions which he deceived the priests of Baa● by, when he went as a lying spirit in the months of them all, to persuade Ahab to go and fall at Ramath in Gilead. Pappus.   

Quest. 43. Whether there be any divine dreams.  
1. Aristotle in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of divination by dreams, denieth that there are any divine dreams at all: he confesseth that there are somnia daemonica, dreams demonical or spiritual: but there also he ascribeth unto nature: his reasons against divine dreams are these,  
1. If there were any such divine dreams, they should be sent and showed to the best and most wise and virtuous men, and not to men of every sort, as they are.  
2. If God would teach men, he would rather do it by day then by night.  
3. Where God instructeth men, he doth it plainly and manifestly, not obscurely and doubtfully, as is the revelation by dreams.  
4. Bruit beasts have their dreams, therefore they are not divine.  
2. Contra. These arguments are soon answered. 1. Such dreams are for the most part showed unto good men, but not always, lest they should think that by their worthiness they had deserved that grace: and when it pleaseth God to manifest himself by such dreams to other then to the righteous, it is for their conversion, or for the common good of his Church: such were the dreams which Pharaoh and Nabuchadnezzar had.  
2. To appoint the Lord to instruct men by day, rather than by night, is to prescribe laws unto him: he best knoweth the ways and means, when and how to speak unto men's souls.  
3. Though dreams are in themselves obscure, yet God giveth also the interpretation of them, as of Pharaohs dreams by joseph, of Nabuchadnezars' by Daniel: he leaveth not men in doubtfulness and suspense, as Apollo's ambiguous oracles did.  
4. Beasts have in deed some kind of dreams, namely such as are natural and caused in the fantasy and sensitive part: but this kind of divine and supernatural dreams they have not: such as was Pharaohs and Nabuchadnezzars' dreams, and Joseph's, Matth. 1. Pap.   

Quest. 44. Whether there be any truth or certainty in dreams.  
1. As Cicero said, that there is nothing so absurd, which is not found to have been said by some of the Philosophers; so some of them have maintained, that all dreams were true, and had their certain signification: of which opinion was Protagoras, with other stoics, whose general opinion was, that the truth consisted not in the nature of things, but only in the opinion of men: and that some dreams were held to be vain and frivolous, the reason they said to be this, because they are difficult, ambiguous, and obscure, and so are not well perceived and understood.  
Contra. But this opinion is confuted by the Scriptures, beside daily experience, which showeth that men have many thousand dreams, which never take effect: and if one of a thousand agree with the event, it is accidental, and by some casual occurrent, and not otherwise: The Preacher saith, in the multitude of dreams and vanities are many words, Eccl. 5. 6. he joineth dreams and vanities together. The Prophet giveth instance of such vain dreams, in an hungry man that dreameth, and behold (in his imagination) he eateth, and when he awaketh, his soul is empty, Isa. 29. 8. what is this else but a vain dream? Such are the dreams of drunken, frantic, covetous men, who dream of such vain things as their mind is occupied in: such dreams are like the apparitions in the clouds, many forms and fashions are there seen, which are soon dispersed of the wind, and come to nothing.  
2. Some held the contrary opinion, that no credit was to be given to any dreams at all, as Xenophanes, Caliphonius, and the Epicures, for seeing all dreams were of the same nature, and some were vain and frivolous, all must be held to be so. Again say they, if there were any certainty in dreams, they must proceed from some certain causes: either God, or nature: but it is not like Deum obire lectos dormientium, that God should compass men's beds when they are asleep, and cast dreams into their minds: and nature is the cause of order, but in dreams there is confusion and disorder.  
Contr. 1. All dreams are not of one nature, therefore it followeth not, if some be vain, that all are. 2. God's providence watcheth over men both waking and sleeping: he passeth not from place to place, but being in heaven beholdeth all things, and doth whatsoever it pleaseth him in heaven and in earth. 3. Nature worketh certently and orderly, when it worketh by certain and settled causes: variable and turbulent causes must bring forth the like effects: but true and divine dreams are most certain, constant, and orderly, as proceeding from him, who is the author of order.  
3. Wherefore the resolution here is, that as there are some vain and fantastical dreams procured by men's distempered humours in their bodies, or their disordered and unsettled imaginations in their mind; so there are divine, profound, and holy dreams: as were the dreams and visions by night of Abraham, Abimelech, jaakob, Laban, joseph, Pharaoh, Solomon, Nebuchadnezzer, Paul, Act. 16. 9 which holy dreams and visions had their evident signification, and sure effect. Perer.   

Quest. 45. Of the causes of true dreams.  
1. Plato his opinion was, 
Plato in conviuto.  that dreams were procured by spirits, who were the mediators that went between God and man: he thought that God himself did not meddle with human affairs, but by the mediation and intercourse of such spirits, and that by them therefore all dreams were procured. But the contrary is evident, that some dreams are wrought only by natural means, as by the multitude of business in the day, Eccles. 5. 2. and where there is any spiritual cause, that the Lord himself sometime is the agent, as it is said, God came to Abimelech in a dream, Gen. 20. 3.  
2. Aristotle on the contrary held, that all true dreams proceeded of natural causes: but that is untrue also: for the prediction and foretelling of things to come, which often is showed in dreams, cannot by any natural means be searched out.  
3. The stoics made three causes of dreams, God, fatal necessity, and the liberty of the soul, which in sleep is free from all other perturbations. Contr. The first cause we allow, but not of all dreams: but fatal necessity there is none, for then God who is most free, should himself be tied to such fatal necessity, and connexion of causes: and if the freeness of the soul in sleep caused such dreams, than one should as well have such dreams as an other: for in the time of rest every man's soul is free from the business of the day.  
4. Porphyrius thinketh, that the notions which are naturally in the soul, which it brought with it into the body, are the causes of dreams: which notions show more freely in the night, then in the day. But Christian religion acknowledgeth no such former notions, or pre-existence of the soul before it came to the body: for the Lord formeth the spirit of man within him, Zachar. 12. 1.  
5. Synesius maketh the fantastical part of the soul to be the cause of dreams: that as the representations of divers things are raised in the fantasy, so the soul thereupon conceiveth dreams: and therefore Pythogoras going to bed used to fall asleep with the sound of the harp, and so prepared himself to have quiet and pleasant dreams. But yet the cause appeareth not, why such imaginations and representations should be raised up in the fantasy: the fantasy affecteth the soul, but how cometh the fantasy to be so affected first?  
6. Hypocrates maketh two causes of dreams, 
Lib. de insomnijs.  the divine and supernatural instinct, which is infused of God, and the natural disposition of the body: for as the humours are affected; if there be emptiness or fullness, or any distemperature in the body, the dreams are answerable. But as these are the true causes of divine, and natural dreams: so of other dreams other causes must be found out. Hypocrates then toucheth the true causes of some, but not of all dreams.  
7. Gregory maketh six causes of dreams: 1. the fullness or emptiness of the body: 2. the diu●ne cogitations: 3. the illusion of Satan: 4. the illusion of Satan and man's thoughts together: 5. the divine revelation: 6. the divine instinct and human thoughts concurring together. But as Hypocrates alleged not all the causes; so Gregory maketh more causes than he needeth, as now shall be showed.  
8. As then there are four sort of dreams, as hath been before declared, Quest. 42. so there are four causes of the same.  
1. Natural dreams proceed of natural causes; as choleric men dream of fire, phlegmatic of water, melancholic men of darkness and blackness: and any distempered humour or affected part of the body often raiseth a dream agreeable, 
Lib. de prae●agijs.  as Galen reporteth of one that dreamt that one of his legs was made of stone, and presently after he was taken with a palsy and nummenesse in that leg. 
Lib. 7. c. 50.  And Pliny writeth how P. Cornelius Ruffinus in his sleep thought that he suddenly became blind, and when he awaked, he was blind in deed.  
2. Of human dreams, human affairs are the cause, which leave a strong impression in the mind, whereby such like dreams are engendered in the night, as the thoughts were in the day: so mariners dream of the sea and fish, husbandmen of the fields, shepherds of their sheep: of this kind was Hannibal's dream, who having now swallowed Italy in his desire, as he transported his armies from Spain thither he had a dream, wherein he saw a most hideous serpent destroying and devouring all where he went: this dream was answerable to his desire, and seemed to issue forth of his former thoughts.  
3. The third sort of dreams is Diabolical, which Satan casteth into men's minds to seduce and deceive them, and of these the Devil is the author, who is the third general cause of dreams: for if some dreams were not caused by Satan, why should the Lord condemn such dreamers of dreams, which should go about to seduce and deceive the people, Deut. 13. 1. Of this kind may be thought Alexander's dream to have been, who (coming to Ptolemy the next king of Egypt after being sore wounded by a venomous dart, and of that wound like to die) fell asleep by him, and in his sleep saw a serpent bringing a root in his mouth, showing the place where it grew, whereby Ptolemy was healed.  
These Satanical dreams are of two sorts: for some of them do prognosticate of things to come, which Satan can foretell two ways, either by natural causes he can foresee the events, or he doth foretell such things as he knoweth he is permitted of God to do: the other kind of Diabolical dreams tendeth to the inciting and stirring up of men to sin, as murder, lust, or other ungodliness.  
4. The fourth cause of dreams, is God himself, who by dreams and visions in the night diversly instructeth men, and tevealeth unto them things to come. ex Perer.   

Quest. 46. How Diabolical, and Divine dreams may be discerned.  
1. Diabolical dreams are discerned, 1. by the matter, if they be unchaste and unclean dreams provoking unto any vice or impiety: 2. by the end, if one shall have a revelation in a dream of things to come, whereof there is no profitable end, but only the feeding of men's curiosity, or the maintaining of superstition. 3. by men's persons also a conjecture may be made; as if unclean and corrupt dreams be offered unto godly and righteous men: therein they are to suspect the craft of Satan, that he goeth about to assault and tempt them.  
2. Concerning Divine dreams they are two ways principally discerned: by the excellency of the matter, as when things to come are revealed, the knowledge whereof only belongeth unto God, or the Lord discovereth man's secret thoughts, which he only can descry: the other way is by the illumination of the mind, when the Lord doth so evidently reveal himself unto the soul and mind of man, that he nothing doubteth of the author of those dreams, but knoweth assuredly, that the Lord spoke unto him in a dream: such were the dreams which Abraham, joseph, Daniel, Paul had: for like as naturally the soul hath light to discern of the first notions and principles; so the mind in this case is illuminate to acknowledge the divine instinct.  
3. In divers manners and to divers purposes doth the Lord speak unto men in dreams: 1. sometime he terrifieth and feareth them, as he stayed Abimelek and Laban by fearful dreams, that they should do no hurt, the one to Abraham, the other to jaakob. 2. sometime the Lord encourageth men by dreams to enterprise some great work, as he did Gedeon, judg. 7. 9 3. he admonisheth some by dreams, what they should do, as Paul, Act. 16. and joseph, Matth. 1. 4. God instructeth by dreams concerning things to come, as he did in Pharaohs and Nabuchadnezzers' dreams.  
4. And as the ends, and purposes are divers, why the Lord sendeth dreams; so also the kinds are divers. 1. some divine dreams are plain and manifest, and need no interpretation; such were the dreams of joseph of the stars, and the sheaves. 2. sometime God speaketh with them himself in their dreams, as with Abimelech, Gen. 20. sometime an Angel appeareth, as to joseph, Matth. 1. sometime a man, as to Paul, Act. 16. 3. sometime God sendeth dreams not expected or desired, such were Pharaohs and Nebuchadnezzers' dreams: sometime they are first craved and desired, as God revealed unto Daniel in a vision by night the interpretation of Nebuchadnezzers' dream, which he himself had before begged and entreated by prayer. 4. and some divine dreams are answerable to the precedent thoughts of the heart, as Joseph's dream was to direct him what he should do with Marie, whom he was careful of before, and much troubled in himself about that matter.   

Quest. 47. Why it pleased God by visions and dreams to instruct his servants.  
1. One reason Hypocrates yieldeth, 
Lib. de insomnijs.  because in the day time men are distracted with many affairs and much business, so that the mind is not so free and apt in the day, to receive such spiritual direction, as in the night.  
2. Aristotle saith, that dreams come in the night, propter noctis silentium, & sens●um exteriorum vacationem, 
Lib. de divinat. somnijs.  because of the silence of the night, and the rest and intermission of the senses: and the soul then being not hindered, neither by the occurrent business of the day, nor by the employment of the senses, is more ready and free to attend upon God.  
3. Beside the night is secret, and so the Lord may then secretly insinuate his will without any disturbance of the party, or observation of others, etc.  
4. By this it appeareth also quanto sit Deus potentior ad hominem docendum, etc. how much more powerful God is to teach and instruct man, than any other can: for one man only can instruct another waking, and giving attention; but God can instruct men in their sleep. 
in lib. Aristot. de divinat.  Averro hath this opinion, he denieth not but that a man in sleep may have a prophetical instinct, yet he thinketh that other arts and sciences cannot be inspired by that means, which are only attained unto by precept and experience, and by the help of the outward sense. But herein he showeth his ignorance, not knowing the Scriptures, and the power of God: for though ordinarily arts are learned by such means, yet God hath infused knowledge without any such ●elps: as into Noah, Bezaleel and Aholiab the builders of the Sanctuary, Solomon, the Apostles.  
5. Add further, that seeing sleep is an image and representation of death, by this means we are taught, that the soul liveth after the death of the body, and hath more perfect knowledge and illumination, then while it was in the body: as more visions and revelations have been showed unto men in their dreams, their body being asleep, then when they were awake.   

Quest. 48. Why visions and dreams are often showed unto simple and unlearned men.  
1. By this one reason Aristotle, and after him Cicero would elevate the authority of divine dreams: for thus they object, that if there were any such divine dreams given unto men by God, ea non obscuris & indoctis hominibus, sed viris sapientia praeditis dari par erat, it was meet they should be given not unto obscure and unlearned men, but unto such as were wise, etc.  
2. To this objection we thus answer: 1. that such Satanical dreams as were used among the heathen, were inspired into the simple, ignorant, and superstitious, that were apt to believe any thing, that they might not perceive the fraud of those spirits, whose oracles were vain, and void of truth, doubtful and ambiguous. 2. but divine dreams in deed were for the most part revealed unto wise and prudent men, as unto Abraham, joseph, Solomon, Daniel. 3. sometime also such dreams were sent upon mean men of no great learning or wisdom in the world, but they were such as were devout and religious: which their holiness and piety did make them more capable of heavenly visions and revelations; whereas the wisdom and greatness of this world doth puff man up, and so is an impediment and obstacle to such mystical instructions. 4. God also hath sometime given such dreams unto wicked and impious men, as to Pharaoh, Nebuchadnezzer: but then such dreams were showed them, not for their own benefit, but for the good of God's Church: and beside though they had dreams, yet they had not the interpretation of them, but therein used the help of God's servants, as Pharaoh of joseph, Nabuchadnezzar of Daniel.   

Quest. 49. Why dreams are not always clear and manifest, but darkly and obscurely propounded.  
1. The reason why diabolical dreams, such as were usual among the Heathen, were obscure and doubtful, may readily be rendered; because the spirits which deceived them, had no certain knowledge of things to come, and therefore the dreams and oracles which they gave, were so doubtfully and obscurely propounded, that howsoever the event was, it might seem answerable to the dream: and if they failed in their hope, the interpretation should be laid not upon the revelation which was given, but upon themselves, that could not rightly understand it.  
2. But Divine dreams either were evident, plain, and manifest, as the dreams which Abimelech, Solomon, and joseph had, Matth. 1. or if they were obscure, it was for one of these causes: 1. that they might seek unto the servants of God for the interpretation of their dreams, as Pharaoh did unto Ioseph. 2. that the servants of God themselves might by earnest prayer beg of God the understanding and interpretation of such dreams. 3. the manifold mysteries shut up in such short visions made them the more obscure: as c. 2. the vision of the image comprehended more, than could be contained in a long process of speech: such visions the more compendious, so much the more obscure were they. 4. the Lord thought good obscurely and darkly to reveal his will in dreams, that the truth might lie as hid for a time, till such time as they were fulfilled and accomplished: as Joseph's dreams of the bending of the sheaves and bowing of the stars, were not perfectly understood, till he was advanced in Egypt.   

Quest. 50. What dreams may be observed, and by whom.  
1. To observe all dreams is frivolous, and superstitious: 1. for this were much like to the ridiculous customs of the Heathen, that took upon them to conjecture by the flying of birds, and looking into the entrails of beasts. 2. beside it savoureth of the Stoical fatal necessity, to think that all things necessarily should follow, as men surmise by their dreams. 3. And if stargazing be condemned of the wise, and curious Astrological observations, much more is such conjecturing by dreams to be contemned, which hath more uncertainty in it then the other.  
2. Some dreams notwithstanding (though not all) may be marked: but yet jamblicus rule is frivolous; that such dreams as happen either in the beginning of sleep, before the mind be overcast with the fuming vapours of meats and drink, or in the end when now all such vapours are concocted and digested by sleep, are worthy of observation: but those which come in the mids of sleep, the body then being drenched as it were, and fuming with such vapours, are not at all to be regarded: for this were to limit God, to appoint him his times and seasons, when he should inspire men.  
3. There are then natural dreams, which may be observed for a man's health: by such Physicians do judge of the distemper of the humours, and of inclination to diseases: there are also other human dreams, wherein men's infirmities do show themselves, and so thereby perceiving what vices they are subject unto, they may be admonished to amend them: such dreams may lawfully be observed, which tend either to the health of the body, or the soul. But divine dreams are most worthy of observation of all other, whereby the Lord doth often signify his will concerning things to come: which kind of dreams cannot be interpreted but by the same spirit whereby they are sent: as Daniel saith to the King, The secret which the king hath demanded, can neither the wise, the Astrologians, the Enchanters, and Soothsayers declare unto the King: but there is a God in heaven which revealeth secrets. c. 2. 27, 28.   

Quest. 51. Whether in divine dreams there is a free use of reason and the will, and the same acceptable to God.  
1. Pererius thinketh that in such dreams and visions, there is soluta vis rationis, but not perfectus liberi arbitrij usus, a free use of reason, but not the perfect use of free-will, for to that there is required the liberty of all the senses, and powers, that then homo should be Dominus sui, Lord of himself.  
2. Contra. 1. In that sense, man hath no perfect use of free will neither waking nor sleeping, to be as Lord of himself▪ to evil man's will is free; but he cannot bonum agere, nisi à bono agatur, do any good, unless he be drawn thereunto of God, which is good: 2. but the use of the reason and will is otherwise as free in such visions and dreams, as when men are waking: for the soul and understanding sleepeth not, neither is bound in sleep, but the sense only: And this notably appeareth by that heavenly dream and vision, which Solomon had, 1. King 3. 5. wherein both God first bid Solomon ask what he would, and he asked wisdom; and God approved this his petition, and actually gave him his request: and all this was done while he was asleep: Solomon could not have made such request of God, nor the Lord accepted it, if it had been a fancy and imagination only in his sleep: But to this divers answers are made;  
1. Pererius saith, that Solomon had before made that petition unto God for wisdom, which his petition the Lord approved in his sleep, not because it was made then, but before; But no such thing in extant in the text, of any former petition: the first motion and occasion was given by the Lord himself, who said to Solomon in his dream, Ask what I shall give thee, and thereupon he made his request for wisdom.  
2. Tostatus hath an other answer, which Pererius rather approveth then the former, that whatsoever is said there to be done, non revera, sed per imaginariam tantum dormientis visionem esse factum, was not verily done, but in the imaginary vision of Solomon being asleep: But this cannot be admitted, imaginary petitions are not accepted of God, and they only have imaginary effects: but here Solomon was verily endued with wisdom even in his sleep: for presently after he waked, he perceived that it was a divine dream, and felt himself increased with that excellent gift of wisdom, which immediately after he put in execution.  
3. Therefore it may safely be held, that this was more than a simple dream: for dreams are but representations of things past, present, or to come, but here there was an actual collation of that, which was showed in the dream: It was therefore both a dream, and a vision concurring with the dream; a dream it was, because it fell out in sleep, but in this dream Salomon's soul had free conference with God, in which respect it may be said to be a vision.   

Quest. 52. vers. 21. How Daniel is said to have been unto the 1. year of king Cyrus.  
1. Some think that this is to be understood of the time of daniel's prophesying: Theodoret: so also Calvin: among the Assyrians, and Chaldeans, agnitus erat pro summo propheta, he was taken for a great prophet: but this cannot be the meaning: for he had some prophetical visions in the 3. year of Cyrus, cap. 10. 1.  
2. Much less can it be referred to the time of daniel's life, as Pelican seemeth to think: for he lived to the 3. year of Cyrus, how long after it is uncertain: upon which reason Hierome resolveth, non vitae illius tempus accipiendum est, the time of his life cannot be here taken.  
3. Osiander thinketh that hereby is signified, that ●e lived and continued so long, that he saw to his great joy the return of his people out of captivity, which was in the 1. year of Cyrus: This indeed is most true, but in this place, mention being made of daniel's standing before the king, that is, his ministering in the Court, there is more understood then simply his continuing and remaining until that time.  
4. Vatablus giveth this exposition, that so long he was minister in aula regis, a principal officer in the king's Court: but so was he afterward also a chief governor under Cyrus. c. 6.  
5. Lyranus thinketh that hereby is signified the honour and glory of Daniel in regno Chaldaeorum & Persarum, in the kingdom both of the Chaldeans and Persians: but the words unto the first year of Cyrus, are exclusively rather then inclusively to be taken: as though that time determined the space here set.  
6. Therefore the purpose and intent of these words is, not to show the term when daniel's prophesy or state in honour ended, but to signify that during all the time of the Chaldean Monarchy he continued in great honour and reputation in Babylon and Chaldea: postea à Dario in Medos translatus est, afterward he was translated by Darius unto the Medes; Hierome, jun. Polan. and among them also he was in great honour: But from the time that he first stood before Nabuchadnezzar and served him, he was in estimation all that king's days, and in the reign of Evilmerodach his son, and of Balthazars his son: though it may seem that he was not altogether so much set by in Balthasar time, as before. Osiand.    

4. Places of doctrine.  

1. Doct. vers. 2. The translating of kingdoms, subduing of cities, is ordered and disposed by God.  
Vers. 2. And the Lord gave Ieh●iakim, etc. into his hand, etc. which showeth, that all things are ruled and governed by God's providence: that kings and princes, states, cities, and common wealths are in God's hand, to alter and turn them, as it seemeth best to himself: whereof we may make a double use: for as it is to our comfort, that we are in God's hand, and under his protection: so in that he delivereth the impenitent into the hands of Tyrants, by them to be corrected and chastised, it ought to terrify and move unto repentance. Bulling.   

2. Doct. vers. 8. That men's hearts are in the hand of God.  
Ver. 8. He required the chief of the eunuchs, that he might not defile himself: Hence it is evident, seeing this chief officer of the kings took no exception to this free speech of Daniel, charging the king's table and meats with pollution▪ that God ruled and inclined his heart, to favour Daniel, and to take all in good part, which he said: Some would have said to Daniel, what? dost thou charge the king's Court and religion with impurity and uncleanness? are ye Hebrews only the pure men, and is there no religion good beside yours? This than was God's work thus to qualify the heart and affection of Ashpenah toward Daniel: so it is here found to be true, as the wiseman saith: The king's heart is in the hand of God, etc. he turneth it whithersoever it pleaseth him, Prou. 21. 1.   

3. Doct. vers. 12. Of th● commendation of fasting.  
Vers. 12. Let them give us pulse to eat: By this example of daniel's abstinence, who preferred a thin and coarse diet before the kings full and delicate dishes, we see how excellent a thing frugality and temperance is: Even among the heathen Philosopher's parsimony and sparing diet was much set by: Socrates being asked, wherein he differed from other men, answered, illi vivunt ut comedant; ego edo ut vivam, they live to eat, but I eat to live: the sobriety of Democritus, and Demosthenes is much celebrated among the heathen: The Egyptians lived of herbs, and the fruits o● trees: the food of the Argives in time past were pears, of the Athenians figs, of the Medes almonds, of the Ethiopians locusts, of the Arabians milk.  
They say that the spittle of a man fasting killeth a serpent: So fasting joined with prayer, is a spiritual remedy against the spiritual serpent, and his temptations. Hierome calleth it, caeterarum virtutum fundamentum, the foundation of other virtues: Chrysostome, alimentum animae, the nourishment of the soul: Basil saith it is similitudo hominum cum Angelis, that which maketh men like unto Angels.  
Christ sanctified fasting and abstinence by his own example: and Satan sought to interrupt and break off his holy fast: thereby showing how sovereign a remedy it is against his temptations, seeing he would not suffer Christ ro hold out his fast: for as a ship the lighter it is being unloaden of the burdens doth better brook the water, and endure the force of the winds: so he which is given to a temperate and sober life, melius effugit fluctus & nymbos tentationum, doth better escape the floods and tempests of temptation. Pintus.   

4. Doct. That true virtue consisteth in the inward purpose of the heart, not in the outward appearance.  
Vers. 8. Daniel had determined in his heart, that he would not defile himself. daniel's continency was not in outward show, but rooted and grounded in the heart, which is the seat of virtue: for that is not virtue which is done only to the sight of others, and for ostentation to seek the praise of men, but that which lieth hid in the heart: The pharisees gave their alms, prayed, fasted, to be seen of men; but Christ teacheth his Disciples to pray and fast in secret, that the Lord may approve their work, and not men, Matth. 6. And S. Paul saith, that he is not a jew, which is one outward, etc. but he is a jew, which is one within, etc. whose praise is not of men, but of God. Polan.   

5. Doct. Of worldly fear which carrieth away carnal men.  
Ver. 10. The chief of the eunuchs said to Daniel, I fear my Lord the king, etc. This man feared more the terrene power of the visible Emperor, then the celestial majesty of the omnipotent and invisible God: as Tertullian objected to the Romans, maiore formidine Caesarem obseruatis, quam ipsum de Olymp● iovem, with greater fear ye observe Cesar, than jupiter himself of Olympus, etc. they stand more in awe of their great commander in earth, then of their supposed gods in heaven: But the Apostles had a contrary resolution, whether it be right in the sight of God to obey you rather than God, judge ye, Act. 4. 19 Polan.   

6. Doct. ver. 12. Prove thy servants ten days, of the certainty of faith.  
Bullinger hereupon noteth fides non fallit, nec deserit Deus constanter inherentes verbo, etc. faith falleth not, neither doth God forsake those which constantly cleave unto his word, etc. Daniel with his three brethren and companions were assured, that God would give success according to their faith: and if they in this particular thing, which concerned but an outward observation of the law, had such assurance and confidence: much more ought we to be assured of such things, which God hath promised concerning everlasting life: for all things (as our Blessed Saviour saith) are possible to him that believeth, Mark. 9 23.   

7. Doct. That learning is necessary in Kings.  
Ver. 19 And the king communed with them: Nabuchadnezzar being a great warrior and conqueror, yet was himself so well seen in the knowledge of the Chaldeans, who were held to be the most learned in the world, that he was able himself to sift and examine these 4. men, whom he found in wisdom to go beyond all his wisemen and soothsayers in Babylon. Such learned princes, among the people of God, were David, Solomon, Hezekiah, josias: among the Heathen, Alexander the great, Scipio Africanus, julius Caesar, with others: and among the Christian Emperors, Constantine the great, who decided the controversies and questions among the Christian Bishops: And this famous kingdom of England hath had most learned princes: Henerie the 8. Edward the 6. Queen Elizabeth of late blessed memory, and our now Sovereign king james, who is able to confer learnedly with any man in his faculty, as here Nabuchadnezzar doth with Daniel and the other three.   

8. Doct. That the perfection even of human arts and learning is to be found in the Church of God.  
Ver. 20. And he found them ten times better, than all the enchanters, and Astrologians, etc. Like as these four fearing God obtained greater wisdom even in the Chaldean learning, than any of the other cunning men: So it may be seen this day, that even the liberal sciences, which were invented among the Heathen, have been much perfited among Christians; who have added unto their beginnings: for seeing God is the giver and author of every good gift, who are more like to receive such gifts, than his own people, who can tell how to ask them of him: they therefore are in great error, who either in times past gave the pre-eminence of learning unto the Gentiles before the Christians, or now to the Papists and Romanistes, before the professors of the gospel: it is evident to all the world, that neither for the knowledge of tongues or arts, we are any thing inferior unto them.    

5. Places of controversy.  

1. Controv. Whether the changing of the Pope's name be grounded upon the example of Peter.  
Vers. 7. Unto whom the chief of the eunuchs gave other names: hereupon Pintus taketh occasion to speak of that custom of the Roman Bishops, who at their inauguration do take unto them new names: Celius Rhodiginus out of Platina allegeth this to be the reason thereof, because Sergiu● the second had but an homely name before, he was called os porci, swine's face, and thereupon would be called by a new name, as being ashamed of his old: But Pintus thinketh rather, that it took beginning from Peter, whose name the Lord changed, calling him in the Syrian tongue Cephas, which in the Greek signifieth (petros) a stone: and out of this he falleth into an other matter, that this was not that Cephas mentioned, Galath. 2. who was not Peter, but one of the 72. disciples: for it is not like that S. Paul would reprove Peter Pontificem maximum, the chief priest to his face; neither is that john the Apostle, who is there also spoken off, but one of the disciples, for Paul himself saith, c. 1. 19 that he had seen none of the Apostles, but james the Lord's brother: and again it appeareth, c. 2. 70. that james, Cephas, and john speak of Peter as of an other man beside themselves, when they saw that the gospel of the uncircumcision was committed to me, as of the circumcision to Peter, etc. to this purpose Pintus.  
Contra. 1. Platina one of their own historiographers may be credited for a matter of fact and story, who was best acquainted with the doings of that Sea: Pintus conceit cometh too late to check their own register: and if the changing of Pope's names be grounded upon the change of Peter's name by Christ, why did not the Popes before Sergius alter their names: or why do they not expect the authority of Christ to innovate their names, but take them up themselves?  
2. As for that Cephas or Peter whom S. Paul reproved, he was no other but Peter the Apostle. 1. for be it admitted, that one of the disciples was called Cephas, yet he was not named Peter too: but this was reproved under the name of Peter: 2. that Peter which was a pillar of the Church, and to whom the Apostleship of the circumcision was committed, was reproved by S. Paul: but none of the disciples were Apostles, or any Apostleship committed unto them. 3. this Peter was one of the chief, Galath. 2. 6. but the disciples were not counted among the chief.  
Neither do the contrary arguments conclude any thing. 1. for whence can they prove, that Peter was the chief of the Apostles: the contrary is enforced here, that Peter with the rest gave unto Paul the right hand of fellowship, therefore there was an equality among them: and in that Paul so boldly reproveth Peter, it showeth that there was no superiority. 2. S. Paul speaketh of his twice coming to jerusalem, first after three years, and then he saw none of the Apostles but james: then after fourteen years, Galat. 2. v. 1. when he found at jerusalem, james, Peter, and john. This then is a simple collection, that at his first coming he saw none but james, therefore he saw no more of the Apostles at his second coming. 3. Neither doth the construction of the words help him any thing at all: for, v. 7. it is only said, when they saw, etc. james, Cephas, john, are not there named: and if they were, if we understand it thus, when james, Cephas and john saw that the Gospel of the uncircumcision was committed unto me, as the Gospel of the circumcision was to Peter, or Cephas, it doth not follow, that Peter should be none of those three: for it is an usual hebraism, to repeat the antecedent in stead of the pronouns, as Exod. 10. 13. He (that is Pharaoh) thrust them out from the presence of Pharaoh: who is so simple to gather hereupon, that there were two Pharaohs. 4. Whereas Pintus nameth Clemens, Oecumenius, Theophylact, as favourers of this opinion, that this Cephas was an other beside Peter, many Fathers of greater authority may be produced, which hold that Peter the Apostle was reproved by S. Paul, as Cyprian, Hierome, Augustine, Ambrose, with others: as is elsewhere showed at large, Synops. p. 139.   

2. Controv. That fasting is not meritorious, nor satisfactory.  
Upon this example of Daniel, vers. 8. who determined with himself not to be defiled with the king's meats, Pererius taketh occasion to set down generally the ends of Christian abstinence, which he maketh to be these eight. 1. to mitigate and oppress the anger of God kindled against sin. 2. to obtain somewhat at the hand of God. 3. to imitate the abstinence of Christ and his Apostles. 4. to satisfy God for their own sins and others. 5. to overcome the temptations of Satan. 6. to prevent sins to come. 7. to subdue the concupiscence of the flesh. 8. to make the soul more prompt and ready for spiritual exercise and meditation.  
Contra. The rest of the causes of abstinence being admitted, three of them we worthily take exception to, namely the 1. 3. 4.  
1. God's wrath can not be appeased by any work of ours: it is only Christ, in whom God is well pleased with us, and who hath made an atonement for us, he only hath offered a sacrifice of sweet smelling savour unto God for us, Ephes. 5. 2. 2. Neither can we imitate the miraculous fast of our blessed Saviour, who continued 40. days and nights without eating any thing: neither did Christ fast to that end, to give us an example to do the like: but wherein we should imitate Christ, he himself teacheth us, saying, learn of me, that I am meek and lowly in heart. 3. And that fasting doth not satisfy for sin, it is evident by the example of the vainglorious Pharisie, who boasted in his prayer, that he fasted twice in the week, and yet he was not thereby justified: see more hereof Synops. p. 955.   

3. Controv. That the prescript of fasting days for religion, and forbearing of certain kinds of meat, is not warranted here by daniel's abstinence.  
Pintus upon this example groundeth the lenten-fast of 40. days, and other fasts observed in the Papal Church; and thereupon inveigheth against Protestants, calling them heretics, because they do Ecclesiae jejunia aspernari, despise the fasts of the Church: and saith whereas we pretend to have reform the Church, non Ecclesiae, sed sectae Epicureae reformatores, etc. we are not reformers of the Church, but of the Epicures sect: Pintus, p. 18.  
Contra. 1. Protestants only reject their superstitious and hypocritical fasts: true fasting (which is an abstinence from all meats and drinks for a time, to make their prayers more fervent) they practise more than Papists, who know not what such fasting meaneth. 2. Who are the Epicures and belly gods of this age, their fat Monks and Abbey-lubbers are witnesses: who while they forbear eating of flesh, do feed upon other delicate meats and daint●e confections, with drinking of wine, which do more pamper the flesh and inflame the lust. 3. This example of Daniel doth nothing at all fit their turn: 1. Daniel kept this abstinence 3. years together. 2. he abstained as well from eating of fish as flesh. 3. neither did he drink any wine all this time of abstinence: let them go now and imitate daniel's fast themselves; which they would take to be a very hard penance. Polan.   

4. Controv. vers. 20. What the wisemen of the Chaldeans were: and whether the wisemen which came to Christ were kings.  
Pintus upon this place giveth this note, that the wise men among the Chaldeans and Persians were called Magis, which is a Persian word, and was the same with a Philosopher among the Grecians, and a Gymnosophist among the Indians: and because the kings of the East were philosophers, they were called Magis, wisemen: and so the wise men which came to Christ, Matth. 2. are held by an ancient tradition of the Church to have been kings, as Tertullian, Hierome, and Augustine affirm, with other. Pintus, p. 24.  
Contra. 1. Hierome writing upon the 72. Psalm, calleth them not reges, but regum typos, 
lib 3. de mira●. scrip. c. 4.  kings, but types of the kings: Augustine saith, monente subdolo sermone regis, alacres eunt, being craftily warned by the king, they go cheerfully: not as it is corruptly read, reges alacres eunt, the kings go on cheerfully: 2. Tertullian indeed saith, nam & Magos reges fere oriens habuit: in the East, they had for the most part the Magis or wisemen for their kings, etc. But this can hardly be proved: the wise men were of great authority with the Persian kings, and did usurp the kingdom a while, before Darius was chosen king: but the Magis were not kings. 3. And if this be such a firm tradition of the Church; that these 3. wisemen were kings, what tradition have they for the rest, that these three kings lie buried at Collen, and that their names, were Gaspar, Melchior, Balthasar: which three names written in parchment, and hung about the neck, they say are available to drive away any disease from the body. 4. If they had been kings, Herod would have been afraid to have entertained them being jealous of his kingdom, neither is it like that the Evangelist would have omitted it, it being much for the honour of Christ, that he was adored of kings in his infancy: see Beza, in his annotat. Matth. 2. 1.   

5. Controv. v. 20. Of the Magicians among the Chaldeans, and how that such were always opposite to the true Church of God, as divers of the Popes were such.  
1. The word chartummim, is a strange and foreign word, and is taken properly (as Aben Ezra) for the Magician, or Genethliake, the caster of men's nativities.  
2. In the beginning the term of Magicians was honourable among the Persians▪ for they were such as professed the knowledge both of divine and human things, 
Clem. Alexand. lib. 1.  and were assistant unto Kings: they were the same among the Persians, with the Priests or Prophets in Egypt, the Philosophers in Greece▪ among the French the Druidae, among the Indians the Gymnosophists: among the Bactrians the Samanaei.  
3. But afterward these Magis fell to practising of unlawful arts, to invocate spirits, and to confederate themselves with devils: of whom they learned their enchantments and conjurations, as Theodoret allegeth out of Porphirie.  
4. Such were the Magicians and Sorcerers in Egypt, of whom jannes' and jambres were the chief, which resisted Moses.  
Most of the Heretics were Magicians, as Simon Magus, and Menander his successor, and Martion, as justinus witnesseth, Apolog. 2. pro Christian. and one Marcus, who by his magical impostures deceived many, 
Ireneus lib 1. advers. haere●. c. 8. 9  as Ireneus. Many of the Popes were professed Magicians, and by such Diabolical practices obtained the Popedom: as Sylvester the 2. Sylvester the 3. Gregory the 6. Benedict the 9 john the 12. who in playing at dice was wont to call upon the devil, as Luitprandus, and to offer wine unto him, as Fasciculus temp. Gregory the 7. did use to carry about with him a book of Necromancy, and was condemned as a Magician and Sorcerer in the Synod at Brixia, as Abb. urspergen. and Benno Cardinal. write, Polan. Thus in the adversary Church Magicians have been had in great reputation; as here they were accounted of among the Chaldeans: But as Daniel by his godly wisdom obscured them all; so the light of God's truth and Gospel hath prevailed agrinst all such abominations.    

6. Moral observations.  

1. Observ. v. 2. That victory and conquest is to be used moderately.  
V. 2. With part of the vessels of the house of God. Although this was especially wrought by God's providence, that Nabuchadnezzar carried away only part of the vessels of the Temple, that some might still remain for the service thereof; yet in this victorious king is set forth an example of moderation, who is contented to take part of these holy vessels, and carrieth away part of the chief men into captivity: he maketh not havoc and spoil of all: which teacheth, that Princes should not use their victory, to make desolation, and lay all waist, but rather to help to bring things to better order. Bulling.   

2. Observ. Princes can do no more than God permitteth.  
Herein also evidently appeareth God's work, Nabuchadnezzer had no power to carry away more of the men or vessels, than God gave into his hand: for the text saith, God gave jehoiakim into his hand, etc. with part of the vessels of the house of God. If God had given all into his hand, he had taken all: but now he is limited, he taketh no more than God would he should take, Pap. So like as, though the Sea rage, and the waves thereof rise, yet the Lord keepeth it within the bounds, and bindeth as it were with swaddling bands, job. 38. 9 So the Lord stayeth the rage and fury of the mighty men of the earth: they have no power to do any thing▪ but from God: as jesus said unto Pilate, Thou couldst have no power at all against me, except it were given thee from above, joh. 19 11.   

3. Observ. The Lord punisheth by degrees.  
At this time Nebuchadnezzer only carried away part of the holy vessels, and some few, Daniel with other persons, but afterward he took jechonias the king himself, and carried him into captivity; and last of all he put out Zedekiahs' eyes, burned the Temple, and made havoc of the city, and removed the most of the inhabitants into captivity. Thus the Lord proceedeth by degrees, to see if he can draw the people by his smaller corrections to repentance, till he power out the whole viol of his wrath at once upon them, Osiand. This manner of the Lords proceeding in his judgements by degrees is well expressed, Levit. 26. v. 18. 21. 24. how the Lord still punisheth his people seven times more, that is, with more grievous judgements when they do not profit by the former.   

4. Observ. God will not be honoured with evil gotten goods.  
Nebuchadnezzer ha●ing taken the vessels of the Temple, doth offer them in the house of God, thus honouring his idol with unjust spoils: but our God will not so be served: the wise man saith, Honour the Lord with thy riches, that is, 
Prov. 3. 9  thine own, and not an others: They which offer unto God, or give unto the poor of that which is gotten by extortion, are herein like unto Nebuchadnezzer: and they be compared unto the Eagle, which liveth of the pray of other birds, and that which she leaveth, doth distribute among the rest, Pintus. The law of Moses forbiddeth, that any should bring the price of a whore into God's house, Deut. 23. 18. nothing is acceptable unto God, which is gotten by unlawful and dishonest means.   

5. Observ. v. 8. Against the riotous living, and excessive expenses of students.  
Vers. 8. Daniel had determined not to defile himself with the king's meat●, etc. This great abstinence in Daniel and the rest, who were sequestered, and set apart for the study of wisdom, Bull. well applieth against the evil use of students in these days, which are not mediocri mensa, & honesta vest contenti, content with moderate fare, and modest garments, but do exceed both ways: Many which live of exhibition, and upon the foundation of liberal patrons, do frequent taverns, and ruffle in their silks, to the great offence and scandal of that kind of University life, and to the hindrance of much benevolence, which otherwise would be bestowed that way.   

6. Obserua. vers. 18. That time is to be redeemed.  
Vers. 18. When the time was expired, that the king had appointed to bring them in, etc. The time appointed for the instruction of Daniel, and his fellows was 3. years, this time being expired, than the king calleth them to account, to see how they had profited: which example is worthy to be followed, by those, who are set over Colleges of students, to see, that they misspend not their time in vain, but go forward in their studies. Bullinger. As there is nothing more precious than time, so the loss of nothing is more to be lamented: therefore the preacher would have a young man remember his Creator in the days of his youth, before the evil days come. etc. Eccles. 12. 1.     

CHAP. II.  

1. The argument and Method.  
THis chapter consisteth of 3. parts, 1. of Nebuchadnezzars dream, with the inquisition after the meaning thereof, to vers. 14. 2. the interpretation given by Daniel, vers. 46. 3. the effects that followed.  
1. Nebuchadnezzars dream is described by the circumstance of time, and the effects, it troubled his spirit, vers. 1. The inquisition followeth, consisting of the calling and convention of the wisemen. v. 2. 2. The conference between them and the king, which is threefold: In the first the king simply propoundeth his motion, to have his dream expounded, vers. 3. and the Chaldeans promise to declare it, so they knew it, ver. 4. In the second the king requireth of them two things, to tell him his dream which he had forgotten, and to declare the meaning, both threatening punishment, ver. 5. and promising reward, ver. 6. and the Chaldeans answer as before, ver. 6. In the third the king urgeth them sore, that if they did not, as he requireth, he would hold them to be impostors and deceivers, and punish them, ver. 8. 9 The Chadeans excuse themselves, 1. by the impossibility of the thing. 2. by the example of other kings. 3. by the difficulty, that none could do such a thing but the Gods; ver. 11. 3. Then followeth the event, they are commanded to be slain, ver. 12.  
2. In the second part, there is, 1. the preparation to the interpretation, ver. 14. then the interpretation itself to ver. 46.  
1. In the preparation, 1. is set forth the occasion, Daniel is sought for with his fellows to be killed, ver. 13. whereupon followeth his persuasion with Arioch, ver. 16. his motion to the king. ver. 17. 2. then the means are expressed which he used, first prayer with the effect thereof, ver. 18, 19 then a thanksgiving unto God both general to ver. 23. then particular, ver. 23.  
2. The interpretation followeth, where, 1. the opportunity is showed, how he is brought in unto the king by Arioch, ver. 24. 25. 2. the preamble to the interpretation, consisting of the king's demand, ver. 26. and daniel's answer, in these 4. parts, concerning the Astrologians; that they could do nothing, ver. 27. touching God, that he only revealed secrets, ver. 28. concerning the king, how he was affected, when he dreamt, ver. 29. touching himself, that he imputeth it not to his own wisdom, ver. 30.  
3. The interpretation consisteth of the simple narration of the dream, which consisted of two parts, the vision of the image to ver. 34. and of the stone which dashed it in pieces, ver. 34, 35. 2. of the exposition, first of the image and the parts thereof, to ver. 44. then of the stone, vers. 44. 45.  
3. The effects are three. 1. the reverencing of Daniel, ver. 46. 2. his confession of God, ver. 47. 3. the rewarding of Daniel with gifts and honours, ver. 48. and the advancing of his fellows at his request, vers. 49.   

The diverse readings.  
v. 1. In the second year, in the reign of Nebuchadnezzer, I. Pol. (not of the reign of Nebuchadnezzer) L. V. G. for the distinction coming between, severeth these two clauses) Nebuchadnezzer dreamt dreams, wherewith his spirit was troubled (troubled itself, Chald.) and his sleep was upon him. G. I. Pol. (better, than left him. V. or was broken upon him. Pag.) or fled from him. L. the word is (haiah) was, and the preposition ghal, doth not signify from: the meaning is, while he was in a deep sleep or slumber.  
2. Then the King commanded to call the Magicians, and the Astrologians, and Sorcerers, and the Chaldeans, to show the King his dreams: so they came and stood before the King:  
3. And the king said unto them, I have dreamt a dream, and my spirit was troubled (Chald. troubled itself) to know the dream.  
4. Then spoke the Chaldeans to the king in the Aramites language, O King, live for ever: tell thy servants the dream, and we will show the interpretation.  
5. The King answered, and said to the Chaldeans, The thing is gone from me: if ye will not make me understand the dream, and the interpretation thereof (not the conjecture thereof. L.) ye shall be rend in pieces, (ye shall perish. L. ye shall be made pieces. Chald.) and your houses shall be made a jakes. G. (dunghill, Chald. I. not your houses shall be confiscate. L.)  
6. But if ye declare the dream and the interpretation thereof, ye shall receive of me gifts, and rewards, and great honour: therefore show me the dream, and the interpretation of it.  
7. They answered again (the second time, Chald.) and said, Let the king tell the dream to his servants, and we will declare the interpretation thereof.  
8. The king answered and said, I know certainly that he would gain time (redeem, or buy time, Chald.) because ye see the thing is gone from me.  
9 But if ye will not declare me the dream, there is but one judgement, (sentence. L. V. I. or law. A.) for you: for ye have prepared lying and corrupt words to speak before me, till the time be changed. G. I. (the time be passed. L. till there be an other state of things, V.) therefore tell me the dream, that I may know, if ye can declare the interpretation thereof.  
10. The Chaldeans answered before the king, and said (Chal. and saying) there is not a man upon the earth (Chal. upon the dry ground) which can declare the king's matter: therefore not any king, nor prince, or ruler (mighty Chald.) ever asked such a question (such a saying. C.) of any Magician, Astrologian, or Chaldean.  
11. And the matter (the saying. C.) which the king requireth, is precious. I. (rare. G. of great weight. L. A.) and there is not any other (to be found. L.) which can declare it before the king, except the gods, whose dwelling is not with flesh (with men. L. with mortal men. V.)  
12. For this cause the king was angry, and in a great fury, and gave charge to destroy all the wisemen of Babel.  
13. So the sentence was given, and the wisemen were slain: and they sought Daniel, and his fellows to be slain.  
14. Then Daniel inquired of the counsel and decree. L. Po. (returned the counsel and decree. C. not answered with counsel. G. or interceded. V.) of Arioch the captain of the guard. I. (or chief marshal, or executioner. V. the captain of his army. L.) to the king, which was gone forth to slay the wise men of Babel.  
15. Yea, he answered and said unto Arioch the king's captain, why is the sentence so hasty from the king? then Arioch made known (declared. G.) the thing (the word. C.) to Daniel.  
16. So Daniel went in, and desired of the King, that he would give him time (leisure. G.) and he would declare the interpretation to the king.  
17. Then Daniel went to his house, and made known the matter (the word. C.) to Hananiah, (Chananiah. C.) Mishael, and Hazariah his companions.  
18. And that they should beseech mercy from the God of heaven in this secret (sacrament. L.) that Daniel with his fellows might not perish with the rest of the wisemen of Babel.  
19 Then was the secret reucaled to Daniel in a vision by night; therefore Daniel blessed the God of heaven.  
20. And Daniel answered, and said, The name of God be blessed for ever and ever: for wisdom and strength are his.  
21. And he changeth times and seasons (moderateth. V.) he taketh away kings, (not kingdoms. L.) and establisheth kings (setteth up. G. createth. V.) he giveth wisdom to the wise, and knowledge to men of understanding: (to them which know understanding. C.)  
22. He discovereth the deep and secret things: he knoweth what is in the darkness, and the light dwelleth with him.  
23. I thank thee and praise thee, O thou God of my fathers, that thou hast given me wisdom and strength, and hast made known unto me (made me to know) that which we desired of thee: for thou hast made known unto us the king's matter: (word. C.)  
24. Wherefore Daniel went unto Arioch, whom the king had appointed to destroy the wise men of Babel: he went, and said thus unto him, Destroy not the wise men of Babel, bring me in before the king, and I will declare unto the king the interpretation.  
25. Then Arioch in haste brought in Daniel before the king, and said thus unto him, I have found a man of the children of ludah taken captives (children of the captivity of judah. C.) that will make known unto the king the interpretation.  
26. Then answered the king and said unto Daniel, whose name was Beltshatzar (Balthasar. L. Beltsazar. V. Belteshazzar. G.) art thou able to make known unto me the dream, which I have seen, and the interpretation thereof?  
27. Daniel answered before the king, L. A. (to the king. I. V. in the presence of the king. B. G.) and said: The secret which the king hath demanded can neither the wisemen, astrologians (magicians. L. wizards. V. soothsayers. B.) magicians. I. V. (enchanters. G. wise men. B. coniecturers. L.) soothsayers (such as gave conjecture by the entrails of beasts, aruspices. I. L. readers of destinies. V. B.) declare unto the king.  
28. But there is a God in heaven the revealer of secrets, who hath made known unto king Nabuchadnezzar, what shall be in the days following. I. V. (in the latter days. L. G. B. A. P. but many of these things fell out not long after Nebuchadnezzars time) in the consequence or following of days. C.) Thy dream, and the vision of thine head upon thy bed, is this.  
29. O king thoughts came (ascended. C.) to thee upon thy bed, what should come to pass hereafter; and he which revealeth secrets, telleth thee what shall come.  
30. As for me, not for any wisdom which is in me, more than in any living, is this secret revealed unto me, but for this, that they might (not that I might. B. or that it might. L. that, some, might. V. for their cause which might. I.) make known unto the king the interpretation, and that thou mightest know the thoughts of thine heart.  
31. O king, thou sawest, and behold a great image: this large image whose glory (and the glory thereof. C.) was excellent, stood before thee, and the form thereof was terrible.  
32. This images head was of fine (good, C.) gold: the breast thereof, and the arms thereof of silver; his belly and his sides. I. (thighs. caeter.) of brass.  
33. His legs of iron, his feet were part (some of them. C.) of iron, part of clay:  
34. Thou beheldest till a stone was cut out, which was not with hands, (that is cut out: without hands, caeter. but then the relative (which) should be omitted) which smote the image upon his feet, which were of iron and clay, and broke them in pieces.  
35. Then was the iron, the clay, the brass, the silver, and the gold broken altogether, and became like the chaff of the summer floats, (where the wheat is threshed) and the wind carried them away, that not any place was found for them: and the stone that smote the Image became a great mountain, and filled the whole earth.  
36. This is the dream, and we will declare the interpretation thereof before the king.  
37. O King, thou art a King of Kings: for the God of heaven hath given thee a kingdom, power, and strength, and glory.  
38. And in all places, where the children of men dwell, the beasts of the field, and the fowls of heaven, hath he given into thine hand. A. P. G. B. (not, all those places, where, etc. V. L. for here the preposition (in) is omitted, or where the children of men, the beasts of the field, etc. dwell. I. these are rather said to be given, as jer. 27. 6.) and hath made thee ruler over (in. C.) them all: thou art this head of gold.  
39 And after thee shall rise an other kingdom inferior to thee (of silver. L. G.) but this is inserted by way of exposition) and an other third kingdom shall be of brass, which shall bear rule over all the earth.  
40. And the fourth kingdom shall be strong as iron: for as iron breaketh in pieces, and subdueth all things, and as iron, which bruiseth (as iron bruiseth. L. V. G. B. here the relative (which) is omitted) all these things, so shall it break in pieces, and bruise.  
41. Where as thou sawest the feet and toes, part of potter's clay, and part of iron; the kingdom shall be divided, but there shall be in it of the strength I. V. G. (of the planting. L. A.) of iron, for so much as thou sawest iron mixed with clay, and earth.  
42. And as the toes of the feet were part of iron, and part of clay, so shall the kingdom be partly strong, and partly broken.  
43. And whereas thou sawest iron mixed with clay, and earth, they shall mingle themselves with the seed of men, but they shall not join one with an other (this with that. C.) as iron cannot be mixed with clay.  
44. And in the days of these kings (not kingdoms. L.) shall the God of heaven raise up a kingdom, which shall never be destroyed: and this kingdom shall not be left (given over. B. G. delivered over. L. to an other people, but it shall break and destroy all these kingdoms, and it shall stand for ever.  
45. Whereas thou sawest, that a stone was cut out of the mountain, which was not with hands, I. (without hands, caeter. see before, vers. 34.) and that it broke in pieces, the iron, the brass, the clay, the silver, and the gold: so the great God hath made known to the King, what shall be hereafter, and the dream is true and the interpretation thereof faithful. V. L. I. (sure. B. G.)  
46. Then king Nabuchadnezzar fell upon his face, and bowed himself . G. B. (worshipped L. V. I.) unto Daniel: and charged oblations V. (sacrifices. L. meat offerings. G. rewards. B. gifts. I. the word is mincah which signifieth gifts and oblations offered) and sweet odours, to be offered (to be ordained. B.) unto him.  
47. Also the king answered unto Daniel and said, Of a truth it is that (I know of a truth. G. of a truth your God. etc. L. B. but here the word translated (that) is omitted) your God is the God of gods, and the Lord of kings, revealing secrets, seeing thou wast able to reveal this secret.  
48. So the king made Daniel a great man (magnified him. C. I) and gave him great gifts, very many: and made him governor over the whole province of Babel, and chief of the rulers, above all the wisemen of Babel.  
49. Then Daniel requested of the king, and he set over the business I L. P. (the charge B. G. V.) of the province of Babel, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego; But Daniel was ruler in the king's gate. I. (sat in the king's gate. B. G. was in the king's gate. L. was in the court. V.)   

1. The questions discussed.  

Quest. 1. vers. 1. How the second year is to be counted wherein Nabuchadnezzar had this dream.  
1. Theodoret thinketh that it was the second year from the beginning of his reign: but that cannot be, for Nebuchadnezzars reign began in part of the 3. and 4. year of jehoiakim, cap. 1. 1. and jerem. 25. 1. and 3. years after that were appointed for daniel's education, c. 1. 5. while those 3. years were expired, there was no proof or trial had of daniel's wisdom; therefore it can not be, that the story in the first chapter is set down by way of recapitulation, as Theodoret thinketh: for till the three years were passed, they were not brought before the king.  
2. Some think that this was the second year of Nebuchadnezzars reign by himself alone, who also reigned after a sort with his father, who also was called by the same name: Calvin. Genevens. But this cannot stand, because the first year of Nabuchadnezzar his sole reign was in the 3. and 4. reign of jehoiakim. jerem. 25. 1. after which three years must be counted for daniel's education: this than could not be the second year of his reign alone.  
3. Some understand here two Nebuchadnezzars, the father mentioned before, cap. 1. 1. and his son, brother to Euilmerodach, who being the younger was preferred before the other, and the Elder because of his wickedness was put by the government, ex Lyran. so also Emmanuel Sa. But this Nabuchadnezzar could not be son to Nabuchadnezzar the great, 
jerem. 27 7.  and brother to Euilmerodach, for the Lord had given the kingdoms of the earth, but unto Nabuchadnezzar, and his son: that is Euilmerodach, and his sons son, which was Balthasar the son of Euilmerodach: but if there were a Nabuchadnezzar brother to Euilmerodach, then should there be three beside Nabuchadnezzar the great, and not two only as jeremy saith: there were indeed two Nebuchadnezzars, one called Nabuchadnezzar priseus, the ancient, the other Nabuchadnezzar magnus, the great: who began his reign the same year Daniel went into captivity, in the 3. and 4. year of jehoiakim.  
4. The usual interpretation is, that it must be understood of the second year of Nebuchadnezzars absolute Monarchy, after the subduing of Egypt: so josephus lib. 10. cap. 11. of the same opinion is Hierome, and of the later writers, Lyranus, Hugo Cardi, who thinketh it was the 26. year of his whole reign, and the second of his Monarchy, Peter. also Pintus, Bullinger, Pelican, are of the same opinion: But this cannot stand: for Nabuchadnezzar conquered Tyrus, before he subdued Egypt: for Egypt is given him for his wages for his service against Tyrus, jerem. 24. 18. 19 but Daniel was famous for his wisdom, (which was not known till he had expounded Nebuchadnezzars dream) before Tyrus was destroyed: for he is celebrated for his piety, and therein joined with Noah and job, Esek. 14. and for his wisdom, Esek. 28. 3. And then immeadiately in that chapter followeth the prophesy of the destruction of Tyrus.  
5. Wherefore this second year must be counted from the time when Daniel first stood before the king: in the second year then of his service and ministry, Nabuchadnezzar had this dream: but where it is added, in the reign of Nebuchadnezzer, these words are not to be joined with the former, in the second year, as appeareth by the Hebrew distinction, rebiah, set over the word shetaim, second: this then happened in the reign of Nabuchadnezzar, which is mentioned by way of distinction, because in the last words of the former chapter, it is said that Daniel was to the first year of King Cyrus; lest any should think that this was done in the second year of Cyrus, direct mention is made of the reign of Nabuchadnezzar. Inn. Polan. Pappus.   

Quest. 2. What Nabuchadnezzar this was, and whence he was so called.  
1. Some think, as is touched in the former question, that this was the son of Nabuchadnezzar the great, brother to Euilmerodach: but it is before showed that there were but two kings of this name, Nabuchadnezzar called priscus, the ancient, and Nabuchadnezzar called magnus, the great: 
Lib. antiq. 1●. c. 13.  of these two josephus maketh mention, the first reigned 21. years, the second 43. years after his computation: then after him succeeded, not an other Nabuchadnezzar (which Pintus thinketh, but without any ground, to have been a general name to all the kings of Chaldea, as Caesar was to the Roman Emperors) but his son Euilmerodach, 
Lib. 10. antiq. c. 13.  whom josephus calleth Abilamarodachus: This Nabuchadnezzar then here mentioned, was he which was surnamed the great. 2. Some think, that there was a third Nabuchadnezzar held to be the son of Cyrus, in whose time fell out the history of Holofernes and judith, Lyran. but it is evident in Scripture that no kings of the Persians, but only of the Chaldeans were called by that name. 3. Concerning the notation of Nebuchadnezzars name, Lyranus hath this narration, that he was so called of this event: being a child he was cast out, and suckled by a shee-goat under a tree, in the which sat an owl, which a certain leper passing by wondered at, to see an owl set there in the day, and by that occasion looking about he espied the child, which he caused to be nursed and brought up. So of these three is the name compounded, of Nabu which in that language signifieth an owl, and chodo a goat, and nosor a leper: But this seemeth to be a fabulous narration: for whereas Nabuchadnezzar the great is imagined to have been so called upon this occasion, that is not like, because his father was called by that name before him.   

Quest. 3. vers. 1. Why he is said to have dreamt dreams.  
1. Though he dreamt here but once, and in respect of the time had but one dream, yet it is called in the plural cholmoth, dreams, not somnium, a dream (as the Latin translator interpreteth) because many matters were contained in this dream: it was somnium multiplex, one dream, yet consisting of many parts, Inn. Polan. 2. As also, because in that one image, which he saw, there were divers metals, which were types and representations of divers Monarchies, one succeeding another, Pappus. so that this dream was divers, both in respect of the matter and object thereof, and the divers interpretation and signification of the same.   

4. Quest. What manner of dream this was which Nabuchadnezzar had.  
1. Dreams are either natural, which the mind causeth of itself, but upon some occasion or beginning either external or internal, or they are somnia immissa, dreams which the mind of itself procureth not, but are sent and wrought upon it by some other power: and they are of two sorts, either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sent of God, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sent of evil spirits.  
2. Divine dreams are such as God offereth to the mind, and sometime such dreams are showed to the faithful, as to jaacob, joseph, Daniel; sometime to those which were not of the people of God, as to Abimelech, Gen. 20. Laban. Gen. 31. Pharaoh. Gen. 41.  
3. Divine dreams are all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is containing some divination of things hid and secret, and afterward to come to pass, and they are of two sorts, nuda 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, naked visions, simply and plainly expressing the meaning, scope and purpose of the dream, as that was which was showed to joseph concerning Marie, how he should dispose of her, Matth. 1. or else they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mystical dreams, folded up in types and figures, which cannot be understood without some signification: such was Pharaohs dreams of the 7. fat and lean kine, and of the 7. full and 7. thin and lank cares, Gen. 41.  
4. This dream which Nabuchadnezzar had, was both a divine dream, and of this last sort, obscure and dark, which could not be understood without an interpreter: for though Nebuchadnezzars thoughts, who was desirous to know what should come to pass after him, ministered some occasion, yet the cause of this dream they were not; but God's hand was in it, as both may appear by the effect which it wrought, his spirit was sore troubled, vers. 1. As Abimelech also was in a great fear, after he had the vision in his sleep, Gen. 20. and Pharaoh was perplexed after his dream, Gen. 41. Polan. As also Daniel himself telleth the king afterward, vers. 28. that God himself showed the king, what should be in the latter days. Pap.   

Quest. 5. Why it pleased God to send this dream upon Nabuchadnezzar.  
1. The Lord did it for Nebuchadnezzars sake, that thereby he might be humbled, and acknowledge the true God of Israel, and thereupon be favourable to his people, whom he held in captivity.  
2. It was done also in respect of Daniel, that by this means he might be had in reputation, and so be exalted for the comfort of the Lords people: as joseph for the same cause was advanced in Egypt, to be a softer father to his brethren.  
3. The use hereof also is general concerning the whole Church of God, that as these four great Monarchies were dissolved by the power of Christ, whose kingdom only is invincible: so God will destroy the mighty kingdoms and potentates of the earth, who shall band themselves against Christ and his Church.  
4. God's glory also herein is set forth, to whom belongeth all power, and who knoweth all secrets, Pap. So also Hugo Cardi. ut daniel interpretante glorificetur Deus, etc. that by daniel's interpretation God might receive glory, and the captive people comfort.  
5. Lyranus addeth an other reason: specialis Dei providentia circa principes magnos, etc. the special providence of God is over great Princes, because the common wealth dependeth of them, and therefore the Lord doth often reveal unto them things to come, as unto Pharaoh the famine which should follow.   

Quest. 6. vers. 1. Of the meaning of these words, and his sleep was upon him.  
1. The Latin interpreter readeth his dream fled from him: which reading follow Lyran. Hu. Car. Pere. Pin. Pap. Pel. but the word shenah here used, signifieth sleep, not a dream: and the preposition ghall, is not from, but upon, or in: Lyranus hereupon taketh occasion to show the cause of the oblivion and forgetfulness of dreams: for oblivion cometh of the commotion and stirring of humours, which is the cause that children and old men are so forgetful, terror autem facit magnam humorum commotionem: and terror maketh a great commotion and stirring of humours, which invaded Nebuchadenezzar here. But this annotation hath no good ground here, because as is before showed, the text spenketh not of the passing away of his dream, but of his sleep being still upon him.  
2. Some read, his sleep was interrupted, or broken off, Pagnin. or destistuit ipsum, his sleep left him. Vatab. Bullinger. for so the word nihiah of haiah in niphall sometime signifieth, as Dan. 8. 27. but the preposition is ghall, upon, not from: the true reading thenis; his sleep was upon him.  
3. junius giveth this sense, that his sleep was yet upon him, his spirit was troubled in his sleep, when he had this dream: so that he could not sleep quietly, ut ne somnus ipsius tranquillus esset, his very sleep was unquiet: But the troubling of his spirits showeth that he awaked from his dream: as is said of Pharaoh, Gen. 41. 8. that when the morning came, his spirit was troubled, where the same word pagham is used, to be troubled, perplexed.  
4. Polanus giveth a contrary sense, that he was somno oppressus, in a sound sleep, lying astonished, as if he were dead: but the troubling of his spirits argueth some interruption and discontinuing of his sleep.  
5. I rather therefore here approve Calvin's judgement, quod attonitus iterum dor●i●rit etc. that being amazed and astonished with this dream, he fell asleep again: whereupon came the forgetfulness of his former dream: so also Genevens. he was so heavy with sleep, that he began to sleep again.   

Quest. 7. Of the four kinds of wisemen whom the king sendeth for.  
1. The first are called chartummim, which Hierome translateth harialos, qui verbis rem peragunt, which do all with words: so the Septuagint read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cuchanters: Hugo Cardi. saith they were such, qui per sacrificia & arras, etc. which by sacrifices, and altars did require the answer of their doubts of spirits. so also gloss, ordina, and Lyranus. These enchanters took their beginning from Zoroastres the king of the Bactrians, who only of all men is said to have laughed as soon as he was borne, Pin. ex Plin. but these chartummim, were rather their wise men, or Magis, which were as their Philosophers, yet mingled the study of natural things with damnable arts: jun. Aben Ezra saith they were the Magis or wisemen: they were such as professed hid and curious learning, called among the Chaldeans, chartummim, as the Hebrews called their doctors, and learned men, Scribes: The old Latin translation, (as Hierome saith) called them Sophistas, wisemen.  
2. The second sort are ashaphim: which are usually translated Magis, qui de singuli● philosophantur, which take upon them to give the reason of any thing: Hier. Pere. Hu. Car. Pelican. These which professed art Magic Origen thinketh to have had their beginning from Balaam: Pin. R. Abraham thinketh, that by this word are understood Medici, physicians, which by the inspection of the utine, or feeling of the pulse, do give conjecture of the state of the body: but the king had no occasion here to use his physicians: this was no natural accident, but a supernatural work: Some would derive it of the Hebrew word nashaph, signifying inspiration: but it seemeth rather to be a strange word, being only read here in Daniel. Therefore R. David Kimhi better taketh them for Astrologers: and the word signifieth such as observe the heavens crepusculo, in the twilight: whom Plin. calleth Hesiophantas, 
Plin. lib. ●. ca●. 26.  for Rekiophantas, that is, observers of the element or sky. jun. in Daniel.  
3. The third sort is mecashphim, which Caluine professeth is not certainly known, what it signifieth, because the names together with the things are out of use: cum res ipsa sepulta sit, quis distinguet inter voces, seeing the thing itself is buried, who can distinguish between the words: the Septuagint call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Latin maleficos, sorcerers, witches, doers of mischief. Hierome describeth them, qui sanguine & victimis viuntur, which use blood, and sacrifices, and consult with the dead: these had Cham for their founder: Pin. so Hugo Cardi. Pint. Pelli. but they are better understood to be praestigiatores, counterfetters, deluders of the sense, iuglets, which do cast as it were a mist before the eyes, and deceive the sense: such as were the Egyptian sorcerers, which made counterfeit serpents: which delude the external sense, as phrantike persons are terrified with inward fantasies, which rise of a distempered brain, Polan. Inn. And they themselves also are deluded and deceived with fantastical visions of Satan, & sic. aversis sensibus aliqua illis occulta revelantur, and while their sense is held, turned aside, or otherwise occupied, certain secret things are revealed unto them. Lyran.  
4. The fourth sort, are called chaslim, the Chaldeans: Some take this for the general n●me comprehending all other diviners whatsoever in Babylon, jun. and therefore they are all afterward called Chaldeans, v. 4. Calvin. Pererius thinketh that these called Chaldeans, being the more principal and excellent of the rest, had conference with the king. These Chaldeans then, though it were a general name of all the inhabitants of Chaldea, yet it was appropriated unto a certain sect and profession of learning among them, which seemed to be more excellent than the rest. Hierome saith, they were called mathematici, Mathematicians: Astrologi, Chaldaeorum Philosophi, they were Astrologians, the Chaldean Philosophers: Gloss. interlin. Strabo saith, that the Chaldeans were, Assyriorum philosophi, the Assyrian Philosophers, lib. Geograph. 16. These took upon them to cast men's nativities, and by the sight of the stars to foretell things to come: whereupon the three wisemen that came unto Christ by the leading of the star, are held to have been Chaldeans, Gloss. ordinar. and therefore in the time of Hezekiah, the king of Babylon sent to know the reason of the going back of the Sun, 2. Chron. 32. 31. Lyran. This kind of Astrology is thought to have been invented of jupiter Belus, as Philo, in lib. de Abrah. Diodorus Siculus thus writeth of them, Chaldaei Babyloniorum antiquissimi eo loco sunt apud Babylonios', quo in Aegypto sacerdotes, the Chaldeans the most ancient of the Babylonians, are in that place among them, as the Priests are among the Egyptians: they are deputed to the service of the gods: they spend their whole life in Philosophy, etc. take upon them to interpret dreams and prodigious thing, and to foretell things to come, etc. they are much addicted to the knowledge of the stars, thereby divining what shall happen to every man in his life: These foretold unto Alexander the death of Darius, the like they foreshowed to Antigonus, Nicanor, Seleucus, etc. All these do make the Chaldeas a certain profession of Philosophers, and Astrologians in Babylon.   

8. Quest. Why Daniel was not called and sent for among the rest of the Chaldeans.  
1. Osiander thinketh the reason was, because the king did know, that Daniel was not exercised in their Magical arts: but that is not like, for seeing the king had given order, that they should have been trained up in the learning of the Chaldeans, c. 1. 5. it would have much offended him, if he had known his order had been neglected.  
2. It may be therefore that the wise men were afraid to take Daniel with them, lest he might have obscured them all by his wisdom: and they being ancient, thought scorn that such a young man should be joined unto them. Perer.  
3. The king also might spare Daniel, as having yet had no great trial of his faithfulness, and therefore he would not at the first commit his secrets to a stranger. Calvin.  
4. Peretius thinketh that Nebuchadnezzer might have forgotten him in the space of 22. years, for so long it was since Daniel first stood before the king. But that cannot be: for this year wherein Nebuchadnezzer dreamt, was but the second year from the beginning of daniel's ministie and service in the Court, as is before showed, Quest. 1. upon this chapter.  
5. But herein chiefly we are to acknowledge God's providence, who so disposed, that Daniel should not be admitted, neither before, nor together with the Chaldeans. If he had been called first, the Magicians might have said, that they could have interpreted the dream, if they had been called. If he had come with them, and expounded the dream, the Chaldeans would have ascribed it to their own skill; and so the ignorance and folly of them should not have so manifestly appeared. Polan.  
6. And further God to this end would not have Daniel present with the rest, to signify that he would not have the professors of the truth, matched or mingled with the assemblies of liars and hypocrites. Polan.   

9 Quest. v. 4. Of the Aramites language, whether it differ from the Hebrew▪ and be all one with the Chalde.  
v. 14. Then spoke the Chaldeans to the King in the Aramites language. 1. Hierome by this argument confuteth the opinion of Philo, who taketh the Hebrew and Chalde language for all one; because Daniel then needed not to have learned the Chaldean tongue, c. 1. 5. And further that they differed, it is manifest by that speech of Eliakim to Rabshakeh, Speak to thy s●ruants in the Aramites language, 
2. king. 18. 26.  for we understand it, and talk not with us in the jews tongue: So the Lord threateneth by his Prophet, that he will bring a nation upon them, 
jerem. 5. 15.  whose language they understand not, meaning the Chaldeans.  
2. Now although the ancient and pure Hebrew tongue differ much from the Chalde, yet after the captivity the usual language of the jews did borrow much of the Chalde tongue, by reason of their long captivity among them: and was compounded partly of the Chalde, partly of the Hebrew, from their return from Babylon, until the days of out blessed saviours being in the flesh. Perer.  
3. But concerning the Syrian tongue, some take it and the Chalde for all one, Osiand. some think that they differed only as the tongue of the learned and unlearned, Lyran. that the Syriake was held to be the more eloquent tongue, Genevens. some think the Chaldean and Babylonian tongue was when called the Syrian or Aramites language, because Chaldea was counted part of Syria, jun. And it seemeth that in times passed there was small difference between them, though now the ancient Chalde tongue, wherein part of Ezra and Daniel is written, be far divers both in character and sound from the Syrian tongue, wherein the learned jews write and speak at this day: see more hereof, Quest. 25. c. 1.   

10. Quest. Why the Chaldeans speak in the Aramites language.  
From the beginning of this book unto the 4. v. of this chapter, all is written in the Hebrew words and characters: from this place to the end of the 7. chap. the Prophet useth Chalde words, but Hebrew charactrs: and then the rest of the book followeth in the Hebrew tongue and writing, as before: now the reasons why these Chaldeans use the Aramites language, were these. 1. These wise men were of divers countries, and so of divers languages: therefore they spoke in the Syrian or Chalde tongue, which was known and understood of all. Perer. 2. Some think they used it, as the more eloquent tongue, Genevens. 3. Or because it was the language which the king used, Perer. 4. Or rather the Syrian was the Babylonian tongue, which in that respect, was fittest for them to use. 5. And the Lord hereby so disposed, that the knowledge of these things should be manifest unto the Chaldeans, that even they might be convinced of the truth out of their own acts and records: which also was the cause, for the more credit of this history among the Chaldeans, that Daniel setteth it down in the very same language wherein it was acted. Polan.   

11. Quest. v. 8. Why the King saith, They would gain or redeem time.  
1. It is the third interrogation or question, which the king propoundeth unto them: the first was cum simplici denuntiatione, v. 3. with●● simple prolation and propounding of his dream: the second, v. 5. cum forti comminatione, & praemij promissione, with a vehernent commination and threatening, with promise also of reward: the third, v. 9 cum falsi suspicion, with a suspicion of falsehood, etc. You have prepared lying and corrupt words.  
2. By gaining or redeeming of time, is understood occasionem, quaerere evadendi pericula, to seek occasion to escape the danger: as the Apostle saith, Eph. 5. 16. Redeeming the time, for the days are evil: as travelers that fall into foul weather do watch their times and opportunities, how to escape it, and so to go on in their journey, Pintus: some understand by time, spatium vita, the term of their life, which they desired to be prolonged, Gloss. Lyran. but it is more fitly referred to the interpretation of the dream, which they would have shifted off, and so quarebant dilationem temporis, they sought to prolong the time, that some other thing falling between, the king might forget to urge that matter, Osiand, & sic daretur effugiendi ecoasio, and so they might have occasion to escape, and avoid the danger.  
3. But the king's conjecture is not good, that they which do not presently make answer to the king, do it to gain time, and so to delude the king: for there may be divers and different causes of suspending ones answer; as cum officium pi●tatis & charitatis vetat, when as the office of piety or charity enjoineth silence, as the Martyrs, which were urged to bewray their fellows, would not make direct answer, jun. lection. in Daniel.  
4. But the kings other argument is good, which he urgeth against these wisemen and Chaldeans, v. 9 Tell me the dream, that I may know if you can declare me the interpretation thereof. The argument is this framed, They which can give the interpretation of a dream, can find out the dream itself: for the one is of a divine instinct as well as the other: And to God nothing is hid, he can as well tell what the dream was, as open the meaning of it: But ye cannot tell me my dream: therefore neither can you interpret it though you knew it: you are then but impostors and deceivers. Polan. But Osiander collecteth otherwise, non rest argumentabatur rex, etc. the king reasoned not well: as though it were all one, somnia divinare & interpretari, to divine what the dream was, and to interpret it. But I rather herein consent to Pererius, recte redarguit eos Rex, the king doth with good right reprove them: for if they could not tell the dream, which was now in act, how could they have told of things to come by that dream, quae nunquam actu fuerunt, etc. which never were in act, etc. Indeed if it belonged unto human skill and conjecture to interpret divine dreams, it were possible to do the one and not the other; as Physicians can interpret natural dreams: but what the dream was, if it be not declared, they can not guess: and the reason hereof is, because human skill and art is finite, and hath certain limits and bounds: but seeing it proceedeth of a divine instinct to interpret divine dreams, by the same instinct, which is not limited, he that can do the one, can the other also.   

12. Quest. v. 10. Of the Chaldeans answer unto the King.  
The Chaldeans and wise men do seem modestly to excuse themselves by these 5. arguments: 1. From the impotency and weakness of man's nature, v. 10. There is no man upon earth, that can declare the king's matter: they thus reason, That which is in no man's power to declare, the king ought not to inquire of any: but to tell a dream that is forgotten, is in no man's power to do.  
2. Ab exemplo, from the example of other kings: never any asked any such thing of any Chaldean; and therefore it beseemed not the king to propound that question, which never any did before.  
3. From the quality of the thing: it was a rare and precious thing which the king demanded, exceeding the wit of man.  
4. A comparatione, from the comparison with others: there is none else that can declare it: they dare undertake to do as much as an other.  
5. A causa efficiente sola, from the sole efficient cause, which is God, who only can declare such secrets: whose habitation is not in the flesh, that they might confer with him.   

13. Quest. Of the impostures and falsehoods in the answer of the Chaldeans.  
1. They promise and undertake to expound the dream, if they did know it, v. 4. but the king afterward by experience found the contrary, c. 4. 4. for though he told them his dream, yet could they not expound it. Perer.  
2. They say none else living could tell the dream: whereas Daniel was then living, and afterward did both show the dream, and the interpretation of it. Bulling.  
3. They superstitiously affirm a multitude of gods, saying, Except the gods: so they ignorantly worshipped many gods. Polan.  
4. They deny God's providence, as though he had nothing to do here with mortallmen that live in the flesh. Bulling.  
5. They seem to affirm, that man can know nothing of God, unless he cohabited in the flesh with them. Polan.  
6. They also deny the incarnation of God: Whose dwelling (say they) is not in the flesh: wherein they bewray their ignorance and misbelief. Bulling.   

14. Quest. What the Chaldeans mean in these words, Except the gods whose dwelling is not in the flesh.  
1. Although they erred in holding a multitude of gods, yet herein they were right, that God only had the knowledge of things to come: Pint. Some think that by gods, here they understand not only the superior gods, but the Angels also, who might know and understand their dreams, which being in a material and corporal object, are comprehensible of the Angelical power: Perer. But it seemeth rather that these Magicians, who were not ignorant of the power of spirits, with whom they had familiarity, and now they failed them, do mean hereby the superior divine power only. Indeed natural dreams being certain corporal affections and qualities, spirits may find out; but divine dreams are of a spiritual nature, and are wrought by the act of the understanding, which is not known unto the spirits: and beside, divine dreams have a signification of things to come, which are manifest only unto God.  
2. Concerning the cohabiting or being present of the gods with flesh, that is, with mortal men, the Gentiles had divers opinions. 1. The Epicures thought, that the gods, nihil extra se agentes, etc. did nothing at all in the world without themselves, neither were occupied in doing any thing, but made them idle gods doing nothing. 2. The Peripatetikes following Aristotle, did make the gods only to have their dwelling in the heavens, and to be occupied in the motion of the celestial orbs, but had nothing to do, cum rebus sublunaribus, with things done under the Moon. 3. The Platonists and stoics placed the gods only in heaven, but they held that there were otehr spirits good and bad in the air, which did converse with men: and that the gods immediately had nothing to do with men, but per daemones tanquam internuntios, by the spirits, which were as messengers coming between God and man. 4. Wherein they diversly erred; 1. in making many gods: 2. in holding that God did nothing in the earth, but by the mediation of such spirits: 3. and that some spirits were good, some evil by nature: whereas the Angels were all created good in the beginning, but some fell through their pride, and were cast down to hell.  
5. But concerning the conversing of Angels with men, the truth is this, that both good Angels (whose chief employment is in giving attendance upon God in the heavens) yet sometime have appeared unto men, as unto Abraham, Lot, laakob: the evil Angels also more often do intermeddle with human affairs, for the probation and trial of men, and to their own just condemnation: whereof there are two notable experiments; the one is, in those which are called energumeni, 
Two experiments showing the mystical working of Satan in the world.  possessed or bestraughted: some such being very idiots, unlearned, and unlettered men, have spoken Hebrew, Greek, Latin, and disputed of profound questions in Philosophy, and Divinity: the other experiment is in the Magicians themselves, which work by such spirits, and effect strange things, as in counterfeiting the shapes of beasts, in causing images to move and speak, in telling strange things done far off in remote countries: these strange works either to ascribe to melancholy, as some Physicians do, or to the operation of the stars, as Astrologers, est perquam ineruditum & insulsum, etc. it is both an unlearned and unsavoury shift: and to deny these former experiments, extremae impudentiae & contumaciae videtur, it seemeth to be extreme boldness and contumacy: therefore these strange things must of necessity be referred to the operation of spirits, etc. Perer. lib. 2. in Daniel. in v. 10. c. 2.   

15. Quest. v. 12. Of the King's rash sentence in commanding all the wise men of Babel to be slain.  
1. Though by the law of God these Sorceress and Soothsayers had deserved worthily to die, and so in respect of the divine justice, were justly put to death; yet in respect of the King, who looked not unto the Law of God, but followed his own ireful affection, the proceeding was unjust: Polan. beside their devilish profession, it seemeth they were ambitious and insolent, and envious against Daniel, and the rest of the people of God, therefore in respect of themselves their punishment was just. Bulling.  
2. Lyranus excuseth the King's fact, because he had been at great cost in maintaining these Enchanters and Soothsayers: he had raised them to honour, given them great gifts; and now when he requireth some service of them, they are able to say nothing.  
3. But yet Nabuchadnezzer was divers ways faulty in this action: 1. in his rash and inconsiderate sentence, which he pronounced against them in his rage and fury: whereas the sentence of death should proceed with mature deliberation and advice: for like as Saturn the highest of the Planets hath the slowest motion of them all; so Princes which sit in their high thrones of majesty should be most considerate in their actions. And as a physician doth not presently cut away his strings, if they be out of tune, but doth wind them to and fro, to bring them to a right harmony; so neither should a Prince punish every disorder in the Commonwealth presently with death. Pintus. 2. another point of injustice is, that he had not yet called all the wise men of Babylon, and yet unheard and uncalled, commandeth them to be slain. 3. It was also unjust for some few men's fault, to take revenge of the whole profession, and so to punish one for an others offence. Osiand.   

16. Quest. v. 13. Whether the wise men in deed were slain.  
1. Some think, that praeparabantur tantum occidi, they were only prepared and appointed to be slain; not that they were indeed slain, so Lyran. gloss. interlin. Hugo Car. But the contrary is evident in the text: for the sentence being gone forth, that is proclaimed, and published, it islike some execution followed: otherwise the proclamation should have seemed to be ridiculous, Calvin. And beside seeing Daniel was also sought to be slain, it seemeth, that all they which were in the way, and at hand, and needed not to be sought for, were put to the sword.  
2. Wherefore it is certain, that many of these wisemen were smitten with the sword, though the execution of many of them were deferred upon daniel's offer and undertaking to expound the dream: v. 24. Geneu. like as under Ahab and jehu Baal's priests were put to death. And Galerius Maximinus being overcome of Licinius, he caused the Idol Priests to be slain, as impostors, and deceivers. Bulling.   

Quest. 17. What office Arioch had, to whom Daniel maketh this motion. vers. 14.  
1. R. Shelemo taketh the word tabacaia, for carnifices, executioners, he thinketh that Arioch was set over these, which had the charge to put others to death: but it seemeth, that he had a better office: for he was a chief man about the king, and brought Daniel in to the king. vers. 25.  
2. The Septuag. interpret here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the chief cook: but it appertained not to that office, to see execution done upon men.  
3. Some call him the king's chief steward, Genevens. but neither is it incident to that office, to oversee the punishment of offenders.  
4. The vulgar Latin interpreteth, praefectum militiae, captain of his army: but here was no army levied, or battle proclaimed.  
5. Therefore rab tabachim, is better interpreted, praefectus satellitum, the captain of the guard, or high Marshal: such an one was Potiphar unto Pharaoh, Gen. 37. 36. who had the chief charge of the king's prisoners, Gen. 40. 3. Polan. jun.   

Quest. 18. vers. 15. How Daniel was ignorant of the king's decree against the Soothsayers.  
1. Some think that Daniel of purpose did forbear to go with the rest, least he might seem ambitiously to have sought honour and reward, 
See before Quest. 8.  which was promised to them, which should interpret the king's dream: gloss. ordinar. but there was no such reward promised, till they appeared before the king: and if Daniel had received any message with the rest of the wise men, he might easily have guessed at the cause of that hard sentence.  
2. But it is like that the Chaldeans concealed this matter from Daniel, whereof two reasons may be given, it proceeded, ex invidia & cupiditate, from their envy and covetousness: Lyran. their envy, in that they thought great scorn, that so young a man as Daniel, should be called to counsel with the grave sage counsellors, who were in great estimation with the king for their long experience: jun. their covetousness also herein appeared, that they might have the reward only to themselves: soli ingressi, tanquam soli praemia percepturi: they only went in, that they only might receive the reward, Bulling. they were also ambitious, they were loath that any strangers should be admitted to the king's presence, or any had in reputation but themselves. jun. annot.  
3. But specially this fell out by God's providence, that Daniel being sought for unto death, might by this means be brought forth, and the gift of wisdom in him be made manifest: and that by this means his life should be preserved. Polan.  
4. And herein appeareth the malice of the Chaldeans, qui in periculo volverunt habere consortes, which would have Daniel and his fellows partakers of their punishment, whom they refused to have any part before in the reward. Pelican.   

Quest. 19 vers. 19 How this secret was revealed unto Daniel in the night.  
1. Some think that this vision was showed unto Daniel by an Angel, because such revelations are usually made by the ministry of Angels: Pintus ex Dyonis. But Daniel acknowledgeth in his thanksgiving, that he received this revelation only from God, and to him only he giveth the praise.  
2. And for the manner, Hierome thinketh that it was showed unto him by dream in the night: so also Gloss ordin. somnium regis discit suo insomnio, he learneth the king's dream by his dream: so also Osian, Lyran. giveth this reason, because the night is fittest for such revelations, the senses being quiet ab exterioribus tumultibus, from all outward tumults: and that the vision in the night is by dream, he would prove by that place, job. 33. 15. God speaketh, etc. in dreams and visions of the night, when sleep falleth upon men, etc. But this place proveth not, that every night vision is by dream: but that in the night when sleep falleth upon men, the Lord sometime speaketh unto them by dream, sometime by vision.  
3. Albertus' magnus, as Pintus reporteth his opinion, thinketh that Daniel had this revelation, vigilia noctis, as he watched in the night: and this is the more probable opinion, 1. because it is called a vision: now visions and dreams are distinguished, as the two usual ways, whereby the Lord revealeth himself unto his Prophets, Numb. 12. 6. Polan. 2. Daniel and his three fellows were occupied in prayer while other slept, Pellic. and it seemed as they prayed, that this vision was sent, as he saith, Thou hast showed now the thing that we desired of thee: it is not like that Daniel and the rest being full of care in this so weighty a business, would give themselves to rest; but they awaked, when other slept. So Hugo Card. giveth this as a reason, why this vision came in the night, quod tempus magis orationi competit, because that time is fittest for prayer. 3. And presently after this thing was revealed, it is said that Daniel answered and said, The name of God be praised: but he could not thus answer and praise God in his sleep. It was then such a vision in the night as Paul had, Act. 16. 9 when a man of Macedonia appeared unto him, and said, Come and help us.  
4. Yet this further must be added, that visions come not only by day but by night, and not only when men are awake, but when they sleep: as Daniel saw a dream, and had visions in his head as he lay upon his bed, c. 7. 1. such visions are more than dreams, and differ in respect of the more clear illumination, and evident demonstration of things: such was Salomon's dream wherein he had a vision beside, when actually the gift of wisdom was conferred upon him, 1. king. 3. whereof see c. 1. qu. 51. Yet dreams and visions do differ in nature still (though they may concur together) the one being but a representation of the image and similitude of things, the other a demonstration of the things themselves.   

20. Quest. Of the form and order of daniel's thanksgiving.  
daniel's thanksgiving is of two sorts, either general v. 20. to 23. or special and particular: and either of them consisteth of the proposition containing the doxology or thanksgiving, and the probation thereof. 1. In the general benediction, in the proposition is expressed, who is to be praised, the name of God, not the letters or syllables, as the jews adore the name jehovah, the Papists the name jesus: but the name of God, is God himself: and the adjunct of the time also is added, for ever and ever.  
2. The probation is set forth briefly, for wisdom and strength are his: than it is amplified by the effects; first his power is declared by two effects, the changing of times and seasons, and the taking down and setting up of Kings: then his confidence by three effects: 1. in giving wisdom for action: 2. understanding for contemplation: 3. and in discovering secret things: which is amplified by the cause, taken from the essential property of God; he knoweth what is in darkness, because with him is light.  
3. Then followeth the special thanksgiving, with the proposition, wherein Daniel giveth thanks for himself: and the probation taken from two effects; in opening unto them the King's dream according to their desire, and giving them power and strength, thereby to prevail against, and overcome the imminent danger and peril of death: the latter effect is set forth in the first place.   

Quest. 21. v. 19 How Daniel is said to have blessed the God of heaven.  
1. The Lord is called the God of heaven, 1. because he made the heavens, but other gods have not made the heaven and the earth, jerem. 11. Hug. Card. 2. And this showeth a difference between the true God and idols herein: because they are worshipped only in the earth, and not in heaven, Pint. 3. And God is so called, because he is habitator coeli, he inhabiteth and dwelleth in the heavens, and therefore he saith, heaven is my seat or throne, Isa. 66. 1. not that God is limited and confined in the heavens, but there are the most glorious and visible signs of his presence. Pintus. 4. And by this title is set forth God's glory, greatness, and power, because the heavens are the most glorious of God's creatures, and do sway things below in the earth. Polan.  
2. To bless is taken diversly in Scripture: 1. when God is said to bless man, benedicere, to bless, is the same that benefacere, to bestow benefits: as the Lord saith to Abraham, I will bless thee, and make thy name great, Genes. 12. 2. to bless here, is to increase, and multiply him, and make him great: 2. when one man blesseth another it signifieth, to wish well unto them, and to pray for them: as Rebekahs mother and brother are said to bless her, Gen. 24. 60. 3. but when man is said to bless God, it signifieth to praise him, and give thanks unto him: as Psal. 54. 1. I will bless the Lord for ever, his praise shall be in my mouth continually: and so is it taken here.   

22. Quest. vers. 21. How the Lord is said to change times, and seasons.  
1. He changeth times, 1. he maketh day and night, summer and winter, ipse est primus motor coelestium corporum, because he is the first mover of the celestial bodies, which do rule the time: 2. and he changeth and altereth the times, either according to the course of nature, ordinary, as in distinguishing days, months, and the times of the year, or extraordinary, as when the seasons of the year keep not their kind, but many times the Summer weather is changed into the winter rain, and cold, and the winter into Summer: Cal. and he altereth the times against the course of nature, as when he caused the Sun to stand still in josuahs' time, and to go back in the days of Hezekiah. Pere.  
2. He also changeth the particular seasons, both of the air and weather, sending sometime heat and drought, sometime rain and cold: Polan. as also he disposeth of the age and years of man's life, in general, as man's age was shortened after the flood: and in particular, sometime shortening man's days, as he did unto Moses, not suffering him to live to see the land of Canaan, sometime prolonging it, as he added. 15. years to Hezekiahs' life. Pere.   

23. Quest. vers. 22. What secret things the Lord is said to discover.  
There are three kinds of secret things, which the Lord is said to discover. 1. The mysteries of religion, as concerning the blessed Trinity, the incarnation of the Son of God, the life to come: the knowledge of which things a man cannot attain unto, unless it be revealed unto him from God.  
2. There are the secrets of the heart, which none knoweth but God, who is the searcher of the heart, save the spirit of man which is in him: 1. Cor. 2. 11. to none other are the thoughts of the heart known, but only unto God.  
3. The things to come, are great secrets, which only are manifest unto him, by whom all things are acted and governed, both past, present, and to come. Pere.   

24. Quest. How light is said to dwell with God, v. 22. whereas it is said, Psal. 18. 11. he made darkness his secret place.  
1. God is said, 1. to be light in himself, in his essence, because there is nothing in God but most pure, sincere, clear, as also because he communicateth of this light unto others: as john 1. 9 he is the true light that lighteth every one, that cometh into the world: both the light of nature and the light of grace proceed from him: and therefore as Basil well observed, prima vox Dei lucem creavit, the first voice, that God in Scripture is found to have uttered, created the light: for like as a most goodly picture, if it be laid ina dark cave, maketh no show at all: so the goodly workmanship of God in the creatures had been obscured, if God had not made light to cause the beauty of it to appear. Pint.  
2. God also is said to be in light, 1. joh. 1. 7. because he can endure no falsehood, hypocrisy, or untruth.  
3. The Lord also is said to dwell in light, that none can attain unto, 1. Timoth. 6. 16. because we through the weakness of our understanding, and blindness of our minds, are not able to comprehend any thing of God, unless he by the illumination of his grace do make a way for us to come unto him.  
4. Now whereas it is said, Psal, 97. 2. that clouds and darkness are round about him, and 1. king 8. 12. God is said to dwell in the cloud: the Scripture by this Metaphor showeth only Deum esse inaccessum, that God is inaccessible unto us, not what he is in himself: and the cloud was a sign of God's presence, as he said to Moses, Leuit. 16. 2. I will appear in the cloud: Polan. And therefore the Lord, when he appeared in Mount Sinai, covered all the mountain with a thick cloud: to show that no man is able to comprehend the brightness of his glory.   

Quest. 25. vers. 24. Whether Daniel did well in staying the execution of the king's sentence upon the wisemen.  
Vers. 24. He said unto him, Destroy not the wisemen, etc. Whereas if the sentence of death had been executed upon these superstitious Chaldeans, the Church of God should have been delivered from pestilent enemies, and they beside had justly deserved to die, because of their fraud, and impostures; it may seem, that Daniel might have done much better to have suffered the sentence to proceed against them.  
1. For answer hereunto, Osiander thinketh, that there might be some innocent men among them, which erred only of simplicity, and did not maliciously by their wicked arts oppose themselves against the truth, and therefore Daniel would have them spared: But it is evident by the text, that Daniel would generally have all the wisemen spared, which yet remained, for some of them had been slain already.  
2. Calvin thinketh the reason was, quia nondum maturuerat ipsorum iniquitas, because yet their iniquity was not come to the full, they were reserved to a further punishment.  
3. Bullinger thinketh they were spared, that by daniel's means in vera sapientia proficerent, they might come to repentance, and profit in true wisdom: these ends indeed the Lord might propound to himself in sparing these hypocrites, but the question is what apparent reason moved Daniel to entreat for them.  
4. Bullinger again thinketh, that God stirred up Daniel to do it, because he would have his judgements tempered with clemency: some of them were put to the sword, the rest the Lord would have spared, that his mercy and clemency might appear in judgement: This being admitted to have been the secret cause before God of this work, yet it is not showed, what stirred up Daniel to do it.  
5. These two reasons then remain which persuaded Daniel. 1. his charity and love even toward his enemies, non vult eos perire propter quos erat ipse periturus, he would not have them perish, for whose cause he was like to have perished, Hierome. Lyran. wherein he imitateth the clemency of Christ, who prayed for his enemies: Pelican. he might by this means win them, or else heap coals upon their head, and make them less excusable. 2. Daniel in equity considered causam non esse iustam, that the cause was not just, which moved Nabuchadnezzar to command them to be killed: but he did it in haste and rage, and therefore Daniel not so much looking unto their persons, as to their cause, desireth that they might be spared. Polan.   

Quest. 26. vers. 25. Whether Arioch lied unto the king! in saying, I have found a man, etc.  
1. Some think that Arioch which knew that Daniel and his companions were wiser than the rest of the Chaldeans, had indeed sought them out ad solutionem faciendam, to give solution of the king's demand, Hugo. but it is evident out of the text, ver. 13. that they were no otherways sought for but to be put to death.  
2. Most do think that Arioch here played the cunning courtier, qui sibi usurpant aliorum inventa, which do take unto themselves, that which other men find out: Bullinger. for he had not sought for Daniel, ultro se obtulerat, he had offered himself of his own actord, Lyran. Dei gratiam ad suam refert diligentiam, the grace and gift of God he ascribeth to his own diligence: Pelican. fallebat regem, etc. he deceived the king herein, as though he had found out Daniel, whereas he offered himself. Pintus. But he could not without the kings great offence and indignation have told such a palpable lie, seeing that Daniel had before presented himself to the king, ver. 16. and desired some time, to show the king his dream. Polan.  
3. Therefore to meet with this doubt, Caluine thinketh, that Daniel had not conference before immediately with the king, but Arioch fuisse internuntium, that Arioch was the messenger between them, when the king granted him some time: But the text is rather to be taken according to the letter, vers. 16. that Daniel (himself) went, and desired the king: for Arioch durst not have moved any such thing, having straight charge given him to put all the wisemen to death forthwith.  
4. Va●ablus to help the matter, readeth in the passive; he said, quod repertus est vir, that a man was found out, etc. but the word in the Chalde hashcacath, is in the active; I have found: And yet it had not been true in the other sense, for Daniel was not found, but offered, and he was not now first known, or found, but he had made himself known to the king before.  
5. Polanus maketh this therefore to be his meaning: that in this speech, he doth, gratulari regi, etc. congratulate with the king, and ascribe as unto his fortune, that such a thing had happened: But the phrase itself, I have found, showeth that he doth attribute somewhat in this matter unto himself.  
6. Therefore I think with junius, that the meaning of these words, I have found a man, is nothing else, but incidi in hominem, I have met with the man, not that he first found him out, but that now he fell upon him, or he came unto him to bring him to the king: so is the word used, 1. King 22. 20. where Ahab going down to take possession of Noboths' vineyard, said to Elias, Hast thou found me, O my enemy, that is, hast thou met with me.   

Quest. 27. vers. 25. Why Arioch nameth Daniel to be one of the captives rather then of the wisemen.  
1. Some think he nameth him of judah, because he had heard, that divers excellent Prophets had been of that tribe: Lyran. Pintus. but that is not like, for the famous Prophets, which lived about that time in the captivity, were jeremy, and Ezekiel, who both were of the kindred of the Priests, jerem. 1. 1. Ezeck. 1. 3. and so not of judah.  
2. Therefore God's providence rather appeareth herein: that as Daniel was not before in the assembly of the wisemen, so now he should not be counted among them: that the interpretation of the dream should only be acknowledged to proceed from God, and not be ascribed to the skill and cunning of any wisemen.  
3. Hugo Card. following the ordinary gloss. noteth here, that Daniel was of the tribe of judah, and not a priest, sicut in fine continet fabulae Belis, as is contained afterward in the fable of Bel, etc. he calleth that supposed history of Bel and the dragon a fable, which among the Romanists is held for canonical.  
4. Bullinger here observeth well, in that the Lord refused the great wisemen of Babylon, who were had in great reputation for their learning and wisdom, and preferreth a poor captive, infirma mundi fortissimis esse robustiora, that the weak things of the world are stronger than the mighty: as the Apostle saith, 1. Cor. 1. 27. God hath chosen the weak things of the world to confound the mighty.   

Quest. 28. vers. 26. How the king is said to answer no question being demanded.  
The word hhanah, or ghanah, which properly signifieth to answer, is taken simply for to speak, as job 3. 2. job cursed his day, and job answered and said: so is the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in the new testament, as Math. 11. 25. at that time jesus answered and said, I give thee thanks O father, etc. and yet no man asked him there any question. Pintus. so Mark 11. 13. when jesus came to the figtree, and found nothing but leaves, it is said, jesus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, answering said, where the word answered, is superfluosly added, as it is used in the Hebrew tongue: and therefore the Syrian interpreter only readeth, and he said: so in this place, than answered the king and said: the word ganah, answered, is added, ex abundanti (as we say) more than need: see Beza in his annota. upon that place.   

Quest. 29. vers. 27. Why Daniel denieth that any of the wisemen of Babel could expound this dream.  
1. Daniel reckoneth up 4. kind of wisemen among the Chaldeans: the first are called cachinim, wizards, which by conjectures and casting of lots did guess of things to come: the second ashphin, which by the aspect and sight of the stars did make conjecture of things: the third, chartummim, which consulted with spirits: of these three see before, Qu. 7. the fourth sort are called gazrin, of the word gazar, to cut: and they were they which did open and cut the entrails of sacrifices, and by the sight thereof divined of things to come. Polan.  
2. All these Daniel denieth to be sufficient or able to find out this secret, and that for these causes; 1. least men should arrogate unto themselves divine knowledge: 2. that from henceforth the king should not exact any such thing of his wisemen, which was far beyond their reach: 3. that he might stay from putting in execution his bloody sentence against the wisemen, jun.   

Quest. 30. vers. 28. Whether God only be the revealer of secrets and things to come.  
It will be objected on the contrary, that the heathen often had dreams, whereby they knew things to come, and the like oracles they received at Delphos: which were not given by God, but uttered by spirits. Hereunto we answer, 1. that many of those oracles were false, ambiguous, and doubtful, as those which were given to Croesus, and Pyrrhus. 2. many of them were devised either by them, who affirmed they had such dreams, or by the writers, to win more credit thereby. 3. And if some such dreams and oracles took place, either very sew of them did hit, which might be by chance and hap hazard, as we say, a few only of a great number falling out: or the devil by the subtlety of his nature by some natural signs might foresee the effects and events which should follow; or he might foretell such things, as by God's permission he should effect himself. Pere. Polan.  
4. And as their dreams were uncertain, so were they as uncertainly interpreted: as the dream which Darius had, before he encountered with Alexander, some expounded to signify the victory that he should have against him; some gave a contrary sense, as Q. Curtius writeth, lib. 3. Tully giveth an other instance, how one going to the Olympike games had a dream, that he was turned into an eagle: one wizard interpreted it, that he should overcome, because the Eagle is superior to all other fowls: an other turned it the contrary way, that he should have the worse, because the eagle driving other birds before her, cometh last of all: so than the Gentiles had neither any divine dreams, and such as they had, they could not interpret. Pere.   

Quest. 31. vers. 28. What Daniel meaneth by the latter days.  
1. Some do expound it of all the time from thence, when Daniel expounded this dream, usque ad consummationem seculs, unto the end of the world, Hierome, which were then to be fulfilled, complenda, modo incepta, but already begun, Hugo. But Nebuchadnezzars thoughts extended not so far, to the end of the world, but only to know what should come to pass after him: and according to his thoughts, so was the dream answerable, as Daniel showeth, vers. 29.  
2. Some by the latter days, understand the coming of Christ, extremitas dierum vocatur Christi adventus, the extreme or latter days are the coming of Christ, because the Gospel is as it were the perfection and renewing of all things; Calvin. Bullinger. so also Lyranus, because mention is made in this vision of the kingdom of Christ, quod est ultimum regnorum, which is the last of all kingdoms: but if it were only understood of Christ's coming, than all the times following between Nebuchadnezzars reign and Christ's coming should be excluded.  
3. Much less for the same reason is it understood, de ultima mundi aetate, of the last age of the world, from the coming of Christ unto the end of the world, as Pintus: for then Nabuchadnezzar should have had no revelation of the times which should immediately follow, wherebout his thoughts were most of all troubled.  
4. Wherefore by this word acharith, are signified posteriora tempora, the latter times, Pelican. or consequentia, the times following, Polan. as the word is taken, Gen. 49. 1. where jacob declareth to his sons the things which should come to pass in the latter days, that is, in the days following, not in the end of the world: but he showeth their divers lots, which should befall them, when they came into Canaan: And Daniel thus expoundeth himself in the next verse, 29. Thoughts came into thy mind, what should come to pass hereafter. jun.   

Quest. 32. vers. 29. Whether Nebuchadnezzars thoughts were the cause of his dream.  
1. There are four causes of dreams: either the disposition of the body and the humours thereof, which procure natural dreams, as choleric men dream of fire, phlegmatic of water, and such like: or else the affection, thoughts, and passions of the mind in the day, which cause the like dreams in the night, and these are human dreams: or the revelation of God's spirit, sometime concurring with men's thoughts, sometime without them, whence are divine dreams, of which kind this was: or the illusion of Satan, which causeth diabolical dreams.  
2. Now men's thoughts sometimes are the cause of dreams, as the preacher saith, dreams come through the multitude of business, Eccles. 5. 2. but such dreams than do not prognosticate things to come, but are a representation only of things done and passed: Ly. sometime they are not the cause, but the occasion only and preparation of the mind for the dream which God purposeth to send; as Joseph's careful thoughts, what he should do with Marie whom he suspected to be with child, were but forerunners of that direction, which God gave him by a dream, correspondent unto his former thoughts, Matth. 1. Pere. So Polanus distinguisheth well, that the cause of this dream was twofold; either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the preparative cause, or occasion rather, which were his pensive thoughts; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the efficient and working cause, which was God himself.   

Quest. 33. vers. 29. Why it pleased God to impart unto Nabuchadnezzar this dream.  
Vers. 29. He which revealeth secrets, telleth thee what shall come: 1. God sent this dream upon Nebuchaddnezzar, for certain particular causes, that his mind might thereby be humbled, when he should consider the mutable and variable state of his kingdom, that he might submit and subject himself unto God. 2. That hereby his heart might be moved toward the Lord's people, not to tyrannize or bear rule cruelly over them, seeing there was an higher and mightier than himself. 3. Other general causes there were beside: that all earthly Potentates should hereby be admonished, how frail and of what short continuance their earthy dominions are. 4. And withal, that they might hereby be occasioned to look unto the spiritual and everlasting kingdom of Christ, that should shake all other kingdoms, and that they should all be in expectation of that kingdom.   

Quest. 34. vers. 30. This secret is not showed me for my wisdom: Whether Daniel by any natural wisdom could have attained to the knowledge of this dream.  
It is evident he could not: 1. for then the Magicians, and Chalde philosophers might also by their natural skill and long experience have founded the depth thereof. 2. As the dream is, so must be the interpretation: a natural dream may be expounded by natural means, but this heeing a divine dream sent of God, must be interpreted by a divine instinct. 3. This dream being a premonstration of things to come, whereof God only hath the knowledge, could not be opened but by the spirit of God, who revealeth secrets and things to come. 4. This dream containing a signification of things to come, was either a natural, or voluntary sign: a natural sign it could not not be; for then there should be some affinity between it, and the things to come; it was either as the cause or effect, or had some other agreement and coherence: but the vision of an image could have no such natural affection or disposition to or with the conversion and alteration of kingdoms thereby signified, and shadowed forth: It was therefore no natural, but a voluntary sign, not appointed by the will of man, but by the will of God so disposing: therefore it could not be interpreted, but according to the mind and will of him, by whom it was assigned. Pere.   

Quest. 34. vers. 30. Why Nabuchadnezzar could not understand the dream which he same.  
1. Augustine giveth the reason of it, 
Tom. ●. 1. cont. Adinant.  non est propheta veri Dei, qui oblata divinitus visa, etc. he is no Prophet of the true God, which seeth either with his body, or with that part of the spirit, which receiveth the images and representations of bodily things, yet seeth not with his mind such visions as are effred of God, etc. therefore Nabuchadnezzar seeing one lie the vision, but having no prophetical gift to interpret it, could not understand it, sed ad interpretandum visum suum aspectum quaesivit alienum, but he used an others spiritual sight to interpret his vision, etc. Augustin, ibid., and so else where he concludeth, 
de Genes. ad li●. lib. 12. c. 9  magis propheta erat, qui interpretabatur, quod alius vidisset, quam ipse, qui vidisset, and so he he was rather a Prophet, that could interpret that which an other saw, than he which saw it, etc.  
2. And Augustine further maketh here three sorts of men, the first is, when one rerum quae significatur sola signa vider, etc. doth only see the signs of such things, which are signified, etc. and he (as he saith) minus propheta est, is no Prophet: the second is, when one solo earum intellectu praeditus est, is only endued with the understanding of them, and he is rather a Prophet: 
August. ibid.  such an one was joseph who expounded Pharaohs dream: sed maxime propheta, qui utroque excellit, but he is most of all a Prophet, which excelleth in both: as Deniel both saw the king, vision and dream, and gave also the interpretation of it.   

Quest. 36. vers. 30. Of the two ends, why it pleased God to reveal unto the king his dream.  
1. One cause was that by this occasion the Church of the jews might ●●re the better, seeing that by their pr●yers the king had the interpretation of his dream: the words are thus to be read, that they might ratify or make known unto the king the interpretation: they (not the Angels, as Vatab.) but Daniel and his fellows, which joined in prayer: some read that the interpretation might be made manifest, as the Latin, whom Lyranus followeth: some translate it in the first person, ut exponerem, that I might expound or declare to the king the interpretation, Calvin: but the word is iehoreghun, that they might notify: this was the first reason, that by this means the jews might receive more favour, unto whom God revealed the meaning of this vision.  
2. The other cause was, for the instruction of the king himself, that he might know and understand the thoughts of his heart: both these reasons, why the Lord gave unto Daniel both the knowledge of the dream, and the understanding thereof, are expressed by Augustine, Hoc factum est, ut Regi Daniel summi creatoris notitiam insinnaret, 
●●b. 2. de mirab. Scrip. c. 30.  & plebs in servitute & captivitate pos●a, aliquod solatium haberet, etc. this was done that both Daniel might insinuate to the king the knowledge of the high Creator, and that the people being in servitude and captivity, might have some help and comfort.   

Quest. 37. vers. 31. Of the vision which the King saw in his dream the manner and parts thereof.  
First, Daniel rehearseth the king's dream, what he saw, and then he giveth the interpretation thereof, from vers. 36. to ver. 45.  
The vision consisteth of two parts: of the image which the king saw in his dream, to v. 34. and then of the stone, which broke it in pieces, ver. 34. 35.  
The image is described, first by the adjuncts, then by the matter.  
The adjuncts are five, 1. it was but one. 2. it was great. 3. glorious and excellent. 4. it stood before him. 5. it was terrible.  
The matter was either distinct, as the head of gold, the arms and breast of silver, the thighs and belly of brass, the legs of iron; or else mingled together, as the feet were part of iron, part of clay.  
Then followeth the description of the stone, by fix arguments. 1. of the place, it was taken out of a mountain, which though it be not expressed here is supplied, ver. 45. 2. of the manner, it was cut out without hands. 3. by the effects, it broke the image in pieces. 4. by the event, the image became as nothing, it was as the chaff, which the wind carrieth away. 5. by the adjunct, it became a great mountain. 6. by the effect, it filled the whole earth.  
2. This vision representeth two kingdoms; the image the earthly, and the stone the heavenly: in the earthly 4. things are observed, 1. the variety of administration, and great difference of government in respect of time, and place. 2. the great pomp and glory. 3. the terror and tyranny. 4. the uncertainty and mutability.  
In the spiritual kingdom of Christ 4. things are also expressed: 1. the beginning thereof, from heaven. 2. the administration thereof, not by any human or worldly means. 3. the increase thereof, through the world. 4. the continuance thereof for ever, when all other earthly kingdoms and regiments shall be dissolved.   

Quest. 38. Of the diverse kinds of signs of things to come, and of which kind this image was.  
The Lord useth 4. kind of signs to foreshow and signify things to come: 1. the first is of those, which are only signs, and serve to no other end, then to shadow forth things to come; such were the signs showed unto the Prophets in visions, and dreams. 2. There are signs, which are not only types and figures of things to come, but serve also to other purposes; such were the ceremonies of Moses law, which were shadows of spiritual things, but had also their present use, serving as rites and ceremonies of the law. 3. Some signs did signify something which was presently done and effected, as Naamans' washing of himself seven times, did betoken that he was in that instant cured of his leprosy. 4. Some figures did not only show a present effect, but did also shadow forth some more excellent work afterward to be effected, as the blowing of the trumpets of rams horns about the walls of jericho, did not only assure them of the present subversion and overthrow of jericho, but it signified the overthrow of idolatry by the preaching of the Gospel: so the setting up of the brazen serpent did not only give present health of body to them that looked upon it, but it did also promise spiritual health of soul to all which with the eyes of faith should behold Christ: now this vision which Nabuchadnezzer saw was of the first kind: it was a mere sign serving to no other purpose, then to signify and show unto the king, what should come to pass afterward. Perer.   

39 Quest. What kingdoms of the earth are not comprehended in this vision.  
1. Those kingdoms which were already destroyed, as the Assyrian Monarchy, whose chief city was Ninive, are not contained in this prophetical vision; hic agitur de rebus futuris, this vision chiefly concerneth things to come. Calvin. 2. The petty and smaller kingdoms of the world are omitted, as of the Sycionians, Athenians, Lacedæmonians, Lydians, which though they were flourishing kingdoms, and had command over the country's next adjoining, yet they had not such universal dominion, as the great Monarchies of the Chaldeans, Persians, Grecians had. 3. Such Monarchies and kingdoms are here described, which had some coherence and dependence with and of the other, the ruin of the one, was the raising of the other: as the Persian Monarchy subdued the Babylonian, the greeks the Persian: therefore the great and flourishing kingdoms of the Scythians, Egyptians, Carthaginians, are exempted, which had not that succession one to another, as the great Monarchies of the world had. 4. Those great kingdoms are only here deciphered, which ruled in the world till Christ's coming, who was the stone cut out of the mountain without hands: therefore the kingdom of the Goths, and Vandals, Saracens and Turks, which have risen up since Christ's being in the flesh, are without the compass of this vision. Perer.   

40. Quest. Why the Chaldean Monarchy is compared to the head of gold.  
v. 38. Thou art this head of gold: 1. Thou, and thy succession: for this is not only understood of Nabuchadnezzers' person, but of his sons Euilmerodach, and his son Balthasar who succeeded him; under whose reign the Chaldean Monarchy flourished for the space of 70. years. And that not only Nabuchadnezzer, but the rest of his successors are here comprehended, is evident, jerem. 27. 7. where the Prophet saith, All nations shall serve him, and his son, and his sons son. 2. He is compared to the head, because the Babylonian Empire was primum temporum ordine, the first in order of time, as the head in the image was the first part thereof. jun. 3. It was likened to gold, 1. propter maximas divitias, because of their great riches, Lyran. and abundance of gold, in which respect it is called golden Babylon. Hug. Card. 4. Because their government was more tolerable toward the people of God, though hard enough, yet it was more equal than the regiment of the Persians in general. 5. Beside being compared with the rest, it was more golden-like in respect of their flourishing peace: for after that Nabuchadnezzer had subdued the nations round about, that Monarchical state enjoyed tranquility and peace 50. years; twenty years of Nabuchadnezzers' reign, and thirty years under Evilmerodach his son. Bullinger.  
6. So in this short sentence, Thou art the head of gold, there are as many figures, as words. 1. Thou, that is, thy kingdom, as v. 39 it is said, After thee shall rise an other kingdom, that is, after thy kingdom, not after his death. 2. Thou art, that is, signified and represented by this head of gold: as the Apostle saith, The rock was Christ, that is, signified Christ. 3. There is a metaphor in the word head, which signifieth the antiquity and priority of that kingdom, and the knowledge and wisdom of that nation. 4. another figure there is, in that he is likened to gold, which betokeneth their riches, prosperity, and flourishing estate.   

41. Quest. Of the largeness of the Empire and dominion of Nabuchadnezzer.  
v. 38. In all places, where the children of men dwell, the beasts of the field, and the fowls of heaven, etc. hath he given into thine hand.  
1. The Scripture doth evidently testify what large dominions the king of Babel had, jerem. 27. 6. I have given all these lands into the hand of Nabuchadnezzer king of Babel my servant, and the beasts of the field have I also given him to serve him, and all nations shall serve him, etc. And the Prophet Abacuch saith of the Chaldeans, They shall gather the captivity as the sand, and they shall mock the kings, and the Princes shall be a scorn unto them, etc. c. 1. 9, 10.  
2. Foreign writers also have ginen the like testimony of the greatness of the Babylonian Empire: Berosus, who wrote of the Chaldean affairs, preferreth him before all kings that were before him. Megasthenes lib. 4. de reb. Indicis, witnesseth, that Nabuchadnezzer beside the Provinces of the East, subdued Egypt, Africa, Spain, and maketh him in courage and magnanimity superior to Hercules: so likewise Strabo lib. 15. Geograph. writeth, that this Nabuchadnezzer was the mightiest of all other kings, and held of the Chaldeans to have exceeded Hercules. 
Tertull. lib. advers. judaeos.  Tertullian saith, that his dominion extended from India to Ethiopia.  
3. But whereas it is said, that God had made him ruler in all places, this is not so to be taken strictly according to the letter: for neither Nabuchadnezzer, or any other Monarch ever had the dominion and rule of the whole world: as witnesseth the altar of Alexander, the pillars of Hercules, and Ctesiphon the bounds of the Roman Empire toward the East. 1. Some therefore think that this is spoken in respect of the opinion of the Chaldeans, who held him to be an absolute Monarch over all the world: 2. or that all, according to the Scripture, is taken for the most, or many: as Gen. 22. 18. the Lord saith, that all nations should be blessed in Abraham: that is, many: as c. 17. 5. the Lord saith, A father of many nations have I made thee: Perer. But this example is unfitly alleged, for in the one place the Lord speaketh of Abraham's carnal generation, in the other of the spiritual benediction, which in Christ should come indeed upon all nations. 3. some take it therefore for an hyperbolical speech. Pintus. 4. Hugo thus expoundeth it, he is said to rule over all, quia nihil ei resistebat, because no country resisted him. 5. Lyranus taketh all places, for all kind of places; as the cities where men dwelled, the fields where beasts ranged, and the woods where the fowls made their abode: and therefore both men, beasts, and fowls are said to be given into his hand. 6. Some admit here a synecdoche, that part is taken for the whole, all for a great part: Lyranus also. 7. But this universal particle (all) must be restrained unto all the regions next adjoining: as it is taken, Gen. 41. 57 All countries came to Egypt to bui● corn of joseph, that is, all the countries near unto them. And so here all the regions in those East parts, were subdued under the kingdom of Nabuchadnezzer.   

42. Quest. Whether Nabuchadnezzers' dominion were at that time the greatest in the world.  
It will be here objected, that the Empire of the Medes was at this time very mighty, as Herodotus lib. 1. maketh mention of the greatness of Cyaxares king of the Medes, who ruled over all Asia, and subdued the Assyrians, the Babylonians only excepted. And it is evident by Herodotus Chronologie, that Cyaxares reigned about this time: for from the beginning of his reign unto the first of Cyrus, he counteth 75. years: 40. years under the reign of Cyaxares, and 35. under Astyages: so if the Babylonian captivity took beginning from the 19 year of Nabuchadnezzer, as Pererius reckoneth, Cyaxares began his reign in the 14. year of Nabuchadnezzer: but if the 70. years captivity be counted from the carrying away of jechonias captive, which is the more probable, which was in the 8. year of Nabuchadnezzer, 2. king. 24. 12. then Cyaxares began his reign 5. years before, about the 3. year of Nabuchadnezzers' reign: they reigned then much about the same time, Nabuchadnezzer in Babylon, and Cyaxares among the Medes.  
2. Pererius giveth this solution, that, the kingdom of the Medes was much wasted by the other Nabuchadnezzer father unto this king, who warred against Arphaxad king of the Medes, and took the chief city thereof Ecbatane, as is set forth in the story of judith: and beside by the incursion and invasion of the Scythians those parts of Asia were kept under the space of 28. years, so that all that time Cyaxares was of no great power, which was during the reign of Nabuchadnezzer: then after his death, the Scythians being destroyed and expelled, Cyaxares kingdom flourished for the space of 12. years.  
3. Contra. 1. The history of judith could not fall out in the reign of the Elder Nabuchadnezzar: for at that time the Apocryphal story saith, that the Temple had not been cast down, judith 5. 18. but the Temple was not destroyed till the 19 year of this Nabuchadnezzer, which was about 12. years after he had this dream, which was in the 5. year of his reign, as is before showed, Qu. 1. 2. Cyaxares could not survive Nabuchadnezzer so long, but it seemeth rather that Nabuchadnezzer survived him: for Nabuchadnezzer reigned 45. years: 8. years before jecovias' captivity, 2. king. 24. 12. and 37. years after, 2. king. 25. 27. Cyaxares reigned 40. years and began in the 3. year of Nabuchadnezzer, as is proved before: then his reign must determine in the 43. year of Nabuchadnezzer: therefore neither of these answers are sufficient.  
4. The best solution than is this, 1. that Cyaxares might be a king of power in the remote parts of Asia beyond the Medes toward the Indians Eastward; and yet Nabuchadnezzer about Babylon and those countries extending North and South, 
lib. 8 de pa●ia Cyri.  as in Egypt, Tyrus, and in the regions of Asia minor, might be of the greatest command. 2. If otherwise Herodotus affirm, more credit is to be given to the sacred story, then to his uncertain report.   

43. Quest. v. 39 Of the second Monarchy described by the arms and breast of silver, what it was.  
1. The Rabbins because they would avoid this so manifest a prophesy of the coming of Christ, do join two Monarchies together, of the Persians and Grecians, Calvin. so confounding the histories; whereas they were two kingdoms, one succeeding an other: but here Daniel pointeth out but one kingdom, After thee shall rise an other kingdom, etc.  
2. Theodoret by the right arm, understandeth Cyrus' kindred of the father's side of the Persians, and by the left, his kindred on the mother's side of the Medes.  
3. Pererius thinketh that the Persian Monarchy is described by two arms; because the Chaldean state was subdued by Darius the Mede Cyrus' uncle, and by Cyrus the Persian,  
4. But by the two arms rather are understood the two nations of the Medes and Persians, which were first two kingdoms, the Medes under Darius, and the Persians under Cyrus, but after Darius' death they were joined in one, as the two arms did meet together in the breast: Lyran. so also jun. Pintus.   

44. Quest. v. 39 Why the Persian Monarchy is said to be inferior to the Babylonian.  
The Persian Monarchy was not inferior in glory, power, or dominion: for Assuerus king of Persia reigned from India unto Ethiopia over an 127. Provinces, Est. 1. 1. And Xenophon also testifieth, that the Persian Monarchy was so large, that it had for the bounds on the East, the red Sea, on the West, Cyprus and Egypt, on the North, Pontus Euxinus, on the South Ethiopia. And seeing Cyrus joined the Empire of Babylon to his own dominions, it could not choose but be greater.  
1. Some think therefore that it is said to be inferior, in respect of the continuance, for the Persian Monarchy exceeded not above 240. years, whereas the Chaldean and Assyrian Monarchy from Ninus continued a 1500. years: Perer. But Daniel ascendeth not so high in this comparison: he saith, it shall be inferior to thee, that is, to thy kingdom, as it now standeth.  
2. Pererius hath an other answer, that the Persian Monarchy is said to be inferior in respect of the present time, not as it should be afterward: but it is evident that Daniel speaketh of it, as it should be then, when it should rise up after the other, that it should then be inferior.  
3. Calvine understandeth it of the general corruption of manners, which wax worse, that mundi conditio deterior esset, etc. that the state of the world should be worse under the second Monarchy: but these Monarchies are compared one with an other, that as silver is worse than gold, so the second Monarchy should be inferior to the other.  
4. Polanus thinketh that it is said to be inferior, because the Babylonian regiment, plus habuit regiae tranquillitatis, had more princely rest and tranquility: but the Persian state was full of trouble: for presently after the death of Cyrus, his sons Cambyses, and Tana●zares contented for the kingdom: and after Cambyses the Magis usurped the kingdom, and after them Darius Hystaspis was chosen king by the neighing of his horse.  
5. But I think rather with junius, that it is called inferior, and siluer-like in respect of the others golden state, because their government was more tolerable and equal toward the people of God.   

45. Quest. Whether the Monarchy of the Chaldeans or of the Persians was more cruel toward the jews.  
1. Though Cyrus first gave liberty to the people to return, and afterward Artaxerxes gave licence to Ezra and Nehemiah to build the Temple; yet other kings of Persia hindered the building of the Temple, as Cambyses, and Ahassuerus, who by the fraudulent and malicious device of Haman, would utterly have destroyed the people of the jews: So that this comparison is not in respect of some one or two particular persons of their kings, but of the disposition of the whole state, which was harder toward the people of God, then was the first Monarchy of the Babylonians.  
2. For Nabuchadnezzer, though under him the people of God was afflicted and endured much, yet he showed them some clemency and favour: As first when he besieged jerusalem in the 3. year of jehoiakim, he made not havoc of all, but carried away part only of the vessels of the Temple, and a few of the noble men's children: And after that for the space of 19 years he suffered the kings of judah to have their kingdom, till he was provoked by the unfaithfulness of Zedekiah to take revenge: and yet when he had set the city and Temple on fire, he suffered the people to inhabit the country still, to plant vineyards, and till the ground, and he set over them Gedaliah a good man, one of their own country. So that in respect of these heroical and princely parts in Nabuchadnezzer, the Persian Monarches were but as silver, and far inferior unto him. Osiand.   

46. Quest. Why the Persian Monarchy is compared to silver.  
1. Pererius thinketh this resemblance to be made, propter immensam Persici imperij opulentiam, for the great wealth and riches of the Persian Empire: for Cyrus overcame Croesus' the rich king of Lydia, of whom that proverb was taken up, ditior Craeso, richer than Croesus'. Pliny writeth that Cyrus when he overcame Asia, 
Lib. 33. c. 3.  got 34. thousand pound wait of gold, beside golden vessels, and wedges of gold, and 500 thousand talents of silver, which may amount of our money to 300. millions: beside he took craterem Semiramidis, the great bowl or standing piece of Semiramis, which weighed 15. Egyptian talents, and an Egyptian talon is 80. pound. And what the wealth and magnificence of the Persian Monarches was, that sumptuous feast showeth, which Assuerus made to his Princes, Est. 1. and the great expedition of Xerxes in that huge army, which he prepared against Greece. This is agreeable to that prophesy of Isai long before of Cyrus, The Lord saith, I will give thee the ireasures of darkness, and the things hid in secret places. 
Isa. 45. 3. Lib. 12. sub initio.  Athenaeus also writing of the great wealth of Darius the last king of Persia, telleth how that the Persian kings were grown to such delicacy, and excessive riches, that in the upper end of the king's bedchamber in a little closet there was always in store 5. thousand talents of gold, which maketh 3. hundredth times an hundredth thousand crowns: and this closet was called the king's bolster or pillow: and at the bed's feet there was an other closet, wherein there were laid up 3. hundredth talents of silver: beside in the bedchamber, there was, an overspreading vine made of gold, beset with precious stones: the bunches of grapes were also made of most costly precious stones. Q. Curtius writeth, that the treasure which Alexander took from Darius, was an 159. thousand talents: Strabo nameth an 180. thousand talents, which maketh of Italian money, a thousand and eight hundredth thousand crowns.  
2. Lyranus thinketh this Monarchy is compared to silver, quia multum vacabant sapientia & eloquentiae, etc. because they gave themselves much to the study of learning and eloquence, which is signified by the brightness and clear sound of silver.  
3. But the reason rather of this comparison is, because this Monarchy had less majesty, than the first, and was not so equal and favourable toward the people of God. Polan.   

47. Quest. Why the third Monarchy is likened to the belly and the thigh, and unto brass.  
1. This Monarchy must needs be understood of the kingdom of Alexander the great, who ruinated the Persian Monarchy: be therefore succeeding next unto them, must needs make the third. The Rabbins here very ignorantly instead of Alexander the great son of Philip, whose kingdom they confound with the Persian, and make them both but one, do supply Alexander the son of Mammea, Emperor of Rome, because they would avoid so clear a prophesy of the kingdom of the Messiah. But herein they show their great blindness and ignorance: for this Alexander was Emperor, when the half part of the Provinces almost were fallen from the Roman Empire, and he had never any absolute government, but was as it were pupil unto his mother: and he had an ignominious death, being slain of his own soldiers in his Tent. Calv. Prosper also, whom Paulus Orosius followeth, 
Prosper▪ in lib. de promi●● 〈◊〉 2. c. 33.  are deceived, who take this third Monarchy for Carthage: for it succeeded not any of the other Monarchies.  
2. This third Monarchy is resembled to the belly and the thighs: 1. because, as the belly is the next to the breast, so this Monarchy succeeded next unto the Persian. 2. like as the meat passeth through the belly, but there stayeth not; so Alexander got many kingdoms, but he long enjoyed them not: they were quickly after his death divided among his captains. 3. This resemblance also fitteth the intemperancy and incontinency of the Greek state, which Alexander was not so much touched with, as his captains that succeeded him. 4. And further the belly signifieth gluttony, excess, and riot, to the which Alexander was much given: for his intemperate drinking of wine, obscured all his other virtues: he would drink wine so excessively, that he did lie sometime three days, till he had slept it out: he also appointed games and prizes for the best drinkers: one Protarchus for drinking up four great measures of wine, called congij, which every one contained a gallon, and a pint, was rewarded of him with a talon, but within three days he died of drunkenness, and so did 41. more. In his drunken fit, at the enticement of his harlot Thais, he commanded the most famous city of the East, of the Persians called Persepolis, to be set on fire: And at an other time in his drunken mood he killed Clitus his faithful counsellor, which afterward so grieved him, that his friends could hardly stay him from killing himself: Hereupon this saying was taken up of Alexander, that he was more gentle toward his enemies in battle, then toward his friends at bankers. Some do excuse this his immoderate drinking of wine, by the hot and fiery constitution of his body: which is thought to be the cause of the sweet smell, that came from his body: as in hot countries there are the sweetest smells and perfumes. But the drinking of wine did more inflame him, being hot by nature: as we see, that for the same cause in hot and burning fevers, Physicians forbid the use of wine, or any hot drink: therefore this doth nothing excuse his unsatiable appetite that way.  
3. By the brass, 1. some understand the eloquence of the Grecians, quia as tinnit clarius, because brass maketh a better sound than other metals, Lyran. 2. some interpret it of Alexander's great fame, cuius sonus long lateque diffusus est, whose sound was spread far and wide, Hug. 3. some apply it to his warlike disposition, for they used brazen armour in times past: and hereby is signified the troublesome and unquiet state of that kingdom: for in 12. years space he conquered all the East part of the world. Polan. 4. But this Monarchy is compared to brass rather because it was more hard and troublesome not only to other nations, whom Alexander would never suffer to be in rest, insomuch that the Macedonians rejoiced when Alexander was dead, as thereby gaining their rest and quietness; but also to the people of God: for first he came against jerusalem with an hostile and cruel mind, if the Lord had not stayed him by a vision in the night, as he himself confessed, when jaddua the high Priest met him the next day: and after that he gave wicked Samballat leave to build an other Temple in mount Garizim, which enterprise Nehemiah by his faithful endeavour had hindered before, whereof he made Manasses, the brother of jaddua, Priest: and by this means, both the state of the Church and Commonwealth was much weakened among the jews. joseph. lib. 11. c. 8. Alexander also was himself of a restless nature: for when he had heard, that his father Philip had conquered any city, he would say, that his father left nothing for him: and when he likewise had heard of the Philosopher Anaximander, that there were many worlds, he wept, because he yet had not conquered one. Thus this Monarchy was brasen-like to the rest, because the state of the people of God more declined still, and waxed worse and worse.   

48. Quest. Of the largeness of Alexander's Empire, and of other memorable and notable things in him.  
1. This was admirable in Alexander, that at 20. years of age after the death of his father Philip, he enterprised to conquer the world: unto which years, such constancy, fortitude, wisdom, counsel, experience, as appeared to be in Alexander, are very rarely incident.  
2. It was also wonderful, that Alexander with so small an army, having not above 40. thousand, with so small provision, carrying but victual for 30. days, and but 70. talents, should take in hand such a great enterprise.  
3. His success in battle was admirable, he never encountered any enemy, but he overcame him; never besieged city, but he took it: and in 3. battles, one at the flood Granicus, an other at Issus in Cilicia, the third at Arbella, he overcame all the power of Asia, Darius having in his army 10. hundredth thousand men, above one for ten.  
4. As was his success in battle, so was (as the Gentiles call it) his good fortune for himself, or rather his prosperous deliverance from many dangers: that oftentimes he had received deadly wounds, and yet recovered; was in a manner dead, and yet revived: insomuch that Curtius writeth of him, cum plurimum virtuti debuerit, plus eum fortunae debuisse, etc. as he did owe much unto virtue, so yet he owed more unto fortune, which of all men living he seemed only to have power of: yet Plutarch in his two orations, which he made of that argument, showeth that more is to be ascribed to Alexander's virtue, then to his good fortune.  
5. The largeness of his Empire was wonderful: for he subdued the more noble part of Europe, Syria, 
Lib. 6. c. 16.  and Egypt, all Asia, and India unto the river Ganges: yea Pliny writeth, that in the utmost bounds of the Sogdianes he built the city Alexandria, where Hercules, Semiramis, and Cyrus had set up altars before him, as bounds of the Empire: Lysippus the painter hereupon made the picture of Alexander looking up to heaven, with this posy, jupiter asserui terram mihi, tu assere coelum, jupiter I have taken the earth to myself, take thou heaven, etc. with which picture Alexander was so delighted, that he proclaimed, none should take his picture but Lysippus.  
6. Such was his celerity also, that in the space of 13. years he conquered more nations, than one would have thought he could have traveled over in so short a time: Apelles therefore pictured Alexander with a thunderbolt, signifying his great swiftness and agility in his exploits.  
7. Alexander's great ●ame also may be counted among other parts of his greatness: by the which he subdued more nations, then by war, for the very terror of his name made many Kingdoms submit themselves unto him: and at the same time when he died, he expected Ambassadors from all the Nations of Europe, from France, Spain, Italy, Sicily, and from Africa: for if he had not then died, he had taken order, to provide him a great navy, to have compassed Arabia and Africa, and so to have surprised Spain and Italy.  
8. The acts and monuments of Alexander are to be counted among other memorable things, as first the Cities which he built, which Plutarch nameth to have been 70. then he brought the barbarous nations to civility: he taught the people Hyrcani the use of marriage, the Arachosians tillage and husbandry, the Sogdians that they should nourish and not kill their parents: the Persians to honour their mothers, and not to use them for their wives: the Scythians that they should not eat the dead, but bury them.  
9 Add hereunto his singular virtues: his constancy and patience in enduring of labour, his clemency toward those whom he conquered: the same day he took and restored again to the king of India his kingdom: Darius mother he honourably entertained as a Queen: his continency was singular, Darius' wife, and his most beautiful daughters he touched not, but preserved their chastity, neither would he see them. But his liberality and magnificence exceeded his other virtues: 
Alexander's virtues.  he gave 23. thousand talents among his soldiers to pay their debts: he bid to one feast 9 thousand guests, and gave unto every one a cup of gold: to one that asked a reward of him, he gave a city: which he refusing as too great a gift for him, Alexander said; Non quaero quid to decet accipere, sed quid me decet dare, I stand not upon it, what it is meet for thee to take, but what it is fit I should give. And to conclude this point, Plutarch saith, that those virtues for the which severally certain worthy men have been commended, did all concur in him, as the valour of Achilles, the chastity of Agamemnon, the piety of Diomedes, the courage of Cyrus, the policy of Themistocles, the boldness of Brassida, the wisdom of Philip his father.  
10. This was also part of his terrene happiness, that as he counted Achilles happy, because he had Homer to set forth his praise, so he had divers excellent writers to register his acts: as Ptolemy King of Egypt, Hecataeus, Aristobulus, calisthenes, Onesicratus, Diodorus Siculus, Trogus Pompeius, justinus, Q. Curtius, with others.   

Quest. 49. vers. 40. Whether this fourth kingdom must be understood to be the Roman Empire.  
There are here two opinions: some take the Roman Empire to be understood by this fourth kingdom, which is compared to iron, and the same to continue after the coming of Christ to the end of the world, as Lyranus interpreteth the two legs of the division of the Roman Empire into the Occidental and Oriental at Constantinople: of the same opinion are Rupertius, Hugo Cardinal. Pintus, and of our writers, Bullinger, Pelican, Genevens. Calvin, Melancthon, Osiand. Some do here comprehend the Roman Empire, but until the coming of Christ, as Pererius in vers. 32. We will examine their reasons.  
1. Vers. 28. Daniel saith that the Lord showed the king what should come to pass in the latter days, therefore all the Monarchies to the end of the world are here signified.  
Contra. The word acharith as is before showed, doth not only signify the latter or extreme days, but the time following, as it is taken, Gen. 49. 1. and the Prophet expoundeth himself, vers. 29. what is meant by the latter days, that which should come to pass hereafter.  
2. It is not like, that the Lord would conceal this thing from his Prophet, and that Daniel speaking of three of the Monarchies, should omit the fourth, which was the greatest of all: neither would the Lord leave his Church without comfort herein.  
Contra. 1. As God revealed not his whole mind unto the rest of the Prophets, so neither had Daniel a clear vision of all, which should happen in the world. 2. he toucheth all these four kingdoms and governments, which should be the chief oppressors and afflictors of his people until the rising of Christ's kingdom; until which time they had not endured much at the Romans hands, but by their own procurement: Daniel therefore speaketh of those kingdoms only, which meddled most with the people of God then; it much belonged not to their present comfort to hear of those kingdoms which should come afterward.  
3. Daniel prophesieth of the kingdom of Christ, which should still increase unto the end of the world, vers. 44. And cap. 12. 2. he evidently speaketh of everlasting life, and of the resurrection.  
Contra. 1. The Prophet doth but touch that by occasion in a word, to show the perfection and consummation of Christ's kingdom: it followeth not, that therefore he should describe all the Monarchies to the end of the world.  
4. But the event of things answering to this prophesy, showeth that it is most fitly applied to the Roman Empire.  
1. Because as iron the Roman Empire subdued all other kingdoms: for whereas Alexander's kingdom was divided into four, Prolome had Egypt, Seleucus Syria, Antigonus Asia the less, and Antipater Macedonia, who also obtained Antigonus regiment; all these four dominions were dissolved and dissipated by the Romans. Paulus Aemilius overcame Perseus' king of Macedonia, and led him with his two sons, Philippui, and Alexander in triumph: Lucullus and Pompeius subdued Mithridates and Tygranes, and brought under the Syrian kingdom: and Augustus Caesar overcame Antony with Cleopatra his wife, and made a Province of Egypt: And all the East countries Pompey the great subdued, and joined to the Roman Empire, as Asia, Pontus, Armenia, Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Syria, with others, waging battle with them 30. years together, having slain, put to flight, or taken an 121. thousand, and 83. thousand, and taken 846. ships, and a 1538. cities and castles: Plin. lib. 7. cap. 26. Bulling. Pap. and Lyranus showeth 3. ways whereby they became such conquerors, sapientia, exercitio armorum, bon● regimine, by their wisdom, exercise of warlike feats, and good discipline and government.  
2. The two legs do signify the diversity of government, which was evidently seen in the Roman common wealth: first, they were governed by Kings, then by Consuls, afterward by Tribunes, they had their decemviri, their Dictator's for a time, than they came to their triumvirs, when three did bear the greatest sway; as Augustus, Antony, Lepidus: and then the government fell to dunmviri, into the hands of two, Augustus, and Antony, and at the last one had the Sovereignty, and so it continued under one Emperor, until Marcus Antonius Verus, then there began to be associates, and divers Emperors at once. Perer.  
3. The feet partly of iron, partly of clay, signify the division and dissension of the kingdom, which is manifest in the Roman government: for there were four notable divisions among them: first between the Senators, and ordinem Equestrem, the gentry of Rome, concerning the authority and power in matters of judgement: there was also bellum sociale, the social war, or of confederates, whereof Drusus was the author; and bellum servile, whereof Seriorius was the beginner: then followed the most deadly civil wars between Sylla and Marius, Caesar and Pompey, between Octavius with Mar. Antonius, and Brutus and Cassius, and between Octavius and Antony.  
4. Whereas the feet were partly of iron, partly of clay, which is expounded to signify that the kingdom should be partly strong and partly broken: this also is thus applied to the Roman state: because they were sometimes conquerors, sometime they were conquered: As the French brake in to the very Capital: Pyrrhus king of Epyrus did afflict the Romans with fierce war, and overcame them at Trebia, and Trasimenum: Hannibal made a great slaughter of them at Cannae: Crassus was overcome of the Parthians, and the Roman ensigns taken: Bullinger. Some understand the iron and clay feet, of the kingdoms, which did spring out of the Roman Empire, as of France, Spain, Germany, the Turks, whereof some were more victiorious, warlike, and yron-like then others: Melancthon. Some apply it to the Emperors of Rome, whereof some were valiant, some cowardly and slothful. Osian.  
5. Whereas the mingling and tempering of the iron and clay together is expounded of their marriages; they show likewise how this was accomplished and fulfilled in the Roman Empire: for Pompey took to wife julia daughter to julius Caesar, and Antony married Octavia Augustus Caesar's sister, whom he did afterward repudiate, and married Cleopatra Queen of Egypt: so that those conjunctions did not hold: Bullinger. Pere. Pin.  
Contra. 1. True it is, that the Romans did subdue unto their Empire all other nations of any fame or power: but it is not so much to be considered, how they were yron-like towards other nations, but how they were affected towards the people of God, toward the coming of the Messiah: But until then the jews had not felt such hard service under the Romans, as they had under other cruel Lords: for the innovations which were made in the jewish state by Crassus and Pompey, were done rather by the consent of the jews themselves, and their kings striving about the kingdom, then by conquest: and the interest that Antony had there, was by the right and title of the Ptolemy's, whose daughter and heir Cleopatra he married: But of all other the Syrian tyranny under Antiochus was most cruel and yronlike towards the jews, and therefore to that state this description rather agreeth, as shall afterward be showed.  
2. The division of the kingdom, signified by the two legs, cannot be understood of the diverse regiments and governments, one succeeding another: for it was still the same kingdom; and being the same, it cannot be said to be divided into two diverse parts, as the legs are perpetually divided, and are not joined together again.  
3. And for the same reason the division of the kingdom cannot be understood of the Civil and domestical dissensions: for there was a reuniting of it again, after these stirs and tumults were appeased, but these kingdoms here spoken of, as two legs, were divided and kept a sunder still.  
4. The iron and clay signified, that the kingdom should be partly strong and partly weak: but this respect of their strength and weakness must not have reference to other foreign nations, but to the people of God, for whose comfort, this prophetical vision was sent: But toward the jews the Roman state was not partly strong, partly weak, until the coming of Christ; that sometime the one had the better, sometime the other: But thus the case stood between them, and the Seleucians in Syria, and Ptolemy's in Egypt, that sometime they prevailed against the people of God; sometime God gave them victory against their enemies, as is evident in the story of the Macchabees.  
5. The conjunctions in marriage must be of diverse kings between themselves after the division of the kingdom, not of the same kingdom within itself: and therefore that interpretation of the mutual marriages between Caesar and Pompey, Octavian and Antony, can here have no place: for it is evident, vers. 44. that diverse kings, and at the same instant, are understood, who joined in marriage.  
Reason's showing that the Roman Empire cannot be here understood.  
1. In the end of this fourth yronlike Monarchy the Messiah should come, and his kingdom be set up; but Christ came not in the end, but in the beginning of the Roman Monarchy. Polan.  
2. At the coming of the Messiah all these kingdoms must be dissolved, and broken in pieces, vers. 44. Now the Roman Empire ended not at Christ's coming: But it will be answered, that Daniel speaketh of the second coming of Christ, when all these kingdoms should be destroyed. Contra. That cannot be, for after the dissolution of these kingdoms, that stone which dashed them in pieces, shall grow into a mountain, and fill all the earth, ver. 35. which cannot be otherwise understood, then of the propagation of Christ's kingdom, which must be before his second coming.  
3. This kingdom here spoken of was divided into two, signified by the two legs: but the Roman Empire continued one until the time of Constantine, after whom it was divided among his three sons, bot into two, but three parts.  
4. They cannot show in the Roman state, such conjunction in marriage between diverse kings, and kingdoms: but they of whom they give instance for such matrimonill conjunctions, were of one and the same kingdom.  
5. That fourth kingdom must continue until the coming of Christ; but if they understand this prophesy of Christ's second coming, the Roman Empire hath been dissolved long since.  
6. These kingdoms were one to succeed another, and to possess the others dominions: the Persian obtained all, that was under Babylon, Alexander gained all, which the Persian had: but the Romans had only Syria and Egypt of the Babylonian Empire, and only Asia minor of the Persian Monarchy, whereas there were under the Persians an 127 provinces from India to Aethiopia, Ester 1. therefore this last ktngdome cannot be the Roman state, for it must make one body with the rest, as in the image of a man's body is represented. Polanus.  
7. In this vision the special intention of the Prophet is to describe such kingdoms, as were adversaries to the jews, and pressed them most, but the jews endured not much affliction under the Romans till the coming of Christ: they endured more under the kings of Syria, and Egypt, especially the first, as is evident in the books of the Maccabees: that kingdom which was most cruel and yron-like toward the jews is here understood: but so was not the Roman Empire; therefore that is not here comprehended: jun. annot.  
Pappus answereth, 1. that it is false, judaici tantum populi conditionem hac visione describi, that the condition only of the people of the jews is described in this vision. 2. he saith it is likewise false, à Romans judaeos nihil passos, that the jews suffered nothing at the Romans hands.  
Contra. 1. But seeing that the end and use of this prophesy, was for the comfort of God's people; it must needs follow, that such alterations and changes of kingdoms are here described, which most nearly concerned the people of God: thus than we may reason, The end of these prophecies, as also of all Scripture, is for the comfort of God's people, Rom. 15. 3. but the prophesy of such things, as concerned not the people of God, was not for their use and comfort; therefore such prophecies are not contained here.  
2. It is not affirmed, that the jews endured nothing of the Romans, but that their government was nothing so hard and yron-like as was the tyranny of the kings of Syria.  
8. The vision of an human image signified one united body, consisting of diverse kingdoms one succeeding another, as the parts of the body do one join unto another; the beginning and head of which body was in Babylon: but the Roman Monarchy being distant at the least a 1200. miles from Babylon, could not make one united body with it: therefore that Monarchy cannot here fitly be understood. Polan.   

Quest. 50. That this fourth Monarchy divided into two kingdoms, resembled by the two legs of the image, was the kingdom of Syria and Egypt.  
When Alexander was dead, which happened in the 33. year of his age, his kingdom was divided into four parts: Seleucus had Babylon and Syria, Ptolemy Egypt, Cassander Macedonia, and Antigonus held Asia: but the two first were the mightiest kingdoms, and did most afflict the people of God, which are here shadowed forth by the two iron legs; as thus may be showed.  
1. The occasion of Nebuchadnezzars dream is an argument thereof, which was to know, what should become of his kingdom after him; the greatest part whereof fell unto the share of these two, Seleucus' that obtained the kingdom of Syria, and Ptolemy of Egypt.  
2. The scope and end of this vision, was to describe unto the jews their state and condition under these kingdoms until the coming of the Messiah: which was most hard and yron-like under the tyrannical command of these two houses, the Seleucians, and the Ptolemy's: so the captivity and bondage of the Israelites in Egypt is compared to an iron furnace, Deut. 4. 20. and now under Egypt again they endure an other iron furnace.  
3. This vision is opened and expounded by other visions, and prophecies afterward, cap. 7. 8. but most evidently, cap. 11. 4. where the kingdom of Alexander is foretold shall be divided into 4. parts, and that among the rest the king of the North, which is Babylon and Syria, and the king of the South, namely of Egypt, shall be the chief: But the Romans could neither be this king of the South, nor of the North.  
4. The event in these two kingdoms answereth to the prophesy: for here 4. things are foreshowed. 1. the condition and manner of government towards the people of God, which should be yron-like, ver. 40. and so indeed were the kings of the North and South hard as iron, and cruel towards the people of God.  
2. The constitution of these kingdoms is set forth, vers. 42. which as two legs did issue forth of the brazen belly and thighs, that is Alexander's Monarchy, the strength whereof remained in them.  
3. Then the inconstant and variable state of these two kingdoms is described, they should be part of iron, part of clay: sometime one should be the stronger, sometime the other: as Ptolomeus Euergites, had the better against Seleucus Callinicus, and Ptolemy Philadelphus to revenge his daughter Berenice her death, against Antiochus Megas: but for the most part the king of the North was the stronger.  
4. The matrimonial league between these kingdoms is also foreshowed, which yet should not hold: Ptolemy Philadelphus, gave his daughter to Antiochus Theos to make perfect agreement between them: but this bond could not hold: for Antiochus had a former wife, Laodicea, who caused Berenice to be poisoned, whereupon ensued great wars between these two kings: likewise Antiochus surnamed the great, gave his daughter Cleopatra to Ptolemy Epiphanes: and thus every part of this prophesy was truly fulfilled in these two kingdoms, as shall be showed more at large, in the opening of the 11. chap. junius.  
5. The prophesy of Ezekiel against Gog, cap. 38. herein concurreth with this vision; which is there ver. 15. expounded to be the kingdom of the North: that used the help of the Persians, who were tributary unto Antiochus Epiphanes: 1. Mac. 3. 31. and of the Arabians, ver. 5. against the people of God.  
6. It is well observed by some learned men, that the Romans are but thrice mentioned in all the prophesy of Daniel, once, cap. 11. 18. where it is said, a Prince shall cause his shame: the Romans sent their Consul against Antiochus Megas: again in the same chapter, verse 30. the ships of Cittim shall come against him: the Romans sent Popilius to stay Antiochus Epimanes, and chap. 9 26. where it is said, the people of the prince which shall come, and destroy the city, the Romans are understood. In other places of his prophesy no mention is made of them: this prophesy than is not extended unto them.  
But it will be thus objected on the contrary, that this last Monarchy cannot be interpreted of these two kingdoms of Syria and Egypt.  
1. Object. It is said, that in the days of these kings, the kingdom of the Messiah should be set up: but these kingdoms were destroyed and dissolved by the Romans before the Messiah came: Pappus.  
Answ. The kingdom indeed of Syria was before subdued by Pompey, and the house of the Seleucians was then extinguished, which might be about 70. or 80. years, or thereabout before the birth of Christ: but the kingdom of Egypt continued still until the reign of Herod, (under whom Christ was borne) who was confirmed in his kingdom by Antony and Cleopatra the daughter of the last Ptolemy surnamed Piper: so that Egypt had some part of the Images toe until the Lords birth.  
2. Object. This last Monarchy is called a kingdom, it was then but one, but these were two kingdoms, one of the South, the other of the North: they therefore cannot be understood to be the fourth Monarchy.  
Answ. 1. It is called one kingdom in two respects. 1. because they both issued out of the kingdom of Alexander, which after his death was divided: as also because one of these two kingdoms was of greater strength, and had the chief superiority, which was the kingdom of the North. 2. it is evident in the text that diverse states and regiments are comprehended in this fourth Monarchy: for it is said, ver. 43. in the plural number, they shall mingle themselves with the scede of men: and they are said to be Kings, ver. 44. in the days of these kings, etc.  
3. Object. Alexander's kingdom was divided into 4. parts, as is before showed: but here by the two legs two kingdoms only are signified.  
Answ. 1. Though Alexander's kingdom were divided among his four chief captains, Cassander, Antigonus, Seleucus, Ptolemy, yet soon after Seleucus vanquished and killed Antigonus, and Cassander of Macedonia was not of like power unto the rest. 2. wherefore these two kingdoms are only spoken of, as the mightiest, and because they two only had to do with the people of God, oppressing them continually, and keeping them under.  
4. Object. The Empire of the Romans is held of all to be the fourth Monarchy of the world, and the most flourishing: This image therefore representing the four great Monarchies of the world, is to be extended to the Roman state.  
Answ. It is not denied, but that the Roman dominion maketh the fourth general Monarchy of the world: yet this remaineth to be proved, that in this vision, the general state and condition of the world is described: the argument therefore followeth not, Four principal kingdoms and Monarchies are set fourth in this vision: therefore the Roman is one of them: for only these kingdoms are here described, which then had to deal with the people of God, and which did bear sway until the coming of Christ, and then determined: jun. annotat. But seeing we are fallen to make mention of these 4. general Monarchies; it shall not be amiss briefly to show the beginning and continuance of them.   

Quest 51. Of the beginning and continuance of the four general Monarchies of the world.  
1. The Babylonian Empire, which is made one with the Assyrian, took beginning from Ninus, of whom the city Ninive is thought to have been so called, and it continued above, a 1000 years: yet it never flourished more than under Nabuchadnezzar the great; who subdued unto his kingdom, all Syria, Phoenicia, judea, Idumea, Egypt, Lybia, with other countries: And this his large dominion began in the first year of his reign, when he besieged jerusalem, but it was not at the height till the 23. year of his reign, in the 38. Olympiad. and so it held 60. years unto the reign of Cyrus, which was in the 55. Olymp.  
The Persian Monarchy beginning in Cyrus, flourished about 230. years, as Pere. 228. as Bullinger, and was dissolved by Alexander in the 112. Olympiad.  
3. The Grecian Empire was first founded by Alexander, who held the same 6. years, than it was divided into four kingdoms, which were soon turned to three: the Syrian kingdom, whereunto was annexed also all Asia Minor, which Seleucus possessed, continued in that house unto Olympiad 175. and afterward was held by Tygranes king of Armenia, 12. years, and then in the 179. Olympiad, was by Pompey subdued to the Roman Empire. The second kingdom, which was of Macedonia, in the 150. Olympiad, was made subject to Rome, with Perseus the last king thereof. The third kingdom of Egypt held out unto the 187. Olympiad, and then Antony who had married Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, was overcome of Augustus Caesar.  
4. The Roman kingdom simply began from the building of Rome in the 7. Olym. but it was not an absolute Monarchy until the 44. Olympi. after the end of the second Punic war: for then all Italy, Spain, Sardinia, Sicilia, and Carthage, were brought under the Roman obedience. And their dominion was much enlarged in the 147. Olympi. when Antiochus the great was vanquished by the Romans: but most of all in 179. Olympiad: when Pompey subdued the East countries: So that Asia the less, which was before the bounds of the Roman Empire, was then but counted in the mids: In this glory it continued the space of 500 years from the second Punic war, till it was taken of the Goths: unto which time from the first building of the city were a 1164. years, or thereabout: Varr● writeth lib. 18. Antiquat. that Vectius the Augur, by those 12. vultures, which Romulus conjectured by when he built Rome, did forespeak that Rome should continue so many hundred years: but this may worthily be held to be a fable. ex Pere.   

Quest. 52. vers. 43. Of the meaning of these words, they shall mingle themselves with the seed of men.  
1. Vatablus understandeth it of the diverse nations and people which should be admitted into the commonwealth, and were donati civitate, privileged with the immunities of citizens: but the phrase of mingling themselves with the seed of men, signifieth more.  
2. Osiander thus expoundeth it, that the princes of the Roman state iuncturi essent affinitates cum Regibus, should join in affinity with other kings: but the text showeth, that the kings of this fourth Monarchy should be joined in marriage among themselves.  
3. Pappus with others interpret it of the affinity between Caesar and Pompey who married julia Caesar's daughter: and when she was dead he would have given him in marriage Octavia his sister's daughter: and desired also to have married Pompey's daughter: so Augustus gave unto Antony his sister Octavia: But Calvin calleth this frigidum, a weak conceit, to aim at some special marriages: he thinketh it was the continual practice of that state, to combine and link themselves together by mutual marriages: But this matrimonial conjunction here spoken of, is between diverse kings; not in the same slate and commonwealth.  
4. Some understand it of the society and league between the Romans and Macchabees, which first began under judas Macchabeus: but the phrase, as is before showed, doth signify a league and conjunction by marriage.  
5. Some refer it to herod, who being a stranger, would have married one of the Macchabees daughter, that his son might peaceably enjoy the kingdom: but the maid killed herself for grief, and he is said to have abused her being dead: ex Lyran. But the kingdom of the jews was no part of this fourth Monarchy.  
6. The true meaning than is, that these two kingdoms, signified by the two legs, that is, the kings of the South and North, should link together in marriage, as is showed before, Quest. 46. argum. 4.   

Quest. 53. vers. 44. What manner of kingdom the Prophet speaketh of, which God shall set up.  
1. Porphyrius and the Hebrews do interpret this of the kingdom of the jews, which in the end of the world shall, as they dream be most mighty, and subdue all other kingdoms: 
lib. 10. antiquit. cap. 11.  it seemeth also that josephus had some such conceit: for when he cometh to make mention of this stone, he forbeareth to give any interpretion of it, putting off the matter thus; mihi hoc narrare non libuit, cui propositum est non futura, sed praeterita scribere, etc. Daniel also giveth an interpretation of the stone: but it liked me not to declare it, whose purpose is to write of things past, not of things to come. It seemeth he was loath to offend the Romans, of whom he had received so great grace and favour, which he should have done, if he had given his opinion, that the Roman Empire should in the end have been ruinated by his nation.  
But how unlike a thing this is, that the jews should obtain such a temporal dominion, it is evident to all the world, they being now a dispersed nation, without either king or priest, Church or commonwealth: And our Blessed Saviour hath assured us, that his kingdom is not of this world: they then dreaming of such an outward kingdom, do therein show their infidelity, that they have no part in the true Messiah, who is blessed for ever.  
2. The heretics called Chiliastes, which hold that 6. thousand years expired from the creation of the world, there shall be a resurrection of just men, who shall reign with Christ a thousand years in the earth, do expound this place of that terrene kingdom: But their heretical fancy is confuted by the very words of this text: for the kingdom here spoken of shall stand for ever: it shall not then only continue for a 1000 years.  
3. Wherefore this Scripture evidently describeth the spiritual kingdom of Christ, in this world ruling and governing the hearts of his servants by his grace, and propagating his truth and Gospel over all the world, exercising his power upon the enemies of his Church: which kingdom shall be perfected in his everlasting glory: of this eternal, and everduring kingdom, the Prophet Isay saith, the Increase of his government and peace shall have no end. 
Isay 9 7.    

Quest. 54. Whether the stone cut out of the mountain, do signify Christ or his kingdom.  
1. The most do understand this of Christ himself, who is signified by this stone, of which opinion are of the ancient writers, justinus Martyr, dialog. cum Tryphone: Ireneus lib. 3. advers. haeres. cap. 28. Cyprian, lib. 2. advers. judaeos, sect. 17. and sometime Augustine enarrat. in Psal. 98. and so interpreteth Lyranus: and of the new writers, Bullinger by this stone would have Christ understood: as Psal. 118. 22. the stone which the builders refused, is become the head stone of the corner: and Isay 28. 16. Behold I will lay in Zion a stone, a tried stone, a precious corner stone, a sure foundation: to the same purpose Melancthon: likewise Perorius beside these testimonies of Scripture, showeth how Christ this precious stone was prefigured by certain typical stones in the old Testament: as by the stone jacob pitched, and anointed it with oil: and the rock which Moses smote with the tod, and water gushed out: by the stone that bore up Moses hands, Ezod. 17. and by that rock where Moses was set when he saw the Lords back parts, Exod. 33. Further in these four respects Christ is compared to a stone. 1. for the continuance. 2. for the strength, he is the fundamental stone. 3. a rock of refuge unto them that believe. 4. and a rock of offence for the wicked to stumble at.  
2. Some do by this stone understand the kingdom and Church of Christ: as Augustine in Psal. 42. and 44. so also Caluine, comparat regnum Christi cum omnibus illis Monarchijs, etc. he compareth the kingdom of Christ, with all those Monarchies, etc. so is the Church of God likened to a stone, Zach. 12. 3. in that day I will make jerusalem an heavy stone for all people, all that lift it up shall be torn, etc.  
3. But these interpretations are not contrary one to another; they may well stand together: for Christ is not here considered apart by himself, but together with his Church, he as the head, and the other as his body; So the Apostle sometime by Christ understandeth the whole mystical body consisting of Christ and his Church, as 1. Cor. 12. 12. As the body is one, and hath many members, so is Christ: so the Church is called the body and fullness of Christ. Ephe. 1. 23. Then in this place, Christ is not understood without his body the Church, but both Christ and his kingdom, which is the Church, are joined together: for ver. 44. Daniel speaketh of a kingdom which God should set up. Polan.   

Quest. 55. Whether this prophesy be fulfilled in the first, or second coming of Christ.  
1. Tertullian expoundeth it of Christ's second coming, lib. contra judaeos. So also Theodoret, being moved with this reason; because at the first coming of Christ all these kingdoms were not destroyed, for the Roman Empire then flourished, but at his second coming this prophesy shall be fulfilled: but this argument is soon answered: the kingdoms here spoken of, were all dissolved at the coming of Christ in the flesh: the Roman Empire is not comprehended in this vision, as is before showed at large. quest. 49.  
2. Some think, that this prophesy agreeth unto the first coming of Christ, inchoate & aliquatenus, in some sort and by way of beginning, and that in the end, it should dash in pieces the Roman Empire: but it shall most fully and absolutely be accomplished at Christ's second coming: Pere. Pap.  
3. But it shall appear by these arguments, that this Scripture must only be referred to the first coming of Christ, and not at all to the second, but only by way of analogy, and by a consequent.  
1. This kingdom shall be set up in the times of these Kings: but in the everlasting kingdom of Christ in the next world, there shall be neither any such kings, nor any more time.  
2. This stone was but small at the beginning, but afterward it grew into a mountain: but Christ, when he cometh in his glory, shall then show himself in his greatness: he shall not be as a small stone.  
3. And this stone became a great mountain, and filled the whole earth: which showeth, that Christ's kingdom here spoken of, should increase by little and little: but after his second coming, it shall be at the full, not still increasing: therefore the kingdom of Christ here in this world of necessity must be here described.  
4. Yet by way of analogical collection, this prophesy may be applied unto Christ's second coming: when as Christ shall make a perfect conquest of all earthly kingdoms and powers, and of all other adversaries unto his kingdom.  
5. Of this opinion, that this prophesy concerneth the first coming of Christ, are all they which expound this phrase, of the cutting out of this stone without hands, of the miraculous conception and birth of Christ, of the virgin Marie, as Lyran. gloss. ordinar. Vatab. Pin. with diverse of the ancient fathers: Calvin also, though he refuse that interpretation of Christ's birth; yet holdeth the first coming of Christ to be here signified: by this reason: propheta admonet exordia regnt Christi fore contempta, the Prophet admonisheth, that the beginning of Christ's kingdom shall be base and contemptible, etc. because he likeneth it to a small stone at the first: but the second coming of Christ, shall be glorious.   

Quest. 56. The description of the kingdom of Christ by the Prophet, vers. 44. 45.  
1. It is described by the adjunct of time, when it should come, in the time of those kings, which held the fourth Monarchy, toward the end thereof. 2. by the manner it shall be raised up as from a small beginning. 3. by the efficient, it shall be set up by God. 4. by the eternity of it, it shall stand for ever, neither apt to fall of itself, neither shall it be surprised by any other: for these two are the causes of the alteration of kingdoms; internal within themselves, or external by foorren power. 5. by the effects, it shall break and destroy all other kingdoms, as the Prophet Zachatie showeth, cap. 12. 3. 6. by the firmness and sureness thereof, compared unto a stone. 7. by the original or beginning, it was cut out of a mountain: the beginning thereof was from heaven, from abnue, as our blessed Saviour himself, john. 3. 13. no man hath ascended into heaven, but he that came down from heaven, the son of man which is in heaven. 8. by the manner of his coming, which shall be sudden and unlooked for, as a thing that is cut out at once. 9 by the manner of administration, it shall be cut out without hands, that is, any human help. 10. by the power thereof, it shall break in pieces, etc. Polan.   

Quest. 57 That this kingdom which God shall raise up must be understood of the kingdom of Christ.  
Vers. 44. The God of heaven shall set up a kingdom. Calvin here setteth down certain reasons, out of the rabbin Barbinel whereby he would prove, that this kingdom cannot be referred to jesus the son of Mary: his reasons are these six in all.  
1. Seeing these four kingdoms here described are terrene and visible, the fifth also which should destroy the other must be also visible, for unlike things cannot be compared together.  
Contra. 1. It is not necessary, that all things should be like in a comparison: nay here is rather an opposition between the 4. kingdoms, and this fifth, than a comparison, and in that it is to destroy the rest, it must be unlike unto the rest: the Rabbins argument therefore followeth not; The fifth kingdom shall destroy the former four, Ergo it shall be of the same kind with the rest: the contrary is better inferred, that therefore it shall be unlike unto the rest.  
2. Ar. If religion made a difference between these kingdoms, than were they not four but one: for all of them were given to idolatry, and so followed the same superstition.  
Contra. 1. It is necessary that the 5. kingdom, which should abolish all the rest, should differ in the truth and sincerity of religion from them: but it is not necessary, that the four Monarchies one destroying and confounding another, should be of diverse religion: for kingdoms that are of the same superstition, may be one enemy unto another, as one error may be contrary to another.  
3. Argum. It is said of this kingdom, that it shall not be given unto an other: but the Turk now possesseth a great part of the kingdom of Christians: And among themselves also religion is divided, and many distaste the Gospel; therefore this cannot be understood of the kingdom of Christianity.  
Contra. 1. By this kingdom, which God should raise up, is not understood any visible or external kingdom: though the Turk have surprised the terrene kingdoms and nations, which sometime the Christians possessed, yet the spiritual kingdom of Christ is not resigned unto them, nor to any other. 2. Even among Christians there may be divisions, and many carnal men may live in the Church, but they belong not to the spiritual kingdom of Christ, though they remain in the external society of the visible Church.  
4. Argu. If this be the kingdom of Christ, who was borne under Augustus Caesar, when the Roman Monarchy in a manner began, than the fourth Monarchy, and this fifth kingdom should begin together, which cannot be, for the one must be the ruin and destruction of the other.  
Contra. 1. To this Calvin answereth, that the Monarchy of the Romans began not with the Caesars, but long before, when the Macedonian kingdom was dissolved.  
2. But this is an unsufficient answer: 1. because it was no Monarchy, till the time of julius Caesar: but the government before that was sometime democratical, & popular, sometime Aristocratical, governed by Consuls: therefore till it became a Monarchy, it could not be the fourth kingdom here spoken of. 2. Though the fifth kingdom and the fourth began not together, yet the same inconvenience followeth, if they continue together: for the fifth kingdom, when it cometh must be the ruin of the other: this argument therefore of the rabbin is invincible against their opinion, which make the Roman Monarchy this fourth kingdom.  
3. Therefore to the Rabbins argument we make this further answer, that this fourth kingdom divided into two, as consisting of two legs, was the Monarchical state of Syria and Babylon where the sons and offspring of Seleucu● reigned, and of Egypt, where the Ptolemy's succeeded one another, as is before showed, quest. 50. And so indeed this fifth kingdom was the end of the other.  
5. Argum. The fourth kingdom and the fifth can not stand together, the one being the ruin of the other: but under Constantine and other Christian Emperors of the Roman state, the Gospel of Christ flourished; therefore it cannot be meant of that kingdom.  
Contra. 1. Calvin here answereth, that the kingdom of Christ, non debet referri ad tempus nativitatis, must not be referred to the time of his nativitle, but to the preaching of the Gospel: and when the gospel began to be published, than the Roman Empire after Traianus time was translated to strangers, to herdmen, and swineards, and beastly monsters.  
2. This answer is likewise insufficient: 1. for as soon as Christ was borne, his kingdom began in the days of his flesh: as the Angel in the annunciation of Christ's birth to the virgin Marie, telleth her, that God would give him the throne of his father David, 
Luk. c. 32. 33.  and he shall reign over the house of jacob, etc. 2. the gospel was never more published in the world, then in the Apostles time, while yet the Roman Empire continued in the name and stock of the Caesars. 3. though the Empire was devolved to strangers, not of Caesar's family, yet was it still the Latin and Roman Empire, and therefore was the same Monarchy.  
3. Wherefore unless the Roman Monarchy be disclaimed here from being this fourth kingdom, this argument cannot be answered, for the fourth kingdom, and the fifth cannot stand together.  
6. Argum. The Roman Empire yet in some sort continueth, therefore this fifth is not the kingdom of Christ, which must not be raised until the other be destroyed.  
Contra. The Roman Monarchy is long since dissolved, and there remaineth nothing but an image and shadow thereof, therefore this reason concludeth not.   

Quest. 58. That this kingdom of Christ's is a spiritual, no temporal kingdom.  
1. Some think that Christ was the temporal king of the jews, and that the kingdom of David descended lineally unto him by right of inheritance; which they would further confirm by that prophesy of jaacob. Gen. 49. 10. the sceptre shall not depart from judah, till Shilob come, etc. whence they infer, that the kingdom of Israel shall be restored by the Messiah.  
Contra. 1. It can not be showed, that Christ descended by such a right line, as that the kingdom came unto him by lineal descent: for the line which Matthew and Luke set down, are of joseph, not of Marry, which showeth that they were both of the same tribe: but that lineal descent will derive the temporal kingdom rather to joseph then to Marie. 2. The contrary rather is inferred upon that prophesy, that the sceptre should then, and not before depart from judah, when the Messiah should come: and he saith not, that he should be expectatio judaeorum, the expectation of the jews, but the expectation of the Gentiles, as the Latin translator readeth: or the people or nations (not the jews) should be gathered unto him: Pintus.  
2. Now that Christ's shall be no temporal, but a spiritual kingdom, neither that he had any temporal kingdom by succession from David, it may thus appear,  
1. jehoiachin the last king of the jews beside Zedekiah, whose sons were killed before his face, had none of his seed to sit upon the throne after him, jeremy, 22. 30. but if the kingdom of Christ were lineally derived from David, it must be counted from him.  
2. Christ refused to be made a king, and when he perceived the people had such an intent, he conveyed himself from among them, joh. 6. 15. he likewise refused to intermeddle with the office of a king, as to be a judge in civil causes, Luk. 12. 14.  
3. No temporal kingdom is eternal, but the kingdom of Christ is eternal, therefore it is no temporal kingdom.  
4. What manner of kingdom Christ's is, the Prophet Zacharie showeth, Behold thy King cometh unto thee, etc. poor, and riding upon an ass: if Christ's were a temporal kingdom, where is the pomp, riches, and glory of his kingdom?  
5. As Christ's kingdom is, so was the oil wherewith he was anointed, and the sword wherewith he was girded: but he was anointed with spiritual oil, and the sword of his kingdom is also spiritual, Psal. 45. 3. 7. therefore so is his kingdom, Pintus.   

59 Quest. v. 44. In the days of what kings Christ's kingdom should be raised up.  
1. The Latin interpreter readeth, in the days of these kingdoms, which Lyran. Pint. with others, understand of the Roman Empire, which is called kingdoms in the plural, quia multa regna continebat sub se, because it contained many kingdoms under it: and they give this sense, that while the Roman Monarchy yet continued, the kingdom of Christ should begin. Pappus.  
2. Bullinger somewhat diverslly by these kings understandeth ●●iuers princes of the Roman Empire, as Augustus and Antonius, between whom Herod went unto the Capitol, being by them confirmed in his kingdom.  
Contra. But that these times can not be understood of the Roman Empire at all, hence it is evident; because this 5. kingdom must be raised up in the end of the other: Now the Roman Empire most of all flourished when Christ was borne: it was not then the fourth kingdom here spoken of: See other arguments against this opinion▪ question 49.  
3. The jews do understand this fourth kingdom of the Turkish dominion, & they confound the Macedonian and Roman Empire together, making them both one, because they say the Romans had their original from the Grecians: and this is their devise, that they should not be forced to find the beginning of Christ's kingdom under the fourth Monarchy of the Romans.  
Contra. 1. The fourth kingdom cannot be the Turkish signory, which came 600. years at the least after the other 3. kingdoms were dissolved; but by daniel's description, the fourth kingdom must follow immediately upon the dissolution of the other. 2. Though the Romans had their beginning from Troy in Asia minor, yet that was destroyed a 1000 years well nigh before the end of the three first Monarchies: therefore the Romans could not then be counted one kingdom with the Grecians. 3. Likewise the Turks came from the mount Caspian, and out of the greater Asia: then by this reason they might as well confound the Turkish government, with the Babylonian or Persian Monarchy, which had their chief dominions in the greater Asia.  
3. Therefore the times of these kings must be referred unto the last kings of the fourth kingdom, which consisted of Syria, and Egypt, as the two legs thereof, as is before showed, quest. 50. And so Hugo very well expoundeth, in diebus unius ex illis, in the days of these kings or kingdoms, that is one of them: and in the end of them as the word is taken, Ezech. 7. 12. the time is come, that is the end: to the same purpose, gloss. ordinar. his regnis pracurrentibus, these kingdoms going before, as being forerunners, the kingdom of Christ was both prophesied of and came.  
This being agreed upon, that this time is the end of these kingdoms: yet there is this doubt. junius seemeth to understand this king to be Herod, who was an Arabian, and so of the kindred of the kings of Syria, who usurped the kigdome of the jews: and in his time Christ came: But this cannot be so fit to find this forth kingdom, among the people of God in judea, it must be a foreign kingdom that was cruel and yron-like towards that nation.  
And the kingdom of Syria was dissolved a good while before by Pompey before Herod was king.  
Therefore I rather consent to them, which understand this time to be the end of Ptolemy's house and race: for until Herod the house of Ptolemy continued: for Antony, who confirmed Herod in his kingdom, married Cleoptra the daughter and heir of Ptolemy Piper.   

60. Quest. How Christ's kingdom is said to destroy other kingdoms.  
1. Seeing that three of these Monarchies and kingdoms were destroyed before Christ's birth, how is Christ's kingdom said to destroy them: and seeing kingdoms are set up by God, and the Apostle saith, that the powers that be, are ordained of God, 
Rom. 13.  how is Christ said to destroy that, which he setteth up?  
Answ. 1. Though those kingdoms were in act dissolved before Christ's coming in the flesh, yet because Christ's kingdom is everlasting, and began not with his incarnation, those kingdoms were destroyed by the power of Christ's eternal kingdom: for as the Lord saith concerning Cyrus, I guided thee, though thou knewest it not, Isa. 45. 5. As the Lord Christ was the founder and setter up of Cyrus' kingdom, to deliver his people; so the same kingdom, when it opposed itself against Christ and his Church, was by the same power of Christ pulled down.  
2. Christ indeed setteth up kingdoms in respect of the power and authority given unto them, which is of God: and he maintaineth upright and just kings, as the wise man saith, Prov. 8. 15. By me kings reign, and Princes decree just things. But unjust kings, and tyrannical kingdoms Christ destroyeth: not that he is an enemy to the place and government, but he setteth himself against all such kingdoms, as oppose themselves to the Church of God: so it is true, conteri & comminui a Christo terrena imperia accidentaliter, that, as it were accidentally Christ doth diminish and break in pieces terrene kingdoms, as they are adversaries to the kingdom of Christ. Calvin.   

61. Quest. Whether Christ at his coming did in deed destroy the temporal dominions.  
1. Pererius thinketh that Christ is said to destroy them, non eversa temporali dominatione, sed sublata idololatria, not in overthrowing their temporal dominion, ●ut in taking away their idolatry.  
Contra. But this can not be the meaning: for the idolatry of the heathen governors was not abolished till the time of Constantine, which was 300. years after Christ: beside the three first Monarchies were dissolved, of the Chaldeans, Persians, Grecians, and yet they were not purged of their idolatry.  
2. Therefore the destruction of these kingdoms must be understood of the outward ruin and fall of them: as both in fact was evident, that the four kingdoms described by the image were so dissolved, and this was best answerable to the vision, wherein the image was seen to be broken all to pieces, and dashed together by the stone cut out of the mountain.   

62. Quest. How Christ is said to be the stone cut out without hands.  
1. Augustine by this mountain understandeth the people of the jews, de quo monte exciditur, nisi de regno judaeorum? out of what mountain is he cut, but out of the kingdom of the jews? Tractat. 9 in joann. but at what time Christ was borne, the kingdom of the jews being fallen into the hands of a stranger, when according to jacob's prophesy, the sceptre was gone from judah, could not be compared to a mountain.  
2. Ambrose reading, in stead of the stone cut out of the mountain (the mountain cut out of the mountain without hands) expoundeth it of the eternal generation of Christ of the father; mons de monte sine manibus, hoc est filius de patre sine aliquo creationis accessu, the mountain cut of the mountain without hands, that is the son of the father without any creation, etc. Sermon. 7. So also justinus Martyr understandeth it of the eternal generation of Christ. 
Dialog. cum Tryphon.  But Daniel here speaketh of a kingdom to be raised up by God, it had then a beginning: but the kingdom of Christ as he is the son of God, had no beginning: this therefore must be understood of Christ's kingdom as he is the Mediator both God and man.  
3. Hippolytus referreth it to Christ's second coming, and that clause without hands, signifieth, secundum Christi adventum fore improvisum, that the second coming of Christ shall be sudden, etc. so also Osiander, it signifieth that Christ the rock subito superventurum, shall come suddenly to judgement: but this cannot be understood of Christ's second coming, as is before showed, Qu. 51. because this stone after it is cut out shall grow into a mountain, and fill all the earth: but the knowledge of Christ shall have filled all the earth, before his second coming.  
4. But most interpreters do interpret it of the miraculous generation of Christ of the virgin Marie: so Hierome, Theodoret, Lyran. Vatab. and without hands, signifieth, sine operatione humana, without the help of man: and the virgin Marie is compared to a mountain, propter excellentiam virtutum, because of the excellency of her virtue. Pintus.  
5. Bullinger putteth these together, understanding by the word mountain, partim locum excelsum, etc. partly the high place of heaven, partly the people of the jews, because he was borne of the virgin Marie, etc.  
Contra. 1. But this cannot be so applied to the virgin Marie, for she in no sense can be said to be a mountain in respect of Christ, and he to be a small stone in respect of her: Marry was no ways greater than her son. 2. Although Christ was borne of Marie without the company of man, yet his natural generation was not altogether without the help of mankind, because he was borne of a woman: and therefore justinus better applieth these words to Christ's eternal generation, which was altogether without hands: it was non humanum opus, sed divinae voluntatis propositum, no human work, but the decree and purpose of the divine will. 3. The words are not as they are usually read, cut out without hands, but cut out of the mountain (which is not in hands) that is, which stone is not at all guided or framed with hands: that is, Christ's kingdom and government is not administered by any human policy: this is then to be understood, not of the manner of Christ's birth, but of the administration of his kingdom.  
6. Wherefore the meaning is, he was cut out of the mountain, that is, è coelis, & loco Dei altissimi, he was sent from heaven, from the place of the highest, jun. Polan. divinitus missus est, he was sent from God, Calvin. And therefore it is here said, the God of heaven shall set him up. Our blessed Saviour also to the same purpose saith, joh. 3. 13. No man hath ascended to heaven, but he which descended from heaven, the son of man, which is in heaven.   

63. Quest. In what sense Christ is compared to a little stone, and how it filled the earth.  
1. Christ is resembled to a small stone in divers respects. 1. in regard of his incarnation, in taking man's nature upon him, he abased himself, and made himself of no reputation, Philip. 2. 7.  
2. His smallness was in the opinion of the world, who made no reckoning of Christ, but despised and contemned him, Isa. 53. 3. he is despised and rejected of men.  
3. His life was poor, without any pomp or worldly glory, he was hungry, and thirsty, and others ministered to him of their substance, who giveth unto all abundantly.  
4. He was small in respect of his small and little flock, and of that small number which believed in him.  
5. Likewise in regard of his bitter passion, and ignominious death, he seemed to be little.  
2. But yet the small stone increased, and grew into a mountain, filling the whole earth: 1. with the preaching of the Gospel, which was published through the world. 2. in illuminating the world with the knowledge of his truth. 3. with the fame of his miracles, which were spoken of wheresoever the Gospel was preached. 4. the Church of Christ increased, and replenished the whole earth. Perer.   

64. Quest. v. 46. Whether Nabuchadnezzer did well in bowing unto Daniel, and commanding odours to be offered unto him.  
v. 46. And he bowed himself unto Daniel. 1. Some think that this was a civil adoration, as it is the use in the East country for the subjects to adore and worship their prince: Bulling. but it is evident by the offering of incense, that it was a divine honour which he gave unto Daniel. Polan. Pap.  
2. Calvin saith, quod ita se coram daniel prostravit, signum est pietatis, quod Deum reveretur, in that he doth thus prostrate himself before Daniel, it was a sign of his piety, that he reverenced God. But it showed superstition rather than piety or true devotion, to ascribe divine honour unto a mortal man, and Calvin a little after confesseth, Danielem fuisse inconsiderate cultum, that Daniel was inconsiderately worshipped.  
3. The Romanists do justify this fact, that Nabuchadnezzar did no otherwise adore Daniel, then now they worship Saints: Emman. Sa. non tam Danielem, quam in Deo Danielem coluit, he did not so much worship Daniel, as God in Daniel, Pintus. Contra. but to offer incense and sacrifice, as the Latin translateth, hostias, sacrifices, is a part of divine honour, which is not to be given unto any creature: and therefore Lyran. better answereth, that the king commanded this to be done, but it is not read, that it was done.  
4. Porphyry here objecteth, 1. that it is not like that such a proud king would so abase himself to worship his servant, at the least to give him divine honour: Contra. 1. it is no marvel that the king being ravished with admiration of daniel's great wisdom, did thus humble himself before him. 2. and for the rest the Scripture, as Hierome saith, simpliciter refert quae gesta sunt: doth use simply and nakedly to rehearse the things as they were done, not giving any censure of them: as Act. 14. the men of Lystra offered divine honour unto Paul and Barnabas, calling the one jupiter, the other Mercury, the like Nabuchadnezzar doth here.   

Quest. 65. Whether Daniel refused this worship offered unto him.  
1. They which think that Nabuchadnezzar adored Daniel as the servant of the most high God, as now the Romanists worship Saints, as Emmanuel Sa. cannot but think that Daniel might accept this religious adoration yielded unto him: But neither is any religious adoration to be given unto Saints: as the Angel refusing to be adored of john, bid him worship God, Apocal. 22. 9 and beside to offer incense and sacrifice is a part of divine worship due only unto God: and therefore David saith: let my prayer be directed in thy sight as incense, and the lifting up of my hands, as an evening sacrifice, Psal. 141. 2. it had been sacrilege then, as in the one to offer any part of divine worship, so in the other to accept it.  
2. Calvin seemeth to incline, that this might be some error and corruption in Daniel, which he had learned in the king's Court, in passing it over in silence, and suffering this to be done: neque tanti esse debet nobis hominis defensio licet perfectissimi, neither need we so much to stand upon the defence of any though the most perfect man, etc. so also Genevens. Daniel herein erred if he suffered it: they speak doubtfully, yet both do thin● it more credible, that Daniel did not accept of this honour, but admonished the king: But in this matter there is no doubt at all: for it is certain, that Daniel so holy a man, and so jealous of God's honour, would never have endured any part of God's honour to be diminished.  
3. Hierome whereas Porphyry objected, and took exception against this book, because Daniel refused not this divine honour exhibited unto him, maketh this answer, that all this was Gods work, the sending of that dream, and the interpretation thereof, ut Daniel inde cresceret, etc. & omnipotentia Dei nosceretur, that Daniel by this means might increase in honour for the comfort of God's people, and that God's omnipotency might be known: So likewise Theodoret here hath recourse unto God's wonderful providence. But all this being admitted, that herein God's providence is evidently seen: yet thereby Daniel cannot be excused if he should have arrogated any divine honour to himself.  
4. Pelican thinketh that these sacrifices were not offered to Daniel, but unto God: because the king saith, I know of a truth, that your God, is a God of gods: for Daniel anteverterat regem, etc. Daniel had prevented the king before, vers. 30. that he could not do this by his own wisdom: but God only was the revealer of secrets: Contra. It is evident by the text, vers. 46. that the king commanded that these things should be offered unto Daniel, yet as Lyranus thinketh, though the king commanded it to be done, Daniel impedivit fires, Daniel hindered it to be done.  
5. Wherefore the truth is, that Daniel utterly refused these divine honours, though it be omitted, brevitatis causa, for brevity sake: Osiand. And thus it may be showed. 1. Because such was daniel's piety, that if he refused to be defiled with the king's meat, much less would he have endured such gross superstition. 2. It is said the king answered unto Daniel, vers. 47. it seemed then that Daniel used some interlocutory speech, though it be not expressed, reclaiming Nabuchadnezzar from these errors. 3. This is evident also by that singular confession which Nabuchadnezzar made of God, that he was otherwise instructed by Daniel. jun. Polan. Pappus. 4. This further is proved, for that Daniel afterward would not intermit the service of God, and invocation of his name, though it were with peril and danger of his life. cap. 6. Bulling. 5. Likewise daniel's behaviour here may be measured by the like in other the Saints and servants of God: as Peter would not suffer Cornelius to lie at his feet, Act. 10. nor Paul and Barnabas the men of Lystra to sacrifice unto them, Act. 14. nor the Angel, the Evangelist john to worship him, Apocal. 22. Bullinger. 6. Pererius affirmeth as much, that Daniel refused these sacrifices; because afterward the Lord did so greatly honour him, and reward his faithfulness with working miracles for his delirance, and revealing unto him many secrets and mysteries in vision.   

Quest. 66. vers. 47. Of Nebuchadnezzars ample and large confession of God.  
Nabuchadnezzar being stricken with admiration of daniel's great wisdom in revealing of his dream, breaketh out into a notable confession of daniel's God, being so taught by Daniel to give all the honour unto God. 1. He acknowledgeth the God of Israel to be the God of gods, not of Angels, or of Princes, who are called gods: but he meaneth the gods of the heathen; above whom he extolleth the true God: Pere. junius thinketh it is a phrase of speech, signifying God to be the supreme God, as before he called Nabuchadnezzar king of kings, ver. 37. but it signifieth more, cogit in ordinem ipsum Belum, & totam illam faecem falsorum deorum, he bringeth into order Bel himself, and that filthy rabble of the false gods. Polan.  
2. As by nature he confesseth the Lord to be the true God, so for his power and authority he saith, he is the Lord of kings, whereby he subiecteth his kingdom and Dominions to the power of God.  
3. He saith he is the revealer of secrets, thereby acknowledging him to be the true God, who only hath the knowledge of things to come.   

Quest. 67. Whether Nabuchadnezzar had the true knowledge of God.  
1. Bullinger thinketh, that Nabuchadnezzar thus confessing was vera fide imbutus in Deum, endued with a true faith toward God, though afterward he set up an idol: for S. Peter after Christ had commended him for his confession of him, yet deserved to be called Satan for his carnal counsel given unto Christ, which yet proceeded from a good intention, as might Nebuchadnezzars setting up of an idol.  
Contra. 1. It is not possible that any endued with a right and true faith, should commit idolatry, which is indeed a denial of the faith: the Apostle saith, Galath. 4. 8. even then when ye knew not God, ye did service unto them, which by nature are no gods, while men than are idolaters they have not the right knowledge of God. 2. there is great difference between sins of infirmity, which even the faithful are subject unto as Peter was, and open apostasy, and idolatry.  
2. Wherefore I rather condescend to Calvin's judgement; hoc fuit momentaneum, etc. that this was but a momentany and sudden affection in Nabuchadnezzar, as was that also in Pharaoh, Exod. 9 27. Genevens. for there is a twofold knowledge of God, momentanea, a knowledge for a moment, such as profane men may have, which are stricken with some sudden admiration, as Nabuchadnezzar here, and there is stabilis cognitio, a stable and permanent knowledge, such as is only in the elect, Polan. And this is an evident argument that the king was not wholly converted to the knowledge and worship of the God of Israel; alias non erexisset idolum, for otherwise he would not have set up the golden idol. Osiand.   

Quest. 68 Whether Daniel did well in accepting of the gifts and honours, which the king bestowed on him.  
1. Porphyry also objecteth this as a fault in Daniel, because he received of the king these gifts and preferments: But Daniel did accept them, not of any ambitious, and covetous mind, said in captivorum consolationem, but for the comfort of the captives: so joseph was honoured of Pharaoh, and Mordecai of Assuerus. gloss. ordi.  
2. It must be considered, that some men may lawfully accept of gifts and honours, using them to the common good of Christ's Church, namely such as are thereunto called: and some may commendably refuse them as Eliseus did Namaans' gifts, lest he might have been thought to have sold the gift of healing. Polan.  
3. Further, though it be not lawful, aliquid ex part accipere pro spiritualibus, to receive any thing by way of compact or composition for spiritual things, yet he which ministereth spiritual things, may receive temporal gifts by way of recompense, as Daniel here doth of the king. Lyran.  
4. Neither are the gifts so much here to be weighed, as animus suscipienti● the mind of the receiver: Pelican: who intended herein not his own private commodity, but the common good of his brethren.   

Quest. 69. Whether Daniel with a good conscience could be set over the wise men and soothsayers of Babylon.  
1. In three things was Daniel rewarded of the king: with gifts, with civil authority, being appointed chief governor over the province of Babel, and with ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the schools of the wise men, jun. as it were their superintendant. Osiand.  
2. In this office of his superintendentship, 1. such laudable sciences as might safely be learned, he promoted and furthered. 2. such corruption and superstitions, as were practised among them, he corrected and reform. 3. but such abuses, as could not be taken away, he for his own part forbeared and kept himself free from. jun.  
3. Calvin thinketh, quod repudiavit hunc honorem, he refused this honour, in cap. 5. ver. 10. but this would have been evil taken of the king: it is more like that he used the place with such moderation, as is before showed.   

Quest. 70. How Daniel is said to have sat in the king's gate.  
1. Some give this sense, that Daniel sat in the gate, ut ius diceret, etc. to give judgement; because they used to that end to sit in the gate, Vatab. Pint. But the other three also were made governors over the Province of Babel, to whose office it belonged to give judgement: this than was rather some particular dignity, which Daniel had.  
2. Some expound it, that he was, à latere regis non recedens, one that departed not from the king, but was always at hand: gloss. interlin. and thus Daniel did, least in his absence some might bring him out of the king's favour: Lyran. But yet this had been no peculiar thing to Daniel, for there were many beside, which were near the king.  
3. Some think, that this is expressed to show a difference between daniel's office, and the other three; that they were employed abroad in their places of government, and Daniel stayed still in the Court: Bulling. but this had been no special prerogative more than other of the king's Court had.  
4. Some so take it, that Daniel only of these four was advanced to the office of government, and the other three were made ourseers of men's labours and task, ex Lyran. But this had been no such place of authority, for Daniel to make request for unto the king.  
5. Calvin thinketh that Daniel had such an office in the Court, that no man could enter into the king's palace, sine eius permissu, without his leave: but that was the porters office to keep out strangers from entering into the king's Court or Palace.  
6. Therefore this rather is the meaning, admissionis ius ad regem Danieli commissum, that the power of admitting men unto the king's presence was committed unto Daniel: for it was▪ not for every one to come into the king's presence, but for certain of the chief nobles thereunto appointed of the king. jun. Polan. Genevens.   

Quest. 71. Whether it be lawful for a Christian to live in an idolatrous kings Court.  
1. It may appear by the examples of joseph, who lived in Pharaohs Court, and of Mardocheus, who was near unto king Assuerus: and by Daniel here, that it is not unlawful to bear office in foreign Prince's Courts: but two things must advisedly be considered, and thought upon: 1. that they do not propound unto themselves such places of honour for their own advantage, but to seek the welfare of the people of God, as Daniel here doth. 2. that they defile not themselves with the superstitious and idolatrous usages in such places, as these three in the next chapter, being chief officers, yet refused to worship the kings golden image.  
2. And as it is lawful to enjoy such places of honour, so it is not inconvenient for kings to set sometime strangers in place of government, such as for their wisdom and piety, are fit: but not to that end, to make a pray of such places of government.    

4. Places of doctrine.  

1. Doct. That God only hath the knowledge of things to come.  
Vers. 11. There is none that can declare it except the gods: Hierome hence inferreth, that even in the opinion of the wisemen and Soothsayers of Babylon, none hath the knowledge of things to come, but only God, by the which it is evident, that the Prophets foretelling things to come spoke by the spirit of God, Bulling. By this argument the Prophet showeth the vanity of the Idols of the heathen, and convinceth them to be no gods, Isay, 41. 23. show the things that are to come hereafter, that we may know, that ye are gods.   

2. Doct. Of the immortality of the soul.  
Vers. 4. O King live for ever: These heathen men void of the true knowledge of God, in wishing eternal life unto the king, do show their opinion of the immortality of the soul: which shall further be proved, 1. by the testimony of Scripture. 2. by the demonstration of reason. 3. and by the evidence of foreign and heathen witnesses.  
1. The Scripture plentifully testifieth, that the soul liveth after it is separated from the body: as in that the Lord calleth himself, the God of Abraham, Isaac, and jaacob, long after their death, Exod. 3. 6. whereupon our Saviour inferreth, that he is not God of the dead, but of the living: So Elias prayed unto God to have his hostesses child restored to life in these words, I pray thee let this child's soul return unto him again, 1. King 17. 22. his soul then was alive, for otherwise it could not return to his body. Solomon saith that the spirit returneth to God that gave it, Eccle. 12. 7. In the parable Luk. 16. the soul of Lazarus was carried by the Angels into Abraham's bosom.  
2. 1. Seeing God is most just, and will recompense every man according to his life, the righteous shall have reward, and the wicked punishment, which is not always seen in this life, it must needs be, that God should execute his justice in another life. 2. Seeing virtue, which is in the mind is immortal; the subject also thereof, the soul must also needs be immortal. 3. And the soul being not subject to corruption, is consequently immortal: for that which is incorruptible is immortal. 4. All things have a place of rest, as the centre is unto bodies: the soul is restless in the body, and never is at quiet; if then it should not have a place of rest elsewhere, it should be more miserable than any other creature. 5. And how could the soul think of things immortal or desire them, if it were not itself immortal.  
3. By these reasons, and such like the heathen being persuaded, believed the immortality of the soul: as Antiochus in his epistle to Lysias, that beginneth, Since our father is translated to the gods, etc. 2. Macchab. 11. 23. In the funerals of such Roman Emperors as had deserved well of the commonwealth, they used to set an eagle, and to put fire under, which the eagle feeling soared aloft: whereby was signified, that the soul or spirit ascended up into heaven: Herodian, Pythagoras, and Thales Milesius, were strong maintainers of the immortality of the soul, likewise Plutarkain epistol. consola. and Seneca, lib. de morte immatura. Euripides held coelos esse aeterna animarum domicilia, that the heavens, are the eternal houses of the souls. Many such like testimonies and examples might be brought from the heathen to this purpose.   

3. Doctrine. Of the vanity of Soothsayers.  
Vers. 4. Show thy servants the dream, and we shall show thee the interpretntion. These foolish Soothsayers promise much unto the king, but they were able to perform nothing: for afterward cap. 4. when the king told them his dream, they could say nothing: so they are liberales in verbis, etc. liberal in words, but they can not perform that which they promise: It is evident then, that there is no art or certain rule to interpret dreams, or to conjecture of things to come; but it is an extraordinary gift, that cometh from God. Po. So the Lord saith by his Prophet: Isay 44. 25. I destroy the takens of the Soothsayers, and make them that conjecture fools. etc.   

4. Doctrine. Of the mutability of Prince's favours.  
Vers. 12. He commanded to destroy all the wisemen of Babel. Nabuchadnezzar who had before highly rewarded the wisemen, and greatly favoured them, now in his rage, without any just cause, commandeth them to be slain: such small certainty there is in the favour of Princes. David at his first entertainment was in Saul's favour, but not long after he hated him as much, when he returned from the slaughter of Goliath. joseph at the first was much favoured of Potiphar, but upon the false suggestion of his wife, he soon cast him out of his favour. Alexander the great made great account of his friends Parmenio, Philotas, Clitus, Calisthenes, but in the end he so hated them, as that he would never be reconciled unto them, but killed them: therefore the Prophet David saith, it is better to trust in the Lord, then to have any confidence in princes: Pintus.   

5. Doct. The sentence of death ought not hastily to be executed.  
Vers. 15. Daniel said, why is the sentence so hasty from the king? Daniel findeth fault with the hasty execution of the king's sentence; showing that in such cases long deliberation should be used, and great advisement taken: This was the error of Theodosius the Elder, who when one of his governors was slain in a commotion at Thessolonica, commanded a great number of the people to be put to the sword: for which his bloody fact he was excommunicated of that courageous and religious Bishop S. Ambrose: Theodoret lib. 5. Tripart. 9 Polan.   

6. Doctrine. Of God's providence.  
Vers. 21. He changeth the times and seasons: This is an evident place to show that things are not governed by chance in the world, but ruled by God's providence: Meminerimus in tot mutationibus, etc. fulgere Dei providentiam, etc. let us remember that God's providence shineth in so many mutations and changes in the world, etc. Calvin. If things that seem so uncertain, as times and seasons, the change of weather, the variable disposition of the air, be yet directed by God's providence, than all other things must depend of the same cause. This alteration cannot be altogether ascribed to nature, for natural causes work certainly and orderly, and to chance much less, for that were to take God out of the world, as either he were careless thereof, or impotent, as not being able to guide it, but leaveth it to chance: But the Prophet showeth that all creatures do wait and depend upon God. Psal. 104. 27.   

7. Doct. Of the mutable state of kingdoms.  
Vers. 22. He taketh away kings, he setteth up kings, etc. The state then and condition of kings, though it seem to be least subject to change of all other callings, unto men, yet God, the king of kings, can turn and wind them at his pleasure, the preacher saith, that out of prison (one) cometh to reign, when he that is borne in his kingdom is made poor: Thus Balthasar, Cyrus, Alexander, Caesar, Pompey, soon lost both their kingdoms and lives: Pere. And as these ancient kings and kingdoms were soon overturned: so it is still: Anno 1523. Christian king of Denmark, with Isabel his wife sister, to Charles' the fifth, was driven out of his kingdom and realm, and died in prison, when he had lived 27. years in captivity. Anno 1567. john Duke of Saxony, was deprived of his dukedom, and carried captive to Maximilian the Emperor. Anno 1568. Ericus king of Suetia the son of Gostavus, was deposed from his kingdom, and died in prison.  
And as God pulleth down kings, so he setteth other up: Mathias Hunniades was taken out of prison to be a king: So was Elizabeth, our Late renowned Sovereign, succeeding her sister Marie: Anno 1577. joannes king of Suecia, was from the prison advanced to be king: Polan.   

8. Doct. A good King hath many careful thoughts of his kingdom and commonwealth.  
Vers. 29. O King, when thou wast in thy bed, thoughts came into thy mind: This great king even in the night thought of his kingdom, what should befall it after his days: even the care thereof made him he could not sleep. Bulling. he was not addicted altogether to his ease and pleasure: as Balthasar, who the same night that the city was taken gave himself to eating and drinking, Dan. 5. Like unto this Nabuchadnezzar, was the great king of Persia Assuerus, who when he could not sleep, caused the Chronicles to be read unto him, Ester 6. 1.   

9 Doct. Of the kingdom of Christ, as he is God, and as he is Mediator, God and man.  
v. 44. The God of heaven shall set up a kingdom. The kingdom of Christ, is either his natural kingdom, which he had from all beginning together with the Father and the holy Ghost, which is called the universal kingdom whereby he ruleth in heaven and earth: which kingdom as he assumed not, so he shall never lay it down.  
There is also regnum donativum, the kingdom which is given to him of his Father, as he is Mediator, God and man: whereof he speaketh, Matth. 28. 18. All power is given unto me is heaven and earth: this is that special and particular kingdom, which he exerciseth more specially in his Church, in protecting and defending the same against all the enemies and adversaries thereof.  
This kingdom given unto Christ, is likewise considered two ways, it is either the kingdom of grace, whereby he guideth his Church in this world, directing them unto everlasting salvation; or the kingdom of glory in the next life, when he hath brought his Church and company of the Elect unto everlasting salvation in heaven, there to reign for ever: Polan.   

10. Doct. daniel's prophesy of Christ's everlasting kingdom, containeth the whole sum of the Gospel.  
v. 44. A kingdom, which shall never be destroyed, etc. This everlasting kingdom of Christ, resting not in his person alone, but being communicated to all his members, comprehendeth the whole sum of evangelical doctrine: for the Elect cannot reign for ever with Christ, but death must first be destroyed, and sin the cause thereof: the bodies also of the Saints must rise again from death: so then in this prophesy of Christ's ever-during kingdom, is included the faith of remission of sins, of the conquest of death, and of the resurrection. Bulling. Melancth.   

11. Doct. Of the certainty of our salvation.  
v. 44. And it, shall stand for ever. As Christ's kingdom is sure and cannot be shaken in himself, so neither can it have any alteration or change in his members: Christus tam in se, quam in suis membris citra ullum mutationis periculum dominatur, Christ as well in himself, as in his members doth rule without any fear or danger of change, Calv. for he hath made us partakers of his kingdom by faith, by which we stand: for he by his grace is able to make us stand: of ourselves by nature we are changeable every moment, but by the power and grace of God, our state in Christ is certain and unchangeable, as S. Peter saith, We are kept by the power of God through faith unto salvation, which is prepared to be showed in the last time, 1. Pet. 1. 5.   

12. Doct. Religion overthroweth not the policy and form of Commonwealths.  
v. 48. He made him governor over the whole province of Babel. Daniel being made a chief governor in Chaldea, did (no doubt) judge the people according to the laws of the country, which differed much from the political state of the Israelites: by the which it is evident, that necessarily every country is not now tied to the judicials and policy of Moses; neither is religion an enemy to the form of government in Commonwealths, being grounded upon equity: Pap. for the Apostle saith, The powers that be, are ordained of God, Rom. 13. 1. wheresoever, and howsoever, the administration and government being just and equal.    

5. Places of controversy.  

1. Controv. That the Scriptures should be extant in the vulgar and known tongue.  
v. 4. Then spoke the Chaldeans to the King in the Aramites language. This tongue not much differing then from the Chalde, was the known and usual language wherein they spoke that they might be understood of all. Afterward the Greek tongue was generally used: and therefore Ptolemy. caused the Scriptures to be translated into the Greek tongue, and the Apostles writ the new Testament in the same language. This evidently showeth, that the Scriptures should be set forth to the people of God, in such a tongue as they know and understand: and hereupon justinian appointed, 
I●stinian constitut No●. il. 123.  that Bishops and other Ministers should use such a tongue in the administration of baptism, and of the Lords Supper, which was known and understood of all. The Romanists then are too blame, which cause the Scriptures to be read publicly in an unknown tongue: and though upon better advisement, they have thought good to set forth a vulgar translation of the Bible, yet they allow not privately every one to use it:   

2. Controv. That prayer must only be made unto God.  
v. 18. That they should beseech the God of heaven. God only then must be prayed unto, who is called the God of heaven, because he is the creator thereof, that is the seat and habitation of his glory, from thence he seeth all things, and revealeth secrets, and from heaven he sendeth all good things. Angels and Saints have no such title, they are not gods of heaven: they neither create it, nor can they from thence reveal secrets, or send down heavenly graces: therefore they are not to be invocated, or called upon. Polan. Bulling.   

3. Controv. That prayer is not meritorious, but grounded only upon God's mercy.  
v. 18. For grace (or mercy) in this secret. All our prayers then must lay their foundation in God's mercy, that he would first forgive us our sins, and then freely and graciously confer upon us such things, as we ask: Polan, than the servants of God do not place any merit or worthiness in their prayers, Bulling. which is the opinion of the Romanists, that the prayers of the Saints are meritorious: for first our prayers tend altogether unto our good, God receiveth nothing thereby: as job. 33. 11. Elihu saith, If thou be righteous, what givest thou unto him. or what receiveth he at thine hand? there can not be any desert, where he is not benefited or furthered, at whose hands we should deserve. Again, that which should merit at God's hand, must be perfect and absolute: but in our prayers there are many wants and imperfections, Rom. 8. 26. We know not what to pray as we ought.   

4. Controv. That matrimony is no sacrament.  
v. 18. Whereas the word raza is by the Septuag. here translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a mystery or secret, and so also read P. A. V. I. with others, the Latin translateth, a sacrament: and yet in the next v. he retaineth the word mystery: whereupon it is evident, that in the vulgar Latin translation, the word sacrament is diversly taken, not always for the sacraments of the church properly so called: but for any mystical or secret thing: as here the interpretation of this dream, which Daniel prayeth for, he calleth a sacrament, that is, a secret or mystery. Therefore it is but a weak collection of the Rhemists, and of other Romanists, upon the Latin text, which readeth Eph. 5. 32. This is a great sacrament, to infer thereupon, that marriage is a sacrament: for they might as well conclude here, that this Image which Nabuchadnezzer saw in his dream was a sacrament.   

5. Controv. That the Saints merit not.  
v. 23. O thou God of my fathers, etc. Pintus hereupon giveth, this note, that Daniel in his thanksgiving maketh mention of his fathers, Abraham, Izaak, and jaakob, that he should not seem to attribute this thing only to himself, which he obtained of God, sed potius illorum insignium virorum meritis & institiae, but rather to the merits and justice of those excellent men, etc.  
Contra. Whereas Daniel maketh mention of his fathers, he doth it not, as relying upon their worthiness or merits: for he groundeth his prayers only upon God's grace and mercy, v. 18. but for these two causes: 1. he remembreth the promise and covenant, which God had made to and with their fathers, to be their God, and the God of their seed: which promise the Lord graciously performed now, in granting Daniel his request, Polan. 2. because they were worshippers of the true God, hereby he excludeth all false gods, whom they worshipped not. Genevens.   

6. Controv. v. 21. That the Pope hath no power committed unto him to put down Kings.  
v. 21. He taketh away Kings. This being here by Daniel ascribed unto God, as his peculiar work, to remove Kings from their thrones, and to plant others in their place, the arrogancy of the proud Bishop of Rome is made manifest to all the world, who taketh upon him God's office, to depose and set up kings at his pleasure: Polan. As Platina writeth of Gregory, that he uttered these presumptuous words, Nos, nos imperia, regna, principatus, & quicquid habere mortales possunt, auferre & dare posse, etc. That we, (even) we have power to take away, and give Empires, Kingdoms, principalities, and whatsoever mortal men have. Thus julius 2. gave the kingdom of Navarre to the Spanish king, because he took part with Lewes the 12. king of France: likewise the Bishop of Rome stirring up Mathias king of Hungary against the Hussites of Bohemia, 
〈…〉 33. p. 258.  promised him, quicquid Boemiae, etiamsi totum regnum caperet, suae fore ditionis, that whatsoever in Bohemia, though it were the kingdom, should belong unto him.  
This showeth the presumptuous insolency of that proud Sea, to challenge that right and power, which belongeth only unto God: 1. Kings only are to be deposed by him, from whom they receive their power, and authority: but that they have from God, as the Apostle saith, 
Rom. 13. 1.  The powers that be, are ordained of God, not of the Pope; therefore by him they are not to be deposed. 2. The Pope himself is subject to the Emperor, as the same Apostle saith, Let every soul be subject to the higher powers: he therefore hath no superiority over them.   

7. Contr. That the Pope can not be Christ's Vicar general in earth.  
v. 44. The God of heaven shall set up a kingdom. This kingdom of Christ is no visible, but a spiritual and universal kingdom through the world: wherein though he use Ministers, as Apostles, Prophets, Pastors, Doctors, to reconcile men unto himself by the preaching of the Gospel, yet Vicar general he hath none.  
1. The embassage which Christ hath committed to his Ministers in his stead, is to reconcile men by the preaching of the word, as the Apostle saith, We are Ambassadors for Christ, etc. we pray you in Christ's stead to be reconciled unto God. But the Pope can not in Christ's stead reconcile men unto Christ: but this is the duty of several Pastors and Ministers, who are in Christ's stead, and as his vicar's to beget men unto the faith: Polan. one man alone, unless he were of infinite power, can not suffice to execute this embassage of reconciliation through the Church.  
2. Christ's kingdom is eternal, the kingdom of the Pope is temporal, he therefore can not be Christ's Vicar in his eternal kingdom: Osiander.  
3. Christ's kingdom is spiritual, the Pope's is external: he therefore can not be Christ's Vicar in his spiritual kingdom.   

8. Controv. That the time of Christ's coming to judgement can not be gathered from daniel's prophesy, v. 44.  
Some do make this conjecture, that seeing the kingdom of Christ should be raised up toward the end of the fourth Monarchy, which they suppose to be the Roman Empire, which is now decayed, and almost at an end, they would hence gather, that the coming of Christ is at hand. Contra. 1. If their meaning be, that Christ's coming is nearer at hand, than before, that is most certain: if that a small time remaineth in respect of Christ's everlasting kingdom, it is confessed: but if they would hence prove, that the coming of Christ is now presently to be expected, because the Roman Monarchy is at an end, they are deceived; because they build this collection upon two uncertenties: 1. this fourth Monarchy is not the Roman Empire, but the kingdom of the Seleucians in Syria, and of the Ptolemy's in Egypt, as hath been proved at large before, qu. 49, 50. 2. the kingdom of Christ here prophesied of, is not his second, but his first coming, as hath been also before showed, q. 55.   

9 Controv. v. 45. Whether the virgin Marie be the mountain out of the which the stone was cut.  
Pererius applieth this to the virgin Marie, 1. because it is not unusual in Scripture to express the generation of man by this phrase: as Isa. 51. 1. Look unto the rock, whence ye are hewn, and to the hole of the pit, whence ye were digged, etc. 2. And she is compared to a mountain, propter excellentiam virtutum, because of the excellency of her virtues: cuius fundamenta super culmina sanctorum locata sunt, etc. whose foundations are placed upon the top and height of the Saints. 3. he applieth unto the virgin Marie those places in the Psalms: as Psal. 68 15. The mountain of God is a fat mountain, etc. God delighteth to dwell in it, yea the Lord will dwell in it for ever: and, Ps. 87. 1. His foundation is among the hills.  
Contra. 1. The Prophet in that place by the rock understandeth Abraham, and by the hole of the pit Sarah, as it followeth in the next verse, Consider Abraham your father, and Sarah that bore you: but Christ had no father, out of whose loins he should be taken forth, and as it were cut out: therefore this phrase of speech nothing helpeth his conceit of the virgin Marie.  
2. The question is not, how Marie may be said to be a mountain in respect of other Saints (and yet it may be doubted of, whether Marie do so far excel in virtue all the Saints, that ever lived) but the doubt is, whether Marie can be said to be a mountain in comparison of Christ, who is the stone cut out of this mountain: to make Marie the mountain, and Christ the little stone cut out thence, is a presumptuous comparison: for so Marie should be greater than Christ.  
3. It is evident, that the Psalmist speaketh there of the hilly country of Canaan, and specially of mount Zion, where the Lord had made choice to make his habitation: and so, Psal. 87. he expoundeth himself in the second verse, The Lord loveth the gates of Zion above all the habitations of jaakob: glorious things are spoken of the city of God, etc. Wherefore it is a fond exposition, to appropriate that to Marry, which is spoken of the whole Church of God: neither can they show how Marie, being a mortal woman, could be the habitation of God for ever.  
4. This mountain than is not understood of Marie. 1. she can not be likened to a mountain, and Christ to a little stone, as greater than he. 2. this stone is cut out without hands, that is, without any human help at all: but in the incarnation of Christ, woman was an instrument, though not man, therefore it was not without hands. 3. Marie doth make herself of low degree, Luk. 1. 52. she was then more like a valley then a mountain: see more of the true meaning of this place before, qu. 54.   

10. Controv. Whether Christ verily increased in the gifts and graces of his soul.  
Pererius handling this point how Christ, compared here unto a stone, which grew into a mountain, and filled the earth, increased; affirmeth that in respect of the graces of his soul he increased not, quam inde ab exordio sui conceptus tantam habuit, quam iam nunc habet, etc. which he had as great from the beginning of his conception, as now he hath it.  
Contra. Though we also agree, that this growing and increasing of Christ, is not meant of his personal growing in respect of his body or soul in the days of his incarnation, but of the growth of his Church in the world; yet Pererius assertion is false: for the Scripture is evident, that Christ increased in the gifts and faculties of the soul, as he did in stature of body: Luk. 2. 52. jesus increased in wisdom and stature. As it pleased him to take upon him an infant's statute and body, which still increased, so also he increased in wisdom, and other graces of the soul: see more hereof, Synops. Controv. 5. err. 2.   

11. Controv. That the Pope is not to be reverenced, honoured, and worshipped through the world.  
Pererius in the same place showing how Christ hath filled the earth, not only with the knowledge of himself, preaching of the Gospel, fame of his miracles, but also with the worshipping and reverencing of his name, addeth further, and of that man, who is his Vicar, the high Bishop, quem universus Christianus Catholicus orbis honorat, colit, veneratur, etc. whom the universal Christian Catholic Church doth honour, worship, reverence: and his answers and decrees receiveth with no less reverence, than the divine oracles, etc.  
Contra. 1. It is a frivolous application, to expound that of the fame of a mortal man, whose kingdom is transitory and temporal, which is understood of Christ, whose kingdom shall stand for ever.  
2. If the Pope be to be honoured no otherwise then Christ's Vicar, than he must not be honoured at all: for Christ's Vicar he neither is, nor can be, as is before showed, Controv. 7.  
3. Neither is it true, that the universal Catholic Church doth so honour, and reverence him: for neither the Greek Church doth give him such honour, and wellnigh the third part of Christendom doth hold him to be Antichrist: he is in deed honoured of the Roman Church, but that is not the Catholic Church: for a particular, and universal Church, which is signified in the word Catholic, are divers. The Pope if he were a good Bishop, which now were a miracle in that seat of pestilence, should be reverenced, as other good Bishops are, but not as having any superiority above the rest.  
4. But to receive his decrees, as the oracles of God, as holding them to be equal thereunto, unto, is an horrible blasphemy: to equalize the corrupt and erring decrees of ignorant, profane, erroneous, if not heretical Popes, to the most sacred rule of truth.   

12. Controv. That it can not be proved out of daniel's prophesy, that the Pope is not Antichrist.  
v. 44. It shall break and destroy all these kingdoms. Bellarmine taking it for granted that the fourth kingdom here mentioned is the Roman Empire, which must be dissolved before Antichrist shall come, as S. Paul showeth, 2. Thessal. 2. 7. Only he which now withholdeth, (shall let) till he be taken out of the way: but the Roman Empire is not yet dissouled: for the Emperors of the West do still remain one succeeding an other: therefore Antichrist is not yet revealed to the world: to this purpose Bellar. l. 3. de Rom. Pont. c. 5.  
Contra. 1. Bellarmine taketh that for granted, which is denied; as that the Roman Empire is the fourth kingdom, which is proved to be otherwise before, qu. 49. For seeing this kingdom is understood of the first coming of Christ, (for after his second coming, his kingdom should not increase and fill the earth, being then at the full perfection) and at Christ's coming, the Roman Empire was in the pride and height; it can not be the fourth kingdom, which the kingdom of Christ as soon as he cometh in the flesh, shall destroy.  
2. The Roman Empire is long since dissolved, both in authority, and in the name and title: he is now called not the Emperor of Rome, but of Germany: neither hath he any Imperial authority save in some few cities of Germany: over other kingdoms, which were sometime subject to the Roman Empire, he hath no jurisdiction: So that there remaineth now nothing but the image of the former beast, as it is called, Apoc. 13. 14.   

13. Controv. Of the lawfulness of Magistracy against the Anabaptists.  
v. 48. He made him governor over the whole province of Babel. In that Daniel was advanced by Nabuchadnezzer to this high place of government, and he accepted of ●t, it is evident that the calling of a Magistrate is lawful, and that a Christian may please God in that place and function: which further appeareth against the wicked opinion of the Anabaptists, which allow no Magistracy among Christians: 1. by the author and founder of Magistrates, which is God himself, by whom the powers that be, are ordained, Rom. 13. 1. 2. by the examples of good kings and governors, as David, jehosaphat, Hezekiah, josias, who were acceptable unto God by their faithful service in those places. 3. by the end of Magistracy and government, which is for the praise of well doers, and the punishment of the wicked, Rom. 13. 3, 4. 4. by the effects, namely obedience, which every where the Scripture commandeth to be given unto Magistrates, as Rom. 13. 1. 7. which were not to be yielded unto them, if their authority and calling were not of God.    

6. Moral observations.  

1. Observ. Witches and Sorcerers are not to be sought unto.  
v. 2. Then the King commanded to call the Enchanters, etc. Like unto Nabuchadnezzer here, who in this his perplexity of mind sought not unto God, but unto Sorcerers and Enchanters, are carnal men, who when any thing befall them in their body or goods, resort unto wizards, Witches, Sorcerers, and such like. But as the king found no help at their hands, so they which take such courses, do but weary themselves in vain: So Ahaziah that idolatrous king of Israel, who lay sick on his bed upon an hurt, which he had by falling through a lattice window, sent unto Beelzebub the god of Ekron, yet he found no ease thereby, but died miserably. God, if it had pleased him, could have caused Daniel to be sent for at the first: but this made more to God's glory, that the blindness and impotency of these Chaldeans might first appear, Polan.   

2. Observ. Of mutual prayer.  
v. 17. Daniel showed the matter to his three companions, that they should beseech the God of heaven, etc. Daniel though an holy man, yet trusteth not to the strength of his own prayers, but requireth the help of his godly brethren: So james when any is sick, would have the Elders sent for, that they may pray for him, c. 5. 14. the joint prayer of many is more effectual, then of one. And to this purpose may be applied that saying of the Preacher, Two are better than one, etc. if two sleep together, they shall have heat, etc. Eccl. 4. 11. so the prayers of many together are the more zealous.   

3. Observ. Of the efficacy of faithful prayers.  
v. 19 Then was the secret revealed to Daniel. God heard the prayers of Daniel, and his other faithful companions: for as S. james saith, the prayer of the righteous availeth much, if it be fervent, c. 5. 16. so also the Prophet David, Psal. 145. 18. The Lord is near unto all that call upon him, yea unto all that call upon him faithfully: he will fulfil the desires of them that fear him: he will also hear their cry, and save them. The prayer then of the righteous is never in vain: for either he presently attaineth his desire, or at a more convenient time, or else a better thing: and if God sometime defer the desire of his children, it is because the physician better knoweth what is good for his patient, than himself.   

4. Observ. The understanding of the Scripture is obtained by prayer.  
As Daniel here by prayer had opened unto him the secret of this dream, so the special way whereby to attain to the understanding of the Scripture is by prayer: which should well be considered of Divines, who many times trust to their own wit, in searching the sense of Scripture. Polan. But David besought the Lord, saying, Psal. 119. 17. Make me to understand the way of thy precepts, and I will meditate in thy wondrous works.   

5. Observ. We must love our enemies.  
v. 24. Daniel having obtained of God the revealing of this dream, went unto Arioch, and said unto him, Destroy not the wise men of Babel. They bore a spiteful and envious heart against Daniel: for they would not call him with them, when the king sent for them: and beside afterward they practised against his life, c. 6. ye● Daniel doth recompense them good for evil, he spareth their life, who sought for his: and seeketh their welfare, who would have rejoiced at his fall. By this example we are taught to love our enemies, to pray for them that curse us, and to do well unto them that hate us; according to the holy doctrine of our blessed Saviour, Matth. 5. 44.   

6. Observ. Of the frail and mutable state of of the world.  
v. 31. Behold a great image. The state of the kingdom of this world, is compared to an image, and that in a dream, which showeth the frailty thereof and this image hath feet part of clay, part of iron: by the mixture of clay is signified the brittle estate of the world, wherein there is nothing firm and permanent: Bulling. as the Apostle saith, The fashion of this world goeth away, 1. Cor. 7. 31. Like as the Sea sometime ebbeth, sometime floweth, the Moon increaseth, and decreaseth: so the world continually altereth and changeth.   

7. Observ. The Church of God in the world is kept under by affliction.  
v. 40. The fourth kingdom shall he strong as iron. It should be as iron, that is, hard and heavy to the Church of God, which endured much under all these four Monarchies, though some were more tolerable than other. Even the Monarchy of the Babylonians, which in comparison of the rest was as gold, yet was sharp enough to the people of God. The Lord would give unto his Church a continual prosperous estate, but he seeth it better for the Church to be kept under by affliction: 1. thereby carnal security is shaken off. 2. the servants of God are taught to put their hope and confidence in God. 2. Cor. 1. 9 3. the cross maketh us more earnestly to call upon God. 2. Cor. 1. 11. 4. it occasioneth other also to give thanks for our deliverance. 2. Cor. 1. 11. 5. we are purged and perfited by affliction, 1. Pet. 1. 7. 6. our affliction tendeth to the consolation and comfort of others, 2. Cor. 1. 6.   

8. Observ. Godly reprehension is patiently to be heard, and endured.  
v. 47. The king answered unto Danial, Of a truth your God is the God of gods, etc. Nabuchadnezzer, though Daniel had prophesied hard things unto him, of the ruin and subversion of his kingdom; yet because he delivered the truth, he patiently heareth him: much unlike was Pharaoh with Moses, and Saul with Samuel, for telling him of the loss of his kingdom: Nabuchadnezzer therefore shall stand up in judgement against all such kings and Princes, which cannot endure to hear of any thing, contrary to their pleasure and desire: Bulling.   

9 Observ. Of the thankfulness and liberality of Kings.  
v. 48. So the king made Daniel a great man. Nabuchadnezzar doth reward the wisdom of Daniel with great honours and rewards: not as Ahab, who rewarded the Prophet Micaiah with prison, and jeroboam, who commanded the man of God to be apprehended. Herein this king may be a mirror and example to all Princes, how they should respect their faithful counsellors; who tell them truth, and flatter not: and in what estimation they should have godly wisdom and learning, not to suffer such excellent gifts to be unrewarded or unregarded. Bulling.     

CHAP. III.  

1. The Method and Argument.  
IN this Chapter is set forth the singular example of the piety and constancy of the three Fellows and companions of Daniel, and it con●isteth of three parts: 1. the occasion of their trial, to v. 13. 2. their probation itself, to v. 22. 3. the events that followed from thence, to the end of the chapter.  
1. The occasion is double. 1. the fact of Nabuchadnezzer, in setting up a golden image, with his decree adjoined thereunto, v. 8. 2. the accusation of certain Chaldees.  
1. In the first accusation is set forth, 1. Nabuchadnezzers' act, in erecting an image, which is described by the matter, preparation, and place, v. 1. 2. Then followeth a double decree, 1. to summon and call all the Nobles together, which accordingly was done, v. 2. 3. 2. to command all to fall down, as soon as they heard the sound of the instruments, upon pain to be cast into the furnace, v. 4. 5. which accordingly is performed by the people, v. 7.  
2. The other occasion is the accusation of the Chaldees, which containeth, 1. their salutation, and insinuation to the king, v. 9 2. a narration of his decree, v. 11, 12. 3. then followeth the accusation itself: they are charged with unthankfulness, and disobedience, v. 12.  
2. Their probation is seen, 1. in the king's examination. 2. in their suffering. 1. in the examination, there is 1. the king's speech, which containeth both a friendly persuasion, and a severe threatening and commination, v. 14, 15. 2. their answer is disi●nctiue, of two parts: 1. that God it able to deliver them. 2. though it please him not at this time to do it, yet they are resolved not to worship his image, v. 17, 18.  
2. The second part is their suffering. 1. there is the king's charge, that they should heat the furnace seven times more, and cast them bound into it, v. 19 2. the execution followeth, v. 20.  
3. The events are three. 1. their accusers are destroyed of the flames, v. 21. 2. the three servants of God are delivered from the fire: which is set forth in 3. degrees. 1. they are described walking in the furnace without hurt, and a fourth with them, which is set forth dialoguewise between Nabuchadnezzer and his Nobles, v. 24, 25. 2. they are bid to come forth, v. 26. 3. the manner of the miracle is declared, neither their bodies, hair, or garments had so much as any smell of fire.  
3. Then followeth the third event, the conversion of the king with the fruits and effects thereof: the several particulars see afterward, quest. 37.   

The divers readings.  
1. Ver. Nabuchadnezzar the king made an image of gold, the height thereof was threescore cubits, and the breadth thereof six cubits: he set it up in the plain of Dura, in the province of Babel.  
2. Then king Nabuchadnezzar sent to gather together, the nobles, the princes, and the dukes, the judges, the treasures, the counsellors, the officers, and all the governors of the Provinces (see the difference of these officers, quest. 8) that they should come to the dedication of the image, which Nabuchadnezzar had set up.  
3. So the nobles, princes, dukes, the judges, the treasurers, the counsellors, the officers, and all the governors of the Provinces, were assembled unto the dedicating of the image, which Nabuchadnezzar had set up: and they stood before the image, which Nabuchadnezzar had set up.  
4. Then an herald cried aloud (with strength C.) to you be it spoken. I. L. V. (saying or speaking. C. not be it known. G. be it commanded. B.) O people, nations, and languages.  
5. At what time ye hear the sound of the cornet, pipe, (trumpet. G. B.) harp, sack but, (or shawme. B.) psalteries, dulcimer, (or symphony. I.) and all instruments of music: ye shall fall down, and bow unto the image, A. (worship the image. caeter.) but then the preposition (unto) is omitted) of gold, which Nabuchadnezzar the king hath set up.  
6. And whosoever falleth not down, and boweth, A. (worshippeth not) shall in the same hour be cast into the mids of an hot fiery furnace, C. a furnace of burning fire.  
7. Therefore assoon as (at that time, when. C.) all the people heard the sound of the cornet, pipe, harp, sackebut, psaltery, and all instruments of music, all the people, nations, and languages, fell down and bowed themselves to the image of gold, which Nabuchadnezzar the king had set up.  
8. Hereupon at the same time came men of the Chaldeans, and grievously accused the jews. G. I. (cried out accusations of the jews. C.)  
9 And they spoke and said unto Nabuchadnezzar the king, O King, live for ever.  
10. Thou O king hast set forth 1 (made. G. B.) a decree, that every man that shall hear the sound (voice. C.) of the cornet, pipe, harp, sackebut, psaltery, and dulcimer, and all instruments of music, shall fall down, and bow himself unto the golden image.  
11. And whosoever falleth not down, and boweth himself, shall be cast into the mids of the hot fiery furnace.  
12. There are certain jews, whom thou hast set over the business of the province of Babel, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego: these men O King, have not regarded thy decree. G. B. (put or set their heart, upon thy decree. C. have had no respect unto thee. I. but the word teghem, is before ver. 10. taken for a decree) neither will they worship thy gods, nor bow unto the golden image, which thou hast set up.  
13. Then Nebubhadnezzar in his anger and wrath commanded, that they should bring Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego: then these men were brought before the king: (were hastily brought. L. but that word is added.)  
14. And Nabuchadnezzar spoke (answered. C.) and said unto them, of set purpose. I. P. (better then, what disorder. G. or desolation. A. or is it true. L. V. B. S. the word tzedah (as R. David, signifieth to lie in wait to move a question) will not you worship my gods, nor bow. A. P. (worship caeter.) unto the image of gold, which I have set up?  
15. Now, if ye be ready, I. L. V. (be ready. B. are ye ready. G. behold ye are ready. A. but cheen here must signify (if) as appeareth by the other clause of the verse, if ye worship not, etc.) that when ye hear the sound of cornet, pipe, harp, sackbut, psaltery, and dulcimer (or symphony) ye fall down and bow unto the image, which I have made, it is well: (this must be added to make the sense full) But if ye will not bow down, in the same hour shall ye be cast into the mids of an hot fiery furnace: for who is that God, that can deliver you out of my hands?  
16. Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego answered, and said unto the king, O Nebuchadnezzer, we are not careful, I. V. A. (it behoveth not us. L. P. the word cashach, signifieth both, but it is here most proper in the first sense, as R. David, and R. Shelemoh here take it) to answer thee in this matter.  
17. Either it will be, our God whom we worship, being able to deliver us out of the hot fiery furnace, and out of thine hand, O King, will deliver us: (better, then, behold our God etc. is able to deliver us out of the furnace, and to deliver us out of thine hand, L. for the latter word is in the future tense (will deliver) or then, he will deliver us, G. B. for they were not assured of present deliverance, as appeareth in the next verse, (but if not) or, whether God be able to deliver us, V. or not, V. for this had been to doubt of God's power: if it will be (Polan. that is, that we be cast into the furnace: but this must be referred to their deliverance, as the other opposite part is, (but if not) we resolve then upon the first interpretation: the word is, is divided by the distinction (rebia,) from the sentence following, and so cannot be joined with (God.)  
18. Either it will not: yet be it known unto thee, O King, that we will not worship thy gods, nor bow unto the golden image, which thou hast set up.  
19 Then was Nebuchadnezzer filled with rage, and the form of his visage, G. (the image of his face, C. I. the countenance of his face. B.) was changed upon, B. L. (or against. V. G. I.) Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego: and he answering gave charge, C. I. (charged and commanded, G. B. commanded, L.) that they should heat the furnace at once seven times more, than it was wont (seemed good, C.) to be heat.  
20. And to the most valiant men of strength, which were in his army, he gave charge to bind Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, to cast them into the hot fiery furnace.  
21. So these men were bound in their coats (breaches. L.) their bonnets. L. (their hosen. V. I. G. B.) and their cloaks. G. I. (their shoes. L. bonnets. V. B.) with their other garments, and cast into the midst of the hot fiery furnace: (see the diverse readings. quest. 25. following.)  
22. Therefore because the king's word was strait (or urgent. C.) that the furnace should be exceeding hot, the flame (sparks. I. A.) of the fire slew those men, which had put in. B. thrust in. I. or sent in. L. not brought forth. G. V. the word properly signifieth to cause to ascend: they had brought them up to cast them down into the furnace. Pel.) Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego.  
23. And these three men Shadrach, Meshach, & Abednego, fell down into the mids of the hot fiery furnace, bound.  
24. Then Nabuchadnezzar the king was astonished, and rose up in haste (with a troubled mind, or being perplexed. I. the word (behal) signifieth both haste and perplexity, but the first rather, both because his perplexity is expressed in the former word, and the preposition (●eth) more properly signifieth (in) then (with) and spoke and said unto his counsellors (or governors. I. or nobles. I. V.) Did we not cast three men bound into the midst of the fire: who answered and said to the king, True O king. (truly O King. L. V.)  
25. He answered, and said, Lo I see four men loose, walking in the mids of the fire, and they have no hurt (no corruption. C.) and the form of the fourth is like the Son of God. L. I. B. G. (of the gods. C. V.)  
26. Then the king Nabuchadnezzar came near to the mouth. G. B. (the door. C. cum caeter.) of the hot fiery furnace, and spoke and said, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, the servants of the high God, go forth and come hither: then Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, came forth of the mids of the fire.  
27. Then the nobles, princes, and dukes, and the king's counsellors (mighty ones. L. governors. I.) came together to see these men, because the fire had no power over their bodies: for not an hair of their head was burnt, neither were their coats changed, not any smell of fire came (passed. C.) upon them:  
28. Wherefore Nabuchadnezzar spoke and said, Blessed be the God of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, who hath sent his Angel, and delivered, his servants, that put their trust in him, and have altered the king's commandment, and yielded their bodies, that they should not serve, nor bow unto any god, save their own God.  
29. Therefore I set forth a decree, that every people, nation, and language, which shall speak any blasphemy (error. C.) against the God of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, shall be drawn in pieces (shall perish. L.) and his house be made a jakes (be vasted. L.) because there is not any other God (there is no God. B. G. but here the word (other) is omitted) which can deliver after this sort.  
30. Then the king advanced (caused to prosper. C.) Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, in the Province of Babel.   

1. The questions discussed.  

Quest. 1. At what time Nabuchadnezzar set up this great image.  
1. Some think that this was done not long after the former dream, which Nabuchadnezzar had: as the Rabbins that imagine this image to be set up by the king, as an amulet or defence to prevent the effect of his dream. ex Calvin. But it is not like that the great impression, which that vision left behind it in Nebuchadnezzars mind, could be so soon extinguished.  
2. Theodoret and Chrysostome, in his sermon of the three children, following some greek copy, read, that this image was set up in the 18. year of Nebuchadnezzars reign. But than it should have been made before the destruction and desolation of jerusalem, which is not like: for when Nabuchadnezzar had made an end of his conquests, than it is probable he set up this image by way of triumph: and Azarias in his prayer, (though that part be Apocryphal, yet it may have some probability, for matter of story) maketh mention, that they had neither prince, nor sacrifice, or burnt offering: which showeth, that this fell not out before the destruction of jerusalem: likewise Theodoret, who saith that this fell out parvo tempore, a small time after the first dream, which was in the second year, is contrary to himself: for between the second and 18. year, there are 16. years, which is no small time.  
3. Pererius also is deceived, who thinketh that this was done after the 25. year of Nebuchadnezzars reign: for the second year of his Monarchy he reckoneth to fall out in the 25. year of his reign: but this is before confuted, quest. 1. c. 2. where it is further showed, that this second year which is to be understood of daniel's service and ministery, was in the 5. year of Nebuchadnezzars reign.  
4. Pelican saith this story happened 16. years after the dream; but that is uncertain.  
5. Wherefore here somewhat is certain, that this story came after the interpretation of the kings dream set forth in the 2. chap. because ver. 12. mention is made of the advancement of daniel's three fellows, which was immediately after Daniel had interpreted the king's dream, cap. 2. 49. somewhat is probable, that it was after the sacking and taking of jerusalem, as is said before, Pap. for many of the jews were now in captivity, ver. 8. something is uncertain, how long this history followed after the interpretation of daniel's dream.   

Quest. 2. To whom Nabuchadnezzar erected this image.  
1. Lyranus thinketh that Nabuchadnezzar set up this image for himself, requiring divine honour to be given unto it, as Caligula caused his image to be carried about the Roman Empire to be adored: so thinketh Hugo Cardinal. Pere. Pin. Pelli. But it is not like, that he which had so humbled himself before unto Daniel, could be so lifted up in pride, to make himself a god.  
2. Neither is it like, that Nabuchadnezzar set up this image of a good intention, to the honour of the true God, as Bulling. Osiand. for than he would not so cruelly have persecuted the servants, and true worshippers of God.  
3. Therefore, as Calvin writeth, videtur hanc statuam consecrasse alicui deorum, It seemeth he consecrated this image to some of his gods, as to Bel, or some other: as it appeareth both by the king's speech, ver. 14. will ye not serve my god? and by their words, that refused to worship the image, we will not serve ●hy gods, Pap.   

Quest. 3. To what end this image was set up.  
1. Some think, that by setting up this image Nabuchadnezzar would retain a memory of that image, which he saw in his dream, thinking thereby to please God, Pap. But then he would not have made such a cruel edict against the servants of that great God.  
2. Again it may be thought, that he did it, to have an uniformity in religion, through all his dominions, which consisted of diverse nations, but then he would have commanded the like image to be set up in every province.  
3. Caluine thinketh he did it to this end to settle the superstitious worship of idolatry, lest the jews might have sought some innovation in religion.  
4. But it is most probable, that Nabuchadnezzar did it by the advise of his nobles, and princes, of envy against the jews, especially those which were advanced to place of government, that they might thereby entrap them: which may appear so to be by these reasons. 1. by the like practice against Daniel, cap. 6. 2. by the general accusation of the jews, ver. 8. 3. to what end else tended the cruel edict of the king, but to be executed upon the jews, whom they imagined would be offenders, Inn. Polan.  
5. Theodoret thinketh that he made this image all of gold, to disgrace and discountenance the image, which he saw in his dream, the head whereof was only of gold. But that dream struck him with such a terror, as that it is not like he would contemn it.  
6. He might also in making such a huge and costly image intent therein to set forth the magnificence and riches of his kingdom; Pere.   

Quest. 4. How it came to pass that Daniel ●indred not the king's purpose, in setting up this image.  
1. Some think that Daniel being present, tacuit videns se nihil proficere, did hoid his peace seeing that he could prevail nothing, but that the king was resolute in his purpose: Lyran. But Daniel had sinned if he had been silent, be should have used the means and left the success unto God.  
2. Osiander thinketh that Daniel used what persuasion he could, but seeing he was not heard he withdrew himself. But if Daniel had been present at all, it would have been suspicious, if he had now hid himself.  
3. Pappus is of opinion, that Daniel was employed in some remote place of the province at this time: But though Daniel were now absent, he could not be ignorant of the kings purpose before, this great image was not made in a short time.  
4. Wherefore it is not to be doubted, but that Daniel did discharge the office of a faithful servant unto God and counsellor to the king before this, and did use all means to stay this ungodly enterprise, so far as he might go, without exasperating of the king too much, which would have kindled his anger against the whole nation: Therefore Daniel not prevailing, gave way unto the time, expecting some other means how it should please the Lord to convert the king.   

Quest. 5. Of the place where this image was set up.  
Vers. 1. In the plain of Dura. 1. Symmachus calleth the place Soraum, the Septuagint as Heirome saith interpreted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which he translateth vivarium, a place enclosed to keep beasts in; but these are far wide, it is a proper name, called Dura.  
2. The interlineary gloss, and historia scholastica, take it for the name of the flood, which compasseth that plain or field, where the Giants after the flood first builded Babel.  
3. Some think it was the town Doraba, situate upon the river Euphrates in Babylonia.  
4. But it seemeth rather to be that place, which Ptolemy calleth Deera, situate between Chaltopis and Cissia, in the region Susiane: Ptolemy lib. 6. Geograph. cap. 3. jun. Polan.  
5. It is like it was set in a plain, where no hills were, that it might not be overtipped by them, Pin.   

Quest. 6. Of the greatness of this image compared with others and in itself.  
1. Some greater images have been made in the world: as the image of the Sun at Rhodes, called colossus solis, was 70. cubits high; which was 12. years in making, and cost 300. talents: 56. years after it was made, it was cast down by an earthquake, and then the hugeness thereof appeared: few men could fathom that thumb thereof, and the fingers were bigger than ordinary images: it broke in pieces in the fall, and great caves and holes were opened, wherein were couched huge stones to keep the image upright, Plin. lib. 34. cap. 7. Greater also than this was the colossus of Nero, which was an 110. foot long, and an another picture made of him in cloth, an 120. foot high: yet this image because it was of gold, in value may seem to exceed all other: the ordinary cubit is foot and half, but the Babylonian cubit as Herodotus saith, was 3. fingers greater than the common cubit: so that by this account, this image might be 67. ordinary cubits high. Herodotus writeth that in his time there was a golden image at Babylon, which was 12. cubits high, which might be that image, that every stranger was required to worship before he was permitted to come into Babylon to see the city, as Philostrat. saith, de vita Apollin. cap. 19  
2. This image was made proportionable to a man's body, every part answerable unto the other in due form and measure, by which proportion the greatness of every part of the image may be taken: there is the same distance between the ends of the fingers, the arms spread abroad, from one extremity to the other, which is between the crown of the head, to the sole of the feet, Plin. lib. 7. cap. 17. the face from the chin to the top of the forehead, is the tenth part of the length of the body. And the face is divided into three equal parts, from the chin to the nose, the length of the nose, and the breadth of the forehead: the length of the eye from one corner to another is the 45. part, and so is the distance between the eyes: the length of the nose is the thirtieth part, and the wideness of the nostrils the 180, part: the compass of the ear and of the mouth, is the 15. part: the head from the chin to the crown, is the 8. part: the length and likewise the breadth of the breast, the sixth part: the navel is in the midst of the body, dividing it into two equal parts, the length of the hips, thighs, and legs is almost the half part: the length of the foot is the sixth part, and so is the space from the shoulder to the elbow, and from the elbow to the hand: the hand is the 10. part.  
3. After this proportion, the whole image being 60. cubits in height, the face must be six cubits, the chin two cubits, the nose and forehead as much, the nostrils must contain half a foot, the compass of the ear and mouth 4. cubits, and so much the neck: the breast 10. cubits, the length of the thighs and legs 29. cubits, the foot ten, and the hand six: thus Pererius casteth the proportion of every part.  
4. But herein is his error, he taketh the height of the body of the image to be 60. cubits, whereas, as Lyranus well noteth, in this measure is comprehended the foot also or foundation whereupon the image stood: for otherwise it should not be proportionable, being 60, cubits high, and but six cubits broad: for the length of a man is but six times to the breadth, and ten times to the thickness: If the body be six cubits high, it is but a cubit broad: then 6. cubits broad will have but 36. cubits in height.  
5. As this image was huge in the height and stature, so it was very costly, being all of gold, though it be not necessary with Hierome, to think that it was made of solid gold, but either the outside only of it, was gold, or it was made hollow, as Lyranus well conjectureth.   

Quest. 7. Of the mystical application of this image.  
1. Chrysostome by this golden image, would have covetousness resembled, which S. Paul calleth idolatry, Ephes. 5. 5. for the covetous man doth addict all his desire, 
18. hom. in 2. ad Corinth.  and as it were consecrate his soul to the love of money.  
2. Hierome compareth false doctrine unto this image, 
In hunc locum.  which heretics and false teachers do adorn and set forth with their wit and eloquence, as this image is made of gold.  
3. Irenaeus maketh this image a pattern of the worldly happiness, 
lib. 5 advers. haereses.  which the devil enticeth and seduceth men to embrace, and as it were worship, setting aside the desire of heavenly things.   

Quest. 8. Of the several names and titles of the king's nobles and officers here rehearsed. ver. 2.  
1. The first are called in the Chalde tongue, achashdarpenaija, which R. joseph Kimhi deriveth of these three words, achash, which signifieth in the Aramites language great, and dare, to stay or remain, and panim, the face: they were such as always remained in the king's presence, and were next unto him. Montonus readeth, secund●s à rege, the next to the king: Satrapae, the great and highest men in the kingdom: L. V. jun. Lyranus saith they are so called, tamquam satis rapientes, because they do take and snatch from the people: but that is no fit annotation here: the Septuag. call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, chief men, or of high place.  
2. The second is signaia, which some translate, pontifices summons, the high priests: Pag. for sagan is so sometime taken for the second priest next to the chief: but it seemeth here to be a civil office, as all the rest are: some read duces, captains. V. as the Septuag. interpret, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, chief commanders or captains, so also Bulling, princes, Genevens. it rather signifieth here magistrates, governors. L. A. so Polan. Antistites, men of pre-eminence, jun.  
3. The third are called pachavatha: pecah, as R. David signifieth, a provincial, one set over a province: judices, judges appointed to hear causes in their circuits. L. duces, dukes. I. A. P. Genevens. the Septuag. call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they which were set over some special places and countries: praesides provinciarum, the precedents of provinces. V.  
4. The fourth are Adargazaraija, which signifieth Senators, as R. David, and R. Saadiah: so also jun. judges, Genevens. duces, dukes, L. rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the keepers of the laws, to see that they were executed, Pag. Vatab. Bulling.  
5. The fifth are Gedaberaija, which signifieth those, which are set over the treasure, questores, V. P. the questors or receivers, Genevens. not tyraennos. L. which Lyranus expoundeth exactors of tribute: but the word tyrant, is in this sense improperly used.  
6. The sixth dethaberaija, derived of doth, a sentence, and bari, pure or fat, R. Saadiah: they were the lawyers or counsellors, I. V. so also Bulling. Polan. Genevens. the L. readeth optimates, the nobles, but that is too general a word.  
7. The seventh Tiphtaice, which I. translateth, exactores, the exactors: the executioners of justice, V. Bulling. officers, Genevens. such as had the charge and care to see justice executed.  
8. The eight shiltonee medinatha, the governors of provinces, Gene. jun. Vatab. of the word shelet, to rule: it is a general name comprehending all those which had any office or government in the provinces.   

Quest. 9 Why Nabuchadnezzar only called his nobles and officers.  
1. All the people could not possibly come together to one place, therefore the nobles are called, ut per principes seducantur & gentes, as Hierome saith, that by the nobles the people might be seduced.  
2. These are first summoned, ut regi consentientes, as consenting to the king, and most forward to follow his mind: Lyran. for such are the nobles, pendent à nutu regis, etc. & ad quaslibet flectuntur auras: ready to serve the king's humour, and are turned by every wind, Calvin.  
3. And the Nobles are convented for the greater magnificence and majesty, that this image might have the greater reverence, and remain as a monument for a long time after, Osiander.   

Quest. 10. ver. 5. Of the diverse kinds of instruments here rehearsed.  
1. The first is in the Chalde called karna of kerens, a horn: the Septuag. translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the trumpet, tubam, Lat. which Lyranus taketh for the usual instrument, which is sounded in the war: Pintus saith it was a crooked instrument made of brass: but it properly rather signifieth a horn or cornet: which is so called either of the matter, whereof it is made, or for the fashion, because it was like unto an horn. So the same word kerens, signifieth the trumpet made of rams horn, which josuah was commanded to make, when he compassed the walls of jerecho: josh. 6. an other word chatzotzeroth, is used to signify trumpets made of metal, Num. 10. 2.  
2. The second is called mashrokitha, which the Septuag, interpret by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a pipe or whistle, of sherach to whistle: the L. readeth, fistula, a pipe or flute: an instrument made of wood, with divers holes, to be played upon with the hand, Pin. such as shepherds use, it is not a trumpet, as Genevens.  
3. The third is kathrom, whence cometh the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cithara, the harp, we have the like English word a cithern, but it is taken for an other kind of instrument: the harp is an instrument well known: it is in form like a triangle, played upon with the fingers, Lyran, made of wood, and the strings are seen on both sides, Pintus.  
4. The fourth in the Hebrew is called Sabca, the Septuag. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which cometh near the Chalde word: by the interpreters it is generally translated sambuca, which some think was triquetrum instrumentum imparibus sidibus, a threefold instrument with unequal strings, jun. tetrachordum, with four strings, Athen. which was made of iron or brass, and played upon with an iron rod: Pint. But Lyranus rather thinketh it was a wind instrument, made of reed, and he deriveth it of same, which signifieth the Sun, and buca, a trumpet, because it was used only in summer: but it is not like, that such rustical oaten pipes were used in this solemn assembly. Hugo thinketh it was a kind of rural harp so called of the tree sambucus, whereof it was made, which was the elder tree: But I rather think with our english interpreters, Genevens. that it was the sackebut, as the agreement with the Chalde word sabca showeth.  
5. The fifth pesanterin, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sep. the psaltery. L. A. P. I. nablium, V. which is the same with the psaltery: the word seemeth to be derived from the Chalde, psanterie, with the change of one letter. Lyranus thinketh it was an instrument played upon with a quill, which we call a cithern. Pintus describeth it to be an instrument four square with ten strings: some think it was like an harp, but of more pleasant sound, to the which they used to sing holy hymns and psalms, whereupon it had the name psaltery; such as David used: and this is most like.  
6. The sixth is called in the Chalde sumphonia, which is the very same word in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a symphony, which R. Saadiah deriveth of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a pipe, with a bag joined unto it, a known rustic instrument: but it is rather, as Lyranus thinketh, that usual instrument, which blind men carry about, and play upon it with their fingers: and with the other hand make it sound with turning about of an iron, Pintus.   

11. Quest. v. 5. Of their falling down and worshipping this image.  
1. Hierome upon these words, thus writeth, 
Hierome noted of great oblivion and forgetfulness.  that unless my memory fail me, if I run over the whole Scripture, I can not find, quod sanctorum quisquam Deum cadens adoraverit, that any of the Saints falling down worshipped God, but they which worshipped idols or the devil fell down, and worshipped, as Satan said to our blessed Saviour, All these things will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me, etc. to this purpose Hierome: so also following him the ordin. gloss. and Hugo.  
2. But Hieromes memory did here greatly deceive him indeed: for it is more usual in the Scripture for the Saints to fall down and worship God, than otherwise: as, Psal. 95. 6. the Psalmist saith, Come let us worship, and fall down, and kneel before the Lord our maker: the three wise men, Matth. 2. fell down and worshipped Christ: so did the blind man, joh. 9 the Angels, Apoc. 7. 11. fell down upon their faces before the throne and worshipped: Pere. Abraham fell on his face, while God talked with him, Gen. 17. 2. so did Ezekiel, c. 1. 29.   

12. Quest. That it is not lawful to bow unto an image, though one in his heart abhor it.  
1. There are three sorts of men, which do think they may be dispensed withal for the outward reverent gesture yielded unto an image, having their heart free: as they which do it to conform themselves to please the Prince, or for fear to escape the peril of death, or some other grievous punishment: or such which do come unto idolatrous service, only to see the manner of it, and the pomp of Papal superstitious ceremonies.  
2. But all these are found to be in great error. 1. the Lord in the second commandment directly forbiddeth to bow down unto such images. And the Lord saith to the Prophet Elias, that he had reserved seven thousand, that had not bowed their knees unto Baal, 1. King. 18. 19 2. Our bodies together with our souls are the temples of the Spirit, and therefore neither the one, nor the other should be defiled, but preserved pure and holy for the Lord, Polan. 3. It satisfieth the idolaters themselves, if men be but conformable in their outward gesture, to their idolatrous service: as here Nabuchadnezzer exacteth no confession of the mouth, or subscription with the hand of or unto this image, but only to fall down and worship it. Calv. 4. In the purer ages of the Church even they were held to be idolaters, which being constrained by force, did yield the least outward service unto the idols of the Gentiles: as Origen, as Suidas writeth, was excommunicate of the Church, for holding a little incense in his hand before an idol. 5. The Romanists will not come at our Churches and service, where yet there is no external object that may offend them, therefore much less should Protestants show such weakness to assemble with them in their idolatrous temples, which lay so many stumbling blocks before the eyes.   

13. Quest. Of the malicious accusation of the Chaldees against the jews.  
1. The malicious Chaldees were so incensed against the servants of God, that refused to worship the image, that they could not stay at all, but presently at the same instant they made complaint of them. 2. They bend their accusation, not only against those three, whom they held to be offenders, but against the whole nation of the jews, v. 8. they grievously accused the jews. 3. They by flattering speech insinuate themselves to the king, that they might be the better heard, O king live for ever, v. 9 4. Then they subtly seek to bring their persons into disgrace and hatred, 1. by their nation and country, they were jews, the king's captives and vassals. 2. by their unthankfulness for the benefits which the king had bestowed upon them, who had made them governors, and chief officers, Bulling. 3. by their apostasy, that being called by Babylonian names, Shadrach, Meshach, Abednego, and so incorporated into that nation, yet were of a divers religion and usage, jun. 5. Then followeth the crime, which they object against them, which was threefold. 1. contempt of the king's commandment and decree. 2. irreligion in not worshipping the king's gods. 3. mutiny and sedition, in being singular among the rest, in that they did not fall down before the king's image.   

14. Quest. Why they say in the plural they will not serve thy gods, v. 12. when as there was but one image.  
Lyranus thinketh, that this image is called in the plural, gods, after the manner of the jews, which use to call an idol so, though it be but one: as they said of the golden calf, Exod. 32. These are thy gods: but it is evident in the text, that by gods, they mean not the image; because they complain of 2. things, they would not serve thy gods, nor worship the image.  
2. The ordi. gloss. which Hugo followeth, so also Pintus, think, that the gods here spoken of were divers from the image: for this he set up for himself to be worshipped in it; but his gods he worshipped himself. But that they were not here two such distinct things, it appeareth; because the king's decree was only that they should fall down, and worship the image: which they transgressing, are said, therein also to have refused to serve the king's gods.  
3. Wherefore it is evident, that this image was set up by the king to the honour of his gods, Calvin. which are so called in the plural, because they worshipped many gods: so that in one and the same action, in refusing to bow unto the image, they are held to be contemners also of the king's gods.   

15. Quest. Why these three, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego are only accused.  
1. It may seem that the principal and chief men were only or especially called, and that the vulgar and common sort of people were not all present: or at the least, the principal men were most marked, and observed, whose example the rest might follow, Pere, but it seemeth, by their general accusation of the jews, v. 8. that there were more jews present then these three.  
2. It may be also supposed, that the vulgar sort of the jewish people, which were present, did for fear do as the rest did, fall down and worship, therefore they were not complained of, Perer. It is very like indeed, that many jews did fall away in time of captivity to worship the Chaldean images, because many of them had been idolaters in their own country, for the which they were carried into captivity: but that some other of the jews beside these three, refused to fall down, may be gathered by the general accusation against the jews, but principally against these three.  
3. Wherefore this is like to be the cause, why these three are singled out, because they were advanced to honourable place of government, and for this cause were envied and maligned of the Chaldees: and this may be gathered by their manner of accusation, v. 12. wherein they specially urge that point, that the king had set them over the province of Babel, that seemed to be an eyesore and a grief unto them. Why Daniel was not accused with the rest, it was by reason of his absence, as is showed before, quest. 4.   

16. Quest. What age these three were of, when they were brought before the king.  
1. Chrysostome thinketh, that these three were infantili aetate, but as infants and children, when this was done, homil. de trib. pueris. Augustine also, hom. 24. calleth them pueros, children. But this is not like that the king would set children in the place of government: for before this, at daniel's request, they were made governors over the province of Babel, c. 2. 49.  
2. Theodoret guesseth they were young men, in aetatis vere, in the spring, and (as we say) in the flower of their age.  
3. Pererius thinketh they could not be less, than 35. years of age: for he supposeth they might be 10. year old, when they went into captivity, and in the 25. year of Nabuchadnezzer he had that dream of the image: But though Pererius opinion be probable for their age, yet his ground is uncertain: for the second year mentioned, c. 2. 1. was not the 25. but the 5. year of Nabuchadnezzers' reign, as is showed, c. 2. qu. 1.  
4. But Pererius laboureth to clear this point, because in their Missals they are called the three children: either for that they were children at their first going into captivity, or they are so called according to the phrase of Scripture, that young men, and they which were of perfect age are so called pueri, as josua, Exod. 31. being then above 40. year old, is called puer, the lad or servant of Moses.  
Contra. 1. The word puer, when it is so applied, is referred rather to their ministery and service, than age. 2. we do not stand upon it how they are called in their Missals, it sufficeth us, that in the Scripture they are not called children, but gubhraia, men, v. 23. of the word gabbar, to be strong: they were then men of perfect age and strength.   

17. Quest. Why Daniel made not intercession to the king for his three friends.  
1. They which think Daniel was present, and that he either stood by the king who did not worship his own image, as gloss. ordin. Hugo. or that they did forbear to accuse him, because he was in great grace and favour with the king, Polan. which conceits see refuted before, quest. 4. those which affirm Daniel to be present, consequently must hold, that Daniel was silent, and spoke not in the behalf of his friends: and Lyranus saith, vidit regem obstinatum in malicia, & ideo tacuit, etc. he saw the king settled and obstinate in his malice, and therefore held his peace. But Daniel had offended much, if being present, he should by his silence and connivance have betrayed these innocents, as the wise man saith, Prou. 24. 11. Wilt thou not preserve them, that are lead to be slain?  
2. Pererius thinketh that Daniel being a great Prophet might foresee that God would deliver them out of this danger by some great miracle, that thereby the power and glory of God might be set forth: as our blessed Saviour suffered Lazarus to die, that he might get greater glory by raising him up again out of his grave.  
Contra. 1. Our blessed Saviour and Daniel, the master and the servant, are not well matched together: Christ had all power and knowledge in himself, so had not Daniel. 2. he knew not of his deliverance from the Lions himself, when he was cast into their den: for than it had been no trial of his saith, if he had been sure to be delivered, much less is it like, that he foresaw the miraculous deliverance of these.  
3. Therefore Daniel is excused by his absence, and ignorance: he neither was present, and so consequently was ignorant of all that now happened, being done speedily and in haste: see before qu. 4.   

18. Quest. Of Nabuchadnezzers' speech unto those three brought before him.  
1. The equity of the king herein deserveth commendation, that would not presently give sentence against these persons, till he had heard their defence: as it was the commendable custom of the Romans not to deliver any unto death, before he that was accused had place to defend himself, Act. 25. 16. Bulling.  
2. But herein appeareth the wilful blindness of the king, that being seduced to set up such an abominable idol, he proceedeth to maintain it with cruelty. Pelican.  
3. He doth first seek to win them by gentle speech: as though he could not believe it to be true, that they had done this thing, or if they did, it was of some oversight, rather than of purpose: which he was content to pardon, if now they would worship the image: but beside these fair speeches, he addeth also threatening. Bulling.  
4. He peremptorily enjoineth obedience to his decree, not suffering it to be disputed or called into question, whether it were just or lawful: but it was his will so to be. Calv.  
5. And at the last he endeth with blasphemy, extenuating the power of that great God, whom before he had acknowledged to be the God of gods, c. 2. 47. so Rabsakeh said to Hezekiah, that the Lord could not deliver jerusalem out of his hand, 2. king. 18. 35.   

19 Quest. Of the religious and resolute answer of these three convented before the king.  
They answer with godly resolution and courage to every part of the king's speech.  
1. Whereas the king first insinuateth himself, as though he did not believe, that they would do such a thing, and thereby suggesteth unto them, that they should be better advised: which kind of human and favourable questioning Suetonius noteth to have been much used by Augustus, who in examining those which were guilty, would seem as though he believed not any such thing to be done by them: to this uncertainty in the king's demand, they answer resolutely, that they needed no consultation in that matter, they had their answer ready, and were determined both what to say and do, to answer and suffer, We are not careful to answer thee in this matter.  
2. To the king's blasphemy, that there was no God to deliver them out of his hand; they reply, that their God, whom they served, was able to deliver them out of his hand.  
3. Touching the kings threatening of the fiery furnace, they answer in effect that it did not move them, they feared it not, though their God for some causes known to himself, should leave them in his hands, yet they would not worship the image.  
4. And as the king would admit no discussing of his decree, but would have it absolutely obeyed: so they could not be removed from their religion: neither desired to have the same discussed or sifted: they would by no means consent to worship the image.   

20. Quest. Why the Lord doth not always deliver his out of temporal dangers.  
v. 18. But if not: These valiant servants of God, were certain of God's favour, that he would assist them with his spirit to suffer for his glory, but they could not certainly promise themselves temporal deliverance: wherein the Lord always showeth not his power for these reasons.  
1. If the Lord should continually by some miraculous deliverance, rid his children out of danger; then would not the miracle be so great, and so neither God's glory nor power therein so much magnified, nor men thereat so much moved. Perer.  
2. God suffereth his children to fall into temporal dangers, for the trial and probation of their faith and patience.  
3. Thereby also God doth chastise his servants, to bring them to more effectual repentance. Pap.  
4. And the Lord permitteth his children to be temporally tried, invisibiliter eos ad gloriam transferendo, to bring them invisibly unto everlasting glory. Lyran. ex Augustin.   

21. Quest. Why they are so resolute not to worship the golden image.  
1. The godly Hebrews were not ignorant how often they were charged by Moses, and the Prophets, not to bow unto, or worship images, as Exod. 20. in the second commandment. Deut. c. 4. and c. 27. Isa. 44. and jerem. 10. and in many places beside: that no one thing in Scripture is more straightly given them in charge.  
2. They had the example of the godly patriarchs and kings, and other holy men, who had a perfect detestation of idols: as jaacob burned all the images in his house under an oak, Gen. 35. Hezekiah pulled down the brazen serpent, when they began to abuse it to idolatry.  
3. Yea in the most corrupt times after their return out of the captivity, the jews abhorred images: for when Pilatus and Petronius the precedents of jewrie had secretly brought the images of Tiberius and Caligula into the city, to be worshipped of the jews, they manfully resisted, offering their necks and lives, rather than they would contrary to their law worship any images. joseph. lib. 18. antiquit. c. 4. & 10. who further writeth, l. 2. cont. Appia. that when Alexander the great would have repaired the Temple and sepulchre of Bel the Chaldeans god at Babylon, and therein used the help of the jews, they utterly refused.  
4. Therefore that is a most malicious lie reported by Appollonius, Appian the Grammarian, and Cornelius Tacitus, that the jews in the inwards of the Temple kept an asses head of gold, which they worshipped. ex Perer.   

22. Quest. Whether the Prince is by fire and sword to root out them which are of contrary religion.  
v. 19 Nabuchadnezzer commanded these three holy men to be cast into the fiery oven: wherein he offended three ways: 1. in the action itself, in forcing his religion by torment of death. 2. in the manner, he did it in his rage. 3. in respect of the persons persecuted, they were innocent, they suffered for keeping of the law of God: But that generally religion is not to be forced by torment, it may be thus persuaded.  
1. It is against the nature of faith to be forced unto by violence: doceri non cogi vult fides, religion must be taught, not enforced. Polan.  
2. Idolaters, heretics, and persecutors of the true faith, by unspeakable torments, and cruel death, did urge their heresies, idolatry, and superstitions to be kept: As this was the engine, wherewith the heathen Emperors assaulted the Christians, persecuting them by fire and sword: As Cornelius Tacitus writeth of Nero, that he caused the Christians to be burned specially in the night, in usum nocturni luminis, in stead of night lamps: So the truth is not to be defended and maintained by the same weapons, wherewith false religion fighteth: for the fruits of the spirit, are love, peace, gentleness, Gal. 5. 22.  
3. But it therefore followeth not, because religion is not to be forced by punishment of death, that therefore every one is to be left unto himself: there are other forcible means by penal laws to contain men in an uniform profession of the true faith, then by death. josias put down the Chemarims idolatrous Priests, but he put them not to death. 2. King. 23. 5.  
4. Yet such as are manifest blasphemers and heretics, are to be cut off by the sword, as Servetus was at Geneva: so that in the inflicting of the punishment of death for false religion, a double difference is to be made: 1. between those, which do maintain manifest heresy and blasphemy, and such as hold other unsound opinions: and in the first sort, between such as are obstinate and perverse, and those which are seduced of ignorance and simplicity.   

23. Quest. Of the extraordinary beating of the furnace.  
v. 19 He charged, that they should heat the furnace seven times more. 1. In the Apocryphal narration here inserted in the Greek translation, it is added further, that the king commanded the furnace to be made hot with pitch, and tow, and a kind of liquid brimstone called naptha, and small twigs and sprigs of vines, or such like called malleoli, which some take for the small brush wood, apt to be set on fire, as Theodoret: some for such stuff besmeared with pitch, as Pererius showeth out of Nonius Marcellus.  
2. And concerning naptha, whereof there are fountains in Babylon, which is an hot country full of brimstone, and in divers places flaming out with fire: and as Plutarch writeth, the earth is so hot, that they are constrained to lie in water: this naptha is of such force, that whatsoever is besmeared therewith, taketh fire in such sort, as that it can not be quenched but with vinegar and alum, and such like, as Sirabo writeth, lib. 16. how Alexander to take trial of the nature thereof, caused a boy being in the water to be anointed with naptha, and so a candle put to him, who so burned, that if they had not with much water, mire, and such like, quenched it, he had been consumed before them. Plutarch also in the life of Alexander reporteth, how the Barbarians, to show the operation of this naptha, did cast certain drops upon the way, which in the night took the flame one from an other, that all the way seemed to be of a light fire.  
3. But because in the original history there is no mention made of these things, that the fire should be tempered with: nor yet that the furnace should flame 49. cubits, v. 46. in the Apocryphal addition; we need not busy ourselves with searching out the nature of these things: it sufficeth to know, as it is in the text, that the furnace was made hot 7. times more, then usually it was.   

24. Quest. Of the exquisite cruelty and torments which these three were put unto.  
1. Whereas in the punishing of offenders, Tyrants have satisfied themselves with simple death; in the persecuting of the servants of God, they used exquisite torments: as here the furnace is made seven times more hot: if any malefactor had been condemned to this punishment, the ordinary heat would have sufficed. Bulling.  
2. Then he commandeth the strongest men to bind them, that they might use no resistance, and might be more strongly bound: and God so disposed, that the king should use the ministery of his most valiant men, that both the miracle might be the greater, in that the flame consumed these men, & exercitus cladem persentisceret, & he should be punished in the loss of his martial men: Lyran. and here appeareth the madness of persecutors, who refuse not to be hangmen and tormentors themselves of God's servants, which they would be ashamed to do in the execution of ordinary malefactors, Osiander.  
3. They are bound in their apparel, ut nihil ex illis reseruandum, etc. that nothing might remain or be reserved of them: and because they were in such haste.  
4. They are cast into the mids of the furnace, that the fire might have the greater power over them, Bullinger.   

25. Quest. Of the apparel, which they were cast into the fire with.  
1. The first garment is called sarbal, which the Septuag. interpreteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sarabaris, by the change of one letter: Hierome readeth, cum braccis, with their breeches or hose: for so he saith, that saraballa in the Chalde language, signify the thighs: so also Hesychius interpreteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be the coverings of the thighs: and in the Sclavonian tongue, the wide slippers are called sarabarh, Polan. so also Pagnin. But it seemeth rather to signify the close coat, which covered not only the neither but the upper parts: as Tertullian. in lib. de pallio, writeth thus of Alexander, triumphalem cataphractam amolitus in captiva sarabara incessit, that laying aside his triumphant complete harness, he went up & down in a captive garment called sarabara, etc. it seemeth than it was such a garment, which covered those parts which used to be harnessed, the breast and upper parts, as well as the neither. Ab. Ezra and R. Levi take it for the upper garment, but that is rather the last, here named: it is more fitly taken for the coat, Genevens. or the short cloak and inward garment, as junius and Vatablus express it by the word chlamys, which signifieth a short cloak.  
2. The next garment is taken by some for their breeches, fem●ralia, Mont. tibialia, the hose, Vatab. Genevens. subligacula, their slops: but the word petaschon, their bonnets, cometh near the word petasus, which signifieth an hat or bonnet: and so the Septuagint and Hierome express it by the word tiara, a bonnet, Polan. Lyran. and Hugo Card. think that tiara signifieth both pileum, and palliolum, an hat, or Persian cloak: but it rather here signifieth the covering of the head: the other garments are here named beside: and it is the use of the Turks to this day to use certain bonnets of fine linen wrapped together. Calvin.  
3. The last word chirbelathhon, some interpret, tiaris, their bonnets. V. cucullis, their boods, Montan, some, their shoes, L. boots, sep. but it rather signifieth their cloaks, Genevens. and upper robes, paludamenta, jun. for so the word chirbel signifieth to cover, Polan. as Pagnin translateth operimenta, their coverings.   

26. Quest. Why Daniel was not cast into the fiery furnace with the rest.  
The divers opinions here of this matter, are of two sorts: some think that Daniel was absent, some that he was present.  
1. They which hold him to have been absent, 1. some think he might be detained by sickness, and infirmity, Lyran. but that is a mere conjecture. 2. some think he was employed in the king's offices, in some remote country, Pap. but daniel's office was to sit in the king's gate and to attend the court, c. 2. 49. 3. some think that Daniel, seeing the king fully bend to go forward, withdrew himself home, and would not be present, Osiander. but this he could not have done without the kings great displeasure. 4. some that the king in favour sent him back, that he should not be brought into danger, Hug. Card. But the king's fury was such, that he would have spared none, that misliked his proceedings.  
2. They which think Daniel to have been present: 1. some judge, that the Chaldeans would not accuse Daniel, because he was in such favour with the king, Calvin. Polan. but he was in as great favour afterward with Darius, and yet he was cast into the lions den, c. 8. 2. some think that Daniel stood by the king, who did not worship his own image, and so Daniel doing as the king did, being the next man unto him, was not found fault withal. But the text overthroweth this conceit, the decree was general, v. 11. that whosoever did not fall down, should be cast into the fiery furnace: Daniel then could not be exempted from so general a decree. 3. some think that Daniel did in outward gesture do as the rest did, and by this example the Nicomedians would justify their dissimulation, in bowing their knee unto an idol, and yet keeping their heart for God. But seeing Daniel refused to defile himself with eating the king's meat, much more would he have counted this a pollution, to have bowed to this filthy idol.  
3. Wherefore the safer opinion is, that Daniel was not at this time present: his charge was to keep the king's palace, and he was chief governor over the whole province of Babel: the king then being absent from Babylon, to solemnize the dedication of this image which was in the region Susiane, by all likelihood committed unto Daniel the government of the city and province of Babel, till his return.   

27. Quest. How the flame of the fire slew those which were the ministers of the king's cruelty.  
v. 22. The flame of the fire slew those men, etc. 1. Lyranus well observeth, that this is set down by anticipation: for first the three men were cast into the fiery furnace, and then at the coming of the Angel, the fire was kept from their bodies, and raged upon their enemies.  
2. It is like that these men had been the chief persuaders of the king, to devise this torment, and were the most forward in this cruel execution, and therefore they taste of the same punishment, which they had prepared for others: as they which accused Daniel, and caused him to be cast into the lions den, themselves were devoured of the lions, Pintus. and they are justly punished, because they yield obedience to the king, in re scelerata, in a wicked matter, Bulling.  
3. It pleased God, that the fire should first destroy these wicked instruments, both for the more certainty of the miracle, seeing the same fire preserved some, and consumed others: and that the king might be more nearly touched: punitis principibus rex corripitur, the king is touched and chastised by the punishment of his Princes. gloss. Hug.   

28. Quest. How these three men cast into the fire were preserved.  
1. Some think, that the fire was by the power of God kept from their bodies, and so issued forth upon them which were without: so Theodoret, ex hac dissipatione flammarum & ●epulsione à corporibus in tantum ignis è fornace essusus est, etc., by this dispersing of the flames, and repelling it from their bodies, the fire was shed out so far out of the furnace, that it went out 49. cubits: but first this opinion is contrary to the text, which saith they walked in the mids of the fire, and had no hurt, vers. 25. there was then fire, in the mids of the furnace where they were. 2. they were cast into the furnace bound hand and feet, bu● as soon as they came near the fire, it burned the bands wherewith they were tied, so that they walked loose, the fire than was near them: Pintus answereth, that as they entered into the furnace, their bands were loosed by the fire.  
Contra. The text is otherwise, that they fell down bound into the mids of the furnace, ver. 23. they were then in the mids, before the fire consumed their bands.  
2. Some think, that the Angel did cause a cold air to blow in the mids of the furnace, and so they were delivered from the heat of the fire, interponendo corpus frigidum, by the interposing of some cold body, Perer. this also is affirmed by the Apocryphal story, ver. 49. fecit medium fornacis quasi ventum roris flantem, etc. the Angel made the mids of the furnace as it were windy with a dew.  
Contra. 1. But this were to add miracle to miracle: for as it was one miracle, that the fire did not so much as touch their garments, as they passed through the flames, so it should be another, for the fire not to be quenched with this dew: but miracles must not be multiplied without cause. 2. this also derogateth from the power of God, as though he could not immediately by his own power restrain the force of the fire, but by the ministery of another creature.  
3. The third opinion is, that God restrained the burning quality of the fire: for he that first endued the elements with their several qualities, can withhold and suspend them at his pleasure: thus thinketh Basil, that vis urendi, the force of burning, did not fungi suo munere, 
in Psal. 28.  at this time exercise his force; like as the fire which Moses saw, consumed not the bush: of this opinion are also Albertus magnus, & Dyonis. Carthusianus, which is the most probable.   

Quest. 29. Of the seven miraculous things concurring in this preservation of them from the fire.  
1. The first is, that whereas the fire hath two properties concurring together, the light and the heat, that now by the power of God they are separated: here is light without burning; and in hell fire there shall be burning without light: as Basil noteth in the former place, talis est ignis inferni, ut cum maxime uret, minime tamen luceat, etc. such is the fire of hell that when it burneth most it giveth least light, Pere.  
2. This fire hath contrary effects, it preserveth those which are within, and consumeth those which are without: like as the waters of the red Sea, were a defence unto the Israelites, and a confusion to the Egyptians: and the lions which spared Daniel, devoured his accusers, Bulling.  
3. The fire burned asunder their bands, but their bodies and garments, it had no power to touch: so observeth Hierome, ardent vincula, sed vinctorum corpora non tangit, etc. their bands are burnt, but the bodies of them which were bound the fire toucheth not: so also Chrysostome, 
4. homil. ad popul. Antioch. lib. 3. dialog. cap. 18.  Compedes disrupit ignis, talos non tetigit, the fire broke their fetters, and yet touched not their ankels; so Gregory, ut haberet flamma virtutem ad solatium, non haberet ad tormentum, etc. so that the flame had it force for their comfort, but not to their torment.  
4. In the fire they breathed and walked, whereas the fire and smoke useth to suffocate, and stop the breath: Pererius addeth further, that in the mids of the fire, they made an extemporal song or psalm, to the praise of God. It is not to be doubted, but that they praised God; but that long hymn, which is extant in the vulgar Latin edition, it is not like they uttered: because it is not extant in the original: so that it seemeth to have been added by some interpreter to set forth the piety and devotion of these holy men.  
5. Pererius following the vulgar Latin, maketh this another miracle, that a pleasant cool wind with a moist dew was sent of God into the mids of the furnace: But no such thing is extant in the original: thus much may be gathered out of the text by their walking in the mids of the fire, that neither the smoke nor heat, was any annoyance unto them at all, but they had their free liberty, as though they had walked in the cool and fresh air.  
6. This was admirable, that not only their bodies, but their garments, yea the hair of their head, was kept from the fire: and there was not so much as the smell of fire about them, ver. 27.  
7. Lastly, it seemeth that Nabuchadnezzar only, whose conversion the Lord principally intended by this miracle, saw the Angel of God walking in the fiery furnace in the form of man.  
8. The like narration Pererius reporteth out of Gregory, 
lib. 3 dialog. cap. 18.  of a young man called Benedictus, who kept in a cell in Campania, within 40. miles of Rome: whom the Goths assayed to burn in his cell, and set fire round about it, but all other things being consumed, his cell remained untouched; whereupon they drew him out, and cast him into a fiery oven: but he the next day was found without any hurt of the fire, not so much as his garments touched. But the report of this miracle I leave to the judgement of the understanding reader: this we know, that that age was given too much to such miraculous reports: and that many fabulous narrations have been thrust under the name of the fathers.   

Quest. 30. Whether any thing without miracle may be preserved from the fire, being in the flames thereof.  
1. Some do think that by natural means certain things are and may be exempted from the violence and rage of the fire: Pliny writeth of the stone Aetites, 
lib. 10. c. 3. histor. natural.  which is found in a certain kind of eagle's nest, that it endureth the fire, & wasteth therein nothing at all. And in another place he maketh mention of Pyrrhus, whose body being consumed by the fire, yet the great toe of his right leg could not be burned: the same author reporteth, 
lib. 7. cap. 2.  that their hearts, which die of poison, or morbo cardiaco, the disease of the heart, cannot be burnt. Aristotle writeth of a certain stone called anthrax, which the fire cannot work upon, 
lib. 11. cap. 37.  no not so much as to heat it: the same author also writeth of a certain little beast with feet, and yet flieth, 
lib. 5. de histo. animali. cap. 19  about the bigness of a fly, which cometh out of the brass furnaces in Cyprus, which as long as it is in the fire liveth, but if it fly far from the fire it dieth: The like report there is of the Salamander, that it extinguisheth the fire, non alio modo, quam glacies, like a piece of ice, Plin. lib. 10. cap. 67. so also Aelianus, lib. 2. cap. 20. And Olympiodore the philosopher confirmeth the same by his experience, that they which kept furnaces in his time, would shake the faggots which thy burned, lest the Salamanders might be among them, which by experience they found to put out the fire. jamblicus writeth, 
jamblic. de myster. Egypt.  that the Egyptian Prophets, when they were inspired of their gods, could walk through the mids of the fire, 
lib. 7. cap. 2.  and not be burned: Pliny also maketh mention of certain families among the Faliscians' called Hyrpiae, which in the yearly sacrifice of Apollo, could pass through an heap of wood, set on fire, and not be burned.  
2. 1. Concerning those stones given in instance, it is like because of their cold and solid constitution, that they a good while may resist the fire, but at the length, the fire by the extreme heat thereof will work upon them. 2. touching those beasts which are said to live in the fire, it must be so understood, that they live in hot places, near unto the fire, but not in the flames, as those little creatures which we call crickits, do keep altogether in ovens, and chimneys, and other hot places, but they cannot endure the flames of the fire: and it is Aristotle's principle, 
lib. 2. de genera. animal. c. 3.  nullum animal nasci, vel vivere posse in igne, that no creature can be engendered, or live in the fire.  
3. As for the Salamander, by reason of the cold constitution thereof, it may resist the fire, and somewhat slake the heat of it, as any other thing will, that is extreme cold and moist; but at the length the fire will consume it: as Mathiolus writing upon Dioscorides, lib. 2. cap. 56. saith he found by experience.  
4. These examples given in instance of such as walked through the fire without hurt, are either not to be credited, as many such fabulous tales are reported by the heathen writers: or else such things were done by the operation of Satan: who either by slaking the force of the fire, or by suborning some imagined fire, or by interposing some cold body, or by some like means, can work such feats. So than it remaineth a strong and firm conclusion, that without a miracle, nothing can endure the fire without wasting and consuming. ex Perer.   

Quest. 31. That those three were true Martyrs, though they escaped by miracle the danger of death.  
1. There are three things required to make a Martyr, the goodness of the cause, the present danger of death, and a willing resolution to suffer it: all these three here concurred: the cause was for the maintenance of God's glory, the danger of death was present, and without God's miraculous deliverance inevitable, and their resolution was constant to die. This testimony Cyprian giveth of these martyrs, and of Daniel, who escaped the lions: In confessoribus Christi dilata martyria non meritum confessionis minuunt, sed magnalia divinae protectionis ostendunt, etc. 
3. lib. epist c ●.  in the confessors of Christ the deferring of their martyrdom doth not diminish the worthiness of their confession, but setteth forth the greatness of the divine protection, etc.  
2. So as Thomas distinguisheth them, there are three kind of Martyrs: 1. they which are so only in fervent desire. 2. such as are in the present peril of death, 
in lib. 4. sent●nt distinct. 49.  which they cannot escape without the miraculous deliverance of God. 3. they which are offered unto death, and do suffer it.  
3. Bernard also maketh three kinds of martyrdom: some be voluntate martyrs, & non opere, martyrs in will, and not in act, as john the Apostle: some opere, non voluntate, in act, though not in the will and purpose, 
sermon. de nata. Innocent.  as those innocents, which were put to death for Christ: some are both opere & voluntate, martyrs both in will and work, as the holy Apostles, all save john.   

Quest. 32. Whether all those are to be held Martyrs which die constantly and courageously.  
1. They which show a kind of fortitude and courage in enduring of torments, their cause being not good, are not held to be martyrs, as the anabaptists show themselves very resolute in suffering for their wicked heresy and sect. Balthasar Gerardus the Burgundian, which slew the prince of Orange, Ann. 1584. the 30. of june, endured very grievous torments, but it was pertinacy in him, rather than patience, a stupidity of sense, not a solidity of faith, a reckless desperation, not a confident resolution. Augustine saith well, 
sermon. 50. de sanctis.  ibierat Christus ubi latrones, similis causa, sed dissimilis poena, Christ was in the same place where the thieves were, the cause was like, but the punishment unlike: therefore S. Peter, discerning the cause wheresore one should suffer, saith, let none of you suffer, as a murderer, or as a thief, etc. 1. Pet. 4. 15.  
2. They which have a good cause, may fail also in the manner, as if they do procure their own death, and lay violent hands upon themselves: when any are urged mala facere, vel mala pati, to do evil, or to suffer evil, they must rather choose to suffer evil, and to yield themselves into the hands of their enemies, as those three men did: but they which kill themselves, are now doers of evil, and not sufferers: the devil tempted Christ to cast himself down from the pinnacle, but he resisted him: all such motions then tending to voluntary death, are diabolical. Augustine hereof thus writeth, 
Cont. Ga●●●nt. cap. 2.  When job was stricken with botches from the head to the foot, utique hoc vestrum compendium habuit in promptu, etc. he might have used this compendious way if he would, etc.   

Quest. 33. Why it pleaseth not God always to deliver his servants out of danger, as he did these and at this time.  
Rupertus moveth the like question, 
lib. 6. de victor. verb. c. 25.  why the Lord did not as well defend his Temple from the fire, as the bodies of his servants here.  
1. If God should do so ordinarily, than the miracle should not seem so great, not the power and glory of God so much thereby advanced.  
2. It is in God hand, and in his choice, whether to deliver his Saints from temporal danger, or to translate them to immortality: he best knoweth what is fit for every one.  
3. God doth send temporal deliverance to such instruments, as he purposeth still to use in his service: as these three were delivered, because they were special means to set forth God's glory among the Chaldeans: but when any hath finished their course, and accomplished that service for the which they were sent, than the Lord thinketh best to receive them into his kingdom, as Peter was delivered out of prison by the Angel, Act. 12. because the Lord was yet to use him in his service: but afterward when he had finished his course, the Lord suffered the persecutors to deprive him of his temporal life, Polan.  
4. Further it must be here considered, that there are two kinds of delivering the servants of God, there is occulta liberatio, & manifesta, a secret deliverance, and a manifest: the secret deliverance concerneth their souls, whom the Lord translateth to glory: wherein the Lord showeth two great works, both in giving them strength by their patience to triumph over the cruelty of their persecutors, and in bringing them unto glory. And the Lords power is no less seen intheir patience, 
〈…〉  then if he had temporally delivered them: as Rupertus speaking of the holy Martyrdom of Laurentius▪ who was broiled upon a gridyron, saith, gloriosius in eo triumphavit, quam si excussisset carbones, the Lord did more gloriously triumph in him, then if he had put out the coals. The other kind of deliverance is notorious and manifest, which is seen in the safety of their bodies, as these three were now delivered out of the fire: which kind of deliverance God sometime sendeth for the confirmation of his Saints, and for the confusion of the wicked, Polan.   

Quest. 34. vers. 25. In what sense the king saith, that the fourth was like the son of God.  
1. Some think that the king imagined, that the fourth was like the son of God, that is, was one of the inferior or second sort of gods: for the Gentiles thought, that the gods begat children of women, as jupiter had Hercules and Apollo, and these were called semidei, half gods: this opinion is mentioned by Dyonis. Carthusian. and so Osiander saith, that the king thought, that the gods had sent, quendam ex minoribus dijs, some one of the less or inferior gods. But this sperstitious and impious conceit of their half gods, was afterward taken up by the greeks, it was not at this time currant among the Babylonians: whose chief God Bel was, and next to him they adored and worshipped the Sun and the stars.  
2. Some do indeed take this to be understood of an Angel, as Hierome, Angeli filii Dei nuncupantur, the Angels are called the sons of God: as job: 1. 6. and psal. 89. 7. so also Calv. Perer. Polan. and their reason is, because the king afterward saith, that God had sent his Angel, v. 28. But 1. it is not unusual in Scripture, for the son of God to be called an Angel, as Malach. 3. 1. the Angel of the covenant. 2. and though this phrase be used in Scripture, to call the Angels the sons of God, yet it may be doubted, whether the Gentiles used so to speak. 3. And though the king might take him to be an Angel, yet the question is, whether he were an Angel, or indeed the son of God.  
3. Some add further, that this was an Angel, but likened to the son of God, because he was a type of the incarnation of the son of God: that the son of God should descend from heaven, suos è peccatorum flammis erepturus, to deliver his out of the flames of their sins: Pintus, and before him Apollinarius. But although this typical application may be made of it, yet Nebuchadnezzàr being utterly ignorant of the mystery of redemption, could not so understand it.  
4. Some do think that Nabuchadnezzar meaneth Christ the son of God: and this opinion is divided: some take it, that Nabuchadnezzar had learned the mystery of the incarnation of the Son of God of Daniel, as it was in some sort declared unto him, in the interpretation of his dream, Pintus. But Nebuchadnezzars gross superstition and idolatry, evidently showeth, that he had no such knowledge of Christ to come, Rupertus thinketh, that mente non sua locutus est, Nabuchadnezzar spoke he knew not what, as Saul and Caiphas prophesied: and addeth further, that it pleased God by the mouth of an heathen man, to reveal this mystery, non enim tutum erat, aeternam filii ex patre Dei generationem judaeis carnalibus enuntiare, for it was not safe to declare unto the carnal jews, the eternal generation of the Son from God the father, Rupertus ibid.  
But 1. it is evident by the text, that Nabuchadnezzar knew what he said, calling him afterwards an Angel, whom here he saith, was like to the Son of God. 2. and the mystery of the Trinity, and of the incarnation of Christ, could not be more strange no not to the carnal jews (among whom notwithstanding were many believers) then unto the Gentiles.  
5. Some take it, that this was but a phrase of speech to liken him to the son of God, that is some excellent person, as excellent and eminent things are so named; as the mountain of God, the army of God; that is, a great mountain, a great army, Perer. as Homer called such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, like unto God, or borne of God, jun. he saw in the countenance of the fourth, supra vultus humani splendorem radiare aliquid, something to shine beyond the brightness of man's countenance, Hug. Car. so also Lyranus. This is true, but not all.  
6. Therefore these two things may be safely here affirmed, 1. that Nabuchadnezzar here in this saying determineth not what manner of person it should be, whether God, or an Angel precisely, but in general, that it was some divine presence. 2. yet in truth and in very deed it was Christ the son of God, who appeared at this time in human shape, and came to deliver his servants: As Rupertus thereof yieldeth this reason, it was a sign of that which the Son of God was to do in his Church; quando enim non adfuit filius Dei agonizantibus? for when was not the Son of God present with his servants in their agonies? etc. This application is better than that of Lyranus, who also understandeth that this was Christ the Son of God, but would have thereby prefigured Christ's descension into hell, ubi animae sanctorum tenebantur, etc. where the souls of the saints were held, but not burnt, that they might be delivered, etc. But this is new and strange doctrine, that any in the flames of hell should be delivered, or that the flames of hell should not burn: of this opinion also are Pelican, and Osiander, that this was Christ the son of God, their reason is, because he often before appeared to Abraham, and Moses, and other patriarchs and Prophets, assumpta humana forma, assuming human shape.   

Quest. 35. Of the apparition of Angels in human shape, what manner of bodies they appeared in.  
Because the opinion of the most is, that this was an Angel, which was here seen in the mids of the furnace by Nabuchadnezzar, it shall not be amiss to insert something of their manner of apparition.  
1. That Angels, yea and the son of God himself sometime appeared visibly unto men, though in their nature they are invisible spirits, it is most evident by the manifold visions and apparitions, which were showed unto the patriarchs, and Prophets, so that this needeth no further proof.  
2. They appeared not in show only, as it were in imaginary, and fantastical bodies, as Martion held, whom Tertullian confuteth, but in very sensible and palpable bodies, which might be felt, handled, and touched: such bodies had those Angels, which came unto Lot.  
3. Nor yet were their bodies taken out of any celestial matter, such as the stars are made of, which was the fancy of Apelles, whom Tertullian confuteth, lib. de carne Christ. but rather they consisted of some terrene matter, because their bodies were palbable, and they did eat and drink.  
4. Neither were these the proper bodies of Angels, which are of a spiritual nature: we must not think, Angelos propriam carnem gestasse, that the Angels did bear their own flesh, neither was it hypostatically united unto them, as part of their person, but as Augustine saith, tanquam vestes sumebant & dep●nebant, they did assume them, and lay them down again as garments.  
5. Great difference there was between the bodies, wherein the Angels appeared, and the body which Christ walked in: for this body Christ took by birth; so did not the Angels, as Tertullian saith, non venerant mori, ideo nec nasci, they came not to die, therefore they needed not to be borne.  
6. And some difference there was between the bodies, which the Angels assumed, and wherein Christ manifested himself in the old testament: for Christ made unto him a body for the time of nothing, and laid it down again, as it pleased him: but the Angels could not make their bodies, but they were prepared of God, either of nothing, or out of some pre-existent matter: but this beginning rather their bodies had, the other of nothing was Christ's: Tertullian then hath here a bold assertion, 
lib. 3. advers. Martion.  proprium esse Angelicae potestatis, ex nulla materia sibi corpus sumere, that it is proper unto the Angelical power to take unto them a body of no matter, etc. but this power belongeth only to the creator.  
7. Now these bodies, if they were made of nothing, they were annihilated again; if out of some matter, they were resolved again into it, as Tertullian saith, corpus Angelorum eadem ratione interceptum est, qua & editum, the body of Angels was by the same means intercepted, and dissolved, by the which it was made and came forth: si non fuit initium visibile, nec finis, as the beginning of them was not visible, so no more the end, Polan.   

Quest. 36. Why the Angels used to appear in human shape.  
1. One reason is, because of all sensible and visible creatures none cometh nearer the nature of Angels, than man, and therefore Angels have assumed unto themselves the shape of man. 2. If the Angels should in any other form have appeared, using the speech of man, it would have seemed monstrous. 3. And by this the Angels did testify their love unto man, similitudo conciliat amorem, for likeness of things begetteth love. 4. Because Angels do count men their fellow servants: they propound unto them both the same end, everlasting glory in heaven: they are both under the same head Christ. 5. the Angels did so appear for the honour of Christ's incarnation, who they knew, should take our nature upon him: they therefore by this means did dignify the nature of man. 6. Beside, the parts of man's body do express and set forth diverse Angelical properties: as the head their understanding, the eyes their knowledge, the hands their ministery, the feet their readiness and agility, etc. these reasons may be rendered, why it pleased God, that the Angels should manifest themselves in human shape, Perer.   

Quest. 37. Of the sudden change and conversion that was in Nabuchadnezzar with the parts thereof.  
Nebuchadnezzars conversion appeareth both by his religious actions toward God, and by his thankful rewarding of his servants, ver. 30.  
1. His religious acts consist. 1. in his confession of the praise of God. 2. in the decree which he made concerning the name and worship of God.  
1. God's praise is set forth: both by his own work in the delivering of his servants, by sending his Angel; and by the constancy of his servants, set forth by two effects, in that they refused to obey the king's commandment, and because they did rather choose to give their bodies to the fire, then to worship any saving the Lord.  
2. In the decree, there is first expressed the offence, if any should blaspheme the name of God: then the punishment, which is twofold, upon their bodies, they shall be drawn in pieces, and on their houses, they shall be made a jakes: then the reasons added from the power of God.  
2. Then is expressed, ver. 30. how Nebuchadnezzer promoted these three men in the province of Babel, ver. 30.   

Quest. 38. Whether this were a true conversion in Nabuchadnezzar.  
1. Pererius thinketh that Nabuchadnezzar was truly and indeed converted, which he would prove by the effects thereof, namely these four. 1. the confession of his error. 2. the advancing of true religion. 3. the exalting of those that feared God. 4. and severe punishing of all blasphemers and enemies unto God. But these were temporary effects, they continued not, they were therefore no signs of a true conversion.  
2. The truer opinion than is, that Nabuchadnezzar was but moved and affected for a time, by the strangeness of this miracle, he was not truly converted. 1. As were the effects of his faith, such was his faith; but the effects were but temporary, they lasted but a while, for presently after in the next chapter, he seeketh again unto his sorcerers, for the interpretation of his dream, jun. 2. he could have no true faith, because he had no true knowledge of God, seeing in the same hour as it were, a little before, he had commanded the golden image to be worshipped. 3. permiscuit idola sua vero Deo, he did join his idols with the true God, Calvin. yet some think that he not long after caused the image to be pulled down, Osiander. It is more like he did not, because he continued in his old superstition, in being addicted still to his enchanters, and sorcerers. 4. here was only a naked miracle, which is but a preparative unto faith, here was no doctrine or instruction out of the word of God, whereby faith is begotten in us, Calvin.  
3. But Rupertus, although his opinion be right, 
lib. 6. de victor. verb. c. 23.  that this confession of Nabuchadnezzar, was tota respersa fermento tumidae vanitatis, besprinkled with the leaven of swelling vanity: yet his reason is not good, because he saith, placuit mihi, it pleased me to declare the signs, which God had wrought, apud me, with me, as though he should have said, nisi ob gratiam mei, he did them only for my cause, whereas they were wrought against him. Contra. 1. the words well interpreted are, it became me, not it pleased me. 2. And these miracles and signs were wrought toward him or with him, because he was thereby brought to acknowledge and confess his error, and to give the praise unto God.  
4. But Oecolampadius goeth yet further, and giveth such commendation of this confession of Nabuchadnezzar: fungitur in hoc non solum poenitentis, fed & Apostoli offici●, he herein dischargeth not only the duty of a penitent person, but even of an Apostle also in writing of epistles, etc. But the king confessed as much in effect before, cap. 2. 47. that the Lord was a God of Gods, and the Lord of kings, and yet after that he made the image.  
5. Yet on the other side, are we far from the opinion of Apollinarius, that the king regio fastu condiderit hanc legem, etc. of princely pride and vanity did make this law against blasphemers: But although these were but temporary effects and fruits of his faith, yet for the time they were in truth: for if the king had sought his pomp, he would not in this manner have laid open his error to all the world, and praised the constancy of these men.   

39 Quest. Whether blasphemy is to be punished with death.  
1. Apollinarius thus objected, that the punishments which the Lord inflicteth in his law, are executed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by way of amendment, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by way of retribution: for no punishment can countervail the greatness of sin: and therefore in such sins such severity is not to be used.  
2. Contra. 1. Deus internam pravitatem suo judicio reservat, etc. God reserveth the inward impiety for his own judgement, but the outward offence the Magistrate is to restrain by law, Oecolampad. 2. By the law of God the blasphemer was put to death. 3. And if an heathen Prince, did decree such a severe punishment against blasphemy, much more ought a Christian Magistrate, Polan. 4. Origen saith, 
Hom. 11. in Lev.  si patri maledicens morte multatur, etc. if he that curseth his father be put to death, how much more he which blasphemeth God our heavenly father: the Canon saith, 
Can poenit. ●●  blasphemous secundum legem est decapitandus, secundum canonem anathematizandus, a blasphemer according to the (civil) law is to be beheaded, according to the Canon, to be anathematized and held accursed.  
In the Lateran Council thus it was provided against blasphemers, 
A notable decree against blasphemers. Concil. Later. sess. 9  si munus publicum gesserit, etc. if he bore a public office, the first and second time he should lose the benefit of his office for three months, the third time he should be deprived: si Clericus, if he were a Clergy man, the first time he should lose the profits of one whole year, the second, he was to be deprived of his benefice: and the third time, inhabilis reddatur, he was made uncapable of that function: si nobilis, etc. if he were a noble man, the first time he should pay 25. ducats, the second 50. the third time that he offendeth, nobilitatum perdat, he should lose his nobility.  
If he were a common person, he should be imprisoned: if he offended more than twice, he was to be enjoined to stand one whole day before the Church door: if yet he continued in the sin of blasphemy, ad perpetuos carceres, vel ad triremes damnetur, let him be condemned to perpetual prison, or to the galleys.   

40. Quest. Whether the three last verses do belong unto this second chapter.  
v. 31. Nabuchadnezzer unto all people, nations, and languages, etc. The vulgar Latin following the Septuag. so also Pererius, do make these three last verses part of the third chapter: some also of the Hebrews do the like. But they are better referred unto the history of the next chapter, as jun. Vatab. Calvin. Oecolampad. Pelican. Osiand. Bulling. so also Lyran. gloss. ordin. Hugo Cardin. do think that this Epistle was written by the king, after the Lord had humbled him, and deprived him of his understanding, and afterward restored him again, as it followeth in the next chapter: the reasons for proof hereof are these.  
1. Because the style and manner of writing in the first person, the epistle beginneth thus, Nabuchadnezzer king, To all people, etc. and v. 32. I thought it good: agreeth with the first words of the next chapter, I Nabuchadnezzer, etc. 2. He intendeth to declare the signs and wonders, which God wrought toward him, such as specially concerned him, and none did more particularly touch him, than his transformation into the life of a bruit beast. 3. If this epistle should not have coherence with the narration following, it should be much imperfect: for he saith, I thought good to declare the signs and wonders: and yet he declareth none, if this epistle should not have relation to the next chapter: Seeing than that these 3. last verses are a part of that chapter, the questions here arising, shall be there handled.    

4. The places of doctrine.  

1. Doct. That the godly have always some enemy or other to encounter with.  
v. 1. Nebuchadnezzer the king made an image of gold, etc. Many are the adversaries and divers the assaults and combats, which are opposed to the faithful: their enemies are cither internal, which is their own corrupt concupiscence, whereof S. Paul speaketh, Rom. 7. 23. I see an other law in my members rebelling against the law of my mind: or external, which are enemies spiritual and invisible, as Satan with all his temptations: as S. Paul saith, We wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against principalities, etc. against spiritual wickednesses, Eph. 6. 12. or enemies visible, which are either Gentiles and idolaters, or heretics and schismatics: as the Apostle saith, he was in danger among the Gentiles, and among false brethren, 2. Cor. 11. 26.   

2. Doct. Of the manner of accusation, which the wicked lay in against the servants of God.  
v. 8. That same time came men of the Chaldeans and grievously accused the Jews. 1. As the Chaldeans were the first that gave counsel to the king to make this image, to entrap the faithful jews; so it is the guise of the enemies of God's Church to lay stumbling blocks before the servants of God, and to make laws to entangle them: as they practised against Daniel, c. 6.  
2. They are ready to take any occasion to accuse them, as the Chaldeans here.  
3. They omit no time, they use all speed and opportunity, to prosecute their wicked enterprise: as the Chaldeans came the same time and hour, and made their complaint.  
4. They are flatterers, and make Princes believe, that they are very observant of their laws, and pray for their prosperity: as here they wish the king may live for ever: whereas they do only make a way hereby to work more mischief.  
5. They do set themselves specially against poor strangers, and make them odious by their country: as they say, v. 12. There are certain jews.  
6. They accuse them of unthankfulness, mutiny, and rebellion: as these Chaldees do here, v. 12. and it is the usual accusation against the servants of God, as though they were contemners of the laws and decrees of Princes.   

3. Doct. That God is one.  
v. 12. Neither will they serve thy gods, etc. The Gentiles brought in an infinite number of gods: hesiod saith, that they worshipped 30. thousand gods: the same also is testified by Eunomius, lib. de falsit. or aculor. Tertullian in Apologet. allegeth out of Marcus Varro, that they had thirty gods, called by the name of jupiter.  
1. But the Scripture evidently testifieth, that God is but one: as, Deut. 6. 4. Hear O Israel, the Lord our God, is the Lord only. Deut. 32. 39 Behold, hear O Israel, for I, am he, and there is no gods with me. Psal. 86. 10. thou art great, and dost wondrous things, thou art God alone. Isa. 45. 5. I am the Lord, and there is none other, there is no God beside me.  
2. yea the Philosophers and wise men among the heathen, though the vulgar sort worshipped a multitude of gods, did hold that there was but one beginning of all things: as Trismegist. 4. dialog. Pymandri saith, universum mundum verbo non manibus fabricatus est opifex, etc. that one workman made all the world with his word, not with hands. Orpheus in his verses calleth God, protogon●●, the first begotten, that nothing was before him, and, that all things were created by him. justinus Martyr allegeth out of the verses of Sibyl, unus Deus solus etc. that there is one God alone, unbegotten, omnipotent, invisible. Sophocles both a Philosopher and a Poet, doth affirm the one God to be the creator of the world: so Thales, Pythagoras, Socrates, Plato, Chrysippus, did all affirm, that there was one God, whom they called a divine Spirit, and as it were the soul of the world. And it is said of Aristotle, that, when he was at the very point of death, he cried out, causa causarum miserere me●, O thou cause of causes have pity on me. And they were induced thus to think by these and such like reasons:  
1. Because they saw, that in a Commonwealth the Monarchical state was the best: in a kingdom one Prince, in an army one general, in a ship one governor, in a beehive one master-bee: so in the world there is one chief Ruler and mover of all things.  
2. God is an infinite spirit: but one infinite thing can not stand with an other.  
3. God is love, unity, concord: but where many gods are, there is variety, not unity, discord, not peace.  
4. Like as in the body, though there be many and divers parts, there is but one soul, the fountain of life and motion in the body: so is it in the greet world.   

4. Doct. We must be resolute in religion.  
v. 16. We are not careful to answer thee in this matter. These three holy men could not be neither by hope of the king's favour, and of great rewards enticed; nor yet by fear of punishment terrified from their profession: Nay they would not so much as admit of any deliberation in so evident a matter: As Cyprian when he was required to take some time to pause, and consider with himself, what he would do, uttered that worthy saying, In re tam certa nulla deliberatio, in a matter so certain there need no further deliberation: So these here answer, that they took no care how to answer the king: according to that saying of our blessed Saviour, Mark. 13. 11. When they lead you and deliver you up, take ye no thought afore, neither premeditate what ye shall say, but whatsoever is given unto you at the same time, that speak, etc.   

5. Doct. Of the difference of temporal and eternal promises.  
v. 18. But if not, be it known unto thee, etc. Although God should not deliver them out of this temporal danger, yet they would not leave their profession: for they knew, that God being able to deliver them, yet he might not show his power at this time for some causes best known unto himself. There is a double kind of deliverance, one from everlasting death, which we are absolutely sure of without any condition: there is a deliverance from temporal danger, which we are assured ordinarily no otherwise of, than it pleaseth God, and as he seeth it may stand best with his glory and our good. In such temporal cases, the Apostle teacheth always to presuppose this condition, 
jam. 4. 1●.  If the Lord will.   

6. Doct. Obedience is not to be given unto Magistrates in all things.  
v. 22. The flame slew those men, etc. Because these tormentors and executioners did yield obedience unto the king in a wicked and unjust thing, they are worthily punished: God commandeth obedience unto princes, but not against himself: so after this manner, the two captains with their fifties, whom the king sent to take Elias, were destroyed with fire from heaven. Our Saviour saith in the Gospel, that if the blind lead the blind, they shall both fall into the ditch: both of them, not only the captain and ringleader, but he also that is seduced and misled. Bulling.   

7. Doct. Of the certainty of the resurrection.  
v. 27. Not an hair of their head was burnt, etc. Tertullian collecteth from hence, 
lib. de resurr. caruis.  that if God by his power preserved even the garments of these men, and the hair of their heads from the fire; much more able is he to preserve the bodies of his Saints from everlasting and final corruption, and to raise them up at the last day: hence than he concludeth, Dominum potentiorem omni corporum lege, etc. that God is of power and might beyond the law of corruptible bodies. And in that one hair of theirs was not burnt, here is verified that saying of our blessed Saviour, Matth. 10. 30. All the hairs of your head are numbered, etc.   

8. Doct. The maintenance of true religion belongeth unto the civil Magistrate.  
v. 29. Therefore I make a decree. Nebuchadnezzer here maketh a severe law against those, which should blaspheme the true God, whom these three worshipped: whereupon Augustine inferreth well, that it belongeth unto the Magistrate to be conservators and preservers of true religion, poenam capitalem constituit in eos, qui Deum illorum invenumblasphemarent, etc. he appointeth a capital punishment against them, 
11. tractat. in joann.  which did blaspheme the God of those young men, etc. The Apostle saith, that the Magistrate is the minister of God, to take vengeance on him, that doth evil, Rom. 13. 4. Therefore heretics and blasphemers, who are evil doers, are to be censured and punished by civil laws, as well as other malefactors.    

5. Places of controversy.  

1. Controv. That an image used for any religious use and an idol are all one.  
v. 1. Nabuchadnezzer made an image of gold. The word is tzelem, which the Septuag. translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and image: so also Pagnin, Montan. jun. and yet it was a plain idol. Here then appeareth the vanity of that curious and frivolous distinction of the Romanists, between an image, and an Idol: as though an image should be only the true similitude of a thing, an idol the representation of a thing, which is not: as were the idols of the heathen: for this great idol represented no special person, it was erected for the honour of their gods, yet is it called an image: see more of this question, Synops. Cent. 2. err. 42.   

2. Controv. Against the adoration of Images.  
1. Hierome upon this example of these young men, that refused to fall down before Nabuchadnezzers' image, thus inferreth, Cultores Dei statuas adorare non debent, etc. the worshippers of God must not worship images: therefore they which worship the images of Emperors do that, quod tres p●eri facere noluerunt, which these three children would not do. Pererius here answereth, that Hierome speaketh against the worshipping of the emperors images, not of Saints, and of giving divine adoration unto them, after the manner of the Gentiles. Contra. 1. If it be unlawful to adore the images of men living, much more of them that are dead: A living dog is better than a dead lion, Eccles. 9 4. 2. Hierome speaketh not of adoring images, as gods, but simply of adoring them: for the Gentiles did not hold their images to be their very gods, but only representations of them: and therefore in the same place Hierome noteth these as two distinct things, Deos coli, imagines adorari, quod utrunque servis Dei non convenit, for the gods to be worshipped, and the images to be adored, both of which do not beseem the servants of God.  
2. Lactantius urgeth these reasons against idolatry. 1. Imago hominis tum videtur necessaria, cum procul abest, etc. the image of a man is then thought to be necessary, when he is absent and far off, but than it is superfluous, when he is present, and at hand. But the Spirit of God being every where dispersed, can never be absent, therefore an image of God is always superfluous, lib. 2. Institut. c. 2. 2. Images are but the portraitures and pictures of men: now it is inconvenient, ut simulachrum hominis, à simulachro Dei homine adoretur, that the image of a man should be worshipped of man, who is the image of God. l. 2. instit. c. 18.  
3. Worshippers of Images do offend in these 3. things: 1. in worshipping that which is not God: for the images and idols, which they worship, are not gods: so jerem. c. 2. chargeth the Israelites, because they digged unto them pits, which could hold no water. 2. They offend, quando colitur Deus, sed non solus, when God is worshipped, but not only: as the Israelites in Elias time served God and Baal together, which he calleth, an halting between two opinions, 1. king. 18. 3. Though they intent God's worship only, yet they sin in worshipping him after an other manner, than the Lord hath prescribed in his word: as jeroboam brought in new rites and ceremonies, and other Priests, than were appointed by the law. Bulling.  
4. The beginning and invention of Idols was from the heathen: as in the book of wisdom it is said, c. 14. 13. The vain glory of men brought them into the world: so Gregorius the Bishop of Neocaesarea said, 
Concil. Nicen. 2. action. 6.  Gentilit as inventrix & caput imaginum, Gentility was the inventor and head of images. Eusebius speaking of the images of Christ, of Peter and Paul, saith, 
lib. 7. c. 18●  hoc mihi videtur ex gentili consuetudine obseruatum, this seemeth to me to be observed according to the custom of the Gentiles: for they use to honour those whom they count worthy of honour. So the emperors H●liogabalus, Adrianus, Alexander Severus, used to set up in their Chapels the images of Abraham, Moses, Christ. Likewise the Gnostike and Carpocratian heretics did worship the pictures of Christ, of Paul, Pythagoras, Homer, as Iraen. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  witnesseth, l. 1. c. 24. Athanasius therefore well saith, simulachrorum inventio non à bono, etc. that the invention of images came not of any good, but evil: as it is said, Wisd. 14. 11. The beginning of idols was the beginning of whoredom, and the finding of them is the corruption of life. Hereupon it is, that the jews suffer no image painted or graven in their Synagogues, Dion. l. 37. nay Orig●n testifieth, they would not suffer any carver or painter to remain in their country, lib. 4. cont. Celsum. See more of this Controv. Synops. Cent. 2. err. 44.   

3. Controv. Whether images in Churches may be tolerated, though they be not adored.  
1. Pappus here maketh 3. kind of Images: some were set up for idolatry, and these he would have removed: there are two other kind: some do set forth the histories of the old and new Testament, some are only for ornament in Churches: neither of these are prohibited, as evidently appeareth by the building both of Moses Tabernacle, and of Salomon's Temple: but here it is the part of the Minister to admonish the people to take heed of idolatry: so he concludeth that the use of Images in itself is to be counted among indifferent things.  
2. 1. This distinction of images and pictures, as some were set up for superstition, some are for history, some for ornament, we greatly mislike not: but if he grant, that all images set up for idolatry ought to be demolished, than all such likewise, which may be abused to idolatry; as all carved and graven images are of that kind. 2. Such kind of images, which are carved and fashioned with proportion, and not painted only and pictured, serve not at all for history: therefore by that pretext they cannot be excused. 3. And though there may be an outward comeliness to the eye, in the gild and garnishing of images; yet such comeliness must serve unto edifying: but if offence rather and occasion be feared thereby, the inward comeliness and decency is more to be respected, than the seemliness of the object to the eye. 4. It is a more compendious way to remove the stumbling block, then to put it before the feet, and then bid men to take heed of it: so it were better to take away the very occasion of idolatry, than it remaining to warn the people to take heed. 5. And the use of images for religion is no indifferent thing: as the very place doth show, that images set up in Churches, have a certain religious respect. 6. Lastly the Apostles saying, Babes keep yourselves from idols, 1. joh. 5. 21. doth not only will them to take heed of idolatry, but even to shun the occasion, and to remove the stumbling block.   

4. Controv. Of the ways and means, whereby idolatry is promoted.  
1. As here this image is set up by the authority of the king: so the Romanists do by the authority of Princes get the adoration of images commanded.  
2. He causeth it to be made of gold, that it might allure them the more: and so the Papists do adorn their images and Temples with gold.  
3. The image is made of an huge bigness, that it might be the more admired for the greatness thereof: so in the Popish Churches they have their Crucifixes made of great proportion, and other images, as of S. Christopher, that they might draw the eyes of the people unto them.  
4. Nabuchadnezzer maketh choice also of a convenient place, in a great plain: and the Romanists think to grace their images by the place, setting them up in Churches and Churchyards, in crosses and high ways.  
5. The king hath here the consent of all his nobles for the setting up of this image: so was it a decree among the Romans, that no god should be consecrated of the Emperor, unless the Senate approved it: and therefore when Tiberius moved that Christ should be received into the number of the gods, because the Senate would not consent, it was not done: hereupon Tertullian saith, nisi homini Deus placuerit, Deus non erit, unless God be pleasing unto man, he shall not be God. After this manner the Papists do urge consent and agreement, of all states among them, of Princes, Dukes, Nobles, Cardinals, Bishops.  
6. Here was a bloody decree made against those, that would not worship this image, they are threatened the fiery furnace: So in the persecution under the Roman Emperors, the Christians were put to unspeakable torments, as Tertullian describeth, 
Apologet. c. 12.  crucibus & stipitibus imponitis Christianos, &c. you put Christians upon crosses and stakes: you tear & scratch their sides with claws and nails, etc. we are cast unto beasts, burnt with fire, etc. Even these also are the engines and instruments wherewith the Papists persecute the servants of Christ, the fire and sword.  
7. This idolatrous service of the Image is set forth with all kind of variety of music, to affect the minds of the simple, and to stir up their superstitious affections: So among the Romanists their service is attended upon with instruments of music, which make a dumb sound, nothing being understood that is sung or played.  
8. Thus by all these means superstition and idolatry is countenanced by authority of Princes, consent, severity of decrees, and such like, and yet prevaileth not; whereas the truth is naked, hath neither consent, nor authority on it side, but all things against it, yet it prospereth, to make that saying good of the Apostle, The foolishness of God is wiser than men, and the weakness of God is stronger than men, 1. Cor. 1. 25.   

5. Controv. Of the use of Church music, and musical instruments.  
v. 7. As soon as the people heard the sound of the trumpet, cornet, etc. Because Idolaters abuse musical instruments to insinuate their superstition, it followeth not, that there can be no right use of them in the Church of God.  
1. It is evident in the titles of divers Psalms of David, that they were sung and played upon instruments, which should not have been used in the Church of God, if they had been simply unlawful, Pap. neither can it be said, that the use of such musical instruments than was altogether ceremonial: for they used them as well in their civil rejoicings, as in their Ecclesiastical assemblies: the use thereof holding still in the one, can not be utterly condemned in the other. Concerning singing, S. Paul alloweth speaking in hymns and Psalms, and spiritual songs: the Christians, as Plinius secundus writ unto Trajane, had their antelucanos hymnos, their morning songs, which they song before day unto Christ: Flavianus and Theodorus at Antioch, Basil in the East Churches, and Ambrose at Milan brought up the use of singing.  
2. Yet Christians now are not to take the same liberty in these external parts of God's service, as the Church of the jews did: but as they kept their Sabbath with outward observations, much respecting the corporal rest: but Christians now make the outward rest the least part of the Lords day, consecrating the same chiefly to spiritual exercises: So now the greatest part of the service of God must be spent in spiritual instruction: the other must be used only as an handmaid.  
3. These rules than ought to be observed in Church songs and music: 1. that it ought to be grave and sober, and musical instruments should so be handled, ut ad cantus solennes Ecclesiasticos adhibeantur, that they be applied unto the songs of the Church, non ad vagam & inanem aurium delectationem, not for the wandering and vain delight of the ears, etc. that all things in the Church may be done to edifying. 2. Vt non maior pars temporis illis instrumentis tribuatur, etc. that the greater part of time should not be given unto those instruments and songs, and the less to the word of God and the Sacraments: but as the Apostle saith, that all things be done, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in order, and decently: that every part of divine service, as it is more necessary, so it should have the most time: Pap. 3. We must not rest in the outward sound, to imagine that God is pleased and satisfied with such melody: for this was the difference between the use of instruments in the Church of God among the jews there, and among the idolatrous Chaldeans: they used them as helps of their infirmity, yet manebat illud principium, spiritualiter Deum esse colendum, that principle remained, that God was spiritually to be worshipped: But the other, putarunt se Deo satisfecisse, thought they had satisfied God, if they did heap together musical instruments. Calvin. We may then sing and speak in hymns and psalms, but we must make a melody also in our hearts, Eph. 5. 19 whosoever singeth with his voice and not with his heart, mocketh God, and deceiveth himself. This then is the difference between religious, and superstitious devotion: true devotion is first wrought within by the preaching of God's word, and then is helped without by such external means: but superstition and blind devotion first beginneth with the ear and eye, and then affecteth the heart: where the Lord than is rightly served, they that worship him first do believe with the heart, and then they confess with the mouth, Rom. 10. 10. Concerning the moderate use of Church music, see more Synops. papism. p. 594.   

6. Controv. That the multitude of professors doth not argue the truth of the profession.  
v. 3. All the governors of the Provinces were assembled to the dedicating of the image. If the truth should here have been tried by the multitude, than Nebuchadnezzers' idolatry should have had the approbation, which was received of so many thousands, whereas here were only three found to be the true worshippers of God. It is true therefore, as Cyprian saith, multitudo errantium non parit errori patrocinium, that the multitude of those that err, is no patronage for error: Our blessed Saviour saith, Broad is the way that leadeth to destruction, and many there be which go in thereat: and the way is narrow which leadeth unto life, and few there be that find it, Matth. 7. 13, 14. Then the Romanists do in vain object and obtrude their universality and multitudes: for never was any sect or profession in the world more universally received, then was the Pagans idolatry: and the number of true professors, hath always been the smallest: as our blessed Saviour calleth his flock, A small flock, Luk. 12. 32. see further, Synops. Cent. 1. err. 19   

7. Controv. Of superstitious dedications.  
v. 3. They were assembled to the dedication of the image. Nabuchadnezzer in the dedication of this image, offended two ways, 1. in the end and use, in that he dedicateth it to an idolatrous purpose, for the which he had no warrant. 2. in the manner, he did dedicate it only by a pompous, and theatrical solemnity, with all kind of lasciviousness and excess, as the Israelites did consecrate their golden calf: Such like dedications have the Papists of their Churches to this day, 1. they consecreate them to a false end, as dedicating them unto Saints, and making them temples of the breaden body of Christ: 2. they use divers superstitious toys, as oil, salt, ashes, tapers, and such like: whereas it is prayer and the word, whereby Churches, as all other things are consecrated to their proper end and use: Bulling. see more hereof Synops. Cent. 2. err. 58.   

8. Controv. That Counsels and general assemblies may err.  
Vers. 4. Be it known unto you all people, nations, and languages: Here was a very general assembly, and Council gathered together, out of the most famous kingdoms and provinces of the world: who all notwithstanding erred and were deceived, in setting up and adoring this image: And not only were the great counsels of the heathen and Gentiles thus deceived, but even among the people of God also: as Aaron with the greatest part of Israel did all consent and join together to make a golden calf: therefore the Romanists, standing upon the decrees and constitutions of their general Counsels, which they erroneously hold, cannot err, do therein deceive themselves and others, Bullinger, See further Synops. Cen. 1. er. 33.   

9 Controv. The fire, and sword, and other cruelties the weapons of idolaters and superstitious men.  
Vers. 6. Whosoever falleth not down, etc. shall be cast into the mids of a fiery furnace. After the same manner were the holy martyrs used in the most cruel and bloody persecutions under the Emperors of Rome, 
Apologet. c. ●.  as Tertullian complaineth, ad bestias impellimur, ignibus urimur, in metalla damnamur, in insulas relegamur, we are forced unto the beasts, burned with fire, condemned to the metals, banished into the Islands, etc. with these engines have the Popes of Rome raged against the servants of Christ, in Germany, Italy, France, Spain, England, Scotland, condemning them to the fire, as our Blessed Saviour foretold, it shall come to pass that whosoever killeth you, will think he doth God service, john. 16. 1.   

10. Controv. That these three servants of God were not delivered from the fire for their virginity or abstinency.  
Vers. 25. Walking in the mids of the fire, and they have no hurt: Damascene thinketh that they were not hurt of the fire, because they kept their virginity: lib. 4. but no such thing appeareth in this story, that they lived unmarried: Basil in a certain homily of the praise of fasting, doth ascribe this their deliverance unto their fasting. But the Apostle putteth us out of doubt, that they were preserved by their faith, Heb. 11. 33. through faith they stopped the mouths of lions, quenched the violence of fire: As Pintus well observeth.   

11. Controv. Against the Vbiquitares.  
They which maintain the omnipresence of Christ's flesh, and that the body of Christ may be in the Eucharist without the essential properties thereof, as circumscription, quantity, visibility, and such like, do thus reason out of this place: the burning heat is an essential property of the fire, but this was separated from the fire, and yet the essence of the fire remained: therefore the essential properties of a thing may be separated from it, the nature still remaining.  
Contra. 1. The burning faculty of the fire is not an essential property, but an effect of the heat, which is an essential quality of the fire. 2. the heat was not separated from the fire, for than it should have been no longer fire: but the heat thereof was only restrained, and hindered from working, and that not generally, but only where the servants of God were, for without the furnace the flames killed the king's ministers: and if the fire had lost the heat, the miracle had not been so great, for a thing not being hot, not to be burnt, Polan. 3. If all this were admitted, it serveth not their turn; for here the Scripture testifieth, that there was fire, and yet it burned not: they must then show the like warrant for their miracle in the Eucharist, that a body should be there without the due properties: it followeth not because it pleased God at this time to show a miracle to set forth his glory, that he should do so continually.   

12. Controv. That miracles are not always a note and sure mark of the Church.  
1. The true notes and marks of the Church are such as are always seen in it: but the Church of God always hath not the power of miracles, neither is it always necessary. Again, the true marks of the Church cannot be found else where, but miracles may be wrought by those, which are not of the Church, as by the forcerers of Egypt: and Antichrist shall work wonders, 2. Thes. 2. and false Prophets may give signs, which may come to pass, Deut. 13. 1.  
2. But it will be thus further objected: that, whereby God is acknowledged, is a note of the Church, but God is here confessed and acknowledged by Nabuchadnezzar by this miracle, therefore it was a note of the Church. Ans. 1. That whereby God always and only is acknowledged is a note of the Church: but such are not signs and miracles, for sometime they may seduce and draw away from God. 2. God is in some sort known by miracles, but only in respect of his power, he is not sufficiently known, but by his word, and therefore by this reason the word of God is the proper note of the Church, whereby the Lord is most absolutely known: and yet this is denied by the Romanists, Polan. 3. This must be understood of true miracles, which are wrought by the spirit of God, and are applied to a right end: this reason holdeth not for false miracles. 4. true miracles than do for that time demonstrate the Church, while that gift and power remaineth: but a perpetual note it cannot be of the Church, because that power always remaineth not. See more hereof, Synops. Centur. 1. err. 22.   

13. Controv. Whether a contrary religion may be tolerated in a commonwealth.  
1. Nabuchadnezzar here maketh a decree, that whosoever spoke any blasphemy against the God, whom these three worshipped, should be punished: hereupon this question is moved by Polanus, whether the prince is only to suffer the true religion to be professed in his kingdom: wherein these three considerations are to be had.  
1. If the kingdom is such as hath an absolute government, and the true religion is already settled and established: in this case no mixture of contrary religion is to be admitted: As diverse good kings of judah are reproved, because they removed not the high places: But josias for his faithfulness is commended, who put down the Chemarims, and abolished all monuments of superstition.  
2. If the kingdom be such, as professeth corrupt religion, which cannot be removed all at once, than the godly prince intending reformation, must content himself to do, what he may; and to follow Nebuchadnezzars precedent, who although idolatry were not then abolished, yet provideth that no iviurie should be offered unto true religion, nor blasphemy uttered against the true God: So where true religion cannot be drawn in altogether, it must set in foot as it may: as now is seen in the kingdom of France.  
3. Sometime where true religion is professed in a state not of absolute government, for peace sake, and to avoid sedition, the magistrates are constrained to tolerate some errors, as wise pilates for the time giving way unto the tempest, Polan. as the Israelites suffered, the Canaanites to dwell among them, whom they could not expel at once.   

14. Controv. That the conversion of Nabuchadnezzar here doth not signify the conversion of the devil in the end of the world.  
Lyranus here noteth the opinion of some, which think that Nabuchadnezzar this proud king was herein a type of the devil, who in the end and consummation of the world, should receive and embrace the true knowledge of God.  
But this heresy is opposite to the Scriptures, which calleth it everlasting fire which is prepared for the Devil and his Angels, Matth 24. 41. and S. Jude saith, that the Angels which fell are reserved in everlasting chains under darkness, Jude 6. And the Devils cannot be converted or saved but by a Mediator: Christ is no Mediator for them, for he in no sort took the Angels, that is, their nature, Heb. 2. 16.    

6. Moral observations.  

1. observat. The mutable state of religion in kingdoms.  
Vers. 1. Nabuchadnezzar, etc. made an image. Not only the favour of the king was mutable, for whom he lately extolled, he now adjudgeth to the fire, but his mind was variable concerning religion: he which before confessed the God of Israel, now setteth up idolatry in despite of God. Thus in the time of the kings of judah religion often altered, and changed, sometime the true worship of God flourished, as under Hezekiah and josias, but their wicked sons after them set up idolatry, Bulling. Thus was it in England, King Edward maintained the Gospel, Queen Marie brought in the Mass again: Thus there is no certainty of any thing in this world: the Church is like the Moon, sometime increasing, and again sometime decreasing: which teacheth us, that the members of the Church, should in the prosperity thereof look for change: that they may not be unprepared, but say with job, the thing which I feared is come upon me. 
job. 3. 25.    

2. observat. That not every one, which upon a sudden passion confesseth God, is truly converted.  
This notably appeareth here in Nabuchadnezzar, who before being astonished at the interpretation of his dream, confessed the true God, and yet after this he setteth up an image: So Herod did reverence john, and heard him gladly, and did many things, yet was he but an hypocrite: We must not then be hasty to give approbation of such, as do show some sudden fruits and effects of religion, nor be too forward to commit ourselves to their trust, but we must expect a while, and we shall soon see them to return unto their old guise, Po. to this purpose saith the wiseman, be that praiseth his friend with a loud voice, (that is, without cause) it shall be counted to him as a curse, Prou. 27. 14.   

3. observat. We ought rather to die, then to deny our religion.  
As these three faithful servants of God are willing not only to lose their honour and place of dignity, but their life also rather than to dishonour God. Some write that there is a certain little beast called the mouse of Armenia, which will rather die, then be defiled with any filth or unclean thing, in so much, as if her hole be desmeared with dirt, she will rather choose to be taken, then to be polluted: Such aught the servants of God to be, to endure any thing, rather than to corrupt and defile their consciences, Pin. Such was the excellent resolution of S. Paul, Act. 21. 13. I am ready not to be bound only, but to die at jerusalem for the name of the Lord jesus.   

4. observat. We must obediently submit ourselves, and all we have to the Lords good will and pleasure.  
Vers. 18. Our God, whom we serve, it able to deliver us, but if not, etc. Here these holy men do commit themselves to God's providence, whether he deliver them or no, they are contented; they will not be unfaithful: they will not condition with God, as though their present deliverance should be the reward of their service: but they refer themselves wholly to his will and pleasure: as Theodoret excellently saith, gubernatori nostre, quocunque ei libuerit, navem dirigendam committimus, we do commit our bark to our pilot to be guided, which way it pleaseth him, Perer. 
Act. 21. 14.  So the disciples answered Paul when they saw him so resolute, the will of God be done.   

5. observat. Of the utility of affliction.  
Vers. 25. I see walking in the mids of the fire, and they have no hurt. As this fiery furnace hurt not the bodies of these three men, so affliction is profitable, not hurtful to God's children: thereby their patience is tried, and God glorified: like as the most wholesome medicines are most unpleasant, so affliction, though profitable to the soul, is unsavoury to the flesh, Pintus. So the Prophet David saith, Psal. 119. 71. It is good for me that I have been afflicted.   

6. observat. Of the contentment of God's children in the mids of their affliction.  
Vers. 26. As here these holy men would not come forth of the fiery furnace until Nabuchadnezzar called them, but had their comfort and contentment in God: so the servants of God in their affliction do patiently expect and wait the end and term, which God hath set for their trial, Polan. as job excellently saith, cap. 13. 15. Lo, though he slay me, yet will I put my trust in him: and David saith, Psal. 39 I held my peace because it was thy doing. Such comfort did the holy martyrs find in their greatest torments, that they made no haste to come out of them, nay they most desirously ran unto them.     

CHAP. FOUR  

1. The Argument and Method.  
THe sum of this chapter is to show how Nabuchadnezzar was after a most extraordinary manner humbled for his pride in the which narration, the efficient cause of his humiliation is described to be God, the material cause Nabuchadnezzar himself, the formal, it is set down in the manner of an epistle, the final cause is the conversion of Nabuchadnezzar to God's glory, and the comfort of his Church.  
The Chapter hath two parts. 1. the inscription of the epistle, in the three last verses of the last chapter, which are rather to be referred unto this, as is showed before, cap 3. quest. 40. the order and parts of the inscription are also showed before, cap. 3. quest. 37.  
1. The body of the epistle consisteth. 1. of the exordium, or beginning, describing in general, 1. the dream of the king, who, where, and in what manner he dreamt. 2. the inquisition for the interpretation thereof, of the wise men, which was frustrate, to ver. 6.  
2. The narration followeth: where 1. there is the declaration of the dream to vers. 16. 2. the interpretation thereof, vers. 26. 3. the accomplishment, ver. 26. to the end.  
1. In the declaration: there is, 1. the description of the tree, vers. 8. 9 2. of the overthrow of the tree with the manner thereof, ver. 13. 3. the certainty of it with the end, v. 14.  
2. In the interpretation. 1. there is the preamble to it, wherein is contained Nebuchadnezzars request unto Daniel, v. 15. and daniel's delberate answer after a certain pause, v. 16. 2. then followeth. 1. the interpretation itself, consisting of the exposition, both of the tree and the beautiful state thereof, vers. 19 then of the overthrow of the same, what is signified thereby, ver. 20. to vers. 24. 3. the counsel of Daniel to the king, v. 24.  
3. The accomplishment comprehendeth. 1. the occasion, by the proud words of Nabuchadnezzar, where are expressed, the time, place, and words, which he uttered, 27. 28. 2. the judgement. 1. denounced, vers. 28. 29. 2. executed in his humiliation, ver. 30. restitution to his human condition and understanding, 31. and to his kingdom, vers. 33. 3. the effects are the praising of God, and confessing of his power, ver. 32. 34.   

2. The diverse readings.  
1. ver. Nabuchadnezzar king unto all people, nations, and languages, that dwell in all the earth (world. G.) peace be multiplied unto you (this with the two verses following, though they are usually put to the third chapter, yet are better joined with the fourth chapter, as the argument of the epistle showeth, which is but a preface unto the narration following, and thus. V. I. L. B. do divide and distinguish the chapter.  
2. It seemed good unto me (it was meet before me. C. it became me. I. it was my duty. V. it pleased me. L. but these do omit the word (kadam) before) to declare the signs and wonders, which the high God hath wrought toward me.  
3. How great are his signs, and how mighty are his wonders, his kingdom is and everlasting kingdom, and his dominion is from generation to generation, (with generation, and generation.)  
4. I Nabuchadnezzar being at rest (happy. V.) in mine house, and flourishing, (like the spreading boughs. C.) in my palace.  
5. I saw a dream, which made me afraid, and the thoughts upon my bed and the visions of mine head troubled me.  
6. Therefore I set forth a decree, to bring before me all the wise men of Babel, to make known unto me (to show unto me. caeter.) the interpretation of the dream.  
7. So came the magicians, astrologians, Chaldeans, and Soothsayers, and I told the dream before (to them. G. B.) but they could not make known unto me the interpretation thereof.  
8. Till at the last Daniel (Daniel the colleague. L. S. but acharin being only found in this place, as R. Kimhi, is better interpreted here at the last) came before me, whose name was Belteshazzar, according to the name of my God, which hath the spirit of the holy gods in him, and before him I told the dream.  
9 O Belteshazzar, chief of the Magicians, because I know that the spirit of the holy gods is in thee, and not any secret puts thee to business (is impossible unto thee, L. or escapeth thee. V. or troubleth thee, G. B. or oppresseth thee. I. the word (anas) signifieth to trouble, to put to business,) tell me the visions of my dream, which I have seen, that is, I. (and caeter▪ but it is not here a conjunction copulative, for he desireth only the interpretation of his dream, ver. 15. he declareth his dream himself) the interpretation thereof.  
10. Thus were the visions (not vision. L.) of mine head in my bed: I did behold, and lo a tree in the mids of the earth, and the height thereof was great.  
11. A great tree and strong, and the height thereof reached unto heaven, and the sight thereof to the end of all the earth.  
12. The boughs thereof (bough. C. the singular is put for the plural, not the leaves thereof. L.) were fair, and the fruit thereof much, and in it was meat for all: the beasts of the field took shade, I. B. (not it made shade. G. or the beasts dwelled) under it, and in the boughs thereof dwelled the fowls of heaven, and all flesh fed of it.  
13. I saw in the visions of my head upon my bed, and behold a watchman, and an holy one came down from heaven.  
14. And cried aloud (with strength. C.) and said thus, Hew down the tree, and break off his branches: shake of his leaves, and scatter his fruit, that the beasts may flee from under it, and the fowls from his branches.  
15. Nevertheless leave the stump (not the bud) of his roots in the earth, and with a band of iron and brass bind it, among the grass of the field (not, which is without) and let it be wet (dipped. C.) with the dew of heaven, and with the beasts (beast. C.) let his portion be among the grass of the field.  
16. Let his heart be changed (let them change. C.) from a man's (from a man) and let a beasts heart be given unto him, and let seven times be passed (changed. L.) over him.  
17. The sentence is according to the decree of the watchmen, and the request according to the word of the holy ones. B. I. V. not, and the word of the holy ones, and the request, (and) is but once in the original, nor according to the word of the holy ones the demand was answered. G. for this last word is not in the original) to the intent that (until. L.) the living may know, that the most high hath power over the kingdom of men (man. C.) and giveth it to whom he will, and appointeth over it the most abject of men.  
18. This is the dream that I king Nabuchadnezzar have seen, now thou Belteshazzar tell the interpretation thereof: for all the wisemen of my kingdom are not able to make known the interpretation: but thou art able, for the spirit of the holy gods is in thee.  
19 Then Daniel whose name was Belteshazzar was amazed. I. (stood as astonished. V. held his peace. L. B. G. S. but the word (shamam) signifieth properly to be astonished, amazed, to wonder) by the space of an hour, and his thoughts troubled him: and the king spoke and said, Let neither the dream, nor the interpretation thereof trouble thee: then Belteshazzar answered and said, The dream be to them that hate thee, and the interpretation thereof to thine enemies.  
20. The tree which thou sawest, which was great and mighty, whose height reached unto the heaven, and the sight thereof through all the earth.  
21. Whose leaves were fair, and the fruit thereof much, and in it was meat for all, under the which the beasts of the field dwelled, and the fowls of the heaven did sit.  
22. It is thou O king, that art great and mighty, for thy greatness is grown, and reacheth unto the heaven, and thy dominion is to the end of the earth.  
23. Whereas the king saw a watchman, and an holy one, that came down from heaven, and said, Hew down the tree, and destroy it, yet leave the stump of the roots thereof in the earth, and with a band of iron and brass bind it, among the grass of the field, and let it be wet with the dew of heaven, and let his portion be with the beasts of the field, till seven times pass over him.  
24. This is the interpretation O king, (not of the king. I.) and this is the decree of the most high, which is come upon my Lord the king.  
25. That they shall drive thee from men, and thy dwelling shall be with the beasts of the field, and they shall make thee ●ate grass like the oxen, (thou shalt ●at. L.) and they shall wet thee with the dew of heaven, till thou know that the most high beareth rule over the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will.  
26. And whereas they said (not, he said. L.) that they should leave the stump of the tree roots, thy kingdom shall be stable unto thee (or remain unto thee. L. B. G.) after thou shalt have known (haste learned to know. L.) that the heavens bear rule.  
27. Wherefore O king let my counsel be acceptable unto thee, and break off thy sins by righteousness, I. G. B. (not redeem thy sins. V. L. by alms deeds. L. for (pharach) signifieth to break off, as it is taken, Gen. 27. 40. and the other word (tzidecah,) signifieth righteousness) if so be thy peace may be prolonged. I. A. P. V. (better then, that there may be an healing of thine error. G. B. or God may forgive thy sins. L. S.  
28. All these things came (not shall come. G. or touch. B.) upon the king Nabuchadnezzar.  
29. At the end of twelve months, he walked in the palace of the kingdom of Babylon.  
30. And the king spoke and said, Is not this great Babel, that I have built, for the house of the kingdom, by the might of my power, and for the honour of my majesty?  
31. While the word was in the king's mouth (the word being yet in the king's mouth, C. V. A. I.) a voice came down from heaven, saying, To thee be it spoken (they speak, C.) O king Nabuchadnezzer, thy kingdom is departed from thee:  
32. And they shall drive thee from men, and thy dwelling shall be with the beast of the field: they shall make thee to ear grass (they shall cause thee to taste grass. C.) like the oxen, and seven times shall pass over thee, until thou knowest, that the most high beareth rule over the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will.  
33. The very same hour was this word (this thing, G. this matter, B.) fulfilled upon Nabuchadnezzer, and he was driven from men, and did eat grass as the oxen, and his body was wet with the dew of heaven, till his hairs were grown, as eagle's feathers, and his nails as birds claws.  
34. And at the end of these days, I Nabuchadnezzar lift up mine eyes to heaven, and mine understanding (or mind. V. I.) returned unto me, (was restored unto me. L. B. G.) and I blessed the most high, and I praised and glorified him, that liveth for ever, because his power (whose power. B. G.) is an everlasting power, and kingdom is from generation to generation.  
35. And all the inhabitants of the earth, are reputed as nothing: and according to his will he worketh in the army of heaven, and in the inhabitants of the earth: and there is not any that can stay (resist. L. B.) his hand, or say unto him, What dost thou?  
36. At the same time did mine understanding return unto me, and I returned to the glory of my kingdom: my glory and my beauty was restored (returned. C.) unto me, and my counsellors and my princes sought unto me, and I was established in my kingdom, and my glory was augemented toward me.  
37. Now therefore I Nabuchadnezzar, praise, and extol, and magnify the king of heaven, because all his works are truth, and his ways judgement, and those that walk in pride he is able to abase.   

3. The questions discussed.  

Quest. 1. Of the king's epistle, the sum and parts thereof.  
This epistle of the king consisteth of the exordium, or beginning in three verses: which some make part of the third chapter, whose opinion is refuted before, quest. 40. 3. chap. and the narration in this whole chapter.  
The exordium or beginning, which is the general inscription, containeth 1. the salutation. 2. the general argument of the whole epistle. 1. the salutation showeth, 1. the author and writer, Nabuchadnezzar. 2. the persons to whom he writeth, to all nations, and languages, under his kingdom. 3. the salutation itself▪ peace be multiplied.  
2. In the argument three things are declared. 1. what he will set forth, the signs and wonders of God, which are amplified by two adjuncts, of the greatness and strength. 2. what moved him to declare them, because they were showed toward him, he had particular experience of them. 3. to what end, to make known the power of God's everlasting kingdom.   

Quest. 2. At what time Nabuchadnezzar wrote this epistle.  
1. It is evident, by the salutation of the epistle, wherein the king wisheth peace unto all nations, that as Oecolampad▪ noteth, quietus erat in regno, & militiae finem fecerat, he was now quiet in his kingdom, and had made an end of war, etc. it is clear then that this epistle was written after he made an end of conquering, & subduing the nations round about.  
2. Further the conquest of Egypt fell out after the 25. year of jeconias' captivity, Ezec. 29. 17. which was 10. year before the end of Nebuchadnezzars reign, for in the 37. year of jechonias captivity began Euilmerodach the son of Nabuchadnezzar to reign.  
3. This fearful and strange accident then of Nebuchadnezzars transmutation, his dejecting from his throne, and restoring again, might fall out some 9 or 10. years before the end of his reign, Perer: and this epistle might be written two years before his death, jun. for one year after this dream, ver. 26. he was driven from among men, and lived 7. years among the beasts.   

Quest. 3. How Nabuchadnezzar could write unto all the people in the world.  
1. Calvin thinketh, that here the king superb locutus est, spoke proudly, as making himself Lord of the whole earth: as the Romans, because they had a large dominion, called Rome Dominam totius orbis, the Lady of the whole world: so also Polan. But that Nabuchadnezzar did not this of any ostentation, may appear both by the end of his writing, which was to set forth the power of God's kingdom, and by his style, he contenteth himself with one title, calling himself king, whereas the Emperors of Rome used many swelling titles of their conquests, as Parthicus, Persicus, Germanicus, etc. of Parthia, Persia, Germania, and such like, Bulling.  
2. The same author maketh this the reason, because now this epistle, being preserved unto our times, as the rest of the Scriptures by the spirit of God, is indeed written and made known to all people: but this seemeth not to be the literal and historical meaning.  
3. Pappus saith he writ to all people and languages, not only to those which were subject unto him, but he was desirous to make known the works of God to all people in the world So also Oecolampad. under these nations comprehendeth the South and West parts of the world, as Mauritania, Spain, for he was known in those parts as Strabo writeth, lib. 15. non enim praecipit, sed hortatur, for he in this epistle commandeth not, but only exhorteth: But it is evident by the form of the decree which he made before, concerning every people, nation, and language, where he only meaneth such nations, as were subject unto him: for his law could not bind those which were not subject: that the inscription of this epistle must be taken in the same sense.  
4. Wherefore as R. Saadiah, well expoundeth, he understandeth here only his own kingdoms, as of Persia, Assyria, Egypt, which are said to be the whole earth: because he was monarcha orientis, the Monarch of the East parts, Lyra, which was the most famous and flourishing part of the earth: the principal part than is taken for the whole, Genevens.   

Quest. 4. Of the signs and wonders which Nebuchadnezzer declareth.  
1. Some seem to confound these two signs and wonders, making them all one, as Oeco. Osian. 2. some make this distinction: those are signs, qua fieri videntur contra naturam, etc. which seem to be done against nature: wonders and miracles are those works, which are admiratione digna, worthy of admiration, Hugo. but this is no difference at all, for whatsoever is done above or against nature, is worthy of admiration.  
3. They are thus rather to be distinguished: the same things in diverse respects are both signs and wonders: signs, because many things are thereby signified; and miracles or wonders, because they are done above and beyond nature, I●n. They are signs, because they are evident testimonies of God's wisdom, justice, power: and wonders, because they were things wonderful, and indeed to be wondered at, Polan. as that Nabuchadnezzar so mighty a king, should be chased from among men, and live among bruit beasts seven years, deprived of human understanding, and afterward be restored again: Lyranus saith, they are called signs, because they were done to bring men to repentance: and wonders, as exceeding human capacity.   

Quest. 5. Whether Nebuchadnezzer were now at the last truly converted.  
1. Calvin is of opinion, that for all this, non exuerit suos errores, Nabuchadnezzar left not his errors. But howsoever twice before this he was only astonished and moved for the time, & afterward fell again to his superstitions, yet he was at the length truly humbled.  
2. I embrace therefore the contrary opinion of Bullinger, Ostander, Oecolampadius, which think that at this time he was truly converted unto God: Osiander saith he did declare, veram humilitatem, true humility, which was an evident sign and effect of his conversion. Oecolampadius giveth these two reasons: 1. being now called to the true knowledge of God, Deicogniti mores imitatur, he imitateth the properties of God, which is to be gentle, merciful, wishing peace unto all. 2. he exhorteth all men to the knowledge of the true God, exemplum meum emendet omnes, let all men learn to amend by mine example, etc.   

6. Quest. Of the author of this Epistle.  
1. The author of the Scholastical history denieth that Daniel was the author of this Epistle, but was written by Nebuchadnezzer for eternal memory of this thing, which happened unto him: But how should the writing of a profane king, that was no Prophet come to be counted Canonical Scripture, if the Prophet had no hand in it.  
2. Neither yet do I think with Calvin, that Daniel hic loquitur sub regis persona, that Daniel here speaketh (only) in the person of the king: for the very form and style of the epistle, Nebuchadnezzer king, to all people, etc. peace be multiplied, showeth, that these things were written by the king, and rehearsed by Daniel.  
3. Therefore the truth is, that Daniel taketh all this narration, out of the acts and Chronicles of the Chaldees, where this epistle was registered, not for more brevity sake, as Osiander, lest he should be constrained to rehearse the same things often: but rather, that by the authority of the king the truth of this history might be commended: which would have been suspected, if it had been penned originally by a jew, Polan. And yet, though it were first written by a profane man, that was no Prophet, yet it was approved by Daniel the Lord's Prophet, Bulling. as in the old Testament, not only those writings are received for Canonical, which were originally written by the Prophets, but such also, as being written by others, were approved by the Prophets; as the epistles and decrees of the kings of Persia inserted into the books of Ezra and Nehemiah.   

7. Quest. Whether this history contained in this chapter of Nebuchadnezzers' transmutation, were so done in deed.  
1. Hierome here reporteth the opinion of some, which were of the sect of the Origenists, which thought, that these things set down of Nebuchadnezzer were not historically done, but that under his fall is prefigured and shadowed forth the fall of Lucifer the devil from heaven: their reasons are these.  
1. In other places of Scripture, as Isa. 14. under the fall of the king of Babylon, is described the fall of Lucifer.  
2. divers things here repeated are impossible, as that a man should be transformed into a beast: that a king delicately brought up, should eat grass like an ox.  
3. And all this time of Nebuchadnezzers' savage life, which was 7. years, the kingdom of Babylon was not without a governor, who, it is most like, would not have given place again to Nebuchadnezzer.  
4. If any such thing had been historically done, they which have written diligently of the Chaldean affairs, as Berosus, Megasthenes, Diocles, Philostratus, would have made mention thereof.  
Contra. 1. That prophecy of the ruin and fall of the king of Babylon, is by some of the Fathers typically applied to the fall of Lucifer, yet it was historically fulfilled in the king of Babylon: But here they would so make this a type of the fall of the Devil, as that they take away the truth of the history: he reason then is not alike.  
2. It is no strange thing for men beside themselves, deprived of understanding, to live among beasts: neither are the other things unlikely, or impossible, as shall be seen in the several handling of them.  
3. Neither was it an hard thing with God, to cause the government to return unto Nebuchadnezzer, as he saith, v. 33. that his counsellors and Princes sought unto him. It might be the kingdom was governed by his son, or Daniel, which did willingly give place: Lyr.  
4. To the last argument it may be answered diversly: 1. that it is not necessary that the sacred histories should have the testimony of foreign writers: for the standing still of the Sun in joshuahs' time, and the going back of the Sun in Hezekiahs' reign, the story of Esther, and many beside, have not the witness of profane writers. 2. the evidence of this history was registered in the Chalde Chronicles, which being perished, the memory of this fact among the Gentiles was extinguished also. 3. And God's providence is seen herein that the Gentiles should not put their unclean fingers to the sacred histories, which they did much abuse, and corrupt: as it shall suffice to give inflance only in justine, who manifestly committeth these errors in history. 1. that the jews had their beginning from Damascus in Syria. 2. that Damascus reigned in that city first, and Abraham next unto him. 3. joseph he maketh the youngest son of Israel, and saith he learned art magic in Egypt. 4. Moses he maketh Joseph's son. 5. the Israelites he saith were expelled Egypt, because of the leprosy. 6. Xerxes' king of Persia he thinketh first to have subdued the jews, whereas an 150. years before his time, Nebuchadnezzer conquered them.  
4. The Gentiles also might be afraid to meddle with the sacred stories of the jews, as Demetrius Phaelereus answered Ptolemy Philadelphus' (whom he had set over the great library of Alexandria) being terrified by the examples of Theopompus, and Theodectes, who attempting to insert the jewish histories into their writings, the one was stricken with madness, the other with blindness, as josep. l. 11. antiq. and Eus. l. 8. de praep. Evang. do testify.  
5. Neither are the Gentile writers altogether silent in this matter▪ for Alpheus an ancient Greek writer (as Eusebius writeth, lib. 9 c. ult.) maketh mention how Nebuchadnezzer, as it were, ravished upon a sudden in his mind, told the Chaldeans, that there was a calamity approaching, which Bell their god could not prevent; that Persa semiasinu●, the Per●ian being half an ass (meaning Cyrus who was borne of a noble mother the daughter of Astyages king of the Medes, but of a mean father, one Cambyses) should come, and bring them into servitude, and then he suddenly vanished away: the Chaldeans in Abydenus fragments record, that he was blasted by some god, and spoke of Babel's fall by the Persians: H. B. consent.  
2. But that this was a true history, and not done in figure, type, or vision, it may thus appear: 1. if this be no history, no more should the rest be, written in this book, and so we should have no certainty of any thing. 2. Daniel himself rehearseth this as a matter of fact before Balthasar, how Nebuchadnezzer was deposed, c. 5. 20. 3. there are many things in this chapter, which can in no wise agree unto the devil: as how Nebuchadnezzer dreamt, and asked counsel of the wise men: and Daniel wisheth him to break off his sins by repentance: none of these things can be said of the devil. ex Perer.   

8. Quest. Why Daniel was called by the name of Belteshazzar.  
1. Dorotheus in synops. and Epiphan. lib. de vit. & interit. prophet. do think that Daniel was so called after the name of Balthasar the king's son, because he purposed to make him heir with him of the kingdom. And this opinion may seem somewhat to be favoured by the vulgar Latin translation: which readeth, v. 5. till Daniel, collega (my colleague or companion in the kingdom) came in: which Pererius understandeth so to be said, because Nebuchadnezzer had joined Daniel with him, as his fellow in the kingdom. Contra. 1. There is no word of that sense, to signify a colleague or fellow, in the original, and therefore we will not insist upon this reason. 2. But the name of Belteshazzar, and Belshazar are divers in the the original: the one consisteth of 7. letters, Beltheshaatzer, the other only of six, Belshazzer. And Daniel was so called before this time, when as Balthasar the king was not yet borne, nor named in story.  
2. Suidas and josephus think, that Daniel was so called because of the interpretation of hid and secret things: but that is not so: for he was thus called before he had yet expounded any of the king's dreams, c. 1. 7.  
3. The most think, that this was the name of the god of the Chaldees, and given unto Daniel because of his divine wisdom, Lyran. Hugo. Vatab. but the name of the Chalde god, was Bel, Isa. 46. 1. not Belteshazzar.  
4. Therefore Daniel had not the very name of his god: but the king saith, he was called after or according to my God: the first syllable only is borrowed from the name of his god Bel: the whole name consisteth of three Babylonian words, signifying keeping, or laying up the treasure of Bel, jun. as is showed before, qu. 28. c. 1.   

9 Quest. In what sense Nebuchadnezzer saith, that Daniel had the spirit of the holy gods, v. 5.  
1. The S●ptuag. read in the singular, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the holy spirit of God, thinking to excuse the king and free him from idolatry: but the word in the original is in the plural, elohim, gods.  
2. Some think that by gods, are here understood the Angels, who are sometime called gods in Scripture, Pint. but the knowledge of secrets the Angels have not, because they know not things to come: and the magicians, who had conference and familiarity with spirits, not being able to tell the king his dream, which he had forgotten, excuse themselves, because none but the gods could declare such things, c. 2. 11.  
3. His meaning then is, that the gods above only known secrets, whose divine spirit Daniel was endued with: loquitur more gentilium, he speaketh after the manner of the Gentiles, who held that there were many gods, Lyran. And it was a received opinion among them, that it was a divine thing to interpret dreams, as Socrates answered the Athenians, that he was ignorant of that divine science. Lyran. ex Albert. mag.   

10. Quest. Of Nebuchadnezzers' dream, and the sum thereof.  
There are two parts of his dream, the first containeth a description of a goodly fair tree, v. 7. to v. 10. the second the overthrow and cutting down of this tree, thence to v. 15.  
1. The tree is described, 1. by the situation of it in the mids of the earth. 2. by the height, which reached unto heaven, which Theodoret expoundeth of his pride, so also gloss. ordin. Lyranus, of his high advancement to such a great Monarchy. 3. by the spreading of it to the ends of the earth, is understood the largeness of his dominion, which extended very far. Megasthenes, as josephus citeth him, thinketh, that he subdued part of Spain. 4. by the utility thereof, which was double, it gave meat and shadow unto all both fowls and beasts: that is, all kind of people, both of civil and uncivil life, both had nourishment and peace under the reign of Nabuchadnezzer.  
2. Then the destruction of this tree followeth. 1. by whom, by a watchman, which is interpreted to be an angel. 2. the manner is described how this tree should be served, the tree is broken down, that is, the king is cast out of his kingdom; the branches are broken off, his nobles and princes are removed from him: his leaves are shaken off, his glory and renown is taken from him: the fruit are scattered, the riches of the kingdom every one snatcheth and divideth: the birds and beasts fly away, many taking occasion by the fall of the king, withdraw themselves from his yoke.  
3. Then followeth the limitation and qualifying of the punishment of this tree, a stump of it shall be left, (that is, his kingdom shall be reserved for him still, gloss. interlin.) with the condition thereof; set forth first metaphorically, it shall be bound with chains of brass, whereby is signified his frenzy and madness: because mad men are bound with chains, Bulling. then literally or historically his state is described both outward, that he should live with the beasts of the field, and inward, his heart should be changed, which is amplified by the circumstance of time, till 7. times, that is years be passed over him, v. 13. So this dream was propounded in allegory in such manner, ut tamen Deus aliquid permiscuerit▪ unde colligeret aliud notari, that yet God mingled withal some thing, whereout he might gather, that some other thing was signified, Calvin. for a tree, from whence he borrowed this allegory, needed not to be bound with chains, neither hath any heart.  
5. Lastly, the certainty of this decree is set down, by a general consent of God, and his Angels, v. 14.   

11. Quest. Why this tree is said to be in the mids of the earth.  
1. Hugo Card. thinketh it to be so said, because Nebuchadnezzer had judea subject unto him, which is thought to be in the mids of the earth.  
2. Some of the Rabbins think, that Babylon is signified, because it is in the same line or parallel with jerusalem, which is in the mids of the earth. And of this opinion are Hierome, and Origen: but now no such thing is found, that jerusalem should be in the mids of the earth. Calvin.  
3. Alfragane, with whom Pintus consenteth, thinketh that Babylon itself is situate in the 4. climate, which is in the mids, the whole earth being divided into 7. climates: but this is too curious.  
4. By the mids of the earth, is better understood the mids of his kingdom, Osiand. so that this is spoken, not in respect of the situation of the place, as of the quality & strength of his kingdom.   

12. Quest. Why Nebuchadnezzer is compared to a tree.  
v. 8. A great tree and strong. 1. Hierome seemeth to be here of opinion, that the wicked specially in Scripture are compared to trees, as Nebuchadnezzer here, and he allegeth that place, Psal. 37. 35. I have seen the wicked strong, and spreading himself like a green bay three: But it is evident, that the righteous are also compared to fruitful trees, Psal. 1. 3.  
2. Generally a man is likened to a tree, as Ezek. 17. 24. All the trees of the field shall know, that I the Lord, have brought down the high tree, etc. that is, all the people of the world shall know: a good man is resembled to a good tree, and an evil man to an evil tree, Matth. 7. 17. Aristotle, and before him Plato, did call a man, arborem inversam, a tree turned upside down: that as the tree hath his root and sprigs coming out below, so man hath his head and hair uppermost. Wicked men are like unto corrupt trees without fruit, jud. 12. such as the figgetree was, Matth. 21. which had leaves; but no fruit: good men are like unto good trees, jerem. 17. 8. for like as a tree bringeth forth fruit, not only as an ornament to itself, but to be commodious to others: so the righteous are fruitful unto many: and as a tree the deeper it rooteth downward, the higher it spreadeth upward; so the more lowly a man is in his own eyes, the more he is exalted before God. Pint.  
3. Now as men are compared unto trees in general, so Princes and great men, are expressed and set forth by high and tall trees, as Ezek. 17. 12. Zedekiah king of judah is likened to an high cedar: so the king of Asshur is said to be like a cedar in Lebanon with fair branches, Ezek. 31. 3.  
4. But in that Nebuchadnezzer is here thus resembled to a goodly great tree, thereby is not signified the perfection of his government, and his princely virtues: for even Tyrants and evil governors are as trees, whose government, as a shadow, bringeth some comfort unto their subjects: for better is a bad government, than none. Calvin.   

13. Quest. v. 11. Who are understood by the beasts and fowls.  
1. Some by the beasts understand simple men, by the fowls, garrulos & mendaces, prattlers and liars, such as aspired and looked high. gloss. Some by the one mean such as were rude and barbarous, by the other, such as were of most civil life, Perer. Others by the beasts interpret them of inferior sort and condition, by the fowls, the more noble sort, which dwelled in the branches of this tree, in the cities and towns. Hug. Card.  
2. But by these two kinds in general are signified all the inhabitants and subjects in his kingdom: as Ezek. 39 17. Speak unto every feathered foul, and to all the beasts of the field, assemble yourselves, and come: good men, are compared unto sheep for their innocency, to serpents for their wisdom, and evil men for their cruelty to lions, and bears, for their craft unto foxes, as our Saviour saith of Herod, Tell that fox: so likewise the righteous are likened to doves for their simplicity, and cruel men and oppressors are as ravening eagles, Ezek. 17. 4. So it is an usual thing for men to be compared unto such beasts and fowls, quorum mores imitantur, whose manners and conditions they imitate. And this some think was Pythagoras' meaning, that held the transmigration of human souls into the bodies of beasts. And so jamblicus understandeth it of the similitude and likeness of brutish manners, though Plotinus absurdly think the contrary, that the souls of men do in deed pass into the bodies of beasts: But Hermes Trismegistus showeth the absurdity hereof, thus resolving, non permittere legem divinam animi humani transitum in bestias, that the divine law will not admit the passage of human souls into beasts. ex Pint.   

14. Quest. v. 12. How Nebuchadnezzer was bound with a band of iron and brass.  
1. Pererius thinketh in deed that he was first bound with chains and fetters as a mad man, and afterward let loose, and so wandered up and down among bruit beasts: so also Osiander thinketh he was tied with chains, lest he should have hurt himself and others: but if this were meant literally, than he remained still tied among the grass and beasts of the field, as the words are.  
2. They which take exception to this history, taking it to be an allegory, do make this one of their objections, Why they did not rather tie him up, being beside himself, then suffer him to range abroad: and how he could live 7. years among bruit beasts, and not be slain? Lyranus answereth, 1. that if he had been chained up, infirmitas fuisset aggravata, his infirmity or malady would have been more grievous, as we see by experience, that mad men being tied up, are more furious. 2. to the which it may be added, that they did even in this time of madness show some reverence toward the person of the king.  
3. But the best answer is, that they left him to himself, that this prophesy of Daniel might take place: they knew he should be restored to his kingdom again: and so he was also by the divine providence, preserved and kept from the rage and violence of the beasts.  
4. This phrase then, to be tied up in chains, is here used to express his madness: because it is the use to bind mad men in chains, Bulling. and hereby is signified the certainty of this punishment decreed by the sentence of God, which can not be broken, Lyran. so that the meaning is, stet inter gramina tanquam vinctus catenis ferreiss, he should continue in this savage life in the grass, as one bound with iron fetters, Oecolamp. Pelican. he should have no power to come out of it, until his time was fulfilled.   

15. Quest. v. 11, 12. Why this prophecy is uttered in the imperative mood, Hue down the tree, etc. leave the stump.  
1. It is usual with the Prophets to deliver their prophecies in this manner, as Isa. 2. 10. Enter into the rock, and hide thee in the dust: for thou shalt enter and hide thee: so Isa. 13. 6. howl ye, for the day of the Lord is at hand: for, ye shall howl: and, c. 14. 21. Prepare a slaughter for his children: that is, ye shall prepare. Polan.  
2. There may be an other reason yielded in this place: this speech of the Angel, hew down, showeth a general consent of all the Angels, one encouraging an other to effect and execute the decree of God, and therefore it is called, v. 14. the decree of the watchmen, that is, a joint consent of all the Angels: And, postulat ab hominibus fieri, quod Deus imperat, he desireth that, what God hath commanded, may accordingly be performed by men. jun.   

16. Quest. v. 14. Why the Angels are called Watchmen.  
1. The Angels are so called, because of their spiritual, and incorporeal nature, Ab. Ezr. for bodies only need sleep: and because they have no bodies, and so neither eat nor drink, which are the causes of sleep, they are always watchful, Calv. quia homines laborant & fatigantur, somno egent, etc. because men do labour and are wearied, they need sleep: therefore the Angels, which labour not as man, neither are wearied, are free from sleep. Perer.  
2. And by this word is not only expressed the spiritual nature of Angels, but their watchful office also: they do always wait and attend upon God to fulfil his will: as the Prophet David setteth them forth, Psal. 103. 20. Praise the Lord ye his Angels, which excel in strength, that do his commandment in obeying the voice of his will: in which sense, they are said to be full of eyes, Ezek. 1. jun. annot.  
3. But because evil angels are watchful also, 
1. Pet 5. 8.  as S. Peter saith, The devil goeth about like a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour; an other title is given unto these watchmen, v. 10. the Angel is called a watchman, and an holy one, ad differentiam d●monum, etc. to show a difference between good Angels, and devils, who are also spirits, Lyran.  
4. And whereas v. 10. the word is used in the singular, a watchman, but here in the plural, multos intelligere debemus, etc. we must understand, that there were many Angels, which were employed in this business, Oecolamp.  
5. This term of watchman, is used also, as fitting the present matter, for as watchmen, explorant singula facta, etc. do observe all our doings, Oecolampad. so the Angel here observed Nabuchadnezzer narrowly: for while the word was in the king's mouth, v. 28. that proud word, whereby he boasted of his power and magnificence, the sentence decreed from God, was pronounced from heaven against him. jun. annot.   

17. Quest. By whom the 14. v. was pronounced, by the Angel, or by the King.  
v. 14. The sentence is according to the decree of the watchmen. 1. Some think, that these are the words of the king: for the Angel would not have called the decree of God, the decree of the Angels: and in the next verse following, v. 15. Nabuchadnezzer speaketh in his own person, This is the dream that I Nabuchadnezer have seen. Contra. 1. It is called the decree of the watchmen in respect of their ministery, the decree came from God, but was executed by them: as Eph. 2. 20. the Apostle ●aith, the foundation of the Prophets and Apostles, because they were God's ministers in laying of it. 2. It is not necessary, because the next verse is uttered in the king's person, that this should be so likewise.  
2. Wherefore these words are also delivered by the Angel, 1. because if Nebuchadnezzer had so said, he even then had attained to the understanding of the dream, he needed not to have any further help. 2. these words following, according to the word, or request of the holy ones, could not be uttered by the king: for how should he know what was the desire and request of the Angels?   

Quest. 18. ver. 14. Of the meaning of these words, according to the request of the holy ones.  
1. Osiander expoundeth these words of the blessed Trinity: as though post rogatas sententias fecerint senatusconsulum, after they had asked voices they made the decree against Nabuchadnezzar: so also Pintus thinketh it may be understood of the Trinity: But neither can the Trinity in the plural be called watchmen, which word noteth not their persons, but their nature and office: nor yet can God be said to make any request.  
2. Vatablus by the watchmen understandeth the superior, by the holy ones the inferior Angels: that these ask of the other a reason hereof: and the answer to their demand, is, that which followeth to the intent that men living may know, etc. But this is too curious: that the watchmen, and holy ones are the same is evident, ver. 10. where the watchman is called an holy one.  
3. Some by holy ones understand the Saints in earth, that this question should be asked of them, and the Angels made answer: thus seemeth Oecolampad. to interpret, erat petitio, & interrogative respondent, there was a certain petition, and they answer by way of interrogation, etc. so translate Genevens. the demand was answered: but the text admitteth not this sense: for the word sheel●a, which signifieth request or petition, is joined to the first clause of the sentence, and divided by a perfect distinction, from the sentence following.  
4. Pelican thinketh, that the jews, hearing what calamity had befallen their king, prayed unto God to restore him to his right mind: But these words were uttered, and this petition made, before this sentence was executed upon Nabuchadnezzar.  
5. Lyranus thus understandeth ad petitionem sanctorum in terra, quam Angeli praesentant in coelo, at the request of the saints in earth, which the Angels did present in heaven, etc. but the Angels would not have presented a request (if any such office were committed unto them) contrary to the decree of God.  
6. Calvin giveth this sense, that Angeli uno ●re te accusant, etc. the Angels with one mouth accuse thee before God, & Deus annuens eorum votis decrevit te abijcere, and God consenting to their motion hath decreed to cast thee off. So also Hug. the Angels desired that this decree should be made against him. But the Angel's request procured not this decree, it followed upon God's decree, as the order of the words showeth.  
7. The meaning than is no more but this, that the Angels with one consent desire, that God's decree might take place, and that the sentence given by God in heaven, might be executed by men in earth. And therefore the Angel said before, hew down the tree, break off the branches, that men might in earth fulfil, what God had purposed in heaven. jun. Polanus.   

Quest. 19 Of the meaning of these words, ver. 14. and appointeth over it the most abject of men.  
1. Lyranus thinketh, that this is to be understood of Christ, who was humbled, and abased in this world; but afterward God exalted him, and all power was given unto him in heaven and in earth: But it is evident, that this is spoken of the terrene and external kingdoms of this world, that God setteth up some, and pulleth down others, but Christ's kingdom was not of this world.  
2. Lyranus also hath an other exposition, that hereby is signified, that Nabuchadnezzar was advanced from low degree unto the kingdom, and that he was per humilitatem restitutus, restored again by humility.  
3. But the use is rather more general: that by this deposing of Nabuchadnezzar so great a king, men might learn, that all kingdoms are at God's disposing, seeing many times most base men have been advanced to the kingly dignities: and so as Calvin well noteth, hoc non tantum in uno Rege contigit, etc. this hath not fallen out only in one king. It is notorious, that among the Roman and Greek Emperors, some had been ●eateheards, as cruel Maximinus, some swineheards, as justinus the father of justinian.   

Quest. 20. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an hour.  
diverse reasons may be yielded of this silence of Daniel. 1. Some think that in this space Daniel prayed unto God for the interpretation of the dream: as Theodoret saith, prime ostendenda erat humana infirmitas, etc. first human infirmity was to show itself, and then inspired grace to be manifested, etc. so thinketh Dyonis. Carthusi. intra hanc horam fuisse ei ostensam, etc. that in this space was showed unto him the interpretation of the dream: se totum ad Deum extulit, cum pijs precibus, he lifted up his prayers unto God. Pint. feruids Dominum oravit, etc. he earnestly besought the Lord. Bulling.  
2. But this seemeth not to have been all the cause: for it is said daniel's thoughts troubled him: not because he was afraid of the king, ●●d dolebat pro eo, he grieved for him of whom he had received such honour: Hierome: so also Lyran. jun. Polan. for the holy prophets had a double affection, when they declared God's judgements: ex una part condolebant miseris hominibus, on the one side they pitied those miserable men, to whom the judgements were denounced, deinde intrepide pronuntiabant, yet they pronounced them without fear, Calvin. And this seemeth to have been the cause of this pause which he made, the greatness of the judgement which was determined, and for that it grieved him for the king, of whom he had been so honoured, because the king encourageth him to proceed, whatsoever the dream was.  
3. Vtilis etiam fuit regiscunctatio, etc. and in this behalf also this stay of Daniel was profitable to the king, that he might be more desirous to hear the truth, Oecolampaid. Pelli. This use the king might make thereof: but this was not the cause which moved Daniel.   

Quest. 21. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dream to the king's enemies.  
Daniel should seem herein to pray against the will of God, which had so decreed against Nebuchednezzar, and beside it might be thought against charity, to wish such things unto those, whom he knew not, who might some of them be better than Nabuchadnezzar.  
1. Some think therefore that Daniel by this speech only showeth, the great calamity, which should befall him, such as we use to say a man wisheth to his enemy, Bulling. which was the cause, he was so loath to open the dream, because it pretended such heavy things: but it is evident by daniel's troubled thoughts, that he was indeed sorry for the king, and wished that evil far away from him.  
2. Dyonis. Carthusian. answereth, that this evil which he wished unto the king's enemies, might ad salutem animae proficere, be profitable unto them for their soul's health, and therefore this wish was not uncharitable: But it might as well have been for the health of Nebuchadnezzars soul, he should not then have wished it from him.  
3. Some think that it was rather civilis salutatio, then precatio ex fide, a civil kind of salutation, than a prayer of faith, which it was necessary Daniel should use, to insinuate himself, jun. in commentar.  
4. But it was more than a civil salutation, for indeed Daniel desired averti tam horri●ilem poenam à regis persona, such an horrible punishment to be turned away from the king, Calvin. whereupon Polanus also noteth, that we should even pray for our enemies, as Daniel did for Nabuchadnezzar, who was an enemy to the people of God, and held them in captivity.  
5. But Daniel herein went not against the decree of God, for he thus prayeth, praesupposito beneplacito divino, presupposing if it were Gods good pleasure, Dyon. Carthus. so also Pintus: he knew Dei minis & promissionibus haerere suas conditiones, that certain condions were annexed to the threatenings and promises of God, jun. for otherwise Daniel in vain afterward had given counsel unto Nabuchadnezzar here to prevent this calamity. see further, quest. 29.   

Quest. 22. That at yrannicall government is better, than an anarchy, or no government.  
V. 19 It is thou O king, that art great and mighty. 1. though Nabuchadnezzar were a Tyrant, as both appeareth by his cruelty against the jews in destroying their city, both burning the Temple, and putting the people to the sword, as also by his fierce rage showed against the Chaldeans, whom he unjustly caused to be killed, cap. 2. because they could not tell him his dream, which he had forgotten: yet he is compared to a goodly tree, which gave meat and shadow unto the fowls and beasts: So that although Tyrants and cruel governors seek to extinguish all equity and justice, Deus retinet illos incomprehensibili modo, God holdeth them in after a secret manner, that some profit cometh by their government, Calvin. As the heathen Emperors of Rome, though they were cruel, yet ordained good politic laws, as may appear by the constitutions of Alexander, Diocletian, and the rest, as are extant in the Code.  
2. Whereas, when there is no government, but every one doth what they list, there is a confusion of all things, a corruption both of manners and religion, as appeareth in the time of the judges, when as there was no king in Israel, they followed what religion they would, judg. 17. 6. and they lived as they would themselves, without either fear of God or man, as appear by the sin of the men of Gibeah against the Levites wife, judg. 19   

Quest. 23. v. 10. What is meant by hewing down the tree.  
1. If but one or two branches had been cut off, yet the rest remaining would have flourished still, and so the loss should not have been so great. As in a commonwealth, when one noble man of account, or one of excellent learning or virtue dieth, and is taken away, though it be a loss or hindrance, yet the country is not undone; others may rise up in his place: as when Sulpitius that eloquent orator among the Romans was slain, yet Cicero succeeded, in whom that want was supplied. And if a king lose one city in his kingdom, yet he may comfort himself in the rest: But Nabuchadnezzar at once should lose all his great and large dominion, and be stripped of his regal dignity: The Duke of Florence gave for his ensign a great tree with many spreading boughs, one of them being cut off, with this posy, uno avulso non deficit alter, one being pulled away the other faileth not: but here all the boughs and branches are pulled away at once, Pintus.  
2. If it had been told him, that he should only lose his regal dignity, and live as a common person, it had not been so grievous: but now when he heareth that he should be thrown down from such an high estate, into such an ignominious life, as to be matched with beasts, it must needs trouble him, Calvin.   

Quest. 24. 22. How Nabuchadnezzar was driven from men, and dwelled with the beasts.  
1. Theodoret showeth how this came to pass: for both because he was rabie correptus, taken with fury, and so might have done much hurt, if he had still conversed among men; as also for that he was hated of all for his former tyranny, and cruelty, they expelled and drove him away from the company of men.  
2. And being thus driven out among beasts, and lying in the wet and cold, his garments rotten, and his hair grew hard, like eagle's quills, and his nails waxed long, like unto birds claws, he was neglected of all, even of his wife, and children, and kindred: God's justice so providing, that as he had showed himself in his tyrannical and cruel government as a beast toward others, so ferina vitae damnatus est, he was condemned to a beastly life: in whom may be verified that saying in the Psal. 49. 12. Man shall not continue in honour, but is like unto the beasts that perish.   

Quest. 25. How Nabuchadnezzar did eat grass like an ox.  
It may seem strange, that a king being so delicate a person, should fall to eat grass like an ox: which seeming unto some to be very unlikely and improbable, they therefore would turn this histore into an allegory: but this doubt may diverse ways be answered.  
1. First, it is no unnatural thing for men to live of grass and herbs, 
lib. 6. cap. 30.  as Pliny writeth of a certain people of the Ethiopians, which live of raw Locusts: some only of herbs and roots, others do eat of any thing that cometh to hand, and therefore are called pamphagis, ea●nals, which eat of any thing. As also Ecclesiastical histories make mention of divers hermits, which lived only of roots and such other wild fruit of the earth.  
2. And further the imagination of his mind, which was now become phrantike and brutish, might bring him to eat such meats, which otherwise he in his right mind would have abhorred, as Hierome saith, multa sunt furentibus facilia, qua sunt sanis intolerabilia, many things are easy unto mad men, which are intolerable to them of right mind: and as Theodoret observeth, we see by experience that furious and mad men do put into their mouths, and tear with their teeth, whatsoever cometh to hand.  
3. Beside ●he temperament and constitution of his body, was altered and changed by the distemperature of his mind, and so it might be made fit and appliable unto such bruit beasts.  
4. But most of all God's power here was secret, in preserving the life of Nabuchadnezzar by such meats, that he might be an example to all ages of God's justice, and that thereby his pride might thoroughly be tamed.   

Quest. 26. How the kingdom of Babylon was governed in the time of Nebuchadnezzars absence.  
1. Some think that it might be governed by Euilmerodach his son, who afterward succeeded, which is not unlike, Perer. But whereas Lyranus addeth that Nabuchadnezzar at his return put his son in prison, where jechonias was, for his misgovernment, while his father was thus humbled, and thereupon Euilmerodach when he came to reign advanced jechonias and took him out of prison, 2. king. 24. 27. it hath no probability.  
2. Or the nobles might take upon them the government of the kingdom in the mean time, seeing they knew by Daniel that the king was to be restored to his kingdom: and josephus addeth further, nemine audente toto septennio invadere dominium, none durst invade the kingdom all those seven years: and because Nabuchadnezzar had been a valiant king, and much enlarged his hingdome, this might be a reason, that they expected his return with patience, Lyran. which made them to be the more willing to receive him again, and to seek unto him, because God had so ordained.   

Quest. 27. ver. 22. What is understood by seven times.  
1. Some think that by 7. times no certain but an indiffinite time is understood, ex Bulling. but that is not so, for it is said, ver. 31. that in the end of these days, etc. there were then certain days appointed.  
2. R. Levi, and Aben Ezra, leave it uncertain and indifferent, whether we understand here months or years, or the parts of the year: but it is certain, that in a prophesy some one special thing is signified.  
3. Theodoret inclineth to think, that hereby the half years must be counted for the times, as the Persians generally divide the year into two parts, Summer and Winter: and so these 7. times should make three years and an half. But no where in the Scripture, is a time taken for half a year.  
4. Bullinger by these 4. times understandeth the 4. times of the year, the Spring, Summer, the Autumn, Winter: and so these 7. years should come out in a year and three quarters: but we refuse this sense also for the former reason: time is not so taken in Scripture.  
5. Wherefore the received interpretation is best, by seven times to understand 7. years, so josephus, jun. Osiand. Oecolampad. Calvin. Perer. Vatab. Lyranus giveth this reason: because cap. 12. ver. 7. a time, two times, and an half, are so taken for three years and an half, which make 1290. days, as it is expounded, v. 12. junius giveth instance in a more direct place, cap. 11. 13. in the end haghittim shanim, of the times of years: Pererius further yieldeth this reason, quia omnis nota temporis varietas, etc. because every notable variety and change of time is contained in the compass of a year; as Summer, Winter, heat, cold, etc.  
6. Hence also is manifest the error of Dorotheus in Synops. and Epiphanius in vit● Danielis, whom the author of the scholastical history followeth, that 7. years were determined, but at the prayer of Daniel they were changed into 7. months: for the contrary is evident, v. 31. that Nabuchadnezzar did not come to himself, till the full time was expired: In the end of these days I Nabuchadnezzar lift up mine eyes to heaven, etc. And so Daniel had prophesied before, ver. 22. seven times shall pass over thee, till thou know, that the most high beareth rule over the kingdoms of men.   

Quest. 28. Of Nebuchadnezzars transmutation, but first in general of the diverse kinds of transmutations.  
1. Their is one kind of transmutation, which is a fabulous and poetical fiction, rather than any true alteration and change, such as is the fable of the changing of Ulysses' companions into diverse forms of beasts by the witchcraft of Circe's, and of Diomedes company into birds, and Lucianus tale of Apuleius golden ass: like unto this is the fabulous report of the Arcadians, which by swimming over a certain river, are changed into wolves; whereof Pliny giveth this censure, falsum esse considenter existimare debemus, 
Pliny li. 8. c. 22.  we ●●st confidently think that it is false.  
2. There is a kind of natural and physical transmutation, 
lib. 5. de. histor. animal. cap. 19  as Aristotle showeth how certain worms become butterflies: and by experience we know, that maggets, which breed in flesh, are turned into flies. But Pliny reporteth a more strange thing of a certain beast in the jappanian Islands, in bigness, shape, and hair like unto a dog, 
lib. 11. cap. 22.  which by oft swimming in the Sea; by little and little is changed into a fish. But for the transmutation of women into men, which Pliny of his own experience reporteth to be true, and that such things, as most true, are inserted into the Roman annals, or Chronicles, 
lib. 7. cap. ●.  it is to be doubted how far his report may be credited.  
3. The third kind is of fantastical changes, such as are wrought by sorcetie and art Magic: such were those apparitions of serpents, procured by the subtlety of the Egyptian sorcerers: and such may be thought to be those alterations & changes of men into the form of wolves and other beasts, which Olaus Magnus writeth to be usual in Prussia, Livonia, Lituania. 
lib. 18. 3. 〈…〉.   
4. Unto these add, those true changes, which have been made by the power of God, as Lot's wife was turned into a pillar of salt, Moses rod into a serpent, Christ turned water into wine, Perer.  
5. And the last kind is the spiritual change which is in the mind and understanding, either for the better, as when men are renewed by grace, and from ignorance, infidelity, carnal lusts, are turned to become new men, as Zacheus was, Luk. 19 or are inspired with a prophetical gift, as Saul was, when he prophesied: either for the worse, as when the spirit of God left Saul, and an evil spirit was sent upon him, which possessed him with fury. And of this kind was Nebuchadnezzars change, who of a reasonable man, became in his mind an unreasonable beast: But this matter followeth now to be handled more at large.   

Quest. 29. What manner of change Nebuchadnezzars was.  
1. Lyranus and Carthusianus do impute this opinion unto josephus, that he should think, that Nabuchadnezzar was indeed changed into an ox. But josephus in that place, where he toucheth that story, lib. 10 antiquat. cap. 11. hath no such thing: he only saith, vitam acturus erat inter bestias, that he was to lead his life among the beasts. Indeed Darotheus and Epiphanius are of opinion, that he was not changed at all in his mind, 
Dorotheus 〈◊〉 Synops. Epiphan. de vita Danielis.  but only externally in his body▪ and that the forepart of him was like an ox, the hinder part like a lion. But this cannot be so. 1. If they press the words literally they may with better reason say, he was changed into an eagle: because it is said, his hair was as eagle's quills, and his nails like birds claws: 2. If there had been in him any such notorious change it would not have been omitted, seeing the power of God should have been set forth thereby. 3. And if the Chaldeans had seen him in the shape of a beast, they would have taken him for a very bruit beast, and not fit to be restored to his kingdom. 4. It is evident also that the same Nabuchadnezzar a man, and not a beast, after the time expired, was restored to his kingdom: but if he had been so changed, he should not have been the same, but an other.  
2. Medina is of opinion, that Nabuchadnezzar was changed not indeed but in show, 
lib. 2. de rect. in Deum side, cap. 7.  that he appeared to be a bruit beast in the sight of all that looked upon him: such a like thing is that, which Hierome reporteth in the life of Hilarion, how a woman was brought unto him, which seemed unto others to be a beast, but he discerned her to be a woman.  
But God's works are not fantastical, or in show: that which he doth is in verity and truth: this difference there is between God's works, and the illusions of Satan, that he maketh things to be the same which they appear, as Moses rod became a true serpent, but Satan deceiveth the sense, the sorcerers serpents were but counterfeit.  
3. Neither yet can I altogether subscribe unto the opinion of Thomas Aquin. 
lib. 1. de regim. princip. c. ult.  who thinketh that although Nabuchadnezzar were neither actually, nor in show a beast in his bodily shape, yet sua opinione videbatur sibi bestia, he seemed a beast unto himself: I think rather with Calvin, non sic obstupuit, quin mala sua sentiret, he was not so besotted, but that he had some sense of his calamity: for otherwise how should he have remembered it afterward, and so given thanks to God for his restitution.  
4. This than was the transmutation which Nabuchadnezzar had, manente forma humana, his man's shape remaining, his human soul was changed to be brutish by his frenzy and madness: Bulling. not that the mind of a beast was given him in substance, for he retained his reasonable soul: nor yet that there was no more understanding in him left, then in a bruit beast, Osiand. for the reasonable soul remaining, though it became brutish, yet it is not altogether as the sense of a bruit beast: but as Lyranus saith, usum rationis perdidit per amentiam, he lost the use of reason by his madness: his mind became brutish, and in this sense in respect of the use of his reason, and understanding it is said, v. 13. let the heart of a beast be given him. 
〈◊〉. 6 de victor. verb. Dei. c. 14.  Rupertus also collecteth as much out of these words, v. 33. mine understanding was restored unto me, satis ostendit non formam se amisisse, sed mentem, he sufficiently showeth, that he had not lost his shape, but his mind.  
Yet he was somewhat altered and changed in the constitution, and sight of his body, being grown misshapen and deformed, though not transformed into the shape of a beast, as followeth to be showed in the next question.   

Quest. 30. How Nebuchadnezzars body was changed.  
1. As his mind was become sottish and brutish, so the constitution of his body was much changed and became appliable unto that brutish food, whereof he lived. 2. he went naked having no care of his clothing, as bruit beasts are only covered with their skin: but here Lyranus noteth an error in josephus, who resembleth this nakedness of Nabuchadnezzar, to Adam's nakedness before the fall, whereof he giveth this reason, that Adam vixit in simplicitate bestiali, Adam lived then in a brutish kind of simplicity, as children before they have use of reason are not ashamed of their nakedness, etc. But Lyranus argueth well against this assertion: that by this reason man's state should have been bettered by his fall, which brought unto him the use of reason. This matter than may be further thus scanned, that there is an Angelical kind of nakedness (that I may so speak) such as Adam had before his fall, whereof he was not ashamed, because sin was not yet entered into the world: there is a brutish nakedness, which because beasts have no reason at all, neither are subject to sin, is not unseemly in them: there is an human nakedness between both, whereof men are not ashamed, either because the use of reason is not yet come unto them, as in children, or they are deprived of it altogether, as natural fools, or for a time only, as madmen: Such was the nakedness of Nabuchadnezzar which altered the state of his body.  
3. Then followeth the effect of his nakedness, and his lying in the air, and in the cold fields, enduring both heat, and cold: being careless of himself, his hair grew stiff, his skin hard, and his nails long and crooked, and so he became deformed.  
4. The gesture of his body was answerable, he grew crooked, and bowed together, and crept upon all four like a bruit beast.  
5. His food and meat was herbs and grass, such as the bruit beasts feed upon. 6. his habitation was in the fields and woods among the bruit beasts. 7. he had no use of his speech living among beasts, but made a rude noise like unto them. And thus he was changed even in respect of his body, that although the fashion of his human shape remained still in his head, hands, and feet, yet he was become very deformed: as Rupertus collecteth, that seeing it is said he should eat grass like an ox, that he crept upon his hands and his feet, and pulled up grass with his mouth, as doth an ox: and because his dwelling was among the beasts, he was in outward gesture as a beast, non enim besti● facile sociarentur illi sine aliqua similitudine, for the beasts would not have accompanied with him if there had been no similitude: and so he concludeth that this was the greatest change that is mentioned in Scripture, excepting only that of Lot's wife, who was changed into a pillar of salt.  
8. Now whereas ver. 33. as the vulgar Latin readeth, my figure returned unto me, or my shape, Sep. my form. V. though it may be well understood, in respect of his deformity (not the change of his form) which now was taken from him; as we see by experience, that mad men if they continue any time, are so changed, that they can hardly be known and discerned, Osian. yet this matter is made more clear and out of doubt, if the word be rightly translated: for the Chalde word zivi, rather signifieth my glory, beauty, as jun. Mont. read, than my form, or figure: so the comeliness and grace of his human countenance and body, was restored unto him, and his deformity taken away.   

Quest. 31. ver. 24. How Daniel gave counsel to the king to prevent this judgement, seeing it was determined.  
1. Pererius saith, that Daniel speaketh doubtfully, It may be God will forgive thy sin, as the Latin readeth, non fuisse eum certum, that he was not certain, whether God would remit the punishment, which was thereatned: but Daniel knew assuredly that the sentence and decree of God should stand, as is showed before, vers. 14.  
2. The most think that there was a secret condition annexed to this threatening, and Hierome maketh it like to the message of Isaiah to Hezekiah, that he should die, and the prophesy of jonas against Ninive: which both were conditional upon their repentance, so also Bullinger. But it may be gathered, v. 14. that it was certainly decreed in heaven, that this judgement should befall Nabuchadnezzar, who, the Lord foresaw, would not otherwise be humbled.  
3. Chrysostome giveth this solution, propter hoc prolata est sententia, ut non fiat, non ut Rex discat solum futura, sed ut caveat, therefore this sentence was pronounced, that it should not come to pass, that the king should not only know things to come, but prevent them, etc. ex Oecolamp. But this still is most evident, that God had certainly decreed this thing, and it could not be altered.  
4. Calvine thus answereth, this counsel of Daniel was profitable to the king, though the judgement were determined potuit aliquam veniam consequi etiamsi poenas dedisset, he might some way have been eased, though he were to endure the punishment, etc. so also Polan. cum resipiscentibus Deus benignius agit, God dealeth more gently with those which repent.  
5. To this may be added, that Daniel here sustaineth a double person, both of a Prophet in interpreting the dream, and showing things to come, and of a faithful counsellor, in advising Nabuchadnezzar what course to take: that although the sentence against him was decreed, yet if he did in time humble himself, he knew it would not be unprofitable unto him. So our Blessed Saviour, though he knew that indeed the bitter cup of death could not pass away from him, yet in his human affection he desireth it to pass, yet with a subjection of his will to the will of God: and the like supposition had Daniel here, thus advising and counseling, if so it stood with God's good pleasure: not looking now into God's secret counsel, but speaking in his love and zeal to Nabuchadnezzar, as Moses in zeal to the people of Israel forgetting himself, wished rather to be cut out of the book of life, which in the judgement of faith he knew could not be.   

Quest. 32. Whether Daniel did counsel the king to redeem his sins by almesdeeds.  
1. Pererius with other Romanists do ground their error of satisfactory works for sin upon this place: for their opinion is, that there are tria genera operum, quae satisfactoria vocant pro peccatis, three kind of works, which they call satisfactory for sin: and so they read this text, redeem thy sins. Contra. 1. The word is not well translated, to redeem, for Pharak, properly signifieth to break off, as R. Shelemo, and D. Kimhi think, and so is the word used, Exod. 33. 2. break off your earings. 2. sins properly are not redeemed, but men. 3. And it had been impossible for Nabuchadnezzar, who had reigned tyrannically 40. years to make satisfaction by his works, for all the cruel murders and other oppressions which he had committed.  
2. Some give this sense retaining the usual reading, that good works are said to redeem sins, as they are said to justify, because they which are justified, ex justitia illa operum suorum probantur, are proved and manifested by the righteousness of their works, Bullin. so also Oecolamp. externa opera sidei testimonium daunt, external works do give testimony of faith, which is not seen of men, but by their works.  
3. There is a third answer, that it is meant not of redemption or satisfaction of and for our sins before God, but before men: redimimus apud homines p●●cata, dum illis satisfacimus▪ etc. we redeem our sins with men, when we make them satisfaction, Calvin. this answer also is sufficient: but I prefer rather the first, which insisteth upon the right sense of the word: see more of this question afterward among the controversies.   

Quest. 33. Whether Daniel spoke doubtfully saying. v. 24. it may be thy prosperity may be prolonged.  
1. The ordinary gloss here noteth that Daniel, though he had the knowledge of things to come, de sententia Dei dubitabat, did doubt of the sentence of God: and thereupon noteth their presumption, which do certainly promise remission of sins unto any: But to say that Daniel, who had such a clear revelation of God's will, doubted thereof, were to make question whether he had the spirit of God or no.  
2. Carthusian thinketh that Daniel was certain that God upon his repentance would forgive him his sin, but he was not sure whether he would remit the punishment: but the sin being once remitted, the punishment also is pardoned, for it were not just with God to punish for that, which now is acquitted: there may some chastisement remain, not as a punishment of sin, but as an admonition and correction for amendment of life.  
3. Pererius proceedeth further proving from hence, nemini certam esse remissionem peccatorum, etc. that none can be certain of remission of sins. But it is contrary unto faith to be doubtful or wavering, as our Saviour saith unto Peter, Matth. 14. 31. O thou of little faith, wherefore didst thou doubt: and S. jeames saith, let him ask in faith and waver not: but of this question see more among the controverses following.  
4. These particles then, if so be that, it may be, and such like in exhortations and persuasive speeches, are not words of doubting: but are used to these two ends. 1. to show the greatness and difficulty of the thing hoped for in respect of ourselves, that the greater endeavour should be used, and all security laid aside, as Ioshu. 14. 12. Caleb saith, if so be the Lord will be with me, that I may drive them out, which he spoke not doubtfully, for he had the warrant of God's word to prevail, give me the mountain whereof the Lord spoke in that day: but he doth thus speaking, encourage himself to put his confidence in God with fear and reverence. And Hierome to this purpose writeth upon these words, joel, 2. 14. who knoweth if he will return and repent, etc. ne desperetis veniam scelerum magnitudine, etc. sed ne forsi●an magnitudo clementiae nos faceret negligentes, adiunxit, etc. despair not of forgiveness for the greatness of your sins, etc. but least the greatness of clemency should make them negligent, he addeth, who knoweth, etc. these phrases then of speech, do not argue doubtfulness, but only serve to take away presumption and security, as the Apostle saith, work out your salvation with fear and trembling, Philip. 2. 13.   

Quest. 34. Whether Nabuchadnezzar did follow daniel's counsel.  
Ver. 16. At the end of twelve months. 1. Some think that Nabuchadnezzar did as he was advised by Daniel, and gave plentiful alms, whereupon for his humility, mansit adhuc annum in regno, he stayed yet a year in his kingdom, but afterward being lifted up in pride, he was cast out of his kingdom, gloss. ordinar. ex Hieronym.  
2. But I approve rather the judgement of Oecolampadius, quia Prophetae admonitionibus eum non poenituit, neque Deum sententiae suae poenituit, etc. because he repented not by the admonitions of the Prophet, therefore neither did God repent him of his sentence: for if he had humbled himself, it is not like that so soon he would have so swelled in pride: and his mind being set so upon his magnificent buildings, it seemeth he little attended upon charitable deeds. So it is well gathered from hence that it is not in man to convert his own ways, though the means be offered, except God by his spirit work it, Genevens.  
3. In that this judgement was deferred a twelvemonth, it was a sign rather of Gods long suffering, then of any change in Nabuchadnezzar, Bulling. to the same purpose Theodoret, dedit ei Deus locum poenitentiae, at ille abutitur eo in superbiam. God gave him time and space to repent, but he abuseth it unto pride: to the same purpose Calvin.   

Quest. 35. Of the greatness of the city Babylon.  
The greatness thereof is thus described by Herodotus, 
Herod. lib. 1.  he writeth that the city was four square, and each square contained in length an 120. furlongs, so that the four squares or sides made 480. furlongs, the walls were 50. cubits thick, and 200. cubits high, and in the compass of the walls there were an 100 brazen gates, with their hinges and posts: other writers do somewhat vary from this description. 
lib. 6. c. 26. lib. 2. c. 4.  Pliny maketh the walls 200. foot high, and 50. foot broad, and in compass 60. miles. Diodorus saith that the wall was 360. furlongs in compass, according to the number of the days in the year, so that every day a furlong of the wall was built, and the whole finished in a year, there being used thereto of workmen 13. hundred thousand; the walls were so thick as 6. carts might meet in the breadth; the towers were 250. and the height thereof 365. foot, there was the space of two furlongs between the wall and the houses, for the more speedy building of the wall.  
Strabo giveth unto the compass of the walls 380. furlongs, 
lib. 16.  the thickness was 30. foot, the height 50 cubits, and the towers above the walls were 60. cubits high.  
Q. Curtius saith the walls were in compass 368. furlongs, in thickness 32. feet, that carts might meet thereon, they were an 100 cubits high, and the towers ten cubits higher than the walls.  
Lyranus out of Hierome thus setteth it down, that Babylon was four square and every side contained in length 16. miles: for within the city the houses were not close built, but every one had his vineyards and fields, that they might sow in the time of famine or siege, and maintain themselves within the city.  
Aristotle making mention of Babylon, 
〈…〉 2.  saith it had the compass rather of a country then a city, being of such greatness that some part of it was taken three days before the other heard of it: and therefore a city he would not have to be esteemed by the walls.  
But though the reports of writers are somewhat diverse, it is out of doubt that it was a great city, and the walls thereof both of great thickness and height: as the Prophet jeremy witnesseth, cap. 51. the thick wall of Babylon shall be broken, and the high gates burnt.  
There was also in the mids of the city a great tower, which was the Temple of Belus, with brazen gates, which Herodotus saith remained until his time, 
lib 1.  it had in compass every way being four square 2. furlongs, and in the mids thereof a turret of a furlong high, and an other above that of the same height, until they came to the eight. 
lib 3 c. ●.  Diodorus saith it was so high, that the Chaldeans thereon made observation of the stars toward the east and west. Curtius saith, that this tower of Babylon had 20. stadia or furlongs in compass, 
lib. 5.  the foundation whereof was 30. foot deep in the ground: By these evidences it appeareth, that this Babylon was a city of huge bigness, and therefore the king calleth it here great Babel.  
Ninive had been as great a city or greater, being 60. miles in compass, the walls were an 100 foot high, and the towers 200. whereof there were an 150. 
Strabo. lib. 16.  but Ninive was now much impaired and decayed, and Babylon was made the chief city of the kingdom.   

Quest. 36. Whether Nabuchadnezzar were the builder of Babel.  
Ver. 27. Which I have built for the house of my kingdom, etc. 1. There are diverse opinions hereof, who should be the builder and founder of Babel. Moses saith that Babel was the beginning of Nimroths kingdom, 
lib. 9 de praepar. evang. cap. vit.  Gen. 10. 10. Alexander Polyhistor in Eusebius, out of Eupolemus, saith that it was built by the giants after the flood. Alphaeus maketh Belus the founder thereof, as Eusebius saith: the most of the Grecians, do give the honour thereof unto Semiramis the wife of Ninus, as Herodo. lib. 1. Diodo. lib. 3. Strabo. lib. 16. justine with others. 
lib. 10. cap. 11.  josephus out of Berosus maketh Nabuchadnezzar the builder of Babel, and therefore findeth fault with the Greek writers, for ascribing it unto Semiramis.  
2. But all these may easily be reconciled. 1. Nimroth is held to be the same, who of foreign writers was called Belus: for this Belus was the first, that brought in idolatry, 
lib. 3. advers. julian.  as Cyril saith: and so was Nimroth: for hence it is, that most of the idols of the Gentiles took their name from Bel, as the first founder of them, as Belial, or Baal, the God of the Sidonians, Beelzebub the god of Ekron, Beelphegor the god of the Moabites, Numb. 25. Baalsamen the idol of the Carthaginians, as Augustine saith: so than it may well stand togethet, 
q. 16. in lib. judic.  that Nimroth and Belus, 
Hexap. in Gen. cap. 10. que. 14.  being both the same man, as is more at large showed elsewhere, were the founders of Babylon.  
2. And seeing Ninus was the captain and chief of the Giants, they might be assistant unto him, in building of the tower of Babel, and he a tingleader unto them.  
3. It may also very well agree, that Nimroth or Belus laid the first foundation of Babylon, which was enlarged by Semiramis.  
4. And afterward when the Kings of Assyria left Babylon, & made Ninive the chief city of their kingdom, by this means Babylon was decayed and lay wa●t, which last of all was re-edified and beautified by Nabuchadnezzar, 
lib 10. antiq. 〈◊〉 lib 1. contra App●on.  who as josephus out of Berosus writeth in these five works added to the buildiug of Babylon. 1. he repaired the old city and the temple of Belus. 2. then he built a new city adjoining unto it. 3. he compassed each of them with three walls for defence, with towers and gates. 4. then he built a most sumptuous palace next unto the Palace of his father, and finished it in 25. days. 5. he made certain artificial rocks and mountains, with orchards and gardens upon them, to satisfy the desire of his wife, who being a Median, desired to see such hilly prospects, after the manner of her country: Because Nabuchadnezzar then had so enlarged and beautified the city, he maketh himself the builder of it.   

Quest. 37. Of Nebucadnezzars' pride in saying, which I have built for the house of the kingdom.  
Nebuchadnezzars pride diversely appeareth. 1. because he thinketh that by his own power and strength he had raised those great buildings, as though by his own wit and strength, he had attained unto that power & riches, to be able to compass such great works, whereas it is said in the Psal. 126. 1. except the Lord build the house, they labour in vain that build it, Calvin. 2. he considered not how to compass such a great work, innumerorum pauperum facultates exhausit, he had wasted the substance of a number of poor, and wearied their bodies, Oecolamp. 3. He robbeth his father and ancestors of their due praise, who had builded much before him, he taketh all to himself, Polan. 4. then he showeth his contempt against God, as though he should have said, having now made Babylon invincible, as he thought, quis inde me posset deijcere, who can cast me out of it, no not God himself, Lyran. jun. 5. then he addeth further, he built it not for God's honour, but his own, he neither respected God's glory, nor the good of the commonwealth, but his own fame and magnificence, Osiand. Calvin. 6. whereas the Septuag. readeth as he walked 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the temple, Eudoxius is of opinion that the king would have been counted for a God, Oecolampiad. 7. But the king's great security appeareth herein, deambulat otiosus, he walketh idly, as though in such a great kingdom there had been no business for him, and he museth of nothing but his own greatness, Pelican. 8. nemo interrogat, etc. ●pse primus su● encomia decantai, no man asketh him any question, he first soundeth out his own praise, wherein he bewrayeth his vanity and self-love, Oecolamp.   

Quest. 38. v. 28. What manner of voice it was which came down from heaven.  
1. The Lord dealeth with Nabuchadnezzar by degrees, first, he spoke unto him by dream, then by the voice of his Prophet, and seeing he was not moved by any of these, now the Lord thundereth from heaven.  
2. This voice was not spoken in Nebuchadnezzars ear, but in the hearing of all that stood by, jun. ut Dei vindicta intelligatur à populo, that all the people might see and understand, how the Lord took revenge of him for his pride, Lyran.  
3. And it cometh from heaven, both to show the authority and power, the voice came from heaven, quasi quoddam pondus deijciens eius superbiam, as a mighty weight pressing down his pride, Lyran. as also the certainty, that those things being pronounced from heaven should undoubtedly come to pass, jun.  
4. And this voice cometh of a sudden, even while that proud speech was yet in his mouth, to show that God never punisheth without cause, and that all his judgements are just, Bulling. and further to testify that such as abuse Gods long suffering and patience, as Nabuchadnezzar here did, shall suddenly be cut off: and that when men are come to the height of pride, the Lord will no longer forbear, Polan.   

Quest. 39 The sum of the sentence denounced against Nabuchadnezzar.  
1. The circumstances of the sentence are described. 1. the time, that the voice came while Nabuchadnezzar was yet in speaking. 2. the manner, it was uttered by a voice. 3. the place, from heaven. 4. the person to whom, to Nabuchadnezzar by name▪ by the which he is convented, as before his superior judge: his title is added, O king, to tax him for his ingratitude, that was unthankful to God, who had exalted him to that state.  
2. Then the matter of the sentence is declared, which consisteth partly in his deprivation both of his kingdom, and of the society and company of men, partly in the denouncing of certain calamities, namely, these two, his cohabitation with beasts, and then his manner of food, he should eat grass like an ox.   

Quest. 40. ver. 30. Of the execution of the sentence upon Nabuchadnezzar: he did eat grass as the oxen.  
1. This was neither a change in show; such as Pliny reporteth out of Euantes, how among the Arcadians they used to take one by lot out of a certain family, 
lib. 8. cap. 22.  who going unto a river, leaving his clothes behind him, and swimming over was changed into a wolf, and nine years keepeth among them, and then swimming over again receiveth his former shape: the like he allegeth out of C●pas, that one Demetrius Parrhesius offering a child's flesh in sacrifice to jupiter Lyceus tasting thereof was turned into a wolf, and so continued 10. years, and afterward received his human shape again. The like is that, 
lib. 18. de civita. Dei. cap. 18.  which Augustine writeth of certain women in Italy, which used to give unto the travailers some intoxicated cheese, whereby they seemed to be transformed into beasts, and carried their burdens: These transformations were either fabulous tales, or else illusions of Satan.  
2. Neither was Nabuchadnezzar in truth changed into a beast, as Bodinus thinketh, as is before showed, quest. 27.  
3. Nor yet was it only a madness and frenzy of mind as Ericus king of Sueland being expelled his kingdom, for very grief fell mad.  
4. But beside the brutish change of his mind, his body was much changed and altered, in feeding and living among bruit beasts: as Ab. Ez●a writeth of one in Sardinia, that was carried into the woods by his parents among the hinds; and so lived a great while among them, going upon all four his hands and feet: who being at length taken by the king in hunting, was brought to his parents: but he said nothing to them: they offered him wine and meat, but he rufusing both, did eat of herbs, and in the night fled again to his old companions the bruit beasts, Oecolampad. The like narration hath Dresserus in his book of new and ancient discipline, of a man taken in the country of Hesse in hunting being among other wolves: who retaining yet some shape of a man, was kept and made tame, and went upright, whereas he before did go and run on all four: he also at the length spoke as a man distinctly, using to howl as a wolf before: and being thus come to himself, he reported, how he was lost in the woods when he was a child, and brought up among the wolves, and was nourished by that which they got for their prey: this was done in the year, 1544.  
Philippus Camerarius in his historical meditations, c. 75. hath the like report of a child of twelve years of age, which was taken in the same country, in the farm of Echtzeb, as he ran among wolves. Goulartius in his book of the memorable histories of these times, hath this relation, how a man was taken in France in the forest of Campeigne, and was brought to the la●e king Charles the 9 he went upon all four like a beast, was swifter than an horse, did howl like a wolf, had an hard skin, and was covered almost all over with hair; he had a terrible look, with his teeth he strangled dogs, and was fierce toward men: such like change and alteration there might be both of mind and body in Nabuchadnezzar.   

Quest. 41. v. 31. After the end of what days Nabuchadnezzar was restored.  
V. 31. At the end of these days. 1. The author of the scholastical history, as Hugo Cardi. here noteth, thinketh that at the prayer of Daniel, the 7. years were turned into seven months, whereof 40. days Nabuchadnezzar was mad, and 40. other days he came to himself and wept exceedingly for his sin, so that his eyes were become as a piece of flesh: then 40. days more he was in his mad fits: and so after 7. months he was restored to his right mind, but yet had not the kingdom, till 7. years were expired, but there were 7. judges appointed for him, and he in the mean time, neither did eat flesh, nor drink wine all those seven years, but did eat pulse, and herbs, as Daniel counseled him, and so did as it were penance.  
2. But this opinion is contrary to the text. 1. because the seven times which were to pass over him, were fulfilled, as appeareth, v. 31. at the end of the days (that is the days before appointed, which were called 7. times) than I Nabuchadnezzar lift up mine eyes, etc. and not before, there was then no part of this time cut off. 2. After that his understanding came to him, he fell not again into his mad fits, as is evident, ver. 33. 3. when his understanding was come to him, he was withal restored to the honour of his kingdom, and his counsellors sought again unto him: he than took the government presently upon him, after his return and restitution, it was not governed by others. 4. This also is an evident argument, that Nabuchadnezzar continued longer than seven months in his humiliation, because in so short a time his hair could not grow as eagle's quills, nor his nails as birds claws: neither is it like that in so short a time he would have been brought to know himself, Calvin.   

Quest. 42. Of the restitution of Nabuchadnezzar.  
As there were two degrees of his humiliation, he was deprived without of his kingdom, and of the company of men, and in himself of his understanding; so there are two degrees of his restitution: first, to his human understanding, and then to the glory of his kingdom, and each of these are set forth with their effects.  
1. First, he is restored to his human estate and condition, both in body, that whereas before he went groveling, and crept on all four as a beast, now he reareth up his body, and lifteth up his eyes to heaven: then in his mind, mine understanding was restored unto me, but that is here put last which was done first; for he was first restored to his understanding, before he lift up his eyes, Bulling. and as before he cast up his eyes in pride, so now he lifteth them up in humility, Calvin.  
Secondly, the effect of this his restitution to his reason and understanding, is the praising of God, with the reason thereof taken from the eternity of the power and kingdom of God, both which are amplified, 1. comparatively, All the inhabitants of the earth, are as nothing before him: 2. by the effects, he doth what he will, and none can gainsay.  
2. Then followeth the second part of his restitution, both to the society of men, and to the honour of his kingdom, v. 33. And the effect thereof, his praising and extolling of God, with the argument of his praise, taken from three properties, and adjuncts of God's works, the verity and truth, justice and equity, and the power and omnipotence, in these words, Whose works are all truth, and his ways judgement, and those that walk in pride he is able to abase, v. 34.   

43. Quest. That God only is without check, and not to be controlled in his works.  
v. 32. None can stay his hand, nor say unto him, What dost thou? 1. They which profanely object that God showeth himself as a Tyrant doing what he list, his will standing for law, may easily be answered, that this proposition, they whose wills only stand for law are Tyrants, is true only among men, it concerneth not God: and the reason of this difference is, God is a law to himself, quia voluntas eius est perfectissima justitia, because his will is most perfect justice: Calvin. he can will nothing, but that which is holy and just. So is it not with man, whose will is corrupt and perverse, and therefore it had need of a rule and law to guide it.  
2. It is a question among the Civilians, whether the Prince have not an absolute power in his kingdom, statuendi omnia pro suo arbitratu, etc. to appoint all things according to his will, and so they would have the Prince to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, without check and controlment: of this opinion are Bartolus, and his followers: others do hold, that even the Emperors themselves are bound unto their laws: for they do thus profess, digna vox est maiestate regnantis, legibus alligatum s● principem profiteri, adeo de authoritate juris nostra pendet authoritas, it is a voice worthy the majesty of him which ruleth, for the Prince to profess himself bound unto the laws, in so much that our authority dependeth of the authority of the law, etc. Polan.  
3. But thus may these opinions be reconciled, that though Princes are both bound by oath in some kingdoms to keep the laws and customs of the country, and in policy also do subject themselves to their own laws for the example of others, and beyond all these, they are tied by a straighter bond of God's word; yet they are without check of their subjects: their doings are not of every one to be called in question, as the Preacher saith, c. 8. 4. Where the word of the King is, there is power, and who shall say unto him, what dost thou? where Princes hold immediately their kingdoms of God, there they are only to give account unto God. But God is not to give account unto any: and therefore of him only, simply, and absolutely it is true, that none can say, What dost thou? both because of his perfect justice, that none can find fault with his works, and his absolute power, that he is not subject to the check of any.   

44. Quest. Whether Nebuchadnezzer were saved.  
1. It may be objected that he was not, out of that place Isa. 14. 14. Thou shalt be brought down to hell, to the sides of the pit: which being spoken of Nebuchadnezzer showeth his everlasting destruction in hell: and the rather, because in him is set forth and described the fall of Lucifer, who with the rest of the reprobate angels were cast down to hell.  
Answ. 1. Though it be admitted and granted, that Nebuchadnezzer herein were a type of Lucifer, yet it is not necessary, that all things which are expressed in such typical predictions, should agree unto the type: for some things are so spoken, that they may fitly agree both unto the type and figure, and to the thing prefigured, some unto the sign only, some unto the thing prefigured only: as in the 2. Psalm, where David is a type of Christ: the 2. verse, The kings of the earth band themselves, etc. agreeth unto both: and v. 6. I have set my king upon Zion: but these words, v. 7. Thou art my Son, this day have I begotten thee, can only be applied unto Christ: So in this place, this casting down to hell may be understood only of Lucifer here prefigured: Perer. but there are better answers then this.  
2. As this commination against the King of Babylon is conditionally understood: that unless he repent, he should be cast down to hell.  
3. As it may be an allegorical speech showing his great abasement, as that other is, I will ascend above the height of the clouds.  
4. But yet it may be further and better answered, that it is not necessary to understand this prophecy of Nebuchadnezzer, but rather it was performed in Balthasar: for the Prophet prophesieth also together of the destruction of Babylon, which continued many years after the death of Nebuchadnezzer.  
5. And lastly, the word translated hell, signifieth also the grave, and so better interpreted here, because there is mention made of the pit.  
2. Wherefore the more probable and certain opinion is, that Nebuchadnezzer in the end was saved: as may appear by these reasons.  
1. josephus saith, that Nebuchadnezzer all his life long after this did acknowledge God, and gave praise and glory unto him. 2. Dorotheus in Synops. and Epiphanius infer as much upon his afflictions, that God therefore chastened him, because he would not have him perish. 3. 
lib. de 〈…〉.  Augustine showeth as much by the divers end of Pharaoh and Nabuchadnezzer, that he was hardened in his sin, and so given over to destruction, the other was humbled under God's hand, and so saved. 4. Theodoret likewise moving the question, why the Lord punished Nabuchadnezzers' for a time, but Balthasar with sudden death, maketh this answer; because the Lord did foresee, that the one would be amended by his corrections, but the other was irrecorrigible. 5. Lastly, Lyranus addeth this reason, scripturae terminat historiam in eius humiliatione, etc. & fidei confession, the Scripture endeth this story in his humiliation, and confession of faith: which it useth not to do in them, that afterward fall away, and are lost.   

45. Quest. Why Nabuchadnezzer was saved, and not Pharaoh, both being in the same cause.  
1. Augustine putting forth this question, 
de gratia. c. 15.  showeth wherein both of these were like: quantum ad naturam, ambo homines, etc. in respect of their nature, they were both men: for their dignity, they were both kings: their cause was the fame, they both held the people of God captive: quantum ad poenam, and for their punishment, they both were gently admonished with God's scourges: and yet their ends were divers: the question is, cur medicamentum unius medici manu confectum, alij ad interitum, alij valuerit ad salutem, etc. why a medicine made by the hand of the same physician, should be effectual to the destruction of the one, and for the health of the other.  
2. His answer is this, because the one was humbled under the Lord's correction, the other hardened: but than it will be asked, why the one was humbled, the other hardened: the answer must be this, illi ut mutaretur adfuisse divinum, huic ut iudicaretur, defuisse praesidium, that the one had Gods help to change him, the other wanted it, and so was hardened. But if any think further that this is unjust, that God should assist one, and not an other, the Apostle answereth, The Lord hath mercy on whom he will, and whom he will he hardeneth, Rom. 9 And so he concludeth, omnia illa adiuvante Domino perfici, vel deserente permitti, nolente vero Domino nihil prorsus admitti, etc. that all these things are perfited and brought to pass, God so helping, or permitted God so forsaking them, but nothing is committed God being not willing.   

46. Quest. Why Nabuchadnezzer being thus converted, the jews kept in captivity were not delivered, nor jehoiachin released out of prison.  
1. Though Nabuchadnezzer being thus brought to acknowledge God, did incline also to savour his people, which in all likelihood was the more increased by daniel's means, who was greatly honoured of the king, yet the people remained in captivity still, either because Nabuchadnezzer lived not long after this, and so could not perfect his favour toward them; or rather this was the cause: Daniel knew by the prophecy of jeremy, that 70. years were determined for the captivity of the people, and therefore expected the end and expiration of that time, and therefore before would not attempt any thing.  
2. But an other reason is to be yielded for jehoiakims' imprisonment: that either Nabuchadnezzer intended before his death to set him at liberty, and therefore his son did it, to fulfil his father's mind, as soon as he came to the kingdom: or else it pleased God by this long time of restraint to punish the sins of jehoiakim: who being but 18. year old followed his father's sleppes, and did evil in the sight of the Lord, and therefore he reigned but three months, 2. king. 24. 9 but continued in prison 37. years, 2. king. 25. 27.    

4. The places of doctrine.  

1. Doctr. That the end of civil government is the peace and prosperity of the subjects.  
v. 2. which is the 31. of the former chapter according to the usual division: Peace be multiplied unto you. Nabuchadnezzer a wise and politic King sendeth this salutation to his subjects: showing thereby that a good Prince is not only to wish, but to procure the peace of his subjects: therefore the Apostle would have prayer made especially for kings, that under them we may live a godly and peaceable life, 1. Tim. 2. 1. This Tully well perceived thus writing, ut gubernatori cursus secundus, Medico salus, Imperatori victoria, etc. as the pilot of a ship propoundeth to himself the prosperous course of the ship, the physician the health of his patient, the captain victory, so the good governor seeketh the welfare and happy life of his citizens. lib. 5. de repub.   

2. Doctr. That we are to pray even for Tyrants and cruel governors.  
v. 16. The dream be to them that hate thee. In that Daniel prayeth for Nabuchadnezzer, and wisheth that this calamity might fall upon his enemies, and that he might escape it; it showeth, that the subjects are to pray even for the prosperity of evil governors: for even under them they receive some benefit: a bad government is better than no government. So the Prophet jeremy biddeth the jews pray for the prosperity of the city, whether they were carried captive, 
1. Tim. 2. 1.  for in the peace thereof shall ye have peace, jerem. 29. 7. And S. Paul exhorteth that supplications, and prayers should be made for kings: who then were Tyrants, and persecutors of God's Church.   

3. Doct. Of the office and parts of a good Magistrate.  
v. 19 Nabuchadnezzer is compared to a goodly fair spreading tree: by the which similitude are set forth many excellent parts, that should be found in a Prince. 1. As the tree spreadeth her boughs abroad, and who so will cometh under the shadow of them, so a Prince should give access to all his loving subjects freely to come unto him, not to shut himself up from them. 2. The beauty of the tree and comely grace, setteth forth the majesty and authority of the Prince, which ought to be reverenced of all. 3. It is full of fruit, so the King should yield relief unto his subjects, be bountiful and beneficial, not gathering or taking from the subjects, where the necessity of the government requireth not. 4. The shadow of the tree signifieth defence from wrong: that under the government of the Prince subjects may find comfort and relief. 5. The birds dwell in the branches, and the beasts couch under the shadow: so the king should to all his subjects high and low extend his favour, according unto every one's quality and degree. ex Polan.   

4. Doctr. God tempereth and moderateth his judgements with mercy.  
v. 22. Seven times shall pass over thee, till thou know, etc. God might in his justice have suffered Nabuchadnezzer all his life long, for his exceeding great pride, to live among the bruit beasts: but he doth only limit him a certain time so long, till he was brought to acknowledge God: So that God remembreth mercy in the midst of his judgements, according to that saying, Psal. 30. 5. Weep may abide at evening, but joy cometh in the morning. Bulling. 
1. Cor. 19 10.  And the Apostle saith, God is faithful, and will not suffer you to be tempted above that you are able, but will even give the issue with the tentation, that ye may be able to hear it: As here Nabuchadnezzer had a gracious issue of his tentation.   

5. Doctr. Of the necessity of good Counsellors.  
v. 24. Let my counsel be acceptable unto thee. Happy was this king, which had so faithful a Counsellor at hand to advise him: But miserable is the state of such Princes, who are beset with bad counsellors, as Rehoboam was, who followed the heady and rash counsel of the young men: such a wicked counsellor was Haman to Assuerus, and Achitophel to Absolom. Therefore Hom●dius a wise Senator of Rome, as Fulgosus writeth, lib. 7. was wont to say, that he had rather have an evil Prince with good counsellors about him, than a good Prince with evil. If he be an enemy to the Commonwealth, who clippeth the king's coin, he is much more, which by evil counsel corrupteth the mind of the Prince. Pintus.   

6. Doctr. What manner of alms are acceptable unto God.  
v. 24. Break off thy sins by righteousness, etc. Simply to give alms, it is not pleasing unto God; for the pharisees gave alms, but it did nothing avail them, because they did it of a vain ostentation: they which give alms, and yet live in sin, as though they would buy out their licentious life by their sin, do therein deceive themselves: the Apostle saith, Without faith, it is impossible to please God, Heb. 11. 6. alms then not proceeding of faith, can not be accepted. 
In 〈…〉. c. 75▪ 76.  Augustine therefore saith well, Qui vult ordinate eleemosynas dare, debet à seipso incipere, etc. he that will give alms orderly must begin with himself: he must first look into his own conscience, and see his own poverty and nakedness: mendicat à te anima tua, esurit justitiam, thy own soul beggeth of thee, it hungereth after justice. Perer.   

7. Doctr. Of true repentance.  
v. 24. Break off thy sins by righteousness, etc. 1. Here the parts of true repentance are set down, which are these two, to depart from sin, and to follow righteousness: as the Prophet Isai saith, Cease to do evil, learn to do well, Isa. 1. 16.  
2. Hence also the effects of true repentance are gathered, which are the fruits of righteousness: so that in vain doth one afflict himself, if he do not alter and change his life: such are reproved by the Prophet, Isa. 58. 5. that did afflict their souls for a day, and bow down their head like a bulrush, and yet continued in their sin.  
3. The quality of true repentance is here also expressed, that it may not be deferred or put off, but speedily prosecuted: which is signified by this phrase of breaking off. As the Apostle to the Hebr. c. 3. 7. urgeth that place, to day if you will hear his voice, harden not your hearts.  
4. The benefit of true repentance followeth, it procureth peace, and tranquility, and preventeth the judgements of God: as here Nabuchadnezzer is promised, that by this means, his peace might be prolonged: So our blessed Saviour saith, Luk. 13. 3. Except ye repent, ye shall all likewise perish. Polan.   

8. Doctr. That God seeth and knoweth all things.  
v. 28. While the word was in the king's mouth, etc. God heard the very proud words which Nabuchadnezzer spoke, and in that very instant and moment, sent his Angel to denounce the judgement decreed against him. So than nothing is hid from God, neither our thoughts, as the Prophet David saith, Thou understandest my thoughts a far off, Psal. 139. 2. nor our words, as it followeth in the same place, v. 4. There is not a word in my tongue, but thou knowest it wholly, O Lord: much less can our works be hid, as Rev. 2. 2. I know thy works. So that as the Apostle saith, All things are naked, and open to his eyes, with whom we have to do, Heb. 4. 13.   

9 Doctr. Gods judgements come of a sudden.  
v. 28. As a voice came from heaven, even while the word was in the king's mouth: so the judgements of God overtake the wicked when they look not for them: so Noah's flood came upon the old world, and the destruction of Sodom upon the wicked: So the day of the Lord, as the Apostle saith, shall come as a thief in the night, and as the travel upon a woman with child, 1. Thess. 5. 2. 3. It behoveth us therefore to be sober and watchful, as our blessed Saviour saith, Those things which I say unto you, I say unto all men, watch, Mark. 13. 37.   

10. Doct. God's judgements meet with sins in the same kind.  
v. 29. They shall drive thee from men. Nabuchadnezzer is here punished in the same things wherein he had sinned: he was not so much lifted up before in pride, as he is now humbled, and cast down: As he had banished many out of their countries, and taken them captive, so he is now exiled himself, and driven from the company of men: his food was dainty and delicate before, now he feedeth with oxen: then he was appareled in purple, and other rich attire, now horrido pilo totus obtegitur, he is all covered with hair: then he was anointed with balm and precious ointment, now he is wet with the dew of heaven. Oecolampad.   

11. Doct. True repentance is the gift of God.  
v. 31. At the end of these days I Nabuchadnezzer lift up mine eyes to heaven, etc. Until it pleased God to turn this proud king's heart, nothing could make it stoop. He had received many warnings, and was foretold of this his downfall, and was advised by Daniel by repentance to prevent this calamity: and being in this great misery, he was not moved therewith, till the time was expired, and the Lord moved his heart: So our blessed Saviour saith, joh. 6. 44. No man cometh unto me, except the father draw him, etc.    

5. Places of controversy.  

1. Controv. That the virgin Marie was not without sin.  
v. 12. Leave the stump, etc. Pererius allegorizing this vision of the tree, thereby would have shadowed forth the beautiful state of man in Paradise before his fall: and by the stump and root remaining, he understandeth the virgin Marie, peccato Adami nullatenus infectam, not infected at all with the sin of Adam. And Christ is the branch that sprouteth out of this root.  
Contra. 1. This comparison first is unfit: for here a stump only remaineth without any branches at all: he can not find then here both a stump, and a branch. 2. This stump is bound about with a chain: and what other chains is man's nature bound with, then with the chains of sin: his own application maketh against him. 3. It is a most blasphemous opinion, and contrary of the Scriptures, that Marie was without original sin: for the Apostle saith, All men have sinned, Rom. 5. 12. none are excepted but Christ, Heb. 4. 15. Marry also confessed herself a sinner, in acknowledging that she also had need of a Saviour, Luk. 1. 47. see more hereof, Synops. Centur. 2. err. 79.   

2. Controv. Against free-will.  
Lyranus by this stump remaining, understandeth free will: per hoc germen significatur liberum arbitrium reverti potens ad bonum, by this branch is signified free will, which hath power to return unto that, which is good.  
Contra. 1. The vision itself overthroweth this conceit: for this stump is bound with a chain, it could not sprout of itself, till the chains were taken away, and before God had given Nabuchadnezzer an understanding heart, he could not so much as lift up his eyes to heaven: therefore this is but a weak ground to build free will upon. 2. Beside the Scripture evidently speaketh, that there is no power or ability in man so much as to think a good thought, 2. Cor. 3. 5. And our Saviour saith, Without me ye can do nothing, joh. 15. 5. see more hereof, Synops. Centur. 4. err. 46.   

3. Controv. Against the invocation of Saints.  
v. 14. The sentence is according to the petition of the holy ones. The Romanists do thus understand this place, that the holy Angels made request for the king, that mercy might be showed him: and hence would infer, that we are to make our prayers unto them.  
Contra. 1. That this place hath no such meaning, is showed before, Quest. 18. the Angels pray not against God's will, that Nabuchadnezzer might escape this calamity, for it was already decreed with God, that it should fall upon him: but they desire rather, that what God had decreed in heaven might accordingly be fulfilled in earth. 2. And although it be granted, quod bene nobis afficiantur, that they are well affected toward us, and wish well unto us, yet it would not follow, that therefore we should pray unto them. Oecolampad. see hereof, Centre. 2. err. 8.   

4. Controv. That the Pope is not the distributer of kingdoms.  
v. 22. Till thou know, that the most high beareth rule over the kingdoms of the earth, and giveth it to whomsoever he will. This Sovereign power belongeth unto God to dispose of kings, and kingdoms, to pull down, and set up: than it is presumptuous arrogancy in the Pope, to challenge unto himself any such supereminent power over kings, unto whom he himself ought to be subject, according to S. Paul's rule, Rom. 13. 1. See before chap. 2. controv. 6.   

5. Controv. Against satisfaction by works.  
v. 24. Break off thy sins by righteousness. The Latin interpreter readeth, redeem thy sins by righteousness: whereupon Pererius with other Romanists do collect, that works of righteousness, and mercy, do satisfy for sin, and are available ad expianda peccata venialia, to expiate venial sins. And to that purpose he urgeth that place, Prov. 16. 6. By mercy and truth iniquity shall be forgiven.  
Contra. 1. It is before sufficiently declared, Quest. 30. that the true reading here is not, redeem, but, break off thy sins. 2. Though that other reading be retained, the meaning only is, that he should redeem, and satisfy men whom he had wronged. 3. And this had been impossible for him to do, to make recompense to so many, whom he had cruelly handled the space of 40. years. 4. And if he would not make satisfaction unto men, much less unto God. 5. Wherefore in these words, non exponitur modus redimendi peccata, sed modus potius agendi, the way of redeeming his sin is not declared, but the way rather of working, such as becometh those that are truly penitent: first than his sins must be forgiven by faith, before he can bring forth the works of repentance. jun. 6. Further, as Nabuchadnezzer could not satisfy for his sin, no more can any man: for our best works are imperfect: our righteousness is as a stained clout, Isa. 6. 6. but that which must satisfy before God, aught to be perfect, and absolute: it is therefore the most perfect righteousness of Christ, and none other, that is able to satisfy God's justice for our sins.  
7. And concerning that place urged out of the Proverbs, either it may be understood not of mercy which we show, which is called an active mercy, but of mercy showed unto us from God, which is a passive mercy, by the which our iniquity is forgiven: as junius proveth by the words following, by the fear of the Lord they depart from evil: or else the meaning is, by the works of mercy we are assured our sins are forgiven us, Genevens. as in the like sense our Saviour saith, Many sins are forgiven her, because she loved much, Luk. 7. 47. her great love was not the cause, but the sign rather and effect of the forgiveness of her sins. And so the Apostle saith, 1. joh. 3. 14. We know, that we are translated from death to life, because we love the brethren: he saith not we are translated, but we know, we are. But of the question against satisfaction by works, see more Synops. Papism. Centur. 4. ere. 78.   

6. Controv. Of the certainty of remission of sins.  
v. 24. The Latin readeth, It may be God will forgive thee thy sins: whereupon Pererius inferreth, nemini liquido cognitam remissionem peccatorum, that remission and forgiveness of sin is not certainly known unto any.  
Contra. 1. It is showed before, Quest. 31. that the word here used, is not a particle of doubting, but rather it serveth to exhort, and stir up to have further confidence in God, and to take away carnal security. 2. But that by faith we are undoubtedly assured of the remission of sin, the Scripture evidently showeth: Rom. 5. 1. Being justified by faith, we are at peace with God: but our conscience can not be settled, or at peace, unless it be assured of God's favour in the remission of sins: likewise, Rom. 8. 16. The same spirit beareth witness to our spirit, that we are the children of God: but how can we be assured, that they are the children of God, if their sins be not forgiven them. See further hereof, Centur. 4. err. 56.   

7. Controv. Which be the good works of Christians.  
v. 24. Break off thy sins by righteousness, etc. Here good works are defended to be the works of righteousness and mercy. Among the Romanists, these are counted their good works, suscipere peregrinationes, erigere statuam, etc. to vow and take in hand pilgrimages, to set up an image, to found crosses, Calvin. But these are not the works which God is pleased with: those are the works acceptable unto him, not which man's curiosity hath invented, but such as God himself hath appointed for us to walk in, Eph. 1. 10. The hypocrites say, Wherewith shall I come before the Lord, etc. will the Lord be pleased with thousands of rams, or with ten thousand rivers of oil, etc. But the Lord maketh answer, what works he requireth, To do justly, to love mercy, to humble thyself, etc. Mich. 6. 7.   

8. Controv. That God's providence, is not only a bare prescience or permission.  
v. 32. According to his will he worketh in the army of heaven, etc. Polanus hence refelleth that error of certain Lutherans, who affirm, providentiam Dei nihil aliud esse, nisi praescientiam, that the providence of God is nothing else but a certain prescience. formul. concord. fol. 249. for here it is evident, that God is not a foreseer, but a doer: that all things in heaven and earth fall out according to his will: as Psal. 135. 6. Whatsoever pleased the Lord, that did he in heaven and earth, etc. And Luther himself was of an other judgement, whose words are these, Deus omnia infallibili voluntate, & praevidet, proponit & facit, etc. that God by his infallible ●ill doth foresee, propound, and do all things, etc. Polan.  
Calvin further urgeth this place against those, which make a distinction between the will of God, and permission: As though he suffered some things which he would not have done, which should argue impotency and weakness in God, as though he should suffer some things against his will. A voluntary permission there is in God, in leaving men unto themselves, and suffering things to work according to their kind: but an involuntary permission there is not in God, to suffer any thing, which he would not have done. He suffereth sin to be done, though he will it not to be done, yet it is his will it should be done, because he knoweth how to make it serve unto his glory: yet he is no way the author of sin, nor yet accessary unto it.   

9 Controv. Against the presumption of the Pope, who would be without check and controlment.  
v. 32. None may say unto him, What dost thou? This prerogative and privilege this great king giveth only unto God, to be controlled of none, nor to give account of his doings to any. Therefore the presumption of the Pope is intolerable, who challengeth that to himself, which is only peculiar unto God. As thus his clawback's and flatterer's write of the Papal pre-eminence and privilege, non est de eius potestate inquirendum, quum primae causa nulla si caus●, no man must inquire of his power, seeing he is the cause of causes, and of the first cause there can be no cause, etc. secund. Bald. in capit. E●cles. etc. And, nemo potest dicere Papae, etc. no man must say unto the Pope, why do you so. distinct. 40. c. si Papa. Hereof F●ederick the 2. Emperor complained in an epistle to Otto Duke of Bavaria, Rationem actuum nemini quasi sit Deus, reddere vult, id quod soli Deo convenit, usurpat etc. he will render account to none of his doings, he usurpeth that which only agreeth unto God, that he can not err, etc. Annal. Aventin. lib. 7. ex Polan.    

6. Moral observations.  

1. Observ. Worldly and carnal men do only crave the help of the godly in the time of need.  
v. 5. Till at the last Daniel came before me. If the Soothsayers and Sorcerers could have served Nabuchadnezzers' turn, he would not have sought unto Daniel: but now all other means failing him, he craveth his help to expound the dream: like as men in their health regard not the physicians, but in their sickness run unto them: So jeroboam when Abiah his some was sick, sent unto Ahiah the Prophet, 2. king. 14.   

2. Observ. Witches and Sorcerers not to be sought unto.  
Nabuchadnezzer called all his wise men together, to unfold the secret of his dream, but they could do him no good: by which we are taught, not to run unto any such for help: 1. because they can not help, they are both ignorant, and know nothing, and of no power, and can do little, as is evident in these Chaldean wizards, who did but deceive and abuse the king. 2. Such do use the conference of wicked spirits, and therefore to go unto such, were to forsake God: As Ahaziah in ●eeking unto Beelzebub the god of Ekron, did therein deny that there was a God in Israel, 2. King. 1.   

3. Observ. Prosperity is dangerous.  
v. 9 The boughs thereof were fair, and the fruit much. Nabuchadnezzer in his flourishing and prosperous state is compared to a good tree both fair and fruitful: this his prosperity did lift up his heart, and made him proud, and therefore his boughs were broken off, to make him know himself: So riches and abundance are but a snare to them, which know not how to use them: therefore the wise man prayeth that God would not give him riches, lest I be full and deny thee, Prov. 30. 9 They say that the palm tree will not grow in a sat ground, but in a light and sandy: and if the soil be strong and fertile, they must cast salt and ashes at the root to qualify the strength of the ground: So if prosperity be not seasoned with the salt of grace, it is unfruitful and unprofitable. Pintus.   

4. Observ. Ministers must be faithful in delivering the truth, though it be not pleasing.  
As Daniel vers. 2. delivereth the interpretation to the king of this fearful and terrible dream, though he knew it should not be welcome unto him: so must Ministers in their office be faithful, as the Apostle saith, It is required of the disposers, that every one be found faithful, 1. Cor. 4. 2. They must fear rather to offend God, then to displease men. So the Lord saith to his Prophet, Cry aloud, spare not, lift up thy voice like a trumpet: and show my people their transgression, etc. Eli was judged for sparing and forbearing his wicked sons; 1. Sam. 2. and the false prophets are threatened, for flattering the people, and sowing pillows under their elbows, Esech. 13. and the watchmen, which tell not the people of the sword coming, shall bear their sin: the Lord will require their blood at his hand, Esec. 33. 6.   

5. Observ. We must look unto God's providence in our affliction.  
So Daniel saith, c. 2. 21. It is the decree of the most high, which is come upon my Lord the king: When the Lord layeth his hand upon his children, they must look unto him that correcteth them, and humble themselves before him, and not murmur against him, seeing it cometh not by chance, but as it pleaseth the divine providence to dispose, as the Prophet David excellently saith, I held my peace because it was thy doing, Psal. 39 4.   

6. Observ. Of the utility and benefit that cometh of true and effectual repentance.  
V. 33. My glory and beauty was restored unto me, etc. Nabuchadnezzar after his seven years humiliation, is restored unto as great honour as ever he was: So job after he had been afflicted, was raised up to a more glorious and flourishing estate, than he had before: David after his long time of persecution was established in the kingdom: so affliction, and if it work true humiliation and repentance, bringeth greater joy and comfort in the end, as the Apostle saith, one light affliction which is but for a moment, causeth unto us a far more excellent and eternal weight of glory, 2. Cor. 4. 17.   

7. Observ. Of the greatness of the sin of pride, and how the Lord abhorreth it.  
V. 28. While the proud word was in the king's mouth, whereby he boasted of his goodly buildings, which he had made not for God's honour, but his own, even in the same moment did the Lord cast him down from his princely throne. So Daniel saith, c. 5. 20. when his heart was hardened in pride, he was deposed from his kingly throne: therefore let all those take heed by this example, whose hearts are lifted up, ascribing their gifts and works to their own wit, industry, and strength, or making their own glory and praise, the end and scope of all their doings: for the Scripture saith, the Lord resisteth the proud, 1. Pet. 5. 5.   

8. Observ. God fighteth for us against the Devil.  
V. 27. According to his will he worketh in the army of heaven. The Lord is the commander of the Angels and princes: both good and bad are subject unto him: all things in heaven and earth are swayed according to his will, which is much to the comfort of God's children, that nothing can hinder their salvation: neither Angels, nor principalities, nor powers, height nor depth, can separate them from the love of God in Christ, Rom. 8. 39 And so our Blessed Saviour saith, My father is greater than all, and none can take you out of his hand, john. 10. 29.     

CHAP. V.  

1. The Method and Argument.  
THe sum and argument of this chapter is an historical narration, 1. of a fearful sight, an hand was seen writing upon a wall. 2. and the interpretation thereof by Daniel.  
In the vision these things are declared. 1. the occasion wherefore this vision was sent, which was the profanation of the vessels of the Temple, which is set forth in this manner. 1. the occasion, the king made a feast, v. 1. 2. the vessels are brought and abused in excessive drinking at the king's commandment, v. 2. 3. 3. & withal they blaspheme God, and praise their idols, v. 4.  
2. The vision itself followeth, where is noted 1. the time. 2. what appeared, a man's hand. 3. the manner, it did write. 4. the place, over against the candlestick.  
3. The effects are two. 1. the king seeth it, v. 5. 2. upon his fight he is troubled, both inwardly in his thoughts, and outwardly in his body, his countenance is changed, his joins loosed, and his knees smote together, v. 6.  
In the interpretation, there is the way and preparation made unto it, unto v. 17. then the declaration itself, from v. 17. to the end.  
In the preparation there is, 1. the king's inquisition of his soothsayers, but all in vain, v. 10. 2. his sending for Daniel at the Queen's motion. In the inquisition. 1. the wise men are called. 2. the matter is propounded with promise of great reward, v. 7. 3. their vain attempt is showed, v. 8. 4. the event thereof the king's perplexity, v. 9  
In daniel's sending for, 1. there is the Queen's motion and speech, see the parts thereof, quest. 22. 2. the execution by the king, with his speech unto Daniel, which consisteth of 4. parts. 1. his enquiry concerning his person. 2. a commendation of his gifts, v. 14. 3. a narration of the wisemen's weakness and insufficiency, v. 15. 4. a promise of great reward to Daniel, if he can expound the vision, v. 16.  
Then followeth the declaration itself which consisteth, 1. of a sharp reprehension or redargution, the order and method thereof see quest. 25. 2. the interpretation itself, the parts thereof see, quest. 31.   

2. The text with the diverse readings.  
1. v. Belshatzar the king made a great feast (bread. C.) to a thousand of his princes, and drank wine before the thousand (and every one drank wine according to his age. L. ad.)  
2. And Belshatzar while he tasted wine (in the taste of wine. C. S. that is, being now inflamed with wine, and merry with wine. L. while the wine was in: for to taste wine. I. but it is said before v. 1. that he had drunk wine) commanded to bring the vessels of gold and silver, which his father Nabuchadnezzar had brought from the Temple in jerusalem: that the king and his princes, his wives and concubines might drink therein.  
3. Then were brought the golden vessels, which they had taken out of the Temple of the Lords house, which was at jerusalem, and the king and his princes, his wives, and his concubines, drank in them.  
4. They drank wine, and praised the gods of gold and silver, of brass, of iron, of wood, and stone.  
5. At the same time came forth (appeared. B. G. L.) the fingers of a man's hand, which wrote over against the candlestick upon the plaster of the wall of the king's palace: and the king saw the palm (or part. I. the joints, or knuckels. L. V. B. pas, signifieth a part, some interpret it the palm) of the hand that wrote.  
6. Then the king's countenance (glory or brightness. C. which junius understandeth of that whole festivity which was suddenly turned) was changed (changed itself. C.) & his thoughts troubled him, so that the girdle I. (bands. C. V. joints. L. B. G.) of his loins was loosed, and his knees smote one against another.  
7. Then the king cried aloud (strongly. C.) that they should bring in the Astrologians, Chaldeans, and the Soothsayers, (wizards. B.) And the king spoke and said to the wisemen of Babel, Whosoever can read me this writing, and show me the interpretation thereof, shall be clothed in purple, and shall have a chain of gold about his neck, and shall be the third ruler (rule the third. C.) in the kingdom.  
8. Then came all the kings wise men, but they could neither read the writing, nor make known unto the king the interpretation.  
9 Then was king Belshatzar greatly troubled, and his countenance was changed in him, and his princes were astonished.  
10. Now the Queen by reason of the talk of the king and his princes, came into the banquet house, and the Queen spoke and said, O king live for ever: let not thy thoughts trouble thee, neither let thy countenance be changed.  
11. There is a man in thy kingdom, in whom is the spirit of the holy gods, and in the days of thy father, light (lat. det.) and understanding, and wisdom, like the wisdom of the gods (L. S. det.) was found in him: whom the king Nabuchadnezzar thy father made chief of the Magicians, Astrologians, Chaldeans, and soothsayers, the king (I say) thy father (thy grandfather. I.).  
12. Because that a more abundant spirit (excellent. I. G.) and knowledge, and understanding the interpretation of dreams, & declaring of hard sentences, and the solution of doubts, (knots. C.) was found in Daniel, whom the king named (imposed the name) Beltashazzar: now let Daniel be called, and he will declare the interpretation.  
13. Then was Daniel brought before the king, and the king spoke, and said unto Daniel, art thou that Daniel, which art of the children of the captivity of judah, whom my father the king brought out of judea?  
14. Now I have heard of thee, that the spirit of the holy gods is in thee, and that light and understanding, and excellent (abundant. C.) wisdom is found in thee.  
15. Now therefore wisemen and Astrologers have been brought before me, that they should read this writing, and make known unto me the interpretation thereof: but they were not able to declare the interpretation of the thing.  
16. Then heard I of thee, that thou art able to show interpretations (interpret interpretations. C.) and dissolve doubts (knots. C.) now if thou canst read the writing, and show me the interpretation thereof, thou shalt be clothed in purple, and have a chain of gold about thy neck, and shalt be the third ruler in the kingdom.  
17. Then Daniel answered and said before the king, Keep thy rewards to thyself (thy rewards be to thee. C.) and give thy gifts to another: yet will I read the writing to the king, and make known the interpretation unto him.  
18. O thou king, (hear thou O king. G.) junius referreth it to the 22. v. but it is better put interrogatively) the most high God gave unto Nabuchadnezzar thy father, a kingdom, and majesty, and power, and glory.  
19 And for the majesty, that he gave him, all people, nations and languages trembled, and feared (were trembling and fearing before him: whom he would he slew, and whom he would he saved alive. I. (he 〈◊〉. L. S. B. G. V. but the other is fitter, as set in opposition to the former clause: and then the word must not be derived of macah to smite, but of caiah to make alive) whom he would he set up, and whom he would he put down.  
20. But when his heart was lifted up, and his mind (spirit. C.) hardened in pride, he was deposed (caused to descend. C.) from his kingly throne, and they took his glory from him.  
21. And he was driven from the sons of men, and his heart became as a beasts (was put unto the beasts. C.) and his dwelling was with the wild asses, they fed him with grass like oxen, and his body was were with the dew of heaven, till he knew that the most high God bare rule over the kingdom of men, and he appointeth over it, whomsover he pleaseth.  
22. And thou his son O Belshatzar, hast not humbled thine heart, though thou knewest all this.  
23. But hast lift thyself up against the Lord of heaven, and they have brought the vessels of his house before thee, and thou, and thy princes, thy wives, and thy concubines, have drunk wine in them, and thou hast praised the gods of silver, and gold, and brass, iron, wood, and stone, which neither see, neither hear, nor understand.  
24. Then was the part (palm. B. G. knuckles. B. joints. V. L. see before v. 5.) of an hand sent from his presence: and so this writing was written. C. (& hath written this writing. G. B.  
25. And this is the writing that is written: mean, mene, tekel, upharsin.  
26. And this is the interpretation of the words (of the things. B. G.) Mene, God hath numbered out thy kingdom, and hath finished it.  
27. Tekel, thou art weighed in the balance, and art found wanting (too light. G.)  
28. Peres (divided. I. and so he interpreteth the other words before, but first the words are set down, as they were written, and then the interpretation) thy kingdom is divided, and given unto the Medes and Persians.  
29. Then Belshatzar gave charge (said. C.) and they clothed Daniel with purple, and put a chain of gold about his neck, and made proclamation concerning him, that he should be the third ruler in the kingdom.  
30. The same night was Belshatzar the king of the Chaldeans slain.  
31. And Darius (Dariaves. C.) the Mede took the kingdom, being threescore and two year old.   

3. The questions and doubts discussed.  

Quest. 1. Why this chapter is transposed and not set down according to the order of time.  
1. It is evident by the last verse of this chapter, that this history fell out in the last year of Balthazars reign, for at this time Babylon was taken: but the prophecies and visions contained, cap. 7. 8. were showed unto Daniel before, the one in the first year, c. 7. 8. the other in the third, cap. 8. 1.  
2. The reason hereof is this, because Daniel would set down together all the matters of fact and history unto the 7. chapter, and then follow the prophetical visions together, which only were revealed to Daniel, from cap. 7. to the end; beside this chapter hath a very fit coherence with the former: for as there it is showed how Nebuchahnezzar was punished for his pride, so the like is set forth here in the fall of Balthasar.  
3. It is like that many other memorable acts fell out in the reign of Nabuchadnezzar, his son Euilmerodach, and this Balthasar, but Daniel only toucheth such things, quorum utilis futura erat posteris memoria, the memory and knowledge whereof might be profitable to posterity: as were these miraculous works of God, which were showed upon these kings, Theodoret.   

Quest. 2. Of the kings of Chaldea which succeeded after Nabuchadnezzar.  
1. josephus setteth them down in this order, 
lib. 10. antiqui. c. 13.  after Nabuchadnezzar he nameth his son Abilomarodachus, then Niglisar his son, and Labosardachus his son the father of Balthasar: the same order followeth Eusebius differing somewhat in names: he calleth these four Amilmathapacus, Egressa●ius, Labosardochus, Balthasar: 
lib. 9 de praepar. c 3.  so also Hierome and Lyran.  
2. Metasthenes as Pintus allegeth him, saith that Euilmerodach had three sons which succeeded one another, the first Niglazar, or Regassar, who reigned 2. years, then Labassardach, who reigned 3. years, and the third was Balthasar.  
3. But all these are deceived: for it is evident out of the S●●●pture, jerem. 27. v. 5, 6, 7. that after Nabuchadnezzar succeeded only his son, and his sons son: there were not then 4. descents, but only three from Nabuchadnezzar, who was the grandfather, not the greatgrandfather of Bal●hazar: for after Nabuchadnezzar succeeded Euilmerodach, 2. king. 25. 27. and after him his son Balthasar, thus Hugo. Vatab. Inn. Oecolamp. Calvin.  
4. But hereupon riseth this difference, that this Ncega-letzer, or Niglazar did depose Euilmerodach his kinsman, who together with his son Balthasar lived in exile among the Medes, and in the mean time Neegaletzer, or Niglazar possessed the kingdom: and so indeed there were four in all, but one of them was an usurper, Polan. see more hereof afterward, quest. 20.   

Quest. 3. Of the diverse names of this Balthasar.  
1. He is here called Belshatzar, which signifieth a searcher of treasure, of belash, scrutatus est, he searched, and atzar, treasure: he is called of Metasthenes, Balt— assar, and in the vulgar Latin, Balsasar, of the Septuag. balthasar.  
2. He was also called Nabobonidus, or Naboan with josephus, or Nebonidachus in Eusebius, or as others Nebonidus: which signifieth a prince expelled.  
3. Herodotus calleth him Labynetus, or Labunit●s, the son of Nitocris, whom he maketh more famous than Semiramis: but here Herodotus falleth into great error, making these two famous Queens but five ages or generations one before another, whereas from Semiramis to Nitocris, there were run a 1500. years. Peter.  
4. Pererius thinketh, that this Balthasar was called Merodach, because jeremy saith, cap. 50. 2. Bel is confounded, Merodach is broken down: where Merodach which signifieth sceptrifer, a sceptre bearer, is there understood rather of their idol Bel, as appeareth by the phrase, is broken down: which title also they gave unto their kings, jun. annot. some think that Euilmerodach was so called, as to say prince of Merodaci●, the name of a region of Babylon, which Ptolemy calleth Amordacia, Polan.   

Quest. 4. In what year of Balthazars reign this history fell out.  
1. Pererius thinketh it was in the 17. year of his reign. Hugo Cardinal. in the 18. year: Metasthenes giveth unto Balthazars reign 5. years: Calvin saith he reigned 8. years, and this happened in the last year of his reign.  
2. But it was rather in the third and last year of his reign, as Oecolamp. Bulling. for if so many as 17. or 18. years be allowed unto Balthazars reign, there will be more than 70. years of captivity, which now were expired at the taking of Babylon, and Cyrus' entrance: for 37. years were gone of the captivity before Euilmerodach began to reign, 2. king. 25. 27. then Euilmerodach reigned as some account 30. years, Bulling. others give him but 23. Oecolampad. Calvin. they that give the least reckon 18. years, josephus. there could not then be yet 18. years remaining. And that it was in the third year rather, then in the 5. or 8. this may be a probable reason, because there is mention in Daniel of no more than the 3. year of Balthasar, c. 8. 1.   

Quest. 5. Of the greatness of Balthazars feast.  
Vers. 1. He made a great feast. We read of other feasts as great as this, as that which Ptolemy the last king of that name, the father of Cleopatra, made unto Pompey: who envited a thousand of his captains to a feast, setting before every one of them a cup of gold to drink in, and changing the dishes with the messes. But Alexander's feast also exceeded this, who at the solemnising of his marriage bid 10. thousand gh●stes, giving unto every one of them a golden cup. And Assuerus feast went beyond these, who had at one feast all the princes and captains of his kingdom and provinces, which were an 127. Esther. 1. 1. But of all other that was the greatest feast, which Plin●e writeth to have been made by Pythius, who entertained all Xerxes huge army, which consisted of 700. thousand, and 88 thousand men: and promised them pay for five months. 2. Yet this was a great feast, wherein were present a thousand of Balthazars nobles, and if there were so many of his princes, the rest of the company and followers far exceeded. Hugo thinketh that there were many more, for here a certain number is taken for an uncertain: but this was a sufficient company for a Prince's feast. And it fell so out by God's providence, that all these should be here assembled together, that they might all taste of the same calamity: as jeremy prophesieth, c. 50. 35. A sword is upon the Chaldeans (saith the Lord) and upon the inhabitants of Babel, and upon her princes and wise men, Polan.   

Quest. 6. Of the manner and order of this feast.  
1. The Latin interpreter readeth, and every one drank according to his age: which is two ways understood, either that they sat down according to their age, or that they did drink in measure, every one according to his strength; sic Lyranus. Perer. Hugo. Pintus. But beside, that to sit according to their age, is not to drink according to their age, and it is not like that there was any order or measure observed in drinking, in this riotus feast, there is no such thing in the original: but thus are the words truly interpreted, he drank wine before a thousand, so also the Septuag.  
2. Which words some of the Rabbins do so understand, as though the king did strive with these thousand of his princes, who should drink most, Osiand. Some think thereby is noted his unshamefastness, that whereas he used at other times to be drunk in secret, now he is drunken before a thousand witnesses: But although hereby is noted his intemperancy, that before his nobles took such fill of drink, encouraging them to do the like by his evil example, yet here is an allusion to the fashion of that country, the princes used to take their meat alone: but now to give the better welcome, he doth not only drink before them in the same place, yet at another table, as Vatablus, but he enteraineth them as his guests, eating and drinking together.   

Quest. 7. Of the occasion of this feast.  
1. Hierome from certain Hebrews reporteth, that Balthasar having heard, that the jews were to be held in captivity 70. years, which time now by his account was expired, doth make a feast, as insulting against the Lord's people, as though all were fables, & that no such thing was to be expected▪ But Hierome counteth this as a fable, for those 70. years were not yet expired.  
2. Some think that the Chaldeans had chased away the Persians and Medes from the city, and thereupon the feast was made▪ Some that Cyrus and Darius being overcome, did ●●mage to the king, & were at this feast, while in the mean time their army divided the river into diverse channels, and so made it paessable, and by this means took the city: for if this had been so, after Daniel had expounded the writing upon the wall, and had said, thy kingdom is divided, and given unto the Medes and Persians; ver. 28. if Cyrus and Darius had been present, they would have made them sure enough.  
3. Some conjecture that the Persians might seem to give way for a time in policy to make the Babylonians more secure, and that they thereupon for joy made this feast: But they which write of these wars, report that Cyrus of a long time had now besieged the city.  
4. The occasion then of this feast was indeed an annual solemnity, which they kept yearly about the 16. day of the month which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Loon, which continued five days together, wherein the servants bear sway in every family, and for that time their masters were subject unto them: and they used to choose one out of their company appareled like the king, whom they called in the Chalde language Segane, which signifieth a Prince, jun. Cyrus as Xenophon writeth, took his opportunity by reason of this feast, to assault the city more strongly. Now the Babylonians were secure, both being confident in the strength and defence of the city, which was compassed both with high walls, and with the great river Euphrates: as also they had provision laid up in the city, as both Xenophon and Herodotus write, for 20. years and more. And this made them so secure.   

Quest. 8. Who commanded the vessels of the temple to be brought, and how.  
V. 2. Balthazzar while he tasted the wine. 1. The word is beteghem, in the taste, which word also signifieth counsel, advise; and thereupon Ab. Ezra thus interpreteth it, in consilio vini, he commanded as the wine advised him, vino dictant, the wine thus decreed: but this interpretation, as Calvin noteth is too curious. 2. junius readeth, ad gustandum vinum, he sent for the vessels to taste wine in them: But it seemeth they had well drunk wine before, ver. 1. and this was a fruit of their excess and drunkenness. 3. The word chamra, which here signifieth wine, some would derive of the Hebrew word chamar, that signifieth an ass, and understand hereby that some Agaso, some base fellow that kept or drove asses, was set up in this feast to be their king, and that at his bidding all things were done: they suppose him to have been such an one, as is used to be called the Lord of misrule: but that Chamra is here taken for wine, is evident, ver. 1. the king drunk wine. 4. wherefore the usual reading is best: the king in the tasting of wine, etc. that is, when his heart was merry and overcome with wine, as R. David and R. Levi read, he was temulentus, now drunk with wine.   

Quest. 9 Of Balthazars profaning of the holy vessels.  
Balthasar offendeth diverse ways. 1. In his presumption, he adventureth to do that which neither Nabuchadnezzar, nor Euilmerodach, his grandfather, or father before him attempted: for none of them are read, to have brought forth these sacred vessels, Calvin. 2. then he profaneth the holy vessels in turning them to profane uses, which were consecrated and dedicated only to the service of God: Bulling. 3. he bringeth them forth not for any necessary or sober use, but in this drunken and lascivious feast, he causeth them to be set before combibo●ibus & scortis, his drunken companions and harlots, Bulling, for here were present his wives and concubines, Bulling. 4. But the greatest impiety of all was, that they praised their abominable idols; not only giving them the honour of their plenty and feasting: for it was the manner of the heathen in the beginning of their feasts to sacrifice unto their gods, Perer. but they ascribed this victory unto their idols, when these vessels were taken from the Temple at jerusalem, as though their filthy idols were stronger than the God of Israel, Bulling.   

Quest. 10. Whether Nabuchadnezzar did not likewise profane the vessels, in laying them up in his idols temple.  
1. It will be objected, that Nabuchadnezzar did as much profane them, by placing them in the Temple of his idols, as the Philistims in bringing the Ark into the house of Dagon: but there the Lord showed his judgement even upon their god in striking off his head and hands, and punished also the Philistims for that profanation, 1. Sam. 5.  
2. The answer here is, that the contempt was not alike: for the Philistims presented their idol with the Ark as a monument of their victory, and so robbed God of his honour, but Nabuchadnezzar of some religious respect did lay up these vessels in the Temple, as not fit to be profaned and turned to any common use: and therefore so long as the vessels were there kept, the Lord seemed not to be angry, Hugo ex gloss. This also may be added, that the Ark was a more sacred thing, than the golden vessels▪ for that was not lawful to be touched or seen of any; therefore the abuse offered thereunto was more heinous.   

Quest. 11. Of the blind and obscure idolatry of the Chaldeans.  
1. V. 4. They praised the gods of gold etc. 1. Concerning their blind idolatry, 1. they used to set up their images before their faces, in some human shape, to the which they sacrificed in the beginning of their feasts, as Athen. lib. 8. Dypnosophist. c. 13. 2. These were made of divers metals, according to the property of those things which they represented: as they made the image of the Sun of gold, of Mars of iron, of the Moon of silver: as Alexander the coppersmith is said to have made silver shrines for Diana, Act. 19 Lyran. 3. And further how absurd and foolish the Chaldean idolatry was, is thus described, Baruch, c. 6. v. 3. You shall see in Babel gods of gold and silver borne upon men's shoulders: v. 9 they make crowns of gold for their heads. v. 13. one holdeth a sceptre, as though he were a certain judge of the country, yet can not slay such as offend him. v. 14. an other hath an axe or dagger, or an axe in his right hand, yet is not able to defend himself in battle. v. 16. their eyes are full of dust. v. 17. the Priests keep the Temples shut with doors and bars upon them, as gates are shut up round about upon offenders. v. 18. they light up candles before them, etc. such is the vanity of their idols, and the blindness of those which worship them.  
2. And what their obscenity was in their idolatrous service, is showed in the same place, v. 42. the women girded with cords, sit in the streets, and burn straw: and if one of them be drawn away, and lie with any such as come by, she casteth her neighbour in the teeth, because she was not so worthily reputed, nor her chord broken. 
Her●dot. lib. 1.  Herodotus showeth at large the manner of this vile custom among the Babylonians, how every woman once in her life is bound to go to the temple of Venus, and there to sit, until one come and cast money into her lap, which she taking must rise and go aside with him, and suffer him to have his pleasure of her. They which are beautiful are soon dispatched of their attendance, but they which are deformed are feign to sit two or three years, till some stranger come unto them. Thus their idolatry was joined with obscenity: as at this time, while they praise their gods of silver and gold, they have their concubines present. And therefore Balthazars fault was the greater, quia vasa illa exposuit uxoribus & concubinis, because he did expose those vessels to his wives and concubines. gloss. ordinar.   

Quest. 12. How far it is lawful to apply sacred things to profane uses.  
1. Polanus is of opinion, that it is not lawful at all to transfer things consecrated unto God to any profane use: for if Balthazzar were reproved for profaning the holy vessels, much greater is the fault of Christians to abuse such things: & so he concludeth, papistis erepta, etc. things taken from the Papists, if they be consecrated unto God, eidem dicata maneant, they must so remain still.  
Contra. 1. There is great difference to be made between things rightly consecrated unto God, and true religion, and things applied to superstitious uses, as Melancthon well saith, res consecratas sine verbo Dei, non esse discernendas à prophanis, that things consecreate without any warrant of God's word, are not discerned from profane, etc. there is not then the like reason between the vessels of the Temple, which were consecrated to God's service by his own commandment, which were no ways to be profaned, and such things as are dedicated to Popish superstition, which have no such warrant. 2. It is evident that Hezekiah, when he broke down the hrasen serpent, which was abused to idolatry, did apply it to profane uses, calling it but a piece of brass, 2. King. 18. 4.  
2. Lyranus opinion is, that the consecrated things, the property and form not altered, should not be translated unto any other use: and therefore saith he, it was decreed, ut calix in propria forma, non vendatur nisi alteri Ecclesiae, etc. that a chalice in the proper form, should not be sold, but unto an other Church. Contra. But there may be such necessity of the Church and Commonwealth, as to redeem captives, to maintain war, that the chalices may be melted, and turned into money: And so was it made lawful by an Imperial constitution of justinian, that to redeem captives it should be lawful to sell the vessels and ornaments of the Church, and this reason is yielded, non absurdum est animas hominum quibuscunque vestimentis praeferri, it is not inconvenient, that the souls of men should be preferred before vestments. 
Cod. lib. 5. ti● 5. leg. 17.   
3. It is not then simply unlawful to translate upon some urgent occasion things consecrate to religion to some other uses: wherein these several considerations must be observed.  
We must distinguish between things devoted unto God and his service, and things ordained to superstitious uses, which have no right consecration.  
1. Concerning superstitious implements they may be converted to other uses. 1. so that it be done sine furto, without theft, or any disorderly manner: not by any private man, but by such as have authority. 2. It must be provided, that sufficient maintenance be remaining unto the Church, such superstitious dedications being cut off: quantum opus est Ecclesus, impertire debent, they must impart unto the Church so much as is sufficient. 3. The things superstitiously abused, and evil employed, as to maintain idle bellies, and Abbey-lubbers, should be converted unto good uses, the maintenance of preachers, relief of the poor and such like. 4. The things taken from Ecclesiastical use, must not be abused to riot and excess: which made Balthazars fault the greater, in profaning these holy vessels in his drunken feast. And so it hath been the miserable use in some places, that great men, consumptis bonis in convivijs, frequenter see convertunt ad spoliandum ecclesias, etc. having consumed their own goods in banqueting and feasting, do often fall to the spoiling of Churches. gloss. ordinar. 5. A difference is to be made in those things which are consecrated: some are of necessary use, and are not to be alienated: some were added of superfluity, and were not so pertinent, or properly belonging to the Church: as the politic dominions, and civil jurisdictions, which were given to Ecclesiastical persons, were not so fit to be administered by them: Melancth. But the tithes of the Church, as the proper maintenance thereof, and originally theirs, it had been happy, if they never had been alienated.  
2. Now as touching things consecrated unto true religious uses, there is less liberty in alienating of such things: where these cautels must be observed. 1. We must distinguish between those things, which are of necessary use in God's service, and those which are not so necessary: as the high Priest gave David Goliaths sword, which was consecrated unto God, but of no use in his service: the holy vessels, which were used in the Temple, he would not so easily have given him. 2. Even those Church implements▪ which are used, must give place to necessity, and to works of charity, as is showed before: for God will have mercy, and not sacrifice: to adorn Churches with gold, and to suffer the poor members of Christ to starve, is not pleasing unto him. David in his extreme hunger did eat of the show bread, which it was not lawful for any but the Priests to eat. 3. But like as David, if he could have provided other bread, would not have eaten of that: so all means must first be used, and the last refuge must be to the Church goods, in such extreme cases, and urgent necessities.   

13. Quest. Of the fingers, which appeared in the wall, how they were caused.  
1. R. Saadiah thinketh that this was the hand of the Angel Gabriel, who is called the man Gabriel, c. 9 21. and here it is said to be a man's band: but the same word is not used in both places: for here the word is enosh, home, and in the other, ish, vir: this than is but a weak reason.  
2. The most think this was done, ministerio Angelico, by the ministery of Angels, Oecolamp. Lyran operatione Angeli, by the operation of an Angel, Pint. so also Osiand. but Daniel saith, v. 24. that the hand was sent from God.  
3. Wherefore I rather think with Calvin, that Deus scripsit virtute su●, God did write it by his power: digiti jehovae fuerunt, they were the fingers of God, Polan. who procured or caused by his power a man's hand to appear: not that it was indeed a man's hand, but had the similitude thereof, Calvin.  
4. Rupertus more particularly saith it was the hand of Christ, 
c. 9 in Daniel.  thus writing, qui per lapidem de monte sine manibus, in prima, etc. be which is described by a stone cut out of the mountain without hands, in the first vision, and is expressed by his own name in the second (where he is called the son of God) and by the name of watchman, and the holy one, in the third, per manum scribentis designatur, is designed by the hand of a writer in the fourth.  
5. But that is too curious, which is observed by the ordinary gloss. God is the writer, the hand is the son of God, by whom he made all things, digiti spiritus sanctus, the fingers are the holy Ghost.   

14. Quest. Whether it were the likeness of a● hand only, and seen of Balthasar alone▪  
1. Lyranus thinketh it was only the similitude of an hand: it was not manus scribentis secundum existentium, the hand of a writer having any true existence, for than it would have been seen of others as well as of Balthasar, whereas it is said only of Balthasar, that he saw it, Contra. Pererius here refelleth the opinion of Lyranus. 1. The Scripture setteth it down simply, that the fingers of a man's hand appeared: there is no note of similitude added. 2. Though it is said expressly, that Balthasar saw it, it followeth not, but that others might see it also. 3. Neither is his reason good, though the rest had not seen it: for God may open the eyes of some to see such visions, which others see not: as the young man with the Prophet, saw not at the first the fiery charets and horse which the Prophet saw, till his eyes were opened, 2. king. 6. Perer. 4. Hereunto may be added, that God useth not to feed men's eyes with fantasies, but true appearances: fantastical apparitions are the illusions of Satan. 5. And as it was a true writing remaining upon the wall, so was it a substantial hand that wrote it.  
2. Some think further, that Balthasar first and only saw this sight, and not the rest of the ghosts: as Balaams' ass saw the Angel, before he saw it: so Oecolampad. Calvin speaketh doubtfully: the king saw it, proceres forte non ita, the nobles perhaps not: But I rather think with junius, that it was seen of all, ut omnes evidenter animaduerterent, etc. that all men might see evidently, it was the hand of God. And so much may be gathered, v. 10. the Queen came in by reason of the talk of the king and his Princes: this strange sight was the matter of all their talk.   

15. Quest. Of the manner of the apparition of this hand.  
1. The time is noted, that it might evidently appear, propter quod erat vindicta, wherefore this revenge came, Lyran. for as he was in the mids of his cups, and blasphemed God, and praised his idols, than this hand was sent: like as before while the word was in Nabuchadnezzers' mouth, the sentence was pronounced against him for his pride. gloss. ordinary.  
2. The fingers of an hand appeared: the hand is the instrument of working, Deus exerit manum iam percussurus, God putteth forth his hand now ready to smite: it signifieth therefore the celerity of God's judgements. Bulling.  
3. And in that the hand was seen to write, it showeth the certainty of the judgement: sententia iam scripta & lata est, the sentence was written and decreed against him. Oecolamp.  
4. And the hand was seen in loco aspectabili, in a conspicuous place, over against the candlestick; not in a corner of the house, but over against the mids, where they used to set up their lights, Polan. and upon the white pargent of the wall, that it might be the better seen, Bulling.   

16. Quest. Why this hand appeared over against the candlestick.  
1. The most do make this the reason of it, ut melius appareat manus, etc. that both the hand, and that which was written, might better appear. gloss. ordinar. H●g. ut illustretur scriptura, that the writing might be more conspicuous: so the place where it appeared was very bright, tum ob alborem parietis, both because of the whiteness of the wall, and the light of the candlestick, Bulling. and Calvin giveth a reason of it, fuit nocturnum convivium, it was a night banquet.  
2. junius in his Commentary thinketh that this writing was made the more conspicuous, non solum luce diei, sed etiam lampadum, not only by the light of the day, but of the lamps also: But it is not like they would set up lamps and lights in their feasts by day.  
3. I rather approve junius judgement in his annotations, whom Polanus followeth, who thinketh, that this was an hanging candlestick prepared to give light against the night: for till then was the feast protracted: it was not de nocte coeptum, begun in the night: for afterward Daniel is rewarded, being clothed with purple, and a chain of gold put about his neck, with proclamation made, that he should be the third in the kingdom; which is not like to have been done in the night: as it may appear also by the sending for of the Chaldeans and wise men: and further it is like it was done in the day, that God's judgements might be so much the more manifest and evident to all men. This place, over against the candlestick, is mentioned, because it was a conspicuous place, about the mids of the house, where their lights used to hang. Polan.   

17. Quest. Of Balthazars sudden fear, and the manner thereof.  
v. 6. The king's countenance changed. 1. This sudden passion and great fear of the king is set forth by the parts, it was both internal: his thoughts troubled him, than it wrought upon his body, by divers degrees, first, his countenance was changed, waxing wan and pale, the blood running all to the heart and vital parts, as it useth to do in such sudden fear: Lyran, than his body so trembled, that both his loins did shake and quake, in so much, that he was constrained se discingere, to unbrace himself, as it were sweeting & swelling for fear, jun. Polan. and then his knees smote together, and it is like also that his teeth chattered in his head. Hug.  
2. Though Balthasar understood not the meaning of this writing, yet he trembled and feared, expecting some present judgement, because his own conscience accused him. And though the wicked for the most part are hardened, and are not much moved by the judgements of God; yet God's hand was here upon Balthasar, and struck terror into his soul; this being as the last summons, to call him before the Lord's tribunal seat. Polan.  
3. This his terror might have been a preparation to his repentance, if he had had grace to use it: said in medio cursu defecit, he gave over in the mids of his course: for these his passions did soon vanish away: he was not much moved afterward, when Daniel had showed unto him, how present the danger was, and at hand. Calvin.   

18. Quest. v. 7. Why Daniel is not here called among the rest.  
1. Lyranus moving the like doubt, why Nabuchadnezzer upon his second dream called not for Daniel with the first, c. 4. giveth this reason, that Daniel was at that time absent about some necessary affairs, and the king expected his coming: which was the cause, why he commanded not all the Soothsayers to be killed, as he did the first time he dreamt: But neither was that the cause then, but rather Nabuchadnezzer was still addicted unto his superstitious Chaldeans, and would not have used Daniel at all, if he could have found any help at their hands: neither can this reason be alleged here, for it seemeth Daniel was much neglected.  
2. Wherefore, as Osiander well collecteth, it seemeth that Daniel so much esteemed in Nabuchadnezzers' time, was not employed under licentious Balthasar: he was a stranger in Court, and grown out of knowledge, and therefore the old Queen, to whom he was known in Nabuchadnezzers' days, maketh first mention of him.   

19 Quest. v. 8. How it came to pass, that the wise men could not so much as read the writing.  
1. Lyranus thinketh the Chaldees could not read the writing, because it was written in Hebrew letters, which they were ignorant of: but there being such great affinity between the Hebrew and Chalde tongue, it is not like there was such difference in the characters, but that the learned among them might have read them.  
2. The Hebrew Cabalists imagine, that the letters were inverted, and the words transposed, and set out of order, and so they could not read them: but it seemeth by daniel's reading of the writing, and setting down of the words in order, as they were written, that there was no such transposing.  
3. Pererius thinketh the meaning is, that they could not read the words with any understanding, they knew not what words to join together, to make any sense or construction of them: but it is evident by daniel's speech afterward, that they could neither read the writing at all, nor give the interpretation: for first he saith, This is the writing: it should seem then, that they could not so much as spell the words: and then he addeth, This is the interpretation, v. 26.  
4. Wherefore it is most probable, that this writing was written in some strange and unknown characters unto the Chaldeans: or rather which is most like, that they were so blinded, and astonished by the power of God, that they could not read it: they were caecitate & stupore perculsi, smitten with blindness and stupidity. Polan. so also Calvin.   

20. Quest. What Queen it was, which came in.  
v. 10. Now the Queen by reason of the talk of the King, etc. came in. 1. This Queen was not Balthazars wife, as Porphyry scoffingly objected, that she knew more than her husband: for of his wives mention is made before, v. 3. that his wives and concubines drunk in the vessels of the Temple which were brought.  
2. Origen, and so also Theodoret, take her to have been the mother of Balthasar: so Bullinger allegeth Herodotus to have been of the same opinion, who calleth the mother of Labynetus, which was this Balthasar, Nitocris, whom he maketh as famous as Semiramis: so also Polanus.  
3. But josephus opinion, which Hierome followeth, and Lyranus, think that this Queen was grandmother to Balthasar, and wife sometime to Nabuchadnezzer; whereof these two reasons may be yielded: 1. one which Theodoret allegeth, verisimile est eam seni● confectam, etc. it is like, that she being stricken in years, did not give herself to drinking and dancing, and such other sports, etc. this conjecture showeth it to be more probable, that she was his grandmother, than mother: for his mother could not be so old, he having reigned but 3. years, being the eldest son, and heir to the kingdom. 2. the other reason Lyranus urgeth, which Pintus also approveth, because she speaketh of things done in Nabuchadnezzers' days, which showeth, mulierem fuisse iam vetulam, that she was now a very old woman, Calvin.   

21. Quest. In what sense Nabuchadnezzer is called Balthazars father.  
1. Some think that Nabuchadnezzer was his great grandfather, and that Balthasar was not the third, but the fourth from him: so josephus whom Hierome and Beda follow: see before, qu. 2. But this can not be so, because jerem. 27. v. 5, 6. the Lord promiseth the kingdom to Nabuchadnezzer, and to his son, and to his sons son, and stayeth there.  
2. another opinion was of Alexander Polyhistor, and Alpheus, with others, whom josephus mentioneth, lib. 1. cont. Appion. that four reigned after Nabuchadnezzer: 1. Euilmerodach. 2. Niglasar his sister's husband, who killed him. 3. Labosardach his son, who was deposed for his misgovernment, and slain: and then Balthasar was chosen by common consent. But by this account Balthasar should not be at all of Nabuchadnezzers' stock and line, contrary to the Scripture, which calleth him his son.  
3. The author of the Scholastical history saith, that there were two Nabuchadnezzers', the father and the son: and that Euilmerodach was brother to the second, and reigned after him, who had three sons which succeeded one an other in the kingdom after him, Niglazar, Labosardach, and Balthasar: so he maketh Nabuchadnezzer the great, grandfather of this Balthasar, and Balthazar to reign in the fifth place. But it is evident in story, that Euilmerodach succeeded next to Nabuchadnezzer his father, not to his brother of that name: for Nabuchadnezzer is held to have reigned 43. years at the least, as josephus: but he reigned rather 45. in the 8. year of his reign jechonias was carried captive, in the 37. year of whose captivity, which was the 45. year of Nabuchadnezzer, Euilmerodach began to reign, 2. king. 25. 27.  
Pererius misliketh this opinion, because he maketh two Nabuchadnezzers', whereas sacrd & profana historia unum tantum agnoscit, both the sacred and profane histories (saith he) acknowledgeth but one Nabuchadnezzer king of Chaldea, etc. wherein I wonder at his forgetfulness, being otherwise a most diligent writer, seeing josephus evidently maketh two Nabuchadnezzers', the father, to whom he ascribeth 21. years, and his son, to whom he giveth 43. years lib. 10. antiq. c. 11.  
4. The fourth opinion is of Theodoret in this chapter, and Severus Sulpitius lib. 2. sacr. histor. that Nabuchadnezzer had two sons, Euilmerodach the elder, and Balthasar the younger, who reigned successively one after an other: and so they think, that Balthasar was in deed the son of Nabuchadnezzer: But this can not be so: for seeing this Balthasar was the last of the Chaldean kings, and jeremy prophesied that the kingdom should be given to Nabuchadnezzer, and to his son, and to his sons son, now this prophesy should not be fulfilled, if the kingdom did only remain to him, and to his sons.  
5. Not far differing from this opinion, is that which is found in the book of Baruch, c. 1. 11. Pray for Nabuchadnezzar, and for the life of Balthasar his son: where the author of that book, seemeth to make Balthazar the eldest son of Nabuchadnezzer, as next heir to the kingdom. Pererius would thus help the matter, that either Nabuchadnezzer had an other son called Balthasar, who should have been king if he had lived, or that Euilmerodach was also so called: thus also Emmanuel Sa. But neither of these assertions can be proved out of the Canonical Scriptures, which evidently testify, that Euilmerodach was the son of Nabuchadnezzer, and not Balthasar, 2. king. 25. 27. and jerem. 52. 31.  
6. Pintus hath an other conceit, that Euilmerodach might be called Nabuchadnezzer, which was a general name to all the Chaldean kings, as the Emperors were called Caesar's, of the first Emperor: and thus he saith Balthasar was Nabuchadnezzers', that is, Euilmerodaches son: but no where in Scripture doth it appear, that Nabuchadnezzer was a general name to the kings of Chaldea, neither that Euilmerodach or Balthasar are so called.  
3. Pererius opinion is, that Balthasar was the nephew, not properly the son of Nabuchadnezzer, yet he reigned not in the third place, but in the fifth: there came between two other named by foreign writers, Niglasar, and Labosardach, the first was Euilmerodaches sisters husband, who slew Euilmerodach, and so reigned, and Labosardach his son after him, who was deposed and slain for his cruelty: and then Balthasar, who fled unto the Medes, was restored unto the kingdom: so joseph. lib. 1. cont. Appion. Now Pererius reason is this, why some other reigned between, because otherwise the term of 70. years captivity can not be made up: for the captivity began in the 19 year of Nabuchadnezzer, when jerusalem was taken, there remained 25. years of his reign, who reigned in all 43. Euilmerodach 18. years, and Balthasar 17. all these years make but 60. there wanted yet 10. years, which must be made up by the reign of others coming between.  
Contra. 1. Though Pererius opinion be admitted as probable, that some usurpers came between Euilmerodach, and Balthasar, yet the reason which he urgeth, is not sufficient: for the 70. years captivity do take beginning rather from the 8. year of Nabuchadnezzer, when jechonias went into captivity, 2. king. 24. 12. for from that time the Prophets do begin the account of the 70. years, Ezek. 1. 1. and c. 24. 1. and in other places of that prophesy. And Nabuchadnezzer reigned 45. years: 8. years before the captivity began, 2. king. 24. 12. and 37. years of the captivity: 2. king. 25. 27. so that the ten years which are wanting, may thus be filled up.  
8. Pererius thinketh, that the strange names of Niglazar, and Labosardach, mentioned by josephus, were the same with Euilmerodach and Balthasar, called by other names, in 2. cap. Daniel. But josephus, and other writers whom he followeth, as Berosus, Alexander Polyhistor, with others, make these divers kings from the rest: for josephus nameth Abilomarodach beside, who in Scripture is called Euilmerodach.  
9 The truth than is this, that Euilmerodach, as Pererius reporteth out of some writers, was slain by Niglazar, or Neegaletzer his sister's husband; or as junius out of others, he was expulsed out of his kingdom, and he with Balthasar his son lived in exile among the Medes: in the mean time Niglasar, and his son Labosardach after him, a while usurped the kingdom, and after that Balthasar was restored: So that Balthasar was in deed the right nephew of Nabuchadnezzer, yet called his son according to the phrase of Scripture: see before, quest. 2.   

Quest. 22. Of the Queen's oration to the King.  
It consisteth of 4. parts: 1. the salutation: O King, live for ever, whereby she doth insinuate herself, 2. the proposition, which containeth the drift and scope of her speech, that he should not be troubled, v. 10.  
3. The narration followeth containing a reason, why he should not be troubled, because there was a man found in his kingdom, who was able to reveal this secret. In this narration three things are expressed, 1. a description of Daniel by his gifts, 2. the experience of his gifts in the days of Nabuchadnezer, which were three: light or illumination by God's spirit, understanding in the apprehension of those things which were revealed, and wisdom in wisely and fitly applying the same. 3. then the approbation of his gifts, and public testification by his advancement: he was set over all the wise men.  
4. The fourth part is the conclusion, that Daniel might be sent for to interpret the king's vision: with a repetition of the argument taken from his sufficiency and ability, which consisted either in his gifts, which are the three before named, an excellent spirit called before (light,) understanding, and knowledge called before (wisdom:) or else in the exercising and use of these gifts, specially in the expounding of dreams, more generally in declaring hard sentences, and most generally of all in declaring any manner of doubts, or hid matters, v. 12.   

Quest. 23. Of the excellent wisdom and other princely parts in this old Queen.  
1. In that she came in upon this occasion to the banquet, not having been there before, therein she was an example of great temperance and sobriety, in not being present at this riotous feast, Polan. 2. her wisdom appeareth in the whole course of her speech: she saluteth the king with loving words to insinuate herself, therein also giving an example of due reverence to be yielded unto kings, Bulling. 3. she is sola admiratrix viriutum Danielis, found to be the only admirer of daniel's gifts, Oecolamp, and setteth him forth as one excelling all other in the gifts of wisdom and understanding. 4. And beside in making mention of Nabuchadnezzar, a prince of great wisdom and judgement, who advanced Daniel for his excellent wisdom, ostendit eum nimis crass arrare, she showeth that he greatly erred in neglecting such an excellent man in his kingdom, and seeking satisfaction of others, where it was not to be found, Calvin, herein then appeareth her faithfulness in giving such good advice unto the king. 5. And the Queen whom Herodotus calleth Nitocris, is by the same author commended for a woman of great wisdom, whereof he giveth this experiment: she caused her tomb to be made in an high and conspicuous place over one of the gates of the city, with an inscription to this effect, that if any of the kings of Babylon wanted money, if he opened that sepulchre, he should find enough: Afterward Darius of Persia opened the tomb, wherein he found nothing but a writing to this effect, that if he had not an unsatiable mind, he would not have raked in the tombs and ashes of the dead. 6. This woman for her great age and experience, like to have been the wife of Nabuchadnezzar, was of great wisdom: she was not Balthazars wife, as is before showed, quest. 20. And therefore Porphyry his scoff, that the wife here showed herself wiser, than her husband, is soon answered.   

Quest. 24. Of Balthazars speech to Daniel.  
v. 13. Art thou that Daniel, etc. 1. he upbraideth him with his captivity, which art of the children of the captivity, etc. junius and Polanus following him think, that he moved this question to be certain of his person: but there being no more of that name, or of those excellent parts, it is rather to be imputed to his pride, as insulting over the poor captives, and vaunting of the victory, which his predecessors had gotten: the Queen wisely concealed this, hoc unum commemorat gloriosus rex, but the king remembreth this one thing more than the rest, Oecolamp. so also Bulling. The gloss. saith, that he asked this question, because the Prophets were only of the nation of the jews: But if the king had held such an opinion of the jews, he would not have relied upon his Chaldean Soothsayers: therefore these questions rather spirant superbiam regis, do breath out the pride of the king, Osiand.  
2. The king's simplicity appeareth, that saith no other thing than was put before into his mouth: as unwise and simple Princes use to speak unto their people conceptis verbis, & in aurem suggestis, in a set speech, and suggested as it were to their ears, Bulling.  
3. Detegitur eius socordia, his carelessness appeareth, that hath nothing but by hearsay, Calvin, that he did not take knowledge himself of so worthy and excellent a man, as Daniel was.  
4. Dubitanter loquitur, he speaketh doubtfully, v. 16. if thou canst, etc. he had yet more confidence in his Chaldees, Oecolamp. 5. Non quaerit consilium, etc. he doth not require any counsel how he might escape this danger, but only to know the meaning of the dream, Pelican.   

Quest. 25. Of daniel's answer to the king, and the several parts thereof.  
It consisteth 1. of the exordtum, or preface, and 2. of the narration.  
1. In the preface there is 1. a refusal of the king's rewards, than a promise and undertaking to interpret the dream.  
2. In the narration there is first a redargution, and reprehension of the king, showing the cause why the Lord sent this strange sight, v. 25. then the interpretation of the vision.  
In the reprehension 1. there is a commemoration of that which happened to Nabuchadnezzar to v. 22. 2. an application thereof to the king.  
In the commemoration, 1. the benefits are rehearsed, which God had bestowed upon Nabuchadnezzar, a kingdom, majesty, authority, and honour, v. 18. 2. his unthankfulness is showed, that abused his authority and power to cruelty, injustice, and tyranny, v. 19 3. his punishment is declared 1. in his deprivation and deposing from his kingly estate. 2. in the misery that befell him, living and dwelling among bruit beasts, to v. 22.  
In the application the reprehension is set forth first negatively, that he was not moved with an example, which was so near him, even in his grandfather, who is here called his father: Then affirmatively, he had lift up his heart, which is described by four effects. 1. in that he had brought forth the vessels of God's house. 2. he had profaned them, in that he, his princes, wives, and concubines, drunk in them. 3. he praised their idols, which are described, 1. by their matter, they were made but of silver, brass, and such like. 2. by their impotency, they could neither see, hear, nor understand. 4. he gave not glory unto God, which is aggravated by two benefits, the giving him of his life and breath, and in protecting him, in whose hand is thy breath, and all thy ways, etc.  
3. Then followeth the interpretation of the dream, v. 25. to 29.   

Quest. 26. Of daniel's abrupt beginning, in his speech to the king, v. 17. Keep thy rewards to thyself.  
The reasons why Daniel useth no insinuation or salutation to the king, were these; 1. In respect of his age and gravity, such a simple and plain beginning became him: for he was 90. year old, if we suppose him to be 20. when he first went into captivity. 2. it best beseemed him in respect of his office, being a Prophet, and now consulted with concerning the will and counsel of God, to show his contempt of the king's gifts, jun. 3. hoc ips● monstravit abiectum, etc. in that he saluteth him not as a king, giving him his titles, he therein showeth that he was now rejected of God, no longer to be king, Oecolampad. 4. voluit asperius loqui cum impir & desperate, he would speak the more roughly with a wicked and desperate man, of whom there was small hope, and therefore he doth rip up his sin, and searcheth it to the depth, Calvin.   

Quest. 27. Why Daniel rejecteth the king's rewards.  
1. That was not only the reason, in respect of his office because he was a Prophet, lest he might seem to have made merchandise of his prophetical gift, as Polan. and to fulfil that saying in the gospel, ye have freely received, freely give, Lyran. Pelican. for than he should not by this reason have received any gifts of Nabuchadnezzar.  
2. Neither was this the cause, tristia nuntiantem indecens erat dona aeciper●, it was not fit for one telling hard news to receive gifts, gloss. ordinar. for then neither should Daniel have received any reward of king Nabuchadnezzar, after he had expounded the dream of theimage, which foreshowed the end and dissolution of Nebuchadnezzars kingdom.  
3. And to say, that Daniel affected no such honours, because he was now old, is an insufficient reason: for neither had he at any time before any desire to those places, but only for the good of the L●rds people.  
4. But the special reasons, are these two, noluit ab homine impir, etc. he would not receive any gifts of a wicked man, Osiand, as Abraham refused to take any thing of the king of Sodom, and the Prophet Elisha of Naaman, who was a stranger: As also tempus subiectionis mox finiendum erat, the time of subjection unto this king, and of his government, was at an end, Calvin. and therefore he refused these honours at his hand, who was as no king, but rejected of God.   

Quest. 28. Why Daniel received the like rewards from Nabuchadnezzar, and refuseth them from Balthasar.  
1. The reason of this difference is, because Daniel knew that Nabuchadnezzar was established in the kingdom, which the Lord had giue● to him, and to his son: and therefore he made no refusal of the honours which were offered unto him, because thereby he might stand the Church of God in great stead: But the case was now otherwise: for he knew that Balthazars kingdom was at an end, and these honours under him he could not long hold: and the Monarchy of the Chaldeans being at an end, he could not thereby advantage the people of God, Polan.  
2. Because also their was greater obstinacy and stubbornness in Balthasar, then there was in Nabuchadnezzar, ideo oftendit se minus ei defer, quam avo, and therefore he showeth, that he doth not so much respect and honour him, as his grandfather, Calvin.   

Quest. 29. Why then Daniel after his refusal accepted afterward of these rewards, v. 29.  
This showed no inconstancy at all in Daniel to suffer that to be done unto him, which before he in words refused. 1. It is like, that they were very urgent and instant upon him to accept of the king's offers. 2. Chrysostome giveth this reason, that if he had been stiff in refusing still, it would have been thought, quod ipse de responso suo addubit asset, that he himself had doubted of the truth of his answer: and therefore to take away that suspicion, he upon that instance accepteth of the rewards: so also Occolampad. Bulling. 3. another reason was, qui mundi divitias contempserat, ne regem ipsum contemnere videretur, lest he which had despised the riches of the world, should have seemed to have set the king himself at nought, he accepteth of the king's offers, Pintus. 4. If he had still obstinately refused, he might have been brought in suspicionem proditionis, into suspicion of treason, Calvin. as though he had conspired with the Medes and Persians against the king, if he had refused Balthazars rewards and offers. 5. signum fuisset timiditatis, it had been also a sign of fearfulness, that by this means he might have lain hid still, and so escaped the danger, being called to no public place: he therefore in accepting of these honours, ostendit se imperterritum, showeth himself without fear, Calvin.   

Quest. 30. Whether in these words, he put to death whom he would, v. 19 Nebuchadnezzars tyrannical government be expressed.  
1. Neither is this a description of Nebuchadnezzars tyranny and cruel government, as though he put to death the innocent, and spoiled men of their goods, without just cause or equity: for that this is not meant of the abuse of his power, the next v. following showeth, But when his heart was puffed up: this power then might be in Nabuchadnezzar, and his heart not yet lifted up.  
2. Neither yet do I think with Bullinger, that it is like, that Nabuchadnezzar, non injust suum administravit regnum, did not unjustly administer his kingdom: for the contrary appeareth, c. 2. in that he commanded the Chaldeans to be slain without cause, for that they could not tell the king his dream, which he had forgotten: and c. 3. he commanded the three servants of God to be cast into the fiery furnace, for refusing to worship the idol which he had set up.  
3. Nor yet can it be proved by this place, that princes have authority, to take away their subjects lives and goods at their pleasure: for even kings themselves must remember, serationem summo regi reddituros, that they also shall give account unto the the great king, Calvin.  
4. But the Prophet simply speaketh de regia potestate, of the kingly power, Calv. neither touching the abuse or right use thereof: But showeth to what eminent authority God had exalted him, that he might exalt and cast down whom he list: to show that God had given him this great honour and power, for the which he was feared of all. This amplitude and greatness of his authority is set forth by two effects. 1. the one is in his subjects, they feared and stood in awe of him, both for the inward conscience which they had of authority, and in respect of his great and absolute power: the other is in the king himself, he might do and did what he would, both the lives and goods of men were at his beck, Polan. Daniel therefore rather speaketh, what he did de facto, in fact, then, de iure, of right.   

Quest. 31. Of the writing and the interpretation thereof in general.  
v. 24. Then was the palm of the hand sent, etc. Three things are here declared. 1. the manner of the writing. 2. the matter. 3. the meaning. 1. The manner is set forth in these four points, 1. the time is expressed, then and there, when the king had profaned the holy vessels, and blasphemed God. 2. the author and efficient cause was God. 3. the iustrument, a palm or part of an hand. 4. the form, it was in writing.  
2. The matter which was written consisted of four words, the first being twice repeated.  
3. The meaning and interpretation consisteth of three parts. 1. the certain determination of God, who had now numbered and fulfilled the time of his kingdom. 2. the inquisition and examination: God having weighed him found him to be too light. 3. the execution of God's decree: his kingdom was divided and given to others.   

Quest. 32. Of interpretation by writing in general.  
1. By this example of Daniel, who scanneth the words themselves, and thereupon groundeth his interpretation, the Rabbins would warrant their devise of their cabbalistical interpretation, whereby they take upon them by hunting after syllables and letters to find out mysteries in Scripture: thinking that they may take unto themselves the like liberty, which Daniel here used.  
2. Contra. 1. They must first be sure, that they have the like prophetical spirit, which Daniel had, before they may adventure upon such mystical interpretations. 2. the occasion is not alike: this writing was extraordinary, and therefore it was obscure and mystical: but the writing of the Scripture containeth an ordinary and plain form of doctrine, and therefore it is not in such curious manner to be handled. 3. neither did Daniel here examine every letter and syllable, as the Cabalists do, but taketh the words only as they lie in order, and maketh up a full sense of them.   

Quest. 33. Why the first word Mene is doubled.  
1. Some do give this reason of this repetition, the word mean, is derived of manah which signifiech to number: and first they would have signified the numbering of the years of his kingdom, than the days and term of his life: But this is too curious: and the interpretation is of his kingdom: God hath numbered thy kingdom.  
2. Bullinger taketh it to be according to the Hebrew phrase, as they use to say, clamando clamavit, in crying he cried: moriendo morieris, in dying thou shalt die, which phrase is used for more vehemency of speech.  
3. But there is beside an allusion here unto the manner of taking account, and numbering: men for failing will number twice, to be sure that they number right: so by this twice numbering, is signified that God had most exactly nnmbred the term of his kingdom: so R. Saadia, whom Polanus followeth: so also Calvin.  
4. junius thinketh that by numbering is meant, the singular care which God had of that kingdom: singulari quadam ratione curatum est, that God after a singular manner took care thereof, as they use to do, which have things in number and account: but it rather showeth, that the time and term of his kingdom was determined: as the next words declare, and hath finished it: sic Lyran. Hugo. necesse est ut finem accipiat, etc. now his kingdom must needs be at an end, because it is fulfilled, Calvin.   

Quest. 34. Of the meaning of the word Tekel.  
1. Tekel signifieth he hath weighed, this phrase is taken from merchants or goldsmiths, that use most exactly to weigh their gold, and that which is light, they do reject and refuse: So God had most exactly tried and examined the life and works of Balthasar, and found them too light.  
2. Some do thus apply this similitude, as though the sins of Balthasar should be weighed in one balance, which was pressed down, and in the other which was light, his piety and virtue, which appeared to be very small, Perer. Hugo thus expoundeth: God hath weighed the time of thy life, iamillud declinare pronuntiat, and now he pronounceth it to be declining, as a scoale that inclineth, and sinketh down: But rather Balthasar is found, being weighed against God's justice, to be in the light scoale, quasinullum pondus haberet, as though he had no weight at all, as Daniel here expoundeth, Calvin.  
3. Thus is this phrase used in Scripture, as job saith, c. 6. 2, 3. O that my miseries were laid together in a balance, it would now be heavier than the sand of the Sea. His meaning is, that if his miseries were valued in an equal judgement, they would be found to be heavier than they seemed to be: Pintus giveth this sense, as though job should think that his afflictions being weighed against his sins, would be found too heavy for them: but job was far from accusing God of such injustice, that his miseries and sorrows laid upon him, were greater than his sins.  
4. But it will seem strange, this phrase of weighing in a balance, being used to signify a just examination, and trial, that Apocal. 6. 5. he which sat upon the black horse, (whom Pintus expoundeth to be the devil) should have a pair of balances in his hand: for it is far from Satan to do things in measure and weight: Pintus therefore giveth this sense: he is said to have a balance, non quod illa utatur, sed quod videatur uti, not that indeed he useth a just balance, but seemeth to use it: But the sense of the place rather is this, by the black horse is signified dearth, famine, and scarcity of all things: and by the balance, that by a scant and exact weight their corn and food should be weighed unto them.  
5. In this interpretation two things are insinuated, 1. the examination and trial of Balthasar in the judgement of God: he was weighed. 2. then the event and issue, he was found too light, Polan.  
6. Deus non utitur communi trutina, God useth not here a common balance or scoale, he hath a balance of his own: though Balthasar might be approved in the judgement of others, yet God's judgement was otherwise, he found him too light, Calvin. like as the goldsmith useth more exact weights then other Merchants and tradesmen, so the Lords exact judgement far exccedeth man's.   

Quest. 35. Of the meaning of the word Pheres.  
1. Whereas the word written upon the wall was pharsin, in the plural, they have divided, and here it is put in the singular, feres, he hath divided, therein is no great difference: for by both are expressed the causes subordinate one unto another: in the singular it is understood of God, who was the principal author, and chief worker: in the plural it is understood of God's iustruments in this work, the Medes and Persians, Polan.  
2. And in the word feres, there is an evident allusion unto the word paras, which signifieth the Persian.  
3. It is also put in the preter tense, he hath divided, to show the certanitie thereof: before the Lord it was as already done.  
4. Two things are here prophesied, that this kingdom should be divided, and between whom, the Medes and Persians, for so Darius and Cyrus did as it were divide the kingdom between them: Darius had Babylon, and Cyrus Assyria, leaving Babylon to Darius, himself going in expedition against the Scythians.  
5. This Isaiah prophesied of, above 200. years before, as Pererius, rather an 170. years as Polanus, that the Medes should be sent against the Chaldeans, Isay. 13. 17. behold I will stir up the Medes against them.   

Quest. 36. Of the tropological, that is, the moral application of this vision  
1. By the hand writing upon the wall, is signified the justice of God, which both praescribit supplicia, & suo tempore infert, prescribeth aforehand punishments due unto men's sins, and in due time bringeth them forth and inflicteth them: it also may be applied unto the judgement of the conscience, wherein are written, and as it were scoared up the sins, which one committeth: as job saith, c. 13. 26. thou writest bitter things against me, and makest me to possess the sins of my youth.  
2. And by the three words may be signified, the three last things which shall come upon sinners, the remembrance whereof useth to be most grievous unto them, death, final judgement, and bell. By the numbering of the days and the fulfilling of them, men are brought to think of their end, as job saith, c. 14. 5. are not his days determined, the number of his months is with thee? by weighing in the balance is signified the most perfect judgement of God in the last day: And by division the punishment of hell, where the wicked and reprobate shall for ever be divided and separate from God's presence, Perer.   

Quest. 37. Why Balthasar commanded Daniel to be honoured hearing so evil news.  
1. josephus giveth this reason, that although Daniel had told heavy things unto the king, yet he kept his promise, and seemed not much to be moved, thus thinking with himself, quod non bona audierat, sui fati culpani esse, non prophet●, that it was his own fate and destiny, not the Prophet's fault, that he heard no better news, the Prophet did but discharge his duty: But it is not like, that the king had any such thought, or so equal consideration.  
2. Hierome giveth two other reasons hereof: aut post long a tempora credidit futura, he did think that these things might come to pass long after; or in honouring the Prophet he might think to obtain pardon of his sin: But the city being now besieged, if the king had not been altogether besotted, might have put the king in mind of his present danger: and it seemeth by his security, that he had no such good thought, as to think how his sin might be forgiven him.  
3. Some think the king kept his promise, ne coram hominibus mendacij arg●eretur, left he might before men have been found in a lie, Lyran. And it was the constant use and custom of the kings of Persia to keep their word: intelligebat proprium esse regis veritatem servare, he understood it was the property of a king to keep the truth, Pintus. so also Occolampadius, sanctissima esse, etc. the things which the kings promised were most sacred.  
4. The king might have some care of his credit to keep his princely word, as Herod had to perform his wicked oath: But this the king did rather being carried with great admiration of the divine wisdom, which was in Daniel, Osiand. And herein the king showed his carnal security, incolume regnum sibi promisit, he still promised unto himself a safe estate and prosperous kingdom: Bulling. Calvin thinketh that although Balthasar were somewhat moved with this commination, yet he caused Daniel to be honoured, to set a good face upon it, ne signum aliquod praeberet timiditatis, that he should not seem to show any sign of fearfulness: But it rather showed his stupidity and great security, as before is noted.   

Quest. 38. Of the honours bestowed here upon Daniel.  
The honours and favours here conferred upon Daniel, are either the ensigns of honour, or the government itself upon which the other ornaments attended.  
1. The ornaments of honour are two, purple raiment, and a chain of gold. Lyranus here noteth that there were four kind of ensigns and ornaments of estate: the purple to be or other precious garment, a chain, a ring of gold, and a crown: all these things concurring together, did signify the regal dignity: but being more or few, and not all, designabant participationem honoris regij, they did but show the participation of the kingly honour, as joseph had three of them, when he was advanced of Pharaoh, a ring, costly raiment, and a chain of gold, Gen. 41. 42. but he had not the crown or diadem. So Mordecai was honoured with princely raiment, and a diadem, but mention is not made of the king's ring, and chain of gold, Esther. 6. 9  
2. The honour itself which is bestowed upon Daniel, is, to be the third man in the kingdom, which josephus expoundeth, that the third part of the kingdom should be given unto him: but that is not like that the king would give away any part of his kingdom: Hierome thinketh he was made one of the three, which was set over the kingdom, as cap. 6. 2. But if Daniel had been in that place before, then Darius needed not to have advanced Daniel again to be one of the three rulers. Therefore Theodoret taketh it, he was the third man in honour and authority next to the king, so also Lyran, the king was the first, the Queen or heir of the kingdom might be the next, and Daniel the third.   

Quest. 39 Whether Daniel did well in accepting of these honours.  
1. Though Daniel were unwilling to receive these honours, yet seeing they were forced upon him, he is content to accept of them, lest if he had refused still, in suspitionem proditionis veniret, he might have been brought into suspicion of some treason or practice against the king, Polan.  
2. And beside, foreseeing that the kingdom should come unto the hands of the Medes and Persians, he accepted of them, ut postea noti●r fieret Persi●, in solatium filiorum Dei, that he might thereby be better known unto the Persians, for the comfort of the children of God, gloss. ordinar, O●●●lamp.  
3. And beside, these ornaments being a sign of freedom and of dignity, it was fit that Daniel, to whom the king had objected before his servitude and captivity, should not refuse them, whereby he was now made free and honourable in the city.  
4. If these vestures had been any special ornaments of the idolatrous priests and Soothsayers, as some think, it is like that Daniel so holy a man, would have utterly rejected them: Polan. see before quest. 29.   

Quest. 40. Why Daniel exhorted not Balthasar to repentance, as he had done Nebuchadn●zzar before.  
1. One reason hereof may be yielded to be this, the same which Theod●r●t ●lleadgeth, why it pleased the Lord to chastise Nabuchadnezzar for a time to humble him, and afterward raise him up again, but Balthasar is cut off altogether: because Balthasar was more indurate and hardened in his sin, seeing he had Nebuchadnezz●● example before him, and yet would not be warned. And so the Prophet objecting here unto Balthasar his father's example, which he made no use of, saw that there was small hope of his repentance.  
2. And further Daniel did see by the spirit of prophesy, hanc sententiam non fuisse com●natoriam, sed plane absolutam, that this sentence pronounced against Balthasar, was not by way of commination, which useth to be conditional upon men's repentance, as was the threatening of jonas against Ninive, but it was peremptory and absolute: and as Bal. hazat was confirmed and settled in his sin, so this sentence was irrevocable. Perer.   

41. Quest. v. 30. Whether Balthasar were slain at this time.  
1. It is the opinion of some, that Balthasar was not slain at all when the city was taken, but that Balthasar, called in foreign histories Nabonidus, when the city was besieged by Cyrus, did yield himself, and so he not only obtained his life, but had a place of habitation assigned him in Carmania, where he died: thus seem to write Alexander Polyhistor, Megasthenes, Alpheus, as they are cited by joseph. l. 1. cont. Appion.  
But it is untrue, that Balthazars life was spared, for the Scripture here evidently saith, that he was slain: this favour indeed Cyrus showed to his grandfather Astyages, whom he deposed from his government being a tyrant, as Herodotus and justinus write: it is not like, that he would use such clemency toward his mortal enemy: at the least, if there had been any such thing, which would have tended much to the praise and honour of Cyrus, Xenophon, who is very large and lavish in setting forth the praise of Cyrus, in all likelihood would not have omitted it.  
2. Wherefore the truth is, according to the Scripture here, that Balthasar was at this time slain: and thereunto agreeth Xenophon, that the king of Babylon himself was put to the sword, when the city was taken. lib. 7. de Cyri institut.   

42. Quest. Whether Balthasar were slain the same night, and the city taken.  
1. Some seem to be of opinion, that this murder was committed upon Balthasar a long time before the taking of the city by the Medes and Persians, about 17. year, before, whom they say was slain by the Babylonians, and one of the conspirators called Darius the Median, was chosen king in his place: and that this was done many years before Cyrus invaded Babylon. This conceit they would ground upon the report of Berosus and Megasthenes. But they do greatly mistake one thing for an other: for he which was so deposed by the Babylonians, was Labosordach the son of Niglasar, or Neege-lasar, who had before expelled Euilmerodach called Labinitus by Herodotus, together with his son Balthasar, called also Labinitus the second, which name signifieth, a Prince expulsed: and because he fled unto the Medes, he was called Medus, a Median: this was not Darius then of the Medes, which was set up by the Babylonians, but Balthasar called Labinitus of the Medes, because he lived an exile there, jun. in commentar. see before, qu. 21. 9  
2. josephus saith, non multum abijt temporis, much time passed not after Daniel had expounded this vision, when both the King and the city was taken by Cyrus. If josephus understand, not many hours after, he agreeth with the Scripture; but if he mean many days, or months, he is deceived.  
3. Zon●ras affirmeth this to have been the opinion of divers, that Balthasar was slain the same night, but he seemeth not to be of that opinion: which seemeth strange, that he being a Christian writer, should speak so doubtfully of a thing so evident in the sacred story.  
4. All these things are evident out of Scripture: 1. that Babylon, after 70. years of the jews captivity, should be surprised and taken, jerem. 25. 12. 2. that the king himself should be slain at the taking of the city: as Isa. 14. 4. The oppressor shall cease. v. 22. I will cut off in Babel the name and the remnant, the son, and the nephew: for Balthasar was nephew to Nabuchadnezer. 3. It should be done on a sudden: Isa. 47. 11. Destruction shall come upon thee suddenly, or thou beware. 4. and in the night: Isa. 21. 4. The night of my pleasures hath he turned into fear. 5. and in the time of their feast, therefore he is called the king of Sheshach, of the feast of their goddess Shacah, jer. 25. 26.   

Quest. 43. Whether Balthasar was taken in Babylon.  
1. The Authors before rehearsed, which think that Balthasar was not slain, but yielded himself to Cyrus, and so was sau●d alive, do add further, that when the King heard that Cyrus was coming with a great army to besiege Babylon, he fled to a city called Borsippa, and thither Cyrus pursued him, and besieged him there, who seeing that he could not hold out, yielded himself unto Cyrus' clemency.  
2. But Xenophons' opinion, lib. 7. is more probable, that the king was taken at Babylon, which is also most consonant to Scripture: for though it be not directly expressed, that he was slain in Babylon, yet it followeth by necessary collection, that that was the place, where Balthasar was both deprived of his life and kingdom. 1. There was the king's palace, c. 4. 27. where the Chaldean kings usually did reside. 2. there was the temple of Bel, where the vessels of God's house were laid up, c. 1. 2. from whence they were brought unto this riotous feast: but they could not have been fetch from Babylon to an other place, seeing the city was now besieged by Cyrus. 3. and for the same reason so many nobles could not have been gathered together. 4. nor yet the wise men of Babel assembled. 5. neither is it like, that Balthasar being in such fear, would in that obscure place have made such a feast, whereas in Babylon he trusted to the defence of the city.   

44. Quest. By what means Babylon was taken.  
1. Some think that Cyrus and Darius did homage unto king Balthasar, and he thereupon made this feast, whereat they were present: who when they heard the prophesy of Daniel, and seeing the king and his nobles drunk with wine, took their opportunity, and so set upon them, and killed them. ex Hugon. But it is not like, that the king would have been so secure, if his enemies had been in his hand, but that he would have made them sure.  
2. Some are of opinion, that the Babylonians hearing daniel's prophesy, durst not resist their enemies, but gave up the city unto them. ex Perer. but it is not like, if the city had been yielded up, that Cyrus and Darius would have made such havoc of them, putting the king and his nobles to the sword.  
3. josephus saith, quod Cyro fortiter dimicante capta est Babylon,, that Babylon was taken, Cyrus strongly assaulting it: but, though the city were besieged, it seemeth by the great security and feasting in the city, that there was no such assault made.  
4. Thomas thinketh, that seeing the Lord appointed by Cyrus to deliver his people out of captivity, that he by his power caused the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, subito siccari, of a sudden to be dried up: but seeing that neither in Scripture, nor in any foreign writer any such thing is spoken of, it is dangerous to imagine miracles without a good ground; and beside the river Tigris was a great way distant from Babylon: God indeed did extraordinarily assist Cyrus, as the Prophet saith, I will go before thee, and make the crooked strait: I will break the brazen doors, and burst the iron bars, Isa. 45. 2. but of the drying up of the river the Prophet speaketh not.  
5. Wherefore this is most probable, as both Herodotus and Xenophon write, that when Cyrus saw that the city was otherwise invincible, he used this stratagem, he caused the river Euphrates to be divided into many channels, and so made it passeable, and then his army passed over, and by the guiding of Gadata and Gobryas two of the kings chief courtiers, they entered into the city. Herod. l. 1. Xenoph. l. 7.   

45. Quest. By whom Balthasar was slain.  
1. The Rabbins, and among the rest Ab. Ezra do think, that one of Balthazars Courtiers hearing daniel's prophesy of the ruin of Balthasar, and of the kingdom, did presently slay the king, and carried his head to Cyrus, because he would execute the judgement of God against him: but the Lord needed not to have such treacherous executioners of his will. Calvin.  
2. another opinion is, that Balthasar was slain of Cyrus' soldiers, while they set upon him, and he in the mean time defended himself with a sword. Lyran.  
3. But it is most like, that he was slain by the hands of Gadata, and Gobryas, which betrayed the city, and brought in Cyrus' army, whom the king before had offended: for Balthasar had caused Gadata before to be gelded, and had slain Gobryas son in hunting, and they to be revenged conspired against him. Calvin. Bulling. Oecolampad. Polan. ex Xenophon. l. 7.   

46. Quest. By whom the city of Babylon was taken.  
1. The Grecian historiographers do ascribe this victory and exploit in taking of Babylon only unto Cyrus, as Herodotus, Xenophon: and the reason thereof is, because they followed therein the Persian histories, which ascribed the whole praise unto Cyrus: and beside, as Strabo writeth, lib. 15. the Grecians did extol the Persians beyond all other Barbarians, of whom they obtained many noble victories, which made for their own commendation.  
2. Theodoret on the otherside, thinketh that Cyrus did not join with Darius in this exploit: and he giveth these two reasons thereof: 1. because their reign is distinguished, c. 6. 28. Daniel prospered in the reign of Darius, and in the reign of Cyrus of Persia: but if they had both joined together, it had been but one and the same kingdom. 2. he that joined with Cyrus, was Cyaxares, whom it is hard to prove to be this Darius of the Medes: this Darius was before Assuerus, and Cyrus was after: and thus Theodoret would infringe josephus report.  
Contra. 1. At this time, when Babylon was taken, the kingdom of the Medes and Persians is only in Darius, who reigned not long, and then Cyrus succeeded: therefore their reign was distinguished. And that Darius held the kingdom of the Medes and Persians at this time, is evident, c. 6. 15. Perer. 2. In the Greek histories, as josephus writeth, Darius is called by an other name: and it is no rare thing, for one to have divers names; and to be called by one in the Scriptures, by an other in foreign histories: as Ezra 4. the king which hindered the building of the Temple, is called Assuerus, and Artaxerxes, who is the same, who is named Cambyses by other historiographers, the son of Cyrus: so the last king of the Medes by Herodotus is said to be Astyages the son of Cyaxares, whom Diodorus calleth Apanda, the other Astibara: so also this Darius may be the same, who is called Cyaxares the son not of Astyages, but of Assuerus, c. 9 1.  
3. Wherefore josephus opinion is more probable, whom Hierome followeth, that Darius and Cyrus with the power of the Medes and Persians joined together in the siege of Babel: which best agreeth both to the prophesy of Daniel here, that the kingdom was given to the Medes and Persians; and to the vision of the image, c. 2. where the second Monarchy next unto Babylon, is represented and set forth by the two arms of silver, which signified the two kingdoms of the Medes and Persians joined in one.  
4. Xenophon, whom junius followeth in his commentary, thinketh that although Darius was the chief procurer and beginner of this war with the Babylonians, yet he himself was not present in person, but stayed at home to defend his own kingdom of Media: but by the words of the text here, that presently after Balthasar was slain, Darius took the kingdom, it appeareth, that he was present then to take the kingdom upon him.   

47. Quest. Who was chief in the taking of Babylon, Darius, or Cyrus, and why mention is made only of Darius.  
1. Herodotus maketh Cyrus only the author and beginner of this war, and the chief contriver of it; and junius seemeth to be of the same opinion in his commentary: and further thinketh, that Cyrus spent one year in settling the kingdom of Babylon, and afterward resigned it to Darius called also Cyaxares: so that the first year of Darius' reign was the second of Cyrus: but it is gathered rather by the text, that Darius took upon him the kingdom immediately after the taking of the city, and then began to reign.  
2. The more probable opinion than is, that Darius was the chief author and beginner of this battle, and that thereunto he used the help of Cyrus then Precedent of Persia: so Xenoph. and josephus faith, when Darius did extinguish the Empire of Babylon, adiutus à Cyro, he was assisted by Cyrus. And this is most agreeable to the Scripture, which maketh the Medes the chief in this siege: Isa. 13. I will stir up the Medes against thee: and, jer. 51. 11. The Lord hath raised up the spirit of the king of the Medes. So that the chief authority and power was in the Medes, but the dexterity in expediting of this business, and in using that stratagem in dividing the river, is ascribed unto Cyrus.  
3. The victory than is specially ascribed unto Darius, though it were achieved and obtained by Cyrus' skill and valour, for these three reasons, as Hierome briefly expresseth them: ord● aetatis, propinquitatis, & regni servatus est, the order of age, of affinity, and of the kingdom was kept. 1. Darius was now not only 40. 
lib. 1. de divinat.  year old, as Cicero saith, but 62. years old, Cyrus being a young man. 2. he was Cyrus great uncle, his grandfather Astyages brother, and beside, as some think his father in law. 3. and now the chief dominion was in the Medes, from whom it was translated after Darius' death, by Cyrus to the Persians.   

48. Quest. Of the cause of this Babylonian war.  
1. Heaodotus thinketh it was only Cyrus' ambition, and immoderate desire of enlarging his dominion, that made him enterprise this battle: but this was not the chief cause: for Cyrus was but an assistant and associate unto Darius in this exploit, as is before showed.  
2. The author of the scholastical history imagineth this to be the cause, that the mother of Baltbazar, for whose cause those hanging orchards were made in Babylon, was this Darius daughter; and now Balthasar having no son, Darius attempted to invade the kingdom, Balthasar yet living. But this is not like: for Darius could pretend no title at all by this pretext unto the kingdom, especially Balthasar, the right heir of the kingdom, being alive.  
3. That cause is more probable, which is alleged by Xenoph. lib. 1. that the king of Babylon combining himself with the kings of Asia, was purposed to have warred against the Medes, who had then the chief dominion: and therefore Darius to prevent him, first setteth upon Babylon.  
4. But what cause soever moved them, the special stirrer and instigator to this battle, was the Lord himself: as jerem. 14. The Lord hath broken the rod of the wicked, and the sceptre of the rulers: and jerem. 51. 11. The Lord hath raised up the spirit of the king of the Medes.  
5. For the Lord was provoked by the sins of Babel, and therefore brought this desolation and destruction upon them: which sins were these, 1. their cruelty and oppression: Isa. 14. 6. which smote the people in anger with a continual plague, etc. And they were not only cruel toward other nations, but specially against the people of God, when they destroyed their city and Temple: and therefore jeremy saith, c. 51. 11. It is the vengeance of the Lord, and the vengeance of his Temple. 2. An other of their great sins, was their superstition and idolatry, jerem. 51. 44. I will visit Bel in Babel. v. 52. I will visit her graven images. 3. The Babylonians were given to divinations, to sorcery, and enchantiments, for the which they were punished. Isa. 47. 9 They shall come upon thee, etc. for the multitude of thy divinations, and for the great abundance of thine enchantments. 4. And to fill up the measure of their iniquity, Balthasar had in this his last, and as it were his funeral feast, profaned the vessels of the Temple, and blasphemed God. All these sins being put together made up the full measure, and cried for vengeance, which the Lord would no longer defer.   

49. Quest. Whether Babylon was at this time finally destroyed according the predictions of the Prophets.  
1. The Prophets spoke of an utter overthrow and subversion of Babylon: as Isa. 13. 19 Babel the glory of kingdoms, and the beauty and pride of the Chaldeans, shall be as the destruction of God in Sodom and Gomorrha: it shall not be inhabited for ever, etc. and c. 14. 23. I will make it a possession for the hedgehog, and pools of water, and I will sweep it with the bosom of destruction, saith the Lord. jerem. 50. 23. Babel is become desolate among the nations, etc. But at this time Babylon was not brought to such desolation: for it continued after the reign of Darius and Cyrus to the times of Alexander, being then a city of great riches and power.  
2. Some to wind themselves out of this strait, do make an allegory of these prophetical predictions: whom Hierome justly reprehendeth in his commentary upon the 13. c. of Isa: for if still upon every doubt and objection, men should fly unto allegories, there would be no certainty of any thing.  
3. Calvin to dissolve this knot, saith, that Babylon was subdued twice, once by Cyrus and Darius the Mede, then afterward by Darius Hystaspis, by the help of Zopyrus, when 3000. of the nobles were hanged up, and many other put to the sword. But although this second taking of Babylon were more cruel and grievous than the other, yet neither at this time was it finally overthrown, as is before showed.  
4. Wherefore it must be considered, that these prophecies were not fulfilled all at once, neither was Babylon at the first brought to utter desolation, but by degrees. 1. it was surprised by Cyrus and Darius, and deprived of the Empire and dominion. 2. afterward it was defaced by Darius Hystaspis, when they rebelled, and the walls were broken down to the ground. Herod. lib. 3. justin. lib. 1. 3. after this, not far from Babylon by Seleucus Nicanor was built the city Seleucia, and by the Parthians the city Ctesiphon, Plin. lib. 6. c. 26. and so Babylon was almost exhausted by this means of the inhabitants. 4. In the Emperor Adrians' time, as Pausanias writeth, lib. 8. Babylon nihil praeter muros reliqui habet, had nothing left but the walls. 5. In Hieromes time, as he writeth from the report of an Elamite, the walls of Babylon only served to keep in wild beasts for the king's game: and so he saith usque in praesentem diem prophetia Babylonis impletur, even unto this day, the prophecy on Babel is fulfilled: Isa. 13. 20. Neither shall the Arabian pitch his teuts there, neither shall the shepherds make their folds there. And so accordingly it was fulfilled, as Hierome saith, praemultitudine bestiarum & daemonum nullus pastorum audet intrare, by reason of the multitude of beasts and of devils, (and unclean spirits that there haunted) no shepherd durst enter within the walls of Babylon.   

50. Quest. How long the Chaldean Empire and Monarchy continued.  
There are three general opinions hereof. 1. Some extend it not so far as to 70. years: 2. some limit it unto 70. years: 3. some make it far to exceed the tear●● of 70. years.  
1. Of the first opinion are divers, one disagreeing from an other: Berosus from the beginning of Nabuchadnezers reign to the end of Balthazars, counteth but 65. years, as josephus allegeth him, lib. 1. cont. Appion. Alexander Polyhistor cited by Euseb. lib. 9 de praep. Evang. reckoneth but 62. years. Clemens Alex. lib. 1. stromat. and August. lib. 18. de civet. Dei, do make the sum but 48. years. But the Scripture evidently convinceth all these: which showeth that the Chaldeans should rule over nations 70. years, jerem. 25. 11. and so long the jews should be in captivity under them: but their captivity began under Nabuchadnezer: from the beginning then of his reign to the end of the Chaldean Monarchy, there must be 70. years at the least.  
2. Some make but just 70. years, as Sulpit. lib. 2. sacr. histor. so also H. B. in the Consent of Scripture: Nabuchadnezers 45. Euilmerodaches 22. and Balthazars 3. do fill up the number of 70. years. But the captivity began not before the 8. year of Nabuchadnezers reign, when jechonia was carried away captive, 2. king. 24. 12. from whence the Prophet Ezekiel counteth the years of captivity, Ezck. 1. 2. c. 8. 1. and in divers other places.  
3. Of the third sort, 
lib. 10. anno. cap. 12.  which extend the term beyond 70. years: first josephus counteth an 118. years: to Nabuchadnezer he giveth 43. years, to Euilmerodach 18. to Niglasar 40. to Balthasar 17. yet Beda and Rupertus think that the place in josephus is corrupted: and Pererius also, because josephus in an other place, lib. 11. from the 18. year of Nabuchadnezer to the destruction of Babylon, reckoneth just 70. years.  
Paulus Orosius affirming that Babylon was taken by Cyrus at the same time when the kings were expelled out of Rome, which was in the 67. olympiad, extendeth the Chaldean Monarchy 60. years beyond the due time; for Cyrus is held to have begun to reign in the 58. olympiad.  
Pererius holdeth that the Chaldean Monarchy endured 88 years, which he showeth thus: the captivity of the jews began in the 18. year of Nabuchadnezer, when jerusalem was taken, which continued 70. years; unto this sum must be added 18. years, which were run before of Nabuchadnezers reign. But herein is Pererius error, he beginneth the captivity in the 18. year, whereas it must take beginning only from the 8. year of his reign, as is evident, 2. king. 24. 12. and shall afterward more fully be showed.  
4. Therefore the true account is this: the 70. years captivity began when jeconia was carried into captivity: for so the Prophet Ezekiel useth to reckon: as c. 1. 2. he maketh mention of the 5. year. c. 8. 1. of the sixth year. c. 29. 1. of the 10. year. c. 31. 1. of the 11. year. c. 32. 1. of the 12. year. c. 29. 17. of the 27. year: all which years are accounted from the captivity of jechonia, as is evident c. 1. 2. which was in the 8. year of the reign of Nabuchadnezer, 2. king. 24. 12. for then must begin the account of 70. years: unto which must be added 8. years of Nabuchadnezers reign, which were expired before: so the whole time of the Babylonian Monarchy, from the beginning of Nabuchadnezers reign, was not precisely 70. years, as Polan. p. 398. but 78. years. Bulling.   

51. Quest. Of the years of the reign of the several kings of Babylon.  
Concerning the number of the kings themselves, how many reigned after Nabuchadnezer, is showed before, Quest. 21. about the years of their reign, there is great diversity of opinion.  
1. Sulpitius giveth unto Balthasar 14. years: Eusebius to Enilmerodach and Balthasar together alloweth but 12. years, to Nabuchadnezzer but 36. Berosus with other ancient writers, cited by josephus, lib. 1. cont. Appion. do give unto Nabuchadnezzer 43. years: 20. years to Euilmerodach: 4. years to Niglasar: 17. years to Balthasar. josephus counteth 18. years for Euilmerodach, 40. for Niglasar, 9 months for Labosardach, and 17. years for Balthasar. lib. 10. antiq. c. 12. Pererius doth give 43. years to Nabuchadnezzer, to Euilmerodach and Niglasar between them 27. years, to Balthasar 17. years. But all these do manifestly err in these two things: first, they give but 43. years to Nabuchadnezzer, whereas he reigned 45. years: 8. years before jeconiah his captivity, 2. king. 24. 12. and 37. years after, 2. king. 25. 27. And they suppose Balthasar to reign 17. years, whereas Daniel maketh mention only of the third year of his reign, c. 8. 1.  
2. The more common opinion is, that Nabuchadnezzer reigned 45. years, Euilmerodach 22. as H. B. in his Consent, or 23. as Oecolampad. and Balthazar three. But these are deccived in beginning the captivity from the third year of jehoiakim, when jerusalem was first taken, in the first year of Nabuchadnezzers' reign: whereas it must be accounted from jechoniahs' captivity, as is showed in the former question.  
3. Therefore I think Bullingers' account is rather to be followed, to begin the 70. years from jechoniahs' captivity, as junius also doth, comment. in 9 Daniel. and then allowing unto Nabuchadnezzer 45. years, Euilmerodach must have 30. and Balthazar three, which make in all 78. years, the whole time of the continuance of the Babylonian Monarchy: from which sum 8. being deducted, for so many years reigned Nabuchadnezzer before he took jechoniah prisoner, there will remain just 70. years, the time of the captivity.    

4. The places of doctrine.  

1. Doctr. That God's judgements work diversly.  
v. 6. Then the king's countenance was changed. Generally the denunciation or demonstration of God's judgements do awaken and rouse up the secure and sleepy conscience. But it hath a divers operation in the Elect, and in the wicked and reprobate: In the Elect, the hearing of God's judgements doth sometime bring them to repentance for their sin, as it did David, or doth stir them up to be more zealous in performing their duty, as the Apostle saith, 2. Cor. 5. 11. Knowing the terror of the Lord, we persuade men: that is, seeing every one shall receive the things done in his body, as he saith in the former verse, that every one should have a care faithfully to perform his duty.  
In the reprobate, either they are not moved at all at God's judgements, as Pharaoh at the first was not humbled at all: or else there is wrought in them a show of repentance for a time, as in Ahab: or they may be terrified with the fear of God's judgements, without any remorse at all, as is here seen in Balthasar.   

2. Doctr. Of the momentany pleasures of the world.  
v. 6. And his thoughts troubled him. Balthazar in the mids of his feast, when his heart was disposed to be merry, is stricken into his dumps: according to that saying of Amos, c. 8. 10. I will turn your feasts into mourning, and all your songs into lamentation: for like as the weather changeth, it is sometime fair, sometime foul: and as at the sea, when it is calm suddenly riseth a storm and tempest: such are all terrene and earthly joys: Only our peace and joy in Christ is perpetual: as our blessed Saviour himself saith, joh. 16. 22. Your joy shall no man take from you: like as a stream, which continually runneth, such are spiritual joys flowing unto everlasting life: but the joy of the world is like unto sudden rain, which hastily runneth down, and is speedily gone.   

3. Doctr. Man of himself can not understand or perceive heavenly things.  
v. 8. Then came all the kings wise men, but they could neither read the writing, etc. As these Chaldeans presuming upon their own skill, could neither read, much less interpret this divine writing; so man is of himself unapt and unable to apprehend any spiritual thing: the vision of the Prophets unto carnal men, is like unto the words of a book sealed up. Isa. 29. 10. the reason whereof the Apostle showeth, 1. Cor. 2. 14. The natural man perceiveth not the things of the spirit of God, for they are foolishness unto him, etc.   

4. Doctr. That God often useth weak instruments, as namely women, to effect his purpose.  
v. 10. Now the Queen, etc. came into the banquet house. The Lord useth oftentimes women in his service, which are the weaker vessels and instruments: both to show his liberty, that he is not tied unto any means, but may use any indifferently, and to declare his power in setting up weak means: and to bring down the pride of the wise, when they are confounded by the simple and unwise: As here the Lord gave more wisdom and understanding to this honourable and ancient Queen, than was in the king, and all his thousand nobles now assembled together: So the Lord raised up Deborah to have more courage and wisdom in her, than Baruch had. And thus in our age and memory, as Polanus noteth, Deus adhibuit Reginam Angliae ad confundendum Hispaniarum potent●ssimum regem, God hath used the Queen of England to confound the mighty king of Spame.   

5. Doct. Of the oblivion and forgetfulness in Princes of those which deserve well of them.  
v. 13. Art thou that Daniel: Daniel was worthy for his great wisdom, and necessary employment in the Babylonian state, to have been remembered of the king, as he had been honoured of his predecessors: But such is the mutability of Prince's favours: As in Egypt there rose up a Pharaoh that knew not joseph, neither remembered the great benefits, which he had done for that nation. So Saul had soon forgotten David, that had played before him, and by whom he had found great ease: for not long after he asked Abner whose son he was: Therefore as it is in the Psalm, 
〈…〉  it is better to trust in the Lord, then to have any confidence in Princes.   

6. Doct. Of the necessary and profitable knowledge of histories.  
v. 18. The most high God gave unto Nabuchadnezzar thy father, etc. Here Daniel propoundeth unto Balthasar his father Nabuchadnezzar, and setteth before him the history of his life, by the which he might have learned great wisdom: The knowledge of former times is most profitable, therein we behold the equity of God's judgements, his justice, verity, wisdom, power: likewise we see in a glass the uncertain and changeable state of the world: And for our own direction we find, what to follow, and what to decline, 
in prooem. Bibliothec.  as Diodorus Siculus speaking of the profit that cometh by histories, saith, pulchrum est ex aliorum erratis in melius instituere vitam, etc. it is a good thing by other men's errors to reform the life: The counsel of the ancient, because of their long experience, is commended and followed: But the knowledge of histories goeth far beyond, quanto plura exempla complectitur diuturnitas temporis, quam hominis aetas, in as much as the continuance of time comprehendeth more examples, than the age of man.   

7. Doct. Of the use that is to be made of examples.  
Examples are either old, such as fell out in former times, or they are new, such as happen in our own age and memory; and both are either domestical or foreign examples: But the domestical examples are more forcible and effectual to move, as here the example of Nabuchadnezzar is set before Balthasar. Thus it is much available to call to mind the examples of our fathers, and ancestors before us, to follow their virtue, and decline and shun their vices: And most of all we should observe, what hath befallen ourselves in the former part of our life; as David did comfort himself when he went against Goliath, in the experience of God's mercy and power in delivering him from the lion and the bear, 1. Sam. 17.   

8. Doct. That flatterers are about Princes.  
v. 23. Thou and thy Princes, etc. It may seem strange that among a thousand princes and noble men that were here assembled together, there was not one faithful counsellor: But here we see fulfilled that saying in the Prou. 29. 12. of a prince that hearkeneth unto lies, all his servants are wicked: It seemeth that Balthasar was given to hear tales and lies, by which means it is like that Daniel was out of favour in Court, and therefore it falleth out just upon him, that he hath none about him to speak the truth: flatterers than are dangerous about princes, as Haman was unto king Assuerus: And like as oil doth soak into earthen vessels, being soft and smooth, so flatterers by their pleasant and smooth words do insinuate themselves.   

9 Doct. God hath all things in number and account.  
v. 26. God hath numbered thy kingdom. The years and days of the world, the term and continuance of kingdoms, the time of man's life are all determined with God: As job saith, are not his days determined, the number of his months are with thee, thou● hast appointed his bonds which he cannot pass, c. 14. 5. So the times and seasons the Lord hath put in his own power, Act. 1. 7. neither the age of the world, not the term of kingdoms, not the space of man's life, can be measured or calculated by the skill of man: but the Lord only knoweth them, who hath numbered and appointed them, Polan.   

10. Doct. Of the fall and ruin of great and famous cities.  
v. 18. Thy kingdom is divided. Pererius out of Pausanias here allegeth how many cities, which had been renowned and famous in the world, were either utterly decayed; or much impaired; as the great city Ninive, and the city Mycenae, which ruled over all Greece, were in his time become desolate: so likewise Thebes in Boeotia, & an other Thebes in Egypt, Delos in Greece, and the city Tyrinth, together with Babylon, which had nothing then left but walls, Pausan. lib. 8. which ought to teach men, not to put confidence in these earthly things, as Nabuchadnezzar did in his sumptuous and costly buildings, which after his time, came to utter ruin and desolation: so that it is now scarce known where Babylon stood.    

5. Places of controversy.  

1. Controv. That idolaters and worshippers of images, make them their gods.  
v. 4. They praised the gods of gold and silver, etc. The Babylonians and other Gentiles were not so gross to think, that the divine essence consisted of silver or gold, or that the very images were their gods: for they did hold that their gods were in heaven: as the men of Lystra said, Act. 14. 11. gods like unto men are come down unto us, yet the spirit of God giveth this judgement of them, that they make such images their gods: because they have devised such of themselves, God requireth no such thing, to be represented by: Therefore vain is the defence of the Papists, which allege that they do not worship the image, but as it hath relation to him, that is represented thereby, Poaln. See further of this controversy, Synops. Centur. 2. p. 402.   

2. Controv. Whether images in Churches may be retained, though they be not worshipped.  
Like as they only do not worship God, which do pray unto him, and fall down before him, but they also which do fight for him: So they are not only worshippers of images, which do bow unto them, but they also which do maintain them, and strive still to have them retained: In this place they are not said to worship the gods of silver and gold, but to praise them. So they are praisers of images, which think they may be retained as ornaments in their Churches: for the very making of such images for any religious use, is accursed before God, and abominable, and therefore defileth God's house, it can be no ornament unto it. As Deut. 27. 15. Cursed is the man that shall make any carved or molten image, which is an abomination to the Lord, etc. God did not only forbid the Israelites to make them any such images, but he commanded them to break down and deface the images of the Canaanites, Deut. 7. 5. they might with as good pretence have kept them for ornaments, as the Lutherans do popish images in their Churches: But as Augustine saith, Deus istarum omnium superstitionum eversionem, jussit, permissit, exhibuit, God hath commanded, permitted, exhibited unto Christians the subversion and overthrow of all such superstitions.   

3. Contro. That no Protestants but Papists are the profa●ers of holy things.  
v. 23. They have brought the vessels of his house before thee. Pererius taketh here occasion, p. 399. to enueigh against protestants, whom he falsely and contumeliously calleth heretics, quires sacras Iudi●rio & contemptui habeant, etc. which do contemn and make a mock of holy things, which they take away from sacred places and persons, and put them to impure and wicked uses.  
Contra. 1. We deny that Church vessels and implements taken from idolaters, are sacred things: they were never consecrate unto God, but to superstitious uses, and therefore it can be no sacrilege to convert such things to civil uses. 2. If any have abused such things notwithstanding to riot and excess, they are not to be excused. 3. But the Papists are the profaners of holy things indeed: they profane the Scriptures, not suffering them to be read to the people's understanding, and the Sacraments, in polluting them with their own inventions, they baptise bells, and make an idol of bread in the Eucharist. 4. the Church▪ maintenance by tithes they first took away from the Churches, and translated them to their Abbeys, where their fat bellied Monks wasted and consumed them in riot, as all the world knoweth.   

4. Controv. That there are no certain periods of kingdoms.  
Pappus here noteth, that concerning the periods of kingdoms, they are for the most part quingentorum annorum, of five hundredth years, or half so much: as the Assyrian Empire continued 520. years: from the going out of Israel are counted 480. years: and thence to the captivity of Babylon 430. years: from thence to the coming of Christ 490. years: the kingdom of Athens from Cecrope to Codrus, continued 490. years: and so long the commonwealth of the Lacedæmonians from Lycurgus to the end and subversion thereof: Some kingdoms continued but half the time of this period, as the kingdom of Israel in Samaria 262. years: the Persian Monarchy 230. the kings among the Romans reigned 245. years.  
Contra. 1. First they can define no certain period of kingdoms: some will have 500 years the period, some 700. some an 120. years: and here before diverse examples are alleged of unlike continuance.  
2. The examples are impertinent: the Assyrian Empire is held to have continued above a 1000 years: the state of the judges exceeded not 300. years: the 490. years till the coming of the Messiah, take not beginning from the captivity, but from the re-edifying of jerusalem after the captivity, as is evident, Dan. 9 and in that time there were great alterations in the commonwealth of the jews.  
3. But many contrary examples may be produced: the Roman state after the kings were expelled, under Consuls and Dictator's eudured above 600. years: The dominion of the Turks hath borne sway a 1000 years, the kingdom of France hath continued a 1200. years: the state of Venice 800. And for short continuance, the Monarchy of the Athenians exceeded not 50. years: nor the Chalde Empire many above 70. This therefore is a vain observation, of any such certain and definite period of kingdoms.  
4. Further in that this Chaldean Monarchy was dissolved because of their iniquity, two other errors are met withal. 1. of them which think that the alteration and change of kingdoms is ruled by the constellations, and aspects of planets: the Chaldeans were very expert in such contemplations, who could foresee no such thing, that their Monarchy was so near unto an end. 2. they are also here confuted, which think there is a fatal destiny of kingdoms, that by an inevitable necessity, which dependeth upon the connexion and concurrence of certain secondary causes, commonwealths come unto their fatal end: We see in this place that no such second causes here concurred, but it was God's decree, and the writing of his own hand, which dissolved the Babylonian state for the iniquity thereof.    

6. Moral observations.  

1. Observ. Of the dangerous sin of drunkenness.  
v. 2. Whiles Balthasar tasted the wine, etc. The king being intoxicate here with wine, casteth off all care of God and man, he falleth to profaneness and blasphemy, such are the fruits of drunkenness. It made Noah discover his nakedness. Lot to commit incest: it caused Benhadad with his 30. kings, to be overcome of a few, 1. king 20. And Simon the Macchabe being filled with good cheer was slain at a banquet: Alexander the great killed more of his friends when he was drunk, than he did enemies in battle: Pythagoras therefore well said, ebrietatem brenem esse in saniam, that drunkenness is a short kind of madness. And Anacharsis his saying was, primum poculum vini esse sanitatis, alterum voluptatis, tertium contumeliae, the first cup of wine was for health, the next for pleasure, the third was raging and contumelious, etc. the Apostle therefore exhorteth, be not drunk with wine wherein is excess, Ephes. 5. 18. yea he showeth that drunkards shall not inherit the kingdom of God, 2. Cor. 6. 10. what madness then is it for so short and a beastly pleasure, to lose God's inheritance, at the least to put it in hazard.   

2. Observ. Against carnal security.  
This Balthasar being so near unto his destruction, gave himself to banqueting and feasting, to drink, and to be drunken: So the wicked and ungodly many times are most secure, when their judgement is at hand: according to that saying in the Proverbs, 16. 18. Pride goeth before destruction, and an high mind before the fall: thus it was said to the rich man, that laid up store for many years, this night shall thy soul be taken from thee, Luk. 12. Thus the old world was eating and drinking, when the flood came, and swept them all away: And jobs sons were feasting, when the house fell upon them, job. 1. It therefore standeth us in hand always to be watchful, and always to shake off carnal security.   

3. Observ. Of the terror of a wicked conscience.  
v. 6. Balthazar was so terrified at this sight, that his loins trembled, and his knees smote together: the wicked, which always carry about with them a guilty conscience, are no otherwise affected when any sudden judgement overtaketh them, then if they were presented before God's tribunal seat to receive their everlasting doom: As the wicked in that day, 
Apocal. 6. 16.  shall say to the mountains and rocks, fall on us, and hide us from the presence of him that sitteth on the the throne, etc. Thus the heathen judge trembled, when Paul disputed before him of the judgement to come: 
Act. 24. 20.  Wherefore let us labour to have a quiet conscience, settled by faith in Christ: 
Rom. 5. 1.  As the Apostle saith, being justified by faith, we are at peace with God: then shall we not fear the terror of that day, but rather love the appearing, of Christ, and desire his coming.   

4. Observ. The graces of God in others must not be neglected.  
v. 11. There is a man in thy kingdom: This honourable Queen only had respect unto Daniel: his great graces and wisdom were neglected of the king, and his nobles, even as joseph was hated of his brethren, 
Philip 24.  and David also of his: But the Apostles rule is, look not every man on his own things, but every man also on the things of other men: And set up (saith the Apostle) them, which are lest esteemed in the Church: 
1. Cor. 64.  There are many even in the Church, which for their wisdom and other gifts, are worthy to be advanced, which are not esteemed of, according to that observation of the preacher, cap. 10. 7. I have seen servants on horses, and princes (for their knowledge and gifts) walking as servants on the ground.   

5. Observ. That it is a dangerous thing not to profit by the example of others.  
v. 22. And thou his son (O Belthassar) hast not humbled thyself: His sin was so much the greater, because he had his father's example before him, whom God had humbled for his pride, and yet would not be warned: as Lamechs' profaneness is set forth, for that he threatened to kill a young man in his rage, flattering himself in his impunity, 
Genes. 4.  yet having before his eyes such a fearful example of God's severity upon Cain for the like sin.   

6. observ The tyranny of the wicked shall have an end.  
v. 26. God hath numbered thy kingdom: The people of God endured much sorrow under the hard bondage and servitude of Babylon: but now their tyranny is at an end: So when the Israelites were most cruelly oppressed in Egypt, the Lord looked upon their affliction, & numbered Pharaohs kingdom. So the tyranny of the Roman Emperors was numbered, which for 300. years had persecuted the Church of God; and God raised up Constantine to be their deliverer: And in this latter age of the world, when the Pope had a long time raged against Christ's members, the Lord brought him to number and account, and hath freed his Church in many famous kingdoms from his Tyranny.    

6. Moral observations.  

1. Observ. Of the dangerous sin of drunkenness.  
v. 2. Whiles Balthasar tasted the wine, etc. The king being intoxicate here with wine, casteth off all care of God and man, he falleth to profaneness and blasphemy, such are the fruits of drunkenness. It made Noah discover his nakedness. Lot to commit incest: it caused Benhadad with his 30. kings, to be overcome of a few, 1. king 20. And Simon the Macchabe being filled with good cheer was slain at a banquet: Alexander the great killed more of his friends when he was drunk, than he did enemies in battle: Pythagoras therefore well said, ebrietatem brenem esse in saniam, that drunkenness is a short kind of madness. And Anacharsis his saying was, primum poculum vini esse sanitatis, alterum voluptatis, tertium contumeliae, the first cup of wine was for health, the next for pleasure, the third was raging and contumelious, etc. the Apostle therefore exhorteth, be not drunk with wine wherein is excess, Ephes. 5. 18. yea he showeth that drunkards shall not inherit the kingdom of God, 2. Cor. 6. 10. what madness then is it for so short and a beastly pleasure, to lose God's inheritance, at the least to put it in hazard.   

2. Observ. Against carnal security.  
This Balthasar being so near unto his destruction, gave himself to banqueting and feasting, to drink, and to be drunken: So the wicked and ungodly many times are most secure, when their judgement is at hand: according to that saying in the Proverbs, 16. 18. Pride goeth before destruction, and an high mind before the fall: thus it was said to the rich man, that laid up store for many years, this night shall thy soul be taken from thee, Luk. 12. Thus the old world was eating and drinking, when the flood came, and swept them all away: And jobs sons were feasting, when the house fell upon them, job. 1. It therefore standeth us in hand always to be watchful, and always to shake off carnal security.   

3. Observ. Of the terror of a wicked conscience.  
v. 6. Balthazar was so terrified at this sight, that his loins trembled, and his knees smote together: the wicked, which always carry about with them a guilty conscience, are no otherwise affected when any sudden judgement overtaketh them, then if they were presented before God's tribunal seat to receive their everlasting doom: As the wicked in that day, 
Apocal. 6. 16.  shall say to the mountains and rocks, fall on us, and hide us from the presence of him that sitteth on the the throne, etc. Thus the heathen judge trembled, when Paul disputed before him of the judgement to come: 
Act. 24. 20.  Wherefore let us labour to have a quiet conscience, settled by faith in Christ: 
Rom. 5. 1.  As the Apostle saith, being justified by faith, we are at peace with God: then shall we not fear the terror of that day, but rather love the appearing, of Christ, and desire his coming.   

4. Observ. The graces of God in others must not be neglected.  
v. 11. There is a man in thy kingdom: This honourable Queen only had respect unto Daniel: his great graces and wisdom were neglected of the king, and his nobles, even as joseph was hated of his brethren, 
Philip 24.  and David also of his: But the Apostles rule is, look not every man on his own things, but every man also on the things of other men: And set up (saith the Apostle) them, which are lest esteemed in the Church: 
1. Cor. 64.  There are many even in the Church, which for their wisdom and other gifts, are worthy to be advanced, which are not esteemed of, according to that observation of the preacher, cap. 10. 7. I have seen servants on horses, and princes (for their knowledge and gifts) walking as servants on the ground.   

5. Observ. That it is a dangerous thing not to profit by the example of others.  
v. 22. And thou his son (O Belthassar) hast not humbled thyself: His sin was so much the greater, because he had his father's example before him, whom God had humbled for his pride, and yet would not be warned: as Lamechs' profaneness is set forth, for that he threatened to kill a young man in his rage, flattering himself in his impunity, 
Genes. 4.  yet having before his eyes such a fearful example of God's severity upon Cain for the like sin.   

6. observ The tyranny of the wicked shall have an end.  
v. 26. God hath numbered thy kingdom: The people of God endured much sorrow under the hard bondage and servitude of Babylon: but now their tyranny is at an end: So when the Israelites were most cruelly oppressed in Egypt, the Lord looked upon their affliction, & numbered Pharaohs kingdom. So the tyranny of the Roman Emperors was numbered, which for 300. years had persecuted the Church of God; and God raised up Constantine to be their deliverer: And in this latter age of the world, when the Pope had a long time raged against Christ's members, the Lord brought him to number and account, and hath freed his Church in many famous kingdoms from his Tyranny.     

CHAP. VI  

1. The Method and Argument.  
IN this chapter is set forth the miraculous deliverance of Daniel from the lions, with the occasion thereof going before, and the effects that followed.  
It hath three parts. 1. a narration of daniel's dignity and honour. 2. the envy thereupon raised against him, with the effects to v. 21. 3. the deliverance of Daniel, whereunto he was brought through envy.  
1. daniel's dignity is described. 1. by the efficient cause and author of his advancement, the king, v. 1. 2. by the degrees of his honour. 1. he was one of the three set over the 120. governors. 2. he was made the first and chief of the three, v. 3. 3. the king purposed to set him over the whole kingdom.  
2. Hereupon Daniel is envied, envy bringeth forth malicious practising against Daniel, which is of two sorts. 1. they practise but prevail not, v. 4. 2. they practise against Daniel and prevail: where first is set forth their consultation, v. 5. 2. the putting the same in practice: where these three things are showed. 1. the enacting of a law to entrap Daniel, v. 11. 2. the urging of the law to v. 16. 3. the execution of the law, in the condemnation of Daniel, with the effects thereof.  
1. In the making of the law, there is 1. their petition to the king, to make a law, v. 5. and to ratify it. 2. the kings condescending, v. 9  
2. The law is urged: where 1. is set forth the matter of their accusation: they found Daniel praying: the manner of whose prayer is described, v. 10. see quest. 12. following. 2. the manner of their accusation, which containeth a general repetition of the law made, v. 12. & a particular accusation against Daniel, with false suggestions, v. 13. 3. the king's endeavour to deliver Daniel, v. 14.  
3. The execution followeth, 1. with the cause thereof, the urging of the Princes, v. 15. 2. the manner: the king's commandment goeth before, in the instant the king useth comfortable words, v. 16. and afterward to make all sure, he and the princes seal the stone of the lions cave or den, v. 17. 3. then follow the effects. 1. the king's heaviness showed by three effects, the refusing of his meat, of his delight and of his sleep, v. 18. 2. the kings early rising. 3. and friendly salutation of Daniel.  
Then followeth the third part: daniel's deliverance with the manner thereof, see afterward, quest. 23. And the effects which followed which were four. 1. the king rejoiceth, v. 23. 2. Daniel is delivered without any hurt at all, v. 23. 3. his accusers are cast into the lions den; the manner is expressed, who were cast into the lions den, and how it befell them, their bones were broken in pieces before they came at the ground, v. 24. 4. the kings decree concerning the worship of daniel's God: the parts and order where of see, qu. 29.   

2. The text with the diverse readings.  
1. And it pleased (before. C.) Darius to set (and he set. C.) over the kingdom an hundredth and twenty governors, which should be over the (in the. L. C.) whole kingdom.  
2. And over these he set, three rulers, of whom Daniel was the chief (one. V. L. S. G. B. but (one) signifieth here the first, as the next verse showeth) that the governors might give account unto them, and the king should have no damage (not be troubled. L. but the word (nazik) signifieth rather to sustain loss, than trouble.  
3. Now Daniel was preferred (excelled. V. was superior. L.) above the rulers and governors, because the spirit (of God. L. B. ad) was excellent in him: and the king thought to set him over the whole realm.  
4. Wherefore the rulers and governors fought (were seeking. C.) to find occasion against Daniel on the behalf (on the side. C. in the business. V. in the administration. I.) of the kingdom, but they could find none occasion, not fault: for he was so faithful, that there was no blame nor fault found in him.  
5. Then said these men, we shall find no occasion against this (to this. C. L.) Daniel except we find it against him concerning (in. C.) the law of his God.  
6. Then these rulers and governors went together (craftily assailed. V. L. thronged tumultuously. A. so the word (pagash) signifieth, as Psalm. 2. 1.) to the king and said thus unto him, king Darius live for ever.  
7. All the rulers of the kingdom, the officers and governors, the counsellors and dukes, have consulted together to make a regal statute (a statute of the king. C. for the king. G. B.) and to confirm an edict, that whosoever shall ask a petition of any god or man, for thirty days, save of thee the king. (I. of thee O king. V. L. B. G.) should be cast into the lions den.  
8. Now O king ratify the edict, and sign (seal. G. B. describe or write. C.) the writing, that it be not changed, according to the law of Medes, and Persians, which faileth not (passeth n●t. C.)  
9 Therefore king Darius signed the writing and the decree.  
10. Now when Daniel understood, that the writing was signed (that 〈◊〉 sealed the writing. B. G.) he went into his house, and his window being open in his chamber (the word signifieth an upper chamber, Polan.) towards jerusalem, he three times in the day kneeled upon his knees, and prayed, and praised (confessed. C.) before his God, as he did aforetime.  
11. Then these men thronged together, and found Daniel praying, and making supplication before his God.  
12. So they came and spoke unto the king concerning the king's decree: Hast thou not signed the decree, that every man that shall ask of any God, or man, for thirty days, save of thee O King, should be cast into the den of lions? The king answered, and said, The thing (or the word) is true, according to the law of the Medes and Persians, which faileth not.  
13. Then answered they, and said before the king: This Daniel, which is of the children of the captivity of judah, hath no respect (putteth no respect. C.) to thee O King, nor to the decree, which thou hast signed, but maketh his petition three times a day.  
14. When the king heard these words, he was much displeased (or grieved. I. L. much evil was. C.) with himself (about it. V.) and set his heart on Daniel to deliver him, and he laboured till the Sun went down to deliver him.  
15. Then these ●●en assembled (understanding. L.) unto the king, and said unto the king: Understand O king, that the law of the Medes and Persians is, that no decree or statute, which the king confirmeth, may be changed.  
16. Then the king gave charge (said. C.) and they brought Daniel, and cast him into the den of Lions: now the king spoke and said unto Daniel, Thy God, whom thou servest continually, he will deliver thee.  
17. And a stone was brought, and laid upon the mouth of the den, and the king sealed it, with his own signet, and the signet of his Princes, that the purpose should not be changed (not nothing should be done against. L.) concerning Daniel.  
18. Then the king went into his palace, and remained fasting (passed the night, or continued all night without his supper. C. V. not he slept. L. for the contrary is expressed afterward, that his sleep wont from him) neither were the instruments of music (such things as might cheer him. I. not meats. L. or the table. V.) brought before him, and his sleep went from him.  
19 Then the king arose in the morning by break of day, B. (with the light. C.) and went with all haste to the den of lions.  
20. And as he came nigh unto the den, he cried with a piteous, B. (lamentable. B.) voice unto Daniel: and the king spoke and said to Daniel, O Daniel the servant of the living God, is not thy God (thinkest thou not, that. L. ad.) able to deliver thee from the lions?  
21. Then Daniel said to (spoke with. C.) the king, O King have for ever.  
22. My God hath sent his Angel, and hath shut (that is, the Angel) the lions mouths, that they have not hurt me: and therefore. I (better then for. L. B. G. as though it were a reason of his deliverance) integrity is found in me before him: and before thee O King have I done no mischief. I. L. V. (hurt. C.) I have done thee no hurt. G. never offended thee. B.  
23. Then was the king exceeding glad for him, and spoke that they should take Daniel out of the den: so Daniel was brought out of the den, and no manner of hurt was found upon him, because he believed. G. (or trusted. B.) in his God.  
24. Then the king commanded, and the men were brought, which had found accusations (accused accusations. C.) which were against Daniel, and into the den of the lions were they cast, their children, and their wives, and they were not yet at the ground of the den, when the lions had mastery over them, and broke all their bones in pieces.  
25. Then Darius the king wrote unto all people, nations, and languages, that dwell in all the earth (world. G. lands. B.) Peace be multiplied unto you.  
26. I make a decree (a decree is propounded before me. C.) that in all the dominion of my kingdom, men tremble and fear before the God of Daniel, for he is the living God, and remaineth for ever, and his kingdom is incorruptible (shall not be corrupted. C.) and his dominion shall be everlasting.  
27. He rescueth and delivereth, and he worketh signs and wonders in heaven and in earth: who hath delivered Daniel from the power (hand. C. den. L.) of the lions.  
28. So this Daniel prospered in the reign of Darius, and in the reign of Cyrus the Persian. I. C. (of Persia. B. G.)   

3. The questions and doubts discussed.  

1. Quest. What Darius this was, which took upon him the kingdom of Babylon.  
1. The author of the scholastical history reporteth this to have been the opinion of some, that this Darius should be Balthazars grandfather by the mother's side, the son of his daughter, who seeing that Balthasar had no children, he thought by this attempt to cut off Balthasar, and so to possess the kingdom of Babylon. But this is very unlike, seeing Darius was so well affected unto Cyrus being but his nephew, that he should be so unnatural to his grandchild.  
2. Theodoret thinketh, that this Darius was grandchild to Nabuchadnezzer by his daughter, and so he was a Chaldean by his mother, and a Mede by his father: and this he would thus prove, because the kingdom was promised to Nabuchadnezzer, to his son, and his sons son, jerem. 25. 6, 7. now Balthasar was Nabuchadnezzers' son, the kingdom than must according to that prophecy descend yet a degree further to some of Nabuchadnezzers' stock, namely unto this Darius.  
Contra. 1. Balthazar, as hath been showed before, was not son, but sons son to Nabuchadnezzer: for Euilmerodach was his son which next succeeded in the kingdom, 2. king. 25. 27. 2. seeing the kingdom was promised to his son, and sons son, this prophecy could not be fulfilled in Darius, who is supposed to have been his daughter's son, not his sons son. 3. the kingdom descended not to Darius by inheritance, but was taken by conquest. Perer.  
3. A third opinion is, that this Darius was he which was called Darius Hystaspis, who did war with the Chaldees, and took their city Babylon, and spoilt it: of this opinion was Porphyrius, as Hierome saith in 9 Daniel▪ and Tertullian. lib. advers. Indae. Cyril. Hierosol; catech. 12. joan. joannes Lucidus de emendat. temp●r. Gerardus Mercator. in annalib. But these are greatly deceived, 1. because between this Darius the Mede, and Darius Hystaspis there was great difference: for the first was a Mede, the son of Assuerus the king, c. 9 1. and reigned before Cyrus: the other was a Persian, not the son of a king, and he reigned the third after Cyrus. 2. And herein is their error, Babylon was twice taken, once by Darius and Cyrus together, and afterward by Darius Hystaspis by Zopyrus means.  
4. Some other were of opinion, that this Darius was the same with Cyrus, because the Greek historians ascribe this victory and taking of Babylon only unto Cyrus, which Daniel giveth unto Darius: Theodoret maketh mention of this opinion in the beginning of his sixth oration upon this book: But this opinion hath no probability. 1. Darius was a Mede, but Cyrus was of Persia. 2. Darius was now 62. years old, and is thought to have reigned but a short time after, not above a year or two: but Cyrus was neither so old, held not then to be above 40. and he reigned divers years after. 3. And c. 6. 28. Darius and Cyrus are named, as two divers persons.  
5. It was the opinion of some, as Hierome writeth upon the 5. chap. of Daniel, that this Darius was the same, who in Herodotus is called Astyages: of which opinion Eusebius seemeth to be, who maketh Astyages the last king of the Medes. And this seemeth to be favoured by the Apocryphal story of Susanna, v. 65. that when Astyages was put or laid unto his ancestors, Cyrus of Persia took his kingdom.  
But this opinion may thus be refelled: 1. because none of the foreign writers do make any mention, that Astyages had any war with the Chaldeans, or that he took Babylon. 2. And this Apocryphal story may be doubted of: for according to Xenophon, Cyaxares reigned after Astyages: and as Herodotus writeth, Cyrus expelled Astyages out of his kingdom, and sent him to Carmania, and so took upon him the kingdom while he lived: the story of Susanna agreeth with neither of these reports.  
6. The most general received opinion is, that this Darius called Cyaxares, was, as Xenophon writeth, the son of Astyages, and uncle by the mother's side to Cyrus, which Cyaxares was king of the Medes after Astyages: this opinion followeth josephus, Hierome, Lyranus, Pintus, Oecolampad. Osiander, with others. But this is objected against this opinion: that Astyages had no son, but a daughter, Mandane, the mother of Cyrus, whom Astyages commanded to be slain, because the Astrologers told him, that he should have dominion over all Asia. And this is affirmed by divers authors, that Astyages had no son, as Valerius Maxim. lib. 1. cap. de somnijs. Herodot. lib. 1. Severus Sulpitius, lib. 2. sacr. histor. And therefore junius understandeth Xenophon to speak not of Astyages natural, but of his adopted son.  
7. josephus Scaliger in the 8. book of that exquisite work, which he hath written de emendat. tempor▪ is of this opinion, that be which is called Balthasar, is the same who is named of other writers Labosardach, the son of Ni●octis Nabuchadnezzers' daughter, who was slain by the Babylonians, and then this Darius the Mede, the same who is called Nabonidus, was by a common consent chosen king in his place, who when he had reigned 17. years in Babylon, was overcome by Cyrus, and the city taken. junius also in his annotation upon this verse, saith that this Darius the Mede, is the same who is called by the historians, Labonidus, or Labynitus.  
Contra. 1. If Labosardach and Balthasar were the same, being the son of Nabuchadnezzers' daughter, than was not the prophecy fulfilled, that the kingdom should be given to Nabuchadnezzers' son, and his sons son, for it was to his daughter's son. 2. when Balthasar was slain, Darius took the kingdom by force, it is not like they would have chosen him being a stranger unto it. 3. after Balthasar was slain, the kingdom was divided between the Medes and Persians it did not then quietly descend unto the Medes. 4. The Prophet Isai saith, c. 13. 17. Behold I will stir up the Medes against thee: the Medes then assaulted Babylon and took it by violence: a Mede came not unto it by election. 5. This Darius was king of the Medes and Persians, as it appeareth in the 6. chapter, how could that be, if he reigned in Babylon, and was overcome by the power of the Medes and Persians? 6. Concerning junius opinion, I prefer his judgement in his commentary upon v. 11. 12. c. 5. that Balthasar is the same, whom Herodotus called Labunitus, or Nebonidus, which signifieth a Prince expulsed: because he with his father were both expelled by Niglazar: Then Darius the Mede could not be that Nabonidus, or Labynitus, as he hath in his annotation.  
8. This then is the most probable opinion, that this Darius called also Cyaxares, was not the son, but the brother of Astyages, and great uncle to Cyrus, the son of Cambyses and Mandane Astyages daughter: this than was their genealogy: Assuerus or Cyaxares the Elder had two sons, Astyages, and Cyaxares the younger, the same is this Darius, who is said to be son of Assuerus, c. 9 1. not of Astyages. Xenophon calleth Cyaxares Astyages son, because he adopted him to succeed in the kingdom to prevent Cyrus. jun. Polan. The author of the scholastical history much disagreeth not, who saith that Cyaxares was not the son, but the kinsman of Astyages, whom he adopted to be his heir. This Darius was also father in law to Cyrus, to whom together with his daughter, he resigned the kingdom of Media. jun.   

2. Quest. Of the divers names which Darius had.  
1. Pererius observeth that he was called by 4. names: by Daniel he is named Darius: by the Septuag. as Hierome saith, he was called Artaxerxes: by Xenophon Cyaxares: and in the story of Susanna, he is the same there called Astyages: the three first names may be acknowledged to be given unto him, but Astyages he is not called either by Herodotus or Xenophon: it is rather an error in that Apocryphal story.  
2. The names Cyaxares and Assuerus are in effect all one: for Chu in the Persian language signifieth a Prince, and so doth achash, whence is derived the word achashverosh, or Assuerus, which the greeks pronounce Axares, or Oxuares: Cyaxares then signifieth a prince of princes, or a chief prince.  
3. He is called Darius the Mede, by way of distinction from Darius the Persian, Ezr. c. 4. 5. who was the third that reigned after Cyrus.   

3. Quest. How Darius took upon him the kingdom of Babylon.  
1. Xenophon writeth that Darius was the chief author of the war against Babylon, and therein used the help of Cyrus, who being sent with the greatest part of the army to the siege, Darius himself stayed in Media, to whom Cyrus came afterward, when he had settled the Babylonian affairs, to whom Darius offered the kingdom of Media together with his daughter, and Cyrus again gave unto Darius the government of Babylon with the goodly palace, and other edifices there: this report followeth junius in his commentary. But it is not like, that Darius was now absent, seeing it is said, that immediately after Balthasar was slain, Darius took upon him the kingdom.  
2. R. Levi thinketh, that Darius was present, and that he afterward continued in Babylon, and reigned not a full year there, and then Cyrus succeeded him.  
3. But josephus, whose opinion is more probable, thinketh that Darius certain months after the taking of Babylon, returned into Media, and carried Daniel with him, where in E●batane Daniel builded a goodly tower for the sepulture of the kings, which remained unto josephus time, 
lib 10 〈◊〉 c● p. 12.  and then seemed as if it had been newly built: And he left Cyrus behind him, to set the Babylonian affairs in order: this Bullinger thinketh more probable: and Oecolampadius seemeth to incline to the same opinion: for Daniel when he was cast into the lions den was then among the Medes and Persians, as may be gathered, c. 6. 12. The thing is true according to the law of the Medes and Persians.  
4. Now it being agreed that both Darius and Cyrus were both at this siege and taking of Babylon, some think that Cyrus had the dominion, sed pro sua modestia cessit titulo regni, but in his modesty gave unto Darius the title of the kingdom, being his uncle and father in law, Oecolampad. Lyranus thinketh that Cyrus compounded with Darius upon this condition, it a ut post eum regnaret, so that he might reign after him: But, seeing Cyrus, when he had expulsed Astyages king of the Medes, established Cyaxares his uncle in the kingdom for his life time, jun. ex Xenoph. who now held the same, and was taken for the king of Med●s: Cyrus was contented that Darius as in the right of his kingdom, who also was the chief author of this war, should have the honour of this victory, and the dominion of Babylon: and thus thinketh Hierome that not only ordo aetatis & propinquitatis, sed regni seruatus est, that not the order of age, or affinity, but of the kingdom was kept herein: because then the kingdom of the Medes, was greater than the kingdom of the Persians. And this best agreeth unto the Prophets, who make the Medes the chief enemies and assaulters of Babylon, Isa. 13. 17. and jerem. 51. 11. josephus also maketh Darius the chief man in the siege and sacking of Babel: he did take it, adiutus à Cyro cognato, being assisted by Cyrus his kinsman.  
5. And herein more credit may be given to josephus in the histories which concern his own nation, then unto Herodotus, or Xenophon, unto whom these two exceptions may be taken.  
1. Herodotus is thought to have many fabulous reports, and therefore is commonly called pater mendaciorum, the father of lies: and Xenophon in the praise of Cyrus is found somewhat to exceed.  
2. These two historians in divers points are one contrary to the other. Herodotus maketh Astyages the last king of the Medes: Xenophon nameth Cyaxares king after him: the first saith Astyages had no son, but a daughter, the other saith Cyaxares was his son: the first writeth that Cyrus expelled Astyages out of his kingdom, the other that he died, and left it to his son. Herodotus saith that Cyrus was borne of obscure parentage, that he was miserably slain by Thomyris Queen of the Messagetes, that he reigned 29. years. Xenophon saith that Cyrus was nobly borne of a Prince of Persia, that he died peaceably at home, and reigned but seven years.  
6. The resolution then of this question is, that neither this Darius was chosen king by the Babylonians, as joseph Scaliger, whose opinion is rehearsed before: nor yet was he altogether rex beneficiarius, a king by courtesy, as jun. but as king of the Medes, which kingdom indeed he held by Cyrus' favour, he overcame Babylon, and translated the kingdom from the Chaldeans to the Medes and Persians.   

4. Quest. When Darius took upon him the kingdom of the Chaldeans.  
1. junius in his commentary upon the ●. ch. v. 29. seemeth to be of opinion, that Cyrus first spent a whole year in the settling of the Babylonian affairs: and after a year resigned the title of that kingdom to Darius: so the first year of Darius' reign, was the second of Cyrus: which may be the cause, why mention is made only of the first and third year of Cyrus, and not of the second. So his opinion is, that Darius and Cyrus first year concurred not together, but that Darius first year was Cyrus second. But this seemeth to contradict the text, c. 6. 28. where Darius reign is set before Cyrus: it is unlike that Darius' reign than began after Cyrus.  
2. Some are of opinion, that Darius the Mede reigned divers years in Babylon, before Cyrus took the city, of which judgement is josephus Scaliger, as we have seen before, qu. 1. 8. But this can not be: for as soon as the Babylonian Monarchy was dissolved, it was divided presently between the Medes and Persians: the Medes did not possess it before.  
3. R. Levi thinketh that Darius reigned the first year immediately after the taking of Babylon: but he reigned not the whole year: Cyrus succeeded the same year: which opinion Oecolampadius favoureth, because if Cyrus reigned not the first year, than the manumission and deliverance of the jews should have been deferred after the 70. years were expired.  
4. But the more probable opinion is, that Darius and Cyrus' reign concurred together, and that the first year of the Persian Monarchy is indifferently ascribed to Cyrus and Darius: for it is evident, that immediately after the dissolution of the Babylonian state, Cyrus reigned, and it is called the first year of his reign: as, c. 1. 21. Daniel was unto the first year of Cyrus: that is, he continued in Babylon, till that state was altered, and the kingdom was translated to Cyrus: Beside, the 70. years of captivity, and the Babylonian Monarchy ended together: then immediately after the 70. years expired, Cyrus in his first year maketh an Edict for the return of the jews, Ezr. 1. 1. Now that this was the first year also of Darius, is as evident, c. 9 1, 2. in the first year of Darius, Daniel understood that the 70. years were accomplished: but if Darius first, had not been likewise Cyrus' first, the years were accomplished before. So they both reigned together, as Calvin faith, they did regnare in commune, reign in common, because the Medes and Persians are joined together, c. 6. 8. and the Edict for the return of the jews was made by them both, as jun. noteth, 2. Chron. 36. 23. and therefore Ezr. 6. 14. it is called the commandment of Cyrus and Darius.   

5. Quest. Of the officers which Darius appointed, and the reason thereof.  
1. Darius' appointed an 120. governors, according to the number of the Provinces: which were numbered afterward to an 127. Esth. 1. 1. Some think that the odd number of seven is here omitted, to make the number even, Genevens. annot. Esth. 1. 1. But it is more like that either more Provinces were added afterward to the Persian Monarchy, or else all the 127. were divided among these 120. governors. All these might be divided into three parts, each of them containing 40. governors. And over all these were three other chief overseers set to take account of them: to every one there might be assigned 40. Bullinger. josephus is deceived, who trebleth this number, and saith that Darius appointed 360. governors, whom Freculphus in his Chronicle followeth, tom. 1. lib. 3. c. 18.  
1. The reasons, why Darius made choice of these governors, were these. 1. Because Darius was old, 62. years of age, and therefore he did appoint them to be his assistants in the kingdom, jun. 2. Because all things in the Commonwealth must be done in order: intellexit absque ordine nullum regnum, he knew that a kingdom could not continue without order. 3. Their office was to see, that the king sustained no damage, to see that the laws were observed, and the king's revenues were not wasted. The Latin interpreter readeth, ut rex non sustineret molestiam, that the king might not be troubled: but that were, as though the king gave himself to his ease, and had care of nothing, which is not like, that a king of so many Provinces could be without care of the government.   

6. Quest. Whether Darius did wisely in thinking to set Daniel, being a stranger, over the whole realm. v. 3.  
1. Though it ordinarily be more safe, for such governors to be appointed which are of the same nation, because both the hearts of the people will be more inclined unto such, and the care and love of such officers will be greater toward their country: yet in two cases it may fall out to be better to appoint a stranger: 1. when as there are any singular and extraordinary parts of wisdom in such an one as there was in Daniel, more than is to be found in any other. 2. where countries are subdued by conquest, it is not safe to commit the government to men of the same nation, lest they might rebel: This was the Roman policy, to make their own citizen's Proconsul's and Lieutenant's over their Provinces: And in the same policy it was sometime enacted here in England, that no Irish man should be made a Bishop in Ireland, lest such being then popishly affected, might have been instruments to corrupt the people in religion, and so move them unto rebellion.  
2. Likewise it is more safe for the Prince to have his Senate and assembly of Counsellors, where many may be found trusty and faithful, but otherwise it is not amiss, to prefer one prudent and faithful man, before many unwise, and unfaithful, as Pharaoh committed the government of the whole realm unto joseph, and here Darius unto Daniel, Polan.   

7. Quest. Whether Daniel did well in taking upon him to bear office in an idolatrous king's court.  
1. Two conditions being observed, it is not unlawful to bear such an office. 1. Daniel did not here ambitiously seek this place of government, but it was cast upon him. 2. he kept himself pure from their idolatry, as joseph did likewise in Egypt.  
2. Neither was it unlawful for Daniel to have the chief charge of the king's accounts, and to be as chief Treasurer under him, and to be a faithful steward for the king's profit: as joseph was a means that the king's revenues were greatly augmented and increased. But such must have care, that they seek not the king's profit, with the oppression of the subjects, and laying hard impositions upon them: As Haman by oppressing the jews, promised to bring ten thousand talents of silver into the king's treasure, Esth. 3. 9   

8. Quest. How the Rulers failed in their purpose, finding no fault at all in Daniel.  
1. There are three words here used, they found no occasion, blame, nor fault: the first word is ghillah, which the Septuag. translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the second shal●, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the third shachitha, which the Septuag. interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the first Polychr●nius understandeth of capital offences, the second of faults not capital, the third of corruption in receiving of gifts, or misgovernment, Oecolamp. Lyranus thus distinguisheth, they found no fault, in facto, in deed, not any occasion or suspicion, in signo, in the least sign.  
2. Whereas the words are, they sought occasion, ex latere regni, on the part or side of the kingdom: Lyranus readeth, ex latere regis, on the side of the king, giving three interpretations thereof; that they practised to remove him from the king's side, from being so near unto him: or to accuse him, that ambiret aequalitatem regis, as though he sought to be equal to the king, and to go, as we say, side by side with him: or they sought to pick out matter concerning the Queen, which lay at the king's side, as though Daniel had been too familiar with her. But all these gloases are grounded upon a false text: the words are on the side or behalf of the kingdom, malcutha, not of the king: that is, they sought to find some fault concerning the administration of the kingdom.   

9 Quest. Of the edict and decree made to entangle Daniel, the occasion thereof, and injustice therein.  
1. Some think that these governors wrought upon the king's ambitious humour, who thought that Cyrus would obscure him: as Xenophon writeth, that Cyaxares, which was this Darius, would say with tears, that Cyrus was more glorious than he: therefore they knew that this decree would content the king, that none should be prayed unto for 30. days but himself. But they beside pretended the king's profit, that it was necessary by this decree to try the obedience of his subjects, especially the Chaldeans, which were lately subdued, Calvin. that by this means Darius might be established in his kingdom. Not much unlike unto this was the practice of Gryslerus governor of Austria, who to try the affections of the people to the nobility, caused a cap to be hung upon a pole, that they which passed by, should do obeisance thereunto, for reverence to the nobility and magistrates. But whatsoever their pretence was to the king, they intent the destruction and overthrow of Daniel.  
2. Now how unjust this decree was, diversly appeareth. 1. herein they first dishonour the God of Israel, whose power they had experience of, though they knew him not, in denying that honour which was due unto God, to be invocated, 
Like to this law was that prohibition of Henry the 3. in France, that is should not be lawful for householders to pray with their families. Polan. p. 452.  and called upon, and giving of it unto a nortall man. 2. They are injurious to their own gods, whom they would not have worshipped for 30. days: for envious and ambitious men contemn all religion both true and false, to compass their own desire, Polan. 3. they abuse and deceive the king: Rex non perspiciens eorum malitiam, etc. the king not perceiving their malice, giveth consent, joseph. and so Daniel, whom the king most favoured, is entrapped. 4. They limit this decree unto the space of 30. days; whereupon Chrysostome well noteth, si hoc bonum, ●pertebat semper facere, if it were a good thing, it ought always to be done; if evil, it was not fit to continue 30. days. 5. Beside they urge a general consent of all the nobles: whereupon Chrysostome again: if it were good, quid tantam multitudinem pratexitis, why do ye pretend such a multitude: for it ought to be approved without such a multitude: and if it were evil, ●e toto mundo praecipiente parere fas erat, it was not lawful to obey, though all the world commanded it. 6. Beside, in barring all men to make petition to any save the king, they do wrong unto Cyrus, by whose favour and benefit Darius held the kingdom, jun. in comment. 7. And lastly it was a most bloody decree, under pain of most cruel death, to be cast into the lions den, enjoining so unreasonable a thing.   

10. Quest. Of the immutable decrees of the Medes and Persians, v. 8.  
1. It seemeth that the decrees of the Persian kings were inviolably kept, whether they were just or unjust: as the sudden and rash sentence which Assuerus gave against his wife Vashti, could not be revoked: and the bloody decree which Haman procured for the extirpation of the jews, was not reversed; but a contrary decree was made, that the jews should stand upon their own defence, and kill those which went about to destroy them.  
2. The Persians had great respect unto the truth. Agathias in his history of the manners of the Persians, writeth that they make two gods, as the Manichees, one the author of goodness and truth, whom they call Ormisdatis, whose body they say is like unto the light, and his soul to the truth; and their other god, the author of evil, they call Arimanes. Pet. Crinitus l. 1. de honest. discipline. writeth, that the Persian king's son was committed to four masters, whereof the second did always admonish him, that he should love and keep the truth throughout his whole life.   

11. Quest. Why Daniel did not stay the king's decree by his contrary advise.  
v. 10. Now when Daniel understood: 1. It is like that Daniel was not present, when the rulers thus moved the king, but they had excluded him, and not made him privy unto their devise: for otherwise such was the piety of Daniel, and his zeal toward God, that he would not by his silence have suffered his glory to be impaired, Calvin. he understood then the decree after it was proclaimed and published.  
2. They then which upon the supposed connivence and silence of Daniel, do think it enough, if counsellors and men of state being present, when wicked decrees are enacted, do withhold their consent, are in error: for this were by their timidity and fearfulness to betray the truth. Against such the wise man speaketh, Prou. 24. 11, 12. Deliver those that are drawn to death, and wilt thou not preserve them, that are led to be slain? if thou say, Behold, we knew not of it, he that pondereth the hearts, doth not he understand?   

12. Quest. Of daniel's custom of praying, with the circumstances thereof.  
1. The occasion is expressed, that when he heard of this decree, he betook himself unto prayer, which the children of God most of all use in the time of distress.  
2. The place is expressed, he went to his own house, not unto any of their idolatrous temples; his own house was his Temple. And he prayed in an upper room, not to be more secret, as Pintus collecteth, but rather that he might be seen, that he continued constant in his religion. P●lan. jun.  
3. The place is described by the adjunct, the opening of the windows, that he might freely and openly show himself a worshipper of God.  
4. The site and position of the opening of the windows was toward jerusalem, whether he hoped to return.  
5. The circumstance of the time is added: he prayed three times a day, in the morning, before he went to his business: at noon, when he came home to eat meat, and at night, when he had finished his business: these three times he made choice of, as freest from worldly employments, that he might not be interrupted in his prayer.  
6. His gesture is expressed, he kneeled down upon his knees.  
7. The argument and matter of his invocation: prayer, in the petition of things necessary; and praise, in giving thanks unto God.  
8. His constancy is showed, as he had done aforetime.   

13. Quest. How daniel's custom in opening the windows when he prayed, agreeth with our saviours precept, Matth. 6. to shut the doors of the chamber in prayer.  
1. Our blessed Saviour must not be understood in that place, to speak simply and absolutely, as though it were not lawful but to pray privately in the chamber, the doors being shut: for than it should not be lawful to pray publicly, or in the hearing of others: but that precept is uttered, as we say, secundum quid, in a certain respect, and by way of comparison, that it were better secessum quaerer●, to seek a secret place to pray in, then to press into the sight of men, to show our devotion.  
2. The end must be considered, which our Saviour there aimeth that, which is to take heed of vain glory in our prayer: which end is here observed by Daniel, who in opening his windows did not seek the praise of men, sed se palam Dei cultorem commonstrabat, but only showed himself openly a worshipper of God, Bulling.   

Quest. 14. Why Daniel opened the window of his chamber toward jerusalem.  
Daniel turneth not himself toward jerusalem, as having any confidence in the place, or as though God were present more in one place then in another; but for these reasons. 1. because they had a promise, 
〈…〉  that when they were taken prisoners, and carried captive into a strange land, if they prayed toward the Temple, they should be heard, Lyran. jun. And whereas they were commanded, Deut. 12. to go unto the place which the Lord should choose; from hence it is gathered, si non possent ad locum illum venire, saltem contra locum ipsum adorarent, if they could not come unto that place, yet they should worship toward it.  
2. justabat nunc annus septuagesimus, etc. now the 70. year was at hand, when the deliverance of the people was expected, & therefore he prayed so much the more earnestly, Pel. and toward jerusalem, quam optabat reparari, which he desired to be repaired: his desire appeareth in his gesture, Oecolamp.  
3. By this means he showed his faith and hope, se acquiescere in haeriditate promissa, that he rested in the promised inheritance, Calvin. that the people should return thither again, as jacoband joseph believed, that they should be redeemed out of Egypt.  
4. By this Ceremony in looking toward the temple, where it was only lawful for them to offer sacrifice, was signified the redemption by Christ, and that it is not lawful, ad alium mediatorem respicere in precibus praeter Christum, to look unto an other Mediator in our prayers, beside Christ, Bulling.  
5. And hereby he showed se non oblivisci populi sui, etc. that he forgot not his people, country, and religion, though he himself enjoyed great honour, Polan. like as Moses forsook Pharaohs Court, and chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God.  
6. Conspectus ille fuit instar flabelli, etc. that prospect toward jerusalem was a means the more to inflame daniel's desire to the people's deliverance for the which he prayed: this he did to help his own infirmity, not that God by opening the windows that way, heard the sooner, Calvin.  
7. And herein Daniel had the example of other holy men, as David saith, Psal. 5. 8. I will bow myself (or worship) toward thy holy temple, Polan.  
8. And this looking of Daniel toward jerusalem out of the captivity of Babylon, teacheth us, that we being set here in the world, as in the captivity of Babel, ex hac confusione ad calestem jerusalem respiciamus, should out of this confused estate look up to the heavenly jerusalem, Pintus.   

Quest. 15. Why Daniel prayed thrice in a day.  
1. Daniel did not make choice of these hours, as though they were more specially consecrated unto prayer, and by the circumstance of the time more holiness and efficacy were added thereunto; as the Romanists have such a superstitious conceit of their canonical hours: And they say the jews observed these three times, with more religious respect: as the third hour, because then the holy spirit was given, the sixth hour, because then the brazen serpent was lift up in the wilderness, and the ninth, because then the waters came out of the rock in Cades. And so Christians should observe the same three times: the third hour, when the Holy Ghost was given, the sixth, at what time Christ was crucified, and the ninth, when the water gushed out of his side, Pintus.  
2. But this was the reason rather, why Daniel observed these times: he made choice of such times, wherein he had best leisure, and was freest from worldly business, which was the morning before he went abroad, at noon when he came home to eat meat, as joseph also used to do, Gen. 43. 16. and at night when all his business was ended, jun. Besides, these are the fittest times in respect of the benefits therein received of God, in the morning to give thanks for our deliverance the night past, at noon, when we take our meat, and at night for our preservation that day, Calv. of these three times David maketh mention, Psal. 55. 17. Evening, morning, and at noon will I pray: A Deo initium, felicem successum, beatum exitum petimus, we do ask of God the beginning, the happy success, and prosperous end of our business, Oecolampad.   

16. Quest. Whether Daniel did well in thus praying, to offer himself to public danger.  
It will be objected that Daniel might have done better to have prayed in secret. 1. because of the king's commandment. 2. he should have had herein some special revelation. 3. he might have prayed unto God though he had not done it so openly, seeing the external worship is not simply necessary, but it is referred to the internal, whereby God will specially be served. 4. a wise man would have given way to the present necessity and observed the time. 5. by this means he might have brought all the jews into danger, if God had not extraordinarily delivered him.  
Contra. 1. The king's commandment was to be obeyed, so long as it was not contrary unto God's commandment, as in this case it was: for the Lord saith, call upon me in the day of trouble: but here the king forbiddeth that God should be called upon. 2. Daniel herein was guided by the spirit of God: yet he was not to expect any special revelation, having the general word of God, as Deut. 6. 12. 13. beware lest thou forget the Lord thy God, etc. thou shalt fear the Lord thy God, and serve him, etc. and Deut. 8. 10. when thou hast eaten, and art filled, thou shalt bless the Lord thy God. 3. though the internal worship of God be most necessary, yet the other is necessary also, as being a part of our outward confession of God: as in this case it was necessary, Daniel should thus testify his worship of God, because it had been his custom in former times, which if he had intermitted, f●isset obliqua quaedam abiuratio, etc. it had been an indirect abjuring of his religion. 4. in civil matters & things indifferent, it is good to give way unto the time, but not in matters which concern the salvation of the soul. 5. he was rather to go before his nation in constancy of religion, and to give them a good example: whereas if he had dissembled, he might have brought them all into the same dissimulation: Daniel then herein doing his duty, was not to give over in respect of any danger, but to leave the success unto God.  
But that Daniel did well in making this open confession of his faith, it appeareth by the happy success, God's extraordinary assistance, whereby the Lord approved of daniel's godly resolution. Beside if Daniel had done otherwise, he should have diversely offended. 1. against God, in preferring the king's commandment before his. 2. against the law of nature, which teacheth us that God is to be worshipped. 3. against the true religion and worship of God, which by his example should have been much hindered. 4. against the people of God, in offending them with his inconstancy. 5. and against his own conscience, if he had for fear forbeared that, which in his judgement he allowed, jun. in comment.   

Quest. 17. Of daniel's adversaries practise and accusation against him.  
1. First they lie in wait for Daniel: And there is both a multitude of them which conspire together, these men assembled, v. 11. and they find Daniel in the very manner, praying unto his God.  
2. In their accusation is to be considered the form of it, which is full of subtlety, and cunning: they do not at the first directly accuse Daniel, because they knew he was favoured of the king: but first by making rehearsal of the decree in general, they draw from the king a former consent, that afterward he should not go back: wherein they call three things to the king's remembrance, the sum of the decree, the ratification, & the penalty. v. 12.  
3. The matter of the accusation is against Daniel, which is not simply done, but with diverse false and envious suggestions: Envious concerning his person, in objecting his captivity, and the action, in concealing to whom he made his petition: they simply propound it, he made his petition three times a day: the king might conceive that he might make it to some other man: their suggestion is false; as though Daniel did it in contempt of the king laws.  
4. And their envy further appeareth in these two things. 1. they omit to make mention of daniel's virtues: they bury them all in oblivion, and pick what matter they can against him, Pintus. 2. they forget that Daniel was their fellow in office, which many times is respected by men of like place and calling, Osiand.   

Quest. 18. How the king laboured to deliver Daniel till the sun went down.  
1. The king by deferring the sentence until night, might think that some opportunity might in the mean time be offered unto Daniel to escape this danger, jun. And in the mean time, optimum testimonium Danieli dat, he giveth a good testimony unto Daniel, O●co, it is like he pleaded for him showing what a necessary man he was to the commonwealth, and what good service he had done, and that afterward there might be great miss of him: Beside, he might dispute the cause with them, interpretando edictum, by interpreting his decree, and seeking to excuse Daniel, Lyran. But he could not prevail: Thus far the king is to be commended, in labouring for the innocent.  
2. But in two things he faileth, on the one side, metuit discrimen, etc. he is afraid lest the nobles should have conspired against him, if he had resisted them: he durst not infringe their laws at the first. 2. stulto pudore movetur, he is moved with shame lest he might be noted of inconstancy, for reversing his law, Calvin. Thus Herode was loath to put john Baptist to death, but he more feared the note of inconstancy with those which sat at the table: and Pilate would have delivered Christ, but he feared the displeasure of Caesar, as the jews object, that in so doing he should not be Caesar's friend. 3. Yet though Darius here show himself to be but a weak Prince, yet his offence was no so great as was the sin of the Rulers, for he lapsus est infirmitate, fell of infirmity, Melancthon. illi accusant per invidam, etc. they accuse the servant of God through envy, Oecolamp. And as there was difference in their sin, so the event was diverse: for the Lord had mercy on the king, and brought him to repentance: but daniel's enemies were destroyed.   

Quest. 19 Whether Darius might not have broken this decree.  
1. There is no question, but that the king ought to have reversed this unjust law, whatsoever the custom was to the contrary, whereby the innocent were condemned: like as it is better to break an unjust oath, then to observe it: for then there is a double fault committed, first in making an unjust oath, and then in keeping it: like as David did well to reverse his oath of revenge which he had made against Nabal; and Herode did wickedly in performing his rash and unadvised oath in kill john Baptist, Pap.  
2. Darius then binding himself to strictly to his law, therein cannot be excused. 1. he knew in his conscience that it was a wicked decree, and against the glory of God. 2. And that it was made fraudulently to entrap Daniel. 3. neither should he have been drawn to be partaker of other men's sins. 4. And though his nobles resisted him, yet where he could not by argument and persuasion prevail, he should have stricken through by his authority, Polan.   

Quest. 20. Whether Darius' prayer for Daniel were of faith.  
v. 16. Thy God, whom thou always servest, he deliver thee, etc. 1. Hierome, with whom consenteth Lyranus, Hugo, gloss. ordinar. do here note, quod non ambigue loquitur, sed audacter & confidenter, that Darius speaketh not doubtfully but boldly and confidently, etc. And this may seem to be an argument that he prayed in faith, because his prayer was heard: but daniel's deliverance was not an effect of Darius' prayer: the Lord had respect unto his own glory, and to daniel's innocency; and he wisheth rather that God should deliver him, then affirmeth any thing, as junius translateth.  
2. There appeareth in Darius, that he had here aliquam Dei cognitionem, some knowledge of God, which he had learned of Daniel, Osiand. which is manifest both in that he speaketh of daniel's God, that he and not any other god, was able to deliver him: and then in respect of daniel's person, because he was innocent he was persuaded God would deliver him, jun.  
3. Yet this was far from a faithful prayer. 1. for then he would never have suffered an innocent man to be condemned. 2. he calleth him daniel's God, as though he were not his God, Polan. 3. If he had prayed in faith, he would not only have wished well unto Daniel, but have endeavoured by all his power to do him good: for not good words, but good works are the fruits of faith, as S. james showeth, c. 2. 16. Bulling. yet we may gather, non omni pietate vacuum fuisse regem, that the king was not void of all piety, by his words following, when he thus spoke to Daniel, v. 20. O Daniel, servant of the living God, is not thy God whom thou always servest, able to deliver thee from the lions? Bulling. though Calvin here doubt not to affirm, ●e micam pietatis fuisse in rege, that there was not a crumbe of piety in the ki●●▪   

Quest. 21. v. 17. Why the king sealed the stone with his own seal.  
1. The Latin interpreter readeth, he sealed the stone with his own signet, and the signet of his princes, ne quid fieret contra Danielem, lest any thing should be done against Daniel, whereupon the ordin. gloss. noteth following Hierome, de leonibus securus de hominibus pertimescit, the king being out of fear for the lions, is afraid of men, etc. he is afraid lest any of his enemies seeing the lions to do Daniel no harm, might have practised against him in the den: and therefore he sealed the stone, ne introiret aliquis sine scitu suo, lest any should enter without his privity, Lyran. to the same purpose also Bullinger and Pelican. But the original is otherwise, which is truly translated thus, that the purpose might not be changed concerning Daniel.  
2. Therefore the meaning is this, that when these men perceived, when Daniel was cast into the den, that the lions stirred not at him, they doubting of the king's constancy, lest he should cause Daniel to be taken out alive, or that some other of his friends might draw him out, daniel's accusers cause the king to seal the stone: and they not trusting to the kings seal alone, put to their own seals likewise, jun. Polan.   

Quest. 22. Whether Darius were truly converted, confessing daniel's God to be the living God.  
v. 20. Is not thy God whom thou servest able to deliver thee? 1. Hierome, and Lyranus following him, think that the king did not speak thus as doubting of God's power, sed ambiguam sententiam temperate, etc. but he so tempereth his speech, that when Daniel should come forth without any hurt, the more credible the thing was, tanto adversus principes iustior sit indignatio, so much the more just his indignation might be against the rulers, etc. And so their opinion seemeth to be, that Darius as trusting in the power of God spoke confidently, as a man assured that Daniel was delivered. And for further strengthening of this opinion it will be said, that Darius here confesseth the living God, as believing in the only true God: But to confess one only God, men are taught by the light of nature, and diverse of the Gentiles so acknowledged, this than was no firm argument of his conversion.  
2. Though Darius spoke not thus, as incredulous, sed inter spem metumque haerebat, but did stick as it were between hope and fear, Osiand. yet the manner of his speech showeth that he somewhat doubted of God's power, habuit aliquid spei, sed coniectum cum dubitatione, he had some hope, but joined with doubtfulness and infirmity, Bulling. beside he confesseth the Lord to be daniel's God, and that he served him, but he did not call him his God: neither did Darius abolish the worship of idols out of his kingdom, all which are evident arguments that he was not truly converted unto the knowledge of daniel's God, Polan.   

Quest. 23. Of daniel's deliverance from the lions, and the cause thereof.  
Daniel showeth both the causes efficient, the form and manner, and end of this his deliverance. 1. the principal cause of this his deliverance was God: God hath sent: the instrumental cause, was the Angel: for though God can immediately deliver his, without the ministry of others: yet it pleaseth him to use his angels, both for the setting forth of his own glory, and the further consolation of his servants.  
2. The form and manner is expressed, the Angel shut the lions mouths, that they had no power to hurt Daniel. And not only their mouths were shut but hereby is signified also, that their talents and claws were stayed from hurting him: and therefore it followeth, that they have not hurt me: so that they touched him neither with their teeth, claws, tail, or by any other means, jun.  
3. The end also is expressed: that by this means the innocency of Daniel might appear, and the goodness of his cause, that he had not offended against the king, but had showed himself a true worshipper of God, Polan.   

Quest. 24. Of daniel's salutation to the king, O king live for ever.  
1. This was the manner of salutation in the East country, to wish long life unto their king. Thus the Chaldeans, saluted Nabuchadnezzar, c. 2. 4. but in hypocrisy, wishing in their hearts rather, that such a tyrant might perish. So c. 3. 4. they which accused daniel's godly companions and brethren, do with such words insinuate themselves to the king, as flatterers: But Daniel doth wish unto the king long life ex animo, from his heart, because it is the duty of subjects to pray for magistrates: yea he wisheth unto him eternal life, gloss. he than uttered the same words, but with an other heart and mind then the ●est did.  
2. He might have expostulated with the king, because by his authority he was cast into the lions den: but two reasons might move Daniel to forbear all such reprehension. 1. because he more respected God's glory then his own particular cause; satis fuit eius liberatione illustratam fuisse Dei gloriam, it was enough that God's glory was set forth by his deliverance: and therefore he is silent in the rest, Calvin. 2. According to S. Paul's rule, infirmum in fide recipe, etc. receive him that is weak in faith, etc. So Daniel would not deal sharply with the king, and discourage him, but by gentle means seek to win him f●rther to the faith.   

Quest. 25. Of daniel's manner of deliverance from the lions, that it was divine and extraordinary.  
1. There are diverse means whereby men have resisted the rage and violence of lions 1. As first by force and strength, as Samson killed a lion, and David slew a lion and a bear that invaded his flock: but so was not Daniel delivered here: for the lions might have teared him before he came at the ground, as they did his accusers: and though resistance may be made against one lion, yet here were many. 2. Some have conquered lions by casting some garment upon their head, 
lib. 8. c. 16.  and so as it were blindfolding them: as Pliny writeth how a Getulian shepherd at Rome under Claudius, did stay the rage and fierceness of a lion, levi iniectu oper●o capite, his head being covered with some light thing cast upon it: by which means Lysimachus, whom Alexander caused to be shut in with a lion, might more easily strangle him. 3. Some have tamed lions by using them gently while they were yet young, and but whelps, as Pliny in the same place maketh mention of Hanno the Carthaginian, who (as he saith) primus hominum ausus est leonem manu tractare, the fi●st of any durst handle a lion with his hand. 4. Beside lions use to show themselves kind unto those, which have showed them any kindness, 
Gellius lib. 5 c. 14.  as Aulus Gellius reporteth out of Appian, of a certain servant called Androdus, who was condemned to the wild beasts, and was spared of a lion, that remembered some former kindness he had received: and this he was an eye witness of at Rome. 5. Pliny also writeth in the same place, that lions unless they be very hungry, will spare those which are suppliant unto them, & mulceri alloquio, and that they are made gentle with speech: as he maketh mention of a woman, which fell down in the woods before a lion, alleging se indignam eius gloria praedam, etc. that she being a silly weak woman, was a prey unworthy so noble a beast. But none of these means did Daniel here use. 6. neither yet as daniel's enemies objected, did they spare Daniel because they were full before: as they say a lion will not pray upon a man unless he be very hungry: josephus addeth further, that thereupon the king caused flesh to be cast before the lions to feed them, and then cast daniel's accusers into the den, who notwithstanding being full did tear them before they came at the ground: But this narration of josephus though it may seem probable, is not necessary to be received, seeing the Scripture hath it not.  
2. But▪ the lions here were not bound by any such ordinary means: this was Gods extraordinary work, wherein it pleased him to use the ministry of Angels: who diversly as Pererius conjectureth might stop the lions mouths. 1. as by removing the lions into some other place. 2. or by blinding their eyes. 3. or by slaking their hunger. 4. or by changing their inward fantasy, which stirreth them up to rage, when they apprehend that as enemy unto them, which they devour. 5. or there might be a terror and fear stricken into them: as they say lions naturally are afraid of the rumbling of wheels, the crow of a cock, 
lib. 2. de mi●abi. scrip. c. 32.  and burning fire: 6. But Augustine better showeth how this was, non natura in leonibus mutata, the nature of these lions was not changed, sed lenitatem quam catuli● ostendunt in Danielem exercebant, but they practise toward Daniel, that lenity which they use to show to their whelps, etc. So also Lyranus, natura non est mutata▪ sed feritas prohibita, their nature was not changed, but their rage was prohibited and stayed: as appeareth afterward▪ in that they returned to their kind in falling upon the accusers of Daniel, and breaking all their bones in pieces ere they came at the ground, v. 24. As God by his power stayed the sword of Arioch, that sought Daniel to slay him, cap. 2. 13. and kept the fire that it hurt not his three faithful servants, c. 3. so here he stoppeth the mouths of these lions against Daniel, Polan.   

Quest. 26. Why the Lord doth not always send his children temporal deliverance.  
1. It is not sufficient for temporal deliverance to have a good cause: for through ambition, vain glory, and vain confidence, men may be carried to maintain a good cause: as Brutus that stood for the liberty of the commonwealth, because he had no better success, said in discontent, virtutem esse rem frivolam, that virtue was a frivolous thing: he considered not that through his ambition, and trusting to his own wit, he overthrew a good cause: so in this place, it was not daniel's innocency only that delivered him, but the cause was his faith, he trusted in God, Calvin.  
2. God doth not always deliver temporally: As he suffered Ignatius to be torn of wild beasts, and Polycarpus to be consumed of the fire: yea at sometime he sendeth the same man deliverance, and not at an other: as Peter was delivered out of Herod's hands at jerusalem, but he suffered under Nero at Rome: yet are not the children of God forfaken, for when they are taken away by death, they then are most of all delivered at once from all the calamities of this world, and are received into everlasting glory, Bulling.  
3. There is then a threefold kind of deliverance. 1. there is a temporal deliverance from death and danger here: as Daniel was now delivered. 2. there is a deliverance from sin, as in this place, Daniel liberatur à morte, Rex à peccato, Daniel is delivered from death, the king is freed from his sin, Melancthon. 3. there is a deliverance and preservation to eternal life: as the godly conseruantur ad vitam eternam, are so preserved, so that in death itself they perish not, Osiand.   

Quest. 27. Of Darius' joy, v. 23. Then was the king exceeding glade.  
1. There were two special causes of Darius' joy, l●t●tus est amici nomine, he rejoiced on the behalf of his friend, who was now delivered by this great miracle, Oecolamp. and he found his conscience somewhat quieted, which was perplexed and troubled before, when he refused his meat, and would not hear the instruments of Music.  
2. Yet this was but a carnal joy; it was much differing from the true spiritual joy, which the children of God have, when they are assured of the favour of God, and of the remission of their sins; whereof the Prophet David speaketh, Psal. 4. 6. Lord lift thou up the light of thy countenance upon us, thou hast given me more joy of heart, then when their wheat and wine did abound.  
3. Yet this joy of the king, and the sight of this miracle made the king more courageous and bold; that whereas before he feared the nobles, and against his own conscience condemned Daniel, now he delivereth Daniel, and causeth them to be cast into the lions den in his stead: and whereas the stone was sealed both with his own ring and the nobles, he now stayeth not for their consent, b●t by his regal authority Daniel was fetched out of the den.   

Quest. 28. Whether the king did justly in causing daniel's accusers with their wives and children to be cast into the den, v. 24.  
1. Some here do answer, non est lex aequior ulla, quam neces artifices arte perire sua, etc. there is no more just law, then for the deviser of mischief to perish in his own devise, as Haman was hanged upon the gallows which he had made for Mordechai, gloss. iuterlin. Hugo. this reason satisfieth why the authors of this mischief were punished, but not why their wives also and children should suffer with them.  
2. Bullinger showeth the equity hereof by the like judgements of God, as in the destruction of the old world, and of Sodom, and in Saul's expedition against Amalech: in all these neither men, women, or children were spared: So it is usually seen, that in war, famine, pestilence, the calamity is general: But there is great difference between the judgements of God inflicted either immediately by himself, or by his commandment, which are always most just, though we see not the reason thereof; and the judgements of men. God may do that justly being Lord and Creator of all, who may give and take life at his pleasure, which man doth unjustly.  
3. Calvin granting, that the wives and children may for the sins of their husbands and fathers justly suffer civil punishment, as infamy, loss of goods, corruption of blood, and such like, saith, long durius est, etc. it is a harder matter to slay the children with the parents: And he seemeth to resolve upon the cruelty of the Persian government, scimus reges Orientales exercuisse immane & barbarum imperium, etc. we know that those Eastern kings did exercise a barbarous and cruel dominion: yet simply he would not have this example condemned. But howsoever the Persian kings governed cruelly, this example of justice is simply to be commended in the king, as shall appear by this which followeth.  
4. There are then four things, which do justify the king's sentence against daniel's accusers. 1. The greatness of the offence, which deserved a great and extraordinary punishment▪ they sinned against God, by hatred of the true religion, against the king, in abusing his facility, and deceiving him, and they were false accusers against Daniel: they offended also against the whole commonwealth, which by daniel's care was peaceably and quietly governed. Bulling. jun. annotat. 2. The law of retalion required, that false accusers should indu●● the same punishment, which by their false testimony, they would have brought upon others: according to Moses law, Deut. 19 19 So the Lacedæmonians did use to put to death false accusers, as the Athenians did flatterers. As these then by their false suggestions caused Daniel to be cast into the lions den, so are they justly served themselves: And as they would have deprived the king of his friend, so they perish with their friends, Oecolampad. 3. The custom of nations is to be considered, which was for the treason committed against the king or commonwealth, either against their honour or life, to punish both the offenders themselves, and their posterity: As this enterprise was both against the king's honour, and against the peace and tranquility of the commonwealth. Seneca giveth this reason of this custom and law of nations, 
lib. d● clem. cap. 8.  Name parents, liberique eorum, qui interfecti sunt, & propinqui, & amici in locum singulorum succedunt, for the parents and children of them which were slain, their friends, and ki●●ed do succeed in their places, etc. that is, they are all like to be conspirators, as the other were. Arcadius and Honorius after they had extinguished the conspiracy of Talnia, do thus resolve in their rescript, in Codic. tit. ad leg. jul. Paterno deberent perire supplicio, in quibus paterni, hoc est haereditarij criminis exempla metuuntur, they ought to suffer their father's punishment, seeing the like example is feared in them of that hereditary crime. The general custom and law of nations, which was to punish the children with the fathers in treasonable attempts, showeth the equity of this judgement. As yet to this day the offender is punished in his posterity, though not by death, yet by other means; as by confiscation of his goods and lands, by tainting of the blood, disinheriting of the children, the annihilating of all their acts and fraudulent conveyances. 4. It was just for example sake to show such severity, that others should fear to do the like. 5. And further, the children as they are by nature, aliqua portio parentum, some part of their parents, Oecolampad. so they were participes criminis, partakers of the crime: their wives and children either encouraged them to go forward in their devise, or they consented and approved it. As the like must be supposed in the destruction of Achan with his family, josh. 7. and in the execution of Haman, who was hanged with his ten sons, Esth. 9 jun. in commentar. Polan.   

29. Quest. Of king Darius' decree, concerning the worshipping of daniel's God, the order and parts thereof.  
It consisteth of three parts. 1. the salutation. 2. the propofition. 3. the confirmation. 1. In the salutation or inscription, three things are expressed. 1. the person which sendeth greeting, Darius: the persons saluted, All nations and languages: the matter of the salutation, the wishing and imprecation of peace.  
2. The thing propounded and commanded, is, to fear and tremble before the God of Daniel: wherein three things are expressed, who are to perform this duty, 1. men in all his dominions. 2. what is required, to tremble, fear, and stand in awe. 3. and to whom this duty must be yielded, not to the idols and gods of the nations, but to daniel's God.  
3. The confirmation followeth by three arguments. 1. from the adjuncts of God, his power, in that he is said to be the living God; his eternity, he remaineth for ever. 2. from the adjuncts of his kingdom, it is everlasting, it shall never perish. 3. from his works and effects in general, which are two, 1. he rescueth and delivereth. 2. he worketh signs and wonders: then in particular: he delivered Daniel, etc.   

30. Quest. Of daniel's prosperous estate under Darius and Cyrus.  
1. The vulgar Latin readeth, perseveravit Daniel, etc. and Daniel persevered or continued unto the reign of Darius and Cyrus: which Hugo expoundeth thus, ad regnum Darij finitum, etc. unto the end of Darius' reign, and the beginning of Cyrus. But the original is not here well translated, the word is tzalach, which signifieth to prosper, not to continue; and the preposition is not ghad, which signifieth to, or until, but beth, which is (in.)  
2. The meaning than is, that he was honoured first by Darius in Media, who reigned not long after the taking of Babylon: and after him he was in great reputation with Cyrus in Persia.  
3. But where it is said, c. 1. 21. that Daniel was unto the first year of Cyrus: that is to be restrained, not unto the time of daniel's life, for he continued unto the 3. year of Cyrus, c. 10. 1. but of his employment in the Chaldean Monarchy: that he was famous as long as that Commonwealth continued: and in this place it is showed, that in the Persian state he was had likewise in reputation: and it is not unlike but that he declared unto Cyrus the prophecy of Esai, and was a special instrument to hasten the deliverance of his people.  
4. How long Daniel remained unto Cyrus, it is not certain: there is mention made in this book but of the third year: Bullinger thinketh he lived plures annos, many years under Cyrus. But Daniel was now above an 100 year old, and it should seem saw only the beginning of Cyrus' reign, as Hugo thinketh.  
5. Here is a secret antithesis or opposition between the Chaldean and Persian Monarchy: under this Daniel prospered still, and was greatly honoured: but in the Chaldean state, though he were honoured of Nabuchadnezzer, yet he was neglected of Balthasar, as appear, c. 5. Calvin.  
6. Hugo here noteth, that Darius and Cyrus had but one reign: he thinketh that Cyrus reigned under Darius, who took Daniel with him into Media, leaving Cyrus with his son Cambyses at Babylon, as thinketh Oecolampad. though according to the opinion of some, Cyrus was not yet married.   

31. Quest. Whether this miracle of daniel's deliverance from the lions, were showed at Babylon in Chaldea, or in Media.  
1. R. Levi thinketh, that this fell out at Babylon, because Darius reigned but a short time after the taking of Babylon, not full out a year: and to him agreeth Oecolampad. and so Cyrus succeeded Darius in the very first year, for otherwise the 70. years of captivity being expired, the deliverance of the people should have been deferred: But all this may be admitted, that either Cyrus succeeded Darius the very first year, or that they both reigned together, and yet this should be no reason, that this miracle was done rather in Babylon, then in Media. Amand. Polanus also thinketh that the accusers of Daniel were Babylonians, p. 468. and so this is to have been done in Babylon.  
2. junius is of opinion, that Cyrus reigned one year in Babylon, when the jews were sent out of captivity, and then Cyrus went to Darius into Media, and sent him to Babylon, and resigned unto him the kingdom thereof: and so Darius first year in his opinion was Cyrus second, jun. comment. in 5. cap. in fine. hence it will follow, that this miraculous accident fell out in Babylon. But the text showeth evidently that presently after Balthasar was slain, Darius took upon him the kingdom: he was the next: and c. 6. 28. Darius' reign is named before Cyrus' reign, it came not therefore after it: see before, qu. 4.  
3. I prefer therefore josephus opinion, who saith, that after the taking of Babylon, Darius Danielem prophetam secum assumptum duxit in Mediam, took the Prophet Daniel and carried him to Media, where he was cast into the lions den: so also gloss. ordinar. Daniel in Mediam translatus, that Daniel was translated into Media by Darius: so also Hug. Calvin agreeth, satis apparet ipsum relicta Babylone alio migrasse, that Daniel leaving Babylon we●t to an other place: first to Media, where he continued not long, then to Persia. So also Pelican thinketh, that Darius did take Daniel with him into Media, and left behind in Babylon Cambyses Cyrus' son. Bullinger agreeth, that Darius left Cyrus at Babylon, and took with him Daniel to Ecbatane in Media: who understood of the great wisdom that was in Daniel and how he had interpreted the writing upon the wall. This opinion that Daniel at this time was in Media, not in Chaldea, seemeth more probable for these reasons. 1. the form of government, which was brought in by Darius to set an 120. governors over his kingdom belonged to the Persian, not to the babylonical state, as may be collected, Esth. 1. 1. where mention is made of the largeness of Assuerus kingdom over an 127. Provinces. 2. in this chapter the law of the Medes and Persians is urged, v. 8. Darius was then in Media, not at Babylon. 3. after the dissolution of the Chaldean Monarchy, Babylon was no longer the seat of the kingdom, but Shushan, Nehem. 1. 1. Esth. 1. 1.    

4. The places of doctrine.  

1. Doctr. That order is necessary in a kingdom.  
v. 1. Darius' set over the kingdom an 120. governors, etc. This prudent Prince knew that no Commonwealth could stand without order: for like as in families, where confusion is, and no order, all things go to ruin, so much more in the great family of the Commonwealth without order all things soon come to decay. Therefore jethro gave wise counsel unto Moses, that there might be captains over thousands, hundreds, fifties, one to be under an other: And the Queen of Saba coming to Solomon wondered at nothing more, then to see the order of his house, 1. king. 10. So here the king first setteth a certain number of governors over his whole kingdom: then he appointeth three to take account of them, whereof Daniel was one. Bulling.   

2. Doctr. Of the end of Civil administration and government which must be for the common good.  
v. 2. That the king might have no damage. Darius was careful that the treasure of the kingdom should be maintained: not therein respecting his own private gain, but his principal care was to uphold and support the charges of the kingdom: for the king's purse and treasure is for the maintenance of the Commonwealth: the Crown can not want, but the whole Commonwealth will soon feel it. Though Princes may by their revenues and receipts maintain their princely dignity, and employ part thereof upon their pleasure, and bestow it, as they see cause; yet they must have care, that there be sufficient to support the burdens and charges of the Commonwealth: and to remember, that their subsidies are, ipsum sudorem & sanguinem populi, the very sweat and blood of the people, and therefore must be sparingly used, Polan. as Nehemiah had that respect unto the people (in respect of their present poor estate) that he did forbear to eat the bread of the governor, Nehem. 5. 14.   

3. Doctr. How prayer should be made.  
v. 10. He prayed and praised his God. Daniel only was not a petitioner unto God for the obtaining of good things, and the turning away of evil: but he also together gives thanks for the benefits received. Men than must learn not only to be beggars of God, but to offer up the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving also: as S. Paul exhorteth, that not only prayers be made, and intercessions, but giving of thanks, 1. Tim. 2. 1. And the Apostle followeth his own rule, Rom. 1. 9 First I thank my God, than he cometh to his prayer, v. 10. Always in my prayer, beseeching etc.   

4. Doctr. Of kneeling in prayer.  
v. 10. He kneeled upon his knees. Though a man may pray in his heart unto God without any outward gesture, as Moses did, Exod. 14. 15. when the Lord said unto him, Why criest thou unto me? when as Moses was not heard, nor his prayer perceived by any gesture, but he cried unto God in his heart: yet when as opportunity serveth, as it doth most fitly in private houses, and in public places of prayer, than it becometh us to humble ourselves upon our knees, thereby to stir up our devotion, and to express our humility. Thus our Saviour fell upon his face, when he prayed in the garden, and Daniel here prayeth upon his knees. If subjects humble themselves upon their knees to their Prince, how much more should we use all humbleness and lowliness in gesture before God?   

5. Doctr. Of the ministery of Angels.  
v. 22. My God hath sent his Angel, etc. God could at his beck have stayed the rage of the lions, as he commanded the Whale to cast up jonas, but it pleaseth him for his own glories sake, and the comfort of his children, to use the ministery of his holy Angels and blessed spirits: as the Apostle saith, Are they not all ministering spirits sent forth to minister for their sakes that shall be heirs of salvation? Heb. 1. 14. And in three things doth it please the Lord to use the ministery of Angels; in preserving and defending of his children, as jacob saw the Lord's host, when he was afraid of his brother, Gen. 32. 1. or in the destruction of their enemies, as Senacheribs' host was smitten by an Angel, 2. king. 19 or in conveying blessings, as Manna is called Angels food, which was ministered unto the people by the Angels.   

6. Doctr. How far the Prince is to be obeyed.  
v. 22. Unto thee, O king, have I done no hurt: Hereupon Melancthon well noteth, that although Daniel did go against the king's Edict and decree, yet he had committed no evil against him: So if Princes command unjust and impious things, they are not hurt, if their precepts be not obeyed: neither must they think themselves despised, if God be preferred before them: As the Apostles resolution was, when they were forbidden to speak in the name of jesus, Whether it be right in the sight of God, to obey you rather than God, judge ye, Act. 4. 19 And hereby Melancthon justly excuseth the Protestants of Germany for refusing to obey the emperors edicts, made against the profession and professors of the Gospel.   

7. Doctr. Of true miracles.  
v. 23. No manner of hurt was found upon him. Hence Polanus well inferreth, divina miracula non esse praestigias, that divine miracles are not counterfeit tricks, such as are the juggling feats of Magicians: but the Lords works are wonderful in deed: the three servants of God, which were cast into the fiery oven, had not so much as the smell of fire upon them: And Daniel hath no hurt by the lions at all: God only maketh true wonders. But the power of Satan and his ministers, is by false signs, and lying wonders, as the Apostle calleth them, 2. Thess. 2. 9   

8. Doctr. That the beasts and other creatures are ready to execute Gods will.  
v. 22. And hath shut the lions mouth. The unreasonable creatures, as here they do spare Daniel, so at other times, they are ready to execute vengeance: as the lion that slew the Prophet, that was disobedient to the word of God, 1. king. 13. 25. and an other was slain by a lion, for not obeying the Prophet, 1. king. 20. 36. And the Lord sent lions upon the Samaritans, because they feared nor the Lord, 2. king. 17. 25. So whether it be to show mercy, or to execute judgement, the creatures are ready to perform the will of God, Polan.   

9 Doctr. Of the force and efficacy of faith.  
v. 23. Because he believed in him. Daniel here by his faith was delivered from the lions, because with a firm and assured trust he reposed himself upon God. So S. james saith, c. 5. 15. The prayer of faith shall save the sick: and as Clemens Alexand. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, faith is effectual and available to salvation. But though every faithful man have not this particular and peculiar kind of faith, (which is called the faith of miracles) yet they are assured by their faith to be everlastingly saved, though they are not thereby secure and assured always of temporal deliverance.   

10. Doctr. The magistrates office is not only to procure things temporal, but spiritual also for their subjects.  
v. 26. As Darius here maketh a decree that all men in his kingdom should fear daniel's God, so it belongeth to the magistrate not only to procure outward peace, and to watch over the people for their bodily and worldly wealth; but to see also, that they profess true religion, and be brought to the right knowledge of God, Pap. Thus did the good kings of judah, David, jehosaphat, Hezekiah, josias, they abolished idolatry, and superstition, and planted true religion.    

5. Places of controversy.  

1. Controv. Against canonical and stinted hours of prayer.  
1. Bellarmine upon this example of Daniel doth ground the institution of their canonical hours, 
lib. ●. de bon. ope●. in particul. c. 1ST  the third, ninth, and sixth: and Pintus addeth further, not only at these three times, but seven times a day doth the Catholic Church pray, septem horis canonicis, in the seven canonical hours: as David saith, Seven times a day will I praise thee, Psal. 119. which was shadowed forth by the seven times blowing of the trumpets, josh. 6. 4.  
Contra. 1. They do in these positions contradict themselves: for if they would prove by daniel's example, that there are three canonical hours, how come they to have seven. 2. David prayed also at midnight, Psal. 119. v. 62. beside his seven times a day: then by this reason there shall be yet more than 7. canonical hours: and David in that place by seven times, understandeth many, according to the phrase of Scripture, Leuit. 26. 18. and Prov. 24. 16. A just man falleth seven times. 3. not only these hours, but all other are consecrated to prayer, according to the saying of the Apostle, 1. Thess. 5. 17. Pray continually: As David prayed in the morning, evening and at noon, Psal. 55. 17. and he used to remember God upon his bed, and in the watches of the night, Psal. 63. 5. and our blessed Saviour continued all night in prayer, Luk. 6. 12. 4. Yet it is convenient in respect of our infirmity, that men should tie themselves to certain hours for their private prayers, without superstition: that although it be free for us to pray at all times, quisque tamen sentire debet suam infirmitatem, ut remedia sibi accersat, yet every man must take knowledge of his infirmity, and use the helps and remedies to stir up his dullness by keeping his set hours of prayer, Calvin. yet so as his affection and devotion be not tied unto these hours, but that at all other times, as his necessity requireth, and occasion serveth, he be ready to call upon God. 5. As for daniel's example, he kept not those hours, as being addicted in devotion and religious observation more to one time, than an other, but because that he was most vacant and free from other employments, as is before showed, qu. 15.  
6. But the Popish observation of canonical hours we refuse for divers reasons. 1. because they think the very keeping of the hour is a part of God's worship. 2. they enjoin them with such necessity to be kept, as though they could not be omitted without mortal sin. 3. they think by this keeping of their canonical hours to merit at God's hand, Polan. see more hereof, Centur. 4. err. 90.   

2. Controv. That it is no Apostolical tradition to pray toward the East.  
1. Daniel here prayeth toward jerusalem, which was situate south-west from Babylon: and the Sanctuary was toward the West, and the door of it opened toward the East: therefore the superstitious situation of Churches, as of necessity East and West, hath no ground out of the Scriptures, Oecolampad. the Apostle exhorteth men to lift up pure hands, every where, 1. Tim. 2. 8. Every place is fit to make our prayer in: and God is every where present to hear those which call upon him in faith: see more, Synops. Cent. 2. err. 52.  
2. Beside, the heresy of the Ebionites is very gross, who held, that Christians should pray toward jerusalem, as Ireneus writeth of them, lib. 1. advers. haeres. cap. 26. for now the Temple of jerusalem, together with the ceremonies thereof is abolished, the true Temple Christ jesus being come.   

3. Controv. That the public profession of our faith is necessary, and it is not sufficient, to have it inwardly in the heart.  
v. 10. Daniel opened his windows to the intent that he should be seen of all, not of vain glory, but that his constancy in the worship of God might be known to all, notwithstanding the king's edict to the contrary: Hereby is confuted the error of the Georgians, Libertines, and Nicodemites in these days: the same was the error of the Helchesaites in times past, that if any denied his faith in time of persecution, and kept it in his heart, he sinned not. And for the strengthening of this error, divers reasons are brought.  
1. They allege, that the Magistrate, who is in God's place, is to be obeyed, as the Apostle teacheth, that whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God, Rom. 13. 2.  
Contra. 1. Magistrates as they are in God's place, so they must command and rule according to the will and word of God: they have not received an absolute power to command what they list, but limited according to the rules of Gods holy word. The Apostles themselves refused to obey the Magistrates which enjoined them not to speak in the name of jesus, Act. 4. 19  
2. Men must have care of their wife and children, whom wilfully for a man to forsake in casting himself into apparent danger, it were impious.  
Contra. Wife and children ought to be loved, and cared for, but the love of Christ must be preferred: as our Saviour saith, that he which loveth wife or children, more than me, is not worthy of me, Matth. 10.  
3. But the shedding of Christian blood should be prevented: men should not offer themselves to apparent danger which giveth occasion of much bloodshed.  
Contra. 1. The constant servants of God, are not the cause of bloodshed, but the wicked persecutors, which kill them cruelly and unjustly: as our blessed Saviour saith, joh. 16. 2. Whosoever killeth you, will think he doth God good service: and these things will they do unto you, because they have not known me. 2. The very death of the righteous is precious in God's sight, Psal. 116. 15. and God receiveth as much honour by the constant death of his Saints, as he doth by their godly life. 3. Otherwise the holy Martyrs should be blamable, because by their constant profession, murder and bloodshed is occasioned: whose memory is honourable before God, and man: as Eusebius maketh mention of a certain city in Phrygia, the citizens whereof together with the Magistrates professing themselves to be Christians, were all put to the sword under the persecution of Di●cletian and Maximinian, & their city burnt with fire. Euseb. lib. 8. c. 11.  
4. They object, that it sufficeth to keep faith and religion in the heart: it is no● necessary in time of danger outwardly to profess it.  
Contra. 1. S. Paul joineth both these together, to believe with the heart, and to confess with the mouth, Rom. 10. 10. 2. Peter denied Christ only with the mouth, yet he wept bitterly for this his fall▪ 
lib. 8. c. 3.  Eusebius writeth how the persecutors would draw Christians to their idolatrous sacrifices, and say they had sacrificed, and yet they did not: who notwithstanding were reproved, because they in silence suffered such crimes to be objected: but some would cry out, 
Homil. 25. in Matth.  they had not sacrificed, but were Christians. 3. Chrysostome hath an excellent tractate of this, or who else was the author of that imperfect work upon Matthew, that we must confess Christ with all our senses: and if a man fail in any of them, it is no perfect confession of Christ: As, though thou dost not eat of things sacrificed to idols, if thou do but look upon them how beautiful they are, oculis negasti Christum, thou hast denied Christ with thine eyes: If one say unto thee, do but hear how such an one blasphemeth Christ: if thou harken, iam auribus tuis negasti Christum, now thou hast denied Christ with thine ears: If it be further said, do but stay and smell the incense offered to idols, if thou smell, odoratu tuo Christum offendisti, thou hast offended Christ with thy smell: If thou eat not, but seem to taste, or touch the idolatrous sacrifices, gustu, tactu tuo Christum abnegasti, by thy taste, by thy touching thou hast denied Christ.  
4. Pappus here showeth five reasons, why the confession of the truth should be preferred before all dangers or perils whatsoever. 1. There are great promises, which are made to such as confess Christ here: he will confess them before his father in heaven, Matth. 10. 32. 2. Debitum animi grati, the debt of a thankful mind requireth this at our hands, that we should freely confess the name of God, of whom we receive so many benefits in token of our thankfulness. 3. The great dangers must be considered, which men by not confessing of Christ, do cast themselves into: they do hazard their own souls, Mark. 8. 35. He tha● (by this means) shall save his life, shall lose it: and Christ will deny him in heaven, that shall deny Christ in earth, Matth. 10. 33. 4. The utility of our brethren, and general good of the Church, which is edified and builded up by such examples of constancy, aught to encourage us. 5. And the singular examples of so many holy Martyrs and confessors of the truth, should embolden us. The jews when Petronius attempted to bring in Caesar's image into the Church, rather offered themselves to die, then to suffer it, joseph. lib. 18. c. 10, 11. Polycarpus when the Roman governor would have compelled him to swear by Caesar's fortune, openly withstood him, Euseb. lib. 4. c. 15. And a noble man of Nicomedia pulled down and rend in pieces the emperors edict set up against the Christians. Euseb. l. 8. c. 5.  
5. Here I can not omit that distinction of Calvine, of confession, that it is of two sorts, ●um palam testamur, quod est in animo, when we do publicly testify what is in our mind: and this is not always necessary: the other kind is, ne aliquod perversae simulationis signum demus, that we give not any perverse sign of dissimulation: and this must be perpetually observed: as Daniel here, though he doth not publicly proclaim his faith, yet by his gesture and behaviour he doth show it.   

4. Controv. That it is not lawful worshipping God to look toward an image.  
Because Daniel prayed looking toward jerusalem, the Romanists may infer, that it is as lawful to look toward an image, when they worship God: for, as they allege, they do not worship the image, but God represented by the image.  
1. To pray toward jerusalem was a ceremonial duty for those times: they looked that way toward the Temple, which was a type of Christ: as they looked toward the type and figure, so we must turn our eyes toward the body, that is, look up into heaven where Christ is. 2. They had a commandment to pray toward the Temple, and had a promise to be heard: but to worship God before an image is forbidden, and accursed, Deut. 27. 15. 3. We are not only forbidden in Scripture to worship any strange god, which is prohibited in the first commandment; but likewise it is unlawful to worship him in any other manner, than he himself hath prescribed, which thing is against the ●econd commandment.   

5. Controv. Against the Papists and Ubiquitaries that hold a carnal presence in the sacrament.  
As they offend which look toward an image, when they worship God: so likewise they that turn themselves with adoration toward the bread in the Eucharist, supposing there to be the bodily presence of Christ. In both these the Romanists are offenders. 1. Indeed if the humanity of Christ were corporally present, as they imagine, adoration were to be yielded unto it: As the Apostle saith, when he bringeth in his first begotten son into the world, he saith, and let all the Angels of God worship him: wheresoever Christ is present in his humanity, he is there to be worshipped. 2. Therefore the Ubiquitaries and Lutherans, which hold an omnipresence of Christ's flesh, and so affirm the same to be present in the Eucharist, and yet will not have it adored in the Sacramental bread, cannot justify with any show of reason this their assertion: for wheresoever Christ is, he is there to be adored and worshipped: neither need they to expect any new commandments (as they allege) far Thomas, as soon as he knew Christ to be him, whom he felt, he presently worshipped, saying, my Lord, and my God. 3. But as these are overseen, in not adoring Christ whom they hold to be present, to they both are in error to maintain a carnal presence, the one with adoration, the other without, which is a fancy of their own: for the Scripture only commendeth unto us Christ to be spiritually by faith eaten and drunken in the Sacrament: as our Blessed Savour himself, it is the spirit that quickeneth, the flesh profiteth nothing, the words that I speak unto you are spirit and life, john. 6. 63.   

6. Controv. Of the false suggestions of the Papists against Protestants.  
Like as these accusers of Daniel could find out no matter of accusation against him touching his life and office, but entrap him in his religion, and do bring him into danger for his sincerity and truth: and then they accuse him as a contemner of the king, and his decrees, v. 13. The very same course do the Papists take against the Protestants: whom they cannot touch with any crime of life, they wind in for their conscience in religion: and they call that heresy, which is the truth and piety: And then, when they obey not their wicked and impious decrees, they accuse them as rebels to the Prince: Thus are the servants of God handled in Italy and Spain: so that there, Omnia cum liceant, non licet esse pium, when all things else are lawful, it is not lawful to be godly, Polan.   

7. Controv. Of the unjust proceeding of the Romanists in their cruel inquisition, condemning the Protestants, their cause not being heard.  
v. 16. As Daniel was presently brought and cast into the lions den, it was sufficient to accuse him, he hath no liberty given him to answer for himself: Thus both under the Pagan Emperors of Rome were the Christians proceeded against, being not suffered to come to their answer: as appeareth in the Apology of justinus and Athenagoras: And this course the Spanish Inquisitors take in their cruel inquisitions against the Protestants to this day, condemning them in corners, and never bringing them to public answer, Polan.   

8. Controv. Of the practising of Popes against Princes.  
v. 21. O king live for ever. Daniel here prayeth for the life and prosperity of the king, who had unjustly persecuted him, and commanded him to be cast into the lions den: And S. Paul exhorteth that supplications should be made for Kings, who then were heathen and persecutors, 1. Tim. 2. 2. So the Christians used to pray for the heathen Emperors, wishing unto them vitam prolixam, imperium securum, domum tutam, exercitus fortes, Setum fidelem, a long life, a quiet Empire, a safe house, strong armies, a faithful Senate, a good people, etc. Tertull. in Apologet. c. 30.  
Contrary hereto hath been and yet is the practice of the Popes of Rome: they pray not for Princes, but rather seek to make a prey of them. They excommunicate princes, such as favour not their superstition, and stir up their subjects to rebellion against them. Gregor. 2. and 3. Leo. 3. did excommunicate the Emperors: Gregor. 7. waged battle against Henry the 4. he hired one to have brained him with a stone in the Church, but that the mischief was prevented, the beam being broken, and the stone falling down, which drew ●he murderer to the ground after it: Clemens the 5. practised to have poisoned Henry of Lucelburg the Emperor, in a consecrated host: Paschalis the 2. set Henry the 5. against Henry the 4. his father: Adrianus stirred up the Lombard's against Fredrick Barbarossa the Emperor, and betrayed him to the Sultan of Egypt: Such were the practices of late also of that bloody Sea, against our late renowned Sovereign, as in the conspiracy of Ballard with his confederates, and of Parrie incited by the counsel and gifts of the Cardinal of Coinie, to mu●ther our worthy Queen Elizabeth, Polan. And now since his majesty came unto the crown, first treacherous Watson, with his adherents attempted against the king's Royal person: and since, that miscreant crew, Catesby, Percy, Digbe, with their mates enterprised that monstrous attempt by gunpowder to have blown up the parliament house, and so at once to have made havoc of King, Queen, Prince, nobles, and the chief of the commons.   

9 Controv. Whether one is just before God by an inherent justice.  
v. 22. My justice was found out before him. It followeth not hereupon, because in this particular act Daniel was innocent before God, that therefore by any righteousness in us, we are justified before God: the justice whereby we are justified with God, is the righteousness of Christ imputed unto us by faith, and is not inherent in us, as the Apostle saith, that I may be found in him, not having mine own righteousness, which is of the law, but that which is through faith in Christ, Philip. 3. 10. Beside this justice which is unto eternal life, which is not inherent but imputed, there is, justitia temporaria, a temporary justice or righteousness which is our innocency and holiness, which is called our Sanctification, and this is inherent in us, the first is called, justitia personae, the righteousness of the person, which is justified by faith in Christ, the other is, justitia causae, the righteousness of our cause. See more of this question of inherent justice, Synops. Centur. err. 56.   

10. Controv. Whether daniel's innocency were the meritorious cause of his deliverance.  
According to the reading of the vulgar Latin, because my righteousness is found out before him, hence this collection is made by the Romanists, that daniel's innocency was the cause of his deliverance.  
Contra. 1. The word is not well translated, quia, or quoniam, because, but rather, propterea: therefore, as jun. and Polan. for so the words, col kebel di, may be translated: and then the meaning is, that this deliverance of Daniel was only a testimony of his innocency, and to show the goodness of his cause.  
2. But if it be translated, quia, because, it is not always taken as a causal, but as an illative particle, a word only of inference and consequence, as cap. 2. 43. whereas thou sawest iron mixed with clay, there the very same words are used, yet is it not there taken as a causal: for the king's vision and dream, was no cause of the things to come, which were revealed unto him: so Psal. 25. 11. David saith, be merciful unto mine iniquity, for it is great: the greatness of his sin was not the cause of forgiveness: this conjunction therefore always showeth not the cause.  
3. There is great difference between these two, for ones innocency to be found before God, and for the same innocency to merit: for to merit is required that a man should do some work, dignum compensatione, worthy of compensation: but innocency is not man's work, it is God's work in man: for if the innocency and goodness of the cause should deserve a temporal deliverance, than God should have dealt unjustly with many martyrs, which have not been temporally delivered, Polan.  
4. The cause then of daniel's deliverance, was indeed the faith of Daniel, as it followeth, v. 13. there was no hurt found upon him, because he believed in his God. And so the Apostle testifieth, Heb. 11. that Daniel by faith stopped the mouths of lions, & ex hac vera fide sequitur innocentia vitae, and out of this faith proceeded his innocency as a fruit thereof, Osiand, for otherwise without his faith, though this cause had been never so good, it should not have been accepted.  
5. Here also we must distinguish between eternal deliverance, and temporal: God delivereth us from everlasting death, not for any respect of any righteousness in us, but freely of his own grace he respecteth us in Christ: but in particular deliverances, Deus potest respicere uniuscuiusque justitiam, God may respect every one's righteousness, not as it is theirs, but as it is wrought in the by his spirit, Cal. So then as Melancthon saith, here are three things to be considered, saith whereby we are acceptable unto God: and so it is said here, that Daniel believed in his God: inchoata obedientia, our inchoate obedience, which is accepted with God, because we are justified by faith: & our righteousness, whereby we are just before men: both these are also here expressed in Daniel, my justice was found out before God, and unto thee O king have I done no hurt: To conclude then this point, a man's particular justice & innocency is rather an antecedent of his deliverance then a cause. And in some sort it may be said to be a cause also, yet not of itself, but as it concurreth with faith, for the which the Lord respecteth us, and our obedience, though imperfect in Christ, jun. in comment.   

11. Controv. That a general faith, called fides implicita, an implied faith, is not sufficient.  
v. 23. Because he believed in God: not as the Latin hath, he believed God, for in the text there is the preposition beth: And hereby is signified, not a general apprehension only, that God was true of his promises, and that he was the only true God, creator of heaven and earth: as the Romanists do affirm faith to be nothing else, but generally to believe, what soever is contained in the word of God to be true, Bellar. lib. 1. de iustifis. c. 4. But Daniel here so believed in God, that he committed himself with firm trust and assurance unto him, & in eius gratiam recubuit, he relied wholly upon his grace, Calvin. And so the Apostle describeth faith, Heb. 11. 6. He that cometh unto God, must believe that God is, and that he is a rewarder of them that seek him: this faith only apprehendeth not God in general, that he is, but is joined with a particular assurance, that he will reward his faithful servants, and bring them unto life. And so Pintus one of their own writers, very well resolveth upon this place, ut mea fert opinio, credere hoc loco est actus fidei, charitate formatae, plenae fiducia in Deum: as mine opinion is, to believe in this place is an act of faith, form (that is expressed) by charity, full of trust and confidence in God.    

6. Moral observations.  

1. Observat. Of God's providence that watcheth over his servants.  
Generally in this chapter, in that God delivered Daniel his faithful servant, from the rage of the lions, we see how Gods fatherly care watcheth and awaketh towards his servants: so Noah was saved from the waters, Let from the flames of Sodom, jeremy in the destruction of jerusalem▪ 
Plutarch in vit● Marcell.  We read that when the city of Syracus● was taken by M. Marcellus, which 〈…〉 that great Mathematician had defended a good while by his art and skill: of whom Marcellus gave charge, that he should be spared, yet he was slain by a soldier, as he was drawing of his lines, because he would not straightway follow him to their General, saying he would dispatch that, he had in hand, first: But God hath greater care of his, and continually protecteth them, Bulling.   

2. Observat. Of the monstrous sin of envy.  
v. 4. They sought occasion against Daniel. Envious men are always in excubijs, they are set in their watch, observing and marking other men's doings, to see if they can find any matter against them, Polan. 2. they are envious at other men's virtue, as here they cannot endure daniel's piety and sincerity: like as the hen scraping in the dunghill contemneth a pearl, and preferreth a barley curnell: and as the Sun beams are offensive to those, that are blear eyed: so is virtue a grief to the envious, Pintus. 3. The envious person, propriae utilitati est addictus, is addict to his own profit, neglecting the common good: as here these men seek to supplant Daniel, who was so necessary for the commonwealth. 4. And beside envy bringeth 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 most cruelly against daniel's life, Calvin. ● 5. The remedy against envy is 〈…〉 ourselves with innocence and integrity, as Daniel did, that the 〈◊〉 find 〈…〉 S. Peter saith, when they speak evil of us as of evil doers, they may be ashamed, which blame our good conversation in Christ, 1. Pet. 3. 16.   

3. Observ. We must not give over our profession, notwithstanding any danger objected.  
v. 10. Daniel though he knew of this bloody decree will not intermit calling upon God: so etiamsi centum mortes nobis occurrant, though an hundred deaths be set before us, we should not fall away from the true worship of God, Calvin. as S. Paul's excellent resolution was, Act. 2. 13. jam ready not only to be bound, but to die at Ier●salem for the name of the Lord jesus.   

4. Observ. Of continuing in prayer.  
v. 10. As Daniel prayed thrice a day, so thereby we are taught to persevere in prayer, according to S. Paul's rule, Rom. 12. 12. 1. Thess. 5. 17. for prayer is not available unless it be servant, jam. 5. 16. and fervent it cannot be, if we give over and faint in our prayers, and continue not.   

5. Observ. Of the terror of conscience.  
v. 18. The king remained fasting. The King's conscience was perplexed for this injustice showed toward Daniel: he careth neither for meat, delight, nor sleep: he had none in earth whom he needed to fear: but his conscience accuseth him before the great judge, that shall call even kings to account: As it is written of Theodoricus king of Italy, after he had caused B●etius and Symmachus to be unjustly beheaded, how within a few days after a fishes head being brought before him, he imagined he saw Symmachus head, and thereupon was stricken with horror of conscience, and not long after died: let us then labour for a good conscience, 
Pro. 15. 15.  which is as a continual feast. And here shall be an end of this first Book, which is as the first course and service in this feast.  
Praised be God.     

THE SECOND BOOK OF THIS COMMENTARY UPON THE DIVINE prophesy OF DANIEL: containing the second part thereof, consisting of the Prophecies and visions set forth in the six last Chapters: Wherein that mystical and Prophetical vision of the seventy weeks in the 9 Chapter, is handled at large, with the diverse Expositions thereof, and the approbation of the best.  
Printed by CANTRELL LEG, Printer to the University of Cambridge. 1610   

TO THE MOST EXCELLENT, VIRTUOUS, AND Right noble Prince; HENRY by the grace of God, Prince of Wales, and heir apparent to the most famous Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, his gracious Lord.  
RIght Noble Prince, it may seem strange to some, that I offer unto your princely view, in these your highness young and flourishing years, a Commentary upon the most difficult and obscure book of the old Testament: But I trust your Highness shall not think it unseasonable, to be acquainted with the mysteries of holy Scripture in this your princely youth: 
2. King. 24. 2.  As josias that godly king of judah, 
2. Chron. 34. 3.  at the sixteenth year of his age did set his heart to seek the Lord, and read unto his people out of the book of God: So did Honorius the young Emperor season his first years with true religion and piety: As Ambrose joineth them both together: Honorius iam pulsat adolescentiae fores, 
In obit. Theod. s.  provectior aetate quam josias, 
Hebrewe●. R. Saadiah. R. Levi. R. Ezra. R. Solomon. R. Moses.  Honorius now standeth at the next door to be a young man, somewhat elder than josias: S. Luke wrote his Gospel to noble Theophilus, which name is interpreted, one that loveth God: whereupon Ambrose thus noteth, si Deum diligis, ad te scriptum est, and if thou love God, it is written to thee. 
greeks. josephus. Origen. Theodoret. Oecumenius.   
Touching the obscurity of this book, it is such, as that it is tempered as well with variety of history to delight, as with profundity of mysteries to exercise the Reader: 
Latins. Ireneus. Tertullian. Eusebius. Hierome. Augustin●. Bernard. Rupertus. Lyraenus. Dionys. Carthu●.  as Augustine well saith of the Scripture in general, si nusquam aperta esset, non te pasceret, si nusquam occulta, non te exerceret, if it were no where plain and open, it would not feed thee, if no where obscure, it would not exercise thee.  
This part of the Treatise I have presumed to offer to your Highness, as the former part I was bold to present to his Majesty. 
New writers. Protestants. Melancthon. Oecolampad. Calvin. Pelican. Osiander. Pappus. Fulke. Napeir. H. Brough. Polanus. Genevens.  This prophecy treateth chiefly of the alteration and change of States and Kingdoms: of the honour and prosperity of good Kings, and of the ruin and bad success of hard and cruel Potentates: here we have the most clear prophecy in the Old Testament of the Messiah the Prince of Princes. These are subjects fit for Prince's meditations, and matter meet for noble spirits to be occupied in.  
I have omitted no means (to my power) to help to furnish this matter: I have therein abridged the best Commentaries, and Writers both old and new, as they are set down in the margin: 
Romanists. Hug. Cardin. Caietan. Arias Ma●●. Vatablu●. Pererius. Pintu●. Rhemists, with others.  and some of them, which were decennali cur a elaborati, with ten years travel set forth, as Pererius confesseth in his Epistle Dedicatory. This labour I have undertaken, not so much to redeem the time, which otherwise might be misspent: for as Seneca saith, maxima pars vitae elabitur male agentibus, magna nihil agentibus, tota aliud agentibus, the greatest part of a man's life passeth away in doing evil, a great part in doing of nothing, and almost the whole, in doing other things than we should: neither herein do I expect any terrene reward or recompense: The heathen Orator could say, 
4. 〈◊〉.  Nullam mercedem virtus, quam hanc laudis gloriaeque desiderat, virtue desireth no other reward then praise and glory: not that vain praise of men in this life, which they hunted for, having no knowledge of God: but the praise of God in the next world: I chiefly then have propounded to myself the profit of the Church of God: for as every one that liveth in the commonwealth, aught to seek the good thereof: so every member of the Church should labour some way or other, for the edifying of the whole: If any mislike my diligence in writing, as this age wanteth not carpers, I much pass not for their unfriendly censure, so that I may do good to others: and here I may say again with the Orator, 
〈…〉.  Malui multis post diebus sententiam meam laudari, quam à multis hody reprehendi, I had rather that my endeavour many days hereafter should be commended, then now of a few reprehended. I have heretofore exercised my pen in handling of controversies against the common adversary, and as I was provoked, have written also in mine own defence, both against foreign enemies, 
〈…〉  and some domestical: But now, those occasions being if not altogether removed, yet somewhat intermitted, I have propounded unto myself this course in the explaining of Scripture: In which kind, as heretofore I have exhibited to your Highness a brief and compendiarie Treatise upon some part of Scripture, 
Harmony upon the 1. of Samuel.  so now I make amends with a larger Commentary, whereof your princely piety, virtue, clemency (of the which of late I have had particular experience) do promise and even assure me of your gracious acceptance: I then in sign of my duty and thankfulness, together with these my labours, do offer myself, and my best service to your Highness: whom I beseech God so to bless and increase with all spiritual and princely gifts, that the age following may say of your Highness, as Ambrose of Honorius after the decease of that good Emperor Theodosius, 
Ambros. in obit. Theodos.  Tantus Imperator recessit à nobis, sed non totus excessit, reliquit enim nobis liberos suos, in quibus debemus eum agnoscere.  
Your highness ready to be commanded in all duty and service; ANDREW WILLET.   

CHAP. VII.  

1. The Argument and Method.  
THis Chapter containeth, 1. a vision of four beasts rising out of the Sea: 2. the interpretation thereof.  
1. In the vision, 1. are set forth certain circumstances, of the time, when, the person, to whom this vision was showed, and the manner how, v. 1, 2. 2. the matter of the vision, which is, 1. of the four beasts, of their flourishing and prosperous estate, to v. 9 then of the judgement of God against them, v. 15.  
The beasts are described, 1. in general, v. 3. by the efficient cause, the winds blue; by the number, they are four; by the place, they came out of the Sea; by their quality, they were one divers from an other.  
2. In particular. 1. the three beasts are briefly set forth, v. 4, 5, 6. which are every one expressed, 1. by their similitude or resemblance, by their parts, and by their events. 2. the fourth beast is described in general, by the quality, it was fearful and strong, the parts, it had iron teeth, and ten horns, and by the effects, it devoured, etc. then the little horn is particularly set forth. 1. by the quality of it and the place, it was a little one, and came up among the other horns. 2. by the effects, it plucked away three other horns. 3. by the parts, the eyes and mouth.  
2. The second part of the vision is of the judgement. 1. the manner and form, see the parts thereof, quest. 30. following. 2. the effects, which are two, 1. in the destruction of the fourth beast, v. 11. and of the other with it, v. 12. 2. in setting up the kingdom of Christ, where 1. his person is described, 1. by his name, the Son of man. 2. by the place, in the clouds. 3. by his authority, he approached to the Ancient of days. 2. his kingdom is described by the universality of it, all nations shall serve him: and the eternity, it shall be for ever.  
2. The interpretation followeth. 1. the manner first is showed how he came by the interpretation of it, v. 15, 16. An Angel declared it. 2. then the interpretation itself is set down. 1. of the beasts. 2. of the judgement. The beasts are expounded in general, v. 17. then in particular, the fourth beast: where is first a repetition of the vision, v. 19 to 23. then the declaration, 1. of the fourth beast, v. 23. 2. of the ten horns, v. 24. 3. of the little home, what it shall do, it shall rage against kings, against God, against his people: and how long, v. 25.  
Then the judgement is set forth by the two effects thereof, the destruction of all other kingdoms, and the advancing of the kingdom of Christ, v. 26, 27.  
The conclusion followeth, which showeth the effect of this vision in Daniel by these three operations. 1. his perplexed cogitations. 2. the change of his countenance. 3. his deep meditation, I kept it in mine heart.   

2. The text with the diverse readings.  
1▪ In the first (one. C.) year of Belshatzar king of Babel, Daniel saw a dream, and visions of his head (were G. B.) upon his bed: then he wrote the dream, and declared the sum (the head. C.) of the matter.  
2 Daniel spoke, and said, (L. det.) I saw in my vision by night, and behold, the four winds of heaven strove (did fight, C.) upon, (or in, I.) the great Sea:  
3 And four great beasts came up from the Sea, divers one from an other (this from that. C.)  
4 The first was as a Lion (lioness. L. cor.) and had eagles wings: I beheld, till the wings thereof were plucked off, and it was lifted up from the earth, V. A. B. G. (better, then taken away from the earth, L. S. for the Chaldean Monarchy hereby expressed, was not utterly dissolved: or by the which (wings) it was lifted from the earth, I. Pol. for the decaying state of this Monarchy is signified: and the meaning is, that whereas it had before eagle's wings, and did soa●e aloft, it could now scarce heave or carry itself from the ground) and set (caused to stand. C.) upon his feet, as a man▪ and a man's heart was given him.  
5 And behold an other beast, the second was like unto a bear, and it stood upon one side (it stood on part, L. det. it erected one dominion. I. B. but the other reading is the better, see q●. 14. following) and he had three ribs (three orders. L. three morfels, V.) in his mouth between his teeth, and they said thus unto him, Arise and devour much flesh.  
6 After this I beheld, (I was seeing. C.) and lo, there was an other like a leopard, and it had four wings of a foul upon his back, (upon him, L.) and dominion was given him.  
7 After this I saw in the visions of the night, (by night. B. G.) and behold, the fourth beast was fearful and terrible, and exceeding (marvelously, B. very, G. too strong. L.) strong: and it had great iron teeth, it devoured, and broke in pieces, and stamped the residue under his feet: and it was divers from (unlike to. L. B. G. but the preposition (min) signifieth from) the beasts that were before it: and it had ten●e horns.  
8 I considered the horns, and behold the last horn being little 1 (an other little horn, caeter, but (achari) signifieth the last, as well as an other) did come up among them, and three of the first horns were plucked away before it, and behold eyes as the eyes of a man, were in this horn, and a mouth speaking presumptuous things (great things. C.)  
9 I beheld, till the thrones were set up, (taken away. I. V. but the words following, which describe Gods glorious sitting in his throne, do confirm rather the first reading) and the Ancient of days did sit, whose garment was white as snow, and the hair of his head like pure wool: his throne was like the flame of fire, and the wheels thereof (that is, of his throne: for so the use was for Prince's thrones to be set upon wheels) as burning fire.  
10 A stream of fire issued, and came forth from before him: thousand thousands ministered unto him, and ten thousand times ten thousand (not ten thousand thousand. B. G. or ten thousand times an hundred thousand. L. S. the word is (rhibo) which signifieth ten thousand, in the which sense (rebobah) is taken, Levit. 26. 8.) stood before him: the judgement was set, and the books opened.  
11 Then I beheld from the time that the voice of presumptuous words begun, I. V. (from the voice of presumptuous words. C. because of the voice of presumptuous words, caeter. but the preposition (min) signifieth (from) which the horn spoke: I beheld, until (not, because. L.) the beast was slain, and his body destroyed, and given to be brent in the fire. B. (unto the burning of the fire. C.)  
12 And of the rest of the beasts there dominion was taken away, (they had taken away, C.) but their lives were prolonged (a length or space in life was given them) for a time and season (a time and time. L. A. but there are two divers words used in the original.)  
13 I beheld in the visions of the night, and behold with the (in the. V. B. G. but the preposition signifieth with) clouds of heaven one like the Son of man coming: and he approached unto the Ancient of days, and they presented him before him.  
14 And dominion was given him, I. V. S. (he gave him dominion. L. B. G. but the verb is of the passive signification) and honour, and a kingdom, that all people, nations, and languages should serve him: his dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall not fail (pass away. C. shall not be taken away. L. B. G.) and his kingdom is that, which shall not be destroyed (corrupted. C.)  
15 My spirit was troubled (pierced. C.) yea I Daniel in the mids of my body, V. (ay Daniel was troubled in spirit in the mids. B. G. L.) and the visions of my head made me afraid:  
16 I came then unto one of the standers by, and asked him the truth of all this: so he told me, and showed me (made me to understand. C.) the interpretation of these things.  
17 These great beasts, which are four, are four kings (not kingdoms, L. S. yet that is the meaning) which shall arise out of the earth.  
18 And they shall take the kingdom of the most high Saints (not the most high Saints shall take the kingdom. L. V. and it is better read, the most high Saints, V. I. then Saints of the most high. L. B. G. for the word (high) is in the original in the plural number) and they, (that is the Saints, see qu. 48.) shall possess the kingdom for ever, yea for ever, and ever.  
19 After this I desired (or wished, I.) to know the truth concerning the fourth beast which was so divers from (unlike to, B. G.) all these, exceeding fearful, whose teeth were of iron, and his nails of brass: he devoured, and broke in pieces, and stamped the residue under his feet.  
20 Also concerning the ten horns, which were in his head, and of the last, jun. (the other, caeter. see before, v. 8.) which came up, and three horns fell before it: of this horn (I say) which had eyes, and a mouth speaking presumptuous things, whose look was more stout (great, C.) than his fellows.  
21 I beheld, and the same horn made battle with (against, L. B. G.) the Saints, and prevailed against them.  
22 Until the Ancient of days came, and judgement was given unto the most high Saints: (Saints of the most high, L. S. see before, v. 18.) and the time approached, that the Saints possessed the kingdom.  
23 Thus also he said, The fourth beast shall be the fourth kingdom in the earth, which shall be divers from (unlike to. B. G. greater then. L. S.) all the kingdoms, and shall devour the whole earth, and shall tread it down, and break it in pieces.  
24 And ten horns out of this kingdom (that is, ten kings shall arise: and the last (I. Br. an other. L. S. V. see before, v. 8.) shall rise up after them, and he shall be divers from the former (not greater. L. or shall over come all the evil, that were before him. S.) and he shall subdue three kings,  
25 And he shall speak words against the most high (better then on the side, or behalf of the most high. A. or of divine things. V. the word (letzad) here signifieth against) and shall consume (not deceive. S.) the Saints of the most high, and he shall think that he may change times and the law, (laws, L. S.) and they shall be delivered into his hand, V. L. (by his hand. I.) until a time, and times and the dividing of time. (a long time or a short. V. the half of time. L. a part of time. I. pelag signifieth a part or division.)  
26 But the judgement shall sit, and they shall take away his dominion, in consuming and destroying it I. (to consume and destroy it. B. G.) unto the end.  
27 And the kingdom and dominion, and the greatness of the kingdoms (not kingdom, L. B. G. for the word is in the plural, nor of the kings. S.) shall be given to the people of the high Saints, A. V. B. (the people of the Saints of the most high. L. the most holy people of the most high. G. but the word (galonin) is in the plural, and answereth to Saints) whose kingdom is an everlasting kingdom, and all powers shall serve and obey it. B. (him. G. that is, the people before spoken of.)  
28 Hitherto the end of these words (of this matter hitherto. V. or, this is the end of the matter. G.) even me Daniel many cogitations troubled V. (troubled me. C. à pleonasm●s. better: then as for me Daniel, many cogitatious troubled me. Pol. or I Daniel had many cogitations, which troubled. B. G. for here many words are inserted not in the original) and my countenance changed in me: but I kept the words (the matter. G.) in mine heart.   

3. The questions and doubts discussed.  

1. Quest. Of the order observed by Daniel, in the setting down of these visions.  
This vision contained in this chapter, being showed unto Daniel in the first year of Balthasar, who was the last king of the Chaldeans, and before Darius, under whom that miracle fell out, in daniel's deliverance from the lions, c. 6. is a manifest argument that the former story is transposed; this vision in time coming before it, yet in order being placed after it: the reasons hereof are these. 1. Theodoret saith, that in the former six chapters, historico more prophetiam conscripsit, he writ the prophecy after an historical manner, showing what things happened under Nebuchadnezzer, Balthasar, Darius; but in the six chapters following, he setteth down those predictions, quas● per divinam revelationem doctus est, which he was taught by divine revelation. 2. Hierome doth add further, that in the former chapters Daniel historically setteth down, quid mirabilium signorum acciderit, etc. what memorable signs happened under these kings; but in the rest of this book he declareth such visions, quarum solus propheta conscius est, which the Prophet only was privy unto himself. 3. Hugo giveth this reason: the things before historically rehearsed, tempore suo impleta sunt, were such as were fulfilled in daniel's time; but these here following were visiones futurorum, visions of things to come to pass afterward. 4. Further, in the former histories God had appointed Daniel, interpretem & magistrum profanis regibus, an interpreter and teacher unto the profane kings: nunc praefecit Ecclesiae doctorem, now he set him up as an instructor of his Church, Calvin. 5. The former histories and miracles showed the calling of Daniel, and the confirmation thereof by signs and miracles: in these chapters Daniel exerciseth his vocation and function, in his prophetical visions, jun. 6. Lyranus beside the reason before touched, that the former visions were partly historical, partly prophetical, and therefore were set down together, but these visions are mere propheticae, merely prophetical; assigneth also this reason, that the former visions belong unto the first coming of Christ, and therefore are set together: these following concern his second coming: but this is not so, for c. 9 there is a manifest prophecy of the first coming of the Messiah, and the very time is described: and though mention be made by the way (as it were) of the resurrection, and the final judgement, c. 12. yet the visions are principally intended to foretell such things, as should befall the Church of the jews before the first coming of the Messiah.   

2. Quest. Of the visions which follow in general.  
1. Bullinger reduceth all the visions following unto four, making the visions in the 3. last chapters but one: for it is a continuance of the same prophecy: wherein the condition of the Church is described under the state of the Persians and Grecians, especially under Antiochus Epiphanes. c. 11. 2. Lyranus maketh five visions of them, thus distinguishing them: the first, c. 7. significat (ultimae) tribulationis totalem processum, signifieth the total proceeding in the last tribulation of (that) Church: the second, c. 8. which treateth of the combat between the Persians and Grecians, designat ●iusdem tribulationis principalem conflictum, doth design the principal conflict of that tribulation: the third, c. 9 which prophesieth of the coming of the Messiah: and so, designat eiusdem tribulationis solatium, it showeth the comfort in the same tribulation: the fourth vision is of the man which appeared, prophesying of the deliverance of the people, & designat eiusdem tribulationis terminum, and showeth the end of that tribulation, c. 10. the fifth is of the victory of Christ under the sign and figure of the king of the South, and the king of the North, & designat eiusdem tribulationis triumphum, it setteth forth the triumph over that tribulation. c. 11. But, as is showed before, the same vision is contained and continued, c. 10, 11, 12. 3. This vision in this chapter is general of the state of the four Monarchies, which afterward are particularly described: like as Cosmographers in the description of the world, do first set forth a general map of the whole world, and then particular tables of several countries: the same order Daniel observeth in these visions: in the 7. chapter, he is informed concerning the general condition and state of the four kingdoms: then in the 8. followeth a particular narration of the Persian and Grecian Monarchy: and in the 11. chap. a more large description of particular accidents under the divided kingdoms of the Grecians, one of the South, the other of the North. Bulling.  
4. The sum then of these visions following is this. 1. The state of the Church of the jews is described, how they shall suffer much affliction under the four Monarchies, but especially under the fourth. 2. But the affliction shall be but for a time, it shall end at the coming of the Messiah: who shall of many be refused, and put to death, whereupon shall follow the destruction of jerusalem, and dissolution of the levitical state● 3. And then Christ at his second coming shall perfect all: the dead shall rise, some unto life, some unto everlasting condemnation.   

3. Quest. Of visions in general.  
1. Two ways did the Lord reveal himself unto his servants, either by oracle and lively voice, as he spoke to Moses face to face, Numb. 12. 6. or by vision; wherein certain representations and similitudes of things were exhibited for the more lively demonstration of that thing which was revealed: in which visions sometime the truth itself of things to come was simply manifested without any other shadow, as Ezek. 40. sometime under the similitude of beasts and other things, demonstration was made, as here, c. 7, 8.  
2. Visions were showed either unto men waking, or sleeping: and being waking they either saw them with their eyes, as Abraham was bid to behold the stars, for so should his ●eede be in multitude, Gen. 15. 5. or in the mind, as in a trance: such was the vision of the 〈◊〉 cornered sheet which Peter saw, Act. 10.  
●. And visions also were declared unto men by dream, when they were a sleep in the 〈◊〉 as unto jacob was showed while he slept, that vision of the ladder, Gen. 28.  
〈◊〉. This vision which Daniel saw was of both kinds: it was both a dream, and a vision: 〈◊〉 showed unto Daniel partly in his sleep, and partly being awake: God did give a blessing unto daniel's religious care to know the vision, visione redintegrans id ipsum, quod 〈◊〉 per somnum exhibuerat, renewing the same thing by vision, which he had exhibited before by dream, Inn.   

Quest. 4. Of the time when this vision was re●●aled unto Daniel.  
V. 1. In the first year● of Belshazzar, etc. 1. ●ererius saith that this first year of Belshazzar, whom he supposeth to have reigned 17. years, was 18. years before the deliverance of Israel out of captivity, which was the 54. year of their captivity, and from the building of Rome, the 176● year, when ●●quinius Priscus was king of the Romans: But Pe●●●ius in this reckoning committeth diverse errors. 1. Belshazzar reigned not 17. years, but three years only: as hath been showed before, cap. 5. quest. 51. 2. the 54. year of the captivity was indeed the 18. year before their deliverance, but the first year of Belshazzar was in the 68 year of their captivity, 3. year before they were delivered. 3. the 54. year of the captivity did concur with the 190. year after the building of Rome, in the reign of Servius Tullius, not of Tarqvinius Priscus, as Bullinger well collecteth in his tables.  
2. Pelanus also is deceived, which thinketh that this vision in the first year of Belshazar, was 17. years before the end of the captivity, for so long he thinketh Belshazar to ●●ue reigned: which was in the 34●9. year from the beginning of the world, and 552. before the coming of Christ: But three years only must be allowed unto Belshazar: Berosus giveth unto him but 5. years, as M●t●she●es reporteth him in his book de judicio temporum: and the 17. year before the captivity ended, was according to Bullinger● account, in the year of the world 3408. H. Br. in his account much varieth for the year of the world, making the first year of Belshazar to fall into the year 3407. In these accounts there is great uncertainty, every one following his own conjecture.  
3. Herein therefore I approve rather Bullingers' judgement, that this first year of Belshazar, was only three years before the 70. years ended: for Daniel maketh mention only of the third year of Belshazar, c. 8. 1. and now the time of their deliverance approached, and was near at hand, Oecolamp.   

Quest. 5. Why the vision of the four Monarchies is again revealed unto Daniel, being showed before to Nabuchadnezzar, cap. 2.  
1. The vision which Nabuchadnezzar saw was more obscure, aspiciunt quidem aliquid impij, sed in caligine, ut nihil distinguant, the wicked indeed see somewhat, but darkly, they cannot distinctly perceive any thing: This vision which Daniel hath of the same thing is more distinct and manifest, Calvin.  
2. another reason of this repetition, is for more certainty: as Pharaoh had two dreams signifying the same thing, ut firmitatis indicium sit r●petiti● illa, that the repeating thereof might be a token of the firmness and certainty, Pap. & ●ine nova repetitione non tam attenti essent judaei, etc. without a renewing of that vision, the jews would not have been so attended unto the prophecies, Calvin.  
3. Beside, it was requisite, that Belshazar and his people, the times being now much declined, should be admonished, as Nabuchadnezzar was: and therefore this vision is only written in the Chalde, that they might be without excuse: the rest of the visions following are not imparted unto them, because the Chaldees went on in their impiety, and showed themselves obstinate, jun. in comment.  
4. And in respect of the people of God, it was necessary, that the same vision in substance should be revealed, now upon the point of their deliverance, that they should not promise unto themselves a quiet state, no not after they were come o●t of captivity, but should know, that still they must be exercised under affliction, Calvin, Genevens.   

Quest. 6. What manner of vision this was which Daniel here had, and how it was revealed.  
1. This prophetical vision was two ways showed unto Daniel, first by a dream, which was sent of God; and then this vision was revealed unto him again being awake: he saw it in his mind, Polanus. and therefore he calleth them the visions of his head: composita & sobria mente ab ipso visa, they were seen and perceived of the Prophet with a sober and well advised mind, Bulling, therefore he saith, I saw a dream, he porceived and understood: Nabuchadnezzar had a dream, but he understood it not, Calvin.  
2. This dream came in the night: which signifieth as Pelican▪ quod annuntiantur gravia, that many heavy things are declared; for the night is taken in Scripture for tribulation: But this rather was the meetest time for such visions, when the mind was freest from all other encumbrances: and when the external senses are quiet, facilius recipitur cognitto supernaturalium, the knowledge of supernatural things is more easily received, Lyran.  
3. This vision Daniel committeth to writing: some think, eum repent exilijsse ex lecto, that he of a sudden leapt out of his bed, lest he should forget the dreame● but that is a frivolous collection: hereby is signified, that Daniel knowing that this things was revealed unto him, not for himself, but for the general use of the Church, committeth the same to writing, Calvin. And where it is said. Daniel spoke and said, this is to be understood of the writing, as is evident in the first verse; he wrote the dream, and declared the sum of the matter, that is, in writing.   

Quest. 7. What is meant by the four winds which strove together upon the Sea.  
1. Hierome by these four winds understandeth the good Angels, who are compared to the winds in three respects. 1. for their celerity. 2. because they are invisible. 3. and are known only of us by their effects, as the winds are: and these good Angels do strive for the good of those several countries, over the which they are set: as the Angel which was precedent of Chaldea, laboured that the jews might remain still in captivity for the instruction of the Chaldeans: the Angel of the Hebrews, endeavoured that they might be delivered: But, neither have the good Angels such special regiments assigned unto them, neither are their endeavours contrary each unto other, neither do any of them labour against the people of God, but they do all minister for the elects sake.  
2. Albertus Magnus (so also Hugo, Lyranus,) understandeth here the evil Angels, which are said to fight and strive, because they stir up men to strife and contention: but these are called the winds or spirits of heaven, which title is not given unto evil Angels.  
3. Pererius by these four principal winds which do blow from the 4. corners of the earth, would have signified the 4. Monarchies, whereof one was in the North, an other in the South, one West, another East: But the four Monarchies and kingdoms are understood by the four beasts, which rise out of the Sea.  
4. Theodoret understandeth by these winds, the great commotions and perturbations, quae in exortu cuiusque monarchiae extiterant, which were raised in the beginning of every Monarchy: for Darius and Cyrus by tumult of war overcame Balshazar: so did Alexander the great the last Darius of Persia: And thus the Monarchies were translated not without great vexation and trouble: so also Bullinge●, Osiander. but these stirs and commotions follow upon the rising of these beasts, as procured by them: these winds go before, and bring forth these beasts.  
5. Pelican by the winds understandeth the afflictions and persecutions of the Church: but these beasts were the causes of these afflictions: the winds go before, and are the causes of their coming forth.  
6. Calvin thinketh that Daniel, similitudinem notam ominibus assumit, both take a similitude well known unto all: for the winds do not blow so much upon the solid earth, as upon the liquid Sea: by this similitude he showeth that the world shall be like a troublesome Sea.  
7. junius thinketh that mention is made of the winds, quia Deus solitus est servos su●s praemisso ventorum impetu praeparare, because God useth to prepare his servants by sending the winds before, when they receive any visions as Elias was so prepared, 1. King. 19  
8. But beside these allusions, specially by these words is expressed the ministry of the Angels, who are compared to winds, Psal. 104. 4. which maketh the spirits or winds his messengers, so revel. 7. 1. the four Angels are said to hold the four winds of the earth, that they should not blow: not that particular countries are assigned to the custody of Angels; which conceit is refuted before: but hereby is signified, that the Angels are like the winds dispersed every where in the world, as ministers of Gods will, jun. Polan.  
9 Now whereas it is expounded afterward what the beasts signify, v. 17. but not what the words betoken, the reason is, the harder and hidden things are expounded, and some things are pretermitted, tanquam per se manifesta, as manifest of themselves, Oecolamp.   

Quest. 8. Of the description of these beasts in general.  
1. The cause is set forth, which raiseth up these beasts, the winds, which signify the ministering spirits, which are as swift as the winds to expedite the business committed unto them.  
2. The place or subject is expressed, where these winds blow and work, the world, which is compared unto a Sea, in respect of the turbulent and changeable state thereof.  
3. Then followeth a description of the effect, the bringing forth of these beasts, which are described, 1. by their number, they are four. 2. they are great. 3. by the manner, they ascend, by degrees these terrene Monarchies attained to their power and strength. 4. by the matter, they all came out of the Sea, they are all terrene and earthly. 5. by their fashion and form, they are one unlike an other.   

Quest. 9 Why the kings and kingdoms of the earth are likened unto beasts.  
1. In that kings are resembled unto beasts, it is not spoken in disgrace of the honourable calling of Magistrates, which is the ordinance of God: and in these Monarchies there were some good Princes, as Cyrus, Artaxerxes, which favoured the people of God: 2. But because many of those great kings were Tyrants, and oppressed the people of God, they are termed beasts: as Hierome saith, regnorum feritas bestiarum nomine demonstratur, the cruelty of those kingdoms is showed by the name of beasts. 3. So that which is essential in the calling of princes, namely, the institution and ordinance of God, is not here signified, but that which is accidental in them, the abuse of their government, which proceedeth not from the institutor, or institution, but from themselves, Calvin. Polan.   

Quest. 10. Of the agreement between this vision of the 4. beasts, and that of the image showed to Nabuchadnezzar, cap. 2.  
1. As there the king saw a great image, so here the Prophet nameth a great Sea. 2. here four beasts came up, and there the image is compounded of four metals, gold, silver, brass, and iron, which represent the four great Monarchies and kingdoms. 3. as there the iron and clay feet had their toes, which in number are ten, so the last beast here hath ten horns, v. 7. 4. there the kingdoms are likened to an image, and here they come out of the Sea, to show the mutable and changeable state of the world. 5. there a stone cut out of the mountain without hands, breaketh the image in pieces: here also one like the son of man taketh upon him the kingdom, rule, and dominion, Oecolamp. ex Euseb.  
But yet herein is the difference between these two visions. 1. both in respect of the manner: that which is but there obscurely propounded, is here more evidently handled, jun. commentar. 2. and of the person: There Nabuchadnezzar had a dream, but understood nothing: here Daniel seeth a dream, he hath a revelation in his dream, and the illumination of mind withal to understand it, Calvin.   

Quest. 11. Of the first beast representing the Chaldean Monarchy.  
Concerning this Monarchy two things are declared. 1. The flourishing state. 2. and then the declining thereof.  
For their prosperous state, they are compared unto the lion and the eagle. 1. The vulgar Latin readeth a lioness, whereupon Hierome noteth two properties in the Chaldean Monarchy, ingentem ferociam & libidinem, their fierceness and intemperate lust: for the lioness is more fierce than the lion, and very insatiable and intemperate, not only coupling with the Lion, but with the Hyena, and the Pardus, whereof cometh that mixed kind of the Leopard: but the word here used, arieh, signifieth a lion, not a lioness: therefore that note hath no ground, which the ordinar. gloss. borroweth out of Hierome, that for cruelty this Monarchy is compared to a lioness, rather than to a lion.  
2. There are divers names given unto lions according to their age, ghur, is a lions whelp, chephir, a young lion, ghur shacal, a middle lion, laish, an old lion, labi, a decrepit lion.  
3. The Chaldeans are resembled to a lion, as Theodoret thinketh, because it was both the most ancient, and first of all, and it continued longest, almost a 1300. years, as Diodorus, and Ctesias G●idius write: but rather this comparison is made to show both the magnanimity and courage of them, as likewise withal, their cruelty and rage: In the image, c. 2. the Chaldean state is compared unto gold, and here to a lion, which is the most excellent and heroical beast: thus also the Prophets resemble the Chaldeans to a lion, Isa. 5. 29. jerem. 4. v. 7.  
4. By the Eagles wings is signified the great celerity and swiftness of the Chaldeans in their conquests and victories: so also do the other Prophets liken the Chaldeans to a swift Eagle, jerem. 48. v. 40. Esech. 17. v. 3. by the two wings, are understood, the Babylonian and Assyrian state, which now were both joined together, by the which this Monarchy was carried aloft above all others: Melanct. Osiand.  
Then followeth a description of their declining estate, in these four degrees. 1. the wings are pulled away: their dexterity and courage is taken from them: t●e Chaldeans gave themselves to idleness and pleasure: likewise the Persians pulled their wings, when they stripped them at once of all their dignity and government. 2. then it was reared from the earth: whereas they did fly aloft before, now it can scarce lift up the head from the ground: the Latin readeth it was taken from the earth: but the Chaldean state remained still after their wings were pulled, it was not utterly dissolved. 3. than he was set upon his feet as a man: they could no longer fly with Eagles wings, but stood upon the ground as other ordinary and private men. 4. and a man's heart was given him: they became timorous and fearful, in so much that when the city was besieged, the Babylonians durst not look out at their gates, jun. comment. the Babylonians were tributary to the Persians, and were their servants to till their ground, and saluted them as their masters when they met them: they also maintained Cyrus' garrison in Babylon: and so they which were lords before, became as ordinary private men, Polan. ex Xenophon.  
Aben Ezra, and Hippolytus do expound this of Nabuchadnezzar: Lyranus also, and the ordinar. gloss. do not mislike that interpretation, which Hugo. Car. and Osiander also follow; how his wings were clipped, and his pride abated, when he became as a bruit beast, deprived of his reason and understanding: and when he was restored to his understanding, he was as set upon his feet, and had a man's heart given him again, whereas he had a beasts heart before till 7. years were passed: But because this is a description of the whole state and Monarchy, and Nabuchadnezzar was at this time dead, the former interpretation is better.   

Quest. 12. Where the Chaldean Monarchy here described must take beginning.  
1. Some think that the Assyrian Monarchy began in Nimrod, and so continued as Diodorus Siculus thinketh a 1300. years, unto Sardanapalus: who was the last king of the Assyrians, and against whom conspired Arbaces a Mede, and Phul Belochus the governor of Babylon, at such time as jotham reigned in judea, and Pekah in Israel: But exception may be made hereunto. 1. although Nimrod were mighty in his time, 
Gen. 14. 1. 5.  and reigned in Babel, yet not long after in Abraham's time, Chedorlaomer king of Elam or Persia, was greater than Amraphel king of Shinar, or Babylon, for Sodom and Gomorrha were subjects to the king of Elam. 2. Herodotus counteth but 520. years for the whole time of the Assyrian Monarchy unto Sardanapalus. Pap. But whether the Assyrian Monarchy continued so long, or not, we are not here to fetch the beginning thereof so far for the application of this vision: for it is evident, that Daniel hath special reference to the state of that Monarchy then present.  
2. Eusebius thinketh that these Monarchies are here understood, unto the which the jews were subject 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
de praepar. evang. c. 15.  from the times of this Prophet. And this seemeth the most probable, that this vision should begin from the reign of Nabuchadnezzar: for so in the vision of the image, c. 2. Nabuchadnezzar is expounded by Daniel, to be the head of gold, the first Monarchy.  
3. Pappus beginneth the Assyrian and Chaldean Monarchy from the time of Sardanapalus: after whom the kingdom was divided: Arbac●s had Media and Persia, and Phul Beloch Chaldea and Assyria. 1. The first king then of the Chaldeans and Assyrians after the division of the Empire, was this Phul, who is supposed to have reigned 48. years: to him Menahem king of Israel paid a 1000 talents of silver which was imposed upon him, 2. king. 15. 19 2. Next unto him was Tiglath Peleser, who overcame Pekah king of Israel, and carried captive all the land of Nepthali on this side jordan, and all the country beyond, into Asshur, 2. king. 15. 29. he helped Ahaz king of judah against Pekah king of Israel, and Rezin king of Aram, 2. king. 16. 7. he is said to have reigned 23. years. 3. Then succeeded Sa●manazar, who overcame Hoshea king of Israel, and took Samaria, and carried away the people captive, 2. king. 17. 3. 6. he reigned 11. years. 4. Senacherib followed, who besieged jerusalem in the time of Hezekiah, and lost of his army in one night by the stroke of an Angel an 185000. men: to him are given but 7. years. 5. Senacherib being slain by his sons, Asarchaddon his son succeeded, 2. king. 19 37. who reigned 10. years. 6. About this time it seemeth that the Chaldeans overcame the Assyrians, and Berodach Baladan, that sent presents to Hezekiah to congratulate for his recovery, 2. king. 20. 12. had the whole Empire, who is held to have reigned 40. years. 7. Next to him was Ben Merodah who reigned 21. years. 8. Nabuchadnezzer the Elder followed, who overcame Egypt, whom josephus affirmeth to have reigned but 21. years: but it is gathered that he reigned 35. years. Bulling. Pap. 9 After him was Nabuchadnezzer the Great▪ who reigned 45. years: he carried away jechoniah prisoner in the 8. year of his reign, and afterwards took jerusalem, and put out Zedekiahs' eyes, and bound him in chains. 11. After him reigned Euilmerodach his son, who took jechoniah out of prison in the 37. year of his captivity and imprisonment, 2. king. 25. 27. 12. The last of this race was Belshazzar, in the third year of whose reign was Babylon taken by Darius and Cyrus. Thus Bullinger and Pappus set down the succession of the kings of Assyria and Babylon.  
4. But the Chaldean Monarchy in this vision reacheth not so high, as either to the division of the Empire after Sardanapalus, or the alteration of the kingdom under Berodach Baladan: Daniel only describeth the state of the Monarchy in his time, beginning at Nabuchadnezzer the great: as he expounded the like vision of the image, c. 2. resembling Nabuchadnezzer to the head of gold.   

13. Quest. Of the second beast: and why the Persian Monarchy is compared to a bear.  
1. Lyranus thinketh they are so resembled, because the bear is less cruel: and so the Persians were more equal toward the people of God: but in this sense, this vision should differ from the other, c. 2. where the arms and breasts, which signify the Persian Monarchy, appeared to be of silver, as inferior to the first, which was of gold.  
2. In divers other respects then the Persian state is resembled to a bear: as in their obscure beginning: the Persians were at the first a nation of no fame or renown: like as the bear, is at the first but a rude lump of flesh without any fashion, which the dam by continual licking bringeth to fashion. Perer. Pintus.  
3. Beside, the bear is most patient of labour and hunger: all winter long they live without food, being nourished only by sleep, as Pliny writeth of them, lib. 8. c. 36. So the Persians 〈◊〉 a most frugal nation, for the most part they lived only of bread: and they dwelled among the mountains, as wild bears seeking their food. Perer. Hug. Card.  
4. The bear is of a weak sight, and of a tender head, but of a vast and unhandsome body, whereby is signified that the Persians did fight rather with their vast and huge numbers, then with martial stratagems and policy, Perer. as Cyrus was overcome of the Massagetes, and his head was cut off by Thomyris, having 200. thousand men in his army. Pisistratus being expelled Athens for his tyranny, was sent against Grecia by Darius, with an army of an 100 thousand footmen, and 10. thousand horsemen: and was overcome by Miltiades the Athenian captain in the fields of Marathon, only having a 11. thousand men. Xerxes' with 10. hundred thousand men invaded Greece, and was overcome by Sea of Themistocles, and by land of Leonidas and Pausanias with a small number, and he himself constrained to flee away in a small boat. Leonidas at Thermopylae with 3000. men kept the straits against all the Persian army: and with 300. men set upon their host of 500 thousand, and slew of them 20. thousand; where he himself also, and all his company was slain.  
5. They were like unto bears ob barbariem, because of their barbarousness, Calvin. they were a savage and barbarous people brought up in the mountains: like as the bear is to the sight a more uncomely and unpleasant bea●t, than a lion.  
6. But herein the fittest resemblance is, the bear is, typus barbaricae & ferinae crudelitatis, a type of babarous and beastly cruelty, jun. Theodoret hath special reference here unto the cruel torments, which the Persians used, in flaying of men, and pulling off their skins, and hewing them into pieces: But generally rather is described the savage and cruel nature of that nation (as it followeth in the rest of the vision) by the ribs between the teeth, and their devouring of much flesh.   

Quest. 14. Why the bear is said to stand upon the one side.  
1. The vulgar Latin readeth, in part stetit, it stood up on a part: but the true reading is, it stood upon one side, which the Hebrews expound, that this Monachie was not so cruel against the jews, as the other: for diverse of the Persian kings were beneficial toward the people of God.  
2. Hierome giveth this sense, they first rose up on a part, that is, surprised the Chaldean kingdom, that they might more easily subdue the rest.  
3. Theodoret referreth it to that part of the kingdom, which the Persians held still under the Roman Monarchy, though the dominion of Egypt, and Asia minor, and Syria, were taken from them: but in this vision the Persian Monarchy is described how it was in the time of the pri●e and glory thereof, before it was dissolved by Alexander.  
4. Calvin, and the Genevens. following him, do understand it of the mean beginning of the Persians: respicit obscura initia regni illius, it respecteth the obscure beginning of that kingdom.  
5. Vatablus understandeth it of the taking of Babylon: that the Persians leaned on one side, they only set themselves against the Babylonians, they spared the jews, so also Pintus.  
6. But the best interpretation is, it stood upon one side, ex duobus lateribus, id est, distinctis regnis, unum effectum est, of the two sides, that is, two distinct kingdoms, there was one side, that is, one kingdom made: for the Medes and Persians joined together, jun. in commentar. so also Bulling. junius in his annotat. followeth an other reading, retaining the same sense, dominatum unum erexit, he erected one dominion: that is, subdued all other nations, and made but one dominion of them all: so also Polanus: the word satar, with a prick on the left side over shin, signifieth a side, also so D. Kimchi readeth: but with a prick on the right side, shatar, it signifieth rule and dominion: the first reading seemeth to be the fitter, because of the preposition lamed, set before lishtar, on the side, which is omitted in the other reading.  
7. Oecolampadius thus interpreteth, he stood upon one side, that is, there was a place found for the Persians to be numbered among the cruel beasts: but this sense is not so proper.   

15. Quest. Of the three ribs in his mouth, what they signify.  
1. R. Saadia understandeth three kings which succeeded Cyrus: but Hierome refuseth this interpretation, because there were more than three kings of Persia: Osiander also expoundeth by these three long teeth, three great kings of Persia, Cyrus, Darius, Xerxes: but it appeareth not, seeing there were 10. kings of Persia, or according to Hierome 14. kings, why these three should be understood beside therest: Melancthon understandeth other three, Cyrus, Darius, Artaxerxes.  
2. Hugo interpreteth these three teeth, which the Latin translateth, three orders, to be those three chief officers, which were set over all the kingdom, as we read, cap. 6. 2. so also Apollinarius: but these chief governors were the teeth rather of the beast, than the pray between the teeth.  
3. Hierome understandeth the three kingdoms, Persia, Media, and Babylon: Hippolytus the Assyrians, Medes, and Babylonians.  
4. Calvin, and so Bullinger think not good to define any certain number by these three ribs: but by three ribs understand plures, many: for so they subdued not one kingdom, but many: and the words following seem to approve this sense, arise, and decoure much flesh.  
5. Oecolampadius placeth not the force of the words, in the number of three: but in that they are said to be ribs, carnibus devoratis arrodebat ossa, the flesh being devoured, he gnaweth the bones, not one only, but three together, to show him to be unsatiable.  
6. junius in his commentary, by the three ribs, interpreteth, ex omni part, that they shall devour on every side: because three ways only a beast useth to gnaw bones, before, and on each side.  
7. But in his annotations he understandeth by the three bones, tres parts orbis habitabilis, the three parts of the habitable world; into the which the Monarchy of the Persians was extended: And so Theodoret expoundeth the three parts of the world, the East, North, and South: likewise Polanus.  
Now of all these, the third exposition of the three principal kingdoms, Persia, Media, and Chaldea, seemeth to be most probable: because although Cyrus subdued many countries beside, yet these were the three sweetest bones, which he had first in his mouth: and after this he devoured and destroyed much flesh beside.   

Quest. 16. Who said unto him, arise, and devour, etc. v. 4.  
1. Herome, and Lyranus following him, with others, as gloss. interlin. gloss. ordinar. Hug. Card. do interpret this of Assuerus, who was encouraged by Haman to devour and destroy the jews: But this being attempted only by Haman, not effected, cannot be the meaning of these words, which show, that as this beast had already a pray in his teeth, so he should devour more.  
2. Pererius thinketh it may be referred to Cyrus, who was insatiable in his ambitious desire, and his end was answerable thereunto: for he being overcome of Queen Thomyris, and 200. thousand of his men slain, she caused his head to be cast into a bowl of man's blood, uttering these reproachful words of him, bibe sanguinem, quem ●itiuisti, & cuius insatiabilis semper fuisti, drink thy fill of blood, which thou hast thirsted for, and waste thereof insatiable, ex justin. But seeing this vision containeth a general description of the whole Monarchy of the Persians, it is not so fitly applied unto one.  
3. Calvin thus expoundeth, they said, that is, the Angels.  
4. Bullinger saith, caelitus iussio descendit, that this commandment came from God: they were iussi à Deo, bidden of God: The Persians were raised up of God, who, though not the author of their cruelty, yet concurred as a just judge, using them as his instruments in punishing the sins of the world, Pap. mandatum ei divinitus, etc. it was commanded him from God to enlarge his Empire, jun. annotat.  
5. As both these last senses may be received, so yet further here may be understood the instruments whereby the kings of Persia were stirred up, to destroy and devour: as Darius, called also Cyaxares, and the Hyrcanians, together with Gobryas a governor of Assyria, did stir up Cyrus against the Babylonians, Xenophon lib. 4. Mardonius likewise persuaded Xerxes to take in hand the war against Grecia, but Artabanus dissuaded him: in which war, as Orosiu● writeth, were consumed in three battles and in three years, 
Oros. l. 3. c. 17.  10. hundred thousand men. So that this Monarchy, through their ambitious desire to rule, was the cause of the effusion of much blood: as it is here said unto them, arise, and devour much flesh.  
6. So then all these concurred together, in setting up this Monarchy, God is the author, the Angels as the chief ministers, and then other instigators and setters on, as the instruments: like as the Chaldeans provoked Nabuchadnezzar to cast the three Hebrews into the fiery furnace, cap. 3. and the Persian governors caused Daniel to be cast into the lions den, cap. 6.   

17. Quest. Of the Persian Kings with whom the Persian Monarchy began and ended.  
1. Hierom, whom the ordin. gloss. followeth, reckoneth up 14. kings of Persia. 1. Cyrus. 2. Cambyses. 3. the Magi. 4. Darius, under whom the Temple began to be re-edified. 5. Xerxes' the son of Darius. 6. Artabanus. 7. Artaxerxes Longimanus. 8. Xerxes, an other of that name. 9 Socdianus. 10. Darius' Nothus. 11. Artaxerxes Memnon. 12. Darius Ochus. 13. Arses. 14. Darius' the last, whom Alexander overcame.  
2. Some do number eleven in this order. 1. Cyrus. 2. Assuerus Artaxerxes, which was Cambyses. 3. Darius Assyrius. 4. Artaxerxes pius. 5. Xerxes' the terror of Grecia. 6. Artaxerxes Longimanous. 7. Darius' Nothus. 8. Artaxerxes Memor. 9 Ochus. 10. Arses, or Arsanes. 11. Darius' Codoma●●us, whom Alexander subdued: H. B. in the short view of the Persian Monarchy, following Beroaldus.  
3. Some account not so many kings of the Persians, as Pappus nameth all these before rehearsed, omitting Arsanes who succeeded Ochus.  
4. But the best numbering of them, is that which junius in the argument of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, and Bullinger in his Chronicle tables followeth, who number 10. Kings of the Persians beside Smerdes the Magician, and his brother: and with them an eleven. 1. Cyrus. 2. his son Cambyses. 3. then the Magi. 4. Darius' the son of Hystaspis. 5. Xerxes' his son, who invaded Grecia with such an huge army. 6. Artaxerxes Longimanus, so called as it seemeth because one hand was longer than an other. 7. Darius' Nothus. 8. Artaxerxes Memnon, who committed horrible incest, and left behind him Darius Ochus. 9 This Ochus molested the jews: Bagoas his captain polluted▪ the Temple, and deprived them of the privileges granted them by Cyrus, Darius, Artaxerxes: he was at last slain by the same Bagoas. 10. Then this Bagoas set up Arsanes the son of Ochus, and slew him also at the length. 11. The last was Darius Codomannus, whom Alexander vanquished. But Smerdes is rather to be omitted in this number, because he was an usurper, and reigned but 7. months: and by the same reason also Artabanus must be fetched in, and other usurper after Xerxes: and if Smerdes be admitted, Xerxes should be the 5. not the 4. king, as Daniel maketh him, c. 11. 2.   

18. Quest. Of the third beast, called a leopard, and of the description of the third Monarchy.  
There are four parts of the description. 1. à simili, from the similitude and likeness of the Pard, or leopard: whereunto in divers respects Alexander is compared. 1. The Leopard is noted to be subtle and crafty, lying in wait for them which go by the way, as jeremy saith, c. 5. 6. A leopard shall watch over their cities, every one that goeth out thence shall be torn in pieces: so Alexander by subtlety and policy prevailed much. 2. The leopard is very swift, as Habak. 1. 8. Their horses shall be swifter than leopards: So Alexander in a short time conquered the most known countries of all the world. 3. He is likened also to a leopard for his strength. Polan. 4. The Panther, Pard, or Leopard is full of spots, which either noteth the variety of countries and nations which Alexander subdued, Hug. or rather his variable and changeable nature, which was tempered both with excellent virtues, and notable vices. Perer. 5. The Leopard they say is taken by this means: it much coue●eth and desireth wine, which being poured near unto their dens, the sent thereof draweth them forth: and the hunters set not far off, vessels of wine, which the beast drinketh, till he falleth a sleep, and so is taken: And herein was Alexander like unto the leopard, who died of surfeiting, and drunkenness.  
2. Then this beast is described by the adjuncts, it had four wings. 1. Some hereby understand alexander's four virtues. 1. his strength of body. 2. courage of mind, which feared nothing. 3. dexterity and industry. 4. his great liberality and clemency. Lyran. Perer. 2. Some by the four wings, and four beasts, understand the same thing, namely, his four successors, Melancth. Calv. but than should something in this description be superfluous. 3. Hereby rather is signified Alexander's great celerity, which is shadowed forth in the nature of the beast, but more lively expressed by wings: & he is said to have four wings, not two, quia nihil fuit velocius Alexandri victoria, because nothing was swifter than Alexander's victories, Hier. for in 12. years he made conquest of all the famous kingdoms of the world: yea in six years, as Hierome testifieth, he subdued all Egypt, a great part of Europe, all Asia even unto India: in the first year of his kingdom he took the city Thebes: in the 2. he overcame Darius' armies at Granicum: in the 3. year he again overcame Darius at Issum: in the fourth year he took Tyrus, when he had besieged it 7. months, and then in the 5. subdued Syria, and judea: in the 6. year he finally vanquished Darius at Arbela, and so possessed the Asian Empire. Polan.  
3. Then this beast is set forth by the number of the heads, the beast also had four heads. 1. junius hereby would not have understood four kingdoms, but the great dexterity of Alexander, in taking care for all the parts of his kingdom, as if he had had four heads. jun. in comment. 2. The most do take them for Alexander's four successors in the kingdom: Cassander in Macedonia, Antigonus in Asia minor, Seleucus in Syria, Ptolemy in Egypt: so Oecolamp. Perer. Pap. Calv. with others: but these 4. kingdoms make the fourth beast, as afterward shall be showed. 3. Wherefore better are here understood the 4. chief captains of Alexander, which did aid him to achieve his victories, and afterward governed the kingdom under Aridaeus Alexander's brother, who being slain, they divided the kingdom among them: So Hugo saith, quatuor dicit duces Alexandri, he meaneth the four captains of Alexander, which afterward became his successors: so junius in his annotations understandeth quatuor satrapiae, the four regiments of the kingdom, which after Alexander's death should have come unto his two sons Alexander and Hercules, but they agreed to make Aridaeus Alexander's brother king, and appointed Antipater, to be protector of the kingdom: but at length, both Alexander's sons were slain by Cassander, and Aridaeus also: And then Cassander succeeded Aridaeus in Macedonia, and after him Antipater: And the other three in their several kingdoms, as is before expressed.  
4. The last part of the description is from the efficient cause and author of this great dominion, which Alexander had, it was given him of God: and that he obtained not such great victories by his own power or policy, but by the extraordinary assistance of God, doth evidently appear by these four arguments. 1. because he in a shorter time subdued more countries then other 〈◊〉 captains have taken cities: as is before showed in the second part of the description. 2. in that he with so small an host of 30. thousand, encountered with such great armies of the Persians, first, with an 150. thousand, then with 400. thousand, and last of all with 10. hundred thousand, which Darius Codomannus had gathered together against him. 3. Alexander's security is an evident argument also thereof, who the same day that Darius was overcome, was so fast asleep in his Tent, that all his captains could not awake him, making a noise round about, for they durst not go in. 4. Alexander himself also confessed as much, who meeting jaddua the high Priest in his pontifical robes, and falling down before him, and reverencing him, being asked the reason of Parmenio, answered, that he worshipped not the man, but God in the man, who in the same habit had appeared unto him, and encouraged him to go on in his enterprise to overcome Asia, and promised to lead his armies: thus josephus writeth, lib. 11. Antiquit. c. 8.   

Quest. 19 Why the fourth beast hath no name.  
1. The Hebrews do here imagine that although this fourth beast be not expressed by name, yet that it was a wild boar, whereby they would have signified the Roman Empire which destroyed jerusalem: and they allege that saying in the Psalm, 80. 13. the wild boar out of the wood hath destroyed it: But seeing this last kingdom is described to be more fierce and cruel than the rest, it was not like to be resembled by the wild boar, which is not so terrible, as the other three beasts, the lion, the bear, the Leopard, unto the which the other three kingdoms are compared.  
2. Theodoret applying this vision to the Roman Empire, thinketh that this is the reason why certain beasts are before named, but none here: because in the other three kingdoms, there was a certain form of government by kings; but in the Roman state the form of government often changed: they were governed 1. by kings, 2. by Consuls. 3. by the Tribunes of the people. 4. by Dictator's. 5. by Emperors. But it shall evidently appear afterward, that this vision is not to be extended to the Romans.  
3. Hierome giveth this reason: the beast is not named, ut si quid ferocius bestijs supradictis cogitaverimus, hoc imperio Romanorum attribuamus, etc. that if any thing can be imagined more cruel, than the forenamed beasts, it should be attributed to the Roman Empire: thus also Lyran. gloss. ordinar. with others: Hieromes reason here in general is to be admitted, but he faileth likewise in his particular application to the Roman state.  
4. Pererius hath this conceit, that if this last Monarchy here described, which he supposeth to be of the Romans, should be represented by any certain kind of beast, it is most like to be that, which Aristotle out of Ctesias Gnidius, saith is found in India, which he describeth in this manner: the name of the beast is Mantichora, 
Aristot. lib. 2. de histor. animal. c. 1.  it hath three rows of teeth above and below: with lions feet, and of bigness and hair like to a lion: with man's ears, a scorpions tail: it maketh a noise like a trumpet: as swift as an hart: so wild that it can never be tamed: it coveteth man's flesh most of all.  
But both it may be doubted whether any such beast is to be found in the world: and if there were, seeing the spirit of God hath not expressed any particlar kind, it were great presumption for us to guess at it.  
5. Wherefore those two reasons may be yielded, why no certain beast is here named: both in respect of this description here made, propter infinite am, varietatem, for the great variety of the parts (borrowing of some beast one, and of some an other) it cannot be resembled to any certain kind, jun. annot. And in regard also of the signification: no beast can be named so cruel, quod posset naturam ostendere istius bestiae, which can express the nature of this beast, Calvin, which can sufficiently portrait out unto us the cruelty of this fourth kingdom and government. Polan.   

Quest. 20. Of the description of the fourth beast in general.  
It is described 1. by three adjuncts, it was fearful, terrible, and strong. 2. by the effects, which are three, it devoured, broke in pieces, and stamped the residue under the feet. 3. by the dissimilitude and unlikeness which it had to the other beasts, it was unlike the beasts that were before it. 4. by the parts, it had iron teeth, and horns: the horns are first set down in general, it had ten horns, than there is a particular description of one horn, which is expressed by four arguments. 1. by the adjunct of the smallness, it is called a little horn. 2. by the manner of growing, it came up among the other. 3. by the effects, three of the other horns were plucked away before it. 4. by the parts, it had the eyes of a man, and a mouth, which is described by the effects, speaking presumptuous things.   

Quest. 21. Whether the Roman or Turkish Empire be signified by this fourth beast.  
1. The Rabbins by this fourth beast understand the Empire of the Turks, of which opinion are R. Ab. Ezra, and R. Saadiah; because mention is made afterward of one like the son of man, to whom power and dominion was given, which showeth that the Messiah should reign after this fourth kingdom should be dissolved, whom because they hold not yet to be come, they would have this vision understood of the Turkish Empire. And to make their opinion more probable, they join the Greek and Roman Empire together, comprehending them both under the third beast: And Ab. Ezra, doubteth not to call Alexander king of the Romans. So by this devise they would prove Christ jesus not to be the Messiah, because he was borne under the third Empire.  
Contra. 1. Herein the Rabbins show their great ignorance in confounding the Greek and Roman Empire: unless it be because Constantinople was called new Rome, and they find that one of the Roman Emperors was called Alexander, which are slender reasons to confound the two Empires. 2. neither was Alexander known unto the Romans, who yet at time were of great power, and mightier than diverse kings. 3. this vision cannot be applied unto the Empire of the Turks: for it cannot be showed, how he hath 10. horns, that is, so many kings, nor what that little horn should be, before the which three other were plucked away.  
2. Some do apply this vision to the Roman Empire alone, and that but unto the first coming of Christ, as Calvin.  
3. Some do understand the Roman Empire, that it shall continue to the end of the world: as Hierome saith, that toward the end of the world when the Roman Empire shall be destroyed, there shall rise ten kings, which shall divide the Empire among them: But neither of these opinions can stand: for whereas these kingdoms are described by the similitude of beasts, whose cruelty they should imitate toward the people of God; before the first coming of Christ the Romans had not practised such cruelty against the jews, as that therein they should have been unlike to all which went before them: neither yet is the Roman Empire to continue unto the end of the world, which was long since dissolved.  
4. Pappus thinketh that both the Turkish tyranny, and the proud jurisdiction of the Popes of Rome, are described under this last beast, showing how all the properties of the little horn agree unto them both, in their small beginnings, their subtlety and hypocrisy, their blasphemy against Christ and his gospel: Neither need it seem strange saith he, that two diverse governments are signified by one horn, because they both propound unto them the same end and scope, the subversion of the Church, and use the same weapons in general, cruelty, and blasphemy.  
Contra. 1. This fourth kingdom shall be destroyed by the coming of the Messiah in the flesh, as was prophesied before in the vision of the image, c. 2. 44. and here also, v. 13. one like the son of man came in the clouds, which is to be understood not of his second commming to judgement, but of his first coming to finish the work of our redemption, as shall be showed more at large, when we come to that place: now neither Turk nor Pope were then head of the world, when the Son of man came in the flesh, nor diverse hundred years after. 2. this fourth beast should be more cruel, than any of the rest toward the people of God then, for whose comfort this vision was revealed to Daniel: but the Romans before the coming of Christ had been more equal toward the jews, than any of the other Monarchies. 3. this horn came forth of the fourth beast: the beast signifieth but one Monarch or kingdom, as the other three before: therefore two kingdoms, and the same opposite the one to the other, cannot be comprehended under one horn: other reasons why the Roman Monarchy is not understood neither in this, nor that other vision tending to the same end, c. 2. see at large, c. 2. quest. 49.  
5. Seeing then that the Roman Empire is here excluded, all that labour may be spared which Pererius taketh to show wherein the Roman power consisted, by what means they attained unto their large dominion, and whether justly or unjustly, as impertinent to this place: yet it shall not be amiss, to take a short view of that, which is set down by him touching these three questions. 1. Their greatness consisted, first in the largeness of their dominion, 
Wherein the Roman power chiefly consisted.  which extended Westward to Spain, Southward to Ethiopia, and Eastward to Armenia: in so much that Appian affirmeth, that the other three Monarchies had not the half part, of the Roman Empire. Secondly, in their provision for war: the Romans had always in a readiness 200. thousand footmen, 40. thousand horsemen, 300. Elephants for war, 3000. chariots, amour in store for 300. thousand, 2000 ships, 1500. galleys, 80. great ships: this strength they were of under Adrian the Emperor, as Appian writeth. Thirdly, their strength consisted in their riches and treasure: they had of treasure in a readiness in diverse places, 75. thousand Egyptian talents: a talon of Egypt weighed 80●. which is equivalent to 8000. Italian pieces of gold: the whole sum will amount to 600 times ten hundred thousand, that is, 600 millions of gold. 2. Touching the means whereby they enlarged their Empire, they were these. 1. the love of liberty. 2. their ambitious desire to rule. 3. their affecting of praise and renown. 4. their military discipline. 5. their courtesy to their friends, and severity against their enemies. 3. Some part of their kingdom they got unjustly, as Pompey took Asia from the rightful kings: Cyprus they took from Ptolemy, Sardinia from Carthage. Some countries were given and bequeathed unto them, as Asia by Attalus will, Bythinia by Nicodemus testament: the Cyrenians, and Pentapolis by Ptolemy, Lybia by king Appio●, Perer. But all this discourse here is superfluous, seeing in this place we have nothing to do with the Romans, but as it is typically shadowed forth in the kingdom of the Seleucians.  
6. It remaineth then that this fourth beast must represent the kingdom of Syria, wherein ten kings succeeded one another, the last of which was Antiochus Epiphanes, who is the little horn here spoken of: That this interpretation is most probable, shall appear in the handling of the several parts of this vision: neither is it new, taken up by junius only, Polanus, and others; but Hierome maketh mention of one Polichronius, who so understood it and Theodoret also showeth the same to have been the opinion of some, though he resolve upon the Romans: And yet we deny not but that typically also under the kingdom of the Seleucians, is shadowed forth the Monarchy of the Romans, as S. john in the description of the beast with seven heads and ten horns, hath relation unto this vision, thereby implying the Roman Monarchy, Apocal. 13. 1.   

Quest. 22. That the kingdom of Syria which was held by Seleucus, and his posterity, was the fourth beast.  
Pappus, who expoundeth this fourth beast of the Turk and Pope together, against this other exposition taketh these exceptions.  
Object. 1. Seleucus Nicanor is comprehended under the third beast, which is described with four heads: the beast is Alexander, and the four heads are his four successors that followed after him, of the which Seleucus was one: he cannot be both a part of the third beast, and the fourth also.  
Contra. He is comprehended in the the third beast, as then governing under that kingdom: for Alexander's 4. captains, were at the first regents under Alexander and his successor Aridius: but he made the fourth beast, when he constituted and erected a kingdom to himself, and his successors: though the fourth beast had his beginning and first erection under the third, yet now the succession and continuance of that kingdom may make the fourth beast.  
Object. 2. They which reckon ten kings of Syria, unto Antiochus Epiphanes, do insert two of the Egyptian kings, Ptolomeus Euergites, and Ptolomeus Philopator, otherwise they cannot make up the number: for there be but eight in all beside.  
Contra. Though these two were kings of Egypt, yet by conquest they held for a time the kingdom of Syria: Ptolomeus Euergites expelled Seleveus Callinicus: and Ptolomeus Philopator expelled: Antiochus the great, though they were dispossessed again of the kingdom; yet because they did hold it for a time, they may be numbered also among the rest of the kings.  
3. Antiochus Epiphanes is one of the ten horns: he cannot then be the other little horn, that plucketh away three horns before it, which maketh the eleventh.  
Contra. The little horn is the last of the tenth, it maketh not the eleventh, the word is acharee, which the most translate, an other, but it more usually signifieth the latter, this little horn then, was not another beside the ten, but the last of the ten.  
Ob. 4. As in the third beast, the four heads do not signify 4. kingdoms one after another, but four set up all at once: so these ten horns must signify ten kings or kingdoms all at once.  
Contra. 1. Though these 4. heads, of the 3. beast do here signify 4. kingdoms raised up together: yet always it is not so: for Apocal. 17. 9 by the 7. heads, are signified 7. kings one succeeding another: as it is there said, vers. 10. five are fallen, and one is, and one is not yet come.  
2. In this chapter the Angel expoundeth these 10. horns of succession: the last shall rise after them, v. 24. the latter of these ten shall be after the other, they were not then altogether.  
3. Again, it is there said, v. 24. that these ten horns, should arise out of one kingdom: But in one kingdom at one time there could not be 10. kings.  
Ob. 5. After the abolishing of the fourth beast, the kingdom is given unto the Saints, v. 27. but the Roman Empire came between the determination of the kingdom of the Seleucians, and the birth of the Messiah, in whom this spiritual kingdom of the Saints, began.  
Contra. It cannot be gathered out of the text, that immediately after the destruction of this beast, the Messiah should come: but after Antiochus Epiphan●s, who is intended by that little horn, though other of the Seleucians succeeded, yet none of them afflicted the people of God as he had done: they had peace and tranquility from those foreign Tyrants of Syria: and yet there remained some life in the other beasts, though their kingdoms were taken away a long time before: as there was some relics of the Babylonian kingdom in the Armenians, of the Persian in the Parthians, of the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt, after their power and strength was taken from them by the Romans.  
Ob. 6. The end of the world and final judgement followeth after the destruction of the fourth beast: but so did it not after the dissolution of the kingdom of the Seleucians.  
Contra. That description v. 9 is not of the final judgement at the last day, but of that which God exerciseth in this world against the wicked: as Apocal. 4. 2. a throne likewise is set, and judgement prepared.  
Ob. 7. After the kingdom of the fourth beast, the dominion is given unto the Saints: but the kingdom of the Seleucians fell unto the Romans.  
Contra. The temporal kingdom was invested in the Romans: but the spiritual kingdom, was given to the Messiah, and in him communicated unto the Saints: of this spiritual, not of any temporal kingdom speaketh the Prophet, v. 14. which is described, by the universality, all nations and languages should serve him, and the eternity, his kingdom shall never be destroyed.  
Ob. 8. Antiochus Epiphanes is described by a little horn, which came forth of one of the four horns of the goat, cap. 8. 9 which is taken for Alexander, and answereth to the third beast here: he therefore is comprehended under the third beast, he maketh not the fourth.  
Contra. 1. That is a diverse vision from this, they are not then to be confounded together: he may belong to the second beast there, the goat, and yet make the fourth beast here. 2. This collection maketh strongly, to procue Antiochus to be the little horn here, because he is resembled to a little horn there, and other parts of that vision agree with this.  
Object. 9 Against Antiochus whom they would have signified by this horn, the ships of Chittim are sent, c. 11. 30. but this beast is not destroyed by any human power, but by the judgement: of God in the end of the world, Pappus.  
Contra. 1. It followeth not, because God is said here to judge him, that therefore he used no human instruments: God destroyed the kingdom of Syria, by stirring up the Romans against them. 2. this place is not to be understood of the final judgement▪ as is showed before.   

Quest. 23. Of the iron teeth, and other parts of the general description of the fourth beast.  
1. They which understand the fourth beast to be the Roman Empire: some by the iron teeth would have signified the famous and valiant captains, by whose means the Romans subdued the nations: dentes regni sunt princip●● fortissimi, the teeth of the kingdom are the valiant captains, by whose means the king devoureth as with teeth, gloss. So also Bulling. Such teeth were C. Fabricius, who subdued Pyrrhus, M. Marcellus conquered the Germans: Paulus Aemilius Greece, Scipio Africanus Africa: Crassus and Pompey the East, julius Caesar the West: Calvin by the iron teeth understandeth, audaciam & inexplebilem cupiduatem, their boldness, and insatiable desire of dominion; intelligitur Romani imperij crudelitas, the cruelty of the Roman Empire is signified.  
But this doth evidently convince, that the Romans are not here understood at all: because this fourth beast should be more fierce and cruel than the rest against the people of God, the jews, as v. 21. they shall make battle with the Saints: But till the coming of the Messiah, the Romans showed themselves more equal toward the jews, than any of the former kingdoms.  
2. Therefore by the iron teeth of the fourth beast, are better understood the cruelty of the kingdom of the Syrians, exercised against the people of God: and more particularly by the teeth, are expounded, duc●s & ●opiae, their armies and captains, whereby they did bite and devour, and as it were grind the jews. And for this cause, this beast is said to have nails or claws of brass, v. 19 whereby they did rend and tear in sunder the people of God: for they are the special object of their cruelty.   

Quest. 24. Why it is said to stamp the residue under the feat.  
1. They likewise which refer this to the Roman Empire do diversely expound it. 1. Bullinger taketh it to be a phrase of speech taken from wanton beasts, which being full, what they cannot eat themselves, do tread the rest under their feet: whereby he thinketh is signified the great insolence and cruelty of the Romans, in making havoc and spoil of all. 2. Oecolampadius understandeth it of their envy, quibus frui non poterat, aliis invidens, etc. what they could not enjoy themselves they stamped under their feet, as envying that others should have it. 3. Calvin▪ whom the Gonevens. follow, doth expound it of this politic devise of the Romans, that what they could not quietly enjoy in other countries, they would give to other kings and rulers, whom they might use at all times as their vassals: Thus they advanced Masinissa in Africa, and gave him great gifts, that by his means, they might have Africa more peaceable. 4. the most do thus understand it▪ that whom they did not consume and destroy▪ tributo & seruituti subijcieba●t, they brought them under tribute and servitude. 5. the meaning is, that those whom they utterly destroyed not, they did as it were spurn with their feet, that is, by all means afflict and oppress them, jun.   

Quest. 25. Wherein this fourth beast was unlike the rest, v. 7.  
1. They likewise which think the Roman Empire here to be shadowed forth, do make diverse applications of it. 1. Some do refer it, to the diu●rse form of government among the Romans, who were first governed by kings, then by Consuls, afterward by Tribunes, the Dec●●viri, Dictator's: whereas the other Monarchies were perpetually ruled by kings, Bulling. Ofiand. 2. another sense is: because in the former beasts, singula fortitudinum signa fuerunt, in hac omnia, there w●re some particular signs of fortitude, but in this all together, Hierome, Hugo. 3. or in impe●io Rom●● orum omnia simul fuere regna, etc. in the Roman Empire were joined together all those kingdoms, which were separated before: 4. It was monstrum insolitum, a strange monster, Cal. in respect of their strange rising up, and of their great power.  
2. R. Levi thinketh, that this beast is distinct from the rest, to signify, that it should continue a long time: true it is, that the Syrian kingdom continued 248. years longer than the Persian Monarchy, or the Chaldean, counting from the beginning of Nebuchadnezzars reign: but it is not the quantity or continuance of time, but the quality and condition, that maketh a thing like or unlike.  
3. Wherefore this unlikeness to all the rest is understood of the cruelty, wherein it should exceed all the rest, toward the people of God: prae tyrannidis gravitate, in the greatness and grievousness of the tyranny, it should be unlike them, jun. annot. Polan. And therefore in the vision of the image, c. 2. this last kingdom is resembled to the iron feet, which did break and bruise all in pieces.   

Quest. 26. Of the ten horns, what is signified thereby, v. 7.  
The diverse opinions which are held concerning the interpretation of these words, are of two sorts, some by ten understand not precisely a certain number, but an uncertain and indefinite, they take ten for many, as Num. 14. 22. they have tempted me ten times, job. 19 2. ye have ten times reproached me. Some understand according to the literal sense, so many kings precisely.  
1. Of the first sort. 1. Some by ten kings understand all the kings which should be in the Romne Empire, from the beginning to the end thereof, unto the coming of Antichrist; numero isto denario universitas Regum significata est, etc. by this number of ten is signified the universal company of the kings in the Roman Empire, August, lib. 20. de civit. Dei. c. 23. 2. Some by these kings understand the several provinces and kingdoms which were governed by Proconsul's and deputies, the Roman Empire yet standing, Calv. 2. Some the kingdoms into the which the Roman Empire was divided and dissolved: as first it was parted into the East and West Empire: in the East sprang up the kingdoms of the Persians, Saracenes, and of other nations: in the West, of the Goths, Lombard's, Huns, Bulling. so also Pintus, Sa, Oecolamp. Perer.  
But all these are deceived. 1. in taking this number of ten for a number indefinite: for seeing this number is divided, as after mention is made of three kings, which shall be pulled away, a certain and finite number must be signified: and if ten did not betoken a certain number, the time should not be known, when the little horn, the last of the ten, should be expected. 2. The kings do not signify kingdoms, but so many kings out of one kingdom, as it is expounded, v. 24. the ten horns out of this kingdom, are ten kings that shall rise: they must rise out of one kingdom. 3. neither can these ten kingdoms, which they understand, be raised after the dissolution of the Empire; for the beast is not destroyed, that is the kingdom dissolved until the little horn came up, v. 11.  
2. Of the second sort also there are diverse opinions. 1. Some by ten horns understand so many kings, which in the end of the world shall divide the Roman Empire among them, and then shall the eleventh horn rise up, which they suppose to be Antichrist: of this opinion is Hierome, whom Lyranus followeth, Hugo, gloss. ordinar. & interlin. But, as Oecolamp. noteth, we find this to be otherwise: for one part of the Roman Empire only which is in Europe, we see to be divided into ten kingdoms: as Portugal, Spain, England, France, Denmark, Suecia, Polonia, Bohemia, Hungaria, Naples: the other parts of the Empire were divided into more kingdoms.  
2. Some understand the 10. Provinces, which were subject to the Roman Emperor, governed by Consuls: as Strabo lib. 17. reckoneth ten of them: But the Proconsul's and Deputies were not kings: and though they were as kings, they had their several provinces as their kingdoms, but these kings must come out of one kingdom.  
3. Some do here number ten several kingdoms, into the which the Roman Empire was divided: as some do reckon these: Italy, Spain, France, Germany, Illyricum, Grecia, Africa, Egypt, Asia, Syria, Melancthon. Some do for Illyricum, put England, numbering the rest which are before rehearsed, Osiand. Some do name the ten kingdoms in Europe before specified, ex Pap. But it is evident, that more than ten kingdoms are risen out of the Roman Empire, seeing so many are found only in Europe.  
4. Some then leaving this conceit of the Roman Empire, do find these ten horns, that is so many kings in diverse kingdoms, putting together Macedonia, Egypt, Syria: this was the opinion of Porphyry rehearsed and refuted by Hierome: for these kings must rise out of the same kingdom, as these ten horns came out of one and the same beast.  
5. Wherefore these ten horns, were indeed ten kings of Syria, which the Seleucia●s held, one succeeding another, and these they were. 1. Seleucus' N●canior. 2. An●iochus Soter, who was in love with Stratonica his father's wife, whom he enjoyed by the means of Erasistratus his Physician, and reigned, his father yet being alive. 3. Antiochus' called Theos, God, of the Milesians, for delivering them from the tyranny of Timarchus; him his wife Laodice, the daughter of Ptol●me Philadelphus, poisoned. 4. Seleucus Callmicus, whom Ptolemy Euergetes expelled his kingdom. 5. P●olome Euergetes. 6. Seleucus Ceraunus, Ptolemy Euergetes being expelled. 7. Antiochus the great the brother of Ceraunus, who had war with the Romans, and drove them out of Asia. 8. Ptolemy Philopator, who invaded Syria, Antiochus the great being otherwise occupied and busied, and held the kingdom a while. 9 Then Philopator being expelled by Antiochus and his sons, Seleucus' Philopator succeeded. 10. And Seleucus being slaire, than Antiochus Epiphanes the younger brother invaded the kingdom: who was the little horn here spoken of, and did rage most cruelly against the people of God, jun. ann. there were after him other of the Seleucians, that held the kingdom of Syria, but they had not that power over judea, which the other had; for Antiochus Eupator, and after him Demetrius the son of Seleucus, attempted in vain to subdue judea unto their kingdom. Polan.  
6. But here is some defference between junius and Polanus account of these ten kings: junius maketh Ptolemy Euergetes the fifth, who expelled Seleucus Call●nichus, and Seleuchus Ceraunus, the son of Callinicus the sixth: But Polanus omitting Ptolemy Euergetes, maketh Ceraunus the son of Callinicus the fifth, and the son of Ceraunus the s●xt, who being but a child, and not able to govern the kingdom, after he had reigned two years, was poisoined: But I rather follow junius for these reasons. 1. seeing Polanus confesseth that Euergetes expelled Callinicus, and held the kingdom, he is as well to be counted among these ten kings, as afterward Ptolemy Philopator, who invaded the kingdom under Antiochus the great. 2. Seleucus Ceraunus reigned himself but three years, and next unto him succeeded Antiochus the great: no mention is made in some Chronicles of Ceraunus son coming between, Bullinger.  
7. But against this interpretation of the ten kings of Syria, thus it will be objected. 1. Lyranus saith that these kings must not be understood per successionem unius post alterum, by the succession of one after another, but they were all at one time, as the Angel expoundeth afterward.  
Contra. 1. The contrary appeareth by the Angel's exposition, that these kings shall one succeed another, 
See further appendix. exerci●. 1. argu. 8. 1.  as v. 24. the Angel saith, ten horns out of this kingdom, are ten kings that shall rise: now in one kingdom there cannot be ten kings at once, every king hath his kingdom: 2. as the three kings which shall be subdued, are understood successively, so are the ten: but these followed one an other by succession: as Andreas whose opinion Hugo reporteth, thus expoundeth, alios duos sibi succedentes similiter occidet, he shall likewise kill two other kings succeeding one another.  
2. Pererius objecteth that in the Syrian kingdom, there were but eight kings in all unto Antiochus Epiphanes.  
Contra. There were but eight of that line: but two kings of Egypt, Ptolemy Euergetes, & Ptolemy Philopator, which held the kingdom by conquest, are to be numbered among them.  
3. This fourth kingdom shall be more fierce and mightier, than any before it: but the kingdom of Syria was not mightier than Alexander's, Perer.  
Contra. It is not said simply to be mightier, or stronger, but in respect of the jews, whom they carried a more strong and terrible hand over, than did Alexander who favoured them.  
4. It may be objected, that this fourth beast shall devour the whole earth, and shall tread it down, and break it in pieces, v. 23. but the kingdom of Syria did not subdue the whole earth.  
Contra. By the whole earth is here understood the whole land of judea, as is expounded v. 25. he shall consume the Saints of the most high: and so thinketh R. Saadia, that the whole earth is taken here for judea, which was brought into such subjection unto the kings of Syria, that Memnon in his Chronicle lib. 13. 14. calleth Antiochus warring with the Romans, the king of judea.   

Quest. 27. Who is signified by the little horn, ver. 8.  
The diverse opinions here conceived about the interpretation of these words, are of five sorts. 1. Some apply them to the Empire of the Turks. 2. Some understand them of the Roman Empire. 3. Some of both joined together. 4. Some of Antichrist. 5. Some of the Syrian kingdom, and hold Antiochus Epiphanes, that cruel enemy of the jews to be this little horn. All these opinions shall now be examined in their order.  
1. That this little horn should be the Turk, it is the opinion of Melancthon and O●iander, and of Vatablus and Pintus, among the Romanists: unto whom they make all the properties of this little horn to agree: for as this is called a little horn, so Mahomet was of obscure beginning, who under the Emperors Heraclius and Honorius, about the year 600. by craft, cozenage, and sorcery did draw many after him: he is said to have the eyes of a man, because he was most cunning to deceive: he spoke proud things: for Mahomet feigned that he had familiar conference with Angels, and that he was a great Prophet, and he said his law was better, than Moses or Christ's.  
Melancthon to the same purpose, showeth, how these four things do fitly agree unto the Turkish Empire, the time of their rising up, their doctrine, power, and place of their dominion.  
1. For the time, they sprang up, when the Roman Empire was decaying, and under the Emperors before named. 2. for their doctrine, they abolish the writings of the Prophets, and Apostles, they deny Christ to be the Saviour of the world, and many horrible blasphemies do they utter against the Son of God. 3. their power exceedeth all other Monarchies: they have under their Empire the most part of Africa, and a great part of Europe, and Asia. 4. For their place, they came from the North, from the mount Caucasus, as Ezekiel prophesieth that Gog and Magog shall come from the North, Ezeck. 39 2.  
But Pererius showeth by these two arguments, that the Turk is not here meant to be this little horn. 1. because when Mahomet did rise, there were not ten kings in the Roman Empire, it was not yet dissolved and divided into ten kingdoms, but remained whole under the obedience of the Emperor. 2. This horn shall afflict the people of God a time, two times, and an half, that is three years and an half: but Mahomet and his followers, have persecuted the Church of God many hundred years. 3. Burgensis addeth further this reason: that the Turk doth not make the fourth beast, which is the fourth Monarchy here described, nor that set forth in the Image, c. 2. because before the first coming of Christ, which is there spoken of, there was no mention at all of the Turks and Saracenes: and the four Monarchies were absolute in their times, that no other kingdom was able to resist them: So is not the Turk, for he is encountered with other enemies equivalent unto him: 4. But this further may disprove this opinion for the Turks: this fourth kingdom shall make war with the Saints and the people of God, which then were understood to be the jews, the known, people of God: But the Turks are at this day great friends unto the jews, of whom they borrow the greater part of their religion. This little horn then upon the reasons aforesaid, is not the great Turk, to whom by way of analogy many of the properties of this horn may agree, but historically it is not meant of him.  
2. Of the second sort that here understand the Roman Empire, is R. Levi, who sometime maketh the next after the tenth Caesar, which was trajan, to be this horn, sometime Constantine: But both of these were commendable Emperors: trajan is renowned even among the Gentiles, and Constantine was a virtuous and religious Emperor, as all our histories do write of him.  
3. Calvin would have this little horn to be julius Caesar, Augustus, and the other which succeeded him: But seeing that the ten horns are expounded to be ten kings, the little horn being the last of the ten, cannot be the first, nor the second, or the rest in order: julius Caesar was the first Emperor, next to him was Augustus, and so the rest that follow.  
4. Oecolampadius doth indifferently understand this little horn to be both the Pope in the West, and the Turk in the East; which he expoundeth to be the beast with two horns, Apocal. 13. 11. the one pushing in Europe by hypocrisy and deceit, the other in Asia and Africa, by tyranny and violence, so also Pap. But v. 24. the Angel expoundeth the ten horns to be ten kings of one kingdom: the Pope and Turk make not one kingdom, therefore they cannot both be this horn.  
5. Some apply this prophesy unto Antichrist, whom they suppose shall come in the end of the world after the Roman Empire is destroyed, and divided among ten kings: Hier. Lyran. Hugo. who out of Andr●as reporteth, that this Antichrist shall draw the jews unto him, and re-edify the Temple at jerusalem: But this is an old dream, that such an Antichrist shall come toward the end of the world: this fancy is received both of Turks, who in their Koran speak of Antichrist that shall come, whom Christ shall destroy, and the Papists expect the like Antichrist to come, three year and an half before the second coming of Christ: Both of them are grossly deceived: for the little horn here described, should make war with the Saints, that then were the jews, whose commonwealth long since was dissolved, and they through the world dispersed.  
6. Bullinger understandeth this little horn to be the Pope, showing, how from small beginnings that Sea did grow up at the first, as a little horn, partly by the grant of the Emperors, as Boniface the 3. obtained of the Emperor Phocas to be called the Universal Bishop, partly by their pride and ambition: But still this principle must be held, that Daniel describeth here by this horn, a great enemy and persecutor of the jewish nation, the people of God then: therefore this vision, although analogically it may be referred to the Pope the very Antichrist, of whom Antiochus Epiphan●s might well be a type and figure, yet literally and historically it is not so intended.  
7. But the Hebrews of all other are the most malicious and absurd, who most blasphemously make jesus Christ our Blessed Lord and Saviour, this little horn: for so they say, his beginning was small and base, he came out of the fourth beast, he joined with the Roman Empire as appeared in Constantine: he spoke presumptuous things, in making himself equal unto God, and changed times, in abrogating the ceremonies of Moses law, ex Paul. Burgensi. But all this is maliciously and ignorantly devised of the jews. 1. because this horn is little at the first, it followeth not, that whosoever is little and small at the first, should be this horn. 2. neither is the Roman Empire this fourth beast: and though the Imperial authority did set forth and maintain the gospel of Christ, there is great difference between terrene dominion, and the spiritual kingdom of Christ. 3. out Blessed Saviour was equal to his father as God, and as the true Messiah was to determine and abolish the legal ceremonies: The jews therefore thus objecting, do but bewray their own ignorance, concerning the true Messiah.  
8. It remaineth then, that this little horn was historically Antiochus Epiphanes, who was the te●th king of Syria from Seleucus Nicanor, and yet typically also Antichrist, as bathe been showed in the former questions: and to him best agree all properties of the little horn, as shall be showed in the questions next ensuing: Thus Polychronius interpreted this place, whose opinion Hierome misliketh: lunius thus expoundeth, and Polanus following him.   

Quest. 28. Who those three kings should be, signified by the three horns plucked away.  
Some do take this number of three indefinitely for no certain number, some do strictly understand three as they are named: and each of these opinions hath diverse varieties and differences.  
1. They which take it indefinitely. 1. Some by three kings understand many, R. Levi of many kings subdued by the Roman Empire, R. Saadia of the Turkish dominion, Oecolampadius of both: and the wearing of the Pope's triple crown signifieth his dominion over three, that is, diverse kings: But where diverse numbers are named, and there is a division of number: as here of ten and three; there certain numbers are understood: otherwise if the number of ten should be taken indefinitely, and so the number of three; more should not be signified by ten, then by three, no certain number being contained in either.  
2. Calvin giveth this exposition: This little horn took away three horns, that is, a great part of the regal power and authority; which he thinketh was done, when Augustus Caesar took from the Senate the authority of naming Proconsul's and governors for the Provinces: But whereas the Angel by the three horns understandeth three kings, this is no proper sense, to understand by these three kings, the authority of naming the Proconsul's, which were many; and this power was not extinguished: though it were taken from the Senate, it remained still in the Emperor: but these three horns shall be quite plucked away before this little horn.  
3. They which take this number for three precisely. 1. Some, which do understand it of the Turk, name three kingdoms, which he hath surprised: but therein they agree not: Melancthon setteth down Egypt, Syria, and Cilicia: Osiander, and Pappus, Asia, Grecia, and Egypt: Vatablus nameth the Empire of Constantinople, and the kingdom of Egypt for two, the third is not yet subdued to the Turk, which he nameth not: But the Turk hath many more than three kingdoms under him.  
4. They which imagine a certain Antichrist to come in the end of the world, understand these three kings, of Egypt, Africa, Aethiopia, whom when Antichrist hath subdued, the other seven shall yield themselves: so Hierome, whom Lyranus, gloss. ordinar. Hugo, Pintus, follow.  
But this conceit of this supposed Antichrist, is confuted before, quest. 27. 5. and it is said that this horn shall pull away only 3. horns, not that he shall subdue all the ten.  
5. Bullinger making the Pope that Roman Antichrist to be this little horn, by the three kings would have signified, Leo the 3. the Emperor of Greece, whom Gregory the 2. excommunicated for condemning of images, and took from him the Exarchateship of Ravenna: and Childerichus king of France was deposed by Pope Zacharie: and Pope Leo the 3. obtained of Charles the Exarchateship and government of Italy, the Longobards being overcome, and their king Desiderius slain: But this cannot be the meaning for these reasons. 1. this little horn signifieth one king specially, than it is not properly referred to many Popes, one succeeding another. 2. the Popes deposed and did excommunicate many more kings and Emperors beside these. 3. and these 3. horns must be plucked away before the other, to make a way for the little horn, not after this horn is exalted.  
6. Palychronius, who by this little horn rightly expoundeth Antiochus Epiphanes, yet is deceived, in taking the Persians, Egyptians, and jews, for these three horns, ex Oeco. for the Egyptians had an horn by themselves, and the jews could not be an horn of this fourth beast, for they were pushed at by the beast, they had no horns to push others withal.  
7. Porphyrius likewise, taking this little horn to be Antiochus Epipha●es▪ yet erreth herein: these three kings he taketh to be Ptolemy Euergetes, Ptolemy Philom●tor, and Artaxias king of Armenia, whom Antiochus subdued: for although Antiochus reigned at the same time with Philometor, and overcame him, (wherein Hierome is deceived, who thinketh that Philometor was dead before Antiochus was borne, for they reigned 11. years together, one in Syria, the other in Egypt, Perer.) yet Ptolemy Euergetes the Elder, was 40. years before Antiochus, and Euergetes the younger, was twenty years after him: therefore neither of them could be any of the kings subdued by Antiochus: And though he overcame Artaxias king of Armenia, yet he took not from him his kingdom.  
8. junius thinketh that these were the three kings whom Antiochus subdued and destroyed: Ptolemy Philopator, whom he expelled out of Syria, joining with Antiochus the great his father, and Seleucus his brother: then he deposed Seleucus, and killed Demetrius his son, as he returned from Rome: But in this last is junius deceived, for Demetrius the son reigned after Antiochus Epiphanes, therefore he was not killed by him, not deposed: Neither could this Demetrius being an hostage at Rome, procure while Epiphanes lived, to be king of Syria, but after his death he was received by the Syrians, and first having killed Lysias tutor of Antiochus Eupator, the son of Epiphanes, and then Eupator himself, he got the kingdom: Thus joseph. lib. 12. Antiquit. c. 15. Livius. lib. 46. Appian: and Demetrius is none of the ten horns, quest. 26. therefore he could be none of the 3. horns which were of the ten: some other agree with junius, that these three forenamed were the three kings, but Demetrius they think was not killed, but only deposed and kept from the kingdom. H. Br.  
9 Therefore these three rather were the kings, Ptolemy Philopator, expelled by Antiochus Epiphanes, Antiochus the great his father, 
See more appendix. exercise 1. a●gum. 10.  whom he procured to be slain in a certain sedition, when his father went about to spoil the Temple of jupiter Dodoneus, the third was his Elder brother Seleucus Philopator, whose death he compassed likewise, Polan, and junius leaveth it as indifferent, whether Anti●chus the great, or Demetrius be held to be the third king.   

Quest. 29. Of other properties of this little horn.  
1. It is called little. 1. which some apply to the Turk in respect of his small and obscure beginnings, 
Why the horn is called little.  for Mahomet was of obscure and base parentage: Pappus, Osiander. 2. Some understand it of the Pope, who at the first gave himself titles of humility, as ●ervus servorum, servant of servants. 3. Calvin understandeth it of julius Cesaer, who refused to be called king, but Tribune of the people. 4. Some refer it to their Antichrist, which shall come in the end of the world, qui ignobilis in obscuro loco nascitur, who should be very base, and borne in an obscure place. Hugo. But these several opinions we before confuted, qu. 26. qu. 27. 5. Therefore this is better understood of Antiochus Epiphanes, who is resembled to a little horn, because he was younger brother to Seleucus Philopator, and had no right to the kingdom, but it should have descended unto Demetrius Seleucus son.  
2. This little horn came up among the rest. 1. Some understand here, 
Why it is 〈…〉 among the rest.  that inter ipsos & in terra eorum, etc. that this little horn or King shall come up among the other kings, and in their land, Andrea's ex Hugon. But how can he come up among the ten kings, seeing three are plucked up before him to make a way for him. 2. Some hold that these te●●e kings shall come in the end of the world, and that this shall be the eleventh, whom they suppose to be Antichrist. Hierom. Lyran. 3. But the meaning rather is, that it shall come up among them, that is, be one of the ten, jun. and he shall come up, as of himself, intruding and usurping: for Antiochus Epiphanes had no right to the kingdom, being the younger brother: yet, though he be one of the ten, he may be said to be the eleventh, as differing from all the rest: see the like, Apoc. 17. 11. The beast, that was, and is not, is even the eight, and is one of the seven.  
3. This little horn had the eyes of a man. 1. They which apply it unto Antichrist, do thereby insinuate, that he shall not be a devil, as some think, but a man: though it be their opinion, that he shall be possessed of the devil, who shall rule in him both in body and soul: the spirit of Satan shall not be hypostatically joined unto him, as the Godhead in Christ, but Satan shall dwell in him, as in those that are possessed, not tormenting him, but in stirring of him up, and instructing him, and teaching him many hid things: thus Hierome. Hugo addeth further, that although Antichrist shall be conceived of the seed of his parents, yet the devil shall enter into the womb of his mother, cuius virtute nascetur puer, by whose power the child shall be borne: and so by these eyes they understand the wonderful knowledge, and magical science, which shall be infused into him by Satan. But all these are men's fancies concerning Antichrist: in that he is said to have the eyes of a man, an human not diabolical science is insinuated. 2. Pintus expoundeth the eyes of a man, of carnal wisdom, not spiritual. 3. Vatablus referreth it to the policy of the Turks. 4. Bullinger to the hypocrisy and subtlety of the Pope. 5. Oecolampadius to both. 6. Calvin to the humanity of the Emperors, that mad● themselves in outward show, as one of the Senators, but took all authority from them. 7. But it is a true description rather of Antiochus Epiphanes: three properties are signified by these human eyes: first, that he should make an outward show of humanity, intending nothing else but deceit and cruelty; then hereby his subtlety and cunning is expressed; and thirdly his covetousness and ambitious greedy desire. jun. Polan.  
4. He hath a mouth speaking presumptuous things. 1. that is, Antichrist shall make himself God, and shall feign himself to be the Messiah, Hugo. he shall speak great things, promise more than he can perform. Lyran. 2. Vatablus understandeth it of the blasphemy of the Turk against God, and his Church: so Melancth. O●iand. 3. Bullinger of the blasphemies of the Pope. 4. Oecolampadius comprehendeth the blasphemies of them both: as the Turk denieth Christ to be the son of God, and saith he was not crucified, but an other for him: he preferreth his law, before either Moses, or Christ's: So the Pope challengeth to be Christ's Vicar in earth, that he can not err, that he is the head and husband of the church, that he hath power to dispose of the kingdoms of the earth, and give them to whom he will. 5. Calvin understandeth the terrible threatenings of the Emperors of Rome against their enemies: who though they pretended humanity, which is signified by their eyes, yet they were fierce and cruel.  
5. But it is better understood of the blasphemy of Antiochus, which he uttered against God and his people, as is extant in the histories of him, 〈◊〉.   

30. Quest. Of the description of the glorious manner of God's judgement, expressed v. 9 to v. 15.  
Here first is set forth the form and manner of the judgement itself, v. 9 10. then the execution, v. 12. to v. 15. In the form of judgement four things are described, 1. he which sat upon the throne. 2. the throne itself. 3. the assistants. 4. the process in judgement.  
1. He which sat upon the throne is described by three essential properties. 1. his eternity, he is called the Ancient of days, which also showeth his infinite wisdom, which is found in the ancient. 2. his authority, his garments were white: which Hugo applieth to Christ's transfiguration in mount Tabor: but the white garment was a sign of authority, as joseph, when he was advanced by Pharaoh, had a white garment put upon him. 3. by his hair, which was as pure wool, is signified his innocency and integrity in judgement.  
2. First it is said, that thrones were set, in the plural: which some read, thrones were cast down, understanding the thrones and kingdoms of the former beasts, jun. Polan. Vatab. but it is better interpreted, thrones were set up: as the 24. Elders had their seats about the throne, Apoc. 4. 4. these thrones were set as inferior seats for the Lords assistants the Angels, which title of honour is vouchsafed unto them in Scripture, Calvin. than the throne of God is set forth by three properties; it is fiery, which showeth that all things are manifest unto God: it hath wheels, which signifieth the celerity of God's judgements: and a fiery stream issued forth, which showeth the power of God's judgements, which none can resist, no more than the course of a stream can be stayed.  
3. The Angels, as God's assistants in this judgement, are described, 1. by their number, thousand thousands, and ten thousand thousands, a finite number being taken for an infinite. 2. by their office, they are said to minister unto God. 3. by their alacrity and readiness, they stand before him, as ready at his beck to execute his will.  
4. The process is set forth, the books were opened; the books of every man's acts; as Princes in their judgements have books and evidence brought forth: not that God needeth any information, as terrene judges, but to show the equity of his judgement.  
2. The execution followeth, which is of two sorts, in justice, in condemning the beasts, v. 11, 12. and in mercy, in setting up the kingdom of his son Christ and his Church, v. 13, 14.   

31. Quest. Whether the final judgement in the end of the world be here described.  
1. Some think that the form of the final judgement of the world is here set forth, as they which either by the little horn understand Antichrist, who (as they imagine) shall come in the end of the world, as Lyran. Hug. and likewise they which by the fourth beast understand the Roman Empire, or the Turks, as Bullin. Oecol. Osian. But seeing this vision, and that of the Image, c. 2. in effect is all one: as there the stone cut out without hands, that dashed the image in pieces, signifieth Christ in his first, not in his second coming: for that stone grew into a mountain and filled the earth, but after Christ cometh to judgement, his kingdom shall be at the full, it shall not afterward increase: see this confirmed by other reasons, c. 2. qu. 55. So this judgement here described must be referred unto Christ's first coming. And if the fourth beast be the kingdom of the Seleucians, as is before proved at large, than these thrones must be set, when that beast was destroyed.  
2. Burgensis is of opinion, that the first vision concerneth the first coming of Christ, when he dashed the image in pieces, in that all idolatry of the Gentiles was abolished at his coming: but this he referreth to the final judgement, when all the kingdoms and Monarchies of the earth shall be destroyed, and Christ only shall reign. But Thoring taketh exception here to Burgensis, that all idolatry was not abolished at Christ's coming, seeing in many nations it continued long after Christ's coming into the world, and yet in Asia, Africa, and some places of Europe is practised: This rather maketh against Burgensis, that seeing in this vision there is a description of the four Monarchies, which were represented in that image, c. 2. that the same manner of judgement by the coming of Christ, for the destruction of those Monarchies, is in both places signified.  
3. Calvin misliketh that this place should be understood of the second coming of Christ, and yet he holdeth this fourth beast to be the Roman Empire: both these can not stand together: for the Roman Empire was not judged nor dissolved at the first coming of Christ.  
4. Therefore by the judgement of God here showed in this manner to the Prophet, is better understood the process of the divine justice against these Monarchies, which were all dissolved before the first coming of Christ. In like manner is the judgement of God described in the overthrow of Senacherib, which came against jerusalem, Psal. 76● 9, 10. Thou didst cause thy judgement to be heard from heaven, etc. when thou O Lord arose to judgement, to help all the meek of the earth. jun. Polan.  
5. But yet we so understand here the judgement of God upon these kingdoms at the first coming of Christ, as that it is also a type and figure of the final judgement: this judgement beginneth at the first coming of Christ, Genevens. and shall be perfected at his second coming, when all the enemies of Christ and his Church universally shall be destroyed.   

32. Quest. v. 9 Who is said to be the Ancient of days, and how.  
1. Some understand here the person of the Father, because mention is made, v. 13. of the son of man, which approached unto the Ancient of days, Polan▪ so also the ordinary gloss taketh it: But Christ is there called the Son of man, in respect of his human nature: as he is God, he is the Ancient of days, from all eternity, as God the Father is, as he is called the everlasting father, Isa. 9 6.  
2. Some by the Ancient of days, understand Christ the Mediator, Christus antiquus dierum introducitur, Christ is brought in as the ancient of days, who is the lamb that was slain from the beginning of the world, Oecolampad. But Christ as the Mediator God and man, is described afterward, v. 13. where he is called the Son of man, and approacheth to the ancient of days: the Son of man then, and that Ancient of days, are not all one.  
3. Wherefore by the Ancient of days, the everlasting God is signified, jun. the Father, Son, and holy Ghost, who were from all eternity: for concerning the person of the Father, our Saviour saith, My Father judgeth no man, but hath committed all judgement to the Son, job. 5. 22. So Hugo, Deus aeternus judicabit, the everlasting God shall judge: not God the Father only by his son, as Osiand▪ but although the person of the Son only shall appear, non deerit pater & spiritus sanctus, yet there shall not be wanting both the father, and the holy Ghost, Vatab.  
4. God is said to be the Ancient of days, both in respect of his eternity, who was from the beginning before all time, and shall continue for ever, job. 36. 26. The number of his years can not be searched out: And of his wisdom it is said, job. 12. 12. Among the ancient is wisdom, and in the length of days is understanding.   

33. Quest. How God was seen of Daniel, who is invisible.  
1. God in his invisible nature, such as he is in his divine essence, was never seen of any. The Apostle calleth God the King everlasting, immortal, invisible, 1. Tim. 1. 17. who dwelleth in light that none can attain unto, whom never any man saw, neither can see, 1. Tim. 6. 16.  
2. And yet, if God would not be seen at all, the Apostle would not have said of Moses, that he saw him which is invisible, Heb. 11. 27. God then did show some visible signs of his presence unto his servants, not being in deed any such thing as he appeared, as fire, or any such thing: but he revealed himself, & induit varias formas pro captu hominum, etc. and put on divers shapes according to men's capacity, as it was fit for them to see God, and they were able to bear. Calv. Polan.   

34. Quest. How judgement is said to be set, seeing God is judge from everlasting.  
1. The Lord applieth himself to our weakness and imbecility: for although the Lord be judge for ever, yet he doth not always exercise judgement: So than while the Lord suffereth the wicked to prevail in the world, and deferreth their punishment, he seemeth unto men not to sit in judgement: whereupon the servants of God do utter these speeches, Psal. 10. 1. Why standest thou so far off, and hidest thee? Psal. 13. 1. How long wilt thou forget me, O Lord?  
2. But when the Lord showeth himself, and sendeth forth his judgements, than he seemeth to us to sit in his throne: as Psal. 7. 6. the Prophet saith, Arise O Lord in thy wrath, and list up thyself against the rage of mine enemies: we do not (so effectually) acknowledge God to be judge, nisi ubi reipsa se talem ostenderit, as when he showeth himself so in deed. Calv. Polan.   

35. Quest. What the fire signifieth, which issued from the throne.  
1. All things about the throne are fiery, to signify that God is ignis consumens, a consuming fire: he shall as a fire consume his enemies round about, Hug. 2. It also signifieth, jucem inaccessibilem, the light not to be attained unto, wherein God dwelleth, Pintus. 3. Deus voluit me●um incutere prophetae, God by this terrible vision would strike a fear & reverence into the Prophet, Calvin. 4. As fire is bright and giveth light, so hereby is showed, that all things are known unto God, and nothing can be hid from him: and that the judgement of God shall be manifest to all the world. Perer. 5. His throne is compared to fire, propter zelum veritatis, for the zeal of the truth: he shall come to judgement with zeal of justice as hot as fire, Lyran. 6. And as the fire hath two properties, it purifieth gold, and consumeth stubble: so God shall come as fire, ut malos puniat, bonos purget, to punish the evil, & to purge the good● gloss inter. 7. By the wheels is shadowed forth, incredibilis pernicitas, his incredible swiftness to judgement, Polan. and they are fiery, quod eius accessus impediri ●equit, because his coming can not be hindered, Oecolampad. 8. A fiery stream issued and came forth, wherein three things are signified, poenarum perpetuit as per fluvium, the perpetuity of the punishment of the wicked by the flood; acerbitas per ignem, the sharpness thereof by the fire; potestas per rapidum motum, the power, in that it issueth, Hugo. like as the course of a stream can not be stayed, Polan. 9 And three properties of the judgements of God are here noted: they are constantissima, perlustrantia, pervadentia omnia, they are constant, as the flood always runneth; they lighten all places, as the fire; and go through every where, as a flood still issuing forth, and running along. jun.   

36. Quest. Of the number of Angels that ministered unto God: thousand thousands, etc. v. 10.  
Some have taken upon them to scan the number of the Angels, where there are divers opinions. 1. Athanasius reporteth the opinion of some, 
〈…〉.  that thought there were so many Angels as men, because of that place, Deut. 32. 8. which the Septuag. thus translate, he appointed the number of the people, according to the number of the Angels: But this text proveth no such thing, which is thus truly translated, he appointed the borders of the people according to the number of the children of Israel.  
2. Gregory seemeth to be of opinion, 
Hom. 34. in Evangel.  that there are more men put good and bad together, than Angels good and bad: for first he setteth this down, that there shall be as many men elected as Angels: but there are far more men damned, then are saved: chose he thinketh that there are more elect Angels then reprobate angels, as some would gather by that place, Apoc. 12. 4. how the dragon with his tail drew the third part of the stars of heaven: If then the elect men be equivalent in number to the elect Angels, and the reprobate men are more than the elect, but the reprobate angels are fewer than the elect Angels; it will follow that the number of men is greater, then of Angels. But this opinion is builded upon an uncertain ground, that the number of the elect among men, is equivalent to the number of the elect Angels.  
3. A third opinion is, that the number of Angels, far exceedeth the number of men. Athanasius saith, that some thought, the Angels in number were more than men, as 99 to one; which they would gather out of that parable of the lost sheep, when the shepherd left 99 to seek that one. Lyranus, whom Pererius followeth, maketh this collection, that as the celestial bodies the stars do in bigness far exceed the things below, for one star is bigger than the earth: in the same proportion because Angels do not exceed men in quantity, they do exceed them, incomparabiliter in numerositate, without comparison in number.  
4. But these things are more boldly then certainly affirmed: out of this place no such thing can be gathered: for it is agreed of all hands, that here a certain and finite number is put for an indefinite: as Hierome saith, non quia ministrorum Dei numerus definitus sit, etc. not that the number of God's ministers is here defined, etc. but because a greater number can not be expressed by man's speech. Yet as touching this question, some things may certainly be resolved upon, some things are doubtful: 1. that the number of elect men is smaller than of the reprobate, is certain: for many enter in at the broad gate, and few find out the narrow way, Matth. 7. 13, 14. 2. But the number of the elect Angels is greater than of those which fell: because the Prophet saith, when he showed the young man the Lords fiery horse and chariots round about upon the mountains, They that are with us, are more than they which be with them, 2. king. 6. 16. And in Scripture the good Angels are expressed in greater numbers, than the evil: we read in the Gospel of 12. legions of Angels, Matth. 26. 53. but of one legion of devils, Mark. 5. 9 And in this place, ten thousand thousands of Angels are named. These things are certain. These following are probable. 3. That the number of the Elect men is greater than of the evil and reprobate angels, as Augustine thinketh, 
lib. 22. de civ. ca  that the angels which fell shall be supplied out of the numbers of the Elect: As our blessed Saviout said unto his Apostles, Have I not chosen you twelve, and one of you is a devil, joh. 6. 70. there was one devil to 12. elect Apostles. 4. Likewise the number of the elect Saints may seem to be greater than of the elect Angels, by that vision Apoc. 4. the four beasts about the throne represent the blessed Angels, the 24. Elders the Saints. 5. It may be also conjectured, that the Elect Angels are more in number then the Saints which are at once upon the earth; because two hosts of Angels attended at once upon jacob, Gen. 32. 1. when his brother Esau came against him, whereupon he called the place Mahana●m, the Lords hosts. 6. But whether the Angels good and bad, be equivalent in number to men good and bad, that live at once upon the earth, it can not be guessed at. And let this suffice of this question: It is not safe wading too far without a bottom. Concerning the divers offices and degrees of Angels, which Pererius taketh occasion here to note, it shall be discussed among the controversies following.   

37. Quest. What books these were which were opened, v. 10.  
1. Hierome, whom Lyranus, and gloss. ordinar. follow, understandeth here two books, the one of life, which is held in God's hand, the other of death, qui tenebitur in manu accusatoris, which shall be held in the accuser's hand, which is the devil. But 1. as Augustine saith, non sic datur liber mortis, etc. there is not found to be a book of death, as there is of life; only they which are elected are said to be written, and the reprobate not to be written in the book of life. 2. And whereas Pererius answereth, that though there be no such book of death with God, yet the devil may, have such a book: neither doth the devil know who are saved, who condemned, and therefore he can have no such book: neither is there any book mentioned in Scripture, but of the Lords writing, as Moses saith, Exod. 32. 32. Raze me out of the book of life which thou hast written. 3. Apoc. 20. 12. there are other books said to be opened beside the book of life; then is not the book of life here comprehended.  
2. Augustine by these books, 
lib. 2 de civet. Dei, c. 14.  understandeth the Saints which shall come with Christ to judgement, In whose godly life and conversation the good will of God appeared: and in them the wicked, as in books may see, what they should have done: But by the opening of these books not only the wicked, but the rightehus are judged: Apoc. 20. 12. The dead were judged of those things, which are written in the books.  
3. Beda by these books which shall be opened in the day of the Lord, understandeth the sacred Scriptures, according to the which men's doings shall be examined, and sentence given according to the same: But the Scriptures are called a book, Apoc. 10. 9 not books.  
4. Calvin by the opening of the books, would have signified the manifestation of the knowledge of God unto the world at the coming of Christ, which before lay hid: But here books are not opened for instruction unto salvation, but for trial and examination unto judgement.  
5. Therefore these books are better interpreted to be every one's conscience, wherein all their doings good and bad are written: whereof S. Paul speaketh, Their conscience also bearing witness, and their thoughts accusing one an other, or excusing, in the day when God shall judge the secrets of men by jesus Christ, Rom. 2. 15. And thus are those books interpreted, Apoc. 20. 12. The dead, were judged of those things, which were written in the books, according to their works. So Hierome, conscientiae, & opera singulorum in utraque part, bona vel mala revelabuntur, the consciences and works of every one shall be revealed whether good or bad, etc. To the same purpose also Rupertus. As here the acts and works of this fourth beast are examined before sentence given.  
6. But as Chrysostome well noteth, these books are not opened, that God should receive information thereby, to whom all men's hearts are opened: like as in earthly tribunals, books are brought forth, non so●um ut princeps in instruatur, sed ut judicium justum appareat, not only to inform the Prince, but that the judgement may appear just, etc. So God openeth every man's conscience, that they may themselves see and confess, that their judgement is most just, whether to life or death. Oecolampad.   

38. Quest. Of the destruction of the fourth beast, v. 11.  
v. 11. I beheld till the beast was slain, etc. Hierome, whom Lyranus followeth, understandeth this of the destruction of Antichrist, in the end of the world, whom Christ shall destroy with the spirit of his mouth: so also Vatablus, Antichristus significatur & eius membra, Antichrist is signified, and his members. But in this sense this prophesy should not yet be fulfilled, whereas it is evident, that all this was fulfilled before the first coming of Christ.  
2. Calvin applying this to the Roman Empire, thinketh that the beast was destroyed when the Empire began to decay, which was immediately after trajan the emperors time: for after that time, well nigh these 15. hundred years, nullus Romano potitus est Imperio, none hath enjoyed the Roman Empire: But, though the state of that Empire was somewhat impaired, yet it was not then wholly destroyed, but continued in great power and glory many hundred years after Traian's time: but here the beast is slain, and his body utterly destroyed.  
3. Bullinger expoundeth this of the ruin of the Papal kingdom.  
4. Osiander of the decay of the Turkish dominion, together with the Roman Empire: so also Oecolampad. expoundeth it of the destruction of the Pope and Turk together, by that prophesy Apoc. 19 20. of the taking of the beast, and the false prophet. But these prophecies must be distinguished: daniel's extendeth to the first coming of Christ, john's Revelation to the second.  
5. junius in his Commentary, applieth this prophesy unto Antiochus Epiphanes: his judgement is set forth in three degrees. 1. the beast is slain: the death of Epiphanes is foreshowed, who having received evil tidings first at Persepolis, then at Elymais fell into a grievous and incurable disease, as is set forth, 1. Macchab. 6. 2. Macchab. 9 2. his body is destroyed: his armies were overthrown, and all his posterity rooted out: for Antiochus Eupator his son reigned not above 3. years, and in him the whole family of Epiphanes was extinct, and the kingdom returned to the right heirs. 3. his body is given to the burning fire: whereby is signified the grievous torments of his disease, which he endured, 2. Macch. 9  
6. But seeing Antiochus Epiphanes is the little horn of the fourth beast, and this judgement belongeth to the whole beast; here rather is described the ruin and destruction of the whole kingdom of the Seleucians: the meaning than is this rather: 1. that the power of the Seleucians after Epiphanes began to abate, and their kingdom to be much molested by enemies without, the Parthians and Armenians, and by commotions within: and so the beast was slain: 
See appendix in the end of the book, exercise 1. argu. 8. answ. 3. & argu. 11. answ. 1.  then the body of the beast was destroyed: the kingdom being taken from the house of the Seleucians, and given to Tygranes king of Armenia, as justine writeth, lib. 40. And this body was given to the fire, when Tigranes being taken, the kingdom was dissolved, and made a Province by Pompey. Polan.   

39 Quest. v. 12. When the other beasts had their dominion taken away, and how their lives were prolonged.  
1. Some do interpret these words by the time past, that before the destruction of this last beast, the other three had been destroyed: so Calvin, Vatablus: ante interitum quartae bestiae evanuerant, they had vanished away before the overthrow of the fourth beast, Osiand. And though mention be made hereof after the destruction of the fourth beast, yet the other beasts were before removed and taken out of the way, Calvin. But to what end is it said that after the dominion of the other three beasts was taken away, their lives were prolonged, if there had not been some remainder of the other Monarchies, the Chaldean, Persian, and Grecian, after their dominion ceased.  
2. Some on the contrary he think, that here is signified a prorogation and continuance of other kingdoms, after the fourth beast is destroyed: for after Antichrist is destroyed, non statim omnes reges sine onima regna cessabu●●, not presently shall all the kings or kingdoms of the earth cease, but they shall have a time given them to repent, Hugo. But it is evident by the interpretation of the Angel, v. 26, 27. that after the dominion of the fourth beast is taken away, than all these dominions shall cease, and all the kingdom and dominion shall be given to the people of God: Christ only shall reign.  
3. Bullinger thinketh, that here is showed a difference between the ruin of this fourth kingdom, and the other three: innuit nullum ex omnibus regnis tam horribilem consecutum esse exitum, etc. he showeth that none of all the other kingdoms, had so horrible an end, as this last. True it is that there is a difference, for there was some remainder of the other Monarchies, after they were deprived of their dominion, but this fourth had nothing remaining, it was utterly destroyed: yet this is not all: here is described the end of all those kingdoms together: that although the Lord had forborn them a great while, yet at length they are judged.  
4. Oecolampadius and Pelican make this the meaning, that whereas in the dissolution of the other kingdoms, one still succeeded another, post hunc quartum non secutura alia, after this fourth, which he expoundeth of Antichrist, there shall follow no other: But this according to our former exposition (the fourth beast being understood to be the kingdom of the Seleucians) cannot stand: for the Roman Monarchy succeeded, which destroyed all the rest.  
5. Hierome, whom the ordinar. gloss. followeth, so taketh this prophesy, as that together with Antichrist, Romanum imperium, & alia omnia regna delabuntur, the Roman Empire, and all other kingdoms shall be destroyed in the end of the world: But this prophesy is not to be referred unto the second coming of Christ, it must be understood of his first coming, as is before showed, quest. 31.  
6. The interlinear, gloss. expoundeth these words, their lives were prolonged, of the elect and Saints, which should live under the reign of Antichrist: But here is no mention made of the Saints, but of the beasts, whose lives should be prolonged till the time appointed.  
7. Lyranus, whereas it is said, their lives were prolonged for a certain time and season, understandeth by the first time, the persecution of the faithful before the first coming of Christ, by the second the persecution following unto the second coming of Christ: But it is evident; that all these four beasts must be destroyed before the Messiah should come in the flesh, and take possession at his ascension of his everlasting kingdom.  
8. Wherefore this is the meaning, that together with the fourth beast should be destroyed the remainder of the other kingdoms, and all should be dissolved by the Romans: there was some relics of the ancient Monarchies, after their dominion ceased, as of the Babylonians in the Armenians, of the Persians in the kingdom of the Parthians, of the Grecians in the kingdom of Macedonia, and Egypt: But all these were utterly extinguished by the Romans, jun. Pol. Perses the last king of Macedonia was subdued by P. Aemilius, and the kingdom made a Province of the Roman Empire: & this was in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, than some 90. years after that the kingdom of Syria was by Pompey reduced to the form of a province: and some 50. year after Augustus overcoming Antony and Cleopatra, made a province of Egypt, ex tabul. chron. Bulling.   

Quest. 40. Why it is said, v. 13. one like the son of man.  
1. Lyranus thinketh that this note of similitude is added, quia plus est quam filius hominis, because Christ is more than the son of man, he is also the son of God: But the Prophet describeth here the figure of man, which he saw: the Godhead could not be figured.  
2. Pintus giveth this sense: quasi non similitudinem significat, sed certissimam confirmationem: this word as or like, signifieth not here a similitude, but a most certain confirmation, as the word is taken, joh. 1. 14. we saw the glory thereof, as the glory of the only begotten son of the father. But it cannot be so taken here, because Christ was not yet incarnate indeed.  
3. Oecolampadius understandeth this to be spoken of Christ now triumphing in glory, he was as the son of man, that is true man, but not now mortal and subject to human infirmities, as other men are, and therefore he is said to be like: he is not now altogether the same: But as yet the son of man had not taken upon him our nature, with the infirmities thereof: therefore this cannot conveniently be understood of the laying aside and putting off those infirmities.  
4. The ordinar. gloss. expoundeth this by that place, Philippi. 2. 7. He took upon him the form of a servant, and was made like unto man: But in this place, as Calvin well noteth, non loquitur de essentia naturae humanae, sed de statu, the Apostle speaketh not of the essence of human nature, but of the state and condition: that Christ came in a lowly state & condition, as the Apostle said before in the form of a servant: But the son of man is here seen in the clouds, and in glory: his humble and abject state cannot be here signified.  
5. junius in his commentary giveth this sense, in similitudine carnis peccati verus hominis silius, the true son of man in the similitude of sinful flesh, as the Apostle speaketh, Rom. 8. 3. And therefore he is said to be as the Son of man.  
6. But the better sense is: that he is said to be as the Son of man, because he saw only a figure of the son of man: for at this time, when Daniel saw this, he was not yet the Son of man, but was to be borne, and become man in his time: Bulling. quia nondum induerat Christus carnem nostram, because Christ had not yet put on our flesh: yea after Christ was incarnate, when he was seen figuratively in vision, he is said to be as the Son of man, as revel. 14. 14. I saw upon the cloud one sitting; as the son of man: because he was not seen in his substance, but in figure only.   

Quest. 41. How he is said to come in the clouds and approach to the Ancient of days, and when.  
R. Levi understanding this of the Messiah, by the ancient of days would have signified him, that shall be at that time over the Roman Empire, and shall entreat him for his people, as Moses did Pharaoh for the Israelites: But these Rabbins show themselves herein maliciously blind, and grossly absurd: to apply that to the terrene state, which is here meant of Christ's spiritual and eternal kingdom: and the ancient of days which is God, to make a mortal man: and the son of man coming in the clouds, to understand in base and suppliant manner to come unto a mortal Prince.  
2. R. Saadia understandeth this also of the Messiah, that he shall come as was prophesied of him sitting upon an ass, that is, in great lowliness, and in the clouds, armies of Angels shall attend upon him, and that great dominion shall be given, as the ancient of days, that is, sicut domini filiorum hominum, as they which are Lords among men, etc. But herein also is his error: 1. he confoundeth the first coming of Christ, which was in humility, and his second coming, which should be in glory. 2. he dreameth of a temporal kingdom. 3. he misinterpreteth the ancient of days, which he applieth to mortal men.  
3. The most of the Christian writers do here understand the second coming of Christ to judgement: as Lyran. Hugo. gloss. So also Oecolampad. Bulling. Pererius granteth that in the vision of the image, c. 2. the stone cut out without hands doth signify Christ in his first coming: but here he thinketh that Christ is described coming unto judgement, because so it is said, Matth. 24. than shall they see the Son of man coming in the clouds, etc. And because this apparition of the Son of man followeth after the destruction of Antichrist.  
But 1. Christ also ascending to his father was taken up in the clouds. 2. the little horn of the fourth beast, signifieth not Antichrist, but typically and by way of analogy: it historically is meant of Antiochus Epiphanes, as is before showed. 3. seeing the same Monarchies and kingdoms are described in the vision, c. 2. and this, c. 7. the same destruction and extinguishing of the kingdoms in both places must be insinuated. 4. neither is this aptly referred to Christ's second coming, but to that his coming, which followed upon the dissolution of that fourth kingdom, which was of the Seleucians in Syria: as is showed before, quest. 22. and quest. 26. 5. junius understandeth the approaching of Christ to the Ancient of days, of Christ's ascension unto his father: but the coming in or with the clouds, he applieth to Christ's coming into the world, to finish the work of our redemption, deitas illius figuratur adventu è nubibus, his deity is prefigured, by his coming out of the clouds, Inn, annot. so also Calvin thinketh the meaning is, that Christ though he were the son of man, yet differed much from all mankind, etc. his beginning was from heaven, ours is from the earth.  
6. But all these are better joined together, to set forth the glorious ascension of our Blessed Saviour: which type we see fulfilled, Act. 1. where Christ ascended up in a cloud: by this approaching to the Ancient of days, is signified his equality with his father: he approached ad aequalitatem Deipatris, to be equal to his father in the divine essence, Lyran. Bulling. and to sit at the right hand of God his father, Vatab. they brought him before him, that is, he offered and presented himself to his father: for so in the Chalde tongue the third person plural is used impersonally, jun. or else the Angels rejoicing at the ascension of Christ, attended upon him, when he ascended in triumph to his father, as justine Martyr expoundeth, dialog. cum Tryphon. Polan.  
7. And that this part of the vision is rather understood of Christ's first coming into the world, and his returning to his father, then of his second coming to judgement, these two reasons out of the text itself may persuade. 1. because this dominion is here given unto Christ: but Christ received his kingdom at his resurrection from the dead, when he said to his Apostles, all power is given unto me in heaven, and earth: tunc regnum suum auspicatus est, then Christ began his kingdom, Calv. it was not deferred till his second coming: Oecolampadius answereth, novo modo datur illi gloria, quam in membris suis accipit, etc. then after a new manner glory shall be given him, because he shall receive it in his members, etc. But it is evident, that this is meant of Christ's receiving this kingdom in himself, though for his members: because he is brought to the Ancient of days, as it were to sit down in the throne with him, which cannot be understood of his members. 2. the kingdom under the whole heaven is said to be given unto the holy people, v. 27. but the celestial and heavenly kingdom cannot be said to be under heaven: therefore it is not meant of the Church triumphant in heaven, but of the Militant in earth.  
8. And yet we so understand this of the first coming of Christ, 
Rupert. lib. 1. 〈◊〉 in Daniel. c. 12.  as that we say with Rupertus, in primo adventu coeptum fat●mur, quod in secundo consummandum est, we confess this kingdom to begin in the first coming of Christ, which shall be finished in his second, etc. and that Christ's kingdom than took beginning he showeth by that text, joh. 12. 31. now is the judgement of this world, now shall the Prince of this world be cast out.   

Quest. 42. That this kingdom could not be the kingdom of the Macchabees.  
v. 14. And he gave him dominion and honour, etc. 1. Porphyry by this kingdom understandeth, the prosperous government of the Macchabees, who obtained diverse victories against Antiochus, and procured the liberty of their country. 2. But this cannot be. 1. Theodoret thus reasoneth: this kingdom here given shall never be taken away: but this government of the Macchabees continued not long: judas governed three years, jonathas 31. Simon 8. years: but afterward the country of the jews was oppressed again: And though we take the whole time of the Macchabees which succeeded, it continued not above an 126. years, till the time of Herod, who deprived them of the kingdom: to this purpose Theodoret. 2. this kingdom shall be over all the world: but the Macchabees only ruled in judea, Perer. 3. whereas this Son of man cometh in the clouds, and approacheth unto the Ancient of days, it cannot be showed how this should agree unto mortal men.   

Quest. 43. That this kingdom is the kingdom of Christ our Blessed Lord and Saviour.  
1. The jews seek by their cavils and shifts to obscure this clear prophesy, and first object, that Christ's kingdom is not here understood: Secondly, they argue, that Christ is that little home, which came out of the fourth beast.  
1. The first they would thus prove. 1. the fifth kingdom must destroy the fourth beast, but Christ at his coming did not dissolve the Roman Empire, it than most of all flourished under Augustus and Tiberius. 2. the fifth kingdom must be distinct from the fourth: but the kingdom of Christ flourished under the Roman Empire, being advanced by Constantine, and other Christian Emperors. 3. this fifth kingdom shall be of all other the most mighty: but there are other kingdoms mightier than the Christians, as the Turkish power. 4. this fifth kingdom must continue for ever: but the kingdom of Christianity decreaseth, and is more and more impaired.  
2. That Christ is that little horn, out of the fourth beast, and so consequently not this fifth kingdom, thus they object. 1. this horn was little in respect of the obscure beginning, so was Christ's rising up obscure. 2. this horn speaketh proud things: so Christ said he was without sin, that he was the son of God. 3. this horn changeth times and laws: so Christ violated the Sabbath, and abolished the ceremonies of Moses. 4. and as this horn was to continue a time, two times, and an half, that is, three years and an half: so Christ preached just so many years.  
Contra. 1. Their reasons upon the first point are easily answered. 1. It is denied that the Roman Empire is the fourth beast, but rather the kingdom of the Seleucians in Syria, which was destroyed before the coming of the Messiah. 2. And so Christ's kingdom was distinct from the fourth, and from all other terrene kingdoms and dominions: they are earthly and temporal: Christ's is spiritual and eternal: the Christian faith is maintained under the Roman Empire: yet it is far differing from it: the jews here imagine, that this fifth kingdom should be a temporal and external kingdom in the world, such as they dream of their Messiah, but therein they are deceived: for our blessed Saviour himself saith, that he came not to be ministered unto, but to minister, Matth. 21. and he said to Pilate, that his kingdom was not of this world: yea the thief who was converted upon the cross understood as much, saying to Christ, remember me when thou comest into thy kingdom: therefore Christ had no temporal kingdom in this world, but spiritual, in which respect it was diverse and distinct from all other earthly kingdoms: See more hereof cap. 2. que. 58. 3. And though this kingdom of the Messiah doth not always show itself mightier in this world, in external power, than other kingdoms: yet the spiritual power thereof far exceedeth all temporal dominion; seeing even those terrene powers, which persecuted the gospel of Christ, were by the power thereof subdued unto the faith, as Constantine the Empecour, and other Christian Emperors and Kings, which maintained the Christian faith: according to the prophesy of Isay, 49. 23. King's shall be thy nursing fathers, and Queens thy nursing mothers. 4. though the terrene bounds and limits of those kingdoms, which profess the gospel of Christ, may sometime be enlarged, sometime impaired: yet the spiritual kingdom of Christ is not conquered, which triumpheth in the mids of the greatest trials and afflictions of his servants: and it is most certain, though the Church of Christ may be translated from one kingdom to another, yet it shall remain as long as the earth endureth, and after shall reign in heaven for ever.  
2. Concerning the other objection, that Christ should be this little horn. 1. The most of these arguments are answered before, quest. 27. 7. to the which place I refer the Reader. 2. Christ violated not the Sabbath, but taught the right use of the Sabbath against the superstitious observations of the jews. 3. though this little horn was to rage against the Saints, 3. years and a half, it followeth not because Christ preached no longer, that he should be this little horn: every mean Logician knoweth, what an inartificial kind of reasoning it is to conclude affirmatively in the second figure: as thus: this little horn shall rage 3. years and an half, Christ preached 3. years and half, Ergo, he is this little horn: Beside there is great difference between raging and tyrannising against the Saints, and preaching to the Saints: so that beside the failing in the form of the argument, they assume not right. 4. But that Christ no ways can be this little horn, it is evident: for these horns must be kings, and kings of the fourth kingdom or Monarchy, and it must pluck away three kings before it, but Christ was no king neither of the Syrian, nor Roman kingdom: neither can it be showed how he removed 3. kings before him. 2. and after this horn is taken away, it is said the Saints should have the kingdom: but after Christ was put to death, the people of the jews were more afflicted, than they were before: and within few years their city and Temple were destroyed by the Romans: Therefore this their assertion, is most blasphemous and absurd, that Christ should be this little horn. 3. Those Rabbins are more reasonable, which do understand this kingdom of the Messiah, as R. jesua, Ab. Ezra, R. Saadia: though herein they fail in dreaming of a temporal kingdom, which should be raised by their Messiah.   

Quest. 44. That this kingdom given to the Son of man, shall not be in earth: against the Chiliastes.  
1. Some of the ancient writers were of opinion, that after 6. thousand years (for so long they held the world should continue, for every of the six days of the creation counting a thousand years) Christ should come, and reign with his Saints a thousand years in all prosperity in the earth: they should be raised from the dead (which they call the first resurrection) and live in peace and all happiness, marrying wi●es, and begetting children: And after these thousand years Satan should be let loose, and then should be the greatest persecution that ever was by Antichrist, after which time the dead should be raised to life, which they say is the second resurrection, and then the Saints should reign with Christ in heaven for ever.  
2. Of this opinion was Papias, whom Ireneus affirmeth to have been one of john's disciples: who for his antiquity moved others to embrace the same opinion: as justinus dialog: cum Tryphon. jereneus, Tertullian, also as Hierome thinketh, lib. 11. in Ezekiel, Victorinus in Apocalyps. Lactantius also, and Servius Sulpitius: But the simplicity of Papias gave occasion to this error, who understood literally those things which the Apostles spiritually meant, of the glory and peace of Christ's kingdom: and to Eusebius giveth this testimony of Papias, that he was a man, ingenij perquam tenuis, of a verse slender wit, as may appear by his writings.  
3. The chief ground of this error is by the mistaking of that place, Apocal. 20. 2. that Satan should be bound for a thousand years: and that the Saints lived and reigned with Christ a thousand years: this is the first resurrection: But this place maketh nothing at all for this opinion, as shall be showed afterward.  
4. Cerinthus the heretic had the like conceit of Christ's reigning in earth a thousand years, as Eusebius testifieth, lib. 3. histor. Ecclesiast. c. 22. 
〈…〉  But herein they differed: Cerinthus thought, that men under this kingdom of Christ should live in carnal pleasure and voluptuousness. This opinion Augustine always misliked, but he confesseth that sometime he approved the other, lib. 20. de civit. dei c. 7.  
Cont●a. But now briefly it shall be showed how vain and false this opinion is. 1. Our Blessed Saviour himself saith, that his kingdom is not of this world. 2. Christ's kingdom is perpetual, it is an everlasting dominion, which never shall be taken away, v. 14. but this kingdom which they imagine, shall be but for a thousand years. 3. They which held this opinion, thought that the last of the six thousand years was begun many years since: Augustine thought that in his time the last of the six thousand was entered, following the erroneous account of the Septuag. from the beginning of the world: and Lactantius who lived in Constantine's time, thought that there were but 200. years remaining of the six thousand: In their opinion then, now the eight thousand year should be a foot, and yet their supposed kingdom is not begun.  
4. But as concerning that place in the Revelation, 
The thousand years expounded, Apoc. ●0. 2. during which time Satan should be bound.  it is greatly mistaken by them: there are diverse expositions thereof. 1. Pererius by the first resurrection understandeth the deliverance of the souls from the bodies, & their receiving up into heaven: & by the thousand years he would have signified, taking a finite number for an indefinite, all that time, which the souls of the Saints should reign in heaven with Christ till his second coming: But this cannot be the meaning: for after these thousand years expired, Satan shall be loose: now at Christ's coming Satan shall be more bound then ever he was, and receive his everlasting doom.  
2. Some do understand here the liberty which Christ's Church shall have in earth, but by a thousand years they think no definite or certain time to be expressed: but in prophetical predictions, numbers must be taken properly and literally, especially, where a time is limited: as after these 1000 years Satan must be let loose: if now a certain time be not defined, before his losing the Church should have no certain direction to expect it, and so they should have small use of this prophesy.  
3. Some do understand here precisely so many years, as are named: and some begin the account from Christ's nativity, and end it in the time of Pope Silvester the second: Genevens. Some begin in the 36. year after Christ, and extend the 1000 years unto the time of Hildebrand called Gregory the 7. that forcerer, whom Satan used as his instrument in oppressing the Church of Christ, jun. annot. in Apocalyps. But both these do make the 300. years of persecution under the Roman Emperors, a part of this thousand years when Satan should be bound, which cannot be, for then Satan raged against Christ and his members.  
4. Therefore these thousand years for that reason must begin, after the 10. persecutions under the Roman Empire, in the time of Constantine the great: from thence Satan was shut up for a 1000 years, unto the time of john Wickleffe, and john hus: then began again the general persecutions of Christ's Church, Fox Martyrolog. p. 101. And by the first resurrection is understood the renewing of the soul, and the rising from dead works by the preaching of the Gospel: So S. Paul understandeth this first resurrection, Rom. 6. 4. Coloss 3. 1. and in diverse other places.   

Quest. 45. Of the excellency of Christ's kingdom beyond other kingdoms.  
1. It excelleth all other kingdoms in the continuance and diuturnity: the spiritual kingdom of our Blessed Saviour hath already continued 16. hundred years, and shall endure unto the end of the world, and be perfited for ever to remain in the next. Among earthly Monarchies, the kingdom of the Assyrians was of the longest time: but it reached not to a 1400. years: but the kingdom of Christ shall be everlasting. 2. none of these terrene kingdoms was universal over all the world: but all nations and languages have been subdued to the spiritual kingdom of Christ. 3. It excelleth in force and efficacy: other kingdoms have but power over the goods and bodies of men: but this kingdom of Christ worketh upon the soul and conscience. 4. Other kingdoms do but intend the public peace, and maintenance of civil society: this kingdom delivereth men from the dominion of sin and Satan, and planteth in them true verity and piety. 5. Other kingdoms have been enlarged by force and arms: but Christ's kingdom hath been propagated by humility and patience: Our Blessed Saviour hath founded by his glorious passion, and his faithful servants the Martyrs, have by their patient & constant sufferings propagated the church. 6. This kingdom in the excellency of laws and precepts far surpasseth all other: If the Prophet David spoke such excellent things of the law of Moses, Psal. 19 4. The law of the Lord is perfect converting the soul, the testimony of the Lord is sure, and giveth wisdom unto the simple: much more excellent is the Gospel of Christ: which is a perfect rule of righteousness, which was first preached by the Lord himself. 7. They differ in the end: Terrene kingdoms do but procure the outward peace and welfare of the people: but the gospel and kingdom of Christ do bring the faithful unto everlasting life. 8. Lastly, these kingdoms are diverse in respect of their governors: These terrene dominions are ruled many times by unwise, often by unjust, but always by infirm, mortal, and weak men: But this spiritual kingdom of the Church, hath a Prince most prudent, most just, most mighty: as the Prophet Esay describeth this Blessed Prince, 
〈◊〉 9 7.  by six titles: which may thus be sorted out to these properties before named: two of them show his power; he is wonderful and mighty, two of them his wisdom, he is a counsellor, and the Prince of peace; by his heavenly wisdom procuring the everlasting peace of his Church: and for his justice, he is an everlasting father, not as an hard Lord over his people, but governing them as a foster father: And all these three, his wisdom, justice, and power, are comprehended in that one title, he is the mighty God.   

Quest. 46. How the kingdom of Christ is said to be everlasting, seeing it shall be delivered up unto God, 1. Cor. 15. 24.  
1. Whereas the Apostle saith, then shall be the end, when he hath delivered the kingdom to God, 1. Cor. 15. 24. and vers. 28. And when all things shall be subdued unto him, then shall the son also himself be subject unto him, that did subdue all things under him, etc. Some understand this of Christ in his members: Sancti, in quibus vivit filius puriss●me agnoscunt Regem ac dominum, the Saints, in whom the Son liveth, shall heartily acknowledge their Lord and king: and so Christ in his members shall be subject unto God: Oecolampad. But it is evident in the text, that the Apostle speaketh of Christ in his own person: v. 24. He shall deliver the kingdom to God the father, when he hath put down all rule, etc. But Christ himself, and not his members, doth subdue and put down all rule, etc.  
2. Some do thus interpret the Apostle, that Christ as man and head of his Church, shall: be subject unto God, and deliver up the kingdom unto his father, Genevens. who is said then to be subject to his father as man, not that he was not subject before, but because the Church which is his body, which shall be also subject, is not yet perfect, Beza. This is most true, that the Son as man, is subject unto God: as Augustine saith, Christus ut Deus nos cum patre subiectos habet, ut sacerdos nobiscum patri subiectus est▪ Christ as God together with his father hath us subject unto him, as he is the Priest, he is together with us subject to his father, lib. 1. de Trinitat. cap. 8. yet this doth not fully satisfy how Christ shall deliver up his kingdom; for as he is the Son of man, he is said here to have a● everlasting kingdom, and he shall be adored and worshipped for ever, as the king of his Church.  
3. Therefore this is to be understood of the manner of his kingdom: that it shall not be administered in the next world as now, per ministerium verbi & sacramentorum, by the ministery of the word, and Sacraments, Osiand. And that part of Christ's kingdom shall cease, which is exercised in the subduing and vanquishing of his enemies: for then there shall be no enemies at all to be subdued: this execution of Christ's kingdom shall cease: yet Christ shall remain king of his Church for ever, to be adored of his Angels, and of all his Elect.   

47. Quest. v. 17. Of the rising of the four beasts.  
1. Where it is in the text, these four beasts, are four kings, Calvin following the vulgar Latin, readeth kingdoms: but the word is malchin, kings: malcutha signifieth a kingdom, v. 18. But yet by Kings, we must understand kingdoms, jun. Vatab. for there were divers kings in the second Monarchy of the Persians, and in the fourth of the Seleucians. 2. It is said, they shall arise, by a synecdoche, the greater part being taken for the whole: for the Chalde Monarchy was already not only risen, but almost at an end: the other three were yet to rise, Polan. 3. They shall arise out of the earth: before it is said out of the Sea: sed metaphorice posuerat nomen maris, the name of the Sea he put metaphorically: the earth in respect of the troubles thereof, is compared unto a turbulent, and unquiet sea, Calvin.   

48. Quest. Who shall possess the kingdom of the Saints.  
v. 18. Some read, they shall take the kingdom of the Saints of the most high. 2. Some, the most high Saints shall take the kingdom, etc. and possess the kingdom for ever, yea for ever and ever. 3. Some refer the first clause to the beasts, that they shall take the kingdom, the second to the Saints, who shall possess it for ever.  
1. They which so understand these words, as though these four kingdoms which should rise out of the earth, shall possess the kingdom of the Saints. 1. Some. by the kingdom understand the earth, which is due unto the Saints, and in Abraham was promised to the faithful, which these four Monarchies shall possess for ever: that is, till the world be restored by Christ. Genevens. jun. 2. Or it is said for ever, in respect of the longing desire of the Saints that are afflicted, who shall think the time very long before they be delivered, Calvin. 3. Some do thus interpret it: for ever, yea for ever and ever, that is, for divers ages, shall these Monarchies keep the people of God in subjection: for the Chaldeans held them and their country in bondage 70. years, the Persians 207. years, the Seleucians 148. years, which make above 400. years: four complete generations, Polan. But all these expositions are confuted by these two arguments. 1. because it seemeth an hard speech, that the wicked should possess the kingdom of the Saints for ever and ever: whereas the kingdom only of the Messiah shall be everlasting, v. 14. 2. the kingdom of the Saints is not here taken for any earthly inheritance, but for a celestial and spiritual dominion, as is evident, v. 22. 27. And therefore the other kingdoms are said to rise out of the earth, to show a difference between this kingdom, and theirs: as the ordin. gloss. well observeth, Whatsoever is earthly, shall return to the earth: Sancti non accipient regnum terrenum, sed coeleste, the Saints shall not receive an earthly kingdom, but an heavenly.  
2. They which follow the second reading, that the Saints shall take the kingdom. 1. Some refer it to the everlasting kingdom of heaven only, which they shall receive at the coming of Christ: hoc erit in judicio finali, this shall be in the final judgement, Lyran. post regna mundi finita, post mortem Antichristi, after all the kingdoms are at an end, after the death of Antichrist, gloss. interlin. But this fifth kingdom the Saints shall receive presently after the dissolution of the four former kingdoms, which were ended before the first coming of Christ. 2. Oecolampad. likewise understandeth this fifth to be the celestial kingdom, where the faithful shall reign with Christ: But it is evident, v. 27. where it is said, the kingdoms under the whole heaven shall be given unto the people of God, that this kingdom of the Saints shall begin in earth: for the heavenly kingdom can not be said to be the kingdom under heaven. 3. Some think that this kingdom of the Saints shall take place, while the other Monarchies do yet stand; as under the fourth Monarchy of the Romans the Church of Christ was propagated over all the world, Pelican: So also Bullinger, Ecclesiam per omnes istus Monarchias in mundo futuram, that the Church shall be in the world during all these Monarchies: which exposition in part is true, that the Church of God, the spiritual kingdom of Christ, can not be extinguished, or overcome, but shall still continue in the world, the very gates of hell shall not prevail against it: yet herein it faileth, that they suppose these Monarchies shall still have dominion, when this fifth kingdom taketh place: whereas the contrary is evident, v. 11, 12. that the fourth beast shall be slain, and the dominion taken from the other three beasts, before this kingdom should be given unto the Saints.  
4. It remaineth then, that the fifth kingdom, being the spiritual dominion of the Church, shall then begin when the other four kingdoms are extinguished. And for the more certain and evident demonstration hereof, these positions shall be here affirmed. 1. that the kingdom here spoken of, though the four beasts shall first take it, yet in the end shall be possessed of the Saints, not that those Monarchies shall possess the kingdom of the Saints: so is it interpreted, v. 22. The time approached, that the Saints possessed the kingdom. 2. this kingdom of the Saints is begun here in this world, it is not deferred to the second coming of Christ, though then it shall be perfited: as Hugo well interpreteth, ab hoc seculo in quo regnant per gratiam, usque in futurum seculum in quo regnabunt per gloriam, their kingdom shall begin in this world, wherein they reign by grace, and continue unto the next world, wherein they shall reign in glory, etc. 3. this kingdom of the Saints in Christ shall begin after the dissolution of the four former Monarchies, as is before showed.   

49. Quest. Why they are called the most high Saints, v. 18.  
1. The vulgar Latin readeth, which H. Br. followeth in his commentary, Saints of the most high God: but beside that the word high, ghelonin is in the plural, and so must be joined with Saints, the other word (God) is not in the text. 2. Some by the high Saints, understand the Angels: but that can not be, for v. 27. they are interpreted to be the holy people of the most high: the Saints in earth. 3. neither by the high Saints, can God himself be understood: the Scripture useth not in the plural number so to speak of God. 4. some thus read, the Saints of the high things: that is, to whom belongeth the inheritance of the high and heavenly things, jun. Polan. Calvin. But it is better joined as an epithet to Saints: they are called the high Saints: as v. 27. the people of the Saints most high: they are most high, in respect of all other people in the world, in respect of the most high Prince the Lord Christ, to whom they belong, and in regard of the most high inheritance of heaven, which appertaineth unto them.   

50. Quest. v. 20. How the horn called before little, is said to be in show greater than the rest.  
1. Before in the vision it is said to be a little horn in respect of the obscure, base, and mean beginning: for so Antiochus Epiphanes being the younger brother, had no right nor title to the kingdom, and in this sense he was a little horn. 2. But the event considered, how afterward Antiochus Epiphanes, proud Antiochus, who of some is rather called Epimanes, mad Antiochus, exceeded all other of the Seleucians in greatness, he is in this respect said to be greater in show then the rest. So both are true, but not in the same time.   

51. Quest. How this little horn is said to change laws and times.  
1. Hierome, by changing times and laws, understandeth that Antichrist shall abolish and take away all religion: so also Lyran. he shall abrogate the worship of God, & sibi illum cultum usurpabit, and shall usurp unto himself that worship, making himself God. But Antichrist which was prophesied of, and is now come into the world, shall not be an open and professed enemy unto all religion, but rather through hypocrisy and vain show of religion, shall deceive many: and therefore the Apostle saith, he shall come with lying wonders, 2. Thess. 2. 9  
2. Calvin understanding the Roman Emperors to be this little horn, giveth this sense, that omnia iura humana & divina pervertent, they shall pervert all laws human and divine: as Augustus caused altars to be erected unto him, though otherwise a civil Prince: Tiberius neglected all religion: Caligula threatened to banish jupiter their great god into Greece, and would often smite his image with his fifth: Domitian wished that all the people of Rome had but one neck, that he might smite it off at once: he would have made his horse Consul. But though these things may by way of analogy be thus applied, yet historically, as hath been showed at large, this prophecy was fulfilled before the coming of the Messiah into the world.  
3. Bullinger, with others, show how this is practised by the Pope of Rome, to change laws and times: for he canonizeth Saints, and erecteth holy days unto them: appointeth fast● and fasting days for religion: he changeth laws, as commanding adoration of Images, which is forbidden by the law of God: restraining marriage, which God hath made free for all: taking away the cup in the Eucharist, which Christ in the institution of his last supper appointed to be used.  
4. Other do verify these things in the Turk, who endeavoureth what he can to abolish all Christian religion: he thinketh to do it: laboureth what he can to extitpate the Gospel of Christ, but he can not. These two last expositions also we refuse upon the former reason. These applications by way of analogy we mislike not: but this prophecy had the historical accomplishment before the birth of Christ.  
5. Wherefore this is a true and lively description of Antiochus Epiphanes, how he attempted to change times, to abolish the festivals of the jews, & to profane their Sabbaths: the rites also and ceremonies of Moses law he abrogated, defiling the Temple and the altars, and setting up most abominable idols, as is showed at large, 1. Macch. 1. 46. etc. Antiochus sent his letters to jerusalem and the cities of juda, that they should follow the strange laws of the country: that they should forbid the burnt offerings, and the sacrifices, and the offerings of the Sanctuary: and that they should defile the sabbaths, and the feasts, and pollute the sanctuary, and the holy men: and to set up altars and groves, and chapels of idols, and offer up swine's flesh, and unclean beasts, etc. The like reporteth joseph. lib. 12. Antiquit. judaic. c. 6. It is very evident now by comparing the history of the Macchabees with the prophecy of Daniel, that all these things were most truly and properly fulfilled in the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes, which are here described of this little horn.   

52. Quest. What is meant, by a time, times, and a part of time. v. 25.  
1. Some by these terms understand, not any certain definite time, but take it at large, for a certain season not determined. 2. Others understand precisely a certain prefixed time.  
1. Of the first sort, 1. some do understand, longam durationem, a long continuance of time, yet certain and determined with God, Pap. So Bullinger calleth it, praefinitum tempus sol: Deo cognitum, a time defined, but only known unto God: to the same purpose also Calv. Genevens. Melancth. 2. Oecolampad. also here defineth not any certain time, but giveth this reason, of three times and an half, which maketh half a prophetical week, dimidiat Deus hebdomadam, God halueth the week, because he will not be angry for ever: as our blessed Saviour saith, that for the Elects sake those days shall be shortened. But it is evident, that a certain time is here prefixed and limited: and that by times, years are signified, as c: 4. in the vision of the great tree, by seven times, are understood seven years.  
2. They which understand here a certain time, 1. some would have hereby signified so many years, as there be days in 3. years and an half: as R. Levi saith, that the desolation of the Temple shall continue a 1335. years, which number of days Daniel hath, c. 12. 12. But the gross blindness of these Rabbins is evident to all the world: for since the last and final desolation of the jews Temple by the Romans, there are passed above a 1500. years. 2. Osiander applying this prophecy to the Turk, by three years and an half, which containeth in his estimate a 1178. days (but it cometh to a 1278. days) understandeth so many years from the first rising of Mahomet in the year 613. so long he thinketh the Turkish tyranny shall rage: but it is not necessary, that all the half time should be fulfilled: it sufficeth that the term exceed somewhat a thousand years. But this can not hang together, that if the account be of so many years, an hundred or two should be cut off from the reckoning, for this were to make the prophecies very uncertain.  
3. Now some precisely here would have understood three years and an half, which time they limit for the tyranny of Antichrist in the end of the world, Hierom. Lyran. Hug. But this is an uncertain and unprobable opinion, that Antichrist shall reign just three years and an half before the coming of Christ: for, 1. then it might be guessed at what time Christ should come to judgement, if we may come so near as within 3. years and an half. 2. S. Paul showeth that the Roman Empire only letted the coming of Antichrist, 2. Thess. 2. 7. which being long since dissolved, the Empire being translated to Germany, and the name thereof only left, Antichrist must be already revealed to the world.  
4. The historical sense than is, that the very time is here described how long Antiochus should be suffered to change the times and laws in polluting the Temple, and abolishing the sacrifices, which was just three years and ten days: for this desolation began in the 145. year of the kingdom of the Seleucians, the 15. day of the month Chisleu, 1. Macch. 1. 57 and in the 148. year, the 25. day of the same month Chisleu, the true worship of God was restored, and sacrifices offered. And 80. days after that, which maketh in all 1290 days, on the 25. day of the month Xanticus the last but one, in the same year 148. Antiochus confirmed the jews laws and manner of worship: 2. Macch. 11. 33. jun. annotat. The history then being so correspondent unto the prophecy, we need not search any further for the right meaning thereof.   

53. Quest. What is meant by the half or dividing of time, v. 25.  
The word properly signifieth a dividing, and so consequently a part: phalag is derived of phelag, to divide: whence Peleg had his name, because in his time the earth was divided, Gen. 10. 25. whereupon some do read, a part of time, jun. Polan. Montan. or dividing of time, Genevens. the Latin following the Septuag. readeth, dimidium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, half of time, which reading because it is retained and used Apoc. 12. 14. is not to be refused.  
1. Some now by this dividing of time, understand not any set term, as Calvin, who thereby thinketh to be signified, that those days should be divided, that is, shortened for the Elect sake. Melancthon thus interpreteth, that when the Turk is come to the height of his power, subita fiet inclinatio, there shall be a sudden change and inclination. But if time do signify a year according to the prophetical phrase, as c. 11. 13. the times of years being expired, than the half or part of time, shall signify the half, or part of a year.  
2. Hierome by the half, understandeth just six months, and so 3. years and half maketh an 1260 days, Apoc. 12. 6. which is all one with 42. months, Apoc. 11. 2. Pint. But 3. years and an half make just 1278. days: counting 15. days over in the 3. years, and 3. days over in six months: therefore precisely there are not by this account 3. years and an half.  
3. junius, whom Polanus followeth, by this part of time noteth to be signified ten days only: but that cannot be the dividing or half of time, which reading is before approved because of that place, Apoc. 12. 14.  
4. Wherefore rather this place is expounded by that Dan. 12. 11. from the time that the daily sacrifice shall be taken away, shall be a 1290 days: So that it is counted the half of time, being much about it, though it sometime come short, as in the sum of a 1260 days, there want 18. days of 3. years and an half, and sometime shoot over, as in 1290 days there are 12. days more than three years and an half.   

54. Quest. How this kingdom is said to be given to the holy people, v. 27. which is said v. 14. to be given to the Son of man.  
1. Because first and principally this kingdom is given unto Christ, as the first borne of every creature, and in him communicated unto the Saints his members: there is no contradiction between these two places: for so both the spiritual kingdom, as likewise the Priesthood is in this life graciously communicated by Christ our head unto his members: as the Apostle saith, Apoc. 1. 6. He hath made us Kings and Priests to God even his father: As also through Christ his members are made partakers of his everlasting kingdom: as our blessed Saviour saith, Luk. 12. 32. Fear not little flock, it is your Father's will to give you a kingdom.  
2. Here then that cavil of the jews may easily be removed: who by this would gather, because the holy people are here mentioned, to whom this kingdom is given: that by the Son of man, vers. 14. the Messiah is not understood, but the whole posterity of Abraham, and so likewise here: But whereas the Prophet saw one as the son of man, that can not be applied to Abraham's posterity, who could not be said to be as man: they were then men being and existing: but Christ is said to be as the Son of man, because he was not yet incarnate: this vision was praeludium incarnationis, etc. a forewarning of his incarnation. So then v. 14. the author and foundation of this spiritual kingdom which is given unto the Church is signified: for unless Christ did sit at the right hand of God, and had all power given unto him, the Church should have no kingdom at all. Calvin.  
3. another cavil also of Barbinel may be answered, who will have this understood of an earthly and terrene kingdom, the kingdom under the whole heaven is given unto them: for this ignorant Rabbin maketh a difference between being in the earth, and of the earth: the spiritual kingdom of Christ is in the world, though it be not of the world, joh. 18. 36.  
4. And whereas this kingdom is general over all the earth, it must be extended further, then ad primum exordium, to the first beginning: for the Gospel of Christ was not at the first preached over all the world, but was received only of a few: it was in process of time propagated into all parts of the world, Calvin.    

4. Places of doctrine.  

1. Doctr. Of the authority of Scripture.  
v. 2. Daniel spoke and said. daniel's writing is here called his speaking, whereby we are given to understand, that the writings of the Prophets and Apostles ought to be received with no less reverence, then if we had heard them speak with their own mouths: So S. Paul saith to Timothy, that the holy scriptures were able to make him wise unto salvation: and they were able to make the man of God absolute and perfect to every good work, 2. Tim. 3. 15. 17. Polan.   

2. Doctr. The Church in this world subject to affliction.  
Because all these Monarchies and kingdoms are described by these four beasts, which devour and destroy, being therefore resembled to cruel and savage beasts, the lion, bear, leopard, hence it is evident, that the portion of the Church of God in this world is, to be subject for the most part to the violence and rage of oppressors: to the end, that they should not look for their kingdom or inheritance in this world, but seek for their peace and true comfort in Christ: joh. 16. 33. In the world ye shall have affliction, but be of good comfort, I have overcome the world. Bulling.   

3. Doctr. The Son of God equal unto his Father.  
v. 13. He approached unto the Ancient of days. By this kind of speech is signified, that Christ the Son of man according to his humanity, is equal unto the Father, touching his Godhead, as sitting together in the throne with him: as Apoc. 5. 6. The Lamb stood in the mids of the throne. And whereas the kingdom is here said to be given unto the Son, that is to be referred to the time of his dispensation, and coming in the flesh, which glory and kingdom he received as man, but it was his own as God from the beginning: as joh. 17. 5. our blessed Saviour thus prayeth, Glorify me, thou Father, with the glory which I had with thee, before the world was. Bulling.   

4. Doctr. Of the vocation of the Gentiles.  
v. 14. That all people, nations, and languages should serve him. This is an evident testimony, that the Gentiles should be converted unto the faith and knowledge of Christ, and so be subject and obedient unto him: as Tertullian by this invincible argument showeth that Christ is the true Mossiah, in quem enim alium universe gentes crediderunt, quam in Christum? upon whom else have all the nations believed, then in Christ? and he reckoneth up the Parthians, Medes, Egyptians, Germans, Britain's, Scythians, and many other nations in the remotest parts of the world toward the North and South, and East countries, which have received the faith: whereas all other kingdoms and dominions have been confined. The kings of Babylon and Persia reigned from India to Aethiopia, yet had limits and borders of their kingdom: neither did Alexander conquer all Asia: the Roman Empire was defended in their borders with garrisons: But the kingdom of Christ is not limited or confined to any place, according to that prophesy in the Psalm. 2. 8. Ask of me, and I shall give thee the heathen for thine inheritance, and the ends of the earth for thy possession: to this purpose Tertull. l. 7. cont. judaeos.   

5. Doctr. Of whom the kingdom of Christ consisteth.  
v. 18. The high saints, or the saints of the most high shall take the kingdom. The Church of God than consisteth of the Saints and elect, which are ordained to everlasting salvation. So our Saviour calleth them his flock for whom his Father had prepared a kingdom, Luk. 12. 32. And again he saith, I pray not for the world, but for those whom thou hast given me. joh. 17. 9 they then which are of the world, are not of the Church of Christ: Hypocrites then, heretics, misbelievers, carnal livers, way well be in the Church, but they are not of it: as S. john saith, They went out from us, but they were not of us: for if they had been of us, they would have continued with us, 1. joh. 2. 19    

5. Places of controversy.  

1. Controv. The Church is not discerned by the greatness and bigness thereof.  
v. 3. Four great beasts came up. These four beasts signifying four kingdoms, are said to be great: they were large and mighty in dominion, as the Persian Monarchy had under it an 127. Provinces, yet all these kingdoms were enemies to the people of God: So than the Church of Christ is not to be measured by the bigness and greatness of it: our Saviour calleth his flock, a little flock, Luk. 12. 32. and few there be, that find the way unto life, Matth. 7. 14. Universality then and multitude is not a sure and infallible note of the Church, as the Romanists would have it. Nicolaus the 1. thus wrote unto Michael the Emperor, Numerus pusillus non obest, ubi abundat pietas, nec multiplex prodest ubi abundat impietas, a small number doth not hurt, where piety aboundeth, nor a great doth not profit, where impiety aboundeth. See hereof more, Synops. Centur. 1. err. 20.   

2. Controv. Whether the Saints shall judge the world.  
v. 9 The thrones were set. Hence Pererius inferreth, that beside Christ, there shall be other, quasi judicis assessores, as assistants of the judge: as our Saviour saith, that his Apostles shall sit upon 12. seats, and judge the 12. tribes of Israel: But it is evident out of the Scripture, that Christ only shall be judge of the world: for the Father hath committed all the judgement to the Son, joh. 5. 22. But the Saints are said to judge the world, not as judges to give sentence, sed judicant ut testes, they judge as witnesses: Bulling. their life and doctrine shall be the condemnation of the world. In this sense our Saviour saith, that his word shall judge those which receive it not, at the latter day, joh. 12. 48. that is, it shall be a witness against them. Hugo hath here this distinction, Deus pater indicabit per authoritatem, filius per sententiae prolationem, sancti per assensum & approbationem, God the father shall judge by his authority, the Son by pronouncing the sentence, the Saints by their assent and approhation, etc.   

3. Controv. The vulgar Latin translation not authentical.  
v. 10. Whereas it is in the original ribo ribbon, ten thousand times ten thousand, the Latin translator readeth, ten thousand times an hundred thousand. Pererius would excuse it thus: that the interpreter did not so much respect the words, as the mind of Daniel, which was to express an infinite multitude of Angels, putting a finite number for an infinite. Contra. But an interpreter is tied to the very words, which he translateth. It is one thing to interpret, an other thing to expound or comment. Interpreters must not take unto themselves that liberty in following the sense, to leave the text, and depart from the words of the original.   

4. Controv. Of the divers orders of Angels.  
v. 10. Whereas it is said, a thousand thousand ministered unto him, and ten thousand thousand stood before him: Hence Pererius would prove that there are two sorts of Angels, some that minister in being sent abroad into the world to dispatch the affairs committed unto them; other stand by as assistants, not being sent forth as the other, but they attend to know the will of God, and to give direction unto the ministering spirits. And further, they assign the four higher orders which are Soraphim, Cherubin, Thrones, Dominions, to the Angel's assistant, and the five inferior, Angels, Arkangels, Virtues, Powers, Principalities, to the ministering Angels. But whether sort be more in number, the assistant or ministering spirits, it is not agreed among them. Gregory thinketh that the number of ministering spirits is greatest, lib. 17. moral. c. 9 Dyenisius Areopagita, cited by Pererius, is of the contrary opinion, that the higher the Angels are in degree, the more they exceed in number.  
Contra. 1. Here is no distinction of the offices of divers sorts of Angels, but only a description of their office and ministery: they stood before the Lord to minister: for so is this phrase of standing used, c. 1. 19 They stood before the king: and the Apostle saith, Are they not all ministering spirits: which Pererius interpreteth that they do not all minister immediately, but some immediately by others: but this interpretation is taken away by the words following, sent forth to minister. Then all the Angels are sent forth to minister, as it pleaseth God to employ them: they do not stand still before the Lord as informers of the rest. 2. This difference then of Angels, some ministering, some assistant, being taken away, the other question is superfluous, which should exceed the other in number. 3. And concerning those nine orders of Angels, it is but a curious conceit: those several names do show, that there are degrees, and diversity of gifts among the Angels, but so many distinct orders can not thereupon be granted. See more hereof, Synops. Centur. 2. err. 1.   

5. Controv. The glorious persons of the Trinity are not to be represented by any image.  
v. 9 The Ancient of days did sit. From this place the Romanists infer that it is no more inconvenient to picture and express by image the Trinity, or any person thereof, as they did sometime appear, than it was for them so to appear: But there is great difference between the appearing of the Trinity in some visible shape, as God the father as an ancient man, the Son in the shape of a young man, and the holy Ghost in the likeness of a dove, and the picturing of them. 1. The one was Gods special dispensation, but the other is forbidden to make any image to be worshipped. 2. this apparition did not continue, but eftsoon vanished away, but pictures are permanent, and so are dangerous. 3. the apparition was made only to the Prophet here, but pictures are seen and beheld of all, which are in danger to stumble at them: the argument than followeth not, because it pleased God so to appear, therefore he may be so described and pictured. 4. the apparition was a figure of God's special presence, but so is not an image: God is not declared thereby more to be present, then where there is no image at all.   

6. Controv. Against the Vbiquit aries which hold an omnipresence of Christ's humanity.  
v. 14. And he gave him dominion and honour. Hence the Lutherans would infer, that the very essential power of the deity is communicated unto the human nature: and so consequently this property to be every where, and in all places at once.  
Contr. 1. They imagine, that this power was given only to the human nature of Christ: whereas it was given unto his whole person, in respect of the office of his Mediatorship: this dominion was given to Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, God and man. 2. Whereas this great power they would have given by Christ's divine nature to his humanity: it is evident out of the text, that it was given by the Ancient of days unto the Son of man. 3. And because in the text it is called an everlasting dominion, they hereby understand that dominion, which was without beginning, and shall be without end: whereas this dominion given unto Christ God and man, had a beginning with his incarnation, but shall have no end: and this is evident, v. 27. where this kingdom which is communicated unto the Saints the members of Christ, is also called everlasting: yet that kingdom hath a beginning. Polan. 4. Beside, that which is finite, can not be capable of that which is infinite: the human nature then of Christ can not receive the infinite power and omnipotency of the deity. Pappus answereth, that although in itself it be not capable, yet by the power of God, to the which nothing is impossible, it may be made capable of that infinite power and glory. Contr. God's power indeed is infinite, and he is able to do more than he doth or will: the question is not of God's power, but of his will and purpose: which is, that our blessed Saviour, as he hath assumed our very flesh, with the natural properties thereof, so he should retain them still: as the Apostle calleth him the man jesus. Christ, 1. Tim. 2. 5. 5. Those things which are peculiar and proper unto a thing, can not be communicated really unto an other thing, without the destruction thereof: it is proper to the divine nature to be infinite, omnipotent, omnipresent, and to the human, to be finite, and in one place at once: if now the human nature should become infinite, omnipotent, omnipresent, it should lose the properties of the human nature. Papp●● again answereth, that there may be a real communication of properties without the destruction of the thing: as iron made red hot keepeth the properties of iron still, as the thickness, the heaviness, and such like. Contra. 1. The properties of the fire are not communicated really to the iron, but certain effects only: for if the iron had the very property of heat, it would continue hot still, the fire being taken from it: and if the fire should impart the properties of lightness to the iron, it should be no more heavy, but the very nature thereof would be changed. 2. Like as then the body as long as it liveth is animated by the soul, being quickened with agility, vital spirits, and heat, yet the soul communicateth not the essential properties thereof unto it: so the human nature of Christ is glorified, and in a manner deified by the Godhead, yet each of the natures retain their essential properties still.   

7. Controv. That diuturnity and long continuance without interruption, is no infallible note of the Church.  
v. 14. His dominion shall be an everlasting dominion. Bellarmine inferreth from hence, 
〈…〉  that the Church is discerned and known by the durable state and continuance thereof. Contra. This is spoken of the spiritual and invisible kingdom of Christ, begun in this life, and perfected in the next. It followeth not because the Universal Catholic Church of Christ, which is not always visible in the world, is perpetual; that a particular visible church should be always discerned by this mark and note. 2. for even idolatrous kingdoms, as that of the Assyrians, which is held to have continued above a thousand years, for diuturnity may compare with any visible Church.   

8. Controv. That the dominion of the Pope is temporal rather, then spiritual.  
Whereas the Hebrews to prove the Roman Empire, which they imagine to be the fourth, and the kingdom of Christ to concur together, to avoid, that the fifth kingdom should not be Christ's, which was to destroy the other four; do give instance of the Bishop of Rome, who received his authority and pre-eminence from Constantine, and other Christian Emperiours, and doth now crown and confirm the Emperor. Burgensis, and Pererius concurring with him, do answer, to avoid this objection, that the Pope, non tam corporaliter, quam spiritualiter tot● orb regnet, doth reign rather spiritually, then corporally throughout the whole world: as appeareth in his power of binding and losing. Contr. This answer is insufficient and untrue. 1. for the Pope's dominion meddleth more with temporal, then spiritual things: as in making war, in taking upon him to depose and set up kings, and to dispose of their kingdoms. 2. and though he challenge to himself the chief stroke in the censures of the Church, as in suspending, excommunicating, he useth them only for the augmentation of his temporal dominion: he intendeth not thereby men's salvation. 3. So in effect, though under an other colour, the Pope exerciseth the Imperial authority, as being risen up out of the ruins of the old Empire: as it is said in the Revelation, c. 13. 12. he did all that the first beast could do before him.   

9 Controv. That Antichrist is already come.  
Bellarmine to avoid this, 
lib. 3. ● Rom. Pontif. c. 16.  useth divers evasions. 1. he saith, that before Antichrist should come, there should be ten kings, which should divide the Roman Empire among them.  
Contr. This appeareth to be false out of the text. 1. these ten kings must bear rule over the Saints before the coming of the Messiah, and the erection of the fifth kingdom, v. 25. they shall consume the Saints. 2. their kingdom must be destroyed before Christ come, v. 11. 3. after the destruction of them, the kingdom of Christ must be set up through the world (which was by the preaching of the Gospel:) but this is done already.  
2. He saith, that the little horn is Antichrist, which should come before the end of the world.  
Contr. This also is confuted by the same reasons. 1. this horn is one of the ten kings, which should bear rule over the Saints, v. 25. which then were understood to be the jews the people of God. 2. this horn must be destroyed before the kingdom of Christ be erected, v. 11. 3. this horn was Antiochus Epiphanes, as is before showed, who prefigured and shadowed forth Antichrist.  
3. He saith, that this little horn shall arise from the nation of the jews. Contr. It ariseth among the other horns, which were interpreted to be kings of the fourth beast and Monarchy, therefore not from the jews.  
4. He addeth, that by fraud and deceit he shall obtain the kingdom of the jews. Cont. But the text showeth, v. 21. that he shall make war against the Saints: he shall then overcome them by force rather than fraud.  
5. Further he saith that this little horn, which he taketh for Antichrist, shall overcome three kings of Lybia, Egypt, Aethiopia. Contr. It is evident in the text, v. 8. that the three kings which shall be subdued, shall be out of one and the same kingdom, v. 22. 24. the ten horns out of this kingdom are ten kings.  
6. Likewise he saith, that this horn shall subdue also the other seven, after it hath overcome the three. Contra. But no such thing is affirmed in the text: 2. neither can it be so, seeing these ten kings are to succeed one an other, the tenth and the last could not rise up at the same time with the other ten.  
7. An other of Bellarmine's positions is, that this Antichrist should reign but 3. years and an half, v. 25. Contra. 1. This was literally and historically fulfilled in Antiochus Epiphanes, as is before showed. 2. Antichrist which was to come into the world, must rise immediately after the dissolution of the Roman Empire, which only letted while it stood, the manifesting and appearing of Antichrist, 2. Thess. 2. 4. Therefore the Roman Empire being now long since dissolved, Antichrist hath been a good while manifested in the world.    

6. Moral observations.  

1. Observat. The bed must be kept undefiled.  
v. 1. There were visions in his head upon his bed. God used to reveal himself unto his servants upon their bed, as being the fittest place for heavenly meditation, when the soul was sequestered from all worldly affairs. Therefore must we take heed, that the bed be not defiled with any unclean pollutions, as are the beds of adulterous fornicators and wanton persons: we should with David water our couch with tears, there meditate upon God, not make it a place of wantonness and uncleanness.   

2. Observ. The conscience must be carefully kept and watched over.  
v. 10. And the books were opened. These are the books of every man's conscience, which are Gods faithful witnesses and records in man: as the wise man saith, The light of the Lord is the spirit (or breath) of man, and searcheth all the bowels, Prov. 20. 27. that is, man's conscience is as the Lord's lantern, whereby he searcheth our secrets: let us therefore take heed what we write in these books of our conscience: for whether it be good or evil, there it will appear either to accuse or excuse us.   

3. Observ. The word of God, and the ministers thereof to be resorted unto for our instruction.  
v. 16. As Daniel to understand this dream went to one of the Angels, which stood by: so now because we have no such access unto Angels, we must have recourse to the ministers of God's word, which are said to be Angels of the Churches, Apoc. 1. 2. 3. So Christ sent Paul to Ananias for further direction, Act. 9 and the Angel sent Cornelius to Peter, Act. 10.   

4. Observ. Of the terror of the day of judgement.  
v. 15. I Daniel was troubled in my spirit, etc. If Daniel was so perplexed seeing the manner of Christ's judgement but in vision, how much more terrible shall be the judgement itself: then all things which are now hid and secret, shall be brought to light: like as packs and fardels of wares are not opened till they come unto the fair or market, than the things hid before, are openly showed: so all secrets shall be revealed in that day: the terror of that day should persuade men to take heed, what wares they lay up in their heart and conscience, for then all shall be disclosed.     

CHAP. VIII.  

1. The Argument and Method.  
IN this Chapter is set forth, 1. a vision of the Persian and Grecian Monarchy, to v. 15. 2. the interpretation thereof, thence to the end.  
In the first we are to consider, 1. the circumstances of the vision, both the time, when this vision was showed, the person to whom, and the place where, v. 1. 2. 2. the substance of the vision, to v. 15. which consisteth of three parts, set forth under the resemblance of a ram, a goat, and a little horn which grew out of one of the four horns of the goat.  
1. The ram is described by his beginning, his progress, his end. In the beginning these things are expressed, 1. the place, where this ram appeared, by a river. 2. the parts, it had two horns, which are set forth, 1. simply, by the adjunct of their height, 2. comparatively, with relation one to the other, the one was highest, and last in time, v. 3. In the progress it is showed how he prevailed, both by the place, he pushed into all quarters, and by the effects, none could withstand him, v. 4. The end of this beast is showed in the description of the goat following.  
2. The goat is described, 1. generally, by the place, he came from the West, the effects, he went over the earth: the quality, he went swiftly not touching the ground. 2. particularly by the horn: which is set forth, 1. by the beginning, it came up between the eyes. 2. the progress and success, in running upon the ram, and overcoming him, trampling upon him, v. 7, 8. 3. the end, this horn was suddenly broken, and four came up in the stead thereof, v. 8.  
3. The little horn is described by the effects, which are three: 1. his attempts against the nations in the world, v. 9 2. against the Church, called the host of heaven, v. 10. 3. against God himself: where 1. the effects are rehearsed to be three, against the sacrifice, the Sanctuary, v. 11. the truth, v. 12. 2. the time is declared, how long, which is expressed by way of question, (where is showed, who asked, of whom, and what, v. 12.) and answer, v. 14.  
Then followeth the second part, containing the exposition of this vision: where are set forth, 1. the preparation, v. 15. to 18. 2. the exposition itself, to v. 26. 3. the effects, which it wrought, v. 27.  
1. In the preparation are to be considered, 1. the persons expounding: the principal, one like a man, the less principal Gabriel, to whom the other spoke, that he should expound the vision. 2. the person, to whom the vision is showed: how he was affected with fear, v. 17. and how he was comforted both by the voice, and by the gesture of the Angel that touched him.  
2. The exposition is general, v. 19 then particular, 1. of the ram, v. 20. 2. of the goat, 21. with the four horns, 22. 3. of the little horn: 1. his beginning, v. 23. his progress, prevailing, and prospering, set forth by the effects: see the particulars, qu. 32. his end, he shall be broken down without hand, v. 25.  
3. Then followeth the effect, daniel's fear, v. 27. after the Angel had summed and ratified the vision, v. 26.   

2. The text with the diverse readings.  
1. In the third year of the reign of Belshatzer the king, there appeared a vision unto me, even me Daniel, after that, which appeared unto me in the beginning. B. (at the first. G.)  
2 I saw in a vision, (or I looked to the vision, I.) and so it was, that as I saw it, I was at Shushan in the palace (in the town or castle. L. V. S. in the chief city. A. the first rather) which is in the Province (not the city. L.) of Elam, and me thought (I saw. H.) in the vision, that I was by the river (not gate. L. S. ubal signifieth a river) of Vlai (not, of the court. S.)  
3 Then I lift up mine eyes, and beheld one ram standing before the river (before Vbal. S. but it is no proper name) which had two horns (horns. L. S. but it is in the dual number) and these two horns were high: but one was higher than an other (the second. H.) and the highest came up Last.  
4 I saw the ram pushing against the West, (the sea. H. S.) and against the North, and against the South, so that no beasts might stand before him, (withstand him. I.) nor any could deliver out of his hand (not, nor could deliver out of his hand, G. B. L. as referring it to the former clause, that the beast could not deliver out of his hand: for the word (delivering, matzil) is in the singular) but he did as him lifted (according to his will. H.) and became great.  
5 And as I considered, behold an he goat B. (a kid of the goats, H. that is, a young lusty goat) came from the West over the whole earth, and touched not the ground (and no man touched him in the earth. I. but the first is better to show the celerity of this praunsing and conquering goat) and this goat had a notable horn I. L. an horn that appeared. B. G. an horn of vision. H. between his eyes.  
6 And he came unto the ram, that had the two horns, whom I had seen standing by the river, (not before the gate. L. or before Vbal. S.) and ran unto him in his fierce rage (rage with might. H.)  
7 And I saw him come near unto the ram, and being moved (moving himself. H.) against him, he smote the ram, and broke his two horns: and there was no power in the ram to stand against him, but he cast him down to the ground, and trampled on him, and there was none that could deliver the ram out of his power (hand. H.)  
8 Therefore the goat (kid of the goats. H.) waxed exceeding great, and when he was at the strongest, his great horn was broken, & there grew up for it four notable ones, B. (that appeared. G.) toward the four winds of heaven.  
9 And out of one of them came forth a little (not a strong. S.) horn, which waxed very great toward the South, and toward the East, and toward the pleasant land. (against the strength. L. tebi, signifieth delectable. pleasant, and thereby is meant judea.  
10 And it extolled itself I. L. S. (grew up. B. G. extended itself. V.) against the host of heaven, and cast down to the earth some of the host, and of the stars, and trampled on them.  
11 And it extolled itself (or magnified) even unto the prince (against the prince. G.) of the host: for from him (from whom. B. G.) was taken away the daily sacrifice, and the place of the Sanctuary was cast down.  
12 And the host was delivered up to sin against the daily sacrifice I. V. (better than power was given unto it over the daily sacrifice for the iniquity. L. or a time shall be given him over the daily sacrifice for iniquity. G. and so Mercer. in c. 7. job. v. 1. but the word (tzaba) must be here taken as in the former verse, to signify an army, the host of the Lords people▪ see further hereof qu. 21. following) and it shall cast down the truth to the ground, thus shall it do and prosper.  
13 Then I heard one of the Saints speaking, for one of the Saints spoke unto phelmonis, S. Br. B. (that is, to an excellent one. V. to one that hath secret things in account or number. I. to a certain one. G. L. the Hebrew word is better joined, because of the ambiguous signification, see qu. 22.) saying, How long shall endure the vision of the daily sacrifice, and the iniquity of desolation, to give both the Sanctuary and host to be trampled upon? (to be a trampling▪ H.)  
14 And he said unto me, Unto the evening and morning, two thousand, and three hundredth: (that is, so many days) then shall the Sanctuary be restored (cleansed. B. G. L. S. be justified. H.)  
15 Now so it was (B. G. det.) when I Daniel had seen the vision, and sought for the understanding, that behold there stood before me, as the similitude (sight or show. H.) of a man.  
16 And I heard a man's voice between Vlai (that is, between the banks of that river) which called and said, Gabriel, make this man to understand the vision.  
17 So he came, where I stood: and when he came I was afraid, and fell upon my face: then he said unto me, Understand, O son of man: for in the limited time (not in the end after the captivity. V. the sense rather than the words, nor in the last times. G. time of the end. H. which is called (v. 19 moghed ketzes) the appointed time of the end) shall be the vision.  
18 Now as he was speaking unto me, I was as in a slumber (better than sleep. G.) falling on my face to the ground: but he touched me, and set me up in my place.  
19 And he said, Behold, I will show thee, what shall be in the last wrath (or unto the last or extremity of wrath. I.) for in the appointed time of the end H. (not the end of the time appointed. G. or the time appointed hath his end. L.) it shall be.  
20 The ram which thou sawest having two horns, are the kings of the Medes and Persians.  
21 And the hairy (B. G. L. det.) goat is the king of Grecia, and the great horn which is between his eyes, is the first king.  
22 And that that is broken, and four stood up for it, are four kingdoms (not four kings. L. S.) which shall stand up of his nation, but not in his strength.  
23 And in the latter part of their kingdom, S. (not after their kingdom. L. for Antiochus reigned before the kingdom was dissolved, or, in the end of that kingdom. V. B. G. which Ab. Ezra restraineth to the end of their kingdom over judea, which Antiochus Epiphanes had the last dominion of. R. Saadiah understandeth the kingdom of the four successors of Alexander, but their kingdom was ended an 100 years before Antiochus reigned: this fell out then toward the latter part of the kingdom of the Seleucians. jun. readeth, in the proceeding of this kingdom) when the wicked are come to the full. B. V. (not, when rebellious are consumed. G. consummated rather, the word is (tamam) to make perfect, to consummate) a king of an impudent L. I. V. (strong. H. fiery. B. G.) countenance, and understanding hard sentences (that is, crafty, V. or wary. I.) shall stand up.  
24 His power shall be mighty, but not by his own strength (his strength, G. B. that is, alexander's: but the meaning is rather, that he shall grow strong, but not by his own strength) and he shall destroy wonderfully, and shall prosper, and practise, and shall destroy the mighty, and the holy people. (people of holy things. H.)  
25 And through his policy (understanding. H. not according to his will, L.) he shall cause craft to prosper in his hand, and he shall extol (or magnify. I.) himself in his heart, and by peace (not plenty. V. L. craft. S. (shalvah) peace, prosperity) shall destroy many: he also shall stand up against the Prince of princes, but he shall be broken down (as eggs. S. ad.) without hand.  
26 And the vision of the evening and morning, which is declared, is true: therefore shut them up (seal. L. S. B. G. but the word signifieth to shut up) the vision, for it is for many days. I. S. (not after many days. L. B. G.)  
27 And I Daniel was smitten with sickness (smitten and sick. H.) certain days: but I rose up, and did the King's business, and I was astonished at the vision, but no man understood it: (not, there was none to interpret it. L. for the Angel bade interpreted it to Daniel.)   

3. The questions and doubts discussed.  

1. Quest. The difference between this vision and the former.  
1. In the former there was a description of four kingdoms: here the Chaldean and Babylonian is omitted, quia mox abolendum erat, because it was now at hand to be abolished, Calvin. which may be the cause why hitherto from the second chapter Daniel had written in the Chalde tongue, because those things concerned the Chaldean state, which were revealed to Daniel: now he useth the Hebrew tongue, because these things which follow in this prophesy, specially concerned the people of God, as of their great affliction under Antiochus, in this chap. and c. 11. and of the coming of the Messiah, c. 9 first then this differeth from the former vision, c. 7. ut pars à toto, as a part from the whole, Calvin. 2. In the former vision there is a large description of the kingdom of Christ, which is omitted here. 3. Here is a more particular explication of such things, as should befall the people of God under Antiochus, as likewise c. 11. which is but briefly touched before. Prter.   

2. Quest. Of the time of this vision.  
In the third year of the reign of Belshazar, etc. 1. Pererius thinketh, that this was 14. years before the taking of Babylon by the Persians, for he giveth unto Belshazars' reign 17. years: so also joseph. lib. 10. antiqui●. c. 12. 2. junius and Polanus following Berosus and Metashenes, which make Balthasar to reign 5. years, think this vision was showed unto Daniel three years before the destruction of Babylon. 3. But the third opinion of the Hebrews is more probable, which Oecolampad. and Pelican follow, that this vision was in the third and last year of Beshazar: for the next time which is noted of Daniel, was the first year of Darius, c. 9 1.   

3. Quest. What manner of vision this was.  
v. 1. A vision appeared unto me, etc. Whereas there are two sorts of visions, some are showed unto men in a trance, when they are waking, as that vision of the four cornered sheet which Peter saw, Act. 10. some are revealed in sleep, as joseph was admonished by an Angel in a dream, Matth. 1. 1. Some think, that Daniel had this vision as the former, because he saith, after that which appeared unto me at the first: as making no difference between this vision, and the former, which was showed unto Daniel by night upon his bed: Perer. following Theodoret.  
2. But it is more probable, that this vision was sent to Daniel, now being awake: one reason is, because simply it is called a vision: there is no mention made of sleepe● which is always expressed, when the vision is revealed by dream, Osiand. Oecolampadius addeth this reason further, that because Daniel made good use of the former vision, remembering it, and committing the same to writing, ampliorem gratiam accipit, he receiveth greater grace, and that which was before showed by night, now vigilans certissime agnoscit, he knoweth most certainly being awake.   

Quest. 4. How Daniel is said to be in Shushan. v. 2.  
1. Dyonisius Carthusianus is of opinion, that this is an inexplicable question, how Daniel at this time could be at Shushan, which was the chief seat of the kings of Persia. 2. Some do make it indifferent, whether Daniel were here corporally, or in vision only, Bul. But the objections which afterward follow do show that either of these cannot be indifferently held. 3. Pererius and Pintus following the Latin text, resolve that Daniel was there corporally, and that it is like the province Susiana at this time belonged unto Chaldea: but the text saith otherwise, that it was in the province of Elam, which was in Persia: josephus hath the like opinion, that Daniel being at Susa, with some of his companions went into the field, and there suddenly rose a great earthquake, which scattered his companions from him, and he was left alone, and then saw this vision of the ram and the goat: But no such thing is expressed in the text, and therefore this report of josephus hath no ground.  
4. It remaineth then, that Daniel was in the palace of Shushan, only in vision: as afterward, c. 10. 4. he was beside the great river Hiddekell: corporally Daniel was not there upon these reasons. 1. because Daniel could not go whether he would being a captive, and therefore it is not like he could be suffered to be in his enemy's country. 2. he was by allegiance bound to the king of Babel, and by God's ordinance was to serve him, till the years of captivity were expired, jerem. 27. 7. 3. Daniel was in Babylon at the taking thereof by Darius, it is not like that he could be permitted to come and go to the professed enemies of the Chaldeans. 4. And that he nameth the third year of Belshazar, it is evident he was then under the government and dominion of the Chaldeans. 5. Beside the manner of speech showeth as much: when I saw, I was in the palace of Shu●han, that is, in my vision I thought I was there, as Vatablus interpreteth: Daniel then was in Shusan not corporally, but spiritually by vision: And this vision answereth to the event, because there these things should come to pass, the Persian kings should there be conquered: for Alexander took that rich city and spoiled it.   

Quest. 5. Of the city Shushan, by whom it was builded, and whence so named.  
1. Strabo writeth that the city Susa, as he calleth it, was first builded by Tithonus the father of Memnon: Diodorus lib. 3. c. 6. maketh Memnon the first builder of it, whereupon the city was called a long time Memnonia. Pliny lib. 6. c. 27. saith it was built by Darius Hystaspis: But it is evident out of the text here, that Darius, which followed after these times could not be the builder of it. It may therefore thus be, that the city was first founded by Memnon, and then afterward enlarged by Darius.  
2. Strabo also saith, lib. 15. that it was Cyrus chief city, both because it was nearer unto other provinces, which he had subdued: and for the honour of the Susians, that were most faithful to the Persians, and never fell from them.  
3. It was so called of Susan, which signifieth a lily, of the pleasantness of the situation: as Ath●neaus noteth, jun. Pol. of this Shushan, was the whole province called Susiane, Bullin.   

Quest. 6. Of the situation of the city Shushan.  
1. It is here said to be situate in the region or province of Elam: Hierome readeth, following Symmachus, in the city of Elam: for the word medinah, signifieth both a province and a city, both the place to the which laws and judgements are given, & the place from whence they come, that is from the chief city: But it is here taken for a province: for how could one city be said to be within another. 2. Hierome further affirmeth, that this Susan was the chief city of the Province of Elam. But Strabo, Theodoret, josephus, do make it a part of Persia: Pliny doth divide the region Susiane, from Elemais by the river Euleus, and maketh: two Provinces of them, lib. 6. cap. 27. But all these may thus be reconciled: that both though see regions on the one side and on the other of the river Vlai, were all one, and belonged to the Province of Elam: but afterward the Susians growing famous, they were distinguished into two provinces, and both belonged to Persia, Perer. 3. This Elam was so called of Elam one of the sons of Sem, Gen. 10. 22. of whom the inhabitants were called Elamites of whom we read, Act. 2. 9 Parthians, Medes, Elamites. 4. Some take Shushan and Ecbatane for the same city, histor. Sholast. but that cannot be, for Ecbatane was the chief city of the Medes, judith 1. 1. but Sushan was the chief city of Persia: Hierome also is in the same error: for he saith that Daniel built that great tower at Susan, where the kings of the Medes and Persians were buried: whereas josephus saith he built it at Ecbatane in Media, who in the same place evidently distinguisheth between Ecbatane and Susan. making them two diverse cities, josephus, lib. 10. cap. 12. So that either Hieromes memory herein failed, or else he took both those cities for one. 5. The Persian kings had beside an other city called Persepolis, where they had a most sumptuous palace made of white marble, the pillars were of gold, the roof or sealing set forth with glistering stars: which goodly Palace, Alexander at the instigation of his concubine, caused to be set on fire. 6. Of this Princely palace of Susan, where the kings of Persia made their abode, mention is made, Neh. 1. 1. Esther. 1. 1.   

Quest. 7. Of the River Vlai, where Daniel had this vision.  
v. 2. I was by the river Vlai. 1. Hierome readeth by the gate Vlai, as cities have divers gates, which are named by their several names, as the gate Carmentalis in Rome: so also gloss. ordinar. but the word Vbal, doth not so signify. 2. Theodotian, whom Theodoret followeth, maketh it a proper name, by Vbal Vlai. 3. But the better reading is, by the river Vlai: for so Vbal signifieth a river: and Pliny maketh mention of the river Eulaeus that runneth by Susa, and compasseth that most famous temple of Daina there: the water of which river was had in such price, that the Persian kings only used to drink of it, and whither so ever they went, they had of this water carried with them, Plin. lib. 6. c. 27.   

Quest. 8. Why Daniel nameth himself in the first person.  
1. It is the manner of the Prophets, in their several visions to express their names, as Isay. 2. 1. and 6. 1. so also jerem. c. 1. 1. c. 2. 1. and in diverse other places: as Daniel in this place saith, a vision appeared unto me, even unto me Daniel, and the reason is, because the truth of such prophecies and visions dependeth upon the credit of those Prophets, to whom they were only revealed: but it is otherwise in matters of history, where the author need not insert his own name, seeing the credit of histories relieth not upon the authority of the writer, but upon the evidence and truth of the things themselves. 2. Therefore that is a weak exception, which Dyonisius of Alexandria taketh to the book of the Revelation, that it was not written by john the Evangelist, but by some other, because the Evangelist very sparingly nameth himself in the gospel: and when he doth so, he describeth himself in the third person, the disciple whom jesus loved: for as is before showed, there is great difference between the writing of prophecies and histories: the Revelation being prophetical, it was fit the Evangelist should express his name for the credit of those visions, as the other Prophets use to do in their prophecies.   

Quest. 9 Why the kings of Persia are compared to a ram, v. 3.  
There are three parts of this description. 1. from the similitude or comparison: they are likened to a ram. 2. by the parts, the two horns. 3. by the effects, their prevailing toward the West, North, and South.  
Concerning the first, there are diverse opinions, why the Persian Monarchy should be resembled to a ram. 1. Theodoret allegeth this reason, sicut aries sua lana gravatur, as a ram is loaded with his fleece, and at the length is killed for his flesh and fleice: so the Persian Monarchy abounding in wealth, at length became a prey: But the Persians are likened to a ram in their flourishing and prosperous state, when as yet they rather preyed upon, then were a prey unto any. 2. Lyranus from the Hebrews thinketh the kingdom of the Medes to be expressed by a ram, a gentle beast, quia non multum erat infestum judaeis, because it was not much troublesome to the jews. But hereby the kingdom not of the Medes only, but of the Persians is signified, who were grievous to the people of God. 3. Rupertus to the same purpose saith, the kings of Persia were as rams, quia lanis suis, id est, opibus, eundem populum fovit, etc., because with their riches as with wool, they cherished the same people of the jews: But the most of the Persian kings, though some were more equal, did suffer the jews to be peeled and polled. 4. Calvin yieldeth this reason, we know, quam ignobile fuerit Persarum exordium, how base and mean the beginning of the Persians was. 5. But that other reason of Calvin better satisfieth, that here the kingdom of Persia is set forth comparatively, as having relation to the kingdom of Grecia, likened to a goat, quia multo fuit agilior, & origo obscurior, because his agility was greater, and his beginning more obscure, Calvin. And the ram bringeth a great company with him, but of sheep: such were the multitude of the Persians, as sheep before Alexander, Osiand.   

Quest. 10. Who are signified by the two horns, whereof one was higher than the other.  
1. Some here do understand certain particular persons, as Melancthon interpreteth Cyrus to be this ram, having both Medes and Persians in his army, as the two horns thereof: Some understand this ram to be Darius, gloss. interlinear. Hierome, whom Lyran. Hugo, Calvin, Genevens. follow, maketh Darius' king of the Medes, and Cyrus' king of Persia, these two horns, whereof the latter was the greater: for Cyrus grew to be greater than Darius. 2. Theodoret expoundeth these two horns to be two families of the Persian kings, the one of Cyrus, which was extinguished in Cambyses his son, the other of Darius Hystaspis: But neither of these opinions can stand: for the goat fight with this ram, broke his two horns: Alexander overcame Darius, long after the time of the first Darius and Cyrus; these than could not be the two horns: neither was this last Darius of either of those kindreds, but was elected to the kingdom for his valour, as writeth justinus lib. 10. though Diodorus lib. 17. make him the son of Darius Arsanes, who succeeded Ochus his brother. 3. Wherefore by these two horns are better understood the two kingdoms of the Medes and Persians, this grew to be the greater in power, though the other were the more ancient: thus the Angel expoundeth afterward, v. 20. these two horns are the kings of the Medes and Persians: Thus interpret Oecolampadius, Pelican, Osiand. jun. Polan.   

Quest. 11. Of the greatness and prosperous success of this ram.  
v. 4. I saw the ram pushing against the West, and against the North, etc. 1. The kingdom of Persia being in the East, did extend itself unto the other three parts of the world, toward the West, as Babylon, Cappadocia, Asia minor, Grecia; toward the North, as Lydia, Armenia, Albania, and other Northern countries; toward the South, as Arabia, Aethiopia: and this answereth to the former vision, c. 7. 5. where the bear, which signifieth the Persian Monarchy, had three ribs or morsels in the mouth. 2. no beasts were able to withstand them: for though the Babylonians had combined themselves with the Egyptians, Thracians, Grecians, and other nations, and were in league with Croesus' king of Lydia, as Herodotus testifieth, lib. 1. yet all would not help: as the Prophet jeremy saith, the strong men of Babel ceased to fight, they became as women, jerem. 51. 30. 3. whereas it is said, he did what he listed, this must be understood of the Persian Monarchy in general, for some of their kings in the end had but hard success, as Cyrus with his army was slain by Queen Tomyris, and Xerxes was foiled of the Grecians, and constrained with shame to flee away: yet notwithstanding these particular losses, the Monarchy continued still, and increased in power, Calvin. Oecolamp.   

Quest. 12. Of the meaning of these words, as I considered, v. 5.  
The Latin translation reading, I understood, giveth occasion here of question, how Daniel is said to understand this, whereas afterward v. 16. the Angel Gabriel maketh him understand it: 1. Hierome thus interpreteth, that he had a general understanding: he was instructed by the former vision, hereby to understand the change and commutation of kingdoms: so also Lyran. gloss. ordinar. Theodoret expoundeth it of daniel's desire to understand. 2. But all this question and doubt is removed by the right translating of the words: I considered, or marked, the word is mabin, eram perpendens, as I weighed and considered, Montan.   

Quest. 13. Why the kingdom of the Grecians is resembled to a goat.  
1. Pererius thinketh the Grecians are so resembled, ob sagacitatem & acumen ingenij, for their subtlety and sharpness of wit: as the goat is noted to have a sharp and piercing eye. 2. Some think that the Grecians are here taxed for their wanton games and plays, to the which they were given: as the goat is known by his skipping and leaping, Melanct. Bulling. 3. Polanus thinketh because Daniel saw a kid of the goats, as the words are, that is, a young sucking kid, that the weakness of the Macedonian strength is thereby signified, which was far inferior to the power of the Persians. 4. junius and Pintus think alexander's youth to be thereby insinuated, who was not above 20. year old, when he took in hand these wars. 5. junius further noteth hereby the education of Alexander in all liberal arts: because he is resembled to a sucking kid: But the personal qualities and properties of Alexander, are set forth in the horn, the goat signifieth the kingdom itself of Grecia. 6. Some do by this resemblance note the intemperancy of the Grecians: whereof this was an evident argument, that a certain common strumpet among the greeks, having set up a building for a public and common use, one added this title, ex intemperancia Graecorum, by the intemperancy of the greeks, Osiand. And as this was the fault of the whole nation, so the like vice reigned in their kings: Philip was slain for his Venery, and Alexander died of a surfeit, or as some think, was poisoned at a banquet, Melancthon. Lyranus further addeth this story; that there was a virgin sent to Alexander, which had been nourished with poison, to the intent, that Alexander coming unto her might be poisoned: but Aristotle perceiving it by her gesture, and the casting of her eyes, gave Alexander warning thereof: he allegeth for this story the book of the secrets of secrets, but it seemeth to be of no great credit. 7. But the best conjecture why this similitude is used, is that of Theodoret, quia ariete velocior est hircus, because the goat is nimbler than the ram: so also Calvin, and this reason is warranted by the text, he touched not the ground, which signifieth the great celerity which Alexander and the Grecians used, as though he touched not the ground as he went: as the goat skippeth and bounseth as he goeth: for so Alexander made such haste, as that he seemed to run, or rather fly over the world, in the space of six years overrunning the most famous kingdoms: He being asked how he obtained such great victories, made answer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he deferred no opportunity: And when he was to encounter with Darius' army at Granicum, Parmenio persuaded him to stay till the next day; but he presently passing over the river, set upon the Persians with happy success.   

Quest. 14. Of Alexander the great, signified by the horn between the eyes, his birth, education, exploits, death, and end.  
1. Alexander was borne, not as Solinus in the 385. year after the building of Rome, which falleth into the 103. Olympiad: nor as Orosius in the 402. year of the building of Rome, which was after the 107. Olympiad: But Eusebius better casteth the time, who placeth Alexander's death at 33. years of his age, in the first year of the 114. Olympiad: so that his birth falleth out in the 1. or 2. year of the 106. Olympiad: so also Perer. Bullinger in his tables of chronology: the same day that he was borne, the Temple of Diana at Ephesus was set one fire, which the Magicians interpreted to signify, that one was then borne which should set fire on all Asia.  
2. Alexander at 15. years of age was committed by his father to Aristotle's tuition and instruction, with whom he spent 5. years in the learning of arts and other knowledge meet for a king, justin. lib. 12.  
3. At 20. years, not 24. as Orosius, Alexander began his reign, the first year he subdued Thracia, Grecia, and other countries adjoining, the second year he overcame Darius at Granicum, and so possessed Asia: the 3. year he vanquished the Persians again in the straits of Cilicia: in the 4. year he went into Phenicia, Egypt, judaea, a●d came to jerusalem, where he met jaddua the high priest, and adored him, and was encouraged by a vision to go against the Persians: in the 5. or rather the 6. year he finally vanquished Darius, and all the power of the Persians: the 6. years following he subdued many nations even unto the river Ganges, and the Indian Ocean.  
4. Concerning the time and years of his reign, they were neither (as Eusebius) six, or as Diodorus, seven: or as Arrianus eight, or as Livius thirteen, as Tertullian ten, or as Strabo, an eleven: justinus giveth unto him, 14. years, Clemens Alexandrinus 18. years, lib. 1. stromat. But he reigned 12. years and odd months, as Theodoret, so also Bulling. Perer. and so is it testified, 1. Macchab. 1. 6. that Alexander reigned 12. years.  
5. He died at Babylon some write of a surfeit, some of poison, in the year of his age 32. as Hierome, not 34. as justinus, or 33. as Rupertus: he lived 32. years, and reigned 12. years and odd months.   

Quest. 15. Of the victory of Alexander against Darius, described by the goats overcoming of the ram.  
1. Alexander encountered Darius' forces in three great battles, first at Granicum where with 32000. footmen, and 4050. horsemen, he overcame 600000. Persians. After that Alexander discomfited Darius host at Issum in Cilicia, consisting of 300000. footmen, and an 100000. horsemen, in which battle there were slain 80000. footmen, & 10000 horsemen, and 40. thousand taken prisoners, among the which were Darius' wife, his sister, and daughters: The third & last battle was at Alexander's return out of Egypt, where he built the famous city Alexandria, when at Arbela, Darius met him with 400000. footmen, and an 100000. horsemen, where the power of Persia was fully overthrown: and Darius was slain by Bessus one of his own captains, whom Alexander for that fact commanded to be rend asunder, being tied to the tops of trees, Orosius lib. 3. c. 16. 17.  
2. So Alexander broke the two horns of the ram, that is, overcame the power of the Medes and Persians: first at Issum he subdued the Persian forces, then in the last battle he conquered the Medes with other Northern nations, as the Caspians, Iberians, Albanians, whom Darius had hired to assist him in this battle, jun. Analys.  
3. Whereas it is said, there was none to deliver the ram out of the power of the goat, thereby is showed, that there was no means, by force or other to help Darius: for in these 3. battles Darius brought not less than 15. hundred thousand against Alexander, and yet it availed him nothing: Darius also attempted Alexander with promise of great gifts, and of part of the kingdom, and the marriage of his daughter: But Alexander would accept of no conditions, unless Darius would have resigned unto him the whole kingdom: he answered him, that the world could not bear two kings, Oecolamp.  
4. He is said also to cast him down to the ground, and stamp upon him, that is, Alexander made none account of the Persian glory, and riches, who at the instance of his concubine, caused the most goodly palace in the world at Persepolis to be set on fire, Calvin.   

Quest. 16. v. 8. Of the breaking of this great horn, and of the death of Alexander.  
Three things are worthy of observation in Alexander's death. 1. the time. 2. the causes. 3. the manner of his death.  
1. When Alexander was at the greatest, and was returned from the conquest of the Indians, as of king Porus, and Ambira, and purposed to pass over into Greece, and into the West parts, he died in the way at Babylon, where ambassadors from all nations in the world expected him, from Carthage, and Africa, Spain, France, Sicilia, Sardinia.  
2. The causes of this sudden judgement which befell him, may be thought to be the great vices, which he fell into in the last three years of his reign, having in the former 8. years, showed himself an example of a good prince: The●e four great sins he was touched withal, cruelty, he killed diverse of his friends in his drunkenness, which was another vice: then he was given unto lust and wantonness: his pride also was such, that he would be worshipped as a God, and made himself jupiter Ammon's son: for which cause he commanded Calisthenes to be killed, because he refused to worship him: for these his great enormities the divine justice overtook him, and judged him.  
3. The manner of his death some think was by poison: but the most agree that he died of a surfeit: he feasted at a physicians house a Thessalian, one of his friends, and continued all the next day quaffing and drinking unto midnight, and through this distemperature he fell into a burning fever, and after few days died at Babylon, and had no time to return into his own country: thus write of him, justinus, Arrianus, Curtius, Plutarch.   

Quest. 17. Of the four horns which came up in the stead of this great horn.  
1. These four horns were four kingdoms into the which the Monarchy of Alexander was divided: in the East Seleucus Nicanor obtained the kingdom of Babylon, and Syria: in the West Cassander and Antipater the kingdom of Macedonia: in the North Antigonus held Asia minor, in the South Ptolemy obtained Egypt. 2. the Rabbins do not agree among themselves what these four horns should be: Some of them as R. Saadiah maketh these the four horns, one Romanus at Rome, the second Alexander in Alexandria, the third Arideus in Achaia, the fourth Antiochus in Antiochia: Ab. Ezra thinketh they be the four kingdoms, of Rome, Egypt, the land of Israel, Persia: But both these opinions are evidently convinced by the text: for the Angel afterward interpreteth these four horns to be four kingdoms which should stand up of the nation of the Grecians, v. 22. 3. Pererius also is deceived, who appointeth but three successors to Alexander, Ptolemy in Egypt, Seleucus in Syria, and Antigonus in Macedonia, whereas he succeeded in Asia, and Cassander after Antipater in Macedonia.   

Quest. 18. When these four kingdoms did arise, after the great horn was broken.  
1. The author of the history of the Macchabees affirmeth, that Alexander being sick, parted his kingdom among his servants, while he was yet alive, 1. Macchab. 1. 7. But this is contrary to all other historiographers, justinus, Diodorus, Curtius, Arrianus, Orosius, josephus: who all affirm that this was the cause of the long war among Alexander's captains after his death, because he had appointed none to succeed him. 2. Pererius to justify the Apocryphal story of the Macchabees, thus helpeth the matter, that Alexander being at the point of death, when he could not speak, did resign his ring unto Perdiccas, to whom the rest of the captains at the persuasion of Aristonus did yield the chief dominion, and so in that by his authority the four kingdoms were divided to the rest, it was in effect done by Alexander, who had resigned the kingdom unto Perdiccas, while he lived: But this agreeth not with the true history▪ for after Alexander's death, not Perdiccas, but Arideus the brother of Alexander succeeded, and Perdiccas was but viceroy: neither was there any peaceable division of the kingdom, but after much contention and bloody wars, wherein 15. of Alexander's captains were slain, Polan. 3. Some think that presently after Alexander's death, the captains made this distribution among themselves, and divided the kingdom into four parts, gloss. ordinar. but that is not so: for after Alexander's death, Philippus Arideus succeeded, and Perdiccas was protector or viceroy, until Roxane Alexander's wife had brought forth Alexander his son, and then Philistio was protector of the kingdom: But Arideus was killed by Olympias Alexander's mother; and Alexander his son with Roxane his mother, and Hercules an other son of Alexander's with Barsan● his mother were killed by Cassander: so immediately after Alexander's death this division could not be made. 4. Wherefore the truth is, that a long time after Alexander's death, there was contention among Alexander's captains for the kingdom, Orosius saith 14. years: And then these four captains prevailing, divided the kingdom among them as is showed in the former question: And as Eusebius writeth the kingdom of Syria begun the 11. year after the death of Alexander.   

Quest. 19 Who was this little horn, v. 9  
1. This little horn was Antiochus Epiphanes, that is, noble or famous Antiochus, or rather as Polybius calleth him, Epimanes, the furious or mad Antiochus: he came out of one of the four horns, namely, of Seleucus Nicanor, being the eight of that race, which are thus reckoned, Seleucus Nicanor, Antiochus Soter, Antiochus Theos, Seleucus Callinicus, Seleucus Ceraunus, Antiochus Magnus, Seleucus Philopator, and then succeeded Antiochus Epiphanes brother to the said Seleucus, and younger son to Antiochus the great. 2. Hierome then is here deceived, who maketh this Antiochus the son of Seleucus Philopator, being indeed his brother. 3. He is called a little horn▪ not in respect of other kingdoms, than whom he was mightier: but in these respects, 1. because he had no title to the kingdom at the first, being the younger brother, and Seleucus his elder brother had also an issue male Demetrius, Polan. 2. he was a long time an hostage at Rome, and lived as a private man, Perer. 3. he was of a servile and flattering nature, and had no princely quality, and condition in him.   

Quest. 20. Of the outrages committed by Antiochus Epiphanes signified by this little horn.  
Three effects are described. 1. his attempts against other nations. 2. his violence against the people of God. 3. his blasphemy and profaneness against God himself.  
1. He attempted much against the South, namely▪ against Egypt, upon this occasion: Ptolomeus Epiphanes married Cleopatra daughter unto Antiochus the great, sister unto this Antiochus Epiphanes, by whom he had Ptolemy Philometor, who being a child, Antiochus took upon him the tuition of him and his realm: but under that colour his meaning was to hold the kingdom of Egypt to himself: Then the Egyptians craved help of the Romans, who sent C●ius Popilius, who discharged Antiochus out of Egypt, making a circle with his rod at his feet, requiring Antiochus present answer before he went any further.  
2. He raged also against the people of God the jews, whose country is called the pleasant land, because of the knowledge and worship of God, as it is in that sense called the joy of the whole earth, Psal. 48. 2. In two expeditions which he made against Egypt, in both of his returns from thence he invaded jerusalem, and put the jews to the sword. At the first time he was received by jason the high Priest, and in his second return by wicked Menelaus: Thus he raged against the host of heaven, the people of God, who are as the Lord's host militant here in earth: and he cast down some of the stars to the ground, which some understand generally to be the people of the jews, Hugo. some the chief and famous men, Cal. Polan. But rather by stars are understood the excellent professors of the Church, whom he caused some to forsake their faith, some to be tormented, as the mother with her 7. sons, 2. Macc. 2. 7. thus the casting down of the stars is understood, Apoc. 12. 4. Bulling.  
3. Then followeth the third effect, his profaneness and irreligion against God, who is called the prince of the host of his Church, hereof there are four wicked and vile fruits. 1. the daily sacrifices should be taken away, with other ceremonies of religion, the Sabbaths violated, God's service and worship intermitted. 2. The Sanctuary was defiled, and the abominable Idol of jupiter Olympus set up in the place of the worship of God. 3. many of the jews revolted from the faith, and so the army, that is the Church militant was betrayed into the hands of Antiochus, v. 12. 4. he cast down the truth, that is destroyed the law, defacing and burning the books of the law, 1. Macchab. 1. 59 Bulling.   

Quest. 21. Of the meaning of these words, v. 12. the army was given up with the daily sacrifice by iniquity.  
There are diverse readings of this verse. 1. Some translate the word, tzeba, time, thus reading, a time shall be given over the daily sacrifice for the iniquity, Calv. Mercer. in job. 7. v. 1. Geneu. But seeing the same word tzeba is taken for an host or army, v. 10. it is not convenient to alter the signification here. 2. Some other read, robur ei datum est, etc. power was given him against the daily sacrifice, etc. so the Latin and Perer. Pint. Pap. Osiand. but this reading likewise is refused upon the former reason, because the same word is otherwise taken before. 3. It remaineth then that this is the true sense and reading: the host was given up with the daily sacrifice (Bul. Vat.) or against the daily sacrifice, I. Pol. by iniquity or treachery. 4. This defection, treachery, or iniquity, some understand generally of the jews & iniquity of the people, for the which they were punished, and deprived of the daily sacrifice, Cal. Geneu. some refer it more specially to the sins of the Priests and people (in corrupting and defiling of the service and worship of God) committed against the daily sacrifice, for the which they were worthily delivered up, Vatab. But here seemeth to be special relation to the treachery of the Priests, by whom the city and temple was betrayed, as first by jason, afterward by Menelaus, who buying the high Priests place for money, neglected the Temple and the service thereof, transgressed the laws, and preferred the games and plays of the Gentiles, as is more at large declared, 2. Macch. 4.   

22. Quest. Of the meaning of the word Palmoni, v. 13.  
1. Some retain the Hebrew word Palmoni, as the Septuag. but it was not a proper name of this great Angel, to whom the other Angel spoke, it was a title rather or epithet given him, that admirable or excellent Angel, as Vatab. 2. Some do take this word as derived of these two words, peloni almoni, which signifieth a certain one unknown: as Ruth 4. 1. peloni almoni, ho, such an one, come hither: But this Angel being spoken unto as the superior, and the other Angel which asked the question being set forth by the title of holy one; it is not like that this great Angel the revealer of secrets, should be expressed by such a mean term. 3. Therefore this palmonis, is understood of Christ, who is the revealer of secrets: and it signifieth one which hath things secret in number or account, jun. some derive it of pala, wonderful, and almoni, a certain one: so it should signify one admirable or wonderful, Oecolampad. some of pala, and ghalam, which signifieth to hide, he that hideth things secret, Polan. but the best derivation is, of pala, wonderful or secret, and manah to number: so Palmoni is he which hath all secrets in number and account, Pap. and so interpreteth junius.   

Quest. 23. What Angel that was, unto whom one of the Angels spoke.  
1. This whom Daniel calleth one of the Saints, was no doubt one of the Angels, and most like to be the Angel Gabriel, because he is bidden afterward by name to cause Daniel to understand the vision, Bulling. 2. But concerning the other, who is called Palmoni, unto whom the Angel spoke, some question is who it should be: Perer. and Pintus do suppose it was some superior Angel: and thereupon Pererius would ground his speculative conceit of the Hierarchy of Angels, that some are inferior and ministering spirits, some are superior and give direction unto the other. 3. But this great Angel, called Palmoni, was (no doubt) Christ himself the Prince of the Angels: for so he is called, Isay. 9 7. peleh, wonderful, whence this name Palmoni is derived, Cal. Bulling. 4. Now this Angel that asked the question, did it not of any curiosity, as the disciples inquired of Christ, Act. 1. and therefore are reproved, but the Angel for the instruction of Daniel, for the common good of the Church, desireth to know this secret.   

Quest. 24. Of the time prescribed, v. 14. of 2300. days, how it is to be taken.  
1. R. Leu● by so many days would have understood so many years, beginning from the time of Saul, which he calleth the morning, because then the kingdom of Israel flourished, and by the evening he understandeth the taking away of the kingdom: from thence to the third reparation of the Sanctuary he would have counted 2300. years, when he saith the Temple should be built the third time again, and after that never to be destroyed: But this rabbin herein is a false Prophet, for from Saul's reign there have run 2600. years, and yet this their third Temple, which they dreamt of, is not raised. 2. R Saadia by these 2300. days would understand so many months, for so he counteth an 180. years from the beginning of the kingdom of the greeks unto Antiochus: whereas it is evident, 1. Mac. 1. 21. that Antiochus came against jerusalem in the 143. year, Oecol. and beside, whereas it is said in the text, unto the evening and morning, it is evident, that neither months or years are here to be understood, but so many natural days: Cal. Theodoret by the evening understandeth the beginning of their calamity, by the morning the end thereof: but the phrase of Scripture showeth, that thereby the natural day is comprehended, which consisteth of the day and night. As Gen. 1. throughout the chapter, the evening & morning were the first day, and the second day, so the rest. 3. It remaineth then, that by these 2300. days, so many days precisely must be understood, which make 6. years 3. months & 20. days, counting 365. days to a year, Bulling. 4. Some do here read only a 1300. days, Osian, So also read Montanus, and Pagnin: but the Hebrew word alephaijm, being put in the dual number, signifieth two thousand, Vatab. jun. Polan. Oecolamp.   

Quest. 25. When this term of 2300. began and ended.  
1. Melancthon beginneth this term in the year of the kingdom of the greeks, an 145. and endeth it in the year 151. when Nicanor and his army were destroyed, and the whole land recovered: but seeing evident mention is made, that Antiochus began to afflict jerusalem in the 143. year, 1. Mac. 1. 21. this team must not take beginning after that: and seeing also that all this desolation is prophesied to happen under Antiochus Epiphanes, who was this little horn, this term must not be extended after the death of Antiochus, who died in the 149. year, 1. Mac. 6. 16.  
2. Some do begin this term in the 143. year, when Antiochus went proudly into the Sanctuary, and took away the golden altar, 1. Mac. 1. 23. And so this term of 6. years, shall determine in the 148. year when judas Macchabeus recovered the city, & purged the Temple: then the 3. months and odd days are counted over and about to finish the purging & sanctifying of the Temple, Bull, Pererius extendeth them to the death of Antiochus, which was in the 149. year. But this account cannot stand: for from the beginning of the 143. year, to the purging of the 
* 1. Macch. 4. 52.  Sanctuary by judas, which was in the ninth month Chisleu, the 25. day, in the 148. year, is not 6. years, there wanteth 3. months and 5. days.  
3. Calvin will have the six years to end in the month Chisleu, in which month the temple was polluted: but 3. months after the month Chisle●, the six years being expired, it was cleansed, in the month Adar: and he noteth for this 1. Macchab. 4. 36. But there is no such thing observed concerning any particular time: the contrary is evident in the 52. v. following, that in the month Chisleu (not Adar) the temple was cleansed, in the 148. year, 
1. Maccha. 1. 57  as three years before it had been defiled in the same month, in the 15. of Chisleu.  
4. junius, whom Polanus followeth, beginneth this time in the 142. year, the sixth month, and 6. day: and so the full sum of 6. years, 3. months, and 20. days, will come out in the 148. year, in the ninth month, the 25. day. He beginneth the reckoning of this desolation of jerusalem, when Menclaus with other wicked men, first obtained licence of the king to follow the ordinances of the heathen, 1. Mac. 1. 14. and 2. Mac. 4. 25. And this seemeth to be the best account: for though it cannot be precisely gathered out of the story of the Macchabees, when this term of a 2300. years began, it must have a perfect end at the cleansing of the Sanctuary, which was in the 148. year, on the 25. day of the ninth month Chisleu: Pererius answereth, that it is not necessary to understand that this cleansing of the Sanctuary should be in the very end, sed prope finem, but toward the end: But the contrary is evident out of the text, that after the 2300. days, then shall the Sanctuary be cleansed: But they which begin the six years in the 143. year, cannot end this term at such time as the Sanctuary was cleansed, but extend it further.  
5. Some, as Pererius noteth, to make this term end just at the cleansing of the Sanctuary, do read, a 2200. days: but this is an evident controlling of the text, which speaketh of a 2300. days.  
6. Pappus indifferently summeth these days, either from the first spoiling of the city, in the 143. year, and so they shall end in Antiochus death; or from the setting up of the abomination of desolation, in the 145. year, in the month Chisleu, 1. Macchab. 1. 57 and then they shall end in the overthrow and subversion of Nicanor and his host, which was two years after Antiochus death: But this being a prophetical prediction, must have a certain and definite accomplishment, it cannot indifferently be taken two ways: I prefer therefore the fourth interpretation as the best.  
7. Now whereas c. 7. 25. there are assigned a time, two times, and a part, that is 3. years and 10. days for the desolation of the Sanctuary, 
R● conell.  but here the sum of 2300. days maketh six years, 3. months, 20. days: This must be understood of all the time from the first defection or falling away of the people by the procurement of wicked Menelaus, which was in the 42. year, as is before showed; and then followeth Antiochus' first coming to jerusalem, when he laid waste the city and spoiled the people, in the 143. year: but the 3. years must begin from the second coming of Antiochus in the 145. year, when he set up the abomination of desolation: And therefore here menion is not made only of the iniquity of desolation, and treading down of the Sanctuary, but of the army also, that is, the Lords people and the city, Polan.  
8. Herein also appeareth God's mercy, who now afflicteth his people in measure, he fulfilleth not (all out) seven years in the desolation of the city and temple, whereas before he punished them with a captivity of seventy years, Oecolampad.   

Quest. 26. When the kingdom of the greeks, so often mentioned in the book of the Macchabees took beginning.  
1. Lyranus is of opinion, that the reign of the greeks should begin from the death of Alexander, comment. in 1. lib. Macchab. c. 1. But this cannot be, for after Alexander's death, for the space of 13. or 14. years, there was no certain succession of the kingdom, Alexander's captains one warring against another, till those four kingdoms of Macedonia, Asia, Egypt, Syria, were settled.  
2. joannes Annius is yet more bold, 
lib. super Philon. qui inseribitur breviarium temporum.  and controlleth those numbers set down in the story of the Macchabees, that whereas Antiochus is said to begin his reign in the 137. year of the kingdom of the Greeks, he saith it was the 153. year, from the death of Alexander, from whence the kingdom of the greeks must be counted in his opinion: And he further affirmeth that those numbers in those books of: the Macchabees, were not inserted by the author of that story, but by josephus: But though the book of the Macchabees is not received as Canonical for any matter of faith or doctrine, yet it may be esteemed of for matter of story: and therefore it is great boldness therein to contradict the same: And he in this his censure giveth unto Antiochus 16. years, whereas he is held to have reigned but 12. year: he began to reign in the year 137. and died in the 149. year, 1. Mac. 6. 16.  
3. Therefore these years of the kingdom of the greeks must begin from the reign of Seleucus in Syria, not from the death of Alexander, as may thus be gathered. 1. whereas Antiochus polluted the Sanctuary in the 145. year, if this time were taken from Alexander's death, it should be the 157. or 159. year, for so long it was after Alexander's death. 2. Beside, josephus lib. 12. antiquit. cap. 7. saith, that this 145. year did concur with the 153. Olympiads: then cannot this account begin from the death of Alexander, which was in the first year of the 114. Olympiad: from thence to the 153. Olympiad, are 39 Olympiads, which make an 156. years, whereas it was but the 145. year from the beginning of the reign of the Seleucians.   

Quest. 27. Why the kingdom of the greeks, is counted from the reign of the Seleucians.  
1. Though Alexander were the first king of the greeks, and founder of that Empire, v. 21. yet his reign is not counted, because the kingdom descended not to his posterity, as the kingdom of the Seleucians did: for there were many descents in the same family, until the kingdom was dissolved by the Romans.  
2. And whereas it may be objected, that there was a descent and succession in the other kingdoms, but especially of the Ptolomees in Egypt, whose race continued longer, than the Seleucians in Syria: yet these have the name of the kingdom, because the were mightier than the rest, and they had chiefly to do with the people of God, whom the history of the Macchabees specially concerneth.  
3. Further whereas the kingdom of the Seleucians was not in any part of Greece, but in Syria and Chaldea, yet it is called the kingdom of the Grecians, because the Seleucians had their beginning from thence, and used the language, customs, superstitions of the greeks, Perer.   

Quest. 28. Of the man Gabriel.  
1. Some do take this to be an excellent name, common to all Angels: it signifieth the strength or power of God: but it is evident, Luk. 1. 19 where this Angel Gabriel was sent to the vigin Marie, that it was the proper name of an Angel, jun. commentar. 2. But Gregory well noteth that Angels are not called by names in respect of themselves, as though they could not be discerned, but by their several names, in that celestial city where they enjoy the vision of God, sed cum ad nos aliquid ministraturi veniunt, etc. but when they come unto us to minister, they do take their names of their ministery and office, etc. as here this Angel is called Gabriel, the strength of God, because he was employed in the defence of the Church against the enemies thereof. 3. But this further must be considered, that this Angel is not so called, ab essentiali potentia dei, from the essential power of God, but of that power which was given him to execute the Lords commandement. jun. 4. And this is the only name given unto Angels in Scripture: for the name Michael, which signifieth one as God, is ascribed unto Christ, who is equal unto God: As for the other names, Raphael, jeremiel, Sammael, they are but the devised terms of men, inserted in the Apocryphal books, but not to be found in the Canonical Scriptures, Polan. jun.   

Quest. 29. v. 16. Upon these words, make this man to understand the vision: whether Angels can give us understanding.  
1. The Angels of themselves have no power to infuse understanding into the mind of man: but he only which hath created the heart of man, can give unto it understanding: And the Angels themselves cannot understand the secrets and mysteries of God, unless it be given unto them, as here the Angel called an holy one, inquired of Palmoni, which is Christ, the meaning of this vision, v. 13. 2. yet when it pleaseth God to use the ministery of Angels, they may help to make a way for our better understanding, as he which openeth the window, may be said to give light unto the house, yet it is the sun properly that giveth light: So the Son of righteousness illuminateth our hearts, the Angels may help to prepare the way, Polan. 3. But in this place the Angel doth not by any secret infusion open daniel's understanding, but by a manifest and clear interpretation of the vision: and so the Lord useth the ministry of men in the preaching of the gospel, to open the hearts of the hearers.   

Quest. 30. v. 29. How Alexander is said to be the first king of Grecia.  
1. Though there were other kings of Macedonia, which is a part of Greece, before Alexander, as Philip, with others; yet Alexander here compared to an horn for strength, is said to be the first king, namely of the Monarchy, Osiand, the first king of the Grecians, that overcame the Medes and Persians, Polan. 2. And here it must be observed, that the two first kingdoms are likened unto beasts, the rest unto the horns of beasts, because they did issue out of the other, as the horns came out of the beast. 3. And by the horns we must understand, the kings together with their kingdoms, Osiand. 4. Lyranus giveth this reason, why Alexander is called the first, because before him the kings were nullius momenti, of no account or fame: He was the first notable king: But he is so called, not only in respect of his name or fame, but of his power and conquest, as is before touched.   

Quest. 31. Of the time when Antiochus Epiphanes should rise up: in the latter end of their kingdom.  
1. Some do thus expound the word, beacharith, procedente tempore, during the time of these kingdoms, jun. annot. Polan. but the same word, v. 19 they interpret extremitatem, the extremity of wrath, or the last wrath: therefore it is not fit in this place to give it an other interpretation.  
2. Some read in the end of their kingdom, Genevens. that is toward the end of the kingdom of the Macedonians, or greeks, Vatab. So also readeth the Latin, post regnum illorum, after their kingdom: But this cannot be understood of the end of the kingdom of the Grecians, or Seleucians: for when Anciochus Epiphanes rose up, there were more which succeeded in that family after him, than went before him: for in all there were 18. kings of Seleucus posterity, in the which number Antiochus Epiphanes was the 8. king of that family, so that ten succeeded him: Antioch us Eupator, Demetrius Soter, Alexander Epiphanes, Demetrius Nicanor, Antiochus Sedetes, Antiochus Gryphus, Antiochus Cyzicenus, Seleucus the son of Gryphus, Antiochus Pius, whom Tigranes expelled, Antiochus Asiaticus, whom Pompey deprived. And further whereas the kingdom of the Seleucians continued 270. years, as Appianus, and Antiochus began to reign in the 137. year, and died in the 149. year, 1. Macchab. 6. 16. there remained yet after Antiochus' death an 120. years of the reign of the Seleucians: Antiochus Epiphanes then could not come in the end of that kingdom.  
3. Lyranus making Antiochus a type of Antichrist, understandeth the final end and dissolution of the Greek Empire, when the fourth Monarchy of the Romans began: for the kingdom of Antichrist, quodam modo pertinet ad regnum Romanum, belongeth after a sort to the kingdom of the Romans: But seeing it is confessed of all, that historically this vision and prophesy was first fulfilled in Antiochus Epiphanes, though typically it be referred unto Antichrist: then first this must historically be applied to the time of the rising up of Antiochus.  
4. Bullinger here understandeth the end of the Macedonian kingdom, for so Antiochus Epiphanes, began to reign in the 4. year of Perses the last king, who reigned a 11. years, in the last whereof he was overcome and taken by P. Aemilius, and Macedonia was brought to be a Province: But this interpretation agreeth not with the text, which saith, that in the end of their kingdom, etc. a king of fierce countenance shall stand up: it is evident then that he meaneth that kingdom out of which this fierce king should come, which was the kingdom of the Seleucians.  
5. Calvin thus interpreteth, in the end of their kingdom, that is, ubi ad summum pervenerint, when they are come to the height, and begin to decline: for after Antiochus Epiphanes, the glory and power of that kingdom begun to decay: But that is not said properly to be the end of a kingdom, when the power thereof is somewhat altered only, the regal authority still remaining.  
6. Therefore the best reading is, posteris temporibus, in the latter times of this kingdom, so is the word acharith taken, Gen. 49. 1. c. 2. 28. see before c. 2. quest. 31. cum regna illa aliquantum temporis constiterint, when those kingdoms have continued some while: and the better part of the time of their continuance was passed: for Antiochus came in the 137. year, which was toward both the latter, and the decaying times of that kingdom: for there remained an 120. years of that kingdom, not so much time, as was already fulfilled, jun. commentar.   

Quest. 32. The description of Antiochus and of his doings.  
He is described. 1. by the time of his rising up. 2 his qualities. 3. condition and state. 4. his acts and exploits. 5. by his end.  
1. The time is expressed, when the iniquities, or defection, or falling away is perfited, which some understand generally when the iniquities of the people were increased, Lyran. Hugo. then God would raise up one to punish them. Some refer it to the professed enemies of the Church of God, when they should be multiplied: But there is special reference had to the general defection and falling away from religion, unto gentilism, as is declared, 1. Macchab. 1. v. 12. v. 43. and c. 2. v. 15. And the ringleaders of this apostasy were jason, who bought the high Priests place of Antiochus for money, and Menelaus who by the like bribery obtained it, jason being expelled: which wicked men procured the Greek plays to be set up in jerusalem, and sent money to Tyrus for a sacrifice to Hercules, and followed the abominable fashion of the heathen: as it is more at large showed. 2. Macchab. 4.  
2. He is set forth by his adjuncts. 1. he shall be of an hard countenance, that is, of an impudent face, a shameless man. 2. he shall understand dark sentences, which some expound thus, he shall cause by his doings this dark vision to be understood, as being fulfilled in him, Hugo. But hereby rather is signified his craft and cunning, he should be most subtle and politic to contrive his purpose.  
3. His state is set forth, his power shall be mighty, but not in his strength: which some expound, 1. his strength shall not be like Alexander's, Genevens. 2. or astutior erit quam potentior, he shall be more crafty than powerful: grassabitur per frauds, he shall proceed by craft, not by strength, Calvin. so also jun. annot. 3. Hugo following the interlin. gloss. giveth this sense, not in his own strength, but of Gods, for he could not so have prospered unless God's will had been so, for the punishment of his people. 4. not in his own strength, sed Satanae virtute, but by the power of Satan, gloss. ordinar. ex Gregor. 5. But the meaning rather is this, he seduced others, quorum viribus abuteretur, whose power he should abuse to help himself: for both he was helped by the treachery of the high Priests, jason, and Menelaus, Bulling. and he had also the help of foreign kings, Eumenes, and Attalus, as Appian in Syriacis. Polan.  
4. His acts and exploits are of two sorts, either against men, or against God himself: Against men. 1. he shall destroy wonderfully, which Hugo referreth to Antiochus obscure beginning, that he suddenly should rise to so great power: Oecolampadins understandeth it of his wonderful cruelty, who in three days slew 80. thousand in jerusalem, 40. thousand were put in bands, and as many sold: But it may more fitly be understood of his deceit and craft, whereby he wonderfully prospered: for he procured the death of his father Antiochus, and then of his elder brother Seleucus, and then defeated also Seleucus' son of the kingdom. 2. he shall destroy the mighty and holy people, Gregory understandeth here, mente invictos, those which were strong and invincible in mind, whom he corporally overcame, as the mother with the seven children, and other of the Saints, Lyran. Hugo understandeth the jews which were strong and mighty, auxilio dei, by the strength of God before: this showeth rather, that he should not only prosper against the people of God, but subdue other strong nations also, as the Egyptians, with other people, Calv. Polan. 3. A third effect is, that he should so by his policy and craft prevail, winning some by flattery and bribes, others by fraud and deceit, that he should thereby wax wonderful insolent and proud above measure: in so much, 
2. Macchab. 9 8.  as that he should think to command the floods, and to weigh the mountains in a balance. 4. He shall in peace destroy many: 1. some read in copia rerum, in the abundance of things: which Hugo understandeth of his gifts: Lyran: of his power given him of God. 2. but the word shalvah signifieth peace: Calvin expoundeth, that he shall per quietem quasi per ludum, by peace, and at his ease, and as in sport, without any difficulty prevail: some give this sense, that he shall set upon men which were in peace, nihil opinantes, thinking nothing: but the meaning is, he shall under colour and pretence of peace destroy many: for so he invaded Egypt under pretence to be gardiane to the young king, his nephew: so he gave peaceable words unto the jews, who gave credit to him, and he entered the city, and put them to the sword, 1. Macch. 1. 31, 32. 2. Then followeth his insolency against God himself, he should stand up against the prince of princes: for so he set up in despite of God the abominable idol of jupiter Olympus in the temple.  
The fifth and last part of the description is of his end: he shall be broken down without hand, that is of man, he died by the stroke of God's hand, of a most incurable disease, 2. Macchab. c. 9 which is now to be handled more at large in the next question.   

33. Quest. Of some difference in the story of the Macchabees concerning the death of Antiochus.  
There are some differences, which seem to admit some reasonable satisfaction, but some other there are, which can not be reconciled.  
The differences of the first sort are these. 1. whereas the narration of the death of Antiochus is set forth in three places, 1. Macch. c. 6. 2. Macch. c. 1. and c. 9 in the 1. Macch. c. 6. v. 1. it is said, that Antiochus would have spoiled the rich temple in the city Elymais: and yet, 2. Macch. c. 9 it is said to be the city Persepolis, the temple whereof he would have spoiled: Pererius here answereth, that it was in deed the city Susa in the Province of Elymais, the temple whereof he would have robbed; which is called Persepolis a city of Persia: though he confesseth, that there was a city of that name, but that was destroyed by Alexander; he himself, with his captains being drunken, at the instigation of Thais his concubine, set fire unto it with his own hands. Contr. But a better answer may be found out: that the words are not to be read, he heard that Elymais in the country of Persia, was a city greatly renowned for riches, as the Latin translator readeth, whom our English translations follow: but the Greek text standeth thus, he heard, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that there was in Elymais in the region of Persia, a city. So Elymais, is not the name of the city, but of the country which belonged to Persia, where this city was. And Persepolis is known to have been the proper name of a city, which though it had been destroyed by Alexander above an 150. years before this, yet it might, and is like in all this time to have been repaired again.  
2. Whereas 1. Macch. 6. 5. it is said, that one brought him tidings into Persia, how his armies were discomfited in judea: and 2. Macch. 9 3. it is said the news was brought him to Ecbatane, which is in Media, not in Persia, Tob. 3. 7. Pererius giveth this satisfaction, that the messenger might first come into Persia, but not finding the king there, he went to Ecbatane.  
3. 1. Macch. 6. 4. the Latin translator readeth, he came again to Babylon: but 2. Macch. 9 28. it is said, he died in a strange country among the mountains: he could not die in a strange country being at Babylon, for that was his own country. This doubt also may easily be removed by amending the translation: the words in the original are, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he was to return to Babylon, jun. Vatab. in animo habuit, etc. it was in his mind to return to Babylon, Perer. but the Latin translation is, reversus est in Babyloniam, he returned to Babylon: which reading if they will stand unto, this contradiction can not be reconciled.  
4. 1. Macch. 6. 8. it is said, he fell sick for sorrow: but 2. Macch. 9 it is declared how he was stricken with an incurable disease, that worms came out of him, and no man could endure the stink of his body: Pererius also thus reconcileth these places, that both were true, he might sicken of grief, and his sickness was increased by that filthy disease: so also Hugo, he died morbo scilicet & tristitia, both of the disease, and grief also.  
These doubts may with some probability be satisfied: but this contradiction can not be healed, that whereas 1. Macch. c. 6. and 2. Macch. c. 9 Antiochus is reported to have died partly of grief, partly of a strange disease: Now 2. Macc. 1. 16. it is reported, that he with his army was slain with stones in the temple of Nanea, their heads cut off, and thrown out. To this objection divers answers are made, to preserve the credit of this book.  
1. Some think that this Antiochus slain in the Temple of Nanea, was not Antiochus Epiphanes, whose death is mentioned in those two other places: but Antiochus magnus the father of this Antiochus: so Lyran. Carthusian. Melchior Canus.  
Contr. Bellarmine, and Pererius both do refuse this answer: for this Antiochus thus killed, was an enemy to the jews, and they rejoiced in his fall: but the other Antiochus surnamed the great, was a friend unto the jews, and showed great kindness unto them, and they unto him, as josephus writeth, 
lib. 12. antique. cap. 3.  how when Antiochus had overcame Scopas Ptolemy, Philometors' captain, and subdued Celosyria, and Samaria, the jews yielded themselves, and received his armies into their cities, and refreshed them: which benefit Antiochus acknowledged in certain letters to his friends, purposing to require the same.  
2. another opinion is, that this Antiochus was the son of Demetrius the son of Seleucus Philopator, whom Epiphanes deprived of his kingdom, 
Bellar. lib. 1. de verb. Dei. c. 1●.  who was surnamed Antiochus pius, who put down Tryphon, that usurped the kingdom. Bellarmine here forgetting himself saith, that this Antiochus was called Triphon, or Gryphus: in one sentence he committeth two errors: for this Tryphon usurped the kingdom, whom Antiochus expelled: and Antiochus Gryphus was the 17. king of Syria, whereas Antiochus pius was the 15. Bulling. of this opinion, that this was Antiechus pius here reported to be slain, are Rupert. lib. 1. de victor. verb. c. 6. Michael Medina, Carolus Sigonius. But these two arguments make against this opinion, 1. that Antiochus pius had no such end, but died in battle against the Parthians, justin. lib. 38. in fine. 2. Antiochus though there was some variance between him and Hyrcanus, yet he spoilt not the city, but when he besieged it, he gave them seven days truce at their request, to celebrate the feast of Tabernacles, and beside sent them vessels of silver, and vessels of gold, and much incense: and at the length a league was concluded between them. But this Antiochus, that should be put to death in the Temple of Nanea, was a professed enemy unto the jews, and therefore they rejoice and give thanks for his death.  
3. Pererius delivereth an other opinion, to the which he subscribeth as probable: that not Antiochus, but the captain of his host was killed with stones: they cast stones as it were thunder upon the captain. But it is evident, that Antiochus is understood by the captain, v. 13. 14. Albeit the captain, and they which were with him, seemed invincible, yet they were slain in the Temple of Nanea: for Antiochus, as though he would dwell with her, came thither to receive money under the title of a dowry. It was Antiochus himself, that pretended marriage with Nanea, or Diana, as the like is reported of Tiberius, Nero, Heliogabalus, that would make marriages with the goddesses: he therefore came himself in person, to receive as a dowry, the treasure of the Temple.  
4. But Bellarmine, and Pererius likewise do most approve this solution, who thus interpret these words, v. 13. cecidit in templo Naneae, the captain with his host fell in the temple of Nanea: that is, they were smitten, not slain. Bellarmine giveth instance of the like place, Gen. 14. 10. The king of Sodom and Gomorrah fell there, in the slimy pits, that is, were discomfited, they were not killed: for the king of Sodom met Abraham afterward. Pererius objecteth that place, Dan. c. 11. 30. how the Romans should come against Antiochus, and he should be smitten, yet he was not killed.  
Contra. 1. The word used 2. Macchab. 1. 13. is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not they fell, but they were smitten or slain: concisi sunt, they were hewn and cut in pieces, as Vatablus and junius translate. 2. in that place, Gen. 24. 10. it is only said, they fell, but here more is expressed, they were cut in pieces, v. 16. 3. and in the other place, the word is better translated by Vatablus, consternabitur, he shall be grieved, or terrified, not smitten.  
5. This then remaineth to be said, that this is an uncertain and untrue report of Antiochus death, as that is likewise of the holy fire which was hid, and when Nehemias sent to set it, they found thick water in stead of fire. And therefore that other report of Antiochus death, being twice set down, 1. Macchab. c. 6. and 2. Macchab. c. 9 is to be received as the more probable. jun.   

34. Quest. Of the agreement of other persecutors of the Church with this description of Antiochus.  
1. As the apostasy of the jews was a forerunner of the tyranny and persecution of Antichrist: So when persecution is raised in the Church, many do fall away: as when Constantius favoured Arrius, and persecuted the orthodoxal professors, Liberius the Bishop of Rome fell away also to arianism. And of late days when Charles the fifth made war against the Protestant Princes in Germany, many gospelers either fell to Popery, or received the Interim: And in England in Queen Mary's days, many forsook the Gospel, and turned Papists.  
2. As Antiochus was of a bold countenance, and full of craft, such were the persecutors of the Gospel, as julian the Apostata, Valens the Emperor, the Duke of Albany in the low countries.  
3. As Antiochus increased by the treachery of others, that helped him: so it is usual for the enemies of the Gospel to prevail, if they can by treachery: as many treasons against Queen Elizabeth, and our noble Sovereign that now is, have been set forward by some foreign Popish princes.  
4. Antiochus by flattery, and under colour of peace deceived many: so did the Duke of Albania in the low countries: and king Philip when he intented the invasion of England, ann. 1588. yet made show of peace by the Prince of Parma unto Queen Elizabeth.  
5. As Antiochus was taken away by God's hand not by man's: So the Lord himself encountereth the wicked, as he did Pharaoh and Herod. Polan.   

Quest. 35. Why it is called the vision of the enening and morning, v. 26.  
1. Some understand it thus, the vision, quae per successiones temporum complenda est, which is to be fulfilled in succession of time: Hugo. 2. Lyranus thus interpreteth: by the morning he would have understood the time of Antiochus, by the evening the time of Antichrist, who was prefigured by Antiochus. 3. the vulgar Latin readeth, the vision of the morning and evening, as though this were spoken of the time, when this vision appeared. 4. But it hath relation rather to the former part of the vision, v. 14. where mention is made of 2300. days unto the evening and morning, that is so many natural days: this vision which is expressed by part of the subject taken for the whole, is said to be true, Cal. Polan.   

Quest. 36. Why Daniel is bidden to seal up the vision.  
1. Some by feeling understand the committing to memory, Hugo. 2. Some the committing of it to writing, Lyran. 3. Bullinger alludeth to the use of men, which seal and confirm those things, which are true: and so Daniel is bid to seal it, as a thing most certain. 4. Some think that hereby is signified, that he should conceal this vision, lest the jews hearing what affliction they should endure in their own country, might be slack to return thither. 5. Chrysostome giveth this sense: that he should keep it faithfully, ne temporis prolixitate dispereat, that it perish not in continuance and length of time. 6. The Hebrews referring this vision to the last times of their redemption by their Messiah, would have it therefore sealed, because the time was long, before it should be fulfilled. 7. But the reasons why Daniel is commanded to seal up the vision, were these. 1. that he should not communicate it unto the Chaldees, whom it concerned not, or to any other carnal men, or unbelievers, that would not give credit unto it: but that he should conceal it from such: yet unto the faithful he might impart it: As the Prophet Isay saith to the same purpose, 8. 16. bind up the testimony, seal up the law among my Disciples, and this is according to the rule of our Saviour, not to cast things holy unto dogs, Matth. 7. 6. Polan. 2. By this sealing of the vision is signified, that it was not presently to take effect, but after a long time, about 300. years after: yet it should be most certainly fulfilled in the appointed time, jun. in commentar. so he is not bidden simply to conceal it, but hereby rather he is admonished not to doubt of the accomplishment thereof: and that be should not measure it, ex vulgi sententia, by the opinion of the vulgar sort, Calvin.   

37. Quest. What kings business Daniel did, v. 27.  
v. 27. I did the king's business, etc. 1. Some do think that this was king Darius' business, that carried Daniel with him into Media, Lyr. and they think this work was the building of the great tower, which josephus maketh mention of, Hug. But this can not be so: for josephus saith, that Darius carried Daniel with him into Media; but Daniel was at this time at Shushan, v. 2. and that great tower was built not at Shushan but at Ecbatane, as josephus writeth, lib. 10. cap. 12. 2. Oecolampad. and Pelican, in that it is said, when I rose up, I did the king's business, do infer, non dicit se à Sufis redijsse, sed surrexisse, he said not he did return from Susa, but only rose up, and returned to his business, etc. so that their opinion seemeth to be, that Daniel was in deed now at Susa: But it is showed before, that he was at Susa only in vision, qu. 4. 3. It remaineth then, that this king was Belshazar, as is evident, v. 1. by whom it seemeth he was employed, though not so much, nor in so great affairs, as he was under the former kings, Osiand. but what manner of employment it was, it is not expressed, neither can certainly be gathered, jun. Daniel then having noted before, that this was done under Belshazars' reign, v. 1. returned unto his business, which is an evident argument that he was then in Belshazars' Court, or at hand, not at Susa, because he presently rose up, having recovered himself, to do the king's business, Calvin.   

38. Quest. Of the meaning of these words, v. 27. none understood, or perceived it.  
1. Some read, and there was none to interpret it: so Lyran. Hug. Pintus, following the vulgar Latin, which they understand thus: that is, none interpreted it as the Angel, Hugo. or none could interpret it in particular concerning the king's names, but only in general, Lyran. But the word here used mebin, signifieth not interpreting, but perceiving and understanding: neither could Daniel say, none could interpret it, seeing the Angel had given the interpretation of it before. 2. Some read, none understood it. The Hebrews think that Daniel himself understood it not: but that can not be, seeing the Angel was bidden to cause him to understand it, v. 16. 3. Some think, that none of those, to whom Daniel revealed the dream, could understand it, Oecolampad. but Daniel did not impart it to so many, to try who understood it, and who understood it not: for he was commanded before to seal it up, to hide and conceal it, and lay it up in his heart. 4. The words are then better translated, none perceived it, that he had been sick for grief, because of the heavy vision: he dissembled his affection, and neither in word, nor so much as in countenance bewrayed, that he had seen a vision: according as he had been before charged to conceal and keep the vision to himself, jun. Polan.   

39 Quest. The history of Antiochus Epiphanes reign abridged, for the better understanding of this vision.  
1. After that Antiochus (the great) father unto Antiochus Epiphanes, had been vanquished by Scipio, he was constrained to deliver over unto the Romans his son Antiochus to be an hostage, where he continued 14. years: and then hearing of his father's death, watched his time, and fled secretly from Rome, and took upon him the kingdom of Syria, making a way thereunto by procuring the death of Seleucus his elder brother, and disinheriting Demetrius his son.  
2. Then Antiochus, after he was settled in the kingdom, invaded Egypt, under this colour, to be tutor unto the young king Ptolemy Philometor his sister Cleopatra her son: he put many to the sword, and subdued many cities: And in his return, being savoured by divers seditious persons in jerusalem, as by jason, who had bought the priesthood of him for money, and wicked Menelaus, who got the Priesthood for himself, promising more money, and put jason by, 2. Macchab. 4. by this means he entered into the city, robbed and spoiled the Temple, and put many to the sword: this was in the 143. year of the kingdom of the greeks, in the 6. year of his reign.  
3. Then about two year after he made a second expedition into Egypt, where he was commanded to depart by Popilius the Ambassador of the Romans, who making a circle in the sand with his rod before Antiochus, urged him to make his present answer, before he went thence.  
4. In his second return he entered jerusalem again, and made havoc of the city, defiled the Temple, and set up therein the abomination of desolation, the idol of jupiter Olympus: this was in the 145. year in the 8. year of his reign, 1. Macchab. 1. 57  
5. Then Mattathias being moved in zeal, stood up to resist the Tyrant, and judas his son, with his brethren after him: and at the length they prevailed, and 3. years after they cleansed the Sanctuary, and restored the sacrifices: and this was in the 148. year, 1. Macch. 4. 52. in the 11. year of Antiochus reign.  
6. After this this wicked Tyrant went into Persia, thinking to rob the rich Temple at Persepolis, where having the repulse, and hearing at the same time how his captains Timotheus and Nicanor were discomfited with their armies in judea, partly of grief, and chiefly being smitten of God with an incurable and stinking disease, he died in the 149. year, and the 12. of his reign: see the story, 2. Macchab. 9    

4. Places of doctrine.  

1. Doctr. Of the office of a Prince.  
v. 5. An horn appeared between his eyes. In that Alexander is resembled to an horn between the eyes, many excellent properties required in a Prince are thereby signified. 1. the king is as an horn unto the kingdom, the glory and strength thereof, to defend them, and to push at their enemies: as the horn is the defence of the beast, and that whereby others are offended. 2. as the horn did rise up between the eyes, so the Prince must be circumspect and advised, and do all things with counsel: as it in the Prov. c. 24. 6. with counsel thou stalt enterprise war. 3. as the horn is most conspicuous of all other parts, so the virtue and courage of the king should appear and be manifest to all, Polan.   

2. Doctr. That all things in the world are ruled and guided by the divine providence.  
v. 9 It waxed great toward the South, etc. In that Antiochus acts are set down in order, both his outrage against men, and his blasphemy against God, the treading down of the Sanctuary, and of the people of God: Hence josephus collecteth well, that these things were not done by chance: as a ship fleeting upon the seas without a governor, or a chariot running without a driver: nam si haec sponte gererentur, non secundum illius prophesiam emnia provenire conspiceremus, for if all these things fell out of themselves, we should not see them so fitly to come to pass according unto his prophesy. joseph. lib. 10. Antiquit. c. 14.   

3. Doctr. The Scriptures are the rule of truth.  
v. 12. It shall cast down the truth, etc. That is, the books of the Law, which were the rule of faith: hence than it followeth, that the Scriptures contain the holy doctrine of truth: which is not to be learned else where, then from the Scriptures: So that they which are enemies to the Scriptures, do set themselves against the truth; as wicked jehoiakim, when he caused jeremy's prophecy to be cut with a penknife, and cast into the fire; therein professing himself an enemy to God and his truth: and therefore this judgement is thereatned against him, that he should have none of his seed to succeed him, and his body should be cast forth unburied, jerem. 36. 30.   

4. Doctr. That Angels have not all knowledge.  
v. 13. In that one of the Angels inquireth of Palmoni, which is Christ, how long this vision should endure: therein it appeareth, that Angels have not the knowledge of all secrets: for here they are instructed by Christ, concerning the meaning of this vision. Further, that the knowledge of Angels is limited, and that they increase in knowledge, and have things revealed unto them which they knew not before, is evident by that place of the Apostle, Eph. 3. 10. That unto Principalities and Powers in heavenly places, might be known by the Church the manifold wisdom of God: so also S. Peter saith, 1. Pet. 1. 12. Which things the Angels desire to behold: they still proceed in the beholding of the mystery of our redemption.   

5. Doctr. Christ is the Lord and head of the Angels.  
v. 13. In that the Angel inquireth of Palmoni the meaning of this vision, which is Christ, who afterward v. 16. appointeth the angel Gabriel to open the vision to Daniel: it is hence inferred that Christ is superior to the Angels, that they receive their directions from him, and that they are his ministers sent abroad for the service of his Church: So the Apostle faith, Hebr. 1. 6. When he bringeth in his first begotten Son into the world, he saith, And let all the Angels of God worship him: and, v. 14. Are they not all ministering spirits, sent forth to minister for their sakes, which shall be heirs of salvation?    

5. Places of controversy.  

1. Controv. Prosperity and external felicity is no perpetual note of the Church.  
v. 15. Antiochus is permitted for a time to tread down the Sanctuary, and army, that is the Church militant, under feet: whereby it is evident, that the Church is not always discerned by outward prosperity: which Bellarmine maketh one of the notes and marks of the Church. The people of God are more subject to affliction and persecution in this world: they are oftener pressed down with adversity, than lifted up by prosperity: as our blessed Saviour saith, In the world ye shall have affliction, but in him we have peace, joh. 16. 33. See more hereof, Synops. 2. controv. qu. 3. note 15.   

2. Controv. That the abomination of desolation spoken of, v. 13. is not the abolishing of the sacrifice of the Mass.  
The Romanists make this a mark of Antichrist, that the daily sacrifice of the Maffe shall be abolished at his coming: and therefore they charge Protestants to be forerunners of Antichrist, because they have banished out from among them the Mass.  
Contra. 1. The new Testament acknowledgeth no other external sacrifice, but the sacrifice of atonement made by Christ, of himself upon the cross: the virtue and efficacy whereof being everlasting, it is not to be iterated, or repeated: as the Apostle saith, Hebr. 9 25. Not that he should offer himself often: and v. 28. Christ was once offered, to take away sins. 2. The sacrifices now offered up by Christians are spiritual: Hebr. 13. 12. Let us by him offer the sacrifice of praise always unto God: And in this sense the Apostle saith, He hath made us Kings and Priests to God his father, Revel. 1. 6. 3. The Papists are they which have abolished the true commemoration of Christ's sacrifice: in stead of the Eucharist, having instituted a theatrical and pompous show of the Mass. Pap.   

3. Controv. The authority of the Scripture dependeth not upon the testimony of the Church.  
v. 27. The vision of the evening and morning is true, etc. The Angel here giveth testimony unto the truth of this vision, yet therefore dependeth it not upon the Angel's approbation, but upon the authority of Christ: this than is but a weak argument of the Romanists; the Church giveth testimony to and of the Scriptures, therefore the authority of Scripture dependeth of the Church, Polan. Indeed the consent and general approbation of the Church may induce us, at the first, and may make a way, and as it were prepare us; but we believe the Scriptures for the truth's sake therein contained, being thereunto persuaded by the spirit of God. See further of this question, Synops. Centur. 1. err. 5.   

4. Controv. The description of Antiochus agreeth to the Pope and Antichrist.  
Although historically this vision of the little horn were fulfilled in Antiochus, yet for as much as he was a type of Antichrist, all those properties do fitly agree unto him also, shadowed forth in Antiochus: and so Gregor. in 40. c. job, and Lyranus do in divers points make Antiochus a type of Antichrist, though they do not take the Roman Bishop to be he.  
1. Before Antiochus raged against the people of God, there was a defection and falling away of many from the faith, to Paganism: and this is touched, v. 23. In the end of their kingdom, when their rebellions, defections, or falling away shall be perfited: for so jason, and Menelaus, with divers other of the jews forsook their religion, and followed the Gentile customs, 1. Macchab. 14. 15. So before Antichrist come, there shall be a departure or apostasy, 2. Thess. 2. 3. which shall be a falling away from the faith, as Ireneus interpreteth, lib. 5. advers. haeres. c. 21. so also Primasius, Chrysostome, Oecumen. Lyran. upon that place: which we see is come to pass, that the most part of Christian nations had forsaken the purity of the Gospel.  
2. Antiochus was of an impudent face: so Antichrist shall be ad omne malum inverecundus, unshamefast to every evil work, Lyran. which is fulfilled in the Pope: who without all modesty and shamefastness, challengeth to be the Vicar of Christ, the head of the Church, Universal Bishop, and what not.  
3. His power was great, but not by his own strength. Antiochus was assisted by the malicious practices of others, as of Menelaus: So the Pope hath increased by the help of others. Phocas that killed Mauritius the Emperor, first granted unto Pope Boniface the 3. to be called head of the Church: And of late times the French and Spanish kings have waged battle for the Pope.  
4. v. 23. He shall understand dark sentences, whereby is understood his craft and subtlety: so Antichrist, as Lyranus noteth, callidissimus erit auxilio Diaboli, shall be most crafty by the help of the devil: And so the Pope hath bewitched the world with his intoxicate cup of fornications, with deceitful and subtle doctrines of invocation of Saints, prayer for the dead, purgatory, indulgences, and such like: and he hath also deceived the world with lying signs and wonders, as S. Paul prophesieth, 2. Thess. 2. 9  
5. Antiochus should destroy the mighty, and the holy people: So the Pope hath deposed kings, and deprived them of their kingdoms: he hath also more persecuted the people of God, then ever did any of the Pagan Emperors.  
6. Antiochus is prophesied to wax great toward the North, toward the south, etc. v. 9 he should raise up tumults and wars every where: So the Popes have been the authors of bloody wars in every place almost. Gregory the 3. and Leo 3. set Italy against the Emperor: zacharias suborned Pipinus against Childerick king of France: Adrian 1. set the French and Lombard's together by the ears: julius the 2. stirred up divers Christian Princes against the Venetians: Nicolaus the 3. caused the Sicilians to put the French to the sword: Paulus the 3. raised the Italians and Spaniards against the Germans: yea, there have been almost no wars between Christian Princes, wherein the Pope hath not put his foul finger.  
7. Antiochus should through peace destroy many: and so did Gregory the 13. under pretence of peace, in that bloody marriage at Paris, in the year 1572. cause much blood to be shed.  
8. Antiochus should stand against the Prince of Princes, God himself: so the Pope advanceth himself against God, in taking unto himself authority to dispense with the word of God: in maintaining doctrines directly opposite to the Scriptures, as idolatry, invocation of Saints, merits, and such like.  
9 Antiochus should exalt himself in his heart, v. 25. so the Pope hath been so lifted up in pride, that he hath set his foot in the necks of Emperors, made them kiss his foot, and hold his stirrup, and lead his horse.  
10. Antiochus should be destroyed without hand: so the Lord shall consume Antichrist with the spirit of his mouth, 2. Thess. 2. 8.    

6. Moral observations.  

1. Observ. Religion maketh a city or country famous.  
v. 9 Toward the pleasant land. There were many countries more flourishing than judea in temporal blessings, as Egypt, Babylon, Syria, yet judea is called the pleasant land, because of the true religion and worship of God: So Italy now is for pleasantness and fruitfulness far beyond other regions; but those countries and cities which profess the Gospel, are the pleasant lands in the sight of God: as the brethren of Berea are called noble in respect of their knowledge, and zeal, Act. 17. 11.   

2. Observ. The Church of God is militant and warfaring in earth.  
v. 13. To tread, etc. the army under foot. The Church of God doth but sojourn here in earth, and the faithful are but as pilgrims and strangers here, as S. Peter saith, 1. Pet. 2. 11. They do not war after the flesh, 2. Cor. 10. 3. Therefore we are taught, that as God's soldiers, we should strive for the kingdom of God, and hold out this our warfare and pilgrimage with constancy and patience, till we obtain the victory.   

3. Observ. Of the care and love of the Angels toward the Church of Christ.  
v. 13. As here an Angel is desirous to know how long this desolation of the Church should last: so those blessed spirits of God do grieve to see the affliction of Christ's Church, & desire to have it at an end: As they rejoice to see the Church increased, and men brought unto repentance, Luk. 15. 7. joy shall be in heaven for one sinner that converteth.   

4. Observ. It is profitable to hear the same things often.  
v. 26. As the Angel repeateth only the vision of the evening and morning, but expoundeth it not, because it was plain enough: so it is not amiss for us often to have inculcated and beaten upon the same principles of religion: as S. Paul saith, Philip. 3. 1. It grieveth me not to write of the same things unto you, and for you it is a sure thing. Men must not then have itching ears, still desirous to hear new things: such were the Athenians, who coveted only to tell and hear news, Act. 17. 21.   

5. Observ. How we should be affected in hearing God's word.  
v. 27. And I Daniel was stricken and sick, etc. Daniel was much moved at the hearing of this vision: so should the servants of God be thoroughly stricken with admiration at the mysteries of religion: their inward bowels should be moved at the hearing of God's word. They then which are dull and heavy, and have no sense not feeling when God's word is denounced, do show that they have but carnal and cold affections, and had need to be often roused up with that saying, He that hath ears to hear, let him hear.     

CHAP. IX.  

1. The Argument and Method.  
THis Chapter hath two parts, 1. daniel's prayer and supplication, to v. 20. 2. then the effect of his prayer, thence unto the end.  
1. There is set forth, 1. the occasion of his prayer: what it was, he understood by reading the Prophet jeremy, that the 70. years of captivity was accomplished, v. 2. what it wrought, it moved him unto earnest prayer and supplication, v. 3. which is set forth by the circumstance of the time, in the first year of Darius, v. 1. 2. then followeth the invocation itself, v. 5. 3. the prayer consisting partly of a confession, v. 15. the several parts and arguments whereof, see quest. 7. following: partly of an earnest deprecation, to v. 20. the particulars whereof, see also, qu. 7.  
2. In the effect of his prayer, there is expressed, 1. who it was that came unto him, the Angel Gabriel, v. 21. 2. when, the general time is described, while Daniel was yet praying, v. 20. the particular, in the time of the evening sacrifice. 3. what message the Angel brought: which is delivered first in general, then in particular: in the general four things are showed. 1. the commandment given unto him. 2. the cause thereof, Daniel was beloved. 3. the end, to inform Daniel. 4. with a stirring of him up to attention, v. 22, 23. In the particular declaration, two things are delivered, the office of the Messiah, with such things as should happen unto him, he should be slain; and the destruction of the city, which should follow as a just judgement for putting the Messiah to death.  
The time limited concerning the Messiah, 1. is set forth in an whole sum of 70. weeks: wherein three things are declared: 1. the time summed by prophetical weeks of years. 2. for whom, upon thy people. 3. what things should be done in this time: even these three: 1. the sealing up of former visions, which should be accomplished in the Messiah. 2. the anointing of the Messiah to his office. 3. the benefits procured by the Messiah, either in taking away sin, both in finishing it, that it should reign no more in his members, in sealing it in the remission and forgiveness thereof; and reconciling, that is paying the ransom for it: and in bringing in everlasting righteousness, v. 24. 2. this time is set forth in parts. 1. seven weeks are set apart for the building of jerusalem. 2. after 62. weeks the Messiah shall be slain, v. 26. 3. in the 70. and last week he shall confirm the covenant, and the sacrifices shall cease, v. 27.  
The destruction of the city is showed, 1. by whom, by a Prince that should come. 2. what he should do, destroy the city and Sanctuary. 3. the manner thereof, it should be made desolate for ever, v. 26, 27.   

2. The text with the diverse readings.  
v. 1. In the first (one. H.) year of Darius (Dariavesh. H.) the son of Ahashuerosh (Achasverosh. H.) of the seed of the Medes, wherein (which V. L. B. Gahefirst rather: it is better referred to the year, wherein he was 〈◊〉 king, then to the person that was made) he was made king (ruled. L. S. but the word is in the passive) over the Realm of the Chaldeans.  
2 In the first year of his reign, I Daniel understood by books the number of the years, whereof the word of the Lord came (was. H.) unto jeremiah the Prophet, to accomplish the desolation of jerusalem seventy years.  
3 I turned my face (gave my face. H.) unto the Lord (jehovah, H. and so throughout for the most part where (Lord) is translated) God, to seek him by prayer (in seeking prayer. S.) and supplication, with fasting, sackeloath, and 〈…〉.  
4 And I prayed unto the Lord my God, and made my confession (confessed. H.) saying, Oh B. G. (or I pray thee. A. I. V.) Lord God, great and fearful, which keepeth mercy toward them which love him, I. A. B. (which love thee. L. S. V. G.) 〈◊〉 the pronoun affix is here of the third person) and toward them which keep his commandments.  
5 We have sinned, and committed iniquity, and have done wickedly, yea, we have rebelled, and have departed from thy precepts, and from thy judgements.  
6 For we would not 〈…〉 unto (obey. L. V. S.) thy servants the Prophets, which spoke in thy name to our Princes, and our fathers, and to all the people of the land.  
7 To thee, O Lord▪ belongeth righteousness, and to us confusion of face (open shame. B. G.) as it is this day (as is come to pass. B. or appeareth this day. G.) to every man of judah, and to the inhabitants of jerusalem: yea, unto all Israel, near, or far off throughout all the countries, whither thou hast driven them, because of their trespasses, which they have trespassed against thee.  
8 O Lord, unto us appertaineth shame (or confusion) of face, to our Kings, to our Princes, and to our fathers, because we have sinned (not they have sinned. L. the verb is put in the first person) against thee.  
9 Unto the Lord our God (pertaineth) compassion and forgiveness, because (albeit. G. V. although. B. but the word is, chi, because) we have rebelled against him (and therefore they looked only for mercy from the Lord, having no power in themselves.)  
10 For we have not hearkened unto the voice of the Lord our God, to walk in his laws (law. L.) which he set before us (gave before our face. H.) by the hand (that is, the ministery, G.) of his servants the Prophets.  
11 Yea, all Israel have transgressed thy law, in turning back, and not hearkening to thy voice: therefore the curse is powered upon us, and the oath that is written in the law of Moses the servant of God, because we have sinned against him.  
12 And he hath confirmed his words (every one of his words. I.) which he spoke against us, and our judges, that judged us, by bringing upon us a great plague, (evil. H.) for under the whole heaven was not done the like, as is now come to pass (done. H.) in jerusalem.  
13 As it is written in the law of Moses, all this evil is come upon us: yet made we not our prayers before (entreated the face of. H.) the Lord our God, that we might turn us from our iniquities, and understand thy (in or toward thy) truth.  
14 Therefore the Lord hath made ready the plague (watched over the evil. H.) & brought it upon us: for righteous is the Lord our God in all the works which he doth: for we would not hearken to his voice.  
15 And now, O Lord our God, which hast brought thy people out of the land of Egypt with a mighty hand, and hast gotten thee renown (G. a name. H.) as appeareth this day, (which remaineth this day. V. B.) we have sinned, we have done wickedly.  
16 O Lord, according to all (not in all. L. S. the word is cecol, not becol) thy righteousness, I beseech thee, let thine anger, and thy wrath be turned away from thy city jerusalem, thy holy mountain: (the mountain of thy holiness. H.) for because of our sins, and the iniquities of our fathers, jerusalem and thy people are a reproach to all that are round about us (to all our circuits. H.)  
17 Now therefore, O Lord our God, hear (harken unto. H.) the prayer of thy servant, and his supplications, and cause thy face to shine upon thy Sanctuary, that lieth waste, for the Lords sake (not, for thy sake. L. S. for the word adonai is expressed.)  
18 O my God, incline thine ear and hear, and behold our desolations, and the city (G. or of the city. V. I.) whereupon thy name is called (whereon thy name is called upon it. H.) for not for our righteousness do we prostrate our prayers (L. present our prayers. B. G. pray falling down. I. power out our prayers. V. cause our prayers to fall. H.) before thee, but for thy great tender mercies.  
19 O Lord, hear, O Lord forgive, O Lord attend, and do it: deserre not, for thine own sake (for thyself. H.) O my God: for thy name is called upon thy city, and upon thy people. (that is, they are called by thy name. V. I.  
20 And while I was speaking and praying, and confessing my sin, and the sin of my people Israel, and did prostrate (cause to fall. H. as before v. 18.) my supplications before the Lord my God, for the holy Mountain (mountain of the holiness. H.) of my God:  
21 Yea, while I was speaking in my prayer, the man Gabriel, whom I had seen in the vision at the first (in the morning. H.) came flying (being bid or made to fly. H. for the word is in hophal) earnestly (with weariness. H. or swiftly. V.) and touched me about the time of the evening oblation.  
22 And he informed me, and talked with me, and said, O Daniel, I am now come forth to give thee understanding and knowledge. (to make thee perceive understanding. H.)  
23 At the beginning of thy supplications the commandment (the word. H.) came forth, and I am come to show it (thou. L. B. G. ad.) for thou art much desired (that is, accepted of God. I. greatly beloved. B. G. a man of desires. L. S. chamudoth, desires. H. D. Kimhi readeth (hamiddoth) a man of virtues: and he is called a man of desires, not actively, because he much desired the deliverance of the people, but passively, because he was a man according to God's desire, that is, beloved, and accepted of him: so Vatab. a man desirous of things to be wished for, understanding it also actively, of daniel's desire) therefore understand the matter, and consider the vision.  
24 seventy weeks are cut out (it is cut out. H. impersonally: are determined. V. B. G. are abbreviated, or shortened, L. but chatac signifieth to cut out) upon (or over) thy people, and upon thine holy city (city of thy holiness. H.) to restrain (finish. V. L. S: B. G. but the word is cala, with aleph, which signifieth to restrain, but calah with he, signifieth to finish) and to seal up (A. I. B. G. S. rather than to finish sins. L. V. P. the word is chatam, to seal) to reconcile iniquity (not, that iniquity be taken away, L.) and to bring in everlasting righteousness, and to seal up the vision (not, that the vision be fulfilled. L.) and the Prophet (I. A. not prophesy, L. S. V. B. G. for nabi signifieth a Prophet, not prophecy) and to anoint the most Holy (the holiness of holiness. H.)  
25. Know therefore and understand, that from the going forth of the word to bring again the people (to cause to return. H. not to answer. S. or restore. I. or to cause to return and build, that is to build again. L. V. for although the same word be used in the same sense in the end of the verse, the street shall return, and be built, that is shall again be built, yet it is there in an other form, here it is in hiphil, which signifieth to cause to return) and to build jerusalem, unto Messiah (Christ. L. S.) the Prince shall be seven weeks, and threescore and two weeks; and the street shall be built again, and the ditch (that is, the compass of the wall. V. the wall. S. B. G.) in a troublesome time, (in the straightness of time. H. B. not in a short time. V. or the time shall be evacuated. S.)  
26. And after threescore and two weeks the Messiah (anointed. H. Christ. L. not the unction or anointing. S.) shall be destroyed (slain. B. G.) and not for himself (Br. B. better then, there shall be no judgement, that is, fault worthy of judgement in him. S. or he shall have nothing, that is, he shall seem to have no beauty. G. or nothing to do with jerusalem. I. or there shall be none to help him. V. see qu. 64. the vulgar Latin thus, he shall have no people which should deny him) and the people of the Prince that shall come, shall destroy the city and the Sanctuary (see the divers readings, qu. 74.) and the end thereof shall be with a flood: and unto the end (not after the end. L.) it shall be destroyed by desolations (or extreme desolation is appointed. L. V.)  
27 He shall confirm the covenant with many for one week: and in the mids (or half) of the week he shall cause the sacrifice and oblation to cease (some read thus, the half of the week shall cause to cease, etc. V. Br.) and upon the wing (that is, the Temple) shall be the abomination of desolation. L. S. (better then, by the overspreading of abomination he shall make it desolate. B. G. or by the legions or army of abominations making desolate. I. or the destroyer shall be upon the wing of abominations. V. see further for the best reading, qu. 87. and 88 in the end) even until the consummation determined (precise consummation. H.) it shall be powered (that is, desolation. I. continue. L.) upon the desolate.   

3. The questions and doubts discussed.  

1. Quest. What Assuerus this was, whose son Darius is said to be.  
1. What Darius this was, is handled at large, qu. 1. c. 6. he was not that Darius, in whose second year the Temple began to be built, whereof mention is made, Hagg. 1. 1. as Porphyry of purpose doth confound them, to disturb the prophetical history and computation of years in Daniel: neither was this that Darius whom Alexander overcame, but Darius before mentioned, c. 6. who together with Cyrus took the city of Babylon.  
2. This Assuerus the father of Darius, was not that Assuerus the husband of Esther, as Canus thinketh, and Bullinger seemeth to incline to that opinion: for that Assuerus is also called Artaxerxes in the book of Esther, which was the name of the Persian kings after Cyrus: And that Assuerus had his palace and princely seat at Sushan, which was not appointed to be the chief city or seat of the kingdom until Cyrus, as Strabo thinketh, l. 15. or till Darius Hystaspis, as Plin. lib. 6. c. 21. Perer. But this argument rather overthroweth this opinion, that the captivity of Babylon was ended, and the people returned before the reign of that Assuerus: whereas they were at this time in captivity still. And further, that Assuerus reigned from India to Ethiopia: but the Chaldean Monarchy yet standing, the Persian Monarchy could not be so large.  
3. josephus, Hieronimus, Theodoret, and Lyranus, Carthusian. following them, take this Assuerus to be Astyages whose daughter Mandane was Cyrus' mother: but Astyages is not found to have had any sons, but only that daughter, as is showed before, c. 6. qu. 1. 6.  
4. Pererius thinketh that Assuerus, or Achashuerus, was not the proper name of any one king, but it being derived of Achash, great, and Resh, an head, was a common name, which was given by the Hebrews unto foreign Princes that were of great power: And this title is found given unto three kings, the father of this Darius, the husband of Esther, and to that king, which hindered the building of the Temple, Ezr. 4. who is thought by the most to be Cambyses the son of Cyrus.  
Contr. Pererius is here deceived in many points. 1. he taketh Assuerus to be an Hebrew name, where it hath a Persian derivation, and is derived of Achash, which signifieth a Prince, Polan. in c. 6. v. 1. 2. it is evident, that it was a peculiar name, for otherwise it should have been common to all the Persian kings. 3. the same Assuerus mentioned Ezt. 4. 6. is thought to be the same so much celebrated in the story of Esther: in both places junius taketh him for Xerxes.  
5. Wherefore the more probable opinion is, that this Assuerus, called by the Greek historians Cyaxares the first, was father unto Astyages and this Darius, who was called also Cyaxares the second: for there is no great difference in signification between Cyaxares and Achassuerus, the first being derived of chu, and achash, both which words signify a Prince: and put together, a Prince of Princes, that is, a great Prince: and Achassuerus likewise is derived of the same word, Achash, a Prince, joseph. Scallig. lib. 6. de emendat. Polan. in 6. Dan. This Assuerus than was not Astyages, but the father of Astyages and this Darius, who was uncle to Cyrus' mother, and great uncle unto Cyrus. jun. comment.   

2. Quest. Of the years of Darius' reign, and how this vision is said to be in his first year.  
1. Annius, whom Driedo, and Lucidus follow, think that Cyrus and Darius reigned two years together, after the Babylonians were subdued. 2. Lyranus and Vatablus in 9 ●. Dan. think that Darius reigned two years before Cyrus' reign began. 3. Cyrillus Hierosolymit. seemeth to give unto him eight years, cateches. 12. 4. Severus Sulpitius thinketh that Darius reigned 18. years, at the same time that Astyages reigned in Media: but that can not be, for this Darius was also the king of the Medes and Persians, as is evident, c. 6. 5. josephus Scalliger giveth unto Darius 17. years, making him the last king of the Chaldeans, after whom Cyrus succeeded, lib. 6. de emendat. tempor. 6. junius opinion seemeth to be, commentar, in 5. c. v. 29. that the first year of Darius, was the second of Cyrus. 7. Pererius affirmeth that Darius reigned but one year, and that Cyrus succeeded him in the same year, being the 70. year of the jews captivity.  
8. But the truer opinion is, that Cyrus and Darius reigned jointly together, as thinketh Calvin: and that the first of Darius was the first also of Cyrus: for in the first of Cyrus the word of God spoken by jeremy concerning the 70. years captivity was finished, 2. Chro. 36. 22. And so likewise it appeareth in this place, that in the first year of Darius, that time of 70. years was expired: the first then of Cyrus and Darius concurred together: for the rest, it is like that Darius reigned not long, but being 62. year old, when he took the kingdom upon him, he might die the same year, which was also Cyrus' first: see more hereof, c. 6. qu. 3.  
9 And whereas it is said, in one year of Darius, which Pererius guesseth to be so called, because he reigned but one year: the reason rather is this, that the word a●hath, which signifieth one, is according to the phrase of the Hebrew, taken for the first: as Gen. 1. the morning and evening were one day, that is, the first: and Mark. 16. it is said, that our Lord rose in one of the Sabbaths, that is, in the first day of the week. Polan. Pintus.   

3. Quest. Whether in the first year of Darius the Chaldean Monarchy was dissolved and the 70. years captivity ended, against the opinion of josephus Scalling. lib. 6.  
josephus Scalliger, a man of excellent learning, who for his singular labours in that learned and exquisite work, which he hath written of the emendation of the times hath highly deserved of all men, yet is in divers points overseen, and especially in this matter concerning the end of the Chaldean Monarchy, and of the jewish captivity: for lib. 6. of that work he hath these positions.  
1. He affirmeth, that the Chaldean state was not dissolved in the 70. year of the captivity, but rather in the 60. year: for from the 8. year of jeconias' captivity unto the end of the Chaldean government, are found saith he, by josephus computation, who therein followeth Berosus, about 60. years: 36. years remained after the 8. year of Nabuchadnezzers' reign when the captivity began, who reigned in all 43. years: after Nabuchadnezzer Euilmerodach 2. years, than Niglasar 4. years, Labosardach 9 months, and Nabonidus, whom Cyrus overcame, 17. years.  
2. He thinketh that Cyrus did not take Babylon in the first year of his reign, but many years after when he had vanquished Croesus the rich king of Lydia, two years after that, as Herodotus writeth, he overcame the Chaldeans: But Croesus was overcome, as Eusebius doth cast the time, in the 4. year of the 57 Olympiad, whereas Cyrus began to reign in the 1. year of the 53. Olyampiad.  
3. The first year of Cyrus he would have concur with the 46. year of the captivity, not with the 70. year: for the beginning of Cyrus' reign, as is before showed, was in the 1. year of the 55. olympiad: And Babylon was taken in the 2. year of the 58. olympiad, which was the 14. year of Cyrus, and the 60. year of the captivity.  
4. A fourth assertion is, that the captivity ended in the last year of Cyrus, about the 2. year of the 62. Olympiad, when as Cyrus had now subdued many countries, which could not be in the beginning of his reign: for thus Cyrus saith in his Edict for the return of the jews, All the kingdoms of the earth hath the Lord God of heaven given unto me: And whereas it is there called the 1. year of Cyrus, that is not to be understood of his reign, but of the captivity: for so the jews began their account of years from that time.  
Contra. 1. The first position is contrary to that prophesy of jeremy, c. 35. 12. When the 70. years are accomplished, I will visit the king of Babel, etc. then the 70. and last year of the captivity, and the dissolution of the Babylonian state, must fall out together: as for that computation of Berosus of the years of the Babylonian kings, it is uncertain: neither doth josephus always follow it, who else where joineth the last year of the captivity, with the first year of Cyrus.  
2. Herodotus is deceived much in his history in the order of time, and in the computation of years, as is evident in this one instance; Nitocris the mother of Balshazar, whom he calleth Labynitus the last king of Babylon, he maketh but five generations or descents from Semiramis: which exceedeth not an 165. years, counting a generation at 33. years, or at the most 500 years, if we give an 100 years to a generation: whereas the most writers are of opinion, as Hierome, Eusebius, Orosius, Augustine, with others, that there were at the least a 1000 years between them.  
3. The two last assertions may evidently be convinced by the Scripture, which expressly setteth down, that the return of the jews, and so the end of their captivity, was in the first year of Cyrus: which must be understood of his reign over Chaldea, for he had reigned before in Persia, and Darius in Media: he might say all kingdoms were given him, because he had overcome the large Empire of Babylon. The jews indeed accounted their own years from such notable deliverances, as from their going out of Egypt, from their return out of Chaldea: but there is no reason so to account the years of the reign of foreign kings, neither can any such precedent be showed in Scripture.   

4. Quest. Of the 70. years of captivity in what sense they are called seven generations, Baruch. 6. 2.  
Whereas the Prophet jeremy defineth and setteth down the term of the Babylonian captivity, to be 70. years, c. 25. v. 11, 12. c. 29. v. 10. it seemeth strange, that Baruch, c. 6. 2. should say, that they should remain in Babylon seven generations: to this objection divers answers are made by the Romanists, who hold the epistle of Baruch to be Canonical.  
1. The word generation, is taken diversly: sometimes for 7. years, as when the Physicians prescribe that a child should not be let blood till he hath accomplished two generations, that is, 14. years. Eusebius taketh a generation for 20. years: Herodotus sometime for the space of 2●. years, sometime for 33. years: Diodorus for 30. years: in which sense H●mer saith Nestor lived three ages, that is 90. years: Dyonisius Halycarnass. by a generation understandeth an 100 years: and so it is taken in Scripture, Gen. 15. 13. 16. four generations are expounded to be four hundred years. Beside these divers acceptions of the word generation, Carthusianus taketh it for the age of a man apt for generation, which is at 14. years: whereof five do make 70. years: the first and last are reckoned exclusive, exclusively: as the like instance he giveth in the Evangelists, where Matthew saith Christ was transfigured after six days, c. 17. Luke saith after eight, exclusively: But this is a very forced exposition: for to what end should seven generations be named, if they were only five: neither can it be showed out of the Scriptures, that a generation is taken for 14. yeare●.  
2. The same Carthusian hath an other exposition, that the number of seven is taken for perfection, and so by 7. generations he meaneth the perfect period of a man's life, which is seventy years: as it is defined, Psal. 90. But this rather should have been named one generation, than seven: for one man's life maketh but one generation.  
3. Pererius hath diverse answers, by seven generations he understandeth many: but the captivity lasted not many generations, seeing Daniel saw the beginning and end thereof.  
4. By a generation he understandeth the term of 15. years, because at that age men are apt for generation: then 5. of these generations were complete, and two of them the first and last were but begun only.  
5. Or jeremy speaketh of the captivity which began with jechonias, Baruch of that which took beginning under Zedekiah: or jeremy defineth the time of that captivity, which ended in the first year of Cyrus, Baruch of that which held unto the seventh year of Artaxerxes, when diverse of the jews returned with Zorobabel: But if they will have Baruch a Prophet, he must not cross jeremy's prophesy, to begin the time determined of 70. years captivity sooner, or to end it later.  
6. The only solution is, that this epistle of Baruch is Apocryphal, and this is an evident argument thereof, because he calleth this term of 70. years, 7. generations, which hath no warrant out of Scripture, and therein disagr●eth from the Prophet jeremy.   

Quest. 5. When the 70. years of captivity mentioned, v. 2. took their beginning.  
1. The opinion of some was, which Eusebius remembreth in his chronicle, concealing the authors of that opinion, that the 70. years of captivity began in the 13. year of josias: But this cannot be so: 1. jeremiah began then indeed to foretell them of the evils which should happen unto them, but 23. years after he prophesied of the 70. years captivity, jerem. 25. 8. 2. And so long as Io●ias lived, the Lord promised him, 2. king. 2●. that his eyes should not see the evils, which the Lord had threatened to bring upon that place.  
2. Whereas there were three several captivities: the first in the first year of Nabuchadnezzar, in the third year of the reign of jehoiachim, when Daniel went into captivity, Dan. 1. 1. the second in the 7. and 8. year of Nabuchadnezzer, when jeconias with others was carried away captive, 2. king. 24. 12. the third in the 11. year of Zedekiah, and in the 18. year of Nabuchadnezzar, when the city and temple were destroyed. 2. king. 24. jerem. 51. 29. Some do begin these 70. years from the first captivity, of which opinion are Severus Sulpitius, lib. 2. sarc. histor. Lyran Vatablus, in 9 Daniel: whereunto consenteth also H. B. in his consent: But here cannot begin that famous captivity, because the land could not be captived, seeing the king jehoiachim himself went not into captivity.  
3. The most general opinion is, that the beginning of the captivity of 70. years, must be referred unto the third captivity under Zedekiah: of this opinion are many ancient grave authors, josephus lib. 11. antiquit. Clemens lib. 1. stromat. julius Africanus lib. 5. Annal. E●sebius in chron. Lactantius lib. 4. institut. c. 5. Hierome in 4. c. Ezekiel, with diverse others: Pererius adjoineth this reason, because these 70. years are said here to be the years of the desolation of jerusalem, but the city was not brought to desolation until the captivity of Zedekiah: But this reason concludeth not, for although then there was greater desolation brought upon the city, yet before when as the king and all the principal men, and artificers were carried away, the city began to be desolate: And altogether it was not desolate, no not in the last captivity: for 5. year after in the 23. year of Nabuchadnezzar, there were 745. persons carried away captive by Nebuzaradan, jerem. 52. 30.  
4. Wherefore the more certain opinion is, that the 70. years began with jechonias captivity, which may be confirmed by these reasons. 1. jeremy, cap. 29. v. 10. writeth unto those which were in captivity with jechoniah, that after 70. years, the Lord would visit them. 2. direct mention is made of the captivity of jechoniah, Esther. 2. 6. when Mor●ee as went into captivity. 3. jechonia and the rest yielded themselves unto the king of chaldees, and obeyed the counsel of jeremy, which Zedekiah refused, and therefore the first are compared to a basket of good figs, the other to a basket of rotten figs, they which remained with Zedekiah went into Egypt: the first captivity than rather is to be counted, because the counsel of God therein was followed. 4. Ezekiel in diverse places counteth the years from the captivity of jechonias, as the fifth, c. 1. 3. the sixth year, c. 8. 1. the seventh, c. 20. 1. the tenth year, c. 37. 1. the eleventh year, c. 31. 1. All which years are reckoned from the time, when jechonias went into captivity. 5. beside, the captivity of jechonias was most famous, both in respect of the persons that went into captivity, and their number: for the king himself, his mother, Princes, and servants were carried away: And the captives were to the number of ten thousand, 2. king. 24. 14. But in the captivity under Zedekiah, jeremy speaketh but of 832. persons taken captive, cap. 52. 29. therefore from the captivity of jechonias, as the most famous, is the account of the years to begin.   

Quest. 6. When the 70 years of captivity ended.  
1. Some make two reckonings of these 70. years, one of the captivity of the jews, which began with jechonias captivity, and ended in the first year of Cyrus, the other 70. were begun 19 year after with the captivity of Zedekiah, and are extended 19 year after, to the second year of Darius Hystaspis: 3. years of Cyrus' reign, 14. of Cambyses, and 2. of Darius make 19 years, Pelican, Oecolampad. following Theodoret.  
Contra. 1. But the Scripture in no place maketh mention of twice 70. years, there is but one and the same prophesy of jeremy, concerning the 70. years captivity, which can be but once fulfilled: for otherwise we should make these prophetical predictions uncertain. 2. beside, the years of the Persian kings are not certain: some unto the 2. year of Darius Hystaspis, make not so many years: junius giveth unto Cyrus and Cambyses together but 9 years, to the Magis one year, and then succeeded Darius: these make but 12. years with the second of Darius: Some make account of more years, as Bullinger giveth unto Cyrus 16. years, to Cambyses 8. years: some allot unto Cyrus 30. years, unto Cambyses 9 years: Lively in his Persian Monarchy. Pererius counteth 40. years, from the 1. of Cyrus to the second of Darius: there being then such uncertainty of these years, it is hard to interpret a prophesy upon so weak and uncertain ground.  
2. another opinion is, that these 70. years must end simply in the second year of Darius Hystaspis. 1. because these 70. years are called the years of the desolation of the Temple: now the Temple remained desolate until the 2. year of Darius Hystaspis. 2. Zacharie beginning his prophesy in the 2. year of Darius, thus saith, c. 1. 12. thou hast been displeased with us, now these threescore and ten years. 3. Mardocheus who lived in the time of king Assuerus, who is thought to be Artaxerxes Mnemon, who succeeded an 150. years after the 1. year of Cyrus, should then be above an 130. year old, if the 70. years ended in the first of Cyrus: of this opinion are, Clemens Alexand. lib. 1. stromat. Euseb. in Chroni. Isidor. lib. 5. Etymolog.  
Contra. 1. These arguments conclude not. 1. though the temple was not re-edified till the reign of Darius: yet because the people had liberty to return, and to repair both the Temple and city in the first of Cyrus, the captivity and desolation ended then: But if they will extend the time of desolation so long till both the Temple and city were fully repaired, than that time must hold out yet longer: for the city was not fully repaired until the 20. year of Artaxerxes, whom Pererius taketh for Artaxerxes Longimanus, junius for Artaxerxes Mnemon, when Nehemias by the king's grauntreturned to repair the city, and build the walls.  
2. The Prophet Zacharie affirmeth not the 70. years then first to be expired: but his meaning is, that they had endured the 70. years captivity which were prophesied of, and yet they saw not the full restitution of their city and country.  
3. To the third argument Pererius answereth, that whereas the words in the text stand thus, there was in the city of Shushan a certain jew, whose name was Mordecai, the son of jair, the son of Shemei, the son of Kish a man of jemini, which had been carried away from jerusalem, with the captivity that was carried away with jechoniah: these words, which had been carried away, he would have referred not to Mordecai, but to Kish, that he was carried away captive: so also junius: But Pererius answer is taken away by that text of the Apocryphal Esther, which is canonical Scripture with them, where c. 11. v. 3. it is said, that Mordechai, erat de numero eorum captivorum, etc. was of the number of those captines, whom Nabuchadnezzar translated with jechoniah: junius may be refelled by his own chronicle: for unto the reign of Assuerus, whom he taketh to be Xerxes, he numbereth but 46. years, from Cyrus first: Cyrus and Cambyses reigned 9 years, the Magis one year, Darius Hystaspis 36. years: unto this add 70. years, of the captivity: all make not full an 120. years: it is not like that in this term, there were so many descents and generations; namely these sour, of Kish, Shemei, jair, Mordecai: therefore the best answer here is, that so many years must not be given unto the Persian kings: Mordecai being one of those which were carried into captivity, Ezra. 2. 1, 2. might be then an ancient man, but nothing near of such years as is supposed.  
4. But this opinion may be refelled by the former argument, that from the last captivity unto the 2. of Darius when the Temple was re-edified must needs be above 70. years, seeing the most do hold at the least 40. years between the 1. of Cyrus, and the second of Darius: and between the last captivity of Zedekiah in the 18. year of Nabuchadnezzar, and the 1. of Cyrus were more than 30. years: for that captivity was in the 18. year of Nabuchadnezzar, jerem. 52. 29. who reigned in all 45. years, there remained then 27. years of his reign, Balthasar had 3. years, than came between them Euilmerodach, who as josephus writeth, reigned 18. years, lib. 10. antiquit. c. 12.  
3. It remaineth then, that the 70. years of captivity must have their determination in the first year of Cyrus: as is evident, 2. Chron. 36. 22. then was the word and prophesy of jeremy finished: And this is agreeable to the prophesy of I say: he saith of Cyrus, etc. he shall perform all my desire: saying to jerusalem, thou shalt be built, and to the Temple, thy foundations shall be surcly laid, I say. 44. 28.   

Quest. 7. Of daniel's prayer, v. 4. to v. 20.  
daniel's prayer consisteth 1. of the invocation itself, where God is described by his epithets and titles, great and fearful: and his effects, the keeping of his covenant toward them that love him. 2. then followeth the prayer itself, which hath two parts as Daniel himself divideth it, a confession to v. 15. and deprecation from thence to v, 20. In the confession 1. Daniel maketh an ample and large confession of his and the people's sins and unrighteousness, to v. 7. 2. of the justice and righteousness of God in punishing their sins yet in mercy, to v. 15. In the confession of their sins are set forth, 1. the manner, which is amplified by four degrees, they have sinned, committed iniquity, done wickedly, yea rebeiled: they have sinned not of ignorance and infirmity, but wittingly and obstinately. 2. the matter, in leaving Gods commandments, and not giving care to his Prophets, v. 6. The confession is either general, to v. 10. or particular to v. 15.  
In the general. 1. be confesseth God's justice in bringing upon them shame, which is amplified by a threefold enumeration of the people: by their country, the inhabitants of judah and jerusalem, yea all Israel: by their place and situation, near and far off through all countries: by their degrees and callings, even upon their kings and Princes, v. 8. 2. he confesseth God's mercy, v. 9  
In the particular confession, is set forth God's justice in punishing their sin: where 1. their sin is amplified. 2. the punishment. In the amplification of their sin, namely their disobedience, three circumstances are expressed, whose voice they disobeyed, the Lords, by whose ministry, by the Prophets, and who were disobedient, even all Israel.  
Concerning the punishment three things are declared. 1. the prediction of it, in the commination set forth in Moses law, v. 11. 2. the fulfilling and accomplishment of it, v. 12. 3. the quality and condition of it, the greatest plague under the whole heaven was fallen upon them: And this last part of the greatness of the judgement is amplified, 1. by the certainty of the prediction. 2. by their sin of security, in not being humbled by prayer unto God, 3. by the equity and justice of God, v. 14.  
Then followeth the second part of daniel's prayer, his deprecation and earnest petition: wherein he prayeth: for two things. 1. that the Lord would turn his wrath from them. 2. that he would return and show his gracious favour toward jerusalem. The first petition is enforced by these arguments. 1. from the example of their deliverance out of Egypt. 2. by the effects thereof, the renown and praise which the Lord had obtained thereby. 3. from the confession of their sin. 4. from God's righteousness, which must be understood in keeping and performing his promise. 5. from the sequel and event, they were become a reproach unto their enemies. 6. from the interest and property, which God had in jerusalem, he calleth it his city, v. 16. The other petition that the Lord would show his favour, is amplified by these reasons. 1. because it is his Sanctuary. 2. from the misery and desolation thereof, it lieth waste, and therefore was to be pitied. 3. from the cause, for the Lord, the Messiahs sake. 4. from the quality and condition of the people and city, they were the Church of God, his name was called upon among them. 5. from the opposition between their worthiness, which they disclaimed, and the Lords mercies, which they only relied upon. 6. from the end, he asketh that God's name thereby might be set forth: for thine own sake, O God.   

Quest. 8. How Daniel prayeth for the deliverance of the people, seeing it was certainly promised after 70. years.  
Daniel doth not pray so earnestly knowing the time prefixed of the 70. years to be expired, as doubting of the fulfilling and accomplishment of the prophesy: for he being not only a faithful man, but a Prophet himself, made no doubt, but that God; being most constant in not changing, and most powerful in performing what he hath decreed, would accordingly remember his people.  
These reasons than may be rendered, why Daniel prayeth notwithstanding he was assured of the certainty of this prophesy. 1. Theodoret saith, timens Daniel, ne peccata judaeorum divinis promissis obstarent, preces apud Deum multiplicavit, Daniel fearing lest the sins of the jews might hinder the divine promises, doth multiply his prayers before God, etc. The promises, as likewise the comminations of God are of two sorts: some are absolute, which shall most surely come to pass, such was the promise of the coming of the Messiah: some are conditional: as was the promise that the seed of Abraham should inherit Canaan for ever, which was upon condition of their obedience: Such was the commination threatened against Niniveh conditional, unless they did repent: and Daniel, as Theodoret thinketh, might take this promise of deliverance after 70. years to be conditional, and might fear, lest the sins of the people should hinder it.  
2. Hierome giveth this satisfaction: Daniel prayeth not as incredulous, sed ut quod Deus per suam promiserat clementiam, per ipsius preces impleret, but that what God had promised by his clemency, might be fulfilled through his prayers, etc. his meaning is this: that as God had appointed the deliverance of his people, so also he had ordained the means, that it should be obtained by earnest prayers and supplications of his servants: for both of these do fall under the divine ordination, res, & suus modus, the thing itself, and the manner and means thereof, Lyran. So although God have certainly preordained the salvation of the elect, yet they must walk in the way which God hath appointed, and use the means to further their salvation.  
3. Lyranus addeth further: Daniel also prayeth to this end, ut ostenderet se gratum Deo de promissione prius facta, to show his thankfulness to God, for so gracious a promise of their deliverance already made.   

Quest. 9 Of the properties required in the prayers of the faithful, observed here in daniel's prayer, v. 20.  
1. In that Daniel doth prostrate himself before the Lord, humbly confessing his sin, it teacheth us, that our prayers must proceed from humility and contrition of heart: therefore was the prayer of the Publican accepted, but the proud pharisees rejected, because the one prayed in humility, the other was puffed up in pride. 2. in that he did speak in his prayer, therein is showed, that although God do know our hearts and thoughts, and in that regard needeth not to be informed by any voice, yet he will have us by speech in our prayer to open our minds, quo magis pietas nostra inardescat, that our piety and devotion thereby may be kindled the more, Oecolamp. 3. Daniel persevered in prayer: he continued his prayer from morning to evening, unto the time of the evening sacrifice, Oecolamp. 4. he prayeth in charity, not for himself only, but for all the people of God: So if we will have our prayers to be heard, we must offer them up in love: as our Saviour saith, Mark. 11. 25. when ye shall stand, and pray, forgive, if ye have any thing against any man: 5. Daniel prayeth in faith, presenting his prayers before God only, before whom, and not before any creatures, we must prostrate ourselves, Bulling.   

Quest. 10. Of the apparition of the Angel Gabriel, v. 21.  
1. He is called the man Gabriel, being described by his name, and the form wherein he appeared: some think he is called a man, à virtute, of his strength, gloss interlin. but it is rather to be referred unto the shape, wherein he appeared, Polan. 2. This Angel only in the canonical Scriptures is found expressed by ●ame: As for the name Michael, it is given unto Christ, who is the Lord jehovah, and is not the name of a created Angel, as some learned Hebrews also affirm: H. Br. in Daniel. And this may be the reason hereof, why Gabriel only is named of the Angels, because he was the messenger and minister of the incarnation of that great Angel of the covenant, who should be named and have his conversation among men. 3. This Angel Gabriel was he, that was sent unto Zacharie, and to the Virgin Marie to show the fulfilling and accomplishment of this prophesy, H. Br. 4. And in that he saith, whom I had seen in the vision before, that is the vision set forth in the 8. cap. which was expounded unto Daniel by the Angel Gabriel, c. 8. 16. it maketh much for the confirmation of Daniel, that having experience already of the faithfulness of this holy messenger, he should now be out of doubt, Polan. 5. He is said to come flying, to signify the diligence and readiness of these holy spirits in executing the will of God: and though the Angels are spirits, and neither have bodies or wings of their own, yet it is like, that as the Angel here appeared in an human shape, so also he might seem to come flying with wings, Oecolamp. Hugo.   

Quest. 11. How Daniel discerned this to be a good Angel.  
1. Some by these five things would have the apparition of good Angels discerned from bad, 
In tractat. de distinct. verar. vision. à falsis.  by their humility, patience, verity, prudence, charity, joan. Gerson. As humility appeared in that Angel, which appeared unto john, Reuela●. 22. that would not suffer him to worship him: the good Angels are patient and long suffering toward us, not ready to provoke God, as Satan was, that tempted job: they are not lying spirits, as Satan was in the mouth of Baal's Prophets, 1. king. 22. but always speak and deliver the truth: their heavenly wisdom and prudence appeareth in revealing of secrets, and hid mysteries, as Gabriel, c. 8. did expound the vision to Daniel: they also are zealously affected with love and charity toward the people of God, as our blessed Saviour saith, there is joy in heaven over a sinner that converteth, Luk. 15. 2. But beside this ordinary direction, whereby the children of God are taught to distinguish true visions● from false, Daniel being a Prophet understood it, per illuminationem spiritus, by the illumination of the spirit, Pintus. 3. As also Daniel by his former experience in the other visions, c. 8. was able to discern of the appearing of the same Angel here.   

Quest. 12. Whether the Angels have 〈◊〉.  
By occasion of these words, that this Angel is called the man Gabriel, this question is briefly to be discussed, whether the Angels have any bodies, or rather are altogether immaterial and without bodies.  
1. Of the former opinion seemeth Augustine to be, that, damones sunt a●rea animalia, spirits are a●rie creatures, and because their bodies consist of the air, which is an element more apt to work and do, then to suffer, they are not dissolved by death, lib. 2. de Gen. ad litter. c. 17. And in an other place he yieldeth this reason of his assertion, that all Angels good and had are supposed to have a kind of bodies, nihil incorporum credendum est praeter solu●● Deum, nothing is to be held incorporeal beside God only: with Augustine consent Origen● lib. 1. periarch, Philo 〈◊〉. de opifici, 〈◊〉, dierum. Lanctanti●s, Hilarius, with others. And in the 2. Nycene Council. action. 4. there was produced a treatise of john Bishop of Thessalonica, to the same purpose, that Angels have either 〈◊〉 or fiery bodies, where that place in the Psalm is alleged, he maketh his Angel's spirits, and his messengers flames of fire, Psal. 104. and therefore he concludeth, that they are 〈◊〉 pictura, to be imitated and portraited by picture.  
Contra. 1. The Angels being celestial treatures, cannot be supposed to have aery bodies: the heavens are of a 〈◊〉 pure essence and nature then is the air, the Angels being celestial, and of a more subtle nature the● the heavens, do far exceed the subtlety of the air. 2. God the creator is an infinite spirit far remote from all bodily matter, in comparison of whom the Angels and created spirits may be said to be of a mixed and concrete nature: yet they are in themselves of a spiritual and immaterial constitution: otherwise by the same argument, it would follow, that because God is a spirit, therefore the Angels are not spirits. 3. that place in the Psalm describeth not the making and constitution of the Angels, as though they should consist either of aery or fiery bodies, but it showeth their office only and ministry, that God useth his Angels as the winds and fire, to execute his will: to the which purpose the Apostle allegeth it, Heb. 1. 7. 4. And in that Angels are and may be portraited by picture, it proveth not that they have any bodily constitution, but that they appeared in some visible shape, which is expressed by picture.  
2. The sounder opinion than is, that Angeli sunt corporis expertes, Angels are without bodies: which is the judgement of Gregor. Nyssen. in tractat. de oration. of Chrysostome homil. 22. in Genes. of Cyrill in c. 12. joan. of Theodoret, in c. 12. Daniel. and of Thom. Aquin. And this assertion may further be confirmed by these reasons. 1. because Angels are called spirits in the Scripture: therefore they are of a spiritual nature. 2. the soul of man is of a spiritual substance, not of any corporal constitution, much more the Angels. 3. If Angels had bodies, it would follow, that they are circumscriptible, and occupy a place, as other bodies do: but they cannot be hemmed in by walls, doors, or such like limits and bounds. 4. one body doth not penetrate or pierce another, but giveth way, as the air to the water: but the spirits pass through substances, as through doors, walls, and the like; therefore they have no bodies.  
3. Pintus resolveth not of either of these opinions, because the Church hath not defined and determined what is to be held of this matter: and concludeth thus: quid hac in re verum sit, Deus ipse viderit, etc. what cometh near unto the truth herein, God himself knoweth, etc. But it is more consonant and agreeable to Scripture, that Angels are altogether of a spiritual nature, as hath been showed, and therefore we may safely rest in this as a true position, and well grounded conclusion.   

Quest. 13. Why the Angel came about the time of the evening sacrifice, v. 21.  
1. Some note herereby that Daniel persevered and continued an whole day in prayer from morning to evening, gloss. and if it be objected that the commandment was given unto the Angel in the beginning of daniel's prayer, and therefore it is not like that the Angel was so long in coming, to deliver the message unto Daniel, it may be answered, that as soon as Daniel began to pray, God in heaven made known his decree for the revealing of this secret to Daniel, Hugo. yet at that instant the Angel came not forth, but as God further directed him.  
2. And beside, God by diverse miraculous works did consecrate the time of the morning and evening sacrifice: as about the time of the evening sacrifice at Elias prayer, fire came down from heaven, which consumed the sacrifice, with the water powered upon it, and the very stones of the altar, 1. king. 18. 36. etc. so according to the word of Elisha, in the morning when the meat offering was offered, water came by the way of Edom, 2. king. 3. Thus it pleased God to commend the times of public prayer, that men might have a greater desire unto those public exercises, Polan.  
3. Oecolampadius showeth out of Ammonius, that the Angel Gabriel came in the evening, which is the end of the day, to show, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Christ should come in the latter days of the world.  
4. But some observe yet more exactly, that the Angel came about the time of the evening sacrifice, which was the ninth hour of the day, about three of the clock in the afternoon, to show the very hour of the passion of Christ, who about the ninth hour yielded up his spirit, Matth. 27. 46. 50. H. Br.   

Quest. 14. Why Daniel is called a man of desires, ver. 23.  
1. Some do expound it actively, because Daniel so earnestly desired to understand visions and secret mysteries for his own and others better instruction: so Hugo. 2. Some give this sense, quia in te sunt multa desiderabilia, because there are many excellent things to be desired in thee. 3. or thou art a man of desires, that is, worthy to be beloved, Pintus. 4. But it is better understood passively, he was beloved and accepted with God: and so Symmachus translateth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a man desired or beloved of God, Oecolampad. and so it answereth to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, freely beloved, with which word the Angel saluteth Mary Luk. 1. 28. that as here God had chosen Daniel to reveal this mystery unto, concerning the Messiah, so Marie is elected of God to be the mother of Christ for the accomplishment of this vision: So than Daniel is called a man of desires, that is, Deo acceptus, accepted of God, Calvin. junius. D●o amabilis, beloved of God, Lyranus. Deo chorus, dear unto God, Sa. for things which are esteemed, and had in price, are called things of desires, as Esau's best raiment, which Rebeckah put about her son jakob, are called garments of desires, Genes. 27. 15. and pleasant bread Daniel calleth bread of desires, c. 10. 3. Polan.   

Quest. 15. v. 24. seventy weeks are determined, etc.▪ How daniel's prayer is heard, praying for the people's deliverance.  
Seeing Daniel made his request for the deliverance of the people, the 70. years of captivity being expired, and the Angel doth open unto him an other vision of 70. weeks of years, the question is, how this is answerable unto daniel's prayer.  
1. One answer is, that because Daniel had some revelation of the Messiah, which should be incarnate, both by the vision of the stone cut out without hands, c. 2. and of the Son of man coming in the clouds, c. 7. he had an earnest desire to be further instructed concerning the coming of the Messiah, and therefore herein the Lord satisfieth daniel's desire.  
2. Lyranu● addeth further, quia Dominus plus dat, quam ab eo petatur, because the Lord giveth and granteth more than is asked of him: he doth not only assure Daniel of the temporal deliverance of the people, now after 70. years captivity; but doth reveal also unto him, the spiritual and everlasting deliverance of the people of God after 70. weeks of years.  
3. Father it is answered, that it is usual in Scripture, when any thing is spoken of, which is a type and figure of an other, that in the handling thereof many things are delivered, which agree unto the thing that is prefigured, not unto the type: as in the Psalms, David and Solomon 〈…〉 as types of Christ: where many things (as Psal. 2. Psal. 7●.) are declared, which 〈◊〉 in no ways agree unto them, but must be referred unto Christ. And so in this prophesy, the temporal deliverance of the people being a type of their spiritual deliverance by Christ, 
Rupert. in Dan. c. 16.  under the one is signified the other, Perer. so also Rupertus, sic illam captivitatem solvioptat, ut pro maiori sollicitus ●it, he so desireth that captivity to be dissolved, as that yet he is careful for a greater deliverance.  
4. But it may further be answered, that beside that the Angel satisfieth daniel's desire concerning the deliverance of the people, he also foretelleth of the spiritual deliverance by Christ: that the people should not rest in that temporal benefit, but be in continual expectation of the coming of the Messiah, by whom they should be redeemed from the bondage of sin, Polan. As also because the people notwithstanding this captivity of 70. years, continued in their sin, the Angel showeth that God would yet give them a longer time ofrepentance, even of seventy weeks of years: after which time, if they repented not, their city should be destroyed, according to the determinate sentence of God, jun. in commentar.   

Quest. 16. v. 24. How the seventy weeks must be understood.  
1. These seventy weeks cannot be taken for so many weeks of days, as weeks are properly taken, as Leni●. 23. the feast of Pentecost followed seven weeks after the feast of the Passeo●er: for 70. weeks of days make but one year, 4. months, and 14. days: so that then this prophesy should have been fulfilled in less time, than a year and half, Lyran. Bulling.  
2. Orige● taketh these weeks not for weeks of days, or of single years, but of ten years, that every one of these prophetical weeks, should comprehend 70. years, and so the whole 〈◊〉 of 70. of these weeks, amounteth to 4900. years: Eusebius in part followeth this interpretation of the weeks, lib. 8. de d●monst. Euangel. for the last week of the 70. he extendeth to 70. years, counting unto the last week seven times ten years: But if this reckoning should stand, this prophesy of Daniel is not yet fulfilled, for from daniel's time until now, there are not above ●●00. years run, so that their should remain 2700. yerres of the 70. weeks: whereas we see that many years since jerusalem was destroyed, and their sacrifices and ceremonies abolished.  
3. Lyranus▪ reporteth the opinion of some, which understand these to be jubilee weeks, and some, weeks of hundred years: they which take them for so many jubilees or 50. years, make in every week 350. years, and the whole sum will rise to 24500. years: but if every day should be counted for an 100 years, the week shall contain 700. years, and 70. weeks, 49000. years. Against this exposition Lyranus allegeth these two reasons. 1. no where in Scripture is the name of a week taken in any such sense, either for 50. years, or an 100 years: but either it signifieth weeks of days, or weeks of years. 2. the world shall not continue so many thousand years, neither should this prophesy be yet fulfilled concerning the destruction of the city and Sanctuary: all which things we see came to pass above a 1500. year since.  
4. It remaineth then, that we are here precisely to understand 70. weeks of years: every week containing 7. years: for so is a week of years taken, Leuit. 25. 8. thou shalt number seven Sabbaths of years unto thee, even seven times seven years: so that 70. weeks of years make 490. years, jun. Perer. Polan. Pelican. cum caeter.   

Quest. 17 Why 70. weeks are said to be cut out or determined.  
Whereas the Latin translator readeth, abbreviatae sunt, 70. weeks are abbreviated or shortened, this hath given occasion of some question. 1. Augustine epistol. 80. ad Hesychium, maketh mention how some thus interpreted those words of our Saviour, Matth. 24. 22. that for the elects ●ake those days should be shortened, that the days of persecution should be shorter than the natural day of 24. hours: and thus as well might some suppose the weeks to be said to be shortened▪ like as we read that in josuah and Hezekias time, the day was lengthened, and made longer than the natural day: But this cannot be the meaning, for it cannot be showed, that during the space of those 70. weeke●, which make 490. years, or for almost two thousand year since, any day fell out shorter than the ordinary course of the natural day.  
2. Augustine in the former place reporteth an other opinion of some, who thought that the time appointed for the coming of the Messiah, which God had purposed to have prolonged, was at the instant prayers of the Prophets, and other of the elect shortened, and sooner accomplished: like as Augustine thinketh, that the time of 120. years set for the repentance of the old world, was cut short by 20. years.  
But this interpretation cannot stand. 1. God by this means, if he had shortened the time, which he had appointed, should be mutable and changeable. 2. they must show out of Scripture, that there was a longer time appointed for the coming of the Messiah, which the Lord abridged. 3. the time limited for the repentance of the old world, was not shortened: but whereas first mention is made of Noah's age of 500 years, Gen. 5. 32. and then the time of 120. years is prescribed, c. 6. 3. and yet Noah was but 600. year old, when he entered into the ark, Gen. 7. 6. it must be acknowledged that the limitation of that time is somewhat transposed, and that in order of time it was revealed to Noah before he was 500 year old, but it is deferred to the 6. chapter, lest the history of the generation of the fathers should have been interrupted. See more hereof, Hexapl. in Genes. chap. 6. quest. 6.  
3. A third opinion there is, which is ascribed to julius Africanus, Theodoret, Albertus, Beda, Rupertus, Carthusianus, Hug. Card. that here must be understood the years of the moon, which contain but 354. days, eleven days less than the year of the Sun, which consisteth of 365. days: so that 70. weeks of such years of the Moon, that is, 490. years, are but equivalent to 475. years of the Sun, Rupert. every week of the years of the Sun exceeding a week of the years of the Moon by 77. days.  
But Lyranus well refuteth this opinion by these two reasons. 1. because the Hebrews used not to count by the years of the Moon, but by the full and just years of the Sun: otherwise where the Scripture setteth down the sums of years, as 430. of the sojourning of Israel in Egypt and Canaan, Exod. 12. 480. from the departure of Israel out of Egypt to the building of the Temple, 1. King. 6. 1. there should be no certainty in these computations; but if the account should be made by the course of the Moon, there should be fewer years in these sums, than they are reckoned for. 2. Again, whereas the Israelites kept their Passeover, on the 14. day of the first Moon, if they should have observed the year of the moon, they should every year keep the Passeover, an 11. days sooner than other, and so in process of time, they should have observed that feast every month through the year.  
4. A fourth exposition is, that abbreviate hebdomadas, to abbreviate or shorten the weeks, is all one, as paucas constiture, to appoint but few weeks: this time was but short in respect of other prophecies made concerning the Messiah, as that to Adam, Gen. 3. and to Abraham, Gen. 22. that in his seed all nations should be blessed: these prophecies were to be fulfilled many years after, but now there remained but a few weeks for the accomplishment of this: In this sense the days are said to be shortened for the elects sake, Matth. 24. 22. that is, they should continue but a short time those days of affliction, Pererius. But we refuse this exposition also, because it is grounded upon a corrupt translation of the word chatach, which signifieth not to abbreviate, but to cut out, and so consequently, to determine.  
5. Barbinel a cavilling rabbin, by the word chatach, which signifieth to cut, would have signified the cutting afflictions, which the people of God should endure all this time: but all this term was not a time of affliction to the people of God: they had many prosperous days, and had some breathing time, after their return out of captivity.  
6. The word chatach then, is well interpreted here, determined, or prefixed, certainly appointed and decreed with God, praefinitae, defined, Vatab. decisae, cut out, Pagnin. Mon. jun. Polan. and this further is well observed by some, that here a verb of the singular number is joined to a word of the plural, 70. weeks is determined, to show, that every one of these weeks from the first to the last shall be particularly and precisely complete, Lively.   

Quest. 18. Why this term of 490. years is expressed by weeks.  
1. The seventh number was of great observation among the jews: the seventh day, the seventh year, the seventh seventh year, which was the jubilee in the 49. year, were all times of holy rest: therefore to signify the great year of rest, and jubilee at the coming of the Messiah, when there should be a general remission of the sins of the world, this time is reckoned by weeks, and by seven times ten weeks of years, which make 10. jubilees: for ten times 49. years, make just 490. years, Polan. 2. another reason is this, volebat conferre septuaginta hebdo●●adas annorum cum septuaginta annis, the Angel would compare the seventy weeks of years, with the 70. years of captivity, showing that for 70. years of captivity, they should enjoy seven times 70. years of deliverance: the Prophet then, confert Dei gratiam cum judicio, doth compare the grace and mercy of God, with his judgement, Calvin. 3. But in that the Angel speaketh simply of 70. weeks, not adding of days or years, therein is observed the prophetical manner of speech, which is for the most part obscure and dark, as treating of mystical and hid matters: whereas in historical narrations an other kind of plain and open speech and phrase is used.   

Quest. 19 Why the Angel saith, upon thy people, and upon thine holy city.  
1. Hierome, whom the gloss. followeth, and Hugo Card. thus interpret; he calleth them the people of Daniel, not his people, because they were evil, as though God had rejected them: but this cannot be: for it being called an holy city, must needs be God's city. 2. Tertullian. lib. cont. judaeos, and Theodoret upon this place, do think that they are called daniel's, and not the Lords people, because of that great sin, which they should commit, in putting the Messiah to death: but in this sense neither would Daniel acknowledge them to be his people. 3. Therefore they are rather called daniel's people, sanguine & affectu, they were his people both in the kindred of flesh and in affection, Pintus. they were his countrymen, and beside he was careful for them, Calv. Osiand. 4. Now, whereas it is said, upon thy people, some understand, for the destruction, and final overthrow of the people and city, jun. annot. so also Hugo. super, notat oppressionem, this word upon noteth their oppression, who finally were destroyed by the Romans: some give this sense, within this time all these things shall come to pass, which belong unto the eternal salvation of the people, Osi. But both rather are signified; both the mercy, which should be offered unto this people, in taking away their sins by the coming of the Messiah, and the judgement, which should befall them for their contempt & rejecting of the Messiah: for both these are afterward touched, the benefits, which the Messiah should bring unto them, vers. 24. and the calamiti, ewhich should be sent upon them, vers. 26. And both these junius in his commentary joineth together.   

Quest. 20. The meaning of these words, v. 24. to finish or rather restrain wickedness.  
1. R. Solomon, who endeth these 70. weeks at the second destruction of the city and Temple by Titus, thus interpreteth, that then the jews should endure a longer captivity, than before: and thereby should learn, to leave off their sins, and by their long punishment merit forgiveness of their sin.  
Contra. 1. Lyranus thus refelleth the rabbin: that the jews are so far off from leaving their sins by this long captivity, that they are rather worse: for their perjuries, usury, profane oaths, are notoriously known. And seeing God punished their idolatry, but with captivity of 70. years, and now they have endured captivity more than twice 7. hundred years, it must needs be a greater sin for the which they sustain so long a time of punishment, which can be none other, than their killing the Lord of life the Blessed Messiah. 2. Paulus Burgen. addeth further, that this finishing of iniquity must be within the 70. weeks, but that ceasing from sin which the rabbin imagineth, must follow after these 70. weeks expired. 3. add hereunto, that no man by the works of the law is justified, or can do any thing acceptable unto God: how then can the jews without the Messiah obtain remission of sins? And again, men by their punishment, though it be never so long and great, cannot satisfy for their sins; for than they which are tormented in hell, might at length satisfy for their iniquity. Polan.  
2. Some following the Latin text, to consummate or finish sin, do thus interpret it, to make perfect sin: as the jews were come to the height of sin when they crucified Christ: in this sense our Saviour saith, Matth. 23. Fulfillye the measure of your fathers: thus expound Chrysostome, orat. 2. cont. judaeos. Theodoret upon this place, and Eusebius, lib. 8. de praeparat. evang. but the next words following, to seal up 〈◊〉, and reconcile iniquity, do show, that this phrase signifieth rather the consumption, than consummation of sin.  
3. Some reading to finish sin, understand it of the consumption of sin, and taking of it away by the death of Christ: as a candle is said to be ended, when it is consumed, Hugo. so is the word finishing taken, Isa. 40. 2. Speak comfortably to jerusalem, etc. that her warfare is finished, and her iniquity is pardoned. Perer. so also Calv. Genevens. Vatabl. Pintus: this sense is not to be misliked, saving that the word is not well interpreted, which signifieth not to finish, but rather to restrain or shut up.  
4. The word cala, with aleph, (which is here used) signifieth to shut up, but cal●h with he, is to finish and consummate: the meaning than is, to restrain sin: which junius, and Polanus following him, do interpret of the preserving of the elect from that general defection and falling away of the jews, which began in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes.  
5. But seeing the words following, to seal up sins, etc. are general, not of any special iniquity, or of some special nation, but of the sins of all; these words are better understood also generally, that by the coming of Christ, and preaching of the Gospel, there should be a general restraint of sin: as many which made no conscience before of adultery, idolatry, covetousness, and such like, should be reclaimed by the Gospel▪ Bullinger. as the Apostle saith, having made mention of idolaters, fornicators, adulterers, and such like, who shall not inherit the kingdom of God, addeth, but such were some of you, but ye are washed, ye are sanctified, etc. 1. Cor. 6. 10.   

22. Quest. Of the sealing of sins.  
1. The Latin translator readeth, to finish sin: whereupon Pererius taketh occasion to show how divers ways sin was finished by the death of Christ, in that he paid the ransom for our sin, abolished idolatry, conquered Satan: So M. Lively preferreth this reading, and expoundeth it by that place, joh. 1. 29. Behold the lamb of God, which taketh away the sin of the world.  
2. But seeing the word is chatam, which signifieth to seal up, and so the Septuagint read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in sealing, therefore this reading is to be preferred, to seal up sins: that is, to bind up as it were, and to seal and close them, as never any more to be opened, read, or declared against us: for as writings are unfolded and opened to be rehearsed, and read, so they are sealed up to be concealed and buried in oblivion: which S. Paul calleth, the putting out of the handwriting, etc. which was against us, Coloss. ●. 14. Polan.   

Quest. 22. What it is to reconcile iniquity.  
1. The vulgar Latin readeth, to take away sin: so also Lyranus, Hugo, Pintus, with others: and hereupon Pererius showeth how three ways a thing may be taken away, by washing and wiping, by scraping, as a blot in writing, and by dissipating or dissolving, as when a cloud or mist is dispersed: and so in all these phrases sin is said to be taken away: as David saith, Psal. 51. wash away my sin, and S. Paul, that Christ hath razed out the handwriting of our sin, Colos. 2. And Isay 44. 22. the Lord saith, I have put away thy transgression as a cloud: This sense is true, but it is not well grounded: for the word caphar, signifieth to expiate, reconcile, not to take away.  
2. Some by this expiation and reconciliation understand the taking away of the guilt of sin, whereby we are made guilty of eternal damnation, Polan. but that seemeth to be signified before in the sealing of sins, that they should not be had in remembrance to ou● condemnation.  
3. Hereby then rather is signified that Christ hath made reconciliation for sin, that is, he satisfied in his death upon the cross, pro culpa & poena, etc. for the fault and punishment, Bulling.  
4. Thus by these three words here used, peshagh, chataoth, ghaven, which are translated, wickedness, sins, iniquity, all manner of sins whatsoever are implied, (sin only against the holy Ghost excepted) Bulling. which may thus be distinguished, wickedness against God, sin in ourselves, and iniquity against our neighbour, Hugo. And here this benefit of taking away sin is set forth in three degrees: in restraining the act, in sealing them up in respect of the guilt unto condemnation, and in making expiation for the fault and offence itself.   

Quest. 23. v. 24. How the Messiah brought everlasting righteousness.  
1. Some by this everlasting justice understand Christ himself, Vatab. who is said to be our justice five ways. 1. exemplariter, because his justice and righteousness is set before us to imitate and follow. 2. satisfactory, because he hath satisfied the wrath of God by his righteousness for our sins. 3. meritory, he hath by his righteousness merited for us eternal life. 4. efficienter, he is the efficient cause of our justice and righteousness. 5. finaliter, because this is the end of our holiness and righteousness, to be made like and conformable to the image of the son, as the Apostle speaketh, Rom. 8. 29. Perer. But here is understood, not that righteousness which Christ hath in himself, but that which is communicated unto us: for here are two benefits rehearsed, which should come by the Messiah, the first is the taking away of sin, which is before expressed: the other the bringing and giving of righteousness.  
2. Some by justice understand the preaching of righteousness by the gospel, as Lyranus, as it is taken, Isay. 45. 23. the word is gone out of my mouth in righteousness, Pintus. But the preaching of the gospel shall not be everlasting: for in the next world, there shall be no need of preaching: the Saints shall enjoy the presence and sight of the lamb, who shall be their light.  
3. Some by justice interpret the active justice, which God exercised upon the cross in not sparing his son, but giving him for the redemption of the world, Hug. Card. But the very phrase, to bring in everlasting righteousness, showeth, that such a justice is here meant, not which was showed upon Christ, but was communnicated to his members.  
4. Wherefore by justice here is understood nothing else but our justification, whereby the justice of Christ is imputed unto us freely, and made ours by faith, Bulling. and in this sense, is the word justice or righteousness taken, james. 2. 23. Abraham believed God, and it was imputed to him for justice, or righteousness, Pintus.  
5. But we must take heed here of that Popish conceit of inherent justice: as Pererius here understandeth that justice, quae in homine inest à Deo effecta, which is in ●●an wrought by God, etc. for this justice which is wrought in man by faith, is nothing else but our sanctification, which is imperfect, and therefore it is not that everlasting justice, which is the justice of Christ imputed unto us by faith.   

Quest. 24. Why it is called everlasting righteousness.  
1. The justice or righteousness of faith in Christ is called everlasting, in respect of the justice of the law: non evanescet sicut justitia legis, it shall not vanish away as the justice of the law, Osiand. which was a temporary justice consisting in the observation of legal rites and ceremonies, which were not to continue, Perer. such was the righteousness of Zacharie and Elizabeth, which are called just, because they walked in all the commandments, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, constitutions and ordinances of the law, Luk. 1. 6. so also the gloss. it is called eternal justice, quae legis justitiam vincat, which should exceed the justice of the law.  
2. This justice of faith is everlasting, because it is omnium temporum, for all times: all that ever lived in the world, were justified by the justice of faith in Christ, Bulling.  
3. And is eternal, quia inchoatur in via, in patria perficitur, it is begun here as in the way, and shall be perfited in our country, Pintus.  
4. But it is rather so called in respect of the everlasting force and virtue of this justice, which shall never be extinguished, but shall make us accepted of God for ever, Polan. as the Prophet Isay saith, c. 45. 17. Israel shall be sane in the Lord with an everlasting salvation, ye shall not be ashawed, nor confounded world without end.   

Here follow certain questions of the justice of Christ, in what manner, wherein, and in what measure it is applied.  
Quest. 25. Whether as Christ's satisfaction for the punishment of sin is imputed to us by faith, so likewise his innocency.  
It must of necessity follow, if that Christ hath obtained and purchased for us a perfect and absolute redemption, that he hath discharged our whole debt, not only in satisfying for the punishment of the law, but in imputing also unto us his innocency and obedience, as may appear by these reasons.  
1. Christ is of greater power to communicate unto us his innocency, than Adam was to derive unto us the guilt of his sin and disobedience: then as by Adam, sin was propagated, and death came in by sin, Rom. 5. 12. so it is necessary, that we should receive from Christ not only exemption from death by his death, but be clothed also with his righteousness.  
2. We cannot stand in judgement before God, unless we be endued with perfect justice: now perfect justice is that whereby the commandments of God are exactly fulfilled, which was performed not only by that one act of Christ's death, but by the perfect innocency and holiness of his whole life: therefore the whole obedience of Christ must be imputed and communicated unto us.  
3. Christ discharged our whole debt: Now we are debtor not only in respect of the punishment of the law, which by our disobedience we have deserved: but the law exacteth also of us perfect obedience, and integrity from sin: in both these respects than we have need of Christ.  
4. The Apostle saith directly, Rom. 10. 4. that Christ is the end of the law for righteousness unto every one that believeth, that is, by faith the righteousness of Christ in fulfilling the law is imputed unto us in as full and ample manner, as if we had fulfilled the law ourselves.  
5. If Christ hath not fulfilled the law for us, it would follow, that the law remaineth still to be fulfilled by us, which is impossible.  

The contrary objections answered.  
Object. 1. The righteousness of faith, and the righteousness and fulfilling of the law, are two diverse things: the righteousness, which we receive by Christ, is by faith, therefore not the fulf●●●ng of the law.  
Answ. The righteousness of the law by works, and of the gospel by faith, are not two diverse righteousness, for they differ neither in matter, as both requiring that obedience which is to be performed unto God, not in form, for the law of God is the rule of righteousness in both: they differ in the efficient and worker: the legal righteousness must be performed by man himself, the evangelical by Christ in our name: and in the end; for the end of the legal righteousness is the glory of man, if he could keep it by his own strength: the end of the evangelical justice is the glory of God, in the setting forth of his mercy. So then one and the same righteousness, is both of the law in respect of Christ, who fulfilled the law, and it is not of the law in respect of us, because we fulfil not the law, but of faith, because we believe in him, who hath fulfilled the law for us.  
2. Object. If the obedience of the life of Christ be imputed unto us, it seemeth then there was no cause, why Christ should die for us, seeing we are made just by his obedience.  
Ans. 1. As by Adam both sin entered, and death by sin, so it was requisite that in both we should in the one be healed, in the other helped by our blessed Mediator: so justin Martyr, 
justin in exposit. fide● p 29●. edit. 〈◊〉.  per conversationem exactam evacuans lapsum, & per mortem indebitam, debitam extinguens, by his most exact conversation he avoided man's fall, and by his undue death abolished our due death, etc. 2. seeing the perfect fulfilling of the law consisteth in the perfect love of God, and of man, it was necessary that Christ should die: for therein he showed his perfect love unto God his father in being obedient unto him: joh. 14. 31. It is, that the world may know, that I love the Father: as likewise his perfect love of man, as our Saviour saith, joh. 15. 13. Greater love than this hath no man, when any man bestoweth his life for his friends.  
3. Object. The law bindeth either unto obedience of the law, or to the punishment, not unto both: if then Christ's obedience be imputed unto us, the imputation of his satisfaction by his death would seem to be superfluous.  
Ans. 1. That proposition is not simply true, that the law bindeth either unto obedience of the law, or to the punishment: for the law doth not properly bind unto punishment: but that is added as a commination, the rather to move unto obedience of the commandment: as when the Lord said to Adam, that in the day he did eat of the forbidden fruit, he should die the death: that commination was no part of the bond or obligation of the commandment, but a conditionail commination, if the other were not performed. 2. We must distinguish between the state of man's integrity, and his fall: while man stood in his integrity, he was only bound unto the obedience of the commandment▪ but since his fall, man both is subject to the obedience of the law, which is not given him in vain, and to the punishment, because he can not fulfil the law. 3. Again, of the reprobate and wicked God exacteth only the punishment due unto their disobedience: but of his elect he requireth both the obedience of the law, and the penalty, both which are performed in Christ: he hath fulfilled for them the one, and suffered the other. ex Polan.  
4. Object. If Christ hath fulfilled the law for us, and we are by his obedience made righteous, than it would follow, that no other obedience or holiness of life should be required of us.  
Ans. It followeth not. Indeed that perfect and absolute obedience of Christ, whereby he perfectly fulfilled the law, is not exacted of us: for Christ's obedience is ours by faith: yet an imperfect obedience is required, as a testimony of our faith, and sign of our thankfulness unto God: Like as it followeth not, because Christ died for us the death of the body, that therefore it is not necessary that we should die: the death of the body still remaineth even in the children of God, for it is appointed for men to die once, Hebr. 9 27. but death is neither now as a punishment, or as a satisfaction for sin, but as a condition of their mortal nature, and a passage unto a better life: After the same manner, obedience is now required of the members of Christ, but neither such an obedience, as Christ's was, that is perfect, absolute, nor to the same end, to be meritorious or satisfactory for sin.  
5. Object. How are we made just by the obedience of Christ, seeing that we in Christ's death are together punished with him?  
Ans. 1. We 〈◊〉 not actually made just by Christ's obedience, but by the imputation thereof we are justified, and held as just in the sight of God. 2. It is not all one to say we are punished in Christ, and Christ was punished for us and in our stead: this is warranted by the Scriptu●e, as the Prophet saith, Isa. 53. 6. God hath laid upon him the sin of us all. But the other can not be affirmed▪ 〈◊〉 seeing in Christ's death we have remission of our sins, we can not be said for the same sins to be punished in and with Christ, whereof we have remission in his death.  
6. Object. Seeing Christ died to that end, that we should be justified by his death, as the Apostle saith, 2. Cor. 5. 21. He made him sin for us that knew no sin, that we should be made the righteousness of God in him: how then is our righteousness obtained by the obedience of his life?  
Ans. 1. The obedience of Christ in his life and death can not be severed: for in perfect obedience is required constancy and perseverance unto the end: therefore the obedience of Christ in his death and suffering, is a part of his integrity, innocency, and righteousness. 2. Neither doth that place prove, that our righteousness was purchased only by Christ's death: but to make that a perfect and acceptable sacrifice, the integrity of his life is required: for in that he knew no sin in himself, (but our sins were imputed unto him, as his righteousness is unto us) therein he was the unspotted lamb, and so was made for us the sacrifice of atonement. We see then that even to make the sacrifice of his death acceptable, the obedience and integrity of his life was requisite.  
7. Object. How is Christ's obedience made ours, seeing he as a creature was subject to the law, and so was obedient thereunto for himself.  
Ans. 1. It followeth not, that because Christ as man, was a creature, that therefore he was for himself subject to the law: this is true of those which are creatures for themselves: but Christ was not made a creature for himself, he was not incarnate, and made man for himself, but for us: therefore not for himself, but for us, was he subject to the law. 2. And further, that Christ was not for himself bound and subject to the law, it may appear by these arguments: 1. to them only the law was given, whom the ends of the law concern, which are these: before the fall of man the Law was given to these two ends; to teach man the will of God, and to contain and keep him in obedience to the will of God. After man's fall the law likewise hath two ends: to teach man to know himself, and to acknowledge his sins, and to stir him up to seek the remedy against the same: But none of all these ends do appertain unto Christ: he needed not to be taught the will of God, nor yet to have any help to contain him in his obedience: he had no sins to acknowledge, nor needed any such remedy: therefore the law was not given unto him. 2. The law was not given to him to keep, who is the end of the law: but Christ is the end of the law, as the Apostle showeth, Rom. 10. 4. and the law is a schoolmaster to bring us unto Christ, Gal. 3. 19 3. Christ is above the law, and Lord of the law, even as man, therefore not under the law, or subject unto it: the first is evident, where Christ saith, the Son of man is Lord of the Sabbath; which is a part of the law: and as he is Lord of part of the law, so of the whole.  
8. Object. The Apostle saith, Heb. 10. 19 By the blood of jesus we may be bold to enter into the holy place: & S. john saith, 1. epist. 1. 7. The blood of jesus doth purge us from all sin: what need then the imputation of the innocency and obedience of Christ?  
Ans. 1. Though the blood of Christ only be named, yet by a synecdoche, part being taken for the whole, other parts of his oblation are signified: as his obedience and innocency, whereby his blood was made a sacrifice of atonement, acceptable unto God: for God was not simply delighted with the shedding of Christ's blood, but with his obedience: as Bernard well saith, non mors, sed voluntas placuit spont● morientis, not the death, but the will of Christ, dying of his own accord, was pleasing unto God. 2. If all were in deed ascribed to Christ's blood, than the oblation of his flesh and body, the anguish and agony of his soul, had been superfluous: by the blood than the other parts are signified: but the blood is named, as the most conspicuous part of his oblation, and because it answered to the type, the blood of the legal sacrifices. 3. And though the blood of Christ do purge us from all sin, yet not from that b●nd and obligation, whereby we are tied to keep the law: which we are freed from by the imputation of the obedience of Christ. 4. So then the express mention of the blood of Christ, doth not exclude his innocency and obedience, but only the blood of the legal sacrifices, and man's merit, and all other human means, which avail not to salvation.  
9 Object. But seeing Adam's disobedience, by the which sin entered, was but one offence in eating the forbidden fruit: one act likewise of Christ's obedience, which was in the sacrifice of his death, may seem to be sufficient for our justification.  
Ans. Though God gave but one precept unto Ada● for these reasons: 1. because one commandment sufficed to exercise, and make trial of man's obedience. 2. And the transgression of one commandment was enough to make man guilty of eternal death. 3. And thereby man's impotency and weakness appeared, who in the state of integrity was not able to keep that one commandment: yet in that one precept were contained and included all the precepts afterwards given in the moral law: as Tertullian saith, 
lib. 〈…〉  primordialis illa lex, quasi matrix omnium praeceptorum Dei, that first law was the mother and womb as it were of all God's precepts: And, as Augustine well noteth, 
August. 〈◊〉 ●●●chirid. c. 45.  in illo uno peccato intelligi possunt plura peccata, in that one sin, many sins may be understood, etc. quia superbia est illic, etc. for there was pride, in that man loved rather to be in his own power, than Gods: there was sacrilege, because man believed not God; and homicide, because he cast himself headlong into death: there was spiritual fornication, because the integrity of man's mind was corrupted by the enticement of the serpent: and there was theft, because he usurped the forbidden fruit: and covetousness, in that he desired more, then sufficed. Wherefore seeing that in Adam's transgression, we are made guilty of many sins, we have need also of Christ's whole righteousness.  
10. Object. If all Christ's innocency is imputed unto us for our righteousness, than all Christ's acts must be imputed unto us likewise for our justification.  
Ans. 1. It followeth not, that because all Christ's acts which concerned the justice and fulfilling of the law, are imputed unto us for righteousness, that therefore all his acts are imputed: for his descension, conception, incarnation, his miracles, are not imputed unto us, because they were no part of the fulfilling of the law. So than it is true, that all the righteousness, which is imputed unto us, Christ wrought for us; and that whatsoever Christ did, he wrought for us: he was conceived, borne, circumcised, fasted for us: yet all Christ's acts are not applied unto us for our justification, but only those, wherein properly consisted Christ's obedience, and the fulfilling of the law: And thus much shall suffice of this question, abridged out of Polanus.    

26. Quest. Whether the justice brought in by Christ, exceed the justice of Adam.  
The righteousness of Christ imputed unto us by faith, is far more excellent many ways then the justice which Adam had in the state of his innocency. 1. That was the justice of a mere man, but this is the justice of that person, which is both God and man. 2. for the effects: the justice of Christ is meritorious of eternal life, it overcame death, subdued the devil: none of all which Adam's righteousness could do. 3. Christ's justice is eternal and immutable, but Adam's justice was but temporary for a time. 4. And we are in Christ restored to a more excellent state, than we lost in Adam, which was but terrene and mutable; but by Christ we receive an heavenly, everlasting, and immutable kingdom.   

27. Quest. Whether it standeth with God's justice, to justify us by an others righteousness, and how that may be.  
1. It is not agreeable with God's justice, to justify a sinner, by that righteousness, which is not intended unto him, nor wrought for him: but seeing Christ wrought not righteousness for himself, but intended it wholly unto us, and our benefit; it very well standeth with God's justice, that we should be justified thereby. 2. And this justice of Christ, which is external and without us, is more available to save and justify us, then if it were in ourselves: for than it were subject to change and alter, as all other gifts in us are mutable and changeable: but now this saving righteousness is in a subject, namely Christ, immutable and unchangeable. 3. And this righteousness is verily made ours by faith: it is not an imiginarie or supposed justification, but verily and in deed; for as we verily are by nature guilty of Adam's transgression, so is the obedience of Christ verily made ours by imputation through faith: And as our sins were imputed to Christ, and he verily suffered death the punishment of sin: so we by the imputation of his righteousness are verily made partakers of everlasting salvation.   

28. Quest. How the vision and prophesy was to be sealed up.  
The Latin interpreter readeth, ut impleatur, etc. that the prophesy and vision may be fulfilled: which is to the same purpose. Three ways hath our blessed Saviour fulfilled and sealed up all vision and prophesy. 1. Christ hath accomplished whatsoever was declared and foretold by the Prophets, as he saith, Matth. 5. I came not to dissolve the law, but to fulfil it: and he saith to his Disciples, Luk. 18. 31. Behold we go to jerusalem, and all things shall be fulfilled to the Son of man, which are written by the Prophets. 2. He hath fulfilled and sealed them up, because he hath performed that, which the law could not do, which was void, weak, and impotent without Christ: so the Apostle saith, Rom. 8. 3. That which was impossible to the law, because it was weak, etc. God sending his own Son, etc. Christ came to perform that which the law intended, but was not able to effect. 3. Christ hath made an end of vision and prophesy, they are determined in him: Matth. 11. 13. The Law and the Prophets prophesied unto john: upon which words Chrysostome, orat. 2. contr. judaeos, sistere oportuit post Christum prophetias, etc. prophecies were to cease after Christ: So also Tertull, lib. advers. judaeos: post adventum Christi & passionem eius, ia● non visio, neque propheta est, after the coming and suffering of Christ, now there is neither vision nor Prophet. 4. R. Solomon thinketh that this should be performed after the destruction of the second Temple, when after a long captivity of the people, the Messiah at the last should come, and then all prophecies and promises of the Messiah should cease. But Lyranus refelleth this conceit by these two arguments. 1. because the Prophet hag, speaking of the coming of the Messiah, saith, 
Hagg. 2. 7. 8.  Yet a little while, and I will shake the ●●●auens and the earth, etc. and the desire of all nations shall come: but if the Messiah were not yet come, there being 2000 years passed since Hags time, from whom unto the coming of Christ there were above 400. years, and a 1600. are run since, how could this be called a little while? 2. the same Prophet there saith, the desire of all nations shall come, and I will fill this house with glory: it is evident then, that the Messiah should come, the second Temple yet standing, and not so many years after the destruction thereof, as the Rabbin supposeth. 3. Experience showeth, that long since all prophecies and visions among the jews are ceased: therefore they are hereby evidently convinced, that the Messiah is come.  
5. Barbinel, an other cavilling jew, objecteth, non debuisse auferri prophetiae donum, that the gift of prophesy might not be taken away: wherein he showeth his ignorance, in not distinguishing between the time of vision and prophecy, and of the Messiah, who should end all vision and prophesying. We also grant, that God would not have taken from his Church the gift of prophesying, but that he hath provided a better way for the instruction of his people, in speaking unto us in these last days by his Son, Hebr. 1. 2. Calvin.   

29. Quest. Of the anointing of the holy one: who is signified thereby?  
1. R. Solomon understandeth this of the Temple and Sanctuary with the Ark, and the vessels thereof, which he thinketh should be re-edified and builded again by the Messiah: But Lyranus evidently convinceth this rabbinical conceit, by that place of jeremy, 3. 16. When ye be increased and multiplied in those days in the land (saith the Lord) they shall say no more the Ark of the covenant of the Lord, for it shall come no more to mind, neither shall they remember it: it is evident then by this place, that the Messiah shall not restore again the Ark and the Temple. And in this place the Angel prophesying of the anointing of the Messiah, afterward speaketh evidently of the destruction and desolation of the city & Sanctuary, v. 26. so far off shall the jewish Temple then be from being re-edified at the coming of the Messiah, that it shall rather than be destroyed.  
2. Wherefore, this most holy, or holy of holies is understood to be Christ, who was prefigured and shadowed forth, by the most holy place in the Temple, where the Ark was, which had the Tables of stone within it, and the golden Cherubims stretching their wings over it.  
3. junius in his commentary giveth an other sense, by the most holy one understanding the Sanctuary, the anointing, and ordinary use whereof should continue the time here limited and prefixed, to draw the people the better to repentance: and in the same sense he understandeth the sealing of the vision and prophecy, that all this time the Lord would not leave his Church destitute of Prophets: But the former words of bringing in everlasting righteousness, do show, that this is better understood of the office of the Messiah, as junius himself interpreteth in his annotations upon this place: how Christ shall perform those two great benefits, of taking away sin, and bringing in everlasting righteousness by these two means; his evangelical teaching and prophesying, which shall make an end of the visions of the law, and by his everlasting priesthood, whereunto he should be anointed.   

30. Quest. Why Christ is called the holy of holies.  
1. This title and appellation is given unto Christ, both as God and man: As God in four respects: 1. because he is holy of himself, and hath it not from any other. 2. this holiness is essential in him, not accidental, as it is in man. 3. because he is infinitely and beyond measure holy. 4. and he is the original, cause, and fountain of all holiness: As he is man, he is most holy: 1. because of the union of his human nature with his divine. 2. because of the fullness of all grace and holiness, which he received as man. 3. because he is not holy only in himself, but sanctifieth and maketh holy his Church. 4. because he was not of unholy made holy, as man is, but he was always without sin, and so always holy, Perer. to this purpose also Osiand. he is called most holy, because in respect of his divine nature, he is Deus sanctissimus, the most holy God: and in his humanity he was without sin. 2. This title to be called most holy, or holy of holies, is peculiar unto the Messiah, as to be called the king of kings, and Lord of Lords. And Eusebius observeth well, that he never read in the Scripture, any of the Priests or Kings to be called holy of holies, lib. 8. de demonstrat. Euangelic. 3. Herein the most holy place in the Tabernacle was a type of Christ, wherein the Ark was kept: As the Tabernacle went before the Israelites, and when it refled, they stayed: so we in all things should follow the direction of this Tabernacle. As the glory of God rested upon Moses Tabernacle, so in Christ this blessed Tabernacle, dwelleth the fullness of the Godhead bodily, Col. 2. 9 As the Priests of the law had a Tabernacle to minister in, so, as the Apostle saith, Christ is the minister of the true Tabernacle, which God pight and not man, Hebr. 8. 2. And in this sense Christ also, joh. 2. calleth his body, the Temple, Polan.   

31. Quest. How Christ was anointed.  
Three things briefly are to be touched concerning the anointing of Christ; wherewith he was anointed, in what manner, and whereunto. 1. We do not read, that Christ was anointed with any external or material oil or ointment: but his anointing was by the spirit of God, as Isa. 61. 1. The spirit of the Lord is upon me, therefore he hath anointed me, etc. 2. For the manner, he was anointed with all graces of the spirit, abundanter, abundantly, above his fellows, Psal. 45. 7. and beyond measure, joh. 3. 34. God giveth him not the spirit by measure: and redundanter, his fullness redoundeth and overfloweth to his members, joh. 1. 16. Of his fullness have we all received grace for grace: like as the ointment, which was powered upon Aaron's head, ran down upon his beard, and so to the skirts of his clothing, Psal. 133. 2. so the graces of the spirit in our head Christ, are imparted to his members. 3. He was anointed to be our Prophet, King, and Priest: of the first speaketh the Prophet, Isa. 61. 1. Therefore hath the Lord anointed me: he hath sent me to preach good tidings to the poor, etc. which prophecy our blessed Saviour applieth to himself, Luk. 4. 18. of his anointing to be King, speaketh the Prophet, Psal. 45. 8. Because thou hast loved righteousness, and hated iniquity, therefore hath God thy God anointed thee with the oil of gladness above thy fellows: of his priestly office and anointing likewise the Prophet David maketh mention, Psal. 110. 4. Thou art a Priest for ever, after the order of Melchisedech: and of this his priestly anointing, this place is specially to be understood.   

32. Quest. When Christ was thus anointed.  
1. Lyranus generally understandeth the time of Christ's incarnation and humanity, in humanitate unctus est, etc. he was anointed in his humanity above his fellows. 2. Pererius referreth it to the first instant of his conception, alleging those words of the Angel to Marie, That holy thing which shall be borne of thee, shall be called the son of God. 3. Hugo Card. indifferently would have it understood either of the time of Christ's incarnation, or of his baptism, when his Father from heaven gave testimony unto him, or of his resurrection, when his spiritual anointing was yet more evidently declared. 4. But the solemn anointing of Christ was in his baptism, when the spirit of God descended upon him in the likeness of a dove: non citra visibile●● pompam facta est haec Christi vn●tio, this anointing of Christ was not done without some visible pomp, both in his baptism, and afterward in the mountain, when his father testified of him from heaven, Bulling. for although Christ always had the spirit of God, yet in his baptism, and afterward in the preaching of the Gospel, the graces of the spirit did more manifest themselves in him, Osiand. And this further may be gathered by the words going before: for then, when Christ brought eternal righteousness, the fruit and effect of his anointing appeared, which was by his most holy life and obedience; and by his most holy passion, and oblation of himself, which followed immediately after. 5. Their error then appeareth, which would have this prophecy of the Angel fulfilled in the end of the world: for Christ shall not then be again anointed: his anointing was in his first coming, it shall not be in the second.   

Here followeth the explanation of the most difficult and obscure prophesy of daniel's 70. weeks.  
33. Quest. Of the obscureness and difficulty of this prophesy.  
How dark, hid, and obscure this prophesy is, may appear by these three arguments. 1. the opinion and sentence of the ancient learned interpreters thereof. 2. the diversity of interpretations which are given. 3. the difficulties and doubts in the prophesy itself.  
1. Hierome upon those words of Daniel, v. 25. Know thou and understand, thus writeth, Si Gabriel suscitat animum Danielis, etc. If Gabriel do ro●ze up the mind of Daniel (that was a Prophet) to understand the prophesy, what should we do, that have not any such prophetical light, 
Tract. 29 in Matth.  etc. Likewise Origen saith, sermonem Danielis de septuaginta hebdomadis, etc. daniel's speech of the seventy weeks none can make plain, as it would require, but the spirit of God, which taught Daniel this mystery, etc. Hereupon Hierome rehearsing divers opinions of others about the exposition of these weeks, forbeareth to set down his own: And Augustine, falling into mention of this prophesy, of purpose seemeth to pass it over in divers places, as epist. 80. ad Hesych. lib. 18. de ci●it. Dei. c. 34. as not satisfying himself in the right understanding thereof.  
2. The great variety of interpretations, which are very many, as they follow to be declared in the next question, is an evident demonstration of the obscurity thereof.  
3. And beside the uncertainty of foreign stories, which fell out in the change of three Monarchies, the Persian, Grecian, and Roman: (for it being an hard thing to find the true reckoning and computation of years in one kingdom, it must needs be more difficult, to find a true account in laying together the years of divers Monarchies:) Beside this uncertainty, there are four other principal difficulties in the prophesy itself. 1. when these 70. weeks should begin. 2. when they determine and have an end. 3. whether the space coming between the beginning and end, consisting of 490. years, doth precisely contain so many, neither more, nor fewer. 4. how all these things, prophesied here of the Messiah, were fulfilled and accomplished in this limited time. Now notwithstanding these difficulties, I will proceed by God's grace, to make some way for the better understanding of this great mystery: wherein I will gather together the most probable opinions of learned interpreters, approving in my judgement the best.   

34. Quest. Of the divers interpretations of daniel's weeks, with an answer to the cavil of the jews concerning the dissension of our interpreters.  
The divers opinions here of writers about the beginning of the seventy weeks, may be sorted into three ranks. 1. Some make them to begin before Cyrus: 2. some pitch their beginning at Cyrus: 3. and some begin the reckoning after Cyrus, under the reign of other Persian kings.  
1. They which begin the computation of these years before the times of Cyrus: 1. some count these 70. weeks, by weeks not of seven years, but of ten times seven, for every year taking ten, and begin their reckoning from the beginning of the world: so that 70. weeks shall make 4900. years from the creation of the world unto Christ: thus Origen. hom. 29. in Matth. 2. Some will have these weeks take beginning from the 4. year of Zedekiah, 7. years before the great captivity, which was in the 11. year of Zedekiahs' reign, for then the word, they say, came forth by jeremy, namely the prophecy and promise of their deliverance after 70. years, which was in the 4. year of Zedekiah: which they thus gather: jerem. 29. 10. this prophesy of 70. years captivity is declared: which was in the 4. year of Zedekiah, c. 28. 1. of this opinion are Lyranus, Paulus Burgens. upon this place, Vatablus in his annotations, and Petrus Galatinus, lib. 4. de arc anis fidei, c. 15. 3. R. Solomon beginneth to reckon these weeks from the destruction of the Temple, as Lyranus reporteth and confuteth his opinion.  
2. Of the second sort are these. 1. Some will have them begin in the first year of Darius, at the time when this word came unto Daniel, so Tertullian lib. advers. judaeos. and Pintus. 2. some from the time that Cyrus set forth his edict for the people's return, as Clemens Alexandrin. 1. lib. stromat. of this opinion are Calvin, Melancthon, lunius in the first edition in his annotations upon this place: H. Br. upon Daniel: And it shall appear of all the rest to be the more probable.  
3. Concerning those which set the beginning of these weeks after the reign of Cyrus: whereas there were three other edicts beside that of Cyrus, which gave liberty to build the Temple and city, which are mentioned, Ezra. 6. 1. Ezra. 7. and Nehem. 2. hereupon, some think that these 70. weeks must be reckoned from the 2. year of Darius Hystaspis, the 3. king of Persia, so Eusebius lib. 8. de demonstr. Evang. Cyrillus cateches. 12. Driedo lib. 3. de sacr. Scripture. c. 5. par. 4. jansenius c. 122. concord. evang. 2. Some take the 20. year of this Darius, Pelican. 3. Some count from Xerxes the 4. king of Persia, whom josephus thinketh to have sent Ezra in the 7. year of his reign: ex Bulling. 4. Some take the seventh year of Artaxerxes Longimanus the fifth king: which opinion Pererius ascribeth to Theodoret, so also Bullinger holdeth, and Pap. 5. Some appoint the 20. year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, when Nehemiah was sent with a new commission, Nehem. 2. so Chrysostome, Beda, Africanus, Hugo, Pererius, Osiander: whereas this was Artaxerxes Mncmon, the seventh king, not Longimanus, the fifth king of Persia, that sent Nehemiah. 6. Some do begin the account, the second year of Darius Nothus, so called because he was a bastard, the sixth king of Persia, so junius in his commentary upon Daniel. jos. Scallig. l. 6. de emend. temp. Polan. Edw. Lively in his Persian Monarchy. 7. Lastly, Apollinaris long after these, counteth the beginning of the 70. weeks, from the time of Christ's birth and nativity: So in all there are in effect ten several opinions, about the beginning these weeks.  
As touching the end and determination of these years, there are likewise diverse opinions. 1. Some think that 69. of these weeks expired at such time as Pompey took jerusalem, and entered into the Temple, slaying such as sacrificed, presuming even to the most holy place, and end the last week in trajan the Emperor, until which time the preaching of the Apostles continued, john surviving even unto the reign of the Emperor trajan, Eusebius. 2. Some beginning these weeks in the 6. year of Darius Hystaspis, do end them at such time as Herod usurped the kingdom, Oecolamp. consenting with Eusebius. 3. Some do determine these years in the nativity and birth of Christ, of this opinion Hierome reporteth Origen to have been, lib. 10. stromat. so also joannes Driedo, jansenius, Melancthon. 4. Many draw these years, in the passion of Christ, as Burgensis, Vatablus, Petrus Galatinus, begin these years, in the fourth year of Zedekiah, and end them in the passion of Christ: so Beda, Africanus, beginning at the 20. of Artaxerxes, end at the passion of Christ. 5. Some end them in the 4. year after the passion of Christ, as Lyranus, who reckoneth them from the 20. year of king Artaxerxes, unto the 4. year, supposing the Messiah to have suffered in the mids of the last prophetical week: so also joannes Lucidus, Pintus. 6. Some refer the end of these weeks to the destruction on of jerusalem by Titus, as Tertullian, Chrsyostome, Clemens Alexandrin. and of the new writers, junius, Scalliger, Polanus, Lively. 7. Some determine them after the passion of Christ, extending them to the final destruction of the city under Adrian the Emperor, as some of the Hebrews. 8. Some will have these weeks reach unto the end of the world to the coming of Antichrist: as Apollinaris, who beginneth them at the nativity of Christ, and continueth them to the end of the world.  
Thus are interpreters diversely carried in the interpretation of these prophetical weeks: which afterward shall in their order be examined. Hereupon the jews, as namely cavilling Barbinel, to annihilate this prophesy, object the difference and dissension of the Christians, about the meaning thereof: But it may be answered, 1. that the diversity of opinions among interpreters, doth not evacuate or extenuate the authority of Scripture, Calvin. 2. Though in the particular account of time, there be some disagreement, yet herein most Christian interpreters agree, that all these years expired, either in the birth or passion of Christ, or in the destruction of jerusalem. So that which account soever be received, two main points are proved against the jews: one that the Messiah is come, the other that he came not as a glorious or victorious temporal Prince, as the jews imagine, but he was slain by them, and put to death, Pappus. 3. This objection may be retorted upon themselves: for even there is great dissension among their own Rabbins: Ab. Ezra holdeth there were but sour kings of Persia, R. Moses saith there were five, R. Saad●ah three only: So they also differ about their years: Ab. Ezra holdeth the Persian Monarchy to have continued 61. years: Abraham Davison, but 51. the most of the Hebrews give but 50. years to the Persian Monarchy, Ed. Lively, p. 34. And in many other points are the Rabbins divided in opinion: so that herein they may forbear to object unto the Christians their dissension. 4. And thus may the objection of the Gentiles be answered, which take exception to the Christians, because of their dissension and difference in this and other points: as josephus giveth instance of the dissensions of the heathen historians among themselves, In quot locis Hellanicus de genealogijs & temporibus ab Acusilao discrepat, etc. in how many places doth Hellanicus differ from Acusilaus concerning genealogies and times: and in how many doth Acusilaus correct Hesiodus: Ephorus in many things findeth Hellanicus to be deceived: and Timeus, Ephorus: and Timeus, those that followed him: and all Herodotus: thus joseph. contra Appion.   

Quest. 35. What Chronologie and computation of time is to be followed in the account of the 70. weeks which make 490. years.  
1. First, the computation which the Hebrews follow is very imperfect and uncertain, and worthy of small credit concerning the Persian Monarchy: for they make but four kings of Persia, Cyrus, Cambyses, Assuerus, Darius, and generally hold, that the Persian Monarchy continued not above 50. years: whereas beside these there is evident mention made of Artaxerxes or Artashasht, and of the 32. year of his reign, Nehem. 5. 14. But to remove this doubt, Ab. Ezra will have Assuerus and Artaxerxes to be all one: yet R. Moses maketh them two sundry kings, and so thinketh that there were five in all: so well the Rabbins agree together.  
2. There is an other chronicle, which Annius Viterbiens. hath set forth under the names of the ancient writers, Berosus, Manethon, Metasthones, Philo: who numbereth but 8. kings of the Persians, and giveth unto that whole Empire 191. years: But as in other things that Chronologie is found to be false and imperfect, as Pererius hath showed at large in his 11. book upon Daniel: as namely, in this that he maketh Philo, in a certain, book called the breviary, to affirm that the posterity of Solomon ended in Achazia, and that joas, which succeeded was not the son of Achazia, but descended of Nathan: whereas it is directly set down, 1. Chron. 3. 11. that joas was the son of Achazia: beside this, and other such slips, this apparent error is committed in the Persian Monarchy, that reckoning but 8. kings, he omitteth three which were most famous among them, namely, Cambyses, Darius Hystaspis, and Xerxes, whom to deny to have been kings of Persia were all one, as to say, that Augustus and Tiberius were not Emperors of Rome.  
3. There is an other way to make this account, by setting down the years of the several kings of Persia, and so of the Grecians: but there is also small certainty of this: for that the several years of diverse kings in three Monarchies, cannot certainly be gathered, because of the change and alteration of the state and kingdom, and many times there was an interregnum, or intermission of the government: and some kings reigned only certain months: so that the time of one king ran within the account of an others reign.  
4. Beside the Hebrews have an other kind of reckoning, by the years of their high Priests, which succeeded one another unto the time of Herod, under whom Christ was borne: which account seemeth Montanus to follow in his apparatus, in the treatise called Daniel: the whole sum there gathered from the first of Cyrus to the birth of Christ is 433. years or thereabout: But this account must needs be more uncertain, than the former by the years of the kings, especially in those tumultuous and troublesome times after the Macchabees, when the high priesthood was bought and sold.  
5. We come now unto the Roman computation, which was accounted these two ways, by the years from the first building of Rome, & afterward by their Consuls: But seeing Rome was of no great reputation, while the Persian and Grecian Monarchy stood, neither of these accounts can give any certain direction concerning the affairs of those kingdoms: And thus much Plutarch confesseth in the life of Camillus, having declared the received opinion, that Rome was taken by the French about the 360. year of the city▪ if it seem credible (saith he) that an exact account of these times, had been so long preserved seeing that even the confusion of that time, hath brought some doubt and controversy to the latter: And he giveth this reason of his doubt, because the common opinion was, that the taking of the city was in the 365. year of Rome, and the first of the 98. Olympiad but whereas the fame of that war was spread abroad in Greece, and came to the hearing of Aristotle, and Heraclides Ponticus, who lived in the time of Philip king of Macedon, who reigned about the 105. Olympiad, this war falleth out 27. years after the usual reckoning: 
In his Persian Monarchy, pag. 125.  M. Lively to salve the credit of the Latin computation, saith, that there were two battles made by the French, and it was the latter of them, the report whereof came to Aristotle's hearing: But it is like, that Plutarch would not have omitted this matter, to have made sound the Roman Chronologie: and it was not a battle with the French, but the taking of the city by them, the fame whereof was bruited abroad: Beside an other instance may be given of the uncertainty of the Roman Chronologie: Plutarch referreth the beginning of the Peloponne siake war in Greece, to the 300, year of the building of Rome, 3. book. c. 1. whereas Aulus Gellius. l. 71. c. 21. bringeth it to the 329. year: M. Lively here answereth, that vigesimum nonum, twenty nine, by the slip of the writer's pen, is put for decimum nonum, nineteen, p. 105. whereas, beside that there is small affinity, between these two words, vigesimum, and decimum, that one lightly by the writer could not be taken for an other, yet this being admitted, there remaineth still the odds of 19 or 20. years, which is a great difference in the story of times. As great uncertainty there is in reckoning by the years of the Consuls: as Senerus Sulpitius lib. 2. sacr. histor, saith, that Christ was borne, when Sabinus and Ruffinus were Consuls: Cassiodorus, when Cneus Lentulus, and Marcus Messala were colleagues in the consulship: Epiphanius hears. 51. when Augustus was the 13. time Consul, and Marcus Plautius Sylvanus. So Augustine thinketh that Christ died that year, when C. Rubellius, and C. Fusius were Consuls, lib. 18. de civitat. Dei. c. 54. but Onuphryus assigneth the year, when Servius Sulpitius Galba, and Lucius Cornelius Silvius were in office: so also M. Lively, but both are deceived: for the first were Consuls in the 15. year of Tiberius, the other in the 19 years, whereas Christ suffered in the 18. year of Tiberius: And further, there is great uncertainty throughout the Roman Chronologie of the Consuls, that in the space of 700. years, there is hardly one year to be found, wherein the historians agree who should be Consuls: Livius, Cassiodorus, Sulpitius, Dio, Diodorus Siculus, the Capitoline tables, that were digged up out of the ground under Paulus the 3. ann. 46. composed as it is thought by Verrius Flaccus, do all differ one from another, concerning the names of the yearly Consuls; as is extant in the Roman Chronologie, collected out of divers authors by joachimus Grellius joined unto Livies' history.  
6. There remaineth then the Greek reckonings by their Olympiads, which were certain games of running, wrestling, leaping, celebrated every 4. year about july in Greece, in a certain place called Olympia so called, because there Hercules first instituted these solemn games to the honour of jupiter Olympius: which being discontinued a long time, were after renewed by juphitus king of that country, about 705. years before the birth of Christ, and so continued a 1000 years after: This account by the Olympiads is resolved upon to be the best by Pererius, M. Linely, Bullinger, and others: whereof now followeth more in the next question.   

Quest. 36. Whether the account of the Olympiake years be a certain direction for the understanding of daniel's weeks.  
1. Here are three opinions to be discussed. 1. Some, as the Hebrews, do utterly reject the greeks Olympiads, making no account of them. 2. Some do make them the only help, and key to unlock the shut up and hid meaning of daniel's weeks, Lively p. 36. So Bullinger, certissimae sunt omnium supputationes, quae fiunt per Olympiades', the supputations made by the Olympiades' are of all other most certain, etc. and Pererius calleth it, chronologiam omnium certissimam, the chronology of all other most certain. 3. But the mean opinion between these is the best, that there is small certainty in the Olympiades' concerning the Persian Monarchy, though for the Greek affairs that computation may safely be received: and this is the judgement of M. Calvin, hoc non potest certo trahi ad imperium Persarum, this computation by the Olympike years (howsoever it may serve for the Grecians) yet it cannot be applied to the Persian Empire, to know thereby at what time the kings of Persia began and ended their reign, etc. So the Olympike reckoning in part is to be received, in part it is so small certainty.  
1. concerning the first of these opinions, that no respect is at all to be had to the Olympiake years, which is the fancy of the Hebrews, it is utterly to be misliked: for after the end of the prophetical writings, the Scriptures being altogether silent, what direction will they have especially for foreign histories? Oecolampadius here resolveth well, that after the city jerusalem was repaired, iam desicientibus Prophetis cum Malachia & Ezra, 〈◊〉 Prophets then ending with Malachi and Ezra, there is no credit to be given unto the Hebrews in the supputation of their years. 2. Neither is the second opinion generally to be received, that the computation of this time is altogether to be directed, and in a manner overruled by the Olympiake reckoning: Here first the arguments shall be examined, which are brought for the certain authority of the Olympiads, and then some contrary reasons shall be produced, to show the invalidity of them.  
1. As touching the names and number of the Persian kings, that the certainty thereof may be gathered from the Greeks, it is thus argued: because many excellent writers, and learned men, Philosophers, and Historiographers lived under the kings of Persia, and knew their affairs; as the seven wisemen of Greece, Thales, Solon, Chilon, Pittacus, Bias, Cleobulus, Periander, lived in the time of Cyrus: Pythagoras, Zenophanes, Anaximander, Heraclitus, with others, flourished under Cambyses, and Darius: Socrates, Thucydides, Euripides, under Artaxerxes: Beside the courts of the Persian kings were frequented by many noble Grecians, as by Hippias, Demaratus, Miltiades: and therefore the names and number of the Persian kings, was well known to them of Greece: thus M. Lively from pag. 43. to pag. 46. But this is no sufficient argument for the matter in question. 1. It followeth not, though these learned Philosophers and historians lived in the time of the Persian kings, and some of them frequented their Courts, that therefore they had a certain knowledge of them all. These kings of Persia, with whom the Grecians had to do, were known unto them: but neither all of them, nor yet to all those forenamed Philosophers and writers were they exactly known. 2. An evident instance hereof may be given in Xenophon, who writeth that Cyrus died in his bed, and made a wise exhortation to his children, whereas it is generally received, that he was slain by Tomyris, as justine writeth. 3. And though the name and number of the Persian kings had been known to the Grecians, yet the years of their reign they much regarded not, because they being a vainglorious nation, followed their own Olympike reckoning.  
2. Now for the truth and certainty of the Olympiads one demonstration is taken from the time when Cyrus began his reign, which was in the 55. Olympiad, from whence to the 114. Olympiad, when Alexander died, are counted 236. years, whereof 6. years must be allowed to the Empire of Alexander after he overcame Darius, so M. Lively, pag. 48. and Pererius lib. 11. quest. 2. But this demonstration may be thus excepted against. 1. Clemens Alexand. placeth the destruction of the temple which was in the 19 year of Nabuchadnezzar, in the last year of the 47. Olympiad, lib. 1. stromat. the 55. Olympiad followeth just 30. years after: if then Cyrus began to reign, how shall the 70. years of the Babylonian captivity be made up, which began in the 8. year of Nabuchadnezzar, with the captivity of jechoniah: or if we begin the captivity in the 4. year, when Nabuchadnezzar took jerusalem, in the reign of jehoiachim, 2. king. 24. 2. there will not arise by this account 50. years in all for the captuitie. 2. Pererius beginneth the first Olympiad in the 8. year of the reign of Ahaz: (and yet some begin the Olympiads in the 2. year of jotham who reigned 16. years, that is, 23. years before that, Bullinger.) then cannot Cyrus' reign be referred to the 55. Olympiad, for the distance between the 1. and 55. Olympiad, maketh 216. years: but there only were expired, 205. years: as it may be thus gathered: from the 8. year of Ahaz unto the 11. year of jehoiachim, when jechonias captivity began, are an 135. years, and from thence to Cyrus 70. years, which make 205. years, then must the beginning of Cyrus' reign be pulled back an 11. years from the 55. Olympiad to the 2. of the 52. Olympiad.  
3. another demonstration is taken from comparing the Olympike years with the building of Rome: 
Persian Monarchy, p. 75.  M. Lively out of Dyonisius Halycarnasseus his 5. book allegeth that the 31. year of Darius Hystaspis, concurred with the 72. Olympiad, and 262. year of Rome. This account is just if we begin the Olympiads in the second year of jotham, for Rome is held to have been builded in the first of the 7. Olympiad, which was in the tenth year of Achaz: but Pererius bringeth the 7. Olympiad to the sixteenth year of Hezekiah, 23. years after, so that by his reckoning the 31. of Darius shall fall out 23. years later, about the 4. year of the 77. Olympiad. And further, how well the Greek Olympiads and the years of the bonding of Rome agree together, appeareth by the dissension of writers in what Olympiad Rome should first be founded: Timeus Siculus thinketh that Rome was built at the same time, that Carthage was in Africa by the Tyrians, which was 38. year before the first Olympiad. Titus Livius, Clemens Alexandrinus, and Solinus set the building of Rome in the 4. year of the 6. Olympiad: Pomponius Atticus, Cicero, Pliny, with others, in the 3. year of the same Olympiad: Dyonisius Halycarnass. Eratosthenes, Theophilus, Antiochenus, in the 1. year of the 7. Olympiad. Polybius, Diod. Siculus, in the 2. year of the 7. Olympiad. Q. Fabius an ancient writer of the Roman affairs, 
〈…〉  in the 1. year of the 8. Olympiad. L. Cincius in the 4. year of the 12. Olympiad: The odds between the first account and the last is above 80. years: for 12. Olympiads make 48. years, and some think that Rome was founded 38. years before the first Olympiad: some not before the 4. year of the 12. Olympiad.  
4. But yet a more evident proof is taken from the course of the Sun, which was eclipsed in the 7. year of Cambyses, which was in the second year of the 64. Olympiad: there was an other eclipse, which happened an eleven days before Alexander's last battle with Darius, in the sixth year of his reign: between these two eclipses there are found by exact calculation, an 192. years, which with Cyrus 30. and Cambyses 7. years make 229. which was the full time of the Persian Monarchy: And hereupon he concludeth thus, thus the glorious servant of the world the Sun, etc. even this Chronologer I say, of all other without exception most true and sure, witnesseth for Herodotus, Thucydides, etc.  
Contra. 1. Indeed, if all these supposals were true, that these two eclipses happened in those years, to the which they are assigned, and that such distance were found between them, and Cyrus with Cambyses reigned so long, the conclusion for that continuance of the Persian Monarchy were very strong: but all these are uncertain, first that Cambyses and Cyrus reigned so long, 37. years between them: junius giveth unto them together but 9 years: Bullinger 14. years: secondly, whether such an eclipse fell out in the reign of Cambyses, and not rather afore, may be likewise doubted: thirdly, whether that distance were not rather taken between two other eclipses than these, it likewise may be a question: he speaketh of an other eclipse which was an 141. years after that, supposed to be in Cambyses time, which Diodorus Siculus placeth in the 2. of the 99 Olympiad. 2. But although the Sun be most sure in his course, there is a Sun which is more true and steadfast, even the Sunne-light of the truth which shineth in the Scriptures, and in this prophesy of Daniel, which calculateth but 490. years from the word going forth, which was the commandment of Cyrus, unto the Messiah, which time cannot be justly gathered, if 200. years or above be given to the Persians: Now on the contrary side this may be objected against the certainty of the Olympiads.  
1. Seeing it is confessed, that the Olympike games, were first erected by Hercules, and then discontinued a long time until Iphitus, who renewed them, is it not as likely, that they might be interrupted afterward, as before? and the rather because of the great wars which the Grecians had with the Persians, and the Peloponnesiake civil war, which continued 27. years among themselves: in which troublesome times it may be supposed, they had no great leisure or desire to solemnize their Olympike games, all Grecia being in an uproar.  
2. Plutark in the life of Numa, maketh some doubt of the Olympike reckonings in regard of the beginning thereof being committed to writing very late by Hippias of Elis: to this it is answered, that although Hippias should begin the Olympiads somewhat too late: as put the case that he make that the 40. Olympiad, which was but the thirtieth, yet the distances of time between the Olympiads shall not miss one lot: so Temporanus, and M. Lively, pag. 89. But howsoever the distances and spaces of time may be kept, yet there must needs be a manifest error in the computation, if those things be referred to a later time, which were formerly done: As the question being of the beginning of the Persian Monarchy, if it be set at the 55. Olympiad, when it began much sooner, a great error will fall out in history, and one error admitted in chronicle will breed many.  
3. It is uncertain when the Olympiades' began: Bullinger holdeth they began in the 2. year of jotham, and M. Lively seemeth to be of the same opinion, who maketh the 31. year of Darius Hystaspis, and the 72. Olympiad to concur together, which cannot be, unless he begin the Olympiads in the 2. of jotham, as is evidently scene in Bullingers' first and third Chronicle table, Eusebius beginneth the Olympiads in the 49. year of Azaria, Glareanus in the 50. Lucidus in the 46. year, Paulus Phrygio in the 12. of jotham, Bibliander in the 13. Functius in the 2. of jotham: so also Africanus, which seemeth the most probable: But Pererius setteth the beginning of the Olympiades' 23. years after, in the 8. year of Achaz, as is showed before.  
4. If foreign writers be compared together, great difference will be found in the account of years by the Olympiads, as this one instance here may suffice concerning the time wherein Pythagoras lived: Dyonisius saith he taught in Italy about the 50. Olympiad: Diogenes Laertius writeth that he flourished in the 60. Olympiad: here is a distance of 40. years: Solinus bringeth him to the time of the first Consuls, which was about the 68 Olympiad: but Pliny putteth him back an 100 years, from the time assigned by Solinus: the like difference in other matters may appear by diligent search in foreign historians, in the reckoning of the Olympike years: The like difference is found among the Christians in the Olympike reckoning: Cyrillus chateches. 12. placeth Christ's birth in the 186. Olympiad: joseph. Scallig. and M. Lively, in the 3. year of the 194. Olympiad: Pererius, and the most beside, in the 4. year of the 194. Olympiad.  
5. But the chief objection of all is, that the Olympian account agreeth not with the Scripture: for if Nehemiah saw both the beginning of the Persian Monarchy, as is evident, Ezra. 2. 2. he was one of those which returned from the captivity according to the edict of Cyrus: and lived to see the end of that Monarchy, as he maketh mention of Darius the last king of Persia, under whom jaddua was high Priest, who met Alexander, who is also named in the same place, Nehem. 12. 22. than could not the Persian Monarchy continue 230. years, as is gathered by the Olympike computation: for then Nehemiah, who may be supposed to have been 20. year old when he returned from Chaldea, should be, 250 year old, which age was not incident into those times: But this shall be showed more at large afterward: This shall suffice concerning the Olympike supputation of years.  
3. Now the third opinion remaineth, propounded in the begnning of this question: that the Olympike computation may be admitted concerning the affairs of the greeks, and the continuance of their Monarchy, as of the Kings of Syria, and Egypt: but they can give no certain direction concerning the kings of Persia, the years of their reign, and continuance of their Empire. To know then the certainty hereof, first, we must have recourse unto the sacred history: foreign historians are so to be followed, as that no contradiction be admitted to the Scriptures: then where the Scripture leaveth us, foreign witnesses are to be received: Now seeing it is collected that the reign of the Grecians from Alexander unto Cleopatra Q. of Egypt, continued about 300. years, and from thence to the death of Christ the Romans ruled 60. years, H. Br. proleg. in Daniel, there can remain but an 130. years for the Monarchy of the Persians, to make up the sum of daniel's 70. weeks, that is, 490. years. So then thus far we are directed by the holy story, as is showed before by the age and life of Nehemias, who saw the beginning and end of the Persian Monarchy, that it could not continue 200. years or above, the rest must be supplied out of the Greek and Latin historians.  
Here then two erroneous opinions are to be touched, the one of Varro, who until the beginning of the Olympiads, holdeth no certainty of time to be gathered: for he distinguisheth the age of the world into these 3. times, before the flood, which he saith is altogether unknown, after the ●●ood unto the Olympike years, which time he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fabulous, and full of tales: the third from the beginning of the Olympiads, which time he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, historical, as certain and true: whereas the contrary is evident: that the history of time from the beginning of the world, until somewhat after the Olympiads, is most certain out of the prophetical writings: but there is no certainty of the times following, because the prophetical writings were ceased.  
The other opinion is of Paulus Burgans. 
In 9 Daniel. addit. 3.  who thus adviseth, de quibus non habetur historia sacrae Scripturae, recurratur ad historia● authentical specialit●r Hebraeorum, whereof there is no history of the sacred Scripture, we must have recourse to the authentical histories, specially of the Hebrews: But Burgens. being a converned jew himself, doth ascribe too much to the historical accounts of his nation: whereas, after their Prophets ceased, there ●re no more uncertain, false, and fabulous Chronicles, than those of the Hebrews are: As appeareth by that one instance of the number of the Persian kings, whom they generally h●ld to have been but four.  
This then remaineth as the best resolution concerning this matter, what Chronologie is to be followed in the computation of daniel's weeks: that it is safest to take direction of the Scriptures, so far as they proceed in the history of the Persians, and then to use the help of the Olympiads, and other foreign histories, for the rest of the years. And yet further to show what small certainty is to be found in the historical accounts of the Gentiles concerning the Persiah Monarchy, it shall not be amiss, before we come to examine the true reckoning of daniel's weeks, briefly to show the great diversity of writers, both of the number, and years of the Persian kings.   

37. Quest. Of the names and number of the Persian kings.  
1. Hierome, whom the Latin historians and interpreters follow, numbereth 14. kings of the Persians, as they are set down in order before, qu. 17. upon the 7. chap. so also Pererius followeth the same account, and Oecolampad. in which number are comprehended Smerdes that succeeded Cambyses, and Artabanus, who killed Xerxes, both being usurpers: and Xerxes the second, who reigned 2. months, and Sogdianus 7. months between Artaxerxes Longimanus, and Darius Nothus. These partly because they were usurpers, partly for their short reign, are not to be counted among the Persian kings, for the history of time.  
2. As the Latins exceed in number, so the Hebrews come as far short, Some of them do make only three kings of Persia, Cyrus, Assuerus, Darius: and whereas mention is made beside, Ez●. 4. 7. of Artaxerxes, and then of an other Artashasht, or Artaxerxes, Ez●. 7. 1. they say that the first Artaxerxes was the same with Assuerus, and the second with Darius: So R. Saad●a, and R. Davison. Some of them number four kings, Cyrus, Assuerus, Artaxerxes, Darius: Ab. Ezra. Some count five, as R. Moses. But all these are evidently convinced of untruth by the history of Ezra, and Nehemia, as may thus appear. First, it is clear that Xerxes was the fourth king of Persia, mentioned Dan. 11. 2. who should be richer than the rest. Then after this Xerxes the fourth king, succeeded Artaxerxes surnamed Longimanus, because he had one hand longer than an other: then followed Darius surnamed Nothus, because he was the base son of Longimanus: after him reigned an other Artaxerxes, who was surnamed Mnemon, of his singular memory: there is mention made yet further of an other Darius, who was the last king of the Persians, Nehem. 12. 22. Thus it is evident that there were more kings of Persia then the Hebrews imagine, as may be gathered out of the Scripture.  
3. Some name but 8. kings of Persia in all: As 1. Cyrus. 2. Artaxerxes Assuerus. 3. Darius with the long hand. 4. Darius' Nothus. 5. Artaxerxes Mnemon. 6. Artaxerxes Ochus. 7. Arses. 8. Darius▪ so Annius Vite●biens. But in this account are omitted two famous kings of the Persians: Darius Hystaspis, and Xerxes his son.  
4. Some make but nine, which they thus number, Cyrus, Cambyses, Darius Hystaspis, Xerxes, Artaxerxes Longima●●us, Darius Nothus, Artaxerxes Mnemon, Ochus, Darius Codomannus: joseph. Scalliger: But here is omitted Arses, the last king but one, who succeeded Ochus.  
5. Some do set down ten kings of the Persians: namely, all these before rehearsed: so Bulling. but the leaveth out Swords the usurper, who succeeded Cambyses, and reigned not one year, but only certain months.  
6. Beroaldus, whom H. Br. followeth, reckoneth 11. kings of Persia, agreeing in the number, but he misseth in the order: for thus he placeth them: Cyrus, Assuerus Artaxerxes, Darius Assyrius, Artaxerxes pins, than Xerxes, the fifth, than the other six in order: But in this account he maketh Xerxes the rich king of Persia the fifth king, who in Daniel is the fourth, c. 11. 2. and he supposeth him to have been the son of Artaxerxes pins, who was indeed the son of Darius.  
7. Iuni●s setteth down the Persian kings in this order. 1. Cyrus. 2. Cambyses his son. 3. Smerdes, who usurped the kingdom a year. 4. Darius Hystaspis. 5. Xerxes. 6. Artaxerxes Longhand. 7. Darius' the bastard. 8. Artaxerxes Mnemon. 9 Darius Ochus. 10. Arses. 11. Darii●s Codomannus, whom Alexander overcame. jun. But if Smerdes be counted for one, than Xerxes should be the fifth, not the fourth king, as Dan. 11. 2. Thus much for the uncertainty of the names and number of the Persian Kings.   

38. Quest. Of the uncertainty of the years of the Persian Monarchy, and of the Persian kings.  
1. Concerning the continuance of the Persian Monarchy▪ the Hebrews generally give unto it not above 50. years: Tertullian an 107. years: Isidor. lib. 5. etymolog. an 180. Annius, Lucidus, Driedo, an 190. Dyonisius Halycar. lib. de Rom. Antiquit. 200. years, and somewhat above: Clemens Alex. lib. 1. stromat. 215. Severus Sulpit. lib. 2. sacr. histor. 250. Lyranus 230. so also M. Lively: Pererius 232. junius in his last edition, 201. but in the first he reckoneth for the whole time of the Persian Monarchy but an 129. years: Beroaldus whom H. Br. followeth, an 130. which seemeth to be the best computation for the reason before alleged, namely, Nehemiahs' age.  
2. Now there is as great diversity in the several reigns of the kings, Cyrus some think to have reigned 30. years, as Cicero lib. 1. de divinatio. Clemens lib. 1. stromat. justine, Eusebius: Sulpitius giveth unto him 31. Herodotus 29. Annius, Driedo, and Lucidus, 22. years, after Darius the Mede: Xenophon yieldeth him but 7. years: Bullinger 16. the Hebrews generally but three, namely in the Persian Monarchy; he might reign before diverse years in the kingdom of Persia: M. Lydyat alloweth to Cyrus' 30. year over Persia, and 7. over the whole Monarchy: Cambyses reigned 8. years as some think, Herodotus, Eusebius, Bullinger: as some but 6. years, josephus lib. 11. antiquit: as some 9 years, Sulpitius: as others 19 years, Clemens Alexandrin, junius giveth unto Cyrus and Cambyses together but 9 years in his annotations, both in his first and last edition: M. Lydyat 17. years: Smerdes who usurped the kingdom, feigning himself to be the brother of Cambyses, reigned but 7. months, as Herodotus, so also Lydyat 10 months as Theodoret: a whole year as josephus, junius. Darius' the son of Hystaspis reigned 19 years, as Tertullian: 30. years as Orosius: 31. M. Lydyat: 46. years as Clemens Alexandrin. 36. years as Herodotus lib. 2. Sulpitius lib. 2. Eusebius: 12. years according to Ab. Ezra. junius in his first edition giveth him twenty years, 36. in his last: Xerxes is supposed to have reigned 20. years, as Oecolampad. Lydyat. 21. as Diodorus, Sulpitius. Orosius: 26. as Clemens Alexandrin. lib. 1. stromat. 22. years, jun. edition. 3. Artaxerxes Longimanus reigned 37. Melancthon ex Metasthene. jun. edition. 1. 40. Pererius agreeing with the most historians, 44. as Bullinger: 46. as M. Lydyat. 40. years, jun. edition. 3● Darius Nothus reigned 8. years, as Clemens Alexand. and H. Br. proleg. in Da●iel. 60. years, as Phylostratus, lib. 1. de vit. Apollon. 19 years according to Eusebius, Beda, Bullinger, M. Lydyat, with others. 18. years, jun. edit. 1. 19 years jun. edit. 3. Artaxerxes Mnemon reigned 40. Perer. Oecolampad. 43. as M. Lively, M. Lydyat, out of Diodorus Siculus. 62. years as Plutarch. 36. as Bullinger. 35. as Melancthon out of Metasth. 10. years, jun. edit. 1. 3. years, edit. 3. Ochus reigned 3. years, as H. Br. in proleg. in Dan. 23. years according to Tertullian, and Diodorus Siculus, and jun. edit. 3. 22. edit. 1. and M. Lydyat. 24. years as Sulpit. 26. years, as Eusebius, Beda, Melancthon, Bulling. Arses, or Arsanes the son of Ochus, reigned 1. year, according to Tertullian. 3. years, as Sulpit. Diodor. so also jun. edit, 1. and 3. and M. Lydyat. 4. years, as Euseb. Beda. Darius' the last, reigned 3. years, as Clemens. 4. years, as Sulpit. 5. years, as jun. edit. 3. 6. years, as Euseb. Beda. 21. years, as Tertullian.  
Now than if we lay the years of these Persian kings together, first the smallest numbers of their reign, & then the greatest, it will appear what great odds there is in the account. According to some According to others Cyrus reigned years 3 Cyrus reigned years 30 Cambyses 6 Cambyses 8 Darius Hystaspis 30 Darius Hystaspis 46 Xerxes 20 Xerxes 26 Artaxerxes Longhand 37 Artaxerxes Longhand 46 Darius Nothus 8 Darius Nothus 60 Artaxerxes Mnemon 36 Artaxerxes Mnemon 62 Ochus 3 Ochus 26 Arses 1 Arses 4 Darius Codoman 3 Darius Codoman 21 the sum is 147. years. the sum is 329. years. So then the difference between these two accounts is of an 182. years. By this it is evident, that there is small certainty to be had from foreign stories concerning the Persian Monarchy, either for the names, number, or years of their kings: whereupon Burgensis thus concludeth, Historiae illorum temporum, praecip●e regum Persarum, & Medorum, sunt plenae diversitatibus & contradictionibus, etc. The histories of those times, specially of the Medes and Persians, are full of diversities and contradictions, in so much that they only do not vary in the continuance of some kings; but some histories also name some kings, that other histories make no mention of. To this purpose Paul. Burgens. addit. 3. in 9 Daniel. Now will we proceed to examine the several opinions, before set down, qu. 34.   

39 Quest. That daniel's weeks do signify a certain definite number of years.  
This may be proved by sundry reasons, against their opinion, who do think, that in this number of daniel's weeks, there is not signified a precise term of years, but generally all that time, which should follow unto the coming of the Messiah. But that a certain and definite number of years is signified and intended by these 70. weeks, it may thus be showed.  
1. That number of years whose beginning and end is expressed, must needs be a definite and certain number, being so bounded and limited: but the beginning and end of this term is described: they take beginning at the going forth of the word, and they end at the Messiah.  
2. The manner of phrase declareth as much, 70. weeks are cut out, or determined: the Lord had as it were cut out, severed, and appointed this time for the coming of the Messiah, to perform these things here prophesied.  
3. That number is definite and certain, which is divided into parts: but so is this whole number of 70. weeks: it is divided into three parts, into 7. weeks, 62. weeks, and one week.  
4. This number of 70. weeks answereth unto the term of 70. years, being that number multiplied 7. times: therefore as the one is certain, so is the other.  
5. Further that time, which we are bid to observe and mark, and to attend such things as fall out therein, must be a certain and definite time; for how else should it be observed and marked: but such was this time here designed by Daniel, and the events which followed it, as our Saviour saith, Mar. 24. 15. When ye shall see the abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel the Prophet, standing in the holy place, let him which readeth, consider it: But how could the event of this prophesy be observed and considered, if some certain direction were not given by the time to find it out?   

40. Quest. That Origens' account can not stand, beginning the 70. weeks at Adam, and ending them in the destruction of jerusalem.  
1. Origen to make this account good, taketh every week for 70. years, to every day of the prophetical week allowing ten years: but no where in the Scripture is a week so taken, but either for a week of days, or for a week of years. 2. This whole sum according to his account, taking every week for 70. years, will amount to 4900. years: but the whole time from the first to the second Adam, is not much above 4000 years, not yet so much in some account: so that this time, according to Origens' supputation, will exceed the time of the Messiah almost 900. years. 3. It is evident that these 70. weeks must begin at such time, as the word went forth to build again jerusalem and the Temple; they must not then take beginning so long before. 4. Neither are they to be extended unto the destriction of jerusalem, as shall be showed, when we come to examine the several opinions, for the end of these 70. weeks.   

41. Quest. That the 70. weeks must not begin before the people's return out of captivity.  
1. Hippolytus, as Hierome setteth down his opinion in his Commentary upon this place, beginneth the 70. weeks fifty years before the dissolving of the captivity, and endeth them in Christ's nativity: but this opinion can not stand: for 1. the Angel showeth, that these weeks must then begin, when the people returned out of captivity. 2. from thence unto the Messiah are 490. years: but if we should begin fifty years before, the number will arise to 540. years. By the same reason may be confuted the opinion of Lyranus, Burgens. Galatinus, who begin the 70. weeks at the 4. of Zedekiah, because than they say the promise was made from the Lord by jeremy for the return of the people: as is showed before, quest. 34. for 1. by this reckoning there will be 70. years within four, all the time of the captivity, added to daniel's prophetical weeks. 2. if they will fetch the beginning from that word and promise, why may they not as well begin an eleven years before, when jeremy in the 4. year of jehoiakim showed them of the captivity of 70. years, jerem. 25. 1. 11? or yet they may begin further off from that promise made concerning Cyrus, Isa. 45. that he should cause jerusalem to be builded again: from which time to the end of daniel's weeks are above 700. years.  
Likewise R. Salamons' opinion is confuted by the same reasons: who beginneth the 70. weeks from the first destruction of the Temple in the 19 year of Nebuchadnezzer, and endeth them at the destruction of the city: for 1. so there will be found above 50. years more than the 70. weeks from the destruction of the Temple unto the going forth of the commandment, to build again jerusalem. 2. seeing the Angel pitcheth the beginning at the going forth of the word to bring again the people, and to build again jerusalem, it is absurd to set the beginning, when the people were carried into captivity, and the city and Temple destroyed.   

42. Quest. That the 70. weeks do not begin in the reigns of the other kings of Persia after Cyrus.  
1. From the second, or 20. year of Darius Hystaspis the 70. weeks cannot begin. 1. for we do not read of any decree made by that Darius for the re-edifying of the Temple and city: it is Darius Longimanus in whose 2. year the work of the house of God went forward, who is mentioned Ezr. 4. 24. As it may be thus gathered: there are named in that chapter, v. 6, 7. two kings of the Persians after Cyrus, Assuerus and Artashasht: then after them followed Darius: But Darius the son of Hystaspis, was the third king of Persia. 2. In Darius' decree, mentioned Ezr. 6. there is no speech of building the city, but of the Temple only: here the Angel speaketh of the going forth of the word to build jerusalem. Perer.  
2. Neither can the computation begin from Xerxes the 4. king of Persia, by whom josephus thinketh first Ezra to have been sent, and afterward Nehemiah, who is called Artaxerxes, Ezra. 7. and Nehem. 2. for Xerxes is held by the most to have reigned but 20. years, only Clemens affoardeth him 26. years: but mention is made of the 32. year of this Artaxerxes, Nehem. 5. 14.  
3. Neither can their computation stand, which begin at the 7. year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, when Ezra was sent with the king's letters to jerusalem: for, Sulpitius well observeth, Ezram nihil super reficienda urbe fecisse comperio, etc. I do not find, that Ezra did any thing in repairing of the city, his greatest care seemeth to have been to reform the corrupt manners of the people, etc. And whereas the king doth furnish him with silver and gold, that was rather employed for the sacrifices, and service of the Temple, then for the building thereof. Bullinger setteth down diverse reasons to confirm his opinion, as 1. he proveth that Ezra was sent to jerusalem by Artaxerxes. 2. that Nehemiah living unto Alexander's time, as appeareth by the names of jaddua and Samballat, who lived in Alexander's reign, was sent by this Artaxerxes, not by Darius Hystaspis, for than he should exceed an 194. years. 3. the commission given unto Ezra, c. 7. 23. thou Ezra, etc. set judges and arbiters which may judge the people, etc. agreeth with the Angel's speech here: the going out of the word, etc. 4. the time agreeth, from the 7. of Artaxeres to the death of Christ, are found just 490. years.  
Contra. 1. The first is granted, being evident out of the Scripture, but that is nothing to the purpose. 2. It is also confessed that this was Artaxerxes Longimanus, not Darius Hystaspis: that reason than is impertinent. 3. Ezra his commission showeth, that he was to reform the manners of the people, and to set them in order, not to build the city or Temple, and therefore it was not the going forth of the word, here spoken of, which was to build jerusalem. 4. It can not be showed, that this agreeth with the just computation of the 490. years: for therein lieth the question.  
4. Pererius with others, as namely M. Lydyat. lib. de emendat. temp. ann. mund. 3553. would have the 70. weeks begin from the 20. year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, by whom Nehemiah was sent to repair the city, Nehem. 2. 8. which agreeth to the going forth of the word (here spoken of) to build jerusalem: And for the which enterprise Nehemiah is commended, Ecclus. 49.  
Contra. 1. Nehemiah did not first build the city, and lay the foundations of the walls, which was done long before in the reign of an other Artaxerxes, Ezr. 4. 12. which is held to be Cambyses: he only viewed and repaired the breaches of the city, Nehem. 2. 15. there is mention made both of gates and walls before his coming. 2. The Temple was builded and finished before the 20. year of Longimaniu, namely in the sixth year of his raig●●: but it is not like that the building of the Temple, being the most special thing which the people of God longed after, should be excluded out of the compass of the 70. weeks.  
5. Their opinion also may be refelled, who count the beginning of these 70. weeks from the 2. year of Darius Nothus, when by the commandment of the king the building of the house went forward, and was finished in the sixth year, Ezr. 6. 15. from thence to the destruction of jerusalem, are found just 490. years: the particulars whereof Polanus thus gathereth: from the 2. of Darius Nothus to the death of Alexander, are years 99 from thence to the destruction of jerusalem, 391. which make 490. years.  
Contra. 1. In the place given in instance, Ezr. 6. 14. it is said, they builded and finished the house, by the appointment of God, and by the commandment of Cyrus, and Darius, and Artashasht king of Persia: seeing then, that all these gave commandment for the building of the Temple, from which of them rather must the account begin, then from the first? for they only finished the work of the Temple now: it could not be begun and made an end of in four years. 2. Neither is his computation of years certain and agreed upon: for some begin to account from the 3. year of Darius Nothus, M. Lively, p. 216. junius reckoneth but 98. years from the 2. of Nothus to the death of Alexander: further in this reckoning, counting 70. years from the birth of Christ, to the destruction of the city, 33. and an half to his passion, and 36. with an half afterward, he leaveth in the sum of 391. from Alexander's death 321. years for the kingdom of the greeks and Macchabees, unto the 30. year of Herod: but others allow not so much: Melancthon not much above 300. years, counting them thus: from Alexander's death to the beginning of the Macchabees 146. years, from thence to Herod 127. years, then in the 30. year of Herod was Christ borne: Oecolampadius thus maketh up the reckoning, an 160. years from Alexander's death to the Macchabees, thence to Herod an 127. and 30. years of Herod to Christ: the whole sum is 317. Others reckon 300. years from the beginning of Alexander's reign unto the reign of the Roman Empire after Cleopatra her 22. years, and from thence to the death of Christ 60. years: so Africanus, as Lyranus citeth him, and H. Br. in his proleg. in Dan. Therefore the computation of Polanus is not so certain to be builded upon.  
6. Concerning the last opinion of Apollinaris, who beginneth to count the 70. weeks at the birth of Christ, it need no long refutation: for then there went forth no word for the building of the city: and there must be 7. weeks and 62. weeks before the Messiah; so that he beginneth daniel's weeks, where they almost end.   

43. Quest. That daniel's 70. weeks must take beginning from the proclamation made by Cyrus for the return of the people.  
There remain then only to be examined the opinions of the third sort of those, which begin the account of the 70. weeks from Darius and Cyrus, who reigned together. Tertullian beginneth them from Darius, and endeth them in the overthrow of jerusalem. Origen taketh the same beginning, but goeth no further than the nativity of Christ's so also Melancthon in his first account. The Hebrews, making the same beginning, do extend the time to the last subversion of jerusalem by Adrian the Emperor. Clemens alexander. beginneth from Cyrus, and endeth in the subversion of jerusalem, lib. 1. stromat. Origen doth end them too soon, and the rest extend them too far: but touching the end of these weeks more shall be said in the next question: but that all these do take the beginning right of these weeks, from the edict of Cyrus, who reigned together with Darius the Mede, it may thus evidently be proved.  
1. First, when the seventy years of captivity were expired, the 70. weeks of liberty immediately began, as M. Calvin showeth upon the 24. verse, Certum est quinquaginta annos & quinquaginta hebdomadas simul coniungi, the 70. years and 70. weeks are joined together. And this proposition is confirmed, jer. 29. 10. Thus saith the Lord, After seventy years be accomplished at Babel, I will visit you, and perform my good promise toward you, and cause you to return to this place: But the 70. years were expired in the first year of Cyrus, 2. Chron. 36. 22. therefore then the 70. weeks began.  
2. The 70. weeks began from the going forth of the word to cause the people to return, v. 25. but in the first year of Cyrus the Edict came forth for the return of the people, Ezr. 1. 1. then was the general deliverance of the people from captivity. Ergo.  
3. Paulus Burgensis urgeth this reason, that if the beginning of these weeks were suspended an hundred years to the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus, or after, than it would follow, that Daniel was ignorant when these weeks should begin, and so consequently did not know the time of the coming of the Messiah: but it is not like, that so great a Prophet, having revealed unto him the time of the coming of the Messiah, should be ignorant of it.  
Pererius to this maketh a double answer. 1. that though Daniel have a vision in general of the Messiahs coming, yet he might be ignorant of the very time: as it was revealed to Daniel, that one should rise up to afflict the people of God most grievously 2300. days, chap. 8. yet he knew not the particular time. 2. It is like that it was revealed to Daniel, when these 70. weeks should begin, though it is not expressed in Scripture.  
Contra. 1. There is not the like reason to know the particular time of Christ's coming, and of Antichrist: there was more necessity for the comfort of God's people of the one, then of the other: neither was the time foretold of Antiochus coming, as here of Christ's, but only how long his tyranny should continue, when he was come. 2. Such unwritten directions not expressed in Scripture, it is dangerous to imagine: it is true that Daniel knew the beginning of these weeks, and had thereto direction, and that here expressed in Scripture: other direction he had none, and not having other direction then here, he should have continued ignorant of his own prophesy, if he had not seen the accomplishment of it himself.  
4. another argument may be taken from the continuance of the Persian Monarchy: the most agree, 
That above an 130. veares can not be allowed to the Persian Monarchy.  that the kingdom of the Macedonians continued 300. years from the beginning of Alexander's reign, and that thence to the passion of Christ the Romans governed 60. years, so African. Lyr. junius counteth but 362. years in all: there remaineth then to make up the sum of 490. an 130. years for the Persian Monarchy, and not above: the reason is this, because Nehemiah saw both the beginning and the end of the Persian Monarchy: that he saw the end, josephus Scalliger thus proveth. 1. because Nehemiah in his story maketh mention of the last Darius, whom Alexander overcame, c. 12. 22. And that it was the last Darius is evident, because jaddua the high Priest is there mentioned, who met Alexander. 2. Nehemiah was hindered in repairing the walls of the city by one Samballat, c. 4. this Samballat afterward aided Alexander, at the siege of Gaza with a band of soldiers, and died before Alexander had taken Gaza: so that Nehemiah and Samballat were both of the same time. 3. Nehemiah maketh mention, c. 13. 28. of one of the sons of joiada the high Priest, who was the son in law of Samballat the Horonite, whom Nehemiah chased away: this, as josephus showeth, lib. 11. was Manasses the brother of jaddua the high Priest, who married Nicaso the daughter of Samballat. 4. Nehemiah also maketh mention of the last Darius called Codomannus, Nehem. 12. Now that Nehemiah also saw the beginning, is evident, Ezr. 2. 2. where Nehemiah is named among those, which returned out of captivity, according to the edict of Cyrus.  
Two answers are here made. 1. that it might be an other Nehemiah beside him, who was sent to repair jerusalem in the 20. year of king Artaxerxes. 2. the history may be transposed: for Nehemiah went not up then, but 64. years after, Genevens. annotat. Ezra, 2. 2. 3. And it is further answered, that the Samballat mentioned by Nehemiah, c. 12. might be an other of that name: or josephus might mistake the time wherein Samballat lived: and whereas Nehemiah speaketh of jaddua, he only showeth that at that time, when he writ that book, jaddua was borne heir to the Priesthood: to this purpose M. Lydyat in his book de emendat. tempor. ann. 3485. set forth this year, 609.  
Contra. 1. To imagine two Nehemiahs' (as they likewise say that Mordecai there named was an other beside Mordecai in the days of Esther) unless some Scripture might be showed for it, is all one, as if they should make two of Moses, David's, Salomon's, or Zorobabels' name. 2. whereas the words stand thus, these are they, etc. which came with Zerubbabel, jeshuaeh, Nehemiah, Ezr. 2. 2. what a disorder were this in the story, these being named together, to put off Nehemiahs' coming so many years after. And beside, this doubt is removed, Nehem. 7. 5. where Nehemiah saith, I found a book of the genealogy of them which came up at the first, and found it written there, etc. they which came up with Zerubbabel, jeshuah, Nehemiah: all these were captains and chief men, with whom the people returned at the first: Nehemiah then was one of the captains, that went up first out of the captivity. 3. To the other answers it may be also thus replied: that Samballat mentioned by Nehemiah, is the same that assisted Alexander: for he is said to have had one of joiada his sons (which was Manasses the brother of jaddua) to his son in law, Nehem. 13. 28. And josephus is not deceived in casting Samballat into this time, for Nehemiah doth the same: neither was jaddua at this time only borne, for he is counted among the high Priests: and if Manasses his younger brother at this time were married, than jaddua could not be so young, as only to be then borne.  
Thus than Nehemiah being found to have lived from the beginning of the Persian Monarchy to the end, may be supposed to have been about an 150. years of age, or somewhat more: he may be thought to have been 20. or 25. at the return out of captivity, and lived after an 130. the whole time of the Persian Monarchy, which Nehemiahs' age will not suffer to be extended much further.  
And it need not seem strange, that Nehemiah might be an 150. year old: for many years after this, in the time of Claudius Cesar, one T. Fullonius of Bononia, was found to be an 150. year old: and many other are recorded by Pliny in his 7. book, c. 48, 49, 50. which in divers countries lived between an 100 and 150. years.  
5. This also is an other manifest proof, that the Persian Monarchy could not exceed much an 130. years, because in the 6. year of Darius, when the house of God was finished, there were some then alive which had seen the former house: as the Prophet hag saith, Who is he among you, that saw this house in her first glory, and how do you see it now? is it not in your eyes, in comparison of it, as nothing? If now there were an 106. years run since Cyrus first, as junius in his annotations upon that place in the last edition observeth, they must have been above an 180. years old, 
lib. 6. de e●●end.  which then living had seen the first Temple. josephus Scalliger taketh these words spoken by way of wishing in this sense; O that any were alive which had seen the former Temple, he would take this as nothing to that: But the Prophet speaketh unto them in the second person, is it not in your eyes? that is, yours which did know the other Temple: and so Lyranus well expoundeth. Therefore from Cyrus unto this second of Darius, might be some 40. years and odd: and so some at the age of an 130. or thereabout, might have known the first Temple standing: and after this there might remain some 80. years of the Persian Monarchy.  
6. And this further may be an other evident argument, that the Persian Monarchy continued not above an 130. years or thereabout: because Nehem. 12. 26. there are nine several men expressed by name, which lived in the days of joiakim son of jeshuah, who was high Priest in the● return from Babylon, and continued unto the end of Nehemiah: now joiakim succeeded his father jeshuah in the Priesthood, in the 45. year after their return, as Bullinger noteth in his tables: 2. tabul. 2. These were the chief of the Levites all this while: they could not be under 25. years old in joiakims' time, for before the Levites ministered not: now if the Persian Monarchy continued 200. years, or above, they must be supposed to be very near 200. years old.  
Thus it hath been sufficiently proved I trust, that it is most agreeable to Scripture, to begin Daniel 〈…〉 from the edict of Cyrus: wherein we have the consent of Tertullian, Origen, Clem. Alexand. among the ancient writers; and of Melancth. Calv. Beroald. Pint. H. T●●. of the new ●●the difference only between them is, in that some begin from Darius, some from Cyrus' Pi●●us from the time of the revealing of this vision, which he understandeth to be the going forth of the word: But the odds is not great, only in a year or two in the most, in their opinion, which make the reign of Darius the Mede, and Cyrus divers. But if it 〈…〉 that they reigned jointly together, as is proved before, 2. qu. upon this chapter 〈◊〉 there is no 〈◊〉.  
But against this computation of the 70. weeks from the first of Cyrus, it will be objected thus. 1. that edict, because it was void and took no place (for the work was hindered all the days of Cyrus Ezr: 4. 3. notwithstanding his former edict) is not to be accounted for the beginning of these weeks. 2. Cyrus' edict was only to build the Lord an house, Ezr. 1. 2. but this word, the going out whereof the Angel speaketh of, was to build jerusalem: thus objecteth Pererius against the opinion of Clemens alexander, so also M. Lydyat reasoneth in ann. 3553. 3. Lyranus allegeth this reason against it out of Africanus, that if the account begin from Cyrus, there will be found an 100 years more than the 70. weeks to the passion of Christ: which he counteth thus: The Persian Monarchy continued 230. years, the kingdom of the Macodonians or Grecians 300. thence to the death of Christ, the Romans ruled 60. years: all make 590. years.  
Contra. 1. Though Cyrus' decree did not at the first take place altogether, yet because they by virtue of that decree laid the foundation of the Temple in the 2. year, Ezr. 2. 10. though the work were interrupted, from thence the reckoning must begin: and the rather, for that this decree of Cyrus was the ground of Darius' edict renewed afterward, Ezr. 6. yea the Angel foreshoweth here as much, in dividing 7. weeks from the rest, that the building of the city and Temple should be interrupted 49. years, and should be finished in a troublesome time, v. 25.  
2. Though Cyrus' edict specially intended the building of the Lords house, yet they had liberty given them there withal to re-edify the walls and city, as is evident, Ezr. 4. 12. for otherwise the prophesy of Isai concerning Cyrus, had not been fulfilled, c. 54. 28. He saith to Cyrus, thou art my shepherd, and he shall perform all my desire, saying also to jerusalem, thou shalt be built, and to the Temple, thy foundations shall be surely laid.  
3. That the Persian Monarchy continued not 230. years, is proved before: so that this objection is soon answered. And if Lyranus thinketh that from Cyrus to Christ's passion 590. years expired, how then can he make his own account afterward good, counting from the 4. of Zedekiah, 52. years before Cyrus, as he casteth it, to the passion of Christ, but 490. years in all?  
Thus the beginning of daniel's 70. weeks being known, it remaineth that we come to examine the divers opinions for the end, and determining of them: as they are before propounded, qu. 34. But first, because we will at once make an end of the questions & doubts of the Persian Monarchy, three other matters shall here be briefly touched. 1. under which of the Persian kings Mordecai lived. 2. what king it was by whom the Edict was renewed to build the Temple. 3. which Artaxerxes it was, by whom in the 20. of his year Nehemiah was sent.   

44. Quest. Under which of the Persian kings Mordecai lived and of his age.  
1. Some take the great king Assuerus, who married Esther, to be Cambyses the son of Cyrus: as Paul. Burgens. calleth this Assuerus, & filium Cyri, & maritum Esther, both the son of Cyrus, and the husband of Ester, addit. 3. in 9 c. Dan. But this cannot be: for Cambyses is held by most Chronologer●, to have reigned but 7. years, the Hebrews give unto him but 6. years: but this Assuerus married not Esther till the 7. year of his reign toward the end thereof in the 10. month, Estb. 2. 17. and c. 3. 12. mention is made of his 12. year.  
2. Some take this Assuerus the husband of Esther, to be Darius' Hystaspic the 3. king of Persia: so jun. in his annotat. Esth. 1. 1. in the first edition; and Esther called Adassa, he thinketh to be A●ossa Darius' wife, mentioned by Herodot. lib. 3. Of the same opinion seemeth Lyranus to be, that the next king unto Cambyses, was this Assuerus: But Darius Hystaspicis succeeded C●●byses: so also Genevens.  
3. joseph. lib. 11. thinketh that this Assuerus was Artaxerxes Longimanus, surnamed the long-hand, the 5. king of Persia: But Eusebius in his Chronicle ●●felleth him by this argument, that, seeing Ezra lived in the days of this Artaxerxes, it is like he would have made some honourable mention of Esther and Mordecai. Herein though Eusebius do truly contradict josephus, yet his reason is not so forcible: for seeing there is a special history written of Esther and Mordecai their acts, which book is like to have been made by Ezra, or some other of the Prophets then living, it was not needful in the other books of Ezra and Nehemiah, to make mention of them; seeing in those books they meddle not with the Persian affairs, but with such things as happened about the building of the city and Temple at jerusalem. But this reason rather may be urged, that Artaxerxes 〈◊〉, who is that Darius called also Artashasht, who gave licence to build the Temple, which was finished in his 6. year, and in his 7. sent Ezra, and in his 20. Nehemiah, with new commissions to repair the city: it is not like, that he would be so moved and incensed against the jews, to root them out, as Assuerus was.  
4. A fourth opinion there is, that this Assuerus was Artaxerxes Mnemon, which succeeded Darius Nothus, the 7. king of Persia: which is the opinion of Exsebius, Isidore, Beda, Sulpitius, to whom subscribeth Pererius: But these two objections may be made against this opinion. 1. that if Esther had been the Queen in Nehemiahs' time, it is like he would have used her mediation to the king, or Mordecai's, and not have pressed himself upon the king. 2. whereas Mordecai is said to have been one of those which was carried away in the captivity of jechoniah, Esth. 2. 6. from which captivity unto the reign of Artaxerxes Muemon are accounted by the most Chronologers 250. years, as Pererius confesseth, than could it not be that Artaxerxes under whom Esther and Mordecai lived. Hereunto Pererius answereth, that whereas the words stand thus, Mordecai, which was the son of jair, the son of Shemei the son of Kish, a man of jemini, which had been carried away, etc. with the captivity of jechoniah. etc. he would have the relative (which) referred to the nearest antecedent, jemini, whom he supposeth to have been then carried into captivity: But herein Pererius is greatly overseen, for jemini is here taken for the tribe Benjamin: as Kish the father of Saul is said to be of jemini, 1. Sam. 9 1. and Shemei is called the son of jemini, 2. Sam. 16. 11. Then this jemini could not possibly go into captivity with jechoniah. Therefore other answer better, that it is referred to Kish, that he went into captivity: so Burgens. and junius in his last edition: joseph. Scal. l. 6. de emendat. tempor.  
But hereunto Thoring maketh a double answer. 1. They must show us an other Kish out of Scripture, beside the father of Saul, which if they can not do, eadem facilitate contemnitur, qua probatur, it may as easily be rejected, as it is proved: yet this may be admitted, that this was an other Kish beside that ancient Kish the father of Saul, as this Shemei was divers from him that railed upon David. 2. He hath then a better answer; that if they will count so many generations, namely these four, of Mordecai, jair, Shemei, Kish, from the captivity of Iechonia●, they will make Mordecai, either scarce yet borne, or a very young man, who was now ancient, and nourished Esther as his daughter, he was as a father unto her: for in true account there were not above an 150. years run since the captivity of jechoniah to the reign of this Artaxerxes: and if four generations of men were then worn out, Mordecai must be held a very young man, or not so grave a parsonage, as the story maketh him.  
5. another opinion is, that Mordecai lived under Xerxes the fourth king of Persia, who is also called Assuerus, which is the opinion of josephus Scalliger, lib. 6. de emendat, tempor. likewise Thom. Lydiat. lib. de emendat. tempor. in ann. 3514. and of junius edition 3. the reasons thereof are these. 1. The name Achashverosh, which Scalliger pronounceth Oxyares, cometh near the name Xerxes, which is after the Greek pronunciation, the other is the Hebrew name. 2. the name of Queen Esther hath great affinity with Amestris, as Herodotus, or Amystris, as Ctesias, the wife of Xerxes. 3. Assuerus is set forth by the largeness of his kingdom, and the greatness of his riches, Esth. 1. and Xerxes was the rich king of Persia, the fourth from Cyrus inclusively, that is, including Cyrus, Dan. 11. 2. 4. Assuerus was the next king before the first Artaxerxes whom Darius Nothus succeeded, Ezr. c. 4. v. 7. and 24. But Xerxes was the next predecessor to Artashasht, or Artaxerxes, who was called Longimanus, who was Xerxes' son.  
But against this last assertion, that this Assuerus was Xerxes, it will be thus objected. 1. that Xerxes is held of the most, not to have reigned above 20. or 22. years at the most, and he was married to Esther but in the 7. year, and in the 8. might Darius' his son be borne, who was not above 13. years old when his father died: yet in the second year of his reign he had children, Ezr. 6. 10. where the jews are bid to pray for the king's life and his sons.  
Burgensis here answereth, that it is spoken by way of supposition, si filios habuisset, if he had had sons: But Thoring in his reply to Burgensis additions, doth here find fault with him: for it was never heard of, that prayer should be made, pro non existentibus in rerum natura, for them which had yet no being or existence in nature.  
But they which hold Xerxes to be this Assuerus, will answer, that Darius mentioned, Ezr. 6. 10. was Darious Nothus, not this Artaxerxes Longimanus: now this is after proved to be otherwise, because to the building of the Temple from the going forth of the word, are but 7. weeks, that is, 49. years: but there were in their own reckoning an 100 years from Cyrus to Darius Nothus: see hereof further, qu. 58. following.  
6. Bullinger thinketh this Assuerus to be Cyaxares the father of Darius the Mede, who with Cyrus surprised Babylon, Dan. 9 1. But this cannot be: 1. in esther's time the Monarchy of the Persians and Medes was joined together, Esth. 1. 3. 2. Assuerus chief sear was at Susis. ibid. but Ecbatane was the chief city of Media. 3. while the Monarchy of Babel stood, the jews were held in captivity under the Babylonians, not under the Medes.  
7. Wherefore it is most probable that this Assuerus was Darius Hystaspis, which is the second opinion before rehearsed, for it is showed before that he was neither Cambyses, nor Longimanus, Mnemon, or Xerxes: who is he then more like to be then this Darius? the arguments brought for Xerxes may be answered by applying them to Darius. 1. the name Assuerus might be a common name to them both: and it seemeth that by Assuerus is meant Darius the next to Cambyses, who is that Artashasht named Ezr. 4. 6. 2. Darius was also of great riches and power. 3. his Queen's name Atossa cometh nearer Hadassa the other name of Esther, than Amestris to Esther. 4. that Artashasht mentioned Ezr. 4. 7. was not Longimanus Xerxes' son, but Cambyses rather.  
It being thus showed that Mordecai lived in Darius' time, 
〈…〉  the third king of Persia, neither could his age be so great, as Lyranus at the first seemed to think, that is, 259. or as Annius Viterbiens. 198. nor yet so small, as Lyranus in his second computation counteth, giving unto Mordecai but 93. years. But his age might be an 110. or thereabout: whereof 70. years were spent in the captivity, and about 30. year from Cyrus first: H. Br. in prolegom. and he might be 10. year old when he went into captivity.   

45. Quest. Which of the Persian kings it was that renewed the decree for the re-edifying of the Temple.  
1. The most received opinion is, that it was Darius the son of Hystaspis the third king of Persia, who renewed the edict for the building of the Temple, in whose sixth year it was finished, Ezr. 6. 15. of this opinion is josephus, with whom Pererius consenteth: so also M. Calvin, and M. Lydyat de emendat. tempor. ann. 3485. their special reason is taken from that place, joh. 2. where the jews affirm that the Temple was 46. years building: which time Pererius reckoneth thus, Cyrus reigned 30. years, Cambyses. 8. and in the sixth year of Darius the Sanctuary was finished, but 3. years after in the ninth, the outward Court, and all was made an end of, as josephus writeth, lib. 11. antiq. so from the 2. of Cyrus, when they began to lay the foundation, unto the sixth of Darius, are 46. years.  
Contra. 1. But seeing Ezra saith, that the house was finished in the sixth year, josephus conceit is not to be admitted, who in this matter is contrary to himself, lib. 1. cont. Appion. where he saith, that the Temple was re-edified in the second year of his reign: Then must Pererius hold him to the sixth year: as Theodoret also and jansenius do there end the 46. years, which the jews speak of: whom Pererius for that misliketh: but unto this 6. year by his own computation are but 43. years.  
2. M. Calvin will have these 46. years, and the 7. weeks, which here are severed from the rest, v. 25. to agree together, and to make the number even 49. years, he alloweth three years for the first laying of the foundation: and herein he is so confident, that he thus writeth, quisquis hic tergiversari velit, no●ne prodet suam impudentiam, he that will here wind away, the matter being so evident, shall but bewray his impudency. But if from Cyrus 2. to the 6. of Darius Hystaspis are in the largest reckoning but 43. or 44. years, where will those three other years be found out over and above, to make up the 49. year? Touching the agreement between daniel's 7. weeks and these 46. years, more shall be said, qu. 59 following. But M. Lydyat though he agree with them, that the Temple was re-edified in the 2. of Darius Hystaspis, yet he dissenteth in the casting of the time: for he counteth but 12. years from Cyrus to the 2. of Darius, all which time, the work of the Temple was intermitted: but this hath no agreement at all with daniel's 70. weeks severed from the rest, because of the intermission of the work of the Temple.  
2. junius in his first edition, annot. in Ezr. 4. 24. was of opinion, that this Darius that sent Ezra, was Artaxerxes Longimanus son of Darius Hystaspis by ●●sther: so also Melancthon. And this is most like: for if the building of the Temple be driven further off then unto this king's days, daniel's 7. weeks set apart for the building of the Temple, will no ways agree: see more, qu. 59 following.  
3. junius in his last edition thinketh otherwise, that it was Darius Nothus in whose sixth year the house of God was finished, which josephus Scalliger would prove by this argument; because this Darius hath an Artaxerxes next before him, Ezr. 4. 7. and an other next after him, Ezr. 7. 1. and so hath no other, Darius among the kings of Persia: But the first Artashasht was Gambyses, who was not the next before Longimanus, and the other Artashassht is the same with Darius, called also Artaxerxas Longimanus, as is further showed, qu. 59 following.   

46. Quest. What Artaxerxes it was, in whose senenth year Ezra was sent, and in his 20. Nehemiah.  
1. josrphus thinketh, lib. 11. Antiquit▪ that this was Xerxes, by whom Ezra first, and afterward Nehemiah was sent: but this can not be: for Xerxes is not held to have reigned above 20. or 32. years: now mention is made of the 32. year of this Artaxerxes, Ezr. 5. 14. Beside josephus manifestly erreth in two other points: 1. he saith that Nehemiah was sent in the 25. year of this Artaxerxes, whereas it is evident, that it was the 20. year, Nehem. 2. 1. 2. he saith the walls were finished in two years and 3. months, whereas they were repaired in the space of 52. days, Ezr. 6. 15.  
2. Pererius, therein consenting with some ancient writers, holdeth this to be Artaxerxes Longimanus, the son of Xerxes; wherein he thinketh right, saving that this can not agree with his former opinion, that it was Darius Hystaspis, in whose sixth year the Temple was built: which Darius in truth was Artaxerxes Longimanus, as is further declared, qu. 58. following. M. Lydyat also thinketh well, that this was Artaxerxes Longimanus, by whom Ezra and Nehemiah were sent, in ann. 3553. but from hence he doth not well begin daniel's 70. weeks, as is showed before▪ qu. 42.  
3. Some think that this was Artaxerxes Muemon, which gave liberty unto Ezra and Nehemiah to return to jerusalem, and repair the city; because no other Artaxerxes but he of the kings of Persia immediately succee d●da Darius: joseph. Scall●g. jun. The Art●shasht mentioned, Ezr. 7. 1. who sent Ezra, and afterward Nehemiah, succeeded not Darius, but was that Darius in whose 6. year the Temple was built See qu. 58. following.   

47. Quest. That daniel's 70. weeks were determined neither before Christ's passion● nor at the destruction of the city.  
1. Euseb. lib. 8. de demonstr. Euangel. in his first account beginneth the 70. weeks in the first of Cyrus, and endeth 69. of them about Hyrcanus' time, when Pompey the great took jerusalem, and defiled the Temple.  
2. In an other account he beginneth the 69. weeks in the 6. of Darius, when the Temple was re-edified, and maketh them to end at Herod: the last week he beginneth at Christ's haptisme, 60. years after, and endeth it 3. years and an half after his passion. Both these accounts of Eusebius O●cal●mpadius indifferently followeth.  
But neither of these reckoning can stand. 1. because Daniel saith, that after 7. weeks, and 62. weeks the Messiah shall be slain, that is, in the 70. week next after: but in the first account the Messiah was slain above 90. years, in the second above 60. after the expiring of the 69. weeks. 2. the 70. and last week must immediately follow the other, because they are made one whole number of 70. weeks, vers. 24. though afterward they be divided.  
3. Some end these 70. weeks at the nativity of Christ: as Origen, beginning them in Darius, reign: others begin at the instautation of the Temple under Darius, and end the 69. weeks at the birth of Christ, counting until than 483. years: Tertullian. But both these opinions are contrary to the text, which end these 69. weeks at the passion and death of Christ, not at his birth, after 62. weeks the Messiah shall be slain: beside, as the first account cometh short above 30. years of the 490. so the other overreacheth above 60. years, as shall be showed in the particular account.  
4. Some end these weeks at the baptism of Christ, Melancth. but the text will not hear it▪ for before these weeks are expired; or together with the expiration of them shall the Messiah be slain.  
5. As these end daniel's weeks somewhat too soon: so some extend them somewhat too far, as to the destruction of jerusalem by Titus and Vespasian: wherein not withstanding they do much differ. Tertullian, beginneth the account at Darius the Mede, and endeth at the subversion of jerusalem: so also Clem. Alex. beginning at Cyrus: Chrysostome there ending beginneth at the 20. year of Darius Longimanus: Some begin form the 2. year of Darius Nothus, and end at the destruction of the city by the Romans, jun. Bulling. Polan. M. Lively. But the first beginning right, overshoot the 70. weeks almost 40. years, from the passion of Christ to the taking of the city by the Romans: The other neither begin right, 
Whether Daniel, weeks must end the, destruction of Ie●●●●lem  seeing it is proved before, that the beginning of the weeks must be from the first going forth of the word under Cyrus, qu. 43. neither do they end well: for immediately after the 69. weeks, the Messiah must be slain in the last week, then can it not be extended 40. years after Christ's death to the destruction of the city: these words, after 69. weeks the Messiah shall be slain, are otherwise expounded by junius and Polanus, which shall be further examimed, when we come unto the handling of that verse.  
Now the reasons that these weeks must be extended to the final destruction of jerusalem, are these.  
1. The Angel saith, seventy weeks are determined over the people, and over the holy city: that is, within which time there shall be a destruction of both. jun. an●otat.  
2. Our blessed Saviour doth apply this prophesy of Daniel unto the desolation and destruction of jerusalem, Matth. 24. 15. Polan.  
3. Daniel first maketh mention of the destruction of the city and Sanctuary, and then speaketh of the confirming of the covenant in one week, and of the ceasing of the sacrifices in the mids of the week: which if it be understood of Christ's death, it were a preposterous order, that after the destruction of the city, which happened 40. years after, he should return to speak of the Messiahs death. M. Lively Persian Monarch. p. 225.  
4. To what purpose should mention be made here of the destruction of jerusalem, if it be not within the compass of these weeks.  
Ans. 1. The Angel expoundeth himself afterward, how these words are to be understood, upon thy people, that is, to finish their sins, and to seal up their iniquities, by the anointing of the Messiah: this was the special intendment and scope of these weeks, yet so, as if they rejected this gracious offer, than destruction should come upon them: see more of the meaning of these words, qu. 19 before.  
2. Our blessed Saviour speaketh not there of daniel's prophetical weeks, but only of the abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel the Prophet: it followeth not, because it is here spoken of, that therefore necessarily it should be comprehended within the compass of the 70. weeks.  
3. There is no disorder at all in the prophesy: for Daniel having propounded briefly and jointly together, the slaying of the Messiah, and destruction of the city, afterward cometh to handle them severally in the next verse, and more fully: so did the Prophet before, v. 25. for having spoken of the 7. weeks and 62. weeks jointly, he afterward returneth to the 7. weeks, after the which the street and wall should be built, and then to the 62. weeks.  
4. Lyranus well expresseth the reason, why the destruction of jerusalem i● mentioned, though it be not within the compass of the 70. weeks, quia factum fuit in poenam mortis Christi, ponitur immediate, etc. because it happened and came as a punishment for the death of Christ, it is put immediately after.   

48. Quest. That the 70. weeks end not after the destruction of jerusalem.  
1. Eusebius ending the 69. weeks in the first year of Herod, beginneth the 70. and last week at the baptism of Christ, and extendeth it 70. years to the time of the Emperor trajan, for so long the Apostolical preaching continued, john the Evangelist surviving till then: But here Eusebius committeth two great errors: first, in dividing the 70. week so far by the space of 60. years from the 69. weeks: secondly, in giving 70. years to the last week, whereas he accounted every of the formet weeks but at 7. years a piece.  
2. Some Hebrews (as Hierome in his commentary upon this place rehearseth their opinion) beginning the 70. weeks from Darius the Mede, do end 62. of them in the destruction of the city by Titus, the other 8. weeks they extend unto the destruction of the jews, and of their city under the Emperor Adrian. Here they manifestly commit two errors: 1. they count the 7. weeks last, after the 62. weeks, which must be counted first: 2. the years from Darius to the Emperor Adrian, make above 600.  
3. Some set the end of these weeks further off, toward the end of the world at the coming of Antichrist, who after three years and an half should be destroyed, and then the everlasting kingdom of Christ should be set up: So Hippolytus, and Apollinaris: who notwithstanding make two beginnings of the weeks; Hippolytus 50. years before Cyrus, and Apollinaris at the nativity of Christ. But these do manifestly fail in their account: for 1. the weeks must neither begin so son, nor so late, as hath been before showed. 2. Hippolytus continuing 69. weeks to the birth of Christ, referreth the 70. week to the end of the world, whereas it must follow the other weeks immediately. 3. from Christ's birth there are already past above a 1600. years: therefore Apollinaris account of the 70. weeks hath no show of reason at all.   

Quest. 49. That the 70. weeks must end at the passion of Christ.  
Here there are two opinions. 1. Some will have the 70. weeks end 3. years and an half after the passion of Christ, which time is allowed for the preaching of the gospel; and so they begin the last week at the baptism of Christ. 2. Others think that the 70. weeks must precisely end at the passion and death of the Messiah.  
1. Of the first opinion are Theodoret, and Zonara's 1. tem. Annal. which begin at the 20. yearo of Artaxerxes Longimanus, and end the 62. weeks at the death of Hyrcanus, from whence to Christ's baptism, they count 7. weeks more: and then in the mids of the last week, the Messiah was slain: so there remained afterward 3. years and an half for the preaching of the Gospel: Eusebius beginneth the 69. weeks in the 6. year of Darius Hystaspis, and endeth 69. of them in the first of Herod, about the death of Hyrcanus, the 70. week he beginneth at the baptism of Christ, and endeth 3. years and an half after: joannes Lucidus lib. 7. de emendat. tempor. beginneth at the 20. year of Artaxerxes, and endeth four years after Christ's passion, so also before him Lyranus: Pererius concurreth with them, who maketh the 69. weeks to end at the baptism of Christ, beginning at the 20. of Artaxerxes Longimanus, and the seventh week then to begin, which was finished 3. years and an half after Christ's passion: so also M. Lydyat in his book de emendat. tempor. pag. 75. and 173. But Osiander goeth beyond all these, and will have the 70. week begin after Christ's passion. Pererius reason is this, because 69. weeks must be counted unto Messiah, which end in Christ's baptism, when he was declared to be the son of God from heaven, whereas he lived before a private life, therefore from thence the last week must begin. And the better to uphold his opinion of his so beginning and ending these 70. weeks, he useth these three helps. 1. he counteth these 70. weeks after the years of the Moon, which consist of 12. months and no more, whereof 490. make but 475: years of the Sun, wherein 13. months go to the year. 2. these 70. weeks are so called, though there want half a week to the passion of Christ, to make up a round number, the odd years are omitted, as the like is to be seen in other places of Scripture, as Gen. 15. the Lord telleth Ahraham his seed should sojourn 400. years, which were indeed 405. from Isaaks birth till their coming out of Egypt. junius also in his first edition upon this place, thinketh the odd years to be omitted, to make the 70. weeks answerable in proportion to the 70. years of captivity. 3. his third evasion is, that whereas from the 20. of Artaxerxes are found to be 477. sun years, which exceed the 490. moon years more by then two; he saith there are two kinds of numbering, inclusively, when as the numbers, where the account beginneth and endeth are included, and exclusively, when as they are excluded: as Matthew saying that after six days Christ was transfigured, c. 17. and Luke after eight days, c. 9 the first numbereth exclusively, not reckoning the days where the account beginneth and endeth, the other includeth both.  
Contra. First, the Angel expoundeth himself how the 69. week must be understood: until the Messiah should be slain in the last week: they determine then not at his Baptism, but at the week wherein he should be slain.  
Secondly, concerning his cautels. 1. the Scripture useth not to count according to the moon years, but according to the course of the Sun: otherwise by this reason the 70. years of the captivity must likewise be cut short: see before, quest. 17. 2. in great numbers sometime odd yeaes are omitted, but so it is not here, because these seventy weeks are said to be cut our, that is, precisely they shall fall out to be so many weeks of years.  
3. That distinction hath no place here: for seeing the account is made by weeks, if any part thereof should be reckoned inclusively, or exclusively, it must be done by weeks of years, not by single years, as M. Lively well observeth, pag. 187.  
2. It remaineth then that these years must take their end precisely at the time of the death and passion of Christ: as julius, Africanus, Beda, Ruperius, Bullinger, H. Br. do determine them: and then whereas it is said, in the mids or half week the sacrifice shall cease, the sense is, that Christ by the sacrifice of himself in the latter half of the week, shall abolish all other sacrifices in right: and whereas it is said, he shall confirm the covenant in one week, the meaning is, not that all the last week this covenant should be in confirming: but the covenant shall be confirmed first by the preaching, and then by the death of Christ, in the last week, which was done in the last middle or half part thereof, Bulling. Now for this precise determining of these weeks in the very passion of the Messiah, the reasons are these.  
1. The last week endeth at the confirmation of the covenant or Testament, as the Prophet saith, he shall confirm the covenant with many in one week: the week than must end with that confirmation, for not the beginning, but the end is counted for the week. But the Testament was ratified by the death of Christ, Hebr. 9 17. the Testament is confirmed when men be dead, therefore this last week endeth in Christ's death, Bulling. 2. The death of Christ was to fall out in a year of jubilee, that the body may answer unto the figure, therefore it is called the acceptable year of the Lord, Isay. 6102. the great year of remission of sins, and of the redemption of prisoners and captives: And so the year wherein Christ died, was a jubilee year; being the 28. jubilee by just computation from the 8. year of josuah, when the first jubilee was kept, for so many jubilees fall but in 1400. years. It is most probable then, that daniel's 70. weeks should end with the last jubilee, H. Br. in 9 Daniel. 3. M. Lively though he end not the 70. weeks in the passion of the Messiah, yet he holdeth so many weeks preeisely, gathering so much by the Hobrewe phrase, Sexentie weeks is cut out, where a verb of the singular number being put to a word of the plural, showeth, that every one of the weeks particularly from the first to the last, shall be precisely and absolutely complete, Persian Mon. pag. 159. 4. If any of these weeks should be extended beyond Christ's death, it is more like they should reach to the destruction and desolation of the dixie, which is by name expressed: for there is no other cause to extend them further: the preaching of the Gospel continued longer than three year and a half after Christ: therefore in that regard, the half week is not to be extended beyond Christ's death. 5. Burgens. allegeth this reason, 
Burgens. addit. 3. in 9 cap. Daniel.  to show that the last end of these weeks must concur with the passion of Christ, nam deletie iniquitatis, consummatio praevaricationis, etc. the taking away of iniquity, and the finishing of transgression, which are propounded by the Angel, in his first speech, are the proper effects of Christ's passion, etc. upon this reason Burgens. is so confident, that he concludeth, the end then of these weeks, est nobis notus de fide, is known unto us, as of faith (that is) certainly. Thus than the argument may be framed: the finishing of iniquity and taking away of sin, were accomplished in the passion of Christ: but seventy weeks are determined for the finishing of iniquity: therefore 70. weeks are determined at the passion of Christ. 6. Mel●ncthon addeth further, that the 70. weeks must not extend beyond Christ's passion, because the jews rejecting of him, were no longer his people, neither took he protection of them.  
Thus having the beginning of these 70. weeks at Cyrus, and the end at the passion of Christ, it remaineth then to be showed, how by a just computation these 70. weeks may be brought from Cyrus unto Christ.   

Quest. 50. Of the just and exact computation of years, from Cyrus first unto the passion of Christ.  
1. Tertullian beginning in the first of Darius counteth but 490. years to the destruction of jerusalem: the 62. weeks and an half he would have ended at Christ's nativity, which make 437. years, and from thence to the destruction of jerusalem he reckoneth 7. weeks and an half more, that is 53. years. But Tertullian committeth diverse errors in this account. 1. he maketh but 5. kings of Persia. 2. he giveth but an 106. years to the whole Monarchy of the Persians. 31 he faileth in the particular account of the years of the kings of Persia: he alloweth unto Darius the Mede 19 years, whereas he reigned but one, and to the last Darius 22. years, who reigned but six in all: and to Alexander be giveth 12. years after, who lived but six years after Darius' overthowe. 4. he counteth but 53. years from Christ's nativity to the destruction of jerusalem, which in true account were 70. years at the least: for Christ was borne in the 4. year of the 194. Olympiad, and the city was taken by Titus, in the 4. year of the 212. Olympiad.  
2. Lyranus beginning his account the 5. year of Zedekiah, when as jeremiah promised deliverance after 70. years, reckoneth from that year to the destruction of jerusalem, 6. years, from thence the Hebrews to the first of Cyrus count 52. years: then to Cyrus and Cambyses he giveth 9 years, to Assuerus and Darius, in whole 6. year the Temple was built, 45. years between them: all these years make being put together, 112. years, than the second Temple is held by the Hebrews to have stood unto the second destruction by Titus, 420. years: all make 532. from whence 42. years being diducted, which come between the blessed passion of our Lord, and the destruction of jerusalem, there will remain just 490. years. Paulus Burgens. agreeing with Raimundus beginning and ending as Lyranus doth, yet proceedeth an other way from the 4. of Zedekiah, which was in the 12. year of Nabuchadnezzar, who reigned in all 45. years, there remained of his reign 34. years, and of Evilmerodaches 32. and 3. years of Balthazars reign: all these make 60. years: then Darius reigned two, Cyrus 30. Assuerus 14. Darius' his son had reigned 6. when the Temple was finished: these years make 52. and the second Temple stood 420. years: as is the general opinion of the Hebrews: these years joined together make 532. from whence must be diducted 42. years, from the passion of Christ to the destruction of the city.  
But beside the disagreement in these two accounts, between the number of years before Cyrus, and the number of the years of the kings of Persia, which breedeth a great uncertainty, these manifest errors are committed. 1. whereas the captivity ending in Cyrus first, had continued 70. years, this term cannot stand with either of the former accounts: for if the beginning of the captivity be set in the 8. year of Nebuchadnezzars raigue, when jechoniah went into captivity, where it ought to begin, there will want by Lyranus account, who reckoneth but 58. years from the 5. of Zedekiah, which was 4. years after jechoniahs' captivity, 8. years; by Burgensis, who counteth from thence 60. years, there will want six of 70. years. 2. They both between Cambyses and Darius set one Assuerus, whereas the first Darius the son of Hystaspis, immediately succeeded Cambyses. 3. whereas they make Darius the first, son of Assuerus, the truth is, that Darius the first was that Assuerus himself, as is before showed, quest. 44. 4. whereas they make Darius, under whom the Temple was finished but the fourth king of Persia, as Cyrus, Cambyses, Assuerus, and then Darius, it is evident that the 4. king of Persia, was the rich king of Persia, which was Xerxes, Dan. 11. 3.  
3. Pintus, who beginneth the 70. weeks right, at Cyrus first, and endeth them well in the passion of our Saviour, doth make the 70. weeks, and the term of years to agree by two several accounts. One way he casteth up his reckoning thus: the Perfians reigned 191. years, the greeks to the beginning of julius Caesar's Empire 220. years, from thence to the passion of Christ, are 76. years and 3. years and an half after Christ's death do the 70. weeks end: all these years make just 490. and an half, which is omitted: But these exceptions may be taken to this reckoning: 1. that the Persian Monarchy could not possibly continue an 191. years, as is proved before, quest. 43. 2. the Greek Empire continued 300. years as Lyranus, and H. Br. and most consent: so also junius in his annotations, and Polanus: as it shall further appear in the 54. quest. following.  
4. Pintus hath beside this an other reckoning: from the going forth of the word, unto the finishing of the Temple, which began two years after the return of the people (and it was 46. years in building) are 48. years, and the Temple stood 480. years, from the second building thereof to the second destruction, the whole sum is 528. from which sum must be diducted 38. years and an half from the end of the 70. week, which was three years and an half after the passion of Christ, unto the destruction of the city, and there will remain 490. years.  
But thus this account also may be accepted against. 1. he showeth not how from Cyrus first, unto the finishing of the Temple, there were but 48. years, the 7. weeks mentioned, v. 25. make 49. years, which were expired at the finishing of the Temple in the sixth of Darius, seequeth 58. following. 2. The second Temple might stand so long, though the Hebrews generally held that it continued but 420. years: but the 70. weeks ending in Christ's passion, as is showed before, there must be diducted 40. as some think 42. years, which came between the passion of Christ, and the destruction of the city: so that this account of Pintus cometh short in the first part one year, and in the second two: for he reckoneth but 48. years to the finishing of the Temple, whereas 49. even 7. prophetical weeks were expired then, and he alloweth but 38. years in the last number, which should be 40. or 42. years.  
5. But the account of R. Solomon is much more short, who reckoneth but 490. years from the destruction of the first temple by Nabuchadnezzar, to the destruction of the second by Titus, whereof to Cyrus first he counteth 52. years. Not much differing is the account of other Hebrews, who from Cyrus first unto the destruction of jerusalem make reckoning but of 430. years, allowing to the Persian Monarchy but 50. years, to the reign of the greeks, an 175. to the Macchabees 103. to the Herodians an 103. as Montanus setteth it down in his apparat, in Daniel.  
But here are manifest errors in this account. 1. they begin the 70. weeks 52. year▪ before the Angel delivered this prophesy. 2. they give unto the Persian Monarchy but 50. years, whereas so many years save one were expired at the finishing of the Temple; and after that Nehemiah maketh mention of 32. years of the reign of Artaxerxes, c. 5. 14. 3. from the end of the Persian Monarchy to the destruction of jerusalem, are years 400. which are thus gathered 300. years of the kingdom of the greeks, 60. years of the Roman Empire to the death of Christ, and about 40. thence to the overthrow of the city.  
6. This then is resolved upon as the best account: the Persian Monarchy continued from the first of Cyrus' 130. years, the Macedonians reigned 300. the Romans unto the death of Christ 60. But for the more evident proof and demonstration hereof, it shall not be amiss to set down the particular account of the years of the Persian and Grecian Monarchy, to fulfil this number of years.   

Quest. 51. Of the years of the Persian kings in particular, to make up the said sum of an 130. years, and first of the years to the finishing of the Temple.  
For the more evident manifestation hereof, we will divide the Persian Monarchy into two parts: the time before the re-edifying of the Temple, and the time that followed thence to the end of the Persian Monarchy: for the first. It is evident in that the Angel divideth 7. weeks from the 62. weeks, that 7. weeks making 49. years are set apart for that time, while the work of building the Temple and city was interrupted, unto the 6. of Darius, when the Temple was finished: But in the casting of these years there is some difference.  
1. Lyranus giveth unto Cyrus and Cambyses 9 years, to Assuerus 40. and then followeth Darius in whose sixth the Temple was finished. Here the time somewhat agreeth: but then one king is here committed, for Artaxerxes Longimanus, who was also Darius, was the fifth king of Persia.  
2. Burgensis thus accounteth out of Raimundus, Darius the Mede reigned 2. years, Cyrus' 30. Cambyses his son called also Assuerus 14. years, and then Darius 6. years, which make 52. years, in whose 2. the Temple began to be built, and so we have 48. years to the beginning of the re-edifying of the Temple: But here one king is likewise omitted as before: for Darius in whose 6. year the Temple was finished, called also Artaxerxes Longimanus, was not the fourth, but the fifth king of Persia: again, if Assuerus the husband of Esther, reigned but 14. years, who in the 7. year married Esther, c. 2. 16. how could Darius supposed to be her son by Assuerus in the 2. of his reign have wife and children, as Ezra. 6. 10. the jews are willed to pray for the king's life and his sons.  
3. Bullinger counteth but 30. years from Cyrus first, unto the 6. of Darius: but herein is his error, he taketh this Darius for Darius the son of Hystaspis, the third king of Persia, whereas this Darius was the fifth.  
4. junius likewise affirmeth, that the Temple began to be built 30. years before the 2. of Darius, annotat. in 2. Hag. edition. 1. But there could not be so few years to Darius Longimanus: and junius to make his account good, omitteth Xerxes, who is famously known to have been king of Persia.  
5. The same junius in his annotations upon the same place, in his last edition, counteth 106. years from Cyrus to the 3. of Darius Nothus: but that cannot be: for seeing some were alive then, which had seen the first Temple, Hagg. 2. 4. they must then be at the least an 180. year old: 106. from Cyrus, and 70. year before from the beginning of the captivity in the 8. year of Nebuchadnezzars reign, in whose 19 year the Temple was destroyed: the sum will be 176 years: and they could not be of fewer years than 10. or 12. to remember any thing of the first Temple: But this was too great an age for those times.  
6. Some giving but an 130. years in all to the Persian Monarchy, do count 30. years from Cyrus first unto Xerxes' war against the Grecians, which was six years after Darius' death, and from thence Artaxerxes Longimanus began to reign 42. years, partly alone, & partly together with his father before: and afterward followed Darius Nothus, whom some call Darius Ochus, H. Br. proleg. in Dantel: but by this reckoning, there will not be 49. years to the 6. of Darius who was Artaxerxes Longimanus.  
7. Beroaldus finding so great uncertainty in the years of the Persian kings, thinketh that though the particular years cannot be set down, yet the whole time of the Persian Monarchy could not exceed an 130. years.  
8. But though I consent therein to Beroaldus, for the exact scanning of the particular years, yet some conjectural guess may be made of the years of some of the Persian kings put together: as it is agreed upon by the most, that Cyrus and Cambyses reigned together 9 years, than Darius Hystaspis and Xerxes might have the first 14. the other 20. which with Darius six, and Cyrus and Cambyses nine make 49. years: but how these years should be exactly divided among these 3. kings, it cannot be certainly set down, because the son reigned with the father: and as Xerxes' reign ran within his fathers, so Artaxerxes his son reigned also in his father's time: this shall be further showed in the question following.   

Quest. 52. Xerxes' reign was intermingled with his fathers in the beginning, and with his sons in the end.  
1. Some do give unto Xerxes no several reign at all, but give unto his father Darius only 20. years: because they hold that in his father's life time he warred with Greece for 7. years together, and then flying away cowardly, was afterward slain by Artabanus, Darius yet being alive, so jun. following Beroaldus, annotat. in Ezra. 4. v. 5. edition. 1. But it is clear that those wars against Grecia, were after Darius' death 6. years, as H. Br. in his proleg. in Daniel. and M. Lively proveth that Darius was dead before, by the poet Aeschyl●● living in those times: who in his tragedy called Persa, raifeth Darius long before dead out of his grave to tell news.  
2. Some give unto Darius 36. years, and to Xerxes 22. junius in his sum of years set before Ezra in the Last edition: But seeing that Darius lived in all but 43. years, as H. Br. showeth out of Ctesias; and he was at man's estate, when he was elected king, being before one of the seven governors, he could not any thing near reign so long.  
3. Some will admit no intercliange or mingling together of the father and sons reign; and stand upon it, that it cannot be showed in all the Persian Monarchy, that the father and the son reigned together, M. Li●●ly, Persian Monarchy, pag. 195.  
Answ. The contrary may be proved both out of sacred and profane histories. 1. In the reign of the kings of judah it is found to be an usual thing, for the sons to begin their reign while their fathers yet lived: as Ieh●r●m was viceroy in Iehosaphats time 4. years: for jehosaphat reigned 25. years, 1. king. 22. 42. now in the 18. year of jehosaphat, began Iehor●● king of Isr●●l to reign 12. years, 2. king. 3. 1. And in the 5. year of this jaram, which was the 2●. year of jehosahat, began jehoram of judah to reign 8. years, 2. king. 8. 16. when as there remained ye● 4. years of his father's reign. So Ahaz was viceroy under jotham his father, 2. or 3. years: for jotham began to reign in the 2. of Pekah king of Is●ae● and reigned 16. years, 2. king. 15. 32. And in the 17. of Pekah began Ahaz to reign, 2. king. 16. 1. the like instance may be given of other kings of judah and Israel: And the like custom might be among the kings of Persia, as junius thinketh that Artaxerxes Mnemon reigned in his father Darius' time, annot. in Ezr. 6. 14.  
2. For forre● stories, Temporariu● and Mercator do allege out of Plutarch in the life of Themistocles, that he being b●●ished Greece, fled unto Artaxerxes son of Xerxes, his father yet livings, as Th●cidides testifieth, and Charon Lampsacenus: Ae●●lius Probus i● in the same mind, and Philostratus lib. 1. de vit. Apollon. c. 19 And that Xerxes was then living as is further showed, because they set the beginning of Artaxerxes reign in the first year of the 79. Olympiad: But Themistocles died in the 1. year of the 77. Olympiad, as Diodorus Sicu●us, lib. 11. and Euseb. in Chron.  
But 1. M. Lively answereth, that Xerxes having three sons, Darius, Hystaspis, and Artaxerxes, would have nominated in all likelihood, the eldest of these heir apparent before the other: and justine saith, that when Xerxes died, Artaxerxes, was admodum puer, a very child. 2. diverse grave authors, as Cleitarehus Heraclides, Diodorus Siculus, do write that Themistocle fled unto Xerxes, not unto Artaxerxes, to this purpose M. Linely, pag. 195. M. Lydyat is also of the same mind, that Artaxerxes, reigned alone at this time, de emendat. pag. 73. 3. Pererius further answereth, that if Artaxerxes had been joined with his father in his kingdom, Artabanus who first killed Xerxes, and afterward set upon Darius his eldest son, would rather have shot at Artaxerxes, who was appointed to the kingdom, whom it is not like his father would have preferred before his eldest son.  
Contra. 1. If Artaxerxes were the youngest, either the other two might be first dead, or not of so good parts as the youngest was, who might therefore be nominated to the kingdom; as Xerxes was made heir apparent to his father Darius, his elder brother Artabazanes being omitted, as M. Lydyat acknowledgeth, pag. 67.  
2. Though these authors so write, yet Ae●●lius Probus preferreth the testimony of Thucydides, as living nearest to those times, and so best to be credited, that Themistocles fled to Artaxerxes.  
3. Artabanus might have opportunity to kill Xerxes fleeing from the Grecians, as Bessus killed Darius Codomannus fleeing away from Alexander: and Darius being one of the king's sons, he might kill likewise the occasion so serving, whereas Artaxerxes being possessed of the kingdom, was better defended against him, and afterward was revenged upon him for his father's death.  
4. But none of these answers do take away the former objection, that Artaxerxes reigned 8. years at the least before his father's death, a●i● gathered by the olympiad reckoning.  
4. It remaineth then, that Xerxes is the latter part of his reign, joined his son Artaxerxes with him, as he reigned together with his father Darius: and therefore he is named next after Cyrus, Ezra. 4. 7. As there Cyrus' reign is named only for his and Cambyses: so Assuerus reign (who is thought to be Darius Hystaspis) standeth there for the joint reign of Darius and Xerxes. By reason then of this intermingling of years, the foresaid years cannot be particularly assigned to the former kings.   

Quest. 53. Of the particular year●● of the second part of the Persian Monarchic 〈◊〉 the finishing of the Temple to the end thereof.  
1. junius in his first edition summeth these years to 90. or thereabout, giving unto Longimanus 37. in whose 6. the Temple was finished, to Darius Nothus 18. to M●emon 10. to Ochus 22. to Arsen 3. and Darius the 〈◊〉 reigned 6. years: wherein he misseth not greatly the general somme of the Persian years, but he counteth only 36. to the finishing of the Temple in Longimanus 6. year, and 90. afterward: whereas so few as 30. years, cannot be given to the four former kings. Cyrus, Cambyses, Darius the son of Hystaspis; and Xerxes, which reigned before Longimanus.  
2. Oecolampadous counteth an 160. years after the re-edifying of the Temple to the end of the Persian Monarchy, which he collect●● th●s: Darius in his account reigned 4. years after the temple and city repaired, Xerxes' 〈◊〉 Artehanus 7. months; A●taxerxes Longhand 40. years, Xerxes the 〈◊〉 months, Segdia●us 8. months, Darius Nothus 19 years, 〈◊〉 40. years. 〈◊〉 26. Arseo. 4. Darius' the last 6. But here beside that he counteth three among the Persian kings. 〈◊〉, Xgrxes the 2. Segdi●●s whose years of reign are not reckoned but the best historians, as is showed before, quest. 37. he erreth in referring the re-edifying of the Temple to Darius Hystaspis reign, the third king of Persia; whereas there are reckoned in Ezra, after Cyrus, Ass●●●us, Artaxerxes, and then Darius, under whom the Temple was builded, Ezra. 4. 7. and 24.  
3. Tertullia● first setteth down Darius to have 〈◊〉 19 years, than A●taxerxes 41. after him Ochus 24. then Argus one, and the last Darius 21. So he seemeth in all to account but an 106. years for the persian Monarchy: whereof 49. being expired at the re-edifying of the Temple, there will remain but 57 to the end of that Monarchy. But herein is Teriullian deceived, in making but five kings of Persia in all.  
4. junius in his third edition, in his annotations upon this place, summeth the years from the 2. of Nothus to the end of the Persian Monarchy, to 93. for Nothus he, counteth 19 years in all, and from his second 18. for Mnemon 43. Ochus 23. Arses 3. Darius' the last 6. so also Polanus: which years being added to the 106. which he thinketh were expired from Cyrus first, at the 2. of Nothus, make 200. save one. But the age of Nehemiah, who saw the beginning and end of that Monarchy, will not permit, that so many years be allowed unto it.  
5. Pintus giving unto the Persian Monarchy 191. years, and counting 48. unto the sinishing of the Temple, must leave an 143. years or thereabout, for the time of that Monarchy, after the finishing of the Temple: But upon the former reason of Nehemiahs' age, this can not be admitted.  
6. Pererius from the 1. of Cyrus to the 2. of Nothus, counteth an 140. years, and from thence to the end of that Monarchy some 94. years: M. Lively also agreeth with him in the same account, Pers. Monarch. p. 53. they differ but in 2. years: Pererius alotteth to the Persian Monorchie 232. years, lib. 13. in Dan. M. Lively 230. But it is sufficiently showed before, that the Persian Monarchy could not continue so long, qu. 43.  
7. But Montanus counting by the high Priests goeth beyond them in all in his reckoning for the latter part of the Persian Monarchy: 
in apparat. lib. Daniel.  for he giveth unto Eliashib 41. years, in whose 14. year he saith Nenemiah returned to the king of Persia after the city was repaired, which was in 32. year of Mnemons' reign, Nehem. 5. 14. there remain then of Eliashibs' years 27. then joiada succeeded 25. years, johanan 24. years, jaddua, to the time of Alexander 27. thus there shall be an 103. years from the 32. year of Mnemon, to the end of the Persian Monarchy; unto the which add the 32. years of Mnemon, and 7. years of Darius, there will arise an 142. years from the finishing of the Temple to the end of the Persian Monarchy, which Nehemiahs' age will by no means endure.  
8. This then is the best resolution, that although in such great variety and difference, the particular years can not well be assigned unto the several kings of Persia, which succeeded after the finishing of the Temple, yet the whole sum is must not extend beyond 80. or 81. or thereabout: so that thus the whole sum is made up: 49. years are counted from Cyrus 1. to the 6. of Darius, when the Temple was finished: and thence to the end of the Persian Monarchy, if 81. years more be added, we shall have the whole sum of an 130. years: this account followeth Beroaldus, junius in his annotations, edit. 1. H. Broughton in his proleg. in Dan. who last named doth thus parcel out the years: from Cyrus to Xerxes 6. when he warred against Grecia, he giveth 30. years, to Artaxerxes with his father and alone, 42. to Ochus, called also Darius Nothus, alone 8. with his father 16. to Mnemon 42. to Ochus 3. to Darius the last 5. or 6. the whole sum is an 130.   

54. Quest. Of the just computation of the years of the Grecian Monarchy.  
Having the certainty of the years of the Persian Monarchy in general, the next part of the 490. years, deciphered in the 70. weeks, consisteth in the due examination of the years of the kingdom of the Grecians: where there are five several accounts. 1. by the reign of the kings of Syria, 2. by the years of the high Priests, 3. by the years of the captains and Princes of the jews, 4. by the years of the kings of Egypt, 5. by the Olympiades'.  
1. By the Syrian kings, the account is uncertain: there are numbered of them in all from Seleucus Nicanor, the first king and founder of the family of the Seleucians, to Seleucus the son of Gryphus 19 kings: their particular names, with the years of their reign, it is not needful here to set down: we shall have further occasion to deal with them in particular in the 11. chapter. But the reason why the account taken by them is not certain; is this: because the kingdom of Syria, began 15. years after Alexander's death, and after the kingdom of Egypt, and it ended above 50. years before the kingdom of the Herodians began in judea, about which time the reign of Cleopaora, the last Queen and Regent of Egypt, expired.  
2. Likewise there is small certainty in the account taken by the years of the high Priests. Montanus setteth them down in this order unto the time of Herod.  
High Priests years. Onias after jaddua 27 Simon justus 13 Eleazar 20 Manasses 27 Simon justus 28 Onias Simons son 39 jason 3 Menelaus 12 jonathas 18 Simon 8 joannes Hircanus 31 Aristobulus 1 jannes' Alexander 27 Alexandra the widow of Alexander high Priest. 9 Hircanus her son 3. months. Aristobulus Hircanus brother 3 Hircanus restored 22 Antigonus 5  
The whole sum ariseth to 293. years or thereabout: in which account we want 7. years of the full number, which is allowed to the Greek Monarchy, which is 300. years: and beside there is some variance in the particular account: for unto Eleazar the third in the foresaid number, Philo giveth but 20. years, Eusebius 23. to Onias Bullinger appointeth but 25. years, Montanus 27. And the like difference may be found in the rest: as Oecolampad. giveth but 26. to joannes Hircanus, Montanus and Bullinger allow him 31. to Aristobulus and Hircanus he giveth 34. years, the other two count but 26. between them, So then this reckoning by the years of the high Priests is uncertain, and the rather, because the times were corrupt, and confused: they were made high Priests for money, and sometime one was up, and an other down.  
3. The third kind of reckoning is by the years of the Princes and captains, joined with the years of the kings of Syria. Oecolampad. thus setteth down the years of the kings of Syria unto the time of the Macchabees, and then the years of the Macchabees in this order.  
The kings of Syria. The Macchabees. Alexander reigned years 5 judas Macchabeus governed years. 3 Seleucus Nican●r 44 Antiochus Sother 19 jonathas 19 Antiochus Theos 15 Simon 8 Seleucus Callinicus 20 joannes Hircanus 26 Seleucus Ceraunius 3 Aristobulus 1 Antiochus Megas 36 janneus Alexander 27 Seleucus Philopater 12 Alexandra 9 Antiochus Epiphanes 11 Aristobulus and Hircanus 34 the sum is an 165 the sum is an 127  
Both these sums put together make 292. there wanteth 6. to make up 300. years. And beside, there is great variance and difference about the sum of these years: Montanus setteth down an other account of the Hebrews, who allow unto the kingdom of the Grecians 175. years, before the time of the Macchabees, to whose government they assign but an 103. years, which make in all but 278. here want 22. years of 300. Melancthon much differeth not from the last account: he giveth unto Alexander 7. years, to the Seleucians unto judas Macchabeus 146. to the Macchabees from judas unto Herod 127. the whole sum is 280. there yet are wanting 20. years. The former of these numbers agreeth with the account of years in the book of the Macchabees, where it is said, that Antiochus died in the 149. year, 1. Macchab. 6. 16. and three year before that judas Macchabeus began to oppose himself against the tyranny of Autiochus Epimanes. Hitherto than we can have no certainty for the just number of these years.  
4. The fourth way is to proceed by the account of the years of the Ptolomes' of Egypt: for Ptolomeus Lagi began his government immediately after Alexander's death: and Cleopatra the daughter of Ptolemy Auletes reigned in Egypt to the beginning of Herod's reign in jewrie, and somewhat after: their years are set down thus, according to the computation of Clemens Alexandrinus, which M. Br. followeth: Alexander 6 Ptolomeus Lagi 40 Pto. Philadelph. 37 Pto, E●ergetes. 25 Pto. Philopater. 17 Pto. Epiphanes 24 Ptolom, Philometer 35 Physcon 29 Lathurus 36 Aul●tes 29 Cleopatra 22 the whole sum is 300. And in this account likewise there is great uncertainty. Tertullian. 1. lib. contr. judaeos, setteth down the kings with their years of reign thus: Alexander 12 Sother in Alexandria reigned 35 Philadelphus 38 Euergetes 25 Philopator 17 Epiphanes 24 An other Euergetes 37 An other Sother 38 Ptolemy 37 Cleopatra 22 the sum is 285. This sum cometh short of 300, by 15. and beside here are 12. years given unto Alexander's reign after Darius, whereas he reigned but 6. or at the most 7. after the final overthrow of the Persians: he reigned in all 12. years, but after Darius was vanquished, 6. only or 7. which Tertullian counteth 12. years. And further, whereas Clemens Alexandrinus reckoneth for the Grecian Monarchy three hundredth years, some do exceed that number, as Epiphanius addeth 12. years more: some come short, as Suidas, in Adam counteth less by 30. years.  
5. The last way then to know the just number of years for the kingdom of the Greeks, is by the Olympiads, which is a sure reckoning, as is before declared, qu. 35. for the Greek affairs. Alexander died in the 1. year of the 114. Olympiad, as Arrianus, and most Chronologers do hold: and our blessed Saviour suffered in the 1. of the 203. Olympiad, joseph. Scallig. the years between these two Olympike years amount to 356. and with Alexander's 6. years, 362. jun. annotat. from whence 62. must be aba●ed from the end of Cleopatra's reign, unto the passion of our blessed Saviour: so there will remain just 300. years within two for the Greek Monarchy. Polanus much differeth not counting by the years of the building of Rome: Alexander died in the 430. year of the age of Rome, and jerusalem was destroyed in the 822. year: then diducting 38. years from thence backward to the passion of Christ, (which Bullinger maketh 40. placing the destruction of jerusalem 2. years later. in the 824. year of Rome) and 60. or 61. to the end of Cleopatra's government: and there will by this account also remain 300. years for the kingdom of the Grecians.  
So then we have toward the number of 490. years, first from Cyrus 1. to the end of the Persian Monarchy, an 130. years, and then 300. years for the government of the Grecians: there remain 60. years from the end of Cleopatra her reign, in the 4. year of Herod, in whose 30. Christ was borne, unto the passion of Christ in the 34. of his age, but 33. complete, which make up the 60. years▪ And so riseth the just sum of 490. years, contained in daniel's 70. weeks. Thus by God's gracious assistance have I waded through this bottomless depth of daniel's 70. weeks, which I hold to be simply the most difficult and inextricable question in the old Testament. Now it is time, that I proceed to discuss the words of the text: but first I will lay together in one view the sundry interpretations of these 70. weeks, which have been dispersedly handled before.   

55. Quest. The several interpretations of daniel's 70. weeks, dispersedly handled before, summed together.  
The sundry opinions and divers interpretations of the numbering of daniel's weeks, may be sorted out in this manner into these 6. orders or ranks. 1. Some begin the account too soon, and end too soon. 2. Some begin too late, and end too late. 3. Some begin too soon, and end too late. 4. Some begin too late, and end too soon. 5. Some begin well▪ and end not right, and they either end too soon, or too late. 6. Some end well their account, but begin not right, and that either too soon or too late: the first four do err both in the beginning and end, the other two fail but in the one, either in the beginning or end.  
1. Of the first sort is Orige●, who beginneth from Adam, and endeth 69. weeks of the account at the nativity of Christ, the 70. weeks he extendeth thence to the destruction of the city▪ see this opinion confuted before, qu. 40.  
2. Of the second sort are divers. 1. all they which begin the account after the reign of Cyrus, as Chrysostome, who beginneth at the 20. year of Darius Longimanus, and endeth at the subversion of jerusalem: so Eusebius beginneth at Darius Hystaspis, and endeth at trajan the Emperor: and junius, josephus Scalliger, M. Lively, begin at the 2. year of Darius Nothus, and end with the ruin of the city: see their opinions more at large, quest. 47. Likewise Apollinaris beginneth at Christ's nativity, and endeth at the coming of Antichrist toward the end of the world: see qu. 34. and 48.  
3. Some begin too soon, and end too late, as Hippolytus, beginning 50. years before Cyrus, and ending toward the dissolution and end of the world: and R. Solomon, who beginneth at the destruction of the first Temple, and endeth at the destruction of the second: see qu. 40. and 48.  
4. Some begin too late and end too soon, as Melancthon, that beginneth his second reckoning from Longimanus, and endeth at the baptism of Christ: see before, qu. 47.  
5. Some begin well, and end too soon, as Origen, who in one account beginneth a● Darius the Mede, and endeth at the nativity, qu. 47. before: so also Melancthon in one accounted. Eusebius also in one account beginneth at Cyrus, and endeth in Hyrcanus' time. Some beginning right, end too late: as Tertullian beginning at Darius, and Clemens Alexandrinus at Cyrus, end at the subversion of jerusalem: qu. 47. before. And some Hebrews begin at Darius the Mede, but extend the years to the reign of Adrian the Emperor: see quest. 48.  
6. Some end right, namely at the passion of Christ, but begin too soon, as Lyranus and Burgensis, who begin in the 4. or 5. year of Zedekiah, see qu. 41. some ending there also, begin too late; as they which begin at the 20. year of Longimanus, and end at the passion of Christ: of which opinion are Theodoret, Zonaras, joannes Lu●idus, Pererius, Bullinger, with others: see before, qu. 49.  
Then the best account of these weeks, is to pitch the beginning and end both right: and that is to begin them at Cyrus, at the first going forth of the word for the return of the people, as is proved before at large, quest. 43. and to determine and conclude them at the most holy passion of our blessed Saviour, as is likewise before proved at large, qu. 49. of this chapter. Now I will return to examine the words, as they lie in the text.   

56. Quest. Why the 7. weeks are severed from the 62. v. 25. Unto the Messiah shall be 7. weeks, and 62. weeks.  
1. Some think that no other reason is to be given hereof, but that the Angel of purpose thus speaketh, that the prophecy should be uttered in dark and obsture terms: as Hierom to this purpose saith upon the 45. of Ezekiel, Scriptura difficultatem habet in numeris, ut intentum faciat animum auditoris, the Scripture useth some difficulty in numbers, to make the mind of the hearer more intent: But it is evident, by the dividing of the last week from the rest, wherein some special matters are delivered, concerning the death of the Messiah, and the confirming of the covenant, and ceasing of the sacrifices, that there is some special intendment in the setting apart also of the 7. weeks from the rest.  
2. Some do think, that it is only an Hebrew phrase, who use to set the less number before the greater: as we would say, speaking of Abraham, he lived an 175. years, but the Scripture saith, he lived 5. and 70. and an 100 years: so Hierome. But to this Calvin answereth, non continuat seriem annorum, etc. he continueth not here the course of years, as in setting down the age of man, etc. for the reason in setting down of numbers in that manner is, because they are of divers kinds: when the years are numbered by hundreds, tens, and unions: but here the number is all of the same kind, 70. in all. And if the Hebrew phrase should be here observed, he should have said, nine; and sixty, or 7. 2. and 60. two should not be put after 60. And why is the 70. week put last of all? it should after that manner of speaking be put first: as to say thus, 1. and 7. and 62. There is then more here to be considered then the phrase only.  
3. Some make no matter at all of this division, but put the 7. weeks and 62. weeks together: that after 69. weeks the Messiah shall be slain, Melancth. Vatab. Osiand. but then this division made of purpose by the Angel should seem to be idle.  
4. Pererius therefore giveth this reason of this division, because in these seven weeks, which make 49. years, there were two notable accidents; the repairing of the city by Nehemiah, and in the end of this term fell out that notable history of Mordecat and Esther under Artaxerxes Mnemon. But Pererius is here deceived: for as it shall afterward appear, the repairing of the city by Nehemiah, was without the compass of these 7. weeks: and the other story fell out in the space of this term, but not under Mnemon: that Assuerus is most like to be Darius Hystaspis, as is before showed, qu. 44.  
5. Some give a mystical reason of it, as Burgens. addit. 4. Antiqua lex dicitur septenana, nova octonaria, the old law is signified by seven, the new law by eight: to show hereby that the Messiah should bring in a new law, and abolish the old. But the Messiah was not to come in those 7. weeks, but after 62. weeks more.  
6. So then in that the 7. weeks are divided from the rest, it doth not so much show what notable accidents should fall out therein, as it doth prescribe the very number of years, after the which from the going out of the word, the Temple and city should again be repaired and re-edified; which accordingly came so to pass, as shall be showed afterward.   

57 Quest. Whether these 7. weeks must be counted before the 62. weeks, or after.  
It being then agreed upon, that there was some special cause in severing these 7. weeks from the rest, yet there is some question, wh●n these 7. weeks should begin, before or after the 62. weeks.  
1. Tertullian putteth them after: for the 62. weeks he extendeth from Darius to the birth of Christ, and then 7. weeks and an half, that is, 53. years, he counteth from thence to the destruction of jerusalem. But from Christ's birth, who suffered in the 34. year of his age, to the destruction of the city, some 40. years after, was above seven weeks, they make 10. weeks, 70. years at the least.  
2. Some Hebrews, whose opinion Hierome rehearseth in his commentary upon this place, do end the 62. years at the taking of the city by Titus, and from thence to the final destruction by Adrian the Emperor, they count 8. weeks more, which maketh 56. years. But beside that there are found from Darius to Adrian the Emperor, above 600. years, whereas 72. weeks make but 490. years: the 7. weeks must be counted to the Messiah, as is evident, v. 25. not after.  
3. Theodoret bringeth the 69. weeks to Hyrcanus' death, and from thence to the baptism of Christ, he counteth 7. weeks, that is 49. years: But he is much deceived in his account: for from Hyrcanus' death to the baptism of our Saviour, are about 60. years: for after Hyrcanus in the 32. year of Herod, or thereabout, was Christ borne, who was baptised in the 30. year of his age.  
4. Now that these 7. weeks are to be counted before the 62. weeks, not to be cast after them, 1. the order of the words declare: there shall be seven weeks to the Messiah, and 62. weeks. 2. and beside it is said, that not after 69. weeks, but after 62. weeks Messiah shall be slain: so that unless the 62. weeks be put to the 7. weeks, the years will not bring us to the Messiah. 3. the accidents that fell out after that time, the building of the city, and the wall, which were done after the term of these 7. weeks, which things accordingly came to pass, will bring back these 7. weeks into the first place. 4. And beside the Angel directly beginneth the 7. weeks from the going forth of the word, v. 25.   

58. Quest. When this term of 7. weeks, that is, 49. years began, and when it ended.  
1. R. Solomon, whom Lyranus seemeth herein to incline unto, beginneth these seven weeks from the destruction of the first Temple by Nabuchadnezzer, and endeth them at Cyrus, which time by his account maketh 52. years. But in this number of 52. years, there are 3. years above 7. prophetical weeks, that is, 49. years, which the Rabbin is constrained (to make his account even) to put off to the beginning of the 62. weeks: but then is not the Angel's division just and true, that cutteth off only 7. weeks from the rest: and beside, these 7. weeks must begin from the going forth of the word for the people to return, they take not then beginning so long before.  
2. M. Calvin beginneth these years in the first of Cyrus, and endeth them in the sixth year of Darius the son of Hystaspis, the 3. king of Persia: but this can not be: for they that give the most years unto Cyrus and Cambyses, allow but unto the one 30. to the other 7. excepting only Luther, who following Euseb. l. de demonstr. evang. giveth to each of them 20. years: then add the 6. years of Darius, they will make but 43. how then can the seven weeks here be fulfilled? Beside, that Darius, in whose sixth the Temple was re-edified, called Darius of Persia, was not Darius Hystaspis, the 3. king of Persia, but before this Darius three other kings are named, Cyrus, Assuerus, Artashasht, Ezr. 4. 6, 7.  
3. Oecolampadius proceedeth an other way: for thus he casteth up the reckoning: he alloweth unto Cyrus 9 years, and to Cambyses 8. or to Cyrus 14. and to Cambyses 3. and then he putteth hereunto 20. of Darius, when Nehemiah was sent to jerusalem, in whose 32. year the building of the city was finished. But in this account divers errors are committed. 1. in giving 17. years to Cyrus and Cambyses, therein he differeth from other Chronologers: the Hebrews give unto them both 9 years jointly: the most 37. years: Bullinger to Cyrus 16. to Cambyses 8. If it shall be free for men, to allot unto the reign of kings more or fewer years at their pleasure, wheresoever they begin their account, they may make it agree. 2. Darius in whose time the Temple was built, was not Darius the son of Hystaspis, who immediately succeeded Cambyses: for before this Darius are named three other kings, as is showed before out of Ezr. 4. 6, 7. but Darius Hystaspis was the third king of Persia.  
4. Bullinger will have these 7. weeks begin in the 7. year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, when Ezra was sent with a new commission to jerusalem, Ezr. 7. from thence counting 49. years we shall come to the 11. year of Darius Nothus; counting as he doth to Longimanus reign 44. years: and in this time was the city repaired by Nehemiah, but with much trouble. But this account also faileth: 1. The Temple was, after many years intermission, built and finished before Ezra was sent, in the 6. year of Darius, Ezr. 6. 15. which intermission is signified, in the dividing of these 7. weeks from the rest, as shall afterward appear, qu. 59 2. He beginneth the 7. weeks, where they should end, namely at the finishing of the Temple, as shall be showed afterward.  
5. They likewise which begin these 7. weeks at the 20. year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, as Pererius, with divers others, can show no reason, why these 7. weeks should be cut off from the rest, saving that because in this time Nehemiah was sent: and in the end of this term, in the reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon, he thinketh the history of Esther and Mordecai fell out. But Pererius is much deceived. 1. he beginneth the 7. weeks after the time, wherein they should end, namely, at the finishing of the Temple, as followeth to be showed. 2. And it is before proved, that Mordecai lived not under Artaxerxes Mnemon, but under Darius Hystaspis, who is called Assuerus, as is showed before, qu. 44. 3. But though they seem to allege some reason for the beginning of these 7. weeks in the 20. of Artaxerxes, there can be no probable cause showed, of the ending of these weeks, which by Pererius account will bring us to the 10. year of Artaxerxes Mnemons' reign, whom he supposeth to be ester's Assuerus: for in that story, there is no special note made of the 10. year, but of the 3. year, wherein he made a feast to his nobles, Esth. 1. 3. of the 7. year, when he married Esther, c. 2. 16. and of the 12. year, when Haman procured the decree against the jews, c. 3. 7.  
6. Some begin these 7. weeks at the 20. year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, and end them at the 2. of Artaxerxes Memor, M. Lydyat, pag. 78.  
But beside the difference in this computation between him and Pererius, who bringeth the 7. weeks from the 20. of Longimanus, to the 10. of Memor, or Mnemon, no reason can be assigned of the breaking off and dividing those 7. weeks from the other: he saith, that other cities of judea began then to be builded, but with much trouble: but Daniel maketh mention only of building jerusalem in this place.  
7. josephus Scalliger lib. 6. de emendat. tempor. M. junius, M. Lively in his Persian Monarchy, and Polanus begin these 7. weeks in the 2. year of Darius Nothus, and end them in the 32. of Artaxerxes Mnemon, when Nehemiah returned, after he had finished the building of the city unto the king of Persia, Nehem. 5. 14. there remained 17. years after Darius second, whom they held to have reigned 19 years: which make the sum of 49. years: in which space of time, both the Temple and city were builded.  
But against this opinion it may thus be objected. 1. the 7. weeks, and the 70. weeks have the same beginning from the going forth of the word, which is before proved at large to have been in the first of Cyrus, quest. 43. 2. they begin these weeks where they should end: for these 7. weeks were the time of the intermission and breaking off of their work, in building the city and Temple: the Angel showeth how long that work should be interrupted, after the which they should begin to build.  
8. M. junius then in his former edition beginneth these weeks in the first of Cyrus, and endeth them in the 20. year of Longimanus, when Nehemiah had his commission given him▪ so also H. Br. in his commentary: But from Cyrus 1. to the sending of Nehemiah in the 20. Artaxerxes Longimanus, must needs be above 49. years in account: for the four former kings of Persia, Cyrus, Cambyses, Darius the son of Hystaspis, and Xerxes, had more than 30. years among them.  
9 Wherefore the best reckoning of these 7. weeks is this: to begin them with M. Calvin, Oecolampad. M. Br. in Cyrus first, and to end them in the 6. of Darius Longimanus, when the Temple was finished: and in the 7. year was Ezra sent, and in the 20. by the same king, Nehemiah: my reasons are these. 1. from the first going forth of the word, which was in Cyrus' time; must these 7. weeks take beginning, which make 49. years: the time is too short to end them in the reign of Darius Hystaspis, which was within 49. years, and too long to extend them to Darius Nothus, who was the sixth king of Persia, which was about 70. years from Cyrus first: therefore one must be taken between them, and that was Darius Artaxerxes called Longimanus, who was next before Nothus: Longimanus is held by the most to have reigned 40. years, which years added to the reign of 4. kings before Cyrus, Cambyses, Darius, Xerxes, will make too many for the account of 49. years, to the 2. of Nothus. 2. The Temple was 46. year in building as the jews say, john. 2. which years must be accounted from the 3. of Cyrus, when the building began to be hindered, for the which cause Daniel was in heaviness 3. weeks of days, Dan. 10. 3. so we shall have the sum of 46. years from Cyrus 3. and of 49. from Cyrus' 1. to the finishing of the Temple.  
But it will be objected, that it was Darius Nothus, in whose 6. the Temple was built, because he had an Artaxerxes going before him, Ezra. 4. 7. and an other after him, Ezr. 6. 14. and 7. 1. and so he was in the mids between two Artaxerxes, Longimanus and Mnemon, and that must needs be Nothus, joseph. Scalliger lib. 6. de emendat. temp.  
Answ. That Artashasht mentioned, Ezra. 4. 7. who sent a rescript to hinder the building of the city and Temple, was not Artaxerxes Longimanus, but Cambyses, who was a chief hinderer of the building of the Lords house. 1. Longimanus is held of all to have been a friend unto the jews. 2. In the accusation sent to Artashasht they say, that the jews did build and lay the foundation of the walls, Ezr. 4. 12. they speak, as of a thing then in doing, which could not be so many years (more than 40) after in Longimanus time: for the work was intermitted unto the time of Darius. Ezra. 4. 5. this complaint than was made to Artashasht, prince under Cyrus, namely, Cambyses his son, who had the administration of the kingdom, his father being occupied in foreign wars abroad: so jun. edition. 3. Vatab. H. Br. Though Assuerus be mentioned before v. 6. which was Darius Hystaspis, how in the beginning of his reign an accusation was made against them; that proveth not the Artashasht following to be Longimanus: but the story returneth to show the original of that accusation, which formerly had been made.  
3. That place, Ezr. 6. 14. 
Whether Darius and Artashasht mentioned Ezr. 6. 14. were all one king.  proveth not an other Artashasht to have succeeded Darius: there are diverse opinions. 1. Some think, that Artaxerxes Mnemon caused such things to be finished, which belonged to the ornament of the Temple, which was made an end of in his father's time: ex Vatabl. but here the finishing of the Temple is ascribed to Darius and Artashasht together, not to one after an other. 2. junius thinketh, that Artashasht reigned together with his father: but it is not like that in the second year of Darius, when the work began, that Darius' son was so old, as to take the administration of the kingdom upon him. 3. Some by Darius understand Darius the Mede, who jointly with Cyrus gave that commandment at the first; and by Artashasht they understand Longimanus, jun. annot. edit. 1. 4. Some thus read, Darius, that is, Artashasht, Vatab. and M. Br. nameth him Darius Artashasht, which seemeth to have been a common appellation to most of the Persian kings, jun. Genevens. annotat. in Ezra 7. 1. I prefer this latter, for in the first commandment which was given unto the jews to return, only mention is made of Cyrus, 2. Chron. 36. 32. Ezra. 1. 1. Darius then called king of Persia, which was Longimanus, Ezra. 4. 24. the same is Artashasht called here king of Persia, and Ezra. 6. 22. king of Ashur, and Nehem. 13. 6. king of Babel: a part of the kingdom being by the figure Synecdoche taken for the whole: for all was under the government of the kings of Persia.  
4. Some think that the first Artashasht or Artaxerxes mentioned Ezra. 4. 7. was Smerdes, which usurped the kingdom after Cambyses, for 7. months: and the other Artaxerxes spoken of Ezra. 6. 14. and 7. 1. was Artaxerxes Longimanus, and Darius there mentioned was Darius Hystaspis called the king of Ashur, Ezra. 6. 22. because he snbdued Babylon and Assyria, so M. Lydyat de emendat. tempor. pag. 64, 65. 73.  
But 1. it is not like that Smerdes being king not above 7. months, and not thoroughly settled, could be such an hinderer of the building of jerusalem: or that in so short a time, there could be such intercourse by letters to and fro from the king of Persia to jerusalem being far distant, even 4. months journey, Ezra. 7. 9 the other Artaxerxes, was indeed Longimanus, as is before showed, and the same was the Darius also there mentioned, Ezra. 6. 14. for how could the temple be said to be finished by the commandment of Artashasht, who yet reigned not, but is mentioned by anticipation, as be thinketh: and as Darius is here called king of Ashur, foe is Artashasht called king of Babel, Nehem. 13. 6. they were both the same as is before showed, a part of the kingdom is taken for the whole.   

59 Quest. Whether that place, joh. 2. 20. that the Temple was 46. years in building, have any agreement with these 7. weeks.  
1. Oecolampadius utterly rejecteth that saying of the jews, nobis illud dictum judaorum, quod per invidiam loquebantur, non est tantae authoritatis, etc. to us that saying of the jews is not of so great authority, that we should set it against so evident places of the Scripture. Likewise Bullinger thinketh that the jews might overlash in this speech, as they did when they said to Christ, Thou art not yet fifty year old, joh. 8. 57 and yet he never saw forty. But, although where the jews speak upon their blind traditions contrary to Scripture, they are not to be regarded; yet when we see the received opinion to concur with Scripture, and the event to be answerable thereunto, it is not to be rejected: as here the 46. years by them mentioned, being counted from Cyrus third, when the work ceased, do agree with this prophesy of 7. weeks, that is 49. years from Cyrus first.  
2. josephus Scalliger likewise rejecteth this testimony of the jews, lib. 6. de emendat. tempor. upon this reason, because these 7. weeks are appointed for the building of the city and street, and not of the Temple: But by the one the other must be understood: the building of jerusalem includeth also the building of the Temple: for otherwise no mention is made at all here of the building of the Temple, which notwithstanding was principally intended, both in the prophesy of Isay concerning Cyrus, c. 44. 28. and in the fulfilling thereof, Ezra. 1. 1.  
3. Pintus applieth that term of 46. years to the building of the Temple, but he doth not make it agree with these 7. months: for he reckoneth but 48. years in all to the finishing of the Temple, which began two years after the going forth of the word: so that from the beginning of the building were 46. years, but from the going forth of the word 48. Contra. But neither were two years expired from the going forth of the word unto the beginning of the Temple, but only one year complete and somewhat more: for they began to set forward the work in the 2. year the second month, Ezra. 3. 8. And thus the prophesy of 7. weeks from the going forth of the word should not be fulfilled.  
4. Some think, that the jews put diverse time● together, of the second building of the Temple in their teturne from captivity, and of the third by Herod, so that they add 20. years, which Herod spent in enlarging the edifices about the Temple, Oecolamp. But the jews speak only of the time spent in the building of the second Temple: for Salomon's Temple was finished in 7. years, 1. king 6. and Herod's work about the Temple in 10. years, as josephus witnesseth, lib. 15. antiquit.  
5. Pererius thinketh the jews computation to be true, which he beginneth in the 2. year of Cyrus, when they laid the foundation of the Temple, and endeth in the 9 of Darius Hystaspis, when all the work, the outward Court and all were finished: and thus he casteth the sum; from Cyrus 2. there remain 29. years of Cyrus' reign, Cambyses, and the Magis reigned 8. and Darius 9 But the 7. weeks he beginneth from the 20. year of Longimanus.  
Contra. 1. Beside that, Cyrus and Cambyses reigned not so long over the Persian Monarchy: Cyrus is held to have reigned in all 30. but over the whole Monarchy, after the overthrow of Babel, but three. 2. an other error is, that Pererius taketh the ninth year of Darius, following therein josephus, whereas Ezra. 6. 14. the Temple was finished in the 6. year of Darius. 3. neither was this Darius Hystaspis, but Darius Longimanus, under whom the Temple was finished, as before is showed, quest. 45. 4. the seven weeks must begin from the 1. of Cyrus, not from the 20. of Longimanus, as is also before proved; quest. 43. and quest. 58.  
6. M. Calvin, whom the Genevens. follow in their annotation here, do give unto the building of the Temple 46. year, and to the laying of the foundation 3. years, which make 49. in all: but this account cannot stand neither, for the 7. weeks must begin from the going forth of the word, which was in the 1. of Cyrus: the foundation of the Temple was laid in the 2. year, then cannot the 7. weeks and these 49. years, wherein the Temple was built, end together, not beginning together.  
7. Some think that the jews speak not of the Temple built by Zorobabel, but of Herod's Temple which he began to enlarge in the 18. year of his reign, which was 46. years before, and was not yet finished, M. Lydyat de emendat. tempor. p. 174.  
8. But the more received and probable opinion is, that the jews speak of the Temple built after their return out of captivity, and finished, not then in building; and thus the 7. weeks, and the 46. years are made to agree together: the 7. weeks, which make 49. years, begin at Cyrus' 1. and the 46. years must be counted from the third of Cyrus, when the work of the house was hindered: and so the 7. weeks and the 46. years shall end together at the finishing of the Temple in Darius 6. year, H. Br. in his Consent.   

Quest. 60. Unto Messiah the Prince shall be seven weeks, ver. 25. Who is here understood by the Messiah.  
1. R. Selam● who beginneth the 7. weeks at the destruction of the first Temple, will have this Messiah, or anointed, to be Cyrus, as he is called, Isay. 45. 1. Thus saith the Lord to Cyrus his anointed: and from the desolation of the Temple unto Cyrus he counteth 52. years.  
Paulus Burgensis thus confuteth this assertion, because none are simply in Scripture calleth anointed, but those which were anointed either with material oil, as the kings and Priests, or with spiritual, as the Prophets; but Cyrus was neither of these ways anointed. And whereas this place is urged of Cyrus, he saith it is not to be understood of Cyrus, but of the Messiah: this answer of Burgens. is very weak: for in that the Prophet saith, Cyrus, his anointed, what is more evident, then that he speaketh of Cyrus, being expressed by name? Pererius answer also is unsufficient, that Cyrus was long before the beginning of these weeks; whereas it hath been already showed, that the weeks began in Cyrus' time.  
1. Thus therefore is this opinion rather refelled. 1. because he himself counteth 52. weeks unto Cyrus, which make above 7. weeks of years, Burgens. 2. Afterward by Messiah that should be slain, he understandeth Agrippa king of the jews; and so he changeth the person, taking the Messiah for two diverse persons: whereas it is evident, that the Prophet speaketh of one and the same Messiah, Lyran. 3. he is called Messiah the governor, or principal, for so the word nagid signifieth: but none is called the principal Messiah but only Christ, of whom the Prophet speaketh, Isay. 55. 4. I have given him for a witness to the people, for a Prince, etc. the word is nagid, Burgens.  
2. Some by the Messiah understand Nehemiah, as Ab. Ezra, some Zorobabel, some jehoshua the high Priest, as R. Levi, Ben Gerso●. But these were in the beginning of the 7. weeks, at the return of the captivity, Ezr● 2. 2. it cannot be therefore said, that there should be 7. weeks unto them: And again, the office of this Messiah was to finish sin, and reconcile iniquity, which none of these could do.  
3. Some by Messiah, taking the singular for the plural, do understand the anointed governors, whom Eusebius taketh to be the Macchabees, who were both Priests and kings: but unto the beginning of the reign of the Maccabees, were above 7. weeks from the beginning of the 70. weeks, wheresoever they begin them: for the regiment of the Macchabees began above an hundred years after the end of the Persian Monarchy.  
4. M. Lively therefore in his Persian Monarchy, p. 205. taketh the word Messiah somewhat more largely, for the chief rulers and kings of the jews commonwealth, unto the beginning of whose settled estate are counted 7. weeks: for from the 2. of Darius Nothus when the Temple began to be re-edified, of whose reign there remained 17. years, to the 32. of Arrashasht, are just 49. years, in whose 32. year the city being builded, and set form of government established, Nehemiah returned unto the king, Nehem. 13. 6. of this his opinion he yieldeth two special reasons. 1. from the Hebrew point athnah, after 7. weeks, which being a perfect distinction, doth suspend it from the sentence following: so that he would have these 7. weeks to the Messiah, taken by themselves, and not to be joined with the 62. weeks following. 2. these two things began together, the city builded, and the anointed governor thereof: as Samballat in a letter to Nehemiah joineth them both together, Nehem. 6. 6. thou and the jews think to rebel, for the which cause thou buildest ihe wall, and thou wilt be the king thereof, to this purpose M. Lively, p. 209.  
Answ. 1. Oecolampadius to that objection of the points, maketh this answer: we had rather follow in this place the greeks and Latins, quam judaeos pro sua libidine punctum constituentes, than the jews setting the points according to their pleasure: but this is a dangerous answer: for if we make question of the Hebrew pricks and points, we shall have no certainty of the Scripture: therefore I rather answer with Polanus, that although the perfect distinction athnah, be there set, yet the rest must be joined in sense, as the Angel at the first maketh but one whole number of 70. weeks.  
2. It followeth not, because when the city was builded, the settled government began, that therefore the governors were this Messiah: And if Nehemiah were the first governor, as it cannot be denied, after the building of the city: to the beginning of his government, there were not 7. weeks of years; seeing he was sent in the 20. of Artaxerxes, and there continued to the 32. year, when according to his account the 49. years expired.  
5. Wherefore the best and most received interpretation is, that by Messiah here, we are to understand our Blessed Saviour Christ jesus; as it may thus appear. 1. one and the same Messiah is spoken of through this prophesy: but the Messiah which should be slain, and confirm the covenant for one week, was Christ: therefore this Messiah here spoken of was Christ. 2. the weeks before spoken of, to finish sin, and reconcile iniquity, could only be performed by Christ.  
6. Some do understand by Messiah, Christ, and make this the sense, that 7. weeks, that is, 49. years he should be their governor, and afterward cast them off: But it is evident, that the Lord did not only during those 7. weeks take upon him the protection of that people, but many years after also.  
7. Some object, that in that Messiah is called here a captain or governor, if it were meant of Christ, it would extenuate his dignity: M. Calvin answereth, that therein the dignity and excellency of Christ is set forth, who was a captain over all other kings and Princes: and this title is given also to kings, and to the chief earthly states; as David is called the captain of the people, 2. Sam. 3. 2. and Hezekiah, 2. king. 20. 5. Pererius addeth further, that this title, nagid, captain, Prince, is particularly given unto Christ, as Isay. 55. 4. I have given him for a prince or captain: for he was our captain, 1. to lead us by his holy example of life. 2. in teaching the way unto salvation. 3. in gathering together his church, and conducting them to eternal life, Perer. lib. 10. quest. 17.   

Quest. 61. v. 25. The streets shall be built again in a troublesome time: how this was fulfiled.  
1. Some do refer this troublesome time to the 62. week, immediately before spoken of: which containeth 434. years to be counted, unto the Messiah from the end of the 7. weeks: and then the meaning is this, that during all the continuance of that time, the commonwealth of the jews should have much ●●●uble: so jun. Polan, and M. Lively out of Saadiah giveth this sense, pag. 172. that jerusalem being builded, shall continue 434. years before the desolation: but in that mention is made of building the streets again, that is, the city, the words seem to have special reference to these troublesome times in the first 7. weeks, wherein the work of the Temple and city were intermitted.  
2. Some by the straightness of time, understand the short time, wherein the city was builded: for after it began to be re-edified in the 2. year of Darius, it was finished in four year, Hug. Cardinal. but it is showed before, that it was from the first to the last 46. year in building, and therefore the 7. weeks are singled from the rest, to note the straightness and troubles of those times.  
3. Some having special reference unto the 7. weeks, do understand, only the troublesome building of the city, because they hold the Temple to have been built before the 7. weeks began, so Bullinger, josephus Scalliger, Osian. as mention is made, Nehem. 4. how they built with one hand, and held their swords in the other: But seeing the building of the Temple was the principal work, and was intermitted 46. years, it is not like that it should be omitted in this prophesy.  
4. Wherefore by building here in a trouble some time, is understood the building of the Temple and the city: as junius in his commentary, understandeth the building of jerusalem: that both of them should be in a troublesome time: So that as afterward the Angel showeth what should happen after the 7. and 62. weeks: so here specially is intended what memorable thing should befall within the compass of these 7. weeks in the building of the Temple: and after in the building of the city, H. Br. Consent. as also thereby is signified, that their whole state should remain troublesome still, as the book of the Macchabees showeth, Lyran. that they should not look for any perfect outward estate, but be stirred up to look for their spiritual redemption by the Messiah.   

Quest. 62. Of the 62. weeks, how they are to be understood.  
1. Pererius observeth upon this place, that in some copies of the Complutense edition, for 62. weeks, there are put 64. weeks: which he noteth to be a manifest error, seeing that in the original, and the best translated copies, there is mention made only of 62. weeks, which make 434. years.  
2. josephus Scalliger doth not begin these 62. weeks, where the first 7. end, but doth give a diverse beginning unto them: the 7. weeks he would have begin in the 2. of Darius Nothus, and end in the 32. of Artaxerxes Mnemon: the 62. weeks he thinketh to begin in the 5. year of Mnemon, and to end at the passion of Christ.  
But 1. in that the Angel putteth all these weeks together in one whole sum of 70. it is evident, that the 62. weeks must follow immediately after the 7. weeks, and the 70. and last week after the 62. 2. seeing that Ezra was sent in the 7. year of Artaxerxes, Ezra. 7. 1. Scalliger thinketh that the decree was made for his return in the 5. year, but he spent one year in his preparation: But M. Lively answereth that one year will not serve his turn: for from the last year of the 202. Olympiad, counting 434. backward, we come to the second year of the 94. Olympiad, which falleth into the 3. year of Artaxerxes reign by Scalligers own confession: but by Bullingers' tables, the 2. year of the 94. Olympiad, bringeth us to the 15. year of Darius N●thus, 5. years before Artaxerxes began to reign: so that Scalliger misseth of his reckoning 3. or 4. years after his own account: thus M. Lively p. 231.  
3. Some begin these 7. weeks and 62. weeks, in the 65. Olympiad, which was in the beginning of Darius Hystaspis reign, and bring them to the 186. Olympiad, which make 483. years, at such time as Hyrcanus was killed, in whom the line of the anointed Priests ceased, and then Herod a stranger usurped the kingdom, Euseb. in Chronicis. but in this account we want above 60. years to the death of the Messiah, who after these 62. weeks was to be slain.  
4. Theod●ret beginneth the 62. weeks at the building of the city in the 20. of Artaxerxes Longimanus, and endeth with Eusebius at Hyrcanus' death, and thence to Christ's baptisrne he counteth the other 7. weeks. But this account cannot stand: for as Pererius casteth the time; from the 20. of Longimanus which was in the 4. year of the 83. Olympiad, to Hyrcanus' death, which was as josephus reckoneth, lib. 15. antiquit. in the 187. Olympiad, are not 62. weeks, or 434. years, but only 59 weeks, which make 414. years: And from Hyrcanus' death in the 187. Olympiad, to the baptism of Christ in the beginning of the 202. Olympiad, are not only 7. weeks, that is 49. years: but almost 9 weeks, even 60. years.  
5. Bullinger beginneth these 62. weeks in the 11. year of Darius Nothus, and endeth them in the passion of Christ: whereas the 62. weeks must begin after the 7. weeks, which as is showed before, begin at Cyrus first, and end in the 6. of Darius Longimanus.  
6. Pererius beginning the 7. weeks at the 20. of Longimanus, and ending them by his own account about the 10. year of Artaxerxes Mnemon, there beginneth the 62. weeks, and endeth them at the baptism of Christ: but the 7. weeks were ended in the 6. year of Longimanus, as is proved before quest. 58. than can they not begin at the 20. year of Longimanus.  
7. But Osiander is further wide, who beginning the 7. weeks at the 20. of Longimanus, and putting unto them 62. weeks more, which make 483. years, bringeth them to the very time of Christ's passion, and there beginneth the 70. and last week: he varieth 3. years and an half from all the rest, who beginning as he doth, yet determine the 69. weeks at Christ's baptism. How further these 62. weeks are yet diversely interpreted by some other both for their beginning and end, see before, quest. 57  
8. Then it remaineth, that these 62. weeks must begin where the 7. weeks end, in the 6. of Darius, and they end at the last seventy week, which began three years and an half before the baptism of Christ; and the other half is set apart for the holy preaching and Blessed passion of Christ. Bulling. H. Br. who both agree for the end of these 62. weeks: but they differ in the beginning: M. Bullinger reckoneth the 62. weeks from the 11. of Darius Nothus, and the 7. weeks from the 20. of Longimanus.  
9 Melancthon beginneth the 7. and 62. weeks, which make 69. in all, in the 2. of Longimanus, when the Temple began to be re-edified, and endeth them at Christ's baptism: But as is showed before, quest. 58. the 7. weeks must end in the sixth of Darius Longimanus: wherefore the meaning is this, that after 62. weeks joined with the former 7. the Messiah shall be slain, not immediately after those 69. weeks, but in the 70. and last week following after the 69. Bullinger. Vatabl. Lyran.   

Quest. 63. Shall Messiah be slain, v. 26. who this Messiah was, that should be slain.  
1. R. Selomo taketh this Messiah to be king Agrippa, that should be slain by the Romans a little before the destruction of jerusalem: But this is a fabulous conceit. 1. for Agrippa was not slain, but as Cornelius Tacitus writeth, lib. 5. Agrippa was confederate with the Romans: and josephus also testifieth, that he took part with the Romans, after be could not persuade the jews to give over their intended war: and that the said Agrippa survived after the destruction of the city. 2. Beside here is a great error in Chronologie; for from the beginning of the 70. weeks, which he maketh 52. years before Cyrus, to the destruction of jerusalem, are in the most compendious reckoning almost 600. years.  
2. Theodoret and Eusebius by the Messiah understand Hyrcanus, who was the last anointed governor of the Priests, and after him the Herodians usurped the kingly authority unto the destruction of the city: But the Messiah here spoken off, must reconcile iniquity, and finish sin, but so could not any of the anointed Priests.  
3. M. Lively by Messiah, taking the singular for the plural, would have meant the anointed governors: for all lawful rule and authority ceased a little before the taking of the city by the Romans: there was havoc made of the rulers and Elders, and a general disorder and Anarchy brought in first under Albinus, than Florus: Persian Monarchy, pag. 212. and p. 241. And this reason he urgeth why the Messiah is not here Christ: because it were an unproper speech, to take the last week for the Messiah: as they are forced thus to interpret these words: after 62. weeks shall the Messiah be slain, that is, in the 70. and last week.  
Contra. 1. Whereas the Prophet here speaketh of one Messiah, by this interpretation we shall have many, and a succession rather of governors, than any one certain governor, in which sense, I think, it cannot be showed, that the word (Messiah) is taken throughout the whole Scripture. 2. and by this exposition of (Messiah) we are deprived of one of the most pregnant prophecies of Christ's holy passion. 3. neither doth it follow, that the 70. week in that sense should be taken for the Messiah, no more than he himself taketh it, where he saith, that after 69. weeks counted from the commandment, th● Messiah (whom he interpreteth the anointed governor) should be cut off, the city and Temple destroyed, leaving the last week of the seventy, for the accomplishment thereof, pag. 224. for doth not he likewise understand the 70. week after the 69. wherein the Messiah should be cut off? 4. even to admit his own sense, the lawful anointed governors ceased in jerusalem long before the destruction of jerusalem, about the birth of Christ, in the 30. year of Herod, when that tyrant slew all the Sanedrim, 
L. Pl●ss. in his book of the trueness of Christian religion, c. 29. 30.  as the L. of Plessie showeth out of Philo: whereupon he inferreth that to be the time, wherein the sovereignty and jurisdiction of judsh did cease. And so was Jacob's prophesy fulfilled, Gen. 49. 10. that the sceptre should not depart from juda, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh come: M. Lively hereunto answereth, that this prophesy was rather fulfilled in the destruction of jerusalem, which he calleth the beginning of Christ's second coming to judgement, the end and accomplishment whereof shall be in the last day of judgement: and therefore all the time afterward is called the last days: and this is the reason why our Saviour, Matth. 14. treateth in the same place of the destruction of jerusalem, and of the end of the world. So M. Lively, p. 251.  
But 1. this is a strange exposition, to understand Christ's coming in the flesh, when he was gone out of the world, and to make his going his coming. 2. jacob prophesieth of the first coming of Christ in the flesh, as junius noteth out of the word Shilob▪ which he interpreteth, her son, the word properly signifying the matrice or womb: because Christ was borne of a woman without the help of man, jun. annot. in Gen. 49. 3. The reason why our Saviour treateth of both those questions together is, because the Apostles had propounded two questions, both of the time of the destruction of the city and Temple, and of the end of the world: for thus they say, Tell us, when these things shall be, and what sign shall be of thy coming, and of the end of the world, Matth. 24. 3. therefore our Saviour satisfieth them in both their demands. 4. These very words last rehearsed show, that the second coming of Christ, and the end of the world should be joined together.  
4. junius, who understandeth this place of the true Messiah, yet referreth the end of these 70. weeks to the destruction of the city, is forced to use a kind of zeugmatical construction, as he calleth it, by supplying the word after in this sense, after 62. weeks, after, the Messiah is slain: so also Polanus: which words they thus interpret, not that after the 62. weeks the Messiah should be cut off: but after such time as the Messiah should be slain, which was within the 69. weeks, and after the said 62. weeks, than should follow the destruction of the city. But who seeth not, how in this exposition the text is strained: for the nominative is turned into the accusative, after the Messiah slain, or the ablative, the Messiah being slain: and the word after is inserted, which is not in the text. And the very first reading of the words, after 62. weeks the Messiah shall be slain, do evidently give this sense, that after that time, and not before, he should be slain.  
5. junius hath an other interpretation in his annotations, showing the accomplishment hereof in the members of Christ, how that after the Messiah himself was slain, his members were persecuted: for in the end of the 69. week, about the 7. year of Nero, james was put to death, and a grievous persecution was raised against the Church: But the members and servants of the Messiah, can not be the Messiah: and this cutting off must be after the 69. weeks, not in any part of them: neither as is showed before, doth the 69. week extend to the 7. of Nero, being expired before the baptism of Christ.  
6. Oecolampad. yieldeth this as a reason, why this cutting off can not in his judgement be referred to the death of Christ; because the word signifieth, so to cut off, as the thing cut off be in a manner extinguished and perisheth: but so was not Christ cut off, who hanging upon the cross, was written in the superscription king of the jews: But M. Calvin. answereth this objection well, qu●ad communem sensum, quia putabant homines prorsus esse abolitum, this was true according to the common sense, because men thought that Christ was wholly abolished: So that he was in the opinion of men, as quite cut off, as the Prophet Isay faith, c. 53. 8. he was cut out of the land of the living. 2. And the word here used ca●ath, signifieth to cut off either by death or banishment, as Amos. 1. 5. I will cut off the inhabit a●ts of Bikeathaven, etc. the sense than is no more but this, that the Messiah shall be an off, that is, slain.  
7. Wherefore the plain and proper meaning of these words is, that after these weeks the Messiah out Blessed Saviour should be put to death for our sins: And this is an evident proof of this sense: because it is said, v. 27. He shall confirm the conenant, which even in M. Livelies' judgement is understood of the Messiah, p. 218. Then the Messiah, to whom this word (he) hath reference unto, must be expressed, and spoken of before.   

Quest. 64. Of the meaning of these words, and he shall have nothing, or rather not for himself.  
1. There are diverse expositions of these words. 1. Oecolampad, referreth them to the people of jerusalem, nothing to him, that is, the people shall have neither king nor Priest, nothing shall be left unto them: but the Messiah being spoken of immediately before, these words, veen●o, and not to him, must have reference to the Messiah.  
2. junius in his first edition thus interpreteth, nihil ad illum, nothing to him, that is, death shall have no power upon him, neither for all this, shall his judgements be stayed, which he purposed to bring upon the city.  
3. In his last edition, in his annotations, and in his commentary, he thus expoundeth: that all shall depart from him, he shall not have in jerusalem any disciple: for a little before the besieging of the city, they of the Church were admonished by revelation to go out of jerusalem unto a town in Petrea called Pella. Euseb. l. 3. hist. Eccl. c. 5.  
4. Not much differing here-from, is the interpretation of Lyranus, Hugo, Pintus, with others, following the Latin translation: non erit ei populus qui eum negaturus est, they shall not be his people, which denied him: for the jews said they had no king but Cesar, Ioh: 19 15. and as for this man (say they) we know not whence he is, joh. 9 29.  
5. M. Calvin thus interpreteth, nihil ei erit, he shall have nothing: so also Genevens. that is, he shall have a contemptible death, and be counted as nothing: as the Prophet Isai saith, c. 53. 3. He hath neither form not beauty.  
6. Vatablus thus expoundeth, there shall be none to help him or deliver him.  
7. But the fittest and best sense is this: the Messias shall be slain, but not for himself, Bulling. B. translation, H. Br. upon Daniel. And this sense best agreeth to the prophesy of Christ, Isa. 53. 4. We did judge him as plagued, and smitten of God, but he was wounded for our transgressions, etc. And to the Apostles doctrine, 2. Cor. 5. 25. He hath made him sin for us, that knew no sin, that we should be made the righteousness of God in him. But seeing here mention is made of the death of Christ, before we go any further, it shall not be amiss briefly to handle the questions of the time both of the birth, baptism, and passion of our blessed Saviour.   

65. Quest. Of the year of the nativity of our blessed Saviour.  
There are three accounts to find out the birth of Christ: 1. by the Roman Chronologie, 2. by the Greek Olympiads, 3. by the Hebrews computation.  
1. The Roman account of years, is either by the years of the building of Rome, by the Consuls, or by the years of the Emperors: for the years of the city, Pererius casteth the time of Christ's birth into the 752. year, which he proveth out of dion Chronologie, who placeth the 15. year of Tiberius, when Christ at 30. years was baptised, in the 782. year. But therein he is somewhat deceived: for setting the 1. year of Christ in the 752. of the city, in the 782. beginneth the 31. year of Christ, as M. Bullinger casteth it: and the 15. year of Tiberius was in the 781. year. M. Lively in his table setteth down the birth of Christ in the 751. year: but the received opinion is, that it was in the 752. year. which was the 42. of Augustus' reign.  
Concerning the computation by the years of the Consuls, it is uncertain. Sulpitius thinketh, that Sabinus and Ruffinus were then Consuls, lib. 2. sacr. histor. Cassiodorus nameth C. Lentulus, and M. M●ssalinus: but these are placed by others in the 749. year, not the 752. of the city. Onuphrius in chronie. and Epiphanius in hares. 51. and Eusebius in chronic. do hold, that Augustus was the 13. time Consul, and Syllanus; when Christ was borne: which Carolus Sigonius in his commentaries agreeth unto, as the most probable: yet M. Lively setteth them in the year of the city 750. the year before he supposeth Christ to have been borne. This account then by Consuls we leave as uncertain.  
The surer way than by the Roman computation, is to count by the years of the reign of the Emperors. Augustus Cesar is held to have lived 75. years, and 10. months, and 20. days, being borne as Dio doth cast his nativity, in the year of the city 691. and ending his life in the year 767. But others do place his birth in the year of the city 689. as Eutropius lib. 6. and Orosius lib. 6. when Cicero and Antony were Consuls together, which was in the year 689. Bulling. M. Lively. by this latter account Augustus should be two year elder: and so lived in all 77. years, and odd months. But Pliny is wide, who placeth the Consulship of Cicero and Antony, in the 700. year, which should be above ten years after, lib. 9 c. 39  
Now for the time of his government: he reigned alone after he had overcome Antony at Actium, 44. years: 12. he had the joint government with Antony: so that from the beginning of his first Consulship and regiment, he governed 56. years, some say 58. years, Tacit. dialog. de clar. oratorib. some 57 as josephus counteth, l. 18. c. 3. but the most Chronologers agree that he reigned in all 56. years, 6. months: so Epiphan. in Anchorat. and Beda, lib. de 6. at●tib. Fererius thinketh he reigned not full out 56. the difference is not great.  
The year then of Christ's birth compared with Augustus' reign, being in the 752. year of the city, falleth out to be in the 42. year of Augustus' sole government, the 62. of his age, and the 30. year after the conquest of Antony. Beda thinketh it was the 27. year: so also joseph. Scalig. Clemens the 28. lib. 1. stromat. Onuphrius the 29. but it was the 30. year just from the victory of Antony: which was the 42. year from the beginning of Augustus first Consulship, as it may be thus gathered: Christ in the 15. year of Tiberius Cesar, was 30. year old, Luk. 3. 1. 23. then put unto that number 15. more of Augustus 56. and we shall come just to the 42. year of Augustus. Thus much of the Latin computation.  
2. By the computation of the Greek Olympiads, Christ's birth fell out in the 3. year of the 194. Olympiad, as Eusebius in chronic. and Beda, lib; de 6. aetat. and josep. Scalig. so also M. Lively: but other cast it to be in the 4. year of the 194. Olympiad, Bulling. Perer. and their reason is this, because they hold Christ to have died in the 33. year of his age, in the 4. year of the 202. Olympiad: by which account his birth will fall out in the 4. of the 194. Olympiad. Here Cyril. Hycrosol. is found to be in a great error, who affirmeth, catech. 12. that Christ was borne in the 4. year of the 186. Olympiad, which was above 30. years before, so that by this reckoning Christ in the 15. year of Tiberius, when he was baptised, should be above 60. years old.   

66. Quest. Of the computation of years from the creation to the the nativity of our blessed Saviour.  
3. We will come now to the jews computation, which is either by the casting of the year of the world, or by the years of their kings and governors: other ways they have to reckon by, but these are most pertinent to this business in hand.  
1. Pererius counteth from the beginning of the world, to the birth of Christ 4022. years, which sum he thus collecteth by parcels.  
From the creation to the flood, were years a 1656. as may be gathered, Gen. 5. by the age of the fathers: then he reckoneth from the flood, to the birth of Abraham, counting 30. years for Cainan, 322. from the birth of Abraham unto the Promise 75. Gen. 12. from the Promise to the giving of the Law, 430. Gal. 3. from thence to the building of Salomon's Temple 480. 1. king. 6. 1. then to the beginning of the Olympiads in the 8. year of Ahaz, 283. and from the 1. Olympiad to the 4. year of the 194. Olympiad, wherein Christ was borne 776. years: all these sums laid together from the beginning of the world, to the birth of Christ, he summeth to 4022. years in all.  
But Pererius diversly faileth in this his reckoning. 1. for in the second sum from the flood to Abraham's birth, he committeth two great errors: for 1. he counteth 30. years for Caynan, which is not in the original, but only in the Septuagint. 2. and beside, he reckoneth but 292. years, supposing Abraham to have been borne in the 70. year of his father's age, whereas he was borne in the 130. year: for he was but 75. year old when his father was 205. so that from the flood to Abraham's birth, were 352. years: he then with forged Cainans 30. making but 322. years, wanteth yet 30. more of the just reckoning. 3. further, he setteth the beginning of the Olympiads in the 8. year of Ahaz, whereas it is more probable they began 23. years before, in the 2. year of jotham: here than he cometh 23. years too late. 4. and in his last sum of 776. he overreacheth above an 100 years, for from Ahaz 8. year to the 11. of jehoiakim, when the captivity began, are but an 134. years, as may be gathered by the several years of the reigns of the kings of judah: from thence to Cyrus 70. from Cyrus' first to the passion of Christ 490. from which sum must be diducted 33. years from the passion of Christ to his birth; the whole sum is but 661.  
2. Let us then further see, how these years from the beginning of the world, unto the birth of Christ, are otherwise summed. The chronology and computation of years, added in the end of the Genevean translation, counteth from Adam to Christ's incarnation 4017. years, which they gather thus:  
From the creation to the flood, 1656. from the flood to Abraham's departing from Chalde 423. from Abraham's departing thence to the departing of Israel out of Egypt, 430. from thence to the building of the Temple, 480. from thence to the captivity of Babylon in the 11. year of Zedekiah, 441. then to the building again of jerusalem, 143. from thence to Christ's death, 478 The whole sum is 4051. from whence 33. years and an half being diducted, there will remain 4017. years and an half.  
But this account may be thus excepted against. 1. they count from the 4. year of Solomon, when the Temple began to be built, to the 11. year of Zedekiah 441. years, whereas from the 1. of Solomon, to the last of Zedekiah, by junius computation there are but 412. years, or thereabout: by some others, not above 430. Oecolampad. H. Br. Consent. 2. they count form the first destruction of jerusalem, to the passion of Christ, 621. years: whereas there are at the most but thence to Cyrus first, 59 which with the 11. years from jeconias' captivity, make up the 70. years, and 490. which put together, make 549. So that they do exceed in these two last sums, almost 90. years: but they differ more in the whole sum from the creation to the nativity, as shall be showed in the true computation.  
3. But they are far wide, 
In the Table before the great English B●●le.  which do reckon from Adam unto the birth of our Saviour 5199. years, which sum they do gather by these particulars: From the creation to the giving of the Law, they account 3689. years, from thence to the nativity of Christ 1510. which make the said sum of 5199. wherein this is a great oversight committed: for from the creation of the world, to the giving of the Law, there are not above 2500. and odd years: which are counted thus: from the creation to the death of joseph, are 2368. years, from thence to Moses birth 60. years, who was 80. years old at their departure out of Egypt when the Law was given: all make but 2508. years: which sum wanteth of the foresaid number of 3689. a 1181. years.  
4. There is an other account made by the years contained in the several historical books of Scripture, as junius hath summed them, thus: Genesis containeth the history of 2368. years. Exodus. 142 The other books of the Pentateuch to the death of Moses. 40 joshuah. 17 judges. 299 The 1. of Samuel. 80 The 2. of Samuel. 40 The 1. of Kings. 118 The 2. of Kings to the destruction of jerusalem in the 11 of Zedekiah. 294 Thence to Cyrus 1. 59 To the building of the Temple. 106 Thence to the destruction of jerusalem. 490 The whole sum of these years put together, amounteth to 4053. from which sum if 73. years be diducted from the birth of Christ, to the destruction of the city, (33. to his passion, and 40. thence to the end of the city) there will remain from the creation of the world, to the nativity of our Saviour, 3980. years. In which sum, two things may be excepted against: 1. in the years ending in the 11. of Zedekiah, which are cast to 3398. there want just 22. years: for the 11. of Zedekiah was in the year of the world 3420. and the cause of the failing is this: junius giveth but unto Amaziah. 17. years, and then immediately to Vzziah or Azariah 52. for he thinketh, that whereas the story saith, that Amaziah reigned 29. years, the last 12. he spent in a private life, and so those years are counted to his sons reign: thus jun. annot. 2. king. 14. 2. & 21. But it is more agreeable to the text, that Amaziah reigned 29. years, and then his son succeeded not immediately, as Oecolampad. setteth him; but there was an interregnum, or intermission of the reign, for eleven years, the kingdom being governed by the States: as it may thus be gathered: Amaziah lived 15. years after the death of joash king of Israel, in whose 15. year began jeroboam the son of joash to reign over Israel, 2. king. 14. 17. 23. so then of Amaziahs' 29. year, there remained yet 15. then in the 15. year of jeroboam Amaziahs' reign endeth: afterward in the 27. year of jeroboam, began Vzziah to reign: then must needs the kingdom lie void eleven years from the 15. of jeroboam to the 27. H. Br. Consent. Genevens. And it can not stand, that Vzziah reigned together with his father: for he was but 16. year old when he began to reign, which was in the 27. of jeroboam, 2. king. 15. 1, 2. whereas his father died in the 15. year of jeroboam, when Vzziah was by this account but 4. year old. And it is noted in direct words, that as soon as Azariah was made king in his father's stead, he built Elath, after his father had slept with his fathers, 2. king. 14. 21, 22. So it is evident, that junius making Vzziah to begin to reign immediately after the 17. year of Amaziah, cometh short of the just sum 22. or 23. years: for he leaveth out 12. years of Amaziahs' reign, and omitteth the time of the vacancy, which was eleven years more.  
2. In that junius counteth an 106. years from Cyrus 1. to the 2. of Darius, when the Temple began to be re-edified, and so extendeth the Persian Monarchy 199. years, therein he exceedeth (by 69. years) the years of the Persian Monarchy, which were an 130. as is before showed, qu. 43. So that I rather approve junius judgement in his first edition, not allowing above an 130. years to the Persian Monarchy.  
5. Oecolampad. thus casteth the years from the creation of the world, unto the Messiah: from the creation to the flood 1656 from thence to the departing of the Israelites out of Egypt. ●13 from the departure unto the destruction of the first Temple in the 11. year of Zedekiah. 910 from the destruction to the building again of the Temple and city. 94 from the Temple and city re-edified in the 32. of Darius unto Alexander. 160 from Alexander to the Macch. 165 from the Macchabees to Herod. 127 from the beginning of the reign of the Herod's, to the end thereof at the final destruction of jerusalem. 103 But in this account there are divers errors committed: for in the sum of years unto the first destruction of the Temple, which are summed to 3379. or thereabout, which in true account rise to 3420. years: he cometh short 41. years: which error falleth out by this occasion. 1. he misseth of 60. years in the sum from the flood to Abraham, placing him to be borne in the 70. year of Terah, whereas he was borne in the 130. year of his father, as is showed further else where. 
H●xap. in G●● c. 11. qu. 19  2. from the death of jacob to the departure of Israel out of Egypt, he counteth 230. years, which exceed not an 194. years: for when jacob died at 147. joseph was 56. being 39 at Jacob's 130. year: so joseph living an 110. years, survived his father 54. from Joseph's death to Moses birth are counted 60. years: and in Moses 80. year departed Israel: these three sums, 54. 60. 80. make 194. here then Oecolampadius counting 230. years, exceedeth the just number by 36. yet he faileth in the whole sum 41. years, or thereabout: for the just sum of years from the creation to the departure of Israel out of Egypt, cometh to 2510. years, jun. H. Br. but his two sums of a 1656. and 813. laid together, make but 2469. 3. In the years of the Kings, next unto Amaziahs' 29. years, he placeth Vzziahs' 52. years, whereas there came between, an interregnum, or vacancy of the kingdom, for the space of an 11. years, as is showed before: but this number of a 11. years he taketh up in adding so many in the several reigns of the kings, as in giving 8. years to joram, who reigned alone but four, one to Ahaziah, whose time is not counted: 7. to Athaliah, who reigned but 6. and so he recompenseth by an other supply in the addition of these and other years to several kings, the want of the said number of a 11. years: so that here he agreeth in the whole sum of the years of the kings, which was from the beginning of Salomon's reign, unto the 11. year of Zedekiah, 430.  
In the next sum from the 11. of Zedekiah, unto the destruction of jerusalem, which maketh 649. these errors ar● found. 1. He counteth but 70. years from the first destruction of the Temple, unto the re-edifying thereof in the 2. of Darius: whereas in the least reckoning, there remained 50. years of the captivity from the destruction of the Temple, to the first of Cyrus: and from thence 7. weeks, that is, 49. years more to the building and finishing of the Temple, as is showed before, qu. 58. 2. He giveth unto the Persian Monarchy 160. years after the 32. of Darius Hystaspis, whom he thinketh to have reigned 36. years, and to Cyrus and Cambyses he giveth between them 17. years: so he extendeth the whole Persian Monarchy to 214. years: which must be cut short to an 130. as is likewise declared before, qu. 43. 3. He numbereth but 292. years for the kingdom of the Grecians and Macchabees, which made 300▪ qu. 54. so that here he wanteth 8. years. 4. This whole last sum of 649. years, 73. being abated from the last destruction of the city, to the birth of Christ, maketh 576. which joined to the fo●mer number of 3379. maketh 3955. whereas the just sum to Christ birth from the creation, is 3927. or rather 3935. or thereabout: so that here is an overplus of 20. years in the whole sum, or there about.  
6. Bullingers', account is this: he setteth ●he 11. of Zedekiah, in the year of the world 3365. the end of the Persian Monarchy in the year 3640. the end of the kingdom of the Macedonians, which was in the 22. of Cleopatra, in the year 3940. and the birth of our blessed Saviour in the year 3970.  
1. But in the first sum of 3365. he cometh short by 55. years, the just number being in Zedekiahs' 11. year, ●420. which odds is like to arise, because Bullinger following the common account, setteth Abraham's birth in the 70. year of Terah, which was in the 130. year, and there faileth of 60. years ● the 5. odd years he might make up in adding to the years of the reign of the kings.  
2. In the next sum of 3640. he exceedeth, giving unto the Persian Monarchy 215. years, (which he beginneth at Cyrus in the year of the world 3425.) whereas the whole exceedeth not 130. years.  
3. In the next sum he accounteth right, numbering 300. years from Alexander's first, unto the last of Cleopatra.  
4. But in the last sum, placing Christ's, birth in the year 1970. he exceedeth about 35. years: it was by just account 3927. or rather 3935. years, as now shall be made to appear.  
7. Thus then may the year of the world be found out, wherein our blessed Saviour was borne: first we take the number before set down by jun. artic. 4. unto the destruction of jerusalem in the 11. of Zedekiah, which is just by true account found to be 3398. years, saving that there wanteth 22. to be added, which junius cutteth off from the reign of Amaziah, to whom he giveth but 17. years, whereas he reigned 29. and from the time of vacancy of the kingdom which was 11. years, as is there showed: add these 22. years to the former sum, and we shall have just 3420. years, from the creation to the desolation of jerusalem in the 11. of Zedekiah: from hence to the death of our blessed Saviour there are two accounts: Some counting the beginning of the captivity in the 1. year of Nabuchadnezzer, and the 4. of jehoiakim, when Daniel was carried away captive, (and jerusalem was destroyed in the 19 year of Nabuchadnezzer) do make reckoning but of 50. years more to Cyrus 1. and thence to Christ's death 490. years: so that the year of the world by this account was 3960. at the holy passion of Christ: and 33. years being abated for the age of Christ, his nativity shall be in the year of the world 3927. or thereabout, H. Br. in his Consent. But because the better opinion is and more probable, to begin the 70. years in the captivity of jechoniah in the 8. year of Nabuchadnezzer, 
See more for the beginning of the 70. years captivity, qu. 5. upon this chap.  from whence jeremy beginneth it, c. 29. 10. as josephus Scaliger showeth, lib. 6. de emendat. tempor. we must add 8. years more to the foresaid number, because we begin the captivity later, and so these 8. years being added, we have the 3935. year of the world for the birth of our blessed Saviour.  
But it will be objected, that whereas the year wherein our blessed Saviour suffered, is held to have been a year of jubilee, the 28. jubilee being cast up to fall in the year of the world 3960. his birth being placed in the year 3927. we shall by adding of 8. years more miss of a year of jubilee in the year of Christ's passion. We answer, that they which cast the 28. jubilee to be in the year 3960. begin the first jubilee in the 8. year of joshuahs' government, H. Br. which may better take beginning 8. years after in the 16. of joshuah, when he gathered all Israel to Sechem, and made a covenant with them: for then the people had rest from their enemies, josh. 24. 1.  
8. M. Lydyat placeth the birth of Christ in the year of the world 4007. and so exceedeth the former reckoning by 72. years: the reason of which difference is, because he giveth 204 years to the Persian Monarchy, beginning the same in the year 3471. and ending in the year 3675. whereas it is proved before, that the Persian Monarchy could not exceed an 130. years, or thereabout, qu. 43.   

67. In what year of the reign of Herod our blessed Saviour was borne.  
another account of years, which the jews make, is by the years of the reign of their kings: now then because Herod a stronger had obtained from the Romans the kingdom of the jews, it most be examined in what year of Herod's reign our blessed Saviour was borne. And here three things must be inquired, when Herod began his reign, how many years he reigned, and in which of them the nativity of our Saviour was.  
1. josephus thinketh, that Herod was cre●●●ed king by the Romans in the 184. olympiad, Cn. Domitius Calvinus, and C. Asin●●● Pollio being Consuls: and that 3. years after he took jerusalem, and slew Antigonus, and so ●●●oyed the kingdom peaceably: from his first creation are counted 37. years, but from the death of Antigonus only 34. Thus joseph. lib. antiqu. 14. & 17.  
But this opinion of josephus can not stand. 1. for if Herod began to reign in the 184. Olympiad, he must die in the 193. Olympiad, which was 37. years after: and then should Christ be borne 7. or 8. years after the reign of Herod, namely in the 4. year of the 194. Olympiad, which is contrary to the history of the Gospel, Matth. 2. for Herod died after Christ was borne, and fled into Egypt. 2. josephus again is contrary to himself, for lib. 16. antiquit. cap. 9 he placeth the 28. year of Herod in the 192. Olympiad: but if Herod began his reign in the 184. Olympiad, his 28. year will fall out not in the 192. but in the beginning of the 191. Olympiad. 3. Dio lib. 48. and Onuphrius in chron. do place the Consulship of Cn. Calvinus, and Asiaius Pollio. in the 2. year of the 185. Olympiad, which was the 714. year of the building of Rome.  
2. Onuphrius in chronic. assigneth the beginning of Herod's reign to the 3. year of Augustus Caesar: Beda lib. de 6. aetatibus, to the 11 year: But Eusebius more truly in the 10. year of Augustus Caesar: so also Bullinger.  
3. It is agreed with most historians, that Herod reigned 37. years complete; only Beda appointeth unto him 36. years.  
4. But there is great difference about the year of Herod, wherein Christ should be borne: Beda nameth the 31. year, lib. de 6. aetatib. Eusebius the 32. Bullinger, Epiphanius heres. 51. and Sulpitius lib. 2. the 33. so also M. Lydyat, pag. 135. Onuphrius the 36. Su●lyga and Keplerus about the 35. Perorius in this uncertainty leaveth the matter in doubt, not resolving in what year of Herod Christ was borne.  
5. josephus Scaliger is confident, that Christ was borne in the 37. year of Herod, which he would prove thus. 1. the beginning of Herod's reign was in the next year after the Consulship of Calvinus and Pollio (which was in the 714. year of the city, as Dio and Onuphrius cast it) this was in the 15. year of Augustus, which was the 715. year of Rome: from hence to the 42. year of Augustus, are 37. years: then by this reckoning the 37. of Herod, and the 31. of Augustus, and the 3. year of the 194. Olympiad shall concur together.  
2. Christ was then newly borne, when the wisemen came to worship, for as yet the time of purification was not come according to the law: for to what end else should Marie stay in Bethlehem? the star appeared before the conception of Christ, 1. year before Christ's birth, and they so cast their journey, as that they came presently after the birth of Christ: Now Christ immediately after his mother was purified, was carried into Egypt, and after a while Herod died, and then he returned out of Egypt: to this purpose, joseph. Scalig. lib. 6. de emendat. tempor.  
Contra. 1. There were two beginnings of Herod's reign, one from the time of his creating king, which might be in the 4. or 5. of Augustus' reign, in the 714. or 15. year of Rome: but an other beginning was after the death of Antigonus, when he took possession of his kingdom, which was as Eusebius setteth it, in the 10. year of Augustus, as Beda in the 11. year: from this latter beginning must the 37. years of Herod's reign be counted, and not from the first.  
2. Concerning the time of the appearing of the star, and of the coming of the wisemen: 1. I neither think that Christ was two year old at such time as the infants were killed, as Aretius thinketh in his commentaries upon Matthew, and M. Calvin, that Herod deferred the execution of his malice almost two years: for by the text it appeareth, that as soon as Herod saw himself mocked of the wisemen, he forthwith in his rage caused the infants to be killed, Matth. 1. 16. 2. neither is it like that the star appeared 1. year; or 2. before Christ's nativity: for how then should the wisemen have known when to set forward, and to come just against the natiutie of Christ, if the star had appeared so long before, and not at, and after the birth of Christ. 3. Therefore it is more probable, that the wisemen upon the ●ight of the star, which appeared not before Christ was borne, came toward the end of the days of Mary's purification, and returned back again, Christ being then newly borne; for otherwise Marie would not have stayed in Bethlem: she might continue there 40. days; in the end whereof the wisemen might come from the East, 
At what time the star began to appear to the wisemen that came from the East, Matth. 2.  not from Chaldea, which was North, from jerusalem, nor from Persia, which was too far off, being four months journey, Ezra. 7. 9 But as Pelican thinketh, they might come from some nearer country, as Sabea, which was counted in the East countries toward the South: so that toward the end of the 40. days of purification, they might well accomplish their journey: and in the mean time as they returned, while Herod expected their return, Marie went to jerusalem to be purified. 4. neither doth it follow, that they fleeing into Egypt, should make abode there but certain months: some think they might stay there 5. years, Emman. Sa. some 7. ex Pellicano. there is no certainty of the time of their abode there, they stayed till Herod was dead. 5. And whereas Herod in his rage caused the infants to be killed, from two year old and under, according to the time which he had diligently inquired of the wisemen, it followeth not, that this was the second year of the appearing of the star, as josephus Scaliger inferreth: But Herod to be sure, that the child should not escape, putteth all to the sword from a day old to two year old, so Pelican. so that these words, according to the time, may as well be referred to those which were under two year old, though they were but a day, or a month, or two old, as to those which were fully two year old.  
5. Wherefore although there be no certainty of this, in what year of Herod's reign Christ was borne, neither is it necessary for the understanding of daniel's weeks; yet it is most probable, that our Blessed Saviour was borne about the 30. of Herod complete, and the 31. begun, which falleth into the 41. year of the reign of Augustus Caesar complete, and the 42. begun, as it may be thus gathered: the Herodians are held to have continued in the government of judea, to the destruction of jerusalem 103. years, which may be counted thus by the particular account of the years of the Herodians: Herod the son of Antipater, reigned 37. Herod Archelaus 9 Herod the Tetrarch 24. Herod Agrippa 7. Agrippa the son of Agrippa, 26. Oecol. these years ending at the destruction of jerusalem in the 2. of Vespasian, make an 103. Then counting backward from the destruction of jerusalem 73. years, we shall come just to the 42. of Augustus, and to the 31. year of Herod, as may evidently appear to those, that will compare the years of the Emperors, and lay them together. I therefore think Beda his opinion of the rest most probable, who placeth the beginning of Herod's reign in the 11. year of Augustus, and the birth of Christ in 31. of Herod, which by this reckoning falleth into the 41. of Augustus' complete, or the 42. year begun.  
And as there is small certainty in what year of Herod Christ was borne, so neither is it agreed upon by all, into what year of Augustus' reign Christ's birth should fall. Cassiodorus assigneth the 40. year, 
Iren. lib. 3. adners. haeres. c. 25. Tertul. lib. advers. judaeos.  Ireneus and Tertullian the 41. but the most resolve upon the 42. year of Augustus: as Eusebius in chron. Epiphanius haeres. 51. Beda. But these may be understood to speak of the 42. initiate only and begun, the other of the 41. complete: for if Christ being held to have been baptized, and begun to preach, in the 15. of Tiberius, Luk. 3. 1. there must be 15. years remaining of Augustus, who reigned in all 56. to make up 30. years, in which year of his age Christ was baptised.   

Quest. 68 In what year of his age Christ was baptised.  
1. Some are of opinion, that Christ was 30. years complete before he was baptised: of which opinion was Beda, that Christ was baptised the 6. of januarie, 13. days after he was full 30. year old, lib. de ration. temp. c. 41. So also Chrysostome hom. 10. in Matth. Euthymius in 3. c. Matth. Bernard serm. 1. de Epiphania. do think that Christ came to be baptised after he was full thirty year old: the same is the opinion of josephus Scaliger, lib. 6. de emendat. tempor. But this opinion is thus refelled. 1. because the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi, as it were 30. year old, Luk. 3. 23. showeth that he was not full 30. year old. Scaliger answereth, that sometime this is not a word of doubting, but of affirming, as joh. 1. 14. we saw the glory thereof, as the glory of the only begotten, etc. But he should have given us an instance, where this word is used in numbering otherwise, then uncertainly and by way of geffe. 2. the words are, jesus was about 30. year old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beginning: the meaning of which words must be, that he began to be about 30. year old: Euthymius to make his opinion good, readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, entering or proceeding, referring it to his preaching: but the words is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, beginning, josephus Scaliger thinketh, that the word is not referred to the 30. years but put absolutely, after the phrase of the Hebrews, as he giveth instance of that place, Gen. 9 20. Noah began to be an husbandman: But this instance is against him: for Noah began then first after the ●●ood to be an husbandman: and this word beginning, cannot stand absolutely in any good sense, unless there should be relation to something in respect whereof this beginning is.  
2. another opinion is, that Christ when he was baptised was only entered into his 30. year, about some 13. days: so Pererius urging the strict words of Luke, that Christ began then to be about 30. year old: and maketh Ireneus with others to favour this opinion; the first thus writeth, lib. 2. advers. haeres▪ c. 39 Ad baptismum venit, etc. he came to baptism not having yet fulfilled 30. years, but beginning to be about 30. year old, as S. Luke signifieth. Pererius judgement here is agreeable to the words of the text, saving that he holdeth Christ to have been borne in December, whereas there must be 3. years and an half between Chists baptism and his passion, as is showed afterward.  
3. A third opinion is of Epiphanius, haeres. 50. that Christ was 30. years old within two months: whom he holdeth to have been borne upon the sixth day of januarie, and to have been baptised in his 30. year, two months before the end thereof about the sixth of November: But the word, beginning, which S. Luke useth, showeth that he was toward the beginning rather than the end of his 30. year.  
4. Wherefore it is more probable, that Christ was baptised in the beginning, not in the end of his 30. year, in the sixth month Tisri, whereof this reason may be yielded out of Daniel, because Christ's death ended half of a week, wherein the covenant was confirmed, which began at his preaching, immediately after his baptism, H. Br. Consent. And if the 70. weeks must end just at the death of Christ, as is proved before quest. 49. and Christ beginning to preach immediately after his baptism, preached 3. years and an half, it must follow, that he was baptised in the beginning of his 30. year: And in this sense Christ is said in proper speaking to be thirty year old, when he was but entering into his thirty year, see more hereof quest. 71. and 72. following.  
5. M. Lydyat thinketh that Christ dimidia ex part exegerat annum aetatis tricesimum, had passed the half of his 30. year, when he was baptized, and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, beginning, he referreth to his preaching, not to his age. But I incline rather to the former opinion. 1. for there is no mention made at all of Christ's preaching, in respect whereof he should be said to begin: the words do thus stand in the text, and jesus himself was as it were of thirty years beginning, etc. 2. neither did Christ immediately after his baptism begin to preach: he was first tempted. 40. days in the wilderness, next after his baptism, as S. Luke showeth in the next chapter. 3. and if Christ were baptized in the midst of his 30. year, and after that lived 3. years and an half, being put to death in the spring, it will follow, that he was also borne about that time of the year, which is also M. Lydyats' opinion, which is very improbable, as shall be showed afterward quest. 71. following.  
6. But M. Lydyat hath yet a more strange opinion: he thinketh that john Baptist began to preach 4. years before Christ was baptized, in the 15. year of Tiberius' reign; and that Christ was baptized in the beginning of the 19 year of Tiberius, and suffered in the 22. year: his chief reasons are these.  
1. There are 30. years, at what age Christ was baptized, from the 41. of Augustus, wherein Christ was borne, to the 19 of Tiberius.  
2. The Temple was in building 46. years, joh. 2. which began to be built in the 18. year of Herod, whence unto the 15. year (he would say 19 year) of Tiberius are 47. years.  
3. john was not imprisoned and put to death before the 20. and 21. of Tiberius, for presently after john's beheading, followed the battle between Herod and Aretas king of Arabia, for repudiating his daughter, and marrying Herodias his brother's wife, which was in the beginning of Vitellius government: which was in the 21. year of Tiberius, as Cornel. Tacitus testifieth, lib. 6. Annal.  
4. The year wherein Christ began to preach was a sabbatical year, as appeareth Luk. 4. but there was no sabbatical year, after the 15. year of Tiberius, till the 20. To this purpose M. Lydyat lib. de emendat. tempor. from p. 169. to p. 176.  
Contra. Though I will not of purpose oppose myself to so excellent a Chronologer, who hath taken great pains in this kind of study, which I profess not; yet because that his opinion is singular, I hope I may without offence examine his reasons, to give him occasion further to consider of them, lest the common adversary might take advantage thereby.  
1. The 30. years of Christ's age were expired in the 15. year of Tiberius, from the 41. of Augustus' wherein Christ is held to have been borne: and M. Lydyat maketh mention of one Petavius a learned Chronologer of Paris, who proveth that Christ must be borne 30. years before the 15. year Tiberius, p. 153.  
2. That place in joh. c. 2. must be understood of the building of Zorobabels' Temple, not of Herod's, as hath been showed before, quest. 58.  
3. john's troubles began before the 20. year of Tiberius, for when Herod took his brother Philip's wife Herodias, his brother was then living, at what time john reproved him: but Philip died in the 20. year of Tiberius, joseph. lib. 18. c. 6. and the war upon that occasion might follow some year after.  
4. That year wherein Christ preached was not a sabbatical year: Christ prepareth them by his preaching against the acceptable year, which was that wherein he suffered, which was both a sabbatical and jubilee year: for the jubilee being a type of Christ, in whom we should enjoy the true jubilee, in the remission of sins, the figure and shadow and the body must agree together.  
5. But that Christ was baptised in the 15. year of Tiberius, S. Luke putteth it out of doubt, c. 3. 1. M. Lydyat answereth that the Evangelist assigneth that year for the beginning of john's preaching, not for Christ's baptism: for john must have a longer time given him then so to prepare the way for Christ's to preach and baptise, p. 171. But as john Baptists birth was but 6. months before Christ's, so the like time might suffice for his forerunning in preaching: the Evangelists set down the baptism of our Blessed Saviour, as following immediately upon the preaching of john: yea S. john saith, that the next day after his solemn baptizing, he saw jesus coming unto him, john. 1. 29.   

Quest. 69. How many years Christ lived on earth, and in what year of his life Christ was put to death.  
1. Some were of opinion, that Christ lived 46. years at the least, that the body may answer to the shadow, the substance to the figure, because the material Temple, which was a figure of the true Temple Christ jesus, is said to have been 46. year in building: Ireneus thinketh that Christ lived 50. years, because of that place, joh. 8. where the jews say unto Christ, thou art not yet 50. year old, etc. And he further addeth this reason, that it was not fit that Christ should begin to preach in his youth, but should take that grave function upon him, when he grew in years, Irenaeus lib. 2. advers. haeres. cap. 39  
But 1. the jews words (speaking but by guess) are not much to be weighed, though some in that place do read forty for fifty, Chrysost. 2. there may be as great gravity in young years, as in age: for not years, but the graces and gifts of God's spirit do bring authority. 3. And if Christ had lived so many years, it is not like that the Evangelists would have passed over in silence the great works which Christ did in that time, whereas they only set down those things, which Christ spoke and did unto the 4. Passeover after his baptism, which was in the 30. year of his age. 2. If Christ had lived above 40. toward 50. years, he could not have suffered under Tiberius, in whose 18. year he is generally held to have died, being baptised in his 15. year, Luk. 3. 1. for Tiberius reigned but 23. years in all.  
2. another opinion is that Christ died the same year, namely the 30. complete wherein he was baptised, and so preached but one year, so Tertullian lib. advers. judaeos, and Clemens Alexandrin. lib. 1. stromat. who groundeth his opinion upon that place taken out of the Prophet, Luk. 4. 19 that he should preach the acceptable year of the Lord: But 1. it followeth not, because mention is made of the acceptable year in the singular, that Christ peached but one year in all: year is here taken either generally for the acceptable time, or it hath special reference to that true jubilee, the year of remission wherein Christ suffered for our sins. 2. in the Evangelists there is mention made of four several Passovers after Christ's baptism, as shall be even now showed: therefore Christ lived and preached above a year after his baptism.  
3. Some other think that Christ lived but 31. years, and preached but two years after his baptism: of this opinion was Apollinaris Bishop of Laodicea, as Hierome reporteth in 9 Daniel. and Cyrillus Alexandrin. seemeth to affirm the same, in 29. c. Isaiae, Severus Sulpitius also lib. 2. sacr. histor. seemeth to be of the same judgement, who writeth that Christ lived 4. years of Herod's reign, and 9 years of Archelaus, and then died in the 18. year of Herod the Tetrarch, all which make but 31. years. This opinion is refelled by the former reason: because the Evangelists make mention in the Gospel of 4. Passovers after Christ's baptism, which could not be in the space of two years.  
4. josephus Scaliger is of opinion that Christ suffered in the 35. year of his age, holding that Christ was baptized in the beginning of his 31. year, and after his baptism mention is made of five Pasches, the first joh. 2. 13. the second john 5. 1. the third, Matth. 12. 1. and Luk. 6. 1. when the Apostles plucked the ears of corn, which was as S. Luke saith, the second Sabbath, namely after the Pasche, for then the ears of corn began to be ripe: the fourth is mentioned, john. 6. 4. when he fed the five thousand: the 5. was the last Pasche, wherein our Blessed Saviour suffered: S. Paul also speaketh of the perfect age of Christ at his resurrection, Ephes. 4. 13. which is at 35. years.  
Contra. 1. That Christ was not 30. years complete, when he was baptised, is showed in the former question, and the words of the text are against it, that Christ was then beginning to be 30. year old. 2. that Christ suffered after the 18. year of Tiberius, which will follow if Christ died in his 35. year, is against the common received opinion, which assigneth the 18. year for Christ's passion: which is gathered by the account of the Olympiads, for Christ is held to have been borne in the 4. year of the 194. Olympiad, and to ha●e suffered in the 4. year of the 202. Olympiad; the distance of years is just 33. and no more. 3. That Pasche which john speaketh of, cap. 5. 1. is like to be the same mentioned, Math. 12. 1. and Luk. 6. 1. as Pererius well observeth, when after the Pasche the Apostles pulled the ears of corn; which may be the reason, why john passeth over in silence all that was done between the second and third Pasche, which immediately he speaketh of c. 6. 4. because the the other Evangelists do set forth at large what happened between the second and third Pasche, Matth. c. 12. toc. 13. Mark, from the second to the 6. Luke, from the 6. to the 9 If five Passovers could have been assigned out of the same Evangelist, than he said somewhat: But out of diverse Evangelists, who do not follow the same order of time, the number cannot so certainly be gathered. 4. that is but a weak reason taken from the fullness and perfection of Christ's age: Augustine by the same reason thinketh that we shall rise again about the age of thirty, because Christ died in that age, lib. 22. de civitat. Dei, c. 15. And indeed at that age men are in their strength, being fit for any employment either of the body or mind: as joseph at that age stood before Pharaoh, and David at that age began to reign.  
5. Some think that Christ died in the 34. year of his age, not complete, but only begun some 3. months and certain days, so Beda lib. de ration. tempor. c. 45. Albertus Magnus in commentar. epistol. Dyonis. Onuphrius in Chronicis. Beda his reason is, because he thinketh Christ to have been baptised, when he began to be 31. year old, and from, thence preached 3. years and an half: But this opinion is contrary to the text, which saith he began to be 30. not 31. year old: and by this means Christ's death is cast into the 19 year of Tiberius (which also Onuphrius thinketh) contrary to the received opinion; that Christ was borne in the 42. year of Augustus, and died in the 18. year of Tiberius.  
6. another opinion yet is, that Christ was baptized in the beginning of his 30. year, but began not to preach until the beginning of his 31. year, when he wrought that miracle by changing water into wine, which is thought to have been done the same day twelvemonth after he was baptised: and yet the time of his preaching was 3. years and an half: so Pererius lib. 11. in Daniel. quest. 7. opinion. 4. But 1. it is not like, that Christ being baptized, and then publicly called by his father's voice from heaven to be a teacher of men, and therefore they are charged from heaven to hear him, would so long defer the execution of his holy function. 2. Pererius in this assertion is contrary to himself: for if Christ died as he proveth at large in the 33. year of his age, and preached three years and an half, then could not his preaching be deferred unto the beginning of his 31. year, for 3. years and an half counted from thence will fall into his 34. year: But concerning the time, when Christ began to teach, more shall be said, when we come to speak of confirming the covenant, v. 27.  
7. M. Lydyat thinketh that Christ died in the 33. year of his age almost complete, pag. 176. But than it would follow, that he was borne about the same season of the year, wherein he suffered, about the vernal equinoctial, or spring time, which opinion is refused as improbable, quest. 71. following.  
8. Wherefore the best resolution is this, that Christ died in the 33. year of his age not complete, but about the midst thereof, not after 3. months, as Pererius, but 6. months after his 32. year complete. The first part of this assertion that Christ suffered in his 33. year is thus proved. 1. because by the Roman Chronologie, he is held to have been borne in the 42. of Augustus' inch●a●e or begun, and to have died in the 18. of Tiberius: the distance of years is just 33. for Augustus reigned 56. and then Tiberius succeeded. 2. the same is proved by the Olympiads, as is before showed, Christ was borne in the 4. year of the 194. Olympiad, and died in the 4. year of the 202. Olympiad. 3. Pererius further proveth that Christ died in the 33. year of his age, by this astronomical calculation: It is agreed upon that Christ suffered upon the 15. day of the month, having eaten the Passeover upon the 14. day at even according to the law, the next evening before. Again Christ died upon the jewish Sabbath eve, which is our Friday, for otherwise he had not risen again upon the Lord's day, which was the third day after: But in none of the years of christs age from the 30. to the 37. did the 15. day of the month fall out upon the sixth day of their week, our friday, but only in the 33. for in the 31. year the 15. day of the moon was upon the 27. of March upon tuesday: in the 32. on the 15. of April upon tuesday likewise: in the 34. on the 23. of March on wedensday: in the 35. on the 11. day of April on monday: But in the 33. year only within this compass (for of the other years before the 30. or after the 35. there is no question) the 15. day of the moon concurred with the 3. of April upon friday, as may be gathered counting the year of the Lord by the Dominical letter: therefore Christ only suffered in the 33. year of his age.  
4. After Christ was baptised, and began to preach, there were only four Pasches, which he kept, in the last whereof he died: as may be gathered out of the Gospel of S. john: the first Pasche is mentioned, cap. 2. 13. the second c. 5. 1. the third john. 6. 4. and the last when he suffered: to the which belong the 11. 13. and 18. chapters of S. john's Gospel: these 4. Pasches were kept in three years, and odd months, which were between the baptism of Christ and the first Pasche: But about the number of these Pasches there is some doubt, as now shall be further showed in the next question following.  
The other part of the assertion, that there must be 6. months between the season or time of the baptism of Christ and of his blessed passion, is thus proved: because Daniel ending the 70. weeks in the death of Christ precisely, speaketh of half a week set apart for the confirming of the covenant, which began at Christ's baptism, and causing all other sacrifices to cease: we must then have half a seven of years exactly from the baptism of Christ unto the time of his passion.   

Quest. 70. Of the number of Pasches, which Christ solemnised in the days of his flesh, whereby the time and years of his preaching is certainly gathered.  
1. Whereas in the end of the former question four Pasches are assigned, the second whereof should be mentioned john. 5. 1. yet it is not expressly said to be the Pasche, but generally a feast of the jews: there are diverse opinions conceived hereof. 1. some think it was the feast of the Pentecost, which immediately followeth after the Pasche, which john spoke of before, c. 2. v. 13. of this opinion are Cyril, Chrysostome, Euthymius, Theophylaect, Thomas, Lyranus, i● the explanation of that place: But this cannot be: 1. after that Pasche john 2. our Saviour stayed a while in the city: then he left the city and judaea, and returned into judaea again, and stayed there a good while, john 3. 23. after that he departed out of judaea, and went by Samaria to go into Galilee, at what time there were yet 4. months to harvest, john. 4. 35. All these things could not be done in the space of fifty days between the Pasche and Pentecost: and beside the time of harvest is in the month jiar, the next unto Nisa●, which answereth unto our March: wherefore this could not be the feast of Pentecost, which is not two months from the Pasche. 3. when a feast of the jews is named simply without any addition, it is usually taken for the feast of the Passeover, which was their chief and principal feast, as is evident, Matth. c. 26. Luk. 22. john. 13. 2. another opinion is, that this was one of the winter feasts, which were three, one of the dedication of the Temple, instituted by judas Macchabeus, lib. 1. Macchab. c. 4. which was kept the 25. day of the 9 month Cisleu: the second was the feast of the re-edifying of the second Temple under Zerobabel, which was upon the 3. day of the last month Adar, whereof see Ezra. 6. 15. the third was the feast of lots ordained by Mordecai and Esther, upon the 14. and 15. of the same month Adar, as is declared Esther. 9 some one of these three feasts, some think this to have been: so Caietan in 5. c. joan. Melchior Canus lib. 11. de loc. Theolog. But this is not like: for these were none of the principal feasts which were instituted by Moses at the Lords appointment: But this was a principal feast of the jews, because it is simply called a feast without any other addition, as is showed before. 3. Wherefore upon the former reasons, this was likely to be the feast of the Passeover, after the which in the next month immediately followeth harvest: and in the former chapter it is said, there were 4. months then to harvest, c. 4. 35. And although in the next chapter following, c. 6. 4. mention is made of the Pasch, that letteth not, but that this may be the Pasch also: for it is usual with the Evangelists to join things together which were done far asunder, omitting many things coming between: as Matthew immediately after the baptism and 40. days fast of our blessed Saviour, treateth of the calling of the Apostles, which was done a good while after: So john here omitteth those things which were done by our Saviour between the 2. and 3. Pasch, especially because they are handled at large by the other Evangelists, Matth. c. 12. to 14. Mark. 2. to the 6. Luk. 6. to the 9  
2. As some would thus abridge the number of the feasts, and bring them to three: so some others would enlarge the number of them: as they which think that there passed a year between the baptism of Christ, and the first miracle which he did in Cana of Galilee: so that they think one of the Passovers, which followed next after the baptism of Christ, to be passed over in silence: to this opinion inclineth Pererius, and holdeth it to be an ancient received tradition. But this is confuted before, qu. 69. artic. 6.  
3. jos. Scal. also thinketh that there were five Passovers between the baptism of Christ, & his passion, making that mentioned, Matth. 12. 1. & Luk. 6. 1. to be the 3. Passeover▪ beside those other 4. mentioned by the Evangelist S. john: as is noted before, quest. 69. opinion the 4. But what small ground there is of this assertion, there it is likewise showed.  
Wherefore this remaineth as the best resolution, that because Christ only kept 4. Passovers, neither more nor less after his baptism, (as M. Lydyat well collecteth pag. 177.) that he lived only 3. years and so much as was from his baptism to his first Passeover, and so was put to death in the 33. year of his age: Now for the further manifestation hereof, before we proceed, it shall not be amiss briefly to touch the very time of the year when Christ was borne, and the very day of his passion.   

71. Quest. At what time of the year Christ was borne.  
1. Epiphaenius opinion was, that Christ was borne upon the 6. day of januarie, 
haeres. 51.  upon which day he thinketh he wrought his first miracle in Cana of Galilee, and before that 60. days he was baptised: whereof he maketh this demonstration: after his baptism he fasted 40. days, than he went to Nazareth, and there stayed 15. days: then one day which was the 56. he stayed with john, who being absent, gave that singular testimony of Christ: and the 57 john being present called Christ the lamb of God, that took away the sins of the world: the 58. day Andrew followed Christ, and the 59 Christ called unto him Philip: and the 60. day was there a marriage in Cana of Galilee, as upon which day Christ was borne. But here divers things are uncertenly alleged, as of jesus staying in Nazareth 15. days: and some of those things, which Epiphanius thinketh to have been uttered by john of our Saviour after his baptism, joh. 1. were spoken before, as v. 26. there is one among you, etc. whose shoes latchet I am not worthy to unloose: these words were uttered by john-before the baptism of our blessed Saviour, Matth. 3. 11. And seeing the Evangelist calleth it the 3. day, wherein that miracle was done in Cana, c. 2. 1. how can he make it the 60. day, and the next day, after Christ had that conference with Philip; whereas it seemeth to be called the 3. day from thence.  
2. M. Lydyat agreeth with their opinion, whom Clemens Alexander. mentioneth, who held Christina●ale verna tempestate anni, Christ's birth day to have been in the spring: and he allegeth Keplerus who leaveth it uncertain, whether Christ were borne the 6. of januarie, or the 19 of April or May. M. Lydyats' conjecture is, because the shepherds are said to have watched their sheep by night, which more agreeth with the spring time, when the lambs were young, and the ravenous beasts have then their young also, and so are more greedy and desirous of their prey, p. 157. Contra. 1. But seeing there must be half a year between the season wherein Christ was baptised, & wherein he suffered, because he preached 3. years & an half after his baptism, which was in the beginning of his 30. year, as S. Luke saith, c. 3. 23. then will his passion fall out in the middle, not in the end of his last year, and the time of his birth must be half a year before, qu. 68 2. The shepherds might watch their flocks as well at other times of the year, when they kept their sheep abroad, as in the spring, because that country was full of wolves: the reason is given of their watching, because of their flock, Luk. 2. 8. not of their young only.  
3. The common and received opinion is, that our blessed Saviour was borne about the 25. of December, and baptised 13. days after that season, in the beginning of his 30. year, about the 6. of januarie. But beside these conjectures, 1. that is not like that in the deep of winter, the edict should come forth from Augustus to have men called together to me chief city of their tribe to be taxed: as joseph and Marie came to Bethlehem to be taxed, Luk. 2. 6. 2. or that in the cold time of winter the people went into the waters of jordan to be baptised of john. 3. beside these conjectures, this is an evident argument, that Christ's birth was not so near the Passeover, because by daniel's prophesy here, there must be half a Prophetical week from the time of confirming the covenant, by the preaching of the Gospel, which was immediately upon the baptism of Christ, who was then entering into his 30. year, Luk. 3. 23. from the baptism then of Christ, about which season he was borne, we must count. 3. years 6. months to the time of his passion.  
4. Upon this reason Ber●aldus thinketh, that Christ was borne about the 14. or 15. of September, because 6. months after he suffered upon the 15. of the first month. Beside he taketh an other argument from the custom of the Grecians and Egyptians, who in memory of Christ's birth began their year in September, and the Imperial indictions began then also: and this third reason he urgeth; there were 24. courses of the Priests, 1. Chron. 24. who served every month by couples: Abiahs course, of the which Zacharie was, was the 8. single course, 1. Chron. 24. 10. and the 4. double: these courses began in March: then Abiahs course fell out to be in june, the 4. month: immediately after was john Baptist conceived, and 6. months after our blessed Saviour, as may be gathered, Luk. 1. 26. 36. john being then conceived in june, must be borne 9 months after in March: And our blessed Saviour must be conceived in December, and his birth will fall out in the ninth month after, namely September: this reason also is pressed by joseph. Scalig.  
M. Lively in his Persian Monarchy from p. 144. to p. 151. doth make this answer to Beroaldus reasons. 1. he answereth to the first reason taken from that place in Luk. 1. that Christ's age can not be gathered out of that place, because it is said, he was about, or as it were 30. years old, which word importeth a doubtful and imperfect number. 2. that place of Daniel is by some referred not to Christ's preaching, but to the destruction of jerusalem. 3. neither is it certain that Christ preached just 3. years and an half: joseph. Scaliger maketh the time of his preaching four years: some make it less, as is showed before, qu. 69.  
2. The Grecians and Egyptians began their year in September, in remembrance of Alexander's victory against Darius: and the Imperial indictions began then, because Constantine at that time began his reign.  
3. In the third reason many things are uncertain. 1. whether the Priests courses began in March. 2. whether they served by weeks or months. 3. in the jews ancient chronicle, called Seder olam, in the last chap. it is affirmed, that jehoiaribs' course, which was the first, after the destruction of the first & second Temple, fell out in the 5. month Ab, which is in some part answerable to our july. M. Lydyat also here answereth, that the courses of the Priests were changed after the captivity, p. 157. Ans. Though I am loath to contradict so general & received an opinion concerning Christ's birth, neither will I take upon me to set down any thing positively & affirmatively therein: yet I will show the unsufficiency of this answer, and propound certain doubts out of the Scripture, which I will leave to the Readers consideration.  
The 2. argument alleged by Beroaldus, taken from the Grecians beginning of their year, and the Imperial indictions, receiveth full satisfaction, and therefore I will not reply. To the 3. argument also a reasonable answer is made, saving that it is not to be doubted, but that the month Nisau, answering in part to our March was the beginning of their year for all Ecclesiastical business, as was appointed by Moses, Exod. 12. 1. and it is most like, that the 24. courses went over every year, and so two served monthly: and notwithstanding that testimony out of the jewish chronicle, the authority of the Scripture is more to be weighed, which testifieth, that the orders of the Levites were renewed after their return from the captivity in Nehemiahs' time, according to the ordinance of David the man of 
a Nehem. 12. 24.  God.  
But the first reason taken from the age of Christ, when he was baptised, is not in mine opinion sufficiently answered: 1. whereas S. Luke saith, that jesus began to b● about thirty years of age, that particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, josephus Scaliger taketh to be here, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a word of doubting, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a word of asseveration, and affirming: and what doubt can be here made, but that jesus began then to be 30. year old, according to the very words? 2. that this prophesy of Daniel of the 70. weeks determineth in Christ's death, is showed before, quest. 49. neither can it have any other meaning, without much wresting, as either with junius to read, after 62. weeks, after the Messiah is slain: whereas the words are, after 62. weeks, the Messiah shall be slain: or with M. Lively, to say that Messiah in this prophesy is not to be taken for Christ: both which may seem in any man's judgement▪ to be hard constructions of the text. 3. If this place then be understood of the Messiah, there must of necessity be half a week allowed for his preaching: and it is the general received opinion of old and new, that Christ preached 3. years and a half: and it is more inconvenient to deny that, then that Christ was borne in December.  
Now then, though for mine own part, in a matter indifferent and probable, I am loath to go against antiquity; yet this first reason I must confess, grounded upon the authority of Daniel for the space of 3. years and an half from Christ's beginning to preach unto his death, and of S. Luke for Christ's entering into 30. years when he was baptised, hath so prevailed with me, that I think it very probable, that Christ's birth was nearer September, than December: And howsoever it is, there must needs be some error in the account of time, in keeping Christ's nativity day the 25. of December, seeing in the revolution of 16. hundred years, there may well be lost so many days of the just reckoning: from hence now may be gathered the true distance between the baptism and the passion of Christ, which shall be distinctly handled in the next question.   

72. Quest. Of the space and distance of time that was between Christ's baptism and his passion.  
1. Epiphanius, whose opinion was seen in the beginning of the former question, maketh the baptism of Christ 60. days before that season of the year wherein he was borne: the day of Christ's birth he thinketh to have been borne the 6. of januarie: and 60. days before that falleth out in the beginning of November. But herein is Epiphanius error, he placeth Christ's baptism toward the end of the year, whereas it was in the beginning of Christ's 30. year: and again, he setteth Christ's baptism in this account but 4. months distant from his passion.  
2. Some bring the baptism of Christ nearer unto the Passeover by 73. days then Epiphanius: as they hold Christ to have been upon the 25. of December, and then his baptism to have been solemnised about 13. days after the season of his birth, about the sixth of januarie, in the beginning of Christ's 30. year: so Pererius, as before is showed, qu. 68 And to this purpose he allegeth Maximus, hom. 1. de Epiphan. ferunt Christum hody, vel stella duce à gentibus adoratum, etc. they say that Christ this day (namely the epiphany) was either adored of the Gentiles by the leading of a star, or being invited to the marriage, to have turned water into wine, or to have received john's baptism, and to have consecrate the flood of jordan, etc. So August. serm. 27. de tempor. maketh mention of these 3. opinions, that some held the wise men to have come upon that day to worship Christ, some that he turned water into wine, some that he was upon that day baptized, etc.  
But 1. these Fathers speak hereof uncertenly, not determining any thing, as Maximus in the former place concludeth, quid potissimum praesenti hac factum sit die, noverit ipse qui fecit, but what was chiefly done upon this day, he knoweth that did it: so than this tradition had no certain ground. 2. Pererius himself thinketh with others, that the half week which Daniel speaketh of, wherein the Messiah should cause the sacrifices to cease, began at Christ's baptism: then must there be just 6. months from the time of Christ's baptism unto the Passeover, for how else shall the half year be made up?  
3. josephus Scaliger, lib. 6. de emendat. tempor. bringeth Christ's baptism yet nearer unto the Passeover: for he thinketh that the miracle of converting the water into wine, was done 3. days after Christ's baptism: the 1. day after, Andrew and Peter followed Christ, the 2. day Philip was called, and Nathaniel, joh. 1. then the 3. day after was the marriage in Cana of Galilee, joh. 2. 1. and then it is said, v. 13. that the jews Passeover was at hand. But this opinion can not hold. 1. Christ after he was baptized, presently was tempted in the wilderness, as S. Mark saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, immediately the spirit driveth him into the wilderness, Mark. 1. 12. And S. Luke thus writeth, c. 4. 1. jesus being full of the holy Ghost returned from jordan, and was led by the spirit into the wilderness: the first thing then, that fell out after Christ's baptism, was his temptation, which continued 40. days▪ how then could that miracle be 3. days after Christ's baptism. 2. Therefore it is to be understood, that it was the 3. day either after he came into Galilee, or rather the 3. day after he had that conference with Philip & Nathaniel.  
4. Wherefore the best resolution is, that Christ was baptised about the beginning of September, when he began to be 30. year old, and the reason hereof is grounded upon daniel's half week: for whether we begin the 70. and last week from the baptism of Christ, or the latter half week (for there are of both opinions, as is showed before, but the latter is more probable) we must, to make up this half week have 6. months from the season, wherein Christ was baptised, to the time of the Passeover.   

73. Quest. Upon what day of the week Christ suffered, and whether upon a festival day.  
To know upon what day of the week Christ suffered, we must find out when he did eat his Passeover. 1. Epiphanius thinketh that he did eat it upon the third day of the week at even, when the fourth day begun with the jews, who reckon their civil day from the evening. But this can not be: for than if Christ are his Passeover either upon the 3. or 4. day, he must have suffered the 5. which was the day following, and then he must have risen again just upon the jews Sabbath, not on the morrow after the Sabbath, as the history of the Gospel showeth. 2. jos. Scaliger thinketh that Christ did eat the Passeover in the eve of the 6. day, and the day following, which was part of the 6. day, he suffered. But this cannot be: for the Passeover was to be killed upon the 14. day of the Moon between the two evenings: which was, as Scaliger well observeth out of josephus, from the time of the evening sacrifice, which was about the ninth hour, to the going down of the Sun, which was the space of 3. hours: but the 15. day began not till after Sunset: therefore that space between the two evenings, was the end of the 14. day, which was at this time, the fifth day of the week, not the beginning of the 15. day, which was the sixth of the week.  
Now further josephus Scaliger holdeth, that Christ and the jews did eat their Passeover both at the same instant upon the 14. day at even according to the law: and that the next day he suffered, which was the first day of unleavened bread. And for the better maintenance of this assertion, he presseth these arguments: 1. Otherwise the jews should have advantage against us, who object, that Christ suffered not upon any festival day, wherein they kept the Passeover, and so the type and the substance agreed not together. 2. the Grecians to uphold their opinion, that the Eucharist must be ministered with leavened bread, because Christ gave unto his disciples leavened bread, do also affirm, that Christ did eat the Passeover one day sooner, than the jews did eat it. 3. he urgeth that place of S. Mark. 14. 12. the first day of unleavened bread, when they sacrificed the Passeover, his disciples said unto him: hence he inferreth, that at the same time, the Passeover was generally eaten, when Christ also did eat it.  
1. Ans. In this question Bellarmine with other Romanists, concur with jos. Scalig. but Bellarmine is answered else where, 
Synops. contr. 13. qu. 4.  and therefore I will only examine Scaligers arguments.  
1. If the jews upon a blind tradition deferred the Pasch to avoid the concurrence of two Sabbaths, which should have been this year, wherein Christ suffered, if the first solemn day of the Pasch had been kept according to the law upon the 15. day, for their ordinary Sabbath followed the next: & yet Christ kept it, as the law prescribed; & so suffered that day wherein the Pasch should have been solemnised: the typical lamb & the true lamb (this notwithstanding) agreed together, because Christ was sacrificed at that time, when the first day of the Passeover should have been kept by the law, though the jews by a corrupt custom & usage kept it not. 2. The Grecians may ground an error upon a true position: it followeth not, because Christ prevented the common eating of the Passeover, that therefore he eat the Passeover with leavened bread, for that had been against the law, Exod. 12. 8. for although leavened bread were not yet put out of the jews houses, yet Christ sending his disciples before, might provide unleavened bread for his paschal supper: and as the Grecians hereupon ground their opinion, that the Eucharist is only to be ministered with leavened bread: so the Romanists on the otherside do as stiffly maintain their superstition, that unleavened bread only must be used, holding that Christ at the same time did eat the Passeover with the rest of the jews. 3. S. Mark respecteth the right time appointed by the law for the Passeover, not the corrupt usage which the jews had taken up: so than that day was the first of unleavened bread at even by right of the institution, though it were not so in practice among the jews: and therefore S. Luke 
a chap. 22. ●.  saith, than came the day of unleavened bread, wherein the Passeover ought to be sacrificed. But now the contrary is evident out of the Gospel, that the jews received not the Passeover generally until the eve after Christ was crucified. 1. It is said, 
b joh. 18. 28.  they themselves came not into the common hall, lest they should be defiled, but that they might eat the Passeover: They did not then eat the Passeover till the evening after Christ's passion. josephus Scaliger answereth, that the sacrifices which were offered in the feast of the Passeover, were called the Passeover, as well as the Paschal lamb: alleging that place, Deut. 16. 2. Thou shalt offer the Passeover to the Lord thy God, of sheep, and bullocks, etc. But here the phrase is to sacrifice the Passeover, which was as well referred to the offering of the other sacrifices, as the paschal lamb. Contr. Yet to eat the Passeover is not otherwise used in the Gospel, then of the eating of the Paschal lamb.  
2. If the jews had eaten the Paschal lamb the same night with Christ, than the next day should have been a solemn festival day, wherein they should have done no servile work, as is appointed Exod. 12. 16. But they did much servile work upon this day, as in carrying the cross, pitching of it into the ground, raising of it up, nailing Christ unto it: And indeed they themselves also resolved not to put Christ to death upon the feast day, Mark. 14. 2. joseph. Scaliger here answereth, that the day wherein Christ suffered was the first day of unleavened bread, but not of the paschal solemnity: But this distinction is contrary to the place before alleged out of Exodus, where the 15. day, which was the first of unleavened bread, as likewise the seventh and last, are named to be days of solemn assemblies wherein no servile work should be done, saving about that which they did eat.  
3. The day wherein Christ suffered is called the preparation of the Passeover, joh. 19 14. it was not then the day of the Passeover itself. joseph. Scaliger answereth, that the preparation was not the whole day, but only after the ninth hour: as he allegeth out of a certain Edict of Augustus. But 1. it appeareth, that the preparation was the whole day, at the least from the sixth hour: as in the same place the Evangelist saith, it was the preparation of the Passeover, and about the sixth hour. 2. If then it were the preparation of the Passeover, then was not that day the first of the Passeover.  
4. Paulus Burgens. somewhat to help out this tradition of the jews his countrymen, who deferred the Pasch, if it fell out upon the 6. day of the week, to avoid the concurrence of two festival days, saith there was a double account of the 14. day of the Moon, una vera & legitima secundum veram computationem Christi, etc. one was the true and lawful day according to the true computation of Christ, who knew all the mysteries of the law: the other was legitima secundum communem & assuetam computationem aliorum, lawful also according to the common and accustomed computation of others, etc. M. Lydyat also showeth that the difference between the observation of the Pasch between our blessed Saviour, and the jews, did arise hereupon; because Christ reckoned the days according to the computation of the natural years, but the jews followed the Syro-Grecian account, found out by calippus, beginning the months, not as the Hebrews, at the new Moon, but as the Grecians began their months: so that the jews began their month Nisan, as the Grecians did their month Xanthicus, which that year began one day after the new Moon. Lyd. de emend. temp. p. 179. Both these might very well concur together, that the jews did keep another day of the Passeover, than Christ and his disciples, both upon a blind tradition, to avoid the concurrence of two Sabbaths, and because they followed a strange computation. But it is evident hereby, that they did not eat the Passeover the same day with Christ, and that they did break the law of Moses in receiving a foreign computation of their months, which was not lawful, howsoever Burgensis, in favour of his countrymen, excuse it by the usual custom.   

74. Quest. Who are meant by the people of the Prince to come, v. 26.  
There are diverse expositions of these words: 1. Some do put the people in the accusative case, he shall destroy the city and Sanctuary, the people of the Prince to come. 2. Some do make it the nominative, the people of the Prince to come shall destroy the city, and of either of these interpretations there are diverse kinds.  
Of the first. 1. Some read thus, he shall destroy the city with the captain to come, Sept. but the word (with) is not in the original. 2. junius thus interpreteth, he, that is, the Messiah, the Prince, shall destroy the people of the Prince, his own people, which shall come, that is, which shall be then. So also M. Br. he shall destroy the people of the Prince, in the next generation. But 1. it should seem not to be so proper a speech, he, that is (the Messiah the Prince) should destroy the people of the Prince, that is, his own people: 2. and in the original there is no conjunction to couple them together: the words standing thus; and the city and the Sanctuary shall destroy the people, etc. but in this sense a conjunction must be supplied, and the people, etc. 3. and though the word nagid, prince, were before joined with Messiah, yet here being put alone, it is not necessary so to understand it of the Messiah. 4. neither were the jews then the people of the Messiah, whom they had rejected and crucified.  
2. Of the second sort are these interpretations. 1. Polanus giveth this sense: the people of the Prince to come, that is, the Gentiles, who should become the people of Christ being converted to the Gospel, shall destroy the city: But the Romans were not at that time, when they sacked jerusalem, converted to the faith of Christ, and so not his people.  
2. M. Lively by this word to come, understandeth the strangers and comers which are opposite to inhabitants, as the word is used, Gen. 42. 5. the sons of jacob came to buy food among those that came: so his meaning is, that the city and Sanctuary should be surprised by strangers and comers: but the word haba, to come, seemeth rather to be referred unto the time following, then to the condition of the people: though it be true, that jerusalem was spoiled by foreigners and strangers.  
3. Some read, the principal people of the Prince or captain to come, Vatab. and he thinketh the destruction of the city to be imputed unto the people rather than their captain, because Titus would have defended the Sanctuary, from the spoil of the soldiers: but the word is nagid, which signifieth a Prince, not principal, and the other observation seemeth to be somewhat too near and curious.  
4. Oecolampadius by this captain understandeth Pompey the great, who took jerusalem, and slew 12000. jews, and afterward Crassus rob the Temple, and then Herod and Sosius made havoc of the city: But this captain with his people, were to come after the Messiah was slain, which was spoken of immediately before.  
5. Wherefore by the Prince and people to come, are signified Vespasian and Titus his son, with the Roman army, which should besiege the city, and destroy both it and the Temple, as Bulling. Calv. Osiander do well understand it: so also Lyranus: and this is agreeable to that prediction of our Blessed Saviour, Luk. 19 43. The days shall come upon thee, when thine enemies shall cast a trench about thee, etc. and shall make thee even with the ground, etc. here the destruction of the city is ascribed to the enemies, not to the Messiah their Prince.  
6. Hugo thinketh it may be applied also to that destruction of the city which was after this by the Emperor Elius Adrianus: But our Saviour appointeth the time, when all this should be fulfilled, Matth. 24. 34. This generation shall not pass, till all these things be done: but the destruction by Adrianus was well nigh an 100 years after Christ spoke those words, 60. years after the first ruin of the city by Titus: it was therefore without the compass of that generation.   

Quest. 75. How long after the Messiah was slain, this destruction happened by Titus.  
1. Barbinel, that ignorant and railing rabbin, as M. Calvin reporteth his opinion, saith there passed 200. years between the death of Christ, and the destruction of jerusalem by the Romans: But herein he showeth his blind folly: for unto the second destruction by Adrian, there were not from Christ's death above an 104. years, which happened in the 18. year of the reign of the Emperor Adrian; the first destruction was according to the saying of our Saviour, within the memory of that generation, then living.  
2. Lyranus and Paulus Burgens. think that the city was taken by the Romans about 42. years after the death of Christ: but it cannot be so much, as shall afterward be showed by the computation of the years of the Emperors. Pintus also concurreth with Lyranus, counting 38. years and an half from the end of the half of the 70. week, that is, 3. years and an half, which he reckoneth after Christ's passion to the destruction of jerusalem.  
3. But junius cometh more years too short, than these do overshoot: he maketh it but 36. years from the passion of Christ, to the destruction of the city: annotat. in 9 Dan.  
4. josephus Scaliger holding that Christ suffered in the 35. year of his age, whereas he commonly is held to have suffered in the 33. year, bringeth Christ's passion nearer by two years to the destruction of the city, than the ordinary account is: and so he must make the time 38. years or thereabout, from the death of Christ to the ruin of the city.  
5. M. Lydyat bringeth Christ's passion within 34. years of the final overthrow and destruction of the city by the Romans: for he setteth Christ's passion in the year of the world 4040. or in the 22. year of Tiberius, and the destruction of the city in the 4074. year: the reason of which alteration is, for that he maketh the passion of Christ to have been 4. years later, then usual; namely, in the 22. year of Tiberius: whereas our blessed Saviour is commonly held to have suffered in the 18. year of Tiberius: see this opinion examined before, qu. 69.  
6. But the just time was 40. years, as may be showed by a threefold computation. 1. by the distance of the Olympiads. 2. by the years of the Emperors. 3. by the years of the kings of judea the Herodians.  
1. Christ is held to have suffered in the 4. year of the 202. Olympiad: and the destruction of the city fell into the 4. year of the 212. Olympiad: which distance maketh just 40. years. Perer. Bulling.  
2. The years of the Emperors are thus counted: Tiberius reigned in all 23. Christ then suffering in his 18. year, there remained 5. years more: then Caligula reigned 4. Claudius' 14. Nero 14. Galba, Otho, Vitellius, 1. Vespasian 2. these sums make 40. years: Bulling. But the precise and exact reckoning is this, as Eusebius in his Chronicle setteth them down: All these years, with the months and days, being summed together, 18. years being diducted of Tiberius' reign, will make 40. years and sum odd days.  
 years months days Tiberius reigned 22 11 14 Caligula 3 10 18 Claudius 13 8 20 Nero 14   Galba  7 2 Otho  3 2 Vitellius  8 5 Vespasian 2    
3. The third reckoning is by the years of the Herodians, whose whole time from the beginning of the reign of Herod the great, to the end of their government at the destruction of jerusalem, was 103. years: which is summed thus: Herod the great reigned 37. years, Archelaus 9 Herod the Tetrarch 24. Herod Agrippa 7. Agrippa the son of Agrippa 26. Oecolampad. Now of this account 63. years must be cut off for the reign of Herod, in whose 30. complete, and 31. begun, Christ was borne, as is showed before qu. 67. and for the years of our blessed saviours life, who died in his 33. year, and the remainder is 40.  
7. julius Africanus exceedeth the rest, in counting 43. years from the death of Christ, which he placeth in the 15. year of Tiberius, to the ruin of the city: but herein was his error, he held that Christ died in his 30. or 31. year.   

76. Quest. Why mention is made of the destruction of jerusalem here, seeing it is without the compass of the 70. weeks.  
1. One reason hereof is, because Daniel was desirous to understand what should befall his city in time to come, the Angel doth satisfy his full desire, and as he had told him of the re-edifying of the Temple and city, so he also foretelleth of the final end and dissolution of both.  
2. another cause is, that after the Angel had showed him that the Messiah should be slain, then further, that it might appear, what an heinous sin this was, the destruction of the city is sore showed to follow, as a just punishment for so great a wickedness: Perer. so also Lyranus: quia hoc factum fuit in poenam mortis Christi, because this was done for a punishment because of the death of Christ, it is immediately mentioned, though it fell not out within the 70. weeks. Here then are two reasons showed of the destruction of the city, the slaying of the Messiah, and the utter rejecting of him, Polan.  
3. A third reason, why mention is here made of this desolation is, to make the jews inexcusable: that seeing they have found all this to be true by their woeful experience here foreshowed by the Angel, that their city is destroyed unto this day because of their treachery against the Messiah, their obstinate blindness therein might appear, that yet continue enemies unto the blessed Messiah and his holy Gospel. Perer.   

77. Quest. Of the meaning of those words, v. 26. the end thereof shall be with a flood, and unto the end of the battle it shall be destroyed, etc.  
1. By this similitude of inundation, three things are signified, that it shall be, casus repentinus, ineluctabilis, universalis, a sudden casualty, inevitable, and general, jun. in comment. like as a flood sweepeth all away before it, and spareth nothing; so none should be spared in this destruction. 2. Thereby also is signified the perfect desolation, that should be brought upon the city: like as the overflowing of waters pulleth up trees by the roots, and overthroweth the very foundations of houses; so in this desolation, the city should be made even with the ground, and one stone should not be left upon an other, as our Saviour foretold them, Luk. 19 44. Bullinger. 3. Further, like as in inundations and overflowings, the waters still increase, and swell more and more, so hereby is signified, that calamitates magis & magis increscebant, their calamities should more and more increase: for still their state waxed worse and worse: they were afflicted by Pompey, but more by Crassus; and he was tolerable in respect of the governors which followed, Pontius Pilate, Albinus, Florus, who still were more cruel one then another, Oecolampad. 4. And in that it is said, unto the end, or at the end of the war: thereby is understood, that though the jews might sometime resist and put the Romans to much trouble and business, yet in the end they should prevail, and make a final desolation, Melancthon. 5. Thus the Scripture useth by this similitude of inundations and overflowing of waters, to set forth the horrible waist and desolation that followeth upon cruel war, as Isay. 8. 7. 8. the host of the king of Assur is described; he shall come up upon all their rivers, and go over all their banks, and shall break into judah, and overflow and pass through, and shall come up unto the neck, etc. And in the same manner, are the armies of the Babylonians described, jerem. 47. 2. Polan.   

Quest. 78. That the end of the state of the jews, not of the Romans, is here signified.  
R. Solomon giveth this corrupt interpretation of this place, that in the end of the last battle of Gog and Magog spoken of Ezek. 38. Messiah shall subdue the Romans, and all other adversaries to the jews, and then the city and Temple shall be restored: But this is a corrupt gloss: 1. the next verse evidently showeth, that this desolation is understood of the jews, as is evident by the ceasing of the sacrifices there mentioned. 2. It is but a dream, that their Messiah shall be a glorious temporal Prince, seeing the Angel here showeth, that Messiah shall be slain by them. 3. by Gog and Magog are understood the Scythians and Sarmatians, and other people which joined with Antiochus against the jews, which battle was before the destruction of jerusalem above 240. years. And that Magog signifieth the Scythians, this evidence there is, because the Scythians built a city in Syria, which they called Magog, as witnesseth Pliny lib. 5. c. 23. Polan.  
2. But whereas the Latin translator readeth, post finem belli, after the end of the war shall be the destruction: which reading if it were right, than the Rabbins sense is overthrown, who saith their desolation shall but continue unto that war: Lyranus to make good the Latin translation, saith there are two Hebrew words, which are very like, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he saith differ but in certain points: the first signifieth, yet, and so in effect may be taken for after, as jonas 3. 5. yet forty days, and Nini●●h shall be destroyed, that is, after 40. days, which word is like to have been used here: sed postea mutata est punctatio per judaeos, but afterward the pointing was changed by the jews, etc. But Lyranus faileth diversely in this his defence of the vulgar Latin. 1. there is great difference between these two words, not in points only, but in letters: the word used in that place of jonas consisteth of three letters, it hath va● in the mids, and cholem, but the other word which signifieth until, hath but two letters, with camets, and without cholem. 2. to imagine, that the jews have altered points, and changed words in Scripture, is very dangerous: for so should we have no certainty in Scripture: and beside, it is not like the jews would use any such fraud, seeing that they have in account the number of all the letters in the old Testament. 3. therefore retaining the best reading according to the original, the cavils of the jews may be otherwise answered, as is set down before.   

Quest. 79. Of the most grievous calamities that fell upon the jews in the final destruction of their city.  
The great misery of the jews in this ●ast calamity, and ever since, may be showed three ways. 1. by comparing it with other former calamities which it far exceeded. 2. by the deprivation of the benefits, which before they enjoyed. 3. by the particular description of the evils, which actually they suffered.  
1. This their last calamity and captivity differeth from all other in these five respects. 1. Other calamities and captivities, which they endured, were before declared how long they should continue: as Abraham is told, that his posterity should sojourn and be evil entreated in Cana●● and Egypt 400. years, the captivity of Babylon was prescribed for 70. years, as the Prophet jeremy showed them before: the heat of persecution under Antiochus, how long it should lie upon the jews, is likewise revealed to Daniel by the Angel, c. 8. But this last captivity and dispersion of the jews, they have no notice at all, how long it shall endure. 2. their other captivities were nothing so long, their servitude in Egypt exceeded not an 150. years, though the time of their abode there were longer, the captivity of Babylon but 70. but this their captived estate hath already exceeded 1500. years. 3. In the other captivities, they had prophets to comfort them, as Moses in Egypt, in the Babylonian captivity Daniel and Ezekiel: but such Prophets they have none now amongst them. 4. Then had they diverse signs and miracles: as the 3. children were delivered from the fiery furnace, Daniel from the Lions, but now are miracles ceased among them. 5. At other times they had excellent men, raised from among them, which were famous and honourable for their wisdom, and virtue, even with the Princes of the heathen: as joseph with the king of Egypt: Daniel with the kings of the Chaldeans, Ezra, Nehemiah, Mordecai with the kings of Persia: But none such now are found among the jews.  
2. Beside, the jews are now deprived of seven several benefits and privileges, 
7. benefits which the jews have been deprived of since the captivity of Babylon.  which they enjoyed in their former times: 1. they have not the Ark. 2. nor the Lords oracles from thence. 3. they want the urim and Thummim, wherewith the Priests used to ask counsel of God. 4. the fire which came down from heaven, and was continually preserved upon the altar, was long since extinguished among them. 5. the holy oil, wherewith the graces of the spirit were conferred upon their kings and Priests, hath lost the virtue. 6. the gift of prophecy is ceased among them. 7. neither doth the sixth year bring forth fruit for three years, as at the first it used to do. And if it be here answered, that the jews wanted all these things after their return from Babel, while the second Temple yet stood; yet now their case is much worse: because than they had both a Temple with Priests, and sacrifices, and a city and commonwealth, but now they have neither.  
3. Concerning the misery which fell upon the jews, when the city was besieged and taken, it appeareth both by their miserable state wherein they were oppressed with famine, the pestilence, and the sword among themselves, the great havoc and slaughter made of them by the enemy, and by their reproachful and slavish condition afterward. 1. during the siege, they were so oppressed with famine, that women were constrained to devour their own children, they did eat the very leather of their shoes and targets: they died in such heaps within the city of the plague, famine, and by civil discord, that the streets and channels lay full of dead bodies, and were trampled upon as mire in the streets: in so much that being weary of burying them, they threw their bodies from the wall into the trenches: which when Titus beheld full of dead bodies, he stretched his hands to heaven, as testifying his innocency, that it was not his doing. 2. the number of the jews were great, which were slain by the enemies: in Caesarea there were slain 20. thousand, in Scythopolis 13. thousand, in Prolemais 5000. in Alexandria 50. thousand, in Damascus 10. thousand: this was somewhat before the beginning of that war. Then afterward the war being begun, there were slain in Galilee 18. thousand, in Aphek 150000. in Samaria 11. thousand and 600. in jotapata 4000 in Taricha 6600. in Giscalis 2000 ex Oecolamp. the whole sum of those which died in the siege by the famine, pestilence, and sword, came to 11. hundred thousand, as josephus writeth, lib. 7. de bello judaic. c. 16. 17. 3. Neither was here an end of their misery: They which remained, the better sort of them were reserved for tryumpht they which were above 17. year old were sent into Egypt, to be employed in certain works, and some were cast unto the wild beasts: they which were under 17. years were sold to be slaves: the whole number of the captives is noted by josephus to have been 97. thousand.   

Quest. 80. That all this misery came upon the jews for putting to death the Messiah.  
1. The jews will by no means acknowledge that they have and yet do suffer these things for the 〈◊〉 of the Messiah: but first they answer that these afflictions are laid upon them to prove their patience, and that they thereby should be tried as gold in the fire. But to this we answer, 1. that they by these afflictions are nothing amended, but wax worse, their impiety, profaneness, blasphemy is notoriously known to all the world. 2. though God lay temporal chastisements upon men, to try their patience: yet to that end none are deprived of spiritual blessings, as they are of the gift of prophesy, of miracles, of the public worship of God according to his law. 3. beside the Lord hath promised them ample and great blessings, so long as they walk in obedience of his law, as is extant, Leuit. 26. and Deuter. 28. so that they should make God a liar, if these things were not befallen them for their sins.  
2. The jews have an other answer, that they are not punished for the death of Christ, but for their other sins. But the greatest sins for the which the jews were punished in time past, were their Idolatry, and killing of their Prophets: which sins they are not now guilty of: 
epistol. 129. ad Dardanum.  for they have no Prophets to kill, and Idolaters they are not, as Hierome saith unto them, Certain non colis idola, seruiens Persis & Romans, etc. Deos ignoras al●●nos, truly thou dost not worship idols, though thou art in captivity under the Persians and Romans, yet thou art ignorant of strange Gods, etc. If then God had compassion upon them, when they went into captivity for those sins, certainly this long captivity is now fallen upon them for some greater sin than any of the other: And what can that be else, than the putting to death of the Blessed Messiah? And so Hierome concludeth, memento voci● parentum tuorum, etc. remmember the voice of thy parents, his blood be upon us, and our children, etc. All this therefore is happened upon them for killing the heir of the vineyard, whereas they did but offer violence to the servants before.  
3. Now as it is evident, that the jews are punished for the death and murder of the Messiah; so as their offence was heinous, the punishment is also great, which is inflicted upon them: which is twofold, either corporal or spiritual, the corporal is threefold, in the loss of their dignity, they being deprived of their government and policy, in the perpetual desolation of their city, and their ignominious exile and dispersion through the world: their spiritual punishment is twofold, the blinding of their mind, and understanding, and the hardening of their heart, as the Prophet Isay saith, c. 6. 10. make the heart of this people fat, and their ears heavy, and shut their eyes, lest they see with their eyes, etc. and understand with their heart, etc.   

Quest. 81. He shall confirm the covenant with many for one week: how this one week is to be understood.  
1. Cyrillus Hierosol. cateches. 12. beginning the 69. weeks at Darius, and ending them at the birth of Christ, omitteth the 70. week altogether. But that must needs be acknowledged to have been a great oversight in Cyril, seeing that the most special things to be performed by the Messiah, was done in the 70. and last week.  
2. Hippolytus ending the 69. weeks in the nativity of Christ, deferreth the 70. and last to the end of the world, unto the preaching of Henoch and Elias: But beside that it was the error of those times, that Henoch and Elias should come in their own persons, and preach toward the end of the world: seeing our Saviour expoundeth that prophesy (of the coming of Elias) of john Baptist▪ Matth. 11. who came in the spirit of Elias: this last week must not be severed so far from the 69. weeks: but as the 62. followed immediately the first 7. so after the 7. weeks and the 62. weeks, which make 69. must follow the 70. and last week.  
3. Eusebius, as Hierome reporteth his opinion in his commentary upon this place, ending the 69. weeks at the baptism of Christ, taketh the 70. and last week for 70. years, and so extendeth it unto the time of trajan the Emperor, for so long the preaching of the Apostles continued, john the Evangelist surviving all the Apostles until then. But seeing Eusebius taketh the 69. prophetical weeks but for 7. years a piece, he hath no reason to make the last week ten times so much as any of the other; neither is a week of years in any place so taken in Scripture.  
4. Oecolampadius taketh this 70. and last week yet more largely, for he beginneth it at Pompey's time when the state of the jewish commonwealth began to decline, and continueth it unto the death of Christ, which he reckoneth to be some 98. years, and endeth the week in the reign of the Emperor Hadrian, which is above 98. years more, in which time all these things happened here spoken of, and then was the final desolation of the city: so he taketh the 70. and last week, not for any certain number of years, but for the plenitude and fullness of time: But seeing the rest of the weeks do signify a certain and definite time, and they are only taken for weeks of years: so must the 70. and last week be understood also: and considering that this last week is divided into two half weeks, the latter expressed, the other understood, therein must be contained a definite and certain number: for the parts being finite and certain, so must the whole be likewise.  
5. Osiander taketh this last week to begin after Christ's resurrection, in which space of seven years many by the preaching of the Gospel were received and admitted to the new covenant: But seeing the Angel saith, that 70. weeks are determined, and cut out, to finish wickedness, and to seal up sins, which things are performed in the death of Christ, there also must the weeks end.  
6. Many begin this last week at the baptism of Christ, and end it 3. years and an half after, as Melancthon, junius edition. 1. Pintus, with others: But seeing it is said, he shall confirm the covenant for one week, (he, that is the Messiah) the covenant must be confirmed before the Messiah be slain: for otherwise how should it appear that this covenant was confirmed by the Messiah, if it be not done in his time, that is, in the days of his flesh: he then must confirm it either before, or at his death: priusquam tollitur è medio, before he be taken out of the way, Vatab. for otherwise it should not be conspicuous, and apparent to be the Messiahs work.  
7. Some do refer this last week unto the last seven years which went immediately before the destruction of the city, jun. Polan. M. Lively. But it is sufficiently showed before, that these 70. weeks must expire in the death of the Messiah, and are not to be extended so far, see quest. 49.  
8. The best interpretation than is this, that this last week must begin 7. years before the death of Christ: the first half year went before his baptism, as a preparation thereunto: then in the latter half week these things were performed, as the next words show, H. Br. Consent. the whole week is named, because these things were done in the last week: but not in all the week, only in the latter half thereof, beginning at Christ's baptism. So Hugo expoundeth it, quia non in principio hebdomadis hae mirabilia coeperunt, ideo determinat, quando haec inchoata sunt, etc. because these things were not done in the beginning of the week, therefore he determineth when they should begin, namely, in the latter half week, which began in the 15. year of Tiberius, when Christ was baptized.   

Quest. 82. What is understood by the covenant.  
1. R. Selom● by the covenant understandeth the truce for 7. years which the Romans made with the jews at the time of the besieging of the city: But Lyranus doth refel this conceit by these two reasons: 1. because josephus maketh no mention of any such league or truce, neither in his books of the antiquities of the jews, nor of the Iew●● wars. 2. And if there had been any such truce, it should have been made with all the jews, not with some only, as it is here said, he shall confirm this covenant with many.  
2. Some referring this last week unto the destruction of jerusalem, by this covenant do understand that special favour, which the Lord showed, and the fatherly care, which he had of his Church in jerusalem, who were admonished by a revelation to depart the city before the siege began, so jun. Polan. But here rather we are to understand the everlasting covenant of grace, which Christ hath confirmed with his blood, than any such temporal favour.  
3. M. Calvin seemeth specially to understand this covenant, of the vocation and calling of the Gentiles, which was fulfilled after his resurrection: but this covenant as hath been said already, was confirmed by Christ at and before his death, not after. Then indeed was this covenant by the preaching of the Apostles published and divulged: but there is difference between the ratification of a covenant, and the publication thereof; as there is between the confirmation of a will, and the execution.  
4. Therefore by the covenant here is understood, the covenant of grace made in Christ for remission of sins unto all that believe, Osiander. the new evangelical law preached by Christ and confirmed in his death, Vatablus, Pintus▪ such as the Prophet jeremy speaketh of, c. 31. 33. this shall be the covenant which I will make with the house of Israel, After those days, saith the Lord, I will put my law in their inward parts, etc. I will forgive their sins, and remember their iniquities no more, etc.   

Quest. 83. How this covenant was ratified and confirmed.  
Some do expound these words, multis, with many, of the diverse ways and means whereby this covenant was ratified, Perer. but the word larabbini, to many, is better understood of the persons, with whom or for whom this covenant shall be ratified, as the pr●position lamed showeth: yet true it is, that this covenant was ratified and confirmed many ways. 1. First, it was ratified by many glorious testimonies of our Blessed Saviour. 1. of the Angels, 
Of the manifold and 〈◊〉 testimonies of Christ.  Luk. 2. 2. of the wisemen that came from the East and worshipped, Matth. 2. 3. of the holy men and women, then living at the time of Christ's birth, as of Zacharie, Elizabeth, Sim●on, Anna, Luk. 1. 2. 4. of john Baptist, who gave witness to Christ. 5. of God the father from heaven, Math. 3. 6. of Moses and Elias, which appeared in the mount where Christ was transfigured, Matth. 17. 7. of the pharisees themselves, as Nicodemus said, we know thou art a teacher come from God, john. 3. 8. yea of the devils themselves, who being cast out of men, cried out and confessed that he was Christ the Son of God. 2. The second kind of confirmation was by the prophecies of the old Testament concerning the Messiah, which were all fulfilled in Christ, as the history of 〈◊〉 Gospel showeth. 3. The third ratification was by Christ's wonderful and most glorious miracles. 4. by his holy life and conversation. 5. by the predictions of our Lord himself, which are noted to be seven. 1. of the ruin and destruction of the city, Luk. 19 43. 2. of the miracles which should be wrought by his disciples, Mark. 14. 17. 3. of the great persecutions which his disciples should suffer for his name, john. 16. 2. 4. of the preaching of the Gospel through the world, Act. 1. 8. 5. of the propagating of his Church over the world: joh. 10. 16. 6. of the continuance of the same Church, as having a most sure foundation being builded upon the rock, Matth. 16. 18. 7. of his own death, his resurrection, Mat. 16. 21. and the sending of the Holy Ghost, Act. 1. Perer.  
6. But Lyranus also mentioneth six ways, whereby Christ confirmed this covenant, praedicando, miracula faciendo, etc. by preaching, doing of miracles, in dying, rising again, ascending, and sending the Holy Ghost.  
7. But by two ways chiefly was this covenant ratified and confirmed, by the declaration, and publishing thereof by his preaching, and by the sealing thereof by his most precious blood: like as a Testament, is first declared and written, and then confirmed by the death of the Testator; So in the death of our Blessed Saviour, was the covenant before set forth by his preaching, fully established, as Oecolampad. Scimus, etc. in morte ipsa proprie foedus confirmari, etc. we know, according to the author of the epistle to the Hebrews, that the covenant was properly confirmed in his death, etc. And this further may be made plain thus. 1. by the type and figure: as Moses took the book of the law, and read in it, and then sprinkled the blood upon the people, saying, this is the blood of the covenant, Exod. 24. 8. so the book of this covenant declared by Christ's preaching was made sure in his blood. 2. This also appeareth by the institution of the Lords supper, where Christ saith of the cup representing his blood, this is the new Testament in my blood, etc. Luk. 22. 20. that is, a sign, seal, and representation thereof. 3. the Apostle showeth this also by the nature and condition of a Testament, which is confirmed when men are dead, Heb. 9 17. and so in this place the Septuagint translate the Hebrew word beareth, by the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, testament, for the word signifieth both a covenant and a testament, as Budeus showeth in his commentaries: for the ratifying then and confirming of this will and Testament of our Saviour, his death and passion was necessary, with the shedding of his most precious blood for the remission of our sins.   

Quest. 84. When this testament began to be ratified and confirmed by the preaching of Christ.  
1. Pererius delivereth it as an ancient tradition, and a received opinion, that Christ began not to preach and work miracles till a year after he was baptized: for the first miracle which he wrought in Cana of Galilee, they hold to have been done the same day twelvemonth, wherein he had been baptized.  
2. But this opinion may be easily refuted. 1. the words of S. Peter, Act. 1. 21. are directly against it: of these men, which have companied with us all the time, that the Lord jesus was conversant among us, beginning from the baptism of john, unto the day that he was taken up from us, must one of them be made a witness with us of his resurrection. Here it is evident, that Christ began to preach after he had received john's baptism. Pererius by the baptism of john, here thinketh all that time to be understood wherein john baptised, till he was imprisoned: but that can not be: for john began to baptise before Christ came unto his baptism: and before Christ was baptised, he preached not, neither showed himself publicly: therefore the beginning can not be understood, to be from john's baptism in that sense. 2. Seeing Christ was publicly in his baptism called from heaven to the office of teaching, in that it is said, Hear him, it is not like that our blessed Saviour would intermit that holy function▪ a year together. 3. Before that miracle in Cana of Galilee, he entertained Disciples, as is evident, joh. 1. as Andrew and Peter, Philip and Nathaniel: therefore even then he began to be a public teacher. 4. If Christ's preaching began a year after his baptism, in the beginning of his 31. year, then could he not preach and confirm the Covenant, half a week, that is, 3. years and a half, seeing he is generally held to have died in his 33. year: wherefore even presently after his baptism, as soon as his 40. d●●●s fast was over, Christ began to preach, and show his power in working of miracles.   

85. Quest. v. 27. In the half of the week he shall cause the sacrifice to cease: when this half week began.  
1. R. Shelamo thus interpreteth the half week, that a little before the destruction of jerusalem, after the jews had violated the truce taken between them and the Romans for 7. years, then in the mids of the week, that is, in the fourth year of those seven, the Romans came and besieged the city. But it is showed before, qu. 82. that this is but a rabbinical conceit, that any such truce was made between the Romans and the jews.  
2. Some do likewise refetre this half week to the destruction of jerusalem, that in the mids thereof, that is, the 5. year before the overthrow of the city, the Romans came & laid siege unto it: jun. Polan. M. Lively. But this sense can not be admitted, because it hath been proved already, qu. 49. that these 70. weeks, and every part thereof, determined in the death of Christ.  
3. josephus Scaligor hath a conceit by himself, that this 70. and last week must be divided: the one part thereof he alloweth for the time of Christ's preaching, namely 4. years and an half, the other for the destruction of the city, two years and an half more. But here two exceptions may justly be taken: 1. he divideth this week, the one part above 30. years from the other, whereas every part of these weeks must one succeed an other. 2. he divideth two years and an half from the rest: but that maketh not half a week.  
4. Some begin this half week at the death of Christ, and continue it afterward, when the sacrifices and rites of the law began to be abolished by the Apostles, as we read Act. 15. Perer. Pint. Melancth. M. Lydyat in ann. 4043. Osiand. saving that Osiander maketh it the first half of the last week, the other the latter: But it hath been proved already, that these years must end in Christ's death.  
5. This half week than is better taken for the latter half part of the week, which beginneth at the baptism of Christ, and endeth at his passion: so Bullinger saith, per praedicationem evangelii, & mortem Domini nostri jesu Christi, constat legem esse abrogatam, by the preaching of the Gospel, and by the death of jesus Christ, it is evident the law was abrogated: so also Hugo beginneth this half week in the 15. of Tiberius, at Christ's baptism: for then in the baptism of Christ, hostiarum legalium purificatio paulatim coepit vilescere, the purifying of the legal sacrifices began by little and little to wax vile. Thus also expoundeth the author of the Scholastical history, as Pererius showeth in the very end of his 10. book upon Daniel: and unless we end the 70. and last week at the passion of Christ, it will not end in a year of jubilee: for Christ is held to have died in a year of jubilee, that the shadow may agree unto the body: see before, qu. 66. toward the end.   

86. Quest. How and when the sacrifices were caused to cease, and were abolished.  
1. R. Shelamoh thinketh that this is understood of the ceasing of the sacrifices in fact, when the city and Temple were destroyed by the Romans: so also Polanus and M. Lively follow the same sense. But such ceasing of the sacrifices (de facto) actually and in fact, happened before under the tyranny of Antiochus Epimanes, Dan. 8. v. 11. 12. here such a ceasing of them is signified, which was not before, namely, that by the Messiah all the rites and ceremonies of the law should be abolished.  
2. junius joineth both these together: that the sacrifices were caused to cease, both in respect of the godly, whom Christ had sanctified by the one offering of himself, Hebr. 10. 14. so that they need not to be purged by the sacrifices of the law: and in respect of the wicked they ceased, because the Romans took from the jews both their Temple, altar, and sacrifices. But concerning the first, that was done many years before the destruction of jerusalem, when Christ suffered: and therefore there is no reason to restrain that benefit to these last times: and for the other, that actual ceasing of the sacrifices happened before, as is said, under Antiochi●●.  
3. Others expound this ceasing of the sacrifices, of the time of the Apostles after the death of our Saviour: as when the Apostles by their decree abrogated the ceremonies of the Law, certain only excepted, in respect of the necessity of the time, Act. 15. Melancthon, Osiand. But these do not distinguish between the ceasing of the sacrifices in right, and in fact: they in fact ceased not in the death of Christ, but in right they were then abolished.  
4. Wherefore I prefer Calvins' exposition, that after Christ had offered himself upon the cross, illic cessarunt omnes ritus legales, there all the legal rites ceased: and after that, as Oecolampad. well saith, lanienae erant, non sacrificia, the sacrifices were rather butcher's slaughters and shambles, then true sacrifices: And he yieldeth this as a reason thereof, because in the passion of Christ, the vail of the Temple was rend, to show that the sacrifices and rites of the law were abolished. Pintus addeth this reason, because the body being come, the shadows must cease: like as a painter draweth his picture first with shadowed lines, but when he portraiteth the picture, he putteth out the first lines: so our blessed Saviour bringing all fullness and perfection with him, hath dashed out the shadows of the law, according to that saying in the Gospel, joh. 1. 17. The law was given by Moses, but grace and truth came by jesus Christ.   

87. Quest. What is meant by the overspreading of abomination, v. 27. of the best reading thereof.  
The word canaph, signifieth a wing. 1. some therefore take it for the pinnacle or wing of the Temple, the part for the whole, Oecolampad. 2. some understand thereby the Temple, because it was as a wing and defence, wherein the jews put their confidence, Bulling. 3. Some take canaph, the wing, for the Cherubs which were winged, that even upon them in the most inward parts of the Temple, this desplation should come. 4. Some by the wing, interpret the extremity of desolation, applying it to the desperate state of the jews. 5. Vatablus thus expoundeth, adam vel extensionem, id est, longam seriem abominationum, the wing or extension, that is, the long continuance of these abominations: so also the Genev. the overspreading of abominations. 6. Some by the wing, understand the army of the Romans: as the word is taken, Isa. 8. 8. The stretching out of his wings shall fill the breadth of thy land. jun. Polan. 7. The Latin interpreter readeth, in the Temple shall be the abomination of desolation: by the wing, he understandeth the 
a See more hereof in the end of the 88 quest▪ following.  Temple: and this seemeth to be confirmed by that place, Matth. 24. 15. When ye shall see the abomination of desolation standing in the holy place, etc. And so the meaning is this, that even in the inward Temple, where the winged Cherubims were, should be the abomination of desolation, Osiand. the word is meshomem, which is a participle signifying making desolate: But here it is taken substantively for desolation, as M. Lively observeth the like in other places. Thus than the place is to be read, And upon the wing shall be the abominations of desolations, Oecolampad. that is, upon the very altar and holy place, where the winged Cherubims were.   

88 Quest. What this abomination of desolation was.  
1. Ireneus by the abomination of desolation, 
lib. 5. advers. haeres.  understandeth Antichrist, of whom he imagineth, that he should sit in the Temple at jerusalem, and be worshipped as the Messiah: who is called the abomination, because of his abominable and execrable impiety; and desolation, because he shall make desolate the Churches and worship of Christians. But seeing that this desolation is prophesied to come upon jerusalem, after the death of the Messiah, and our blessed Saviour also referreth it to the destruction of jerusalem, it can not be deferred so long, as to the coming of Antichrist: neither shall the Temple of the jews be repaired again, for any such to sit or advance himself in.  
2. Some refer it to the times of Antiochus Epiphanes, who caused an abominable Idol to be set up in the Temple, and the same to be called the Temple of jupiter Olympius, as josephus writeth, lib▪ 12. c. 17. the history whereof is also set forth, 1. Macchab. 1. 57 But seeing our Saviour hath reference to this place, speaking of the destruction of jerusalem, Matth. 24. it seemeth this prophesy was not then fulfilled: whereas the profanation by Antiochus was passed above 200. year before.  
3. Some understand it of the very jewish sacrifices, which after the oblation of Christ upon the cross, were detestable and abominable, Dyonis. Carthusian. Hug. Cardin. and the author of the scholastical history▪ But our Saviour setteth forth this abomination of desolation, as a present sign of the destruction of the city: whereas the legal sacrifices continued still after the death of Christ, which was 40. years before.  
4. Tostadius, Hesselius, and ●ansenius upon that place, Matth. 24. by this abomination of desolation, do understand the abominable outrages, which were committed by the seditious jews, who filled the Temple with dead bodies, and defiled it with blood. This seditious company called themselves zelotas, zealous men, as josephus writeth: but they spared to commit no abomination, in so much that josephus writeth of them, that their wickedness was such, that if the Romans had not come against them, he thinketh, that either the earth would have devoured the city, or it should have been overflown with water, or burnt with fire from heaven, as Sodom was. josephus also in the same place testifieth, that there was a common speech, that the city should then be destroyed, and the Temple set on fire, when there should rise up sedition among the people, and the jews with their own hands first had defiled the Temple. joseph. lib. 5. de bell. judaic. c. 2. But seeing that these seditious, though they committed many abominations in the Temple, yet the final destruction was not brought upon it by them, but by the Romans, it is not so fitly applied to them.  
5. Galatinus giveth this sense; because (so he interpreteth ghal canaph, which we translate, upon the wing) of the abomination, that is, their impiety for putting Christ to death, there shall come desolation upon them: But our blessed Saviour pointeth at this abomination, as some visible thing standing up in the Temple, which should be a sign of their desolation.  
6. Bucer, by the wing of abominations, understandeth the help of the devils, by whom the abominable Romans should be assisted in bringing this desolation upon jerusalem, ex Oecolampad. but the power of the devil is invisible: this abomination of desolation Christ pointeth at as some visible thing standing in the Temple.  
7. M. Calvin understandeth it▪ de profanatione, etc. of the continual profanation of the Temple, after the Gospel began to be preached: so Vatablus expoundeth, continuam seriem abominationum, vel multiplices abominationes, the continuance of abominations, or their manifold abominations. But these continual profanations of the Temple were practised a long time, 40. years together: but this abomination of desolation is observed by our Saviour, as a near sign of their destruction.  
8. Some by the wing of abominations making desolate, understand the legions and wings of the Roman army, which should compass the city and defile the Temple: and this they gather by comparing the Evangelists together: whereas Matthew saith, When ye see the abomination of desolation, etc. standing in the holy place, etc. c. 24. 15. S. Luke thus reporteth the words of our Saviour, When ye see jerusalem besieged with soldiers, then understand, that the desolation thereof is near, c. 21. 20. And they are called the wing or army of abominations, because they were infidels, and strangers from God: Thus junius, Polanus, Pererius, Caietan, and before them Augustine, epist. 80. ad Esychium. Pintus addeth further, that this wing or extension of abominations, may be interpreted, extensio vexilli exercitus Romani, the spreading of the banners of the Roman army even in the Temple. This exposition is very probable, and to good purpose, but yet not so fit and proper, as may appear by these reason's. 1. S. Luke speaketh of the compassing of jerusalem with soldiers, but jerusalem was not that holy place, which the other Evangelists speak of: and Murk addeth, c. 13. 14. When you shall see the abomination of desolation, standing where it ought not: but the soldiers compassing or besieging the city, stood, where they ought, and use to stand. And beside, whereas the other Evangelists add, spoken of by Daniel the Prophet, Luke hath not those words: so that it seemeth, he speaketh not of that abomination of desolation, expressed by the other; but of an other sign and forerunner of their desolation, the compassing of the city with soldiers: which Christ had told them of before, chap. 19 43. where he useth the like word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they shall compass thee about: and here he saith, when thou shalt see jerusalem, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, compassed with soldiers. 2. If they understand the soldiers entering and invading the Temple, that was done divers times before: for Pompey took the ●●tie, and entered into the Temple with his soldiers: so did Crassus after him, and robbed the Temple, and carried away the golden vessels: afterward Archelaus polluted and defiled the Temple, and slew nine thousand jews in a commotion, Oecolampad. Pelican. ex joseph. but these were not signs of imminent destruction. 3. Beside, they are admonished, when they see this abomination standing in the holy place, to fly into the mountains: but when the soldiers had taken the city, and invaded the Temple, and set it on fire, and made havoc of all, it was then too late to fly, all their misery being already past. 4. Polanus before understandeth by the people of the Prince to come, the Gentiles, which should be called to the faith of Christ: how then doth he hold them now to be abominable. And seeing the Lord calleth Cyrus his anointed, Isa. 45. 1. because he executed his will upon the Chaldeans, yea the Lord called Nabuchadnezzer king of Babel his servant, jerem. 27. 6. being the minister of his judgements upon his unthankful people; it seemeth to be unfit, to call the armies of the Romans, abominable, seeing they herein were the ministers of God's sentence decreed against jerusalem.  
9 Wherefore I rather condescend to their opinion, which think that this abomination of desolation, was some abominable thing, which was set up in the Temple, which was a sign of the desolation thereof following: as whether it were the ensigns of the Empire, the Roman Eagle, which Pilate brought in and set up in the Temple, at the commandment of Tiberius, Osiand. or rather to gratify the Emperor, Bulling. or the image which Caius Caligula caused to be set up in the Temple with this inscription, jovi illustri Caio, to jupiter the famous Caius, Osiand, Chrysostome, and Theophylact, and E●thymius upon the 24. of Matthew, do take it for the image of Titus the Emperor, which was set up in the Temple, when the city was taken: so also Ab. Ezra. But this being present could be no sign of the desolation, to give them warning after. R. Levi understandeth it of the images which Manasses caused to be set up in the Temple, for the which it came to desolation: but this was done before Christ's time, in the days of Antiochus. Hierome thinketh it was the image of Adrian set up in the ruins of the Temple; so also Severus Sulpitius: but the Temple was destroyed long before by Titus, and was not re-edified again. Therefore I rather take some of the other sensible profanations of the Temple to be understood, which were set up after the death of Christ: as Theodoret taketh that profanation by Pilate, signum futurae desolationis in urbe & Templo erunt imagines qu●dam legibus interdictae, a sign of desolation to come, in the city and Temple, shall be certain images, forbidden by the law, brought into it, etc. which Pilate did, who brought in the night into the Temple the images of the Emperors.  
But against this interpretation it will be objected, 1. that josephus 〈◊〉, lib. 18. de antiquit. & lib. 2. de bell. judaic. that Pilate brought them into the city, 〈◊〉 speaketh not of the Temple: 2. it seemeth that this was done after the death of Christ, Perer. 3. and as josephus further writeth, that Pilate at the instance of the chief of the jews, (who went unto Caesarea, and offered their necks, rather than to suffer their country laws to be transgressed) caused those images to be removed again.  
Answ. 1. Though josephus make no mention of the Temple, yet Eusebius out of Philo, so allegeth: and it may be gathered also out of josephus report: for if the Roman ensigns had been brought only into the city, the jews would not have so much stood upon it: for it had been no more, then to have Caesar's image in their coin. 2. This was done rather after the passion of Christ, as Oecolampad. inferreth out of josephus. 3. And though they were removed, yet it is like they stood there some certain time. 4. Neither only is this abomination of desolation to be restrained to the images, which Pilate brought in: but it comprehendeth also other like profanations, as that of Caligula, before mentioned: for the word is put in the plural (shakutzim) abominations.  
Now that this is the most fit and convenient sense of this place, our reasons are these: 1. because this reading of the Septuagint and vulgar Latin, in the Temple shall be the abomination of desolation, is confirmed and warranted by our blessed Saviour, Matth. 24. When ye shall see the abomination of desolation standing in the holy place. 2. The abomination of desolation, which was in Antiochus' time, foreshowed Dan. 8. 13. & 11. 31. they shall pollute the Sanctuary, etc. and set up the abominable desolation, is taken in that sense: which was the abominable idol of jupiter Olympius which was set up upon the altar, as appear, 1. Macc. 1. 57 and josephus also writeth, that he caused the Sanctuary to be called the Temple of jupiter Olympius, lib. 12. antiquit. c. 7. The like meaning of the same words is also insinuated here. 3. The Hebrew word shakutz, abomination, is peculiar to idols: as 1. king. 11. 5. Milcom is called shakutzes, the abomination of the Ammonites: the abomination then, and abominable thing is most properly understood, to be some abominable idol set up. 4. The word also canaph, wing, is applied to the Sanctuary▪ as Psal. 61. 4. I will dwell in thy Tabernacle for ever, and my trust shall be under the covering of thy wings: where David alludeth to the Cherubims, which strercheth out their wings, and overshadowed the Ark. So Matth. 4. 5. the place of the Temple whether Christ was carried in his second temptation, is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the wing, that is the pinnacle, or battlement of the Temple. Pintus taketh the wing, for the spreading of the banners in the Temple: R. Saadinh by the wing of abomination, interpreteth the hand of those which taee abominable things, as swine's flesh: but this is forced, and he seemeth especially to have reference to Antiochus times. It is most fitly therefore referred to the Temple: the wing or pinnacle, and part, being taken for the whole, Oecolamp. or because in the inward parts were the Cherubims with their stretchedout wings, Osiand. or rather because the Temple was in respect of the defence thereof, and God's presence, called the wings of God, Bulling. and it stood in the highest part of the city, as overshadowing the rest, as it were with wings: see more of the divers acceptions of this word in the question next before.   

89. Quest. v. 27. Whether the desolation of jerusalem here spoken of, should be final.  
The words are thus translated, until the consummation even determined, shall it be powered upon the desolate, jun. the meaning of which words is, that like a continual dropping and overflowing, so shall one calamity follow an other, until they be utterly made desolate.  
1. R. Solomon understandeth this consummation of the last battle of Gog and Magog in the end of the world: until that time should this desolation be: but then the Messiah should overcome all the adversaries of the jews, and the city and Temple should be re-edified again. But the battle of Gog and and Magog was passed long before Christ's time, neither should the Messiah come into the world as a victorious Prince, he was to be put to death, as here the Angel foreshoweth: see this opinion before confuted, qu. 78.  
2. Lyranus inferreth upon these words, usque ad consummationem & finem, unto the consummation and end, etc. that, prope finem mundi, etc. toward the end of the world the falseness of Antichrist being detected by the preaching of Henoch and Elias, the jews shall be converted unto Christ, and until that time this desolation shall be, etc. But that conceit of Henoch and Elias preaching in the end of the world, hath no ground: neither shall the coming of Antichrist be deferred so long unto the end of the world: the jews conversion is expected, but their city and Temple shall never be restored again, for that would hinder their conversion unto Christ.  
3. Wherefore out of this place rather it may be concluded, that this overthrow of the city, which is here spoken of, should be the beginning of their final and perpetual desolation, which may thus further appear.  
1. This is testified in other places of the Scripture, that a final destruction was determined over this people, as jer. 19 11. I will break this people and this city, as one breaketh a potter's vessel, that cannot be made whole again: so also the Prophet Isay saith after he had prophesied of diverse calamities which should fall upon them, yet for all this his wrath is not turned away, but his hand is stretched out still. Hereunto agreeth S. Paul, speaking of the jews, who both killed the Lord jesus, and their own Prophets, and have persecuted us, and God they pleased not, and are contrary to all men, etc. for the wrath of God is come upon them to the utmost, etc. 1. Thess. 2. 16. And yet the Prophet Isay more evidently prophesied of the final ruin of the city, c. 25. 1. 2. O Lord thou art my God, I will exalt thee: for thou hast made of a city an heap, of a strong city a ruin, etc. it shall never be built again.  
2. This further may appear by comparing this desolation of jerusalem, with the former times of their captivity. In Babylon they were captive but 70. years: afterward the city and Temple were repaired: under Antiochus the Temple and city lay waste 2300. days, Dan. 8. 14. that is, 6. years, 3. months and an half: But this desolation and captivity hath now continued above 1500. years. Now whereas the Prophet hag saith, c. 2. 7. Thus saith the Lord of hosts, Yet a little while, and I will shake the heavens and the earth, etc. I will ●●one all nations, and the desire of all nations shall come: seeing that in the Prophet Hags time, which is almost 2000 years since, the Messiah was then to come within a little while, what hope can the jews now have after so many years to expect an other Messiah?  
3. Beside, this is an evident argument of the final and perpetual desolation of the jews city and Temple, because they have attempted since this destruction by Titus, to have restored their Temple and Commonwealth, but they were hindered from going forward: under Adrian the Emperor some 64. years after this calamity, the jews under their captain Benchochab, or Barchochab, thought to recover their liberty: they held 50. castles, and 980. towns, and fortified Beth-oron: Adrian came and besieged the city 3. years and 6. months: at the length, he took it, killed the captain, and put to the sword (as Dia writeth) 50. thousand jews. And beside, as Eusebius saith, lib. 4. histor. Eccl. c. 6. the jews were banished out of judea, and forbidden ever to return to jerusalem, which he repaired, and called it by his own name Aelia, that the jews should never inhabit it again.  
Chrysostome also lib. 2. cont. jud. maketh mention, how under the Empire of Constantine the great, the jews began to rebel, and thereupon the Emperor caused their ears to be cut off, and themselves to be dispersed among all nations, that their treachery might be made known to all the world.  
After this in julians' time the jews had licence from the Emperor, who thought by this means to disgrace the Christian religion, to build their Temple again: who busily set themselves about that work: at that time Cyrillus Bishop of jerusalem, animated the Christians, showing out of this place of Daniel, and Matth. 24. that their Temple should never be builded again: And it came so to pass: for there were three miraculous accidents, whereby the work was hindered. 1. after they had raised the building upon the old foundation, all was tumbled and cast down in the night. 2. there came forth a fire, which consumed all their engines and instruments. 3. there appeared bright red marks like the cross upon their garments, which they could by no means rub or wash out: and so the jews were feign to give over. The truth of this story Chrysostome avoucheth, which was done but 20. years before his time, oration. 2. cont. judaeos. And further to convince the jews, he showeth, that they were not thus crossed and hindered under a Christian Emperor, but under an enemy to Christian religion, when Christians generally were persecuted: that this might appear only to be God's work: this history is reported by Ruffin. lib. 1. c. 37, 38. by Socrates lib. 3. c. 20. Theodoret. lib. 3. c. 20. And to this day the jews never were able to prevail in their purpose and desire, to recover their country, city, or Temple: So that the verity and certainty of daniel's prophesy is evident to all the world, that desolation shall be powered upon them even unto the end.  
Thus have I now by God's special assistance, finished this wearisome task, and most difficult question of daniel's weeks. In the scanning and calculating whereof, I confess, I was as many weeks in painful study and meditation, as Daniel was in heaviness, when he had that vision in the next chapter, c. 10. 2. I have not omitted any thing to my knowledge, that afforded matter of doubt or question. And in such great diversity of opinion, which breedeth distraction, though it be hard to find out the best, yet I am persuaded, I have resolved of the most probable and reasonable interpretation: yet so, as I will not prejudice the judgement of any, but leave the Reader to his choice, not doubting, but that all reasons weighed, circumstances duly considered, inconveniences avoided, he will incline to mine opinion. Now I will proceed to other matters of note observed out of this Chapter.    

4. Places of doctrine.  

1. Doctr. Of ordinary and extraordinary prayer.  
v. 3. I sought by prayer and supplication with fasting, sackecloath, and ashes, etc. This was an extraordinary prayer, which Daniel here maketh, beside that ordinary prayer which be made thrice every day, c. 6. 10. in the morning, evening, and at noon. So there are two kind of prayers; ordinary, which we ought twice every day at the least, or oftener, to power forth unto God: of the which the Apostle speaketh, 1. Thess. 5. 17. Pray continually: there is also extraordinary prayer, when either some judgement is feared, which we would avert and turn aside by prayer, or when we want any special grace or assistance from God: and this the Apostle meaneth, 1. Cor. 7. 5. Defraud not one an other, except it be with corsent for a time, that ye may give yourselves to fasting and prayer. Calvin.   

2. Doctr. When fasting is to be joined with prayer.  
Fasting is not to accompany ordinary but extraordinary prayer: where must be considered, 1. the occasion of such fasting, which is either in the time of some great judgement and calamity, either to be prevented or else to be removed: or when any special assistance or grace is sued for. 2. the end must be considered, which is not to please God by our fasting, as though it were a part of his service directly, or that we hoped to merit thereby, but only it is used as a means to tame the body and keep it under, to make the inward man more servant. Thus the Israelites fasted and prayed, when they had been twice overcome of Benjamin, entreating the Lord's assistance, judg. 21. 1. and Esther c. 4. when she was to make suit for her people: and the Church of Antioch, when they sent forth Paul and Barnabas to preach, Act. 13. Polan.   

3. Doctr. Confession of sins necessary in prayer.  
v. 4. I prayed and made my confession. Confession of sins is either public, either by the whole congregation, or of one and more before the Congregation; or private, either of ones sins by himself, or in the name of many: and each of these confessions is either ordinary, or extraordinary: This confession of Daniel was of the latter sort, wherein he confesseth not his own sins only, but the sins of his people. And if Daniel so holy a man, yet confessed his sins in his prayer, how much more ought we sinful men always in our prayers to make our confessions, as the Prophet David saith, Psal. 32. 5. Then I acknowledged my sin unto thee, etc. and thou forgavest the punishment of my sin.   

4. Doctr. Of the diverse degrees of sin.  
v. 5. We have sinned, and committed iniquity, and have done wickedly, yea we have rebelled. There are four degrees of sin, which may be compared to a diverse going out of the way. 1. as one may a little err out of the way. 2. but after declineth more. 3. and being out of the way walketh on still. 4. until he be so obstinate in his course, that he cannot be brought again into the way: so some there are, which at the first, 1. sin of error, and these are they which are said to sin. 2. then they err yet more, such commit iniquity. 3. and walk and continue in their error, which are said to do wickedly, as David when he fell into those two great sins of murder and adultery. 4. And at the last they grow intractable, and not to be won, and these rebel against God: such an one was Saul, that would by no means be reclaimed. We learn hereby, that howsoever we may fail in the first and second kind, yet we should take heed of the great downfall in the 3. and 4.   

5. Doctr. How the true ministers of God must be discerned.  
v. 6. We would not obey thy servants the Prophets. 1. They are called Gods servants: they must be sure and inwardly warranted, that they are sent and called by the Lord. 2. they must be Prophets, that is, endued with prophetical and spiritual gifts, for God sendeth no dumb or lame messenger with his errant and message. 3. they must speak in the name of the Lord, they must preach nothing but God's word, and warrant their doctrine thereby. 4. they must be faithful, not respecting persons in the delivery of their message, but indifferently speak to all, as here it followeth, which spoke in thy name to our kings, to our princes, to our fathers.   

6. Doctr. That Angels are of a finite and circumscriptible nature.  
v. 24. The Angel Gabriel came flying, etc. Hence it appeareth that the Angels pass from place to place, and are circumscriptible and defined by their proper place: when they are in heaven, they are not at the same time in earth, as Damascene saith, lib. 2. de fide orthod. c. 3. Their error then is manifest, who think the Angels to be in heaven and in earth at once: they are evidently convinced by this place, which speaketh of the coming of the Angel to Daniel, which showeth that he was not present before, Bulling. so Daniel saith, c. 6. 22. that the Lord had sent his Angel, and stopped the mouths of the Lions: the Angel then was not there before, until the Lord sent him to that end.   

7. Doctr. That Christ is perfect God and perfect man.  
v. 24. To reconcile iniquity, and bring in everlasting righteousness, etc. Hence it is proved, that Christ was both perfect God, for otherwise he could not take away sin: which is the work only of God: and he was man, in as much as he lived and was conversant among men: the Prophet David therefore understanding this mystery of the being or dwelling of God in the flesh, saith, Psal 46. 7. the Lord of hosts is with us, the God of jacob is our refuge: Therefore he is called by the Prophet Immanuel, Isay. 7. 14. and 8. 8. Pintus.    

5. Places of controversy.  

1. Controv. That prayer and fasting is not meritorious.  
v. 3. I turned my face unto the Lord, etc. with supplications, with fasting, and sackcloth: Fasting is not of itself a thing acceptable unto God, but as it is used as a means to make ●ur prayers more fervent: the Romanists then are in an error, which make fasting a thing meritorious, Calvin. the contrary is evident in the Pharisie, who boasted of his alms deeds, and of his fasting twice in a week, yet his prayer was not accepted of God, Luk. 18. If prayer then and true contrition, with hearty repentance, and unfeigned humility, do accompany fasting, it is regarded, and had in remembrance with God, otherwise it is an unprofitable exercise: as S. Paul saith, Bodily exercise profiteth little, but godliness is profitable unto all things, 1. Tim. 4. 8.   

2. Controv. God only is to be invocated, not Saints or Angels.  
v. 3. Daniel only turneth his face unto the Lord: now if Saints were to be prayed unto, Daniel had here occasion to turn himself unto jeremy, whose prophesy he maketh mention of before: who had been fitter to assist Daniel praying for deliverance after the 70. years captivity, than he, who was the minister of that prophesy and promise. By this than it is well gathered, that the invocation of Saints was not in use in the old Testament, Bullinger. and therefore the Prophet David saith, Psal. 73. 25. Whom have I in heaven but thee? And the Scripture commandeth us to worship God only and serve him, Deut. 6. 13. Matth. 4. v. 10. If God only is to be worshipped, he alone must be prayed unto, for prayer is a part of his worship.  
The Romanistes, for the invocation of Angels and Saints, do allege these places of Scripture: 1. Gen. 48. 16. jakob saith, the Angel which hath delivered me, bless the children: But this was no created Angel, it was Christ the son of God: for in the former verse he is called God, the God, before whom my father's Abraham and Izaak did walk, the God which hath fed me all my life long unto this day, bless, etc. then it followeth in the next verse, the Angel which hath delivered me, etc. what other Angel was it which delivered jacob, but he that fed him, which he saith was God?  
2. That place also is urged, job. 19 21. have pity upon me, have pity upon me, O ye my friends: 
Bellar. lib. 1. de sanctor beatitude. c. 19  which Bellarmine understandeth of the Angels: But it is evident, that job speaketh unto his friends which came to visit him, who seemed to have small compassion on him, but with taunts and rebukes, condemning him as an hypocrite, did add more affliction unto him: for it followeth in the next verse, Why do ye persecute me as God? they were not the Angels of God that persecuted him, but Satan was the chief instrument of his afflictions, and his friends helped it forward.  
3. That place also Apocal. 1. 4. is abused to the same purpose: Grace unto you, and peace from him which was, which is, and which is to come, and from the seven spirits which are before the throne: by these seven spirits they understand the Angels: But that cannot be. 1. these spirits are joined as in equal authority with God the Father, and the Son, grace is here ascribed indifferently to proceed from them all. 2. these spirits are set between the father and the son, as being of the same power. 3. the Lamb is said to have 7. horns, and seven eyes, which are the 7. spirits, c. 5. 6. these spirits than were of the same essence and substance with the Son. 4. and by the virtue of these seven spirits the Lamb openeth the book with 7. seals, c. 5. 5. But Christ receiveth no virtue from the Angels. 5. Wherefore these 7. spirits are understood to be the holy Ghost, which is called septiformis, sevenfold, quia licet unus natura, gratiarum distributione multiplex, who though he be one in nature, yet is manifold in the distribution of the graces, gloss. ordinar. And because Christ did work so effectually by the communication of his graces in the seven Churches, as if there were seven several spirits, 
justin. in paraenes. ad Grac.  therefore is the spirit so described. Thus also justinus of ancient time expounded, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. the holy Prophets say that one and the same spirit is divided into seven spirits.  
4. Then followeth the example of john, who saith he fell down at the feet of the angel to worship him, Apoc. 19 10. and 22. 8. where Bellarmine saith, that so great an Apostle, and Prophet would not have offered to have worshipped the Angel, if it had been unlawful: he was deceived in his person, taking him to be Christ, he erred not in offering to adore him: for then, if it had been an error, he would not have done it twice: once before, c. 19 and now again, c. 22.  
Contra. 1. it is evident by the text, that john is reproved of the Angel, for offering to worship him, therefore therein was john's error. 2. And john was not ignorant that it was an Angel, and not jesus himself: for he saith, c. 22. v. 6. the Lord God of the holy Prophets sent his Angel to show unto his servants the things which shortly must come to pass: and again, v. 16. I jesus have sent mine Angel, to testify unto you these things. 3. Polanus thinketh that john did not commit this error twice in seeking to worship the Angel: but that it is a repetition of that before mentioned, c. 19 But it may appear by comparing the places, that john failed herein twice: for as Peter not twice, but thrice together offended in denying his master: so might john through forgetfulness, being astonished with the preseuce of so glorious an Angel, once again show his infirmity herein.   

3. Controv. That Christ is the only Mediator.  
v. 17. Hear the prayer of thy servant, etc. for the Lords sake, that is, for thy Christ's sake. But this place is corrupted by the jews, and by the Romanists. 1. the Rabbins some of them, as R. Moses, R. Saadiah, do here understand Abraham: But the faithful of the old Testament used not to call Abraham (being dead) their Lord: and the Prophet I say saith, c. 63. 16. that Abraham is ignorant of us: how could he then be a mediator for them, whose affairs he knew not? Some other of them do say, that the noun is put here for the pronoun, as it is usual in the Scriptures: so that for the Lords sake is as much, as for thine own sake: But this phrase is used to take away ambiguity: as Gen. 1. 27. God created man after his image, after the Image of God created he him: for if he had said, after his image, it had been doubtful, whether it had been Gods or man's image: but there is no such occasion of doubt here.  
2. The Romanists here also following the Latin translation, read, propter teipsum, for thyself, or for thine own sake: But they corrupt the text evidently, the word is, Adonai, Lord.  
3. Thus Christ was acknowledged to be the Mediator in the old testament, as Psal. 80. 15. the Church prayeth, that God would visit his vine, which he had planted, and that for his sons sake, whom he had made strong for himself: for so it is in the original: and so in that place read Montanus, junius; and the Latin interpreter, howsoever he faileth here, there readeth right. Thus David desireth to be heard, for thy words sake, meaning Christ, 2. Sam. 7. 21. And it is said he called the name of Solomon jedidiah, beloved of God, propter jehovam, for jehovahs' sake.  
4. Thus also in the new Testament, there is the same confession of Christ to be the Lord and Mediator: as S. Peter Act. 2. 36. whom God hath made both Lord and Christ. And Heb. 1. 2. he is called, the heir of all things: and Elizabeth confesseth him to be her Lord, Luk. 1. 43. So Christ is the Lord both by his natural right, as the Lord and Creator of all: and iure acquisito, by the right of purchase, which is threefold: by the right of inheritance: because God the father hath given us as an inheritance to his son, as Psal. 2. v. 8. Ask of me and I will give thee the nations for thy possession, etc. by the right of redemption we are Christ's, because he hath redeemed and purchased us with his blood, as S. Paul saith, 1. Cor. 6. 19 20. You are not your own, ye are bought for a price. And Christ is our Lord, by the right of his spiritual marriage: for the husband is Lord and head of his wife, and so Christ is of his Church.  
5. But it will be objected, that in the old Testament this phrase is often used, for David my servants sake: as 1. king. 11. v. 12. 13. and 2. king. 19 34. Hereunto it may be answered: that the meaning is not, that for the worthiness of David, or by his mediation and intercession God would have respect unto them, but because of the Promises which the Lord made unto David, as Psal. 89. 50. where are the ancient mercies, which thou swarest unto David in thy truth? and Psal. 132. v. 11. The Lord hath sworn in truth unto David, and he will not shrink from it, Polan.   

4. Controv. Against prayer and invocation of the dead.  
v. 18. Whereupon thy name is called: that is, which is called by thy name, for so this phrase is used, as Isay 4. 1. seven women shall take hold of one man, saying, we will eat our own bread, etc. only let thy name be called upon us. And so is that place to be understood, Gen. 48. 16. where jacob saith of Ephraim and Manasses, let my name be invocated or called upon over them: which words the Romanists do wrest, as though jacob would have them to pray unto him: whereas he meaneth nothing else, but that they should be counted among his sons, and called by the name of Israel, as the other of Jacob's sons: So in this place, though the name of God were indeed invocated and called upon in jerusalem, yet the meaning here only is, that they were called by the name of God, they were counted his city and people, Polan.   

5. Controv. Of the name of the Catholic Church, that it is but usurped by the Romanists.  
As it was not enough for jerusalem to be called by the name of God, but their profession and conversation also must be agreeable thereunto, for otherwise, while they said, the Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord, and yet did steal, murder, commit adultery, etc. the Prophet saith they did trust in lying words, jerem. 7. 8. And therefore because of their idolatry and other sins, the Lord suffered his own Temple to be defiled and destroyed by the Chaldeans: So neither now is it a sure note to know the Church of God by, to be called Catholic, if the Catholic faith be not held and maintained. The Romanists then are but usurpers of this name Catholic, seeing they are departed from the Catholic faith: He is not a Catholic that dependeth upon the Pope of Rome, but he which professeth the holy Catholic doctrine of Christ: which they that corrupt and deny, are no more Catholics, than a dried skeleton, (the bones of a dead man hanging together) is to be counted a man: And as there is great difference between a painted woman, such as jezabel was, and a fair woman by her natural complexion; even so a Catholic in name differeth from a Catholic in deed.   

6. Controv. That no man is perfect in this life.  
v. 20. While I was speaking, and praying, and confessing my sin: The interlineary gloss. here hath this note: this he saith, either because in many things we offend all, or ex humilitate, of humility, he joineth himself with the people: But it was better inferred, and concluded out of this place in the Milevitane Council, c. 7. that even Daniel confessed his own sin: for Daniel saith, confessing my sin, and the sin of my people: Daniel then confesseth not in the name of the people only, but he confesseth his own sins, beside the sins of the people: And further, whereas every one is taught to say in the Lord's prayer, forgive us our sins, that Council further decreeth him to be anathema, and accursed, who should say, that a righteous man saying this petition, pro aliis potius, quam pro se petere intelligatur, etc. must be understood rather to pray for others, then for himself, Bulling.   

7. Controv. That the prayers of the faithful are not meritorious.  
v. 23. For thou art a man greatly beloved, etc. Daniel was not accepted of God because of his prayers, but his prayers were heard because he was a man beloved before and accepted of God in Christ: So that it is not the merit or worthiness of our prayer, that maketh us to be respected with God: but the respect which God hath to us in Christ causeth our prayers to have entrance unto God. As it is said Gen. 4. 4. God had respect unto Habel, and unto his offering: first his person by faith was accepted, and then his prayer because of his person admitted: So S. james saith, the prayer of a righteous man availeth much, c. 5. 16. that is, of a man righteous and justified by faith; as a little before he saith, the prayer of faith shall save the sick.   

8. Controv. That we are not justified by any inherent righteousness, but imputed only by faith.  
v. 24. To reconcile iniquity, and to bring in everlasting righteousness: This than is our justification: when our sins, which we have done, are not imputed, as it is in the Psalm, and so cited by the Apostle, Rom. 5. 8. Blessed is the man to whom the Lord imputeth not his sin: and beside the righteousness of the Law, which we could not do, but Christ hath wrought for us, is imputed also unto us: as the Apostle teacheth, 2. Cor. 5. 21. he hath made him sin for us, that knew no sin, that we should be made the righteousness of God in him, Contrary to this truth of doctrine are these assertions following.  
1. The Jesuits in Censur. colonians. fol. 186. do define the justice of God, which is revealed in the new Testament, to be virtutem in Deo, quam juxta uniuscuiusque dignitatem singulis distribuit, virtue in God, which he distributeth to every one according to their worthiness, etc. not much unlike hereunto is the opinion of Andreas Osiander, that we are justified, per essentialem Dei justitiam in nobis habitantem, by the essential justice of God dwelling in us, and stirring us up unto good works. But this is an absurd opinion. 1. because it confoundeth God's justice and righteousness, with the effects and operation thereof. 2. if our righteousness be the essential justice of God. then Christ's obedience is excluded: for that is not the essential justice of God. 3. this opinion tendeth to blasphemy, making the essential justice of God, to be a quality in man. 4. it cometh near the heresy of the Manichees, who held that the essential justice of God was transfused into men.  
2. another opinion is, that our righteousness, whereby we are justified, is an inherent virtue, infused into us by the merit of Christ: Synod. Trident. sess. 6. c. 16. And the same is the general opinion of the Romanists: that we are not justified formally by the righteousness of Christ, in being accounted or reputed just, but by an inherent justice, whereby we are made just in deed: 
Synop●. Centur. 4. err. 56.  so the Rhemistes, to whom Bellarmme consenteth: which is directly against the doctrine of the Apostle, Abraham believed God, and it was counted to him for righteousness: Abraham's justice was imputative by faith. There is indeed in every faithful man a justice inherent, and dwelling in him, which is nothing else but our regeneration and sanctification, which is the fruits of our justification: by this inherent and inhabiting holiness we are not justified before God, but thereby our justifying faith is approved and ratified: which S. Paul calleth, saith working by love, Galat. 5. 6.   

9 Controv. Whether sin after forgiveness may be said any way to remain in the faithful.  
Pererius upon these words, to finish wickedness, and take away iniquity, as the Latin translator readeth; inferreth, that sins in the faithful are not only not imputed, but are utterly taken away: and therefore he by the scandalous name of Heretics noteth the Protestants, that they should hold, remanere peccata, sed non imputari propter Christum, that sins do remain in those which are justified. but they are not imputed unto condemnation for Christ's sake: And to this purpose he allegeth Thomas Aquin. 
Thom. in 4. c. epist. ad Roman.  who observeth 4. things in sin. 1. the offence toward God, which is said to be remitted, as one man forgiveth the trespass of an other. 2. there is an act of sin, which being once done, cannot be undone: but this is said to be covered, because God seeth it not to punish it. 3. there is reatus poenae, the guiltiness of punishment, which the Lord remitteth in forgiving sin, that it shall not be imputed unto punishment. 4. there is macula, the blot and stain of sin, whereby the soul is defiled, and this is taken away when a man is justified: and therefore he is said to be washed: hence Pererius inferreth, that sins to them which are justified, nulla ex part remanere, do not remain at all: And this he would further prove by that place, 1. Cor. 15. 17. If Christ be not raised, ye are yet in your sins: the Apostle counteth it an absurd and impossible thing, that sin should remain in a man regenerate.  
Contra. 1. Pererius not citing any Protestant that so affirmeth speaketh, but by guess and surmise: for the Protestants do not hold that in the regenerate their former sins still remain, being only covered: but that they are forgiven and removed indeed, never to be remembered again. This is that we affirm, that for the sins past, they are abolished: but for the time to come, there remaineth an aptness to sin, with some stain and blemish, which continueth with the faithful as long as they are in the flesh.  
2. Thomas observations may be admitted all but the ●ast: in that he holdeth the stain or blot of sin to be washed away: if he speak of such a blot, qua, sublato nitore gratiae, animus per p●ccatum foedatur, whereby the soul, the brightness of grace being taken away, is defiled by sin, as his words are, such a stain, to the extinguishing of grace, cannot be in the righteous: but such a blemish and stain remaineth, whereby the soul is hindered in every good work, and whereby the flesh resisteth against the spirit: which combat and strife between the fl●sh and the spirit remaineth even in the righteous, as S. Paul giveth instance in himself, Rom. 7. 22. 23.  
3. We must distinguish with the Apostle between the dwelling of sin, and the reigning of sin, Rom. 6. 12. and between the warring after the flesh, and walking in the flesh, 2. Cor. 10. 3. Though sin reign not in the regenerate, yet it is in the regenerate, as the Apostle saith, 1. john. 1. 8. if we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us.  
4. In that place, 1. Cor. 15. 17. the Apostle meaneth that if Christ were not risen again, they could not have remission of their sins: for then our redemption had not been perfited: he speaketh not of evacuating of sin, that it should have no more being in the faithful, but of the not imputing of sin, as the next words before show: if Christ be not risen again, your faith is in vain, etc. that is, by faith ye could have no remission of sin: But see more of this question, how far sin remaineth in the regenerate, Synops. Papis. Centur. 3. quest. 10.   

10. Controv. That charity is not more principal in the matter of justification, than faith.  
v. 24. To bring in everlasting righteousness: Hence Pererius would prove, that charity is the chiefest, and preferred before faith in the work of justification: because this justice is everlasting, and therefore faith is not this justice, which remaineth not always: but charity remaineth for ever, and therefore the Apostle concludeth, that the chiefest of these is love.  
Contra. 1. We do not say, that faith is the justice itself, whereby we are justified: but it apprehendeth instrumentally the justice of Christ, whereby we are justified: and therefore he concludeth not to the purpose. 2. though faith remain not, yet the effect of faith, which is our justification, abideth for ever: no more shall the preaching of God's word be necessary in the next world: yet it is called the immortail seed, 1. Pet. 1. 13. because it is the seed whereby God begetteth us, who liveth for ever: and in respect of the everlasting fruit that cometh by the word, it begetteth faith, and faith bringeth everlasting righteousness. 3. charity is everlasting, but it is not the everlasting righteousness here spoken of, which is the righteousness of Christ applied by saith. 4. And charirie is the chiefest, not simply, but in respect of the perpetuity: it is not preferred, as more available than faith to justification: wherefore it followeth not, charity is chiefer than faith, because it endureth longer: therefore every way it is the chiefest.   

11. Controv. That the Pope doth blasphemously usurp the title of Christ, to be called most holy.  
v. 24. To anoint the most holy: Pererius here maketh this collection, that not only Christ is called holy, but whatsoever belongeth unto Christ, as the Church is called holy, the faithful are called Saints, that is holy: And the Pope, because he is Christ's Vicar, and representeth him in earth, is called most holy, yea sanctitas, holiness itself.  
Contra. 1. True it is, that the things which belong unto Christ, are holy by the participation of Christ's holiness, as his spouse the Church, and his members: but they which are neither this spouse, not members (as the Pope is the head of the Antichristian Church) have no part in this holiness. 2. And though they are called holy, yet the title of most holy, and of holiness itself, cannot without blasphemy simply be given unto any mortal and sinful man. 3. Christ needeth no universal Vicar in earth: and it is impossible that to one man should be committed the dispensation of the whole Church. 4. Every prince is God's Vicar and Vicegerent in his kingdom: they are called Gods, being in God's stead, and they are the Lords anointed, and so holy: But yet the title of most holy, is peculiar unto Christ: his Vicar and representer may be holy, but the person represented is only most holy.   

12. Controv. Whether the Sacrament of the Altar be most holy.  
The Romanists do give this title of most holy, unto the sacrament of the Altar, as they call it: as simply giving it the pre-eminence of holiness before all other things. Contra. 1. If there were present indeed the very body of Christ, which is but their superstitious imagination, than it would follow, that it were most holy: But that is their own conceit without any ground, for S. Peter saith, that the heavens must contain Christ, until the time that all things be restored, Act. 3. 21. And Christ's body being in heaven, is not at the same time in the earth: neither is in more than one place at once: for otherwise the Angel had not reasoned well, Matth. 28. 6. He is not here, for he is risen. 2. As it is a sacrament, and so representeth the body and blood of Christ, we confess that the Eucharist is holy, and to be reverenced: yet most holy it can not be said to be, as having the pre-eminence before all other things. The word of God is not inferior to the Sacrament, if not before it: for that which sanctifieth, is greater than that which is sanctified: as our Saviour reasoneth concerning the Altar, and the offering, Matth. 23. 19 but the Sacrament is sanctified by the word, Eph. 5. 26. That he might sanctify it by the washing of water through the word: for all things are sanctified by the word of God, and prayer, 1. Tim. 4. 5. Augustine also to this effect saith, Dicite mihi, etc. tell me, which seemeth greater unto you, the word of God, or the body of Christ● respondere debetis, quod non sit minus verbum Dei, you must answer, that the word of God is not inferior. Homil. 26. But if the Sacrament were simply most holy, than it should be more holy than the word. 3. Yet may the Sacrament in some respect be called most holy, namely comparatively, if it be set against other things which are profane, or not of like holiness: for like as in the Sanctuary, the most holy place, where the Ark was, had simply that name of most holy; yet other things also comparatively were called most holy: as the altar of burnt-offering, Exod. 29. 37. and the perfume, c. 30. 36. the altar was most holy in comparison of all other things in the outward Court, and the perfume being set against all other perfumes: So simply the most holy of all, is the sweet smelling sacrifice of our blessed Saviour upon the cross: as Origen saith, ipse est hostia sancta sanctorum, he is the offering most holy of holies, in Levit. 7. comparatively the Sacrament and other holy things may also be said to be most holy. 4. But their Sacrament of the altar, which they have made an abominable idol, giving the highest adoration to a piece of bread, which they make their impanate god, hath no holiness at all, and therefore is far from the title of most holy.   

13. Controv. That Christ is mediator both as God and man.  
In that the most holy is said here to be anointed, first the Arrians infer, that Christ is not God, for God can not be anointed: secondly, the Romanists collect, that Christ was our Mediator according to his human nature only; because he was anointed only in his humanity. Contra. 1. If this anointing be taken only for the collation of the gifts and graces of the spirit, it is true, that the human nature of Christ was only in this sense anointed: But by this anointing also is understood, the ordaining of Christ to be the Mediator and Saviour of the world: and so Christ is our Mediator according to both his natures: for in the office of the Mediatorship there are two things to be understood, a ministery, and power and authority: the ministerial part, as to be borne, to fast, to preach, to suffer, to die, Christ executed as he was man: but the power to rise again, to ascend into the heavens, to reconcile us unto God, must be ascribed unto his divine nature. So the Apostle saith, God was in Christ reconciling the world to himself, 2. Cor. 5. 19 Christ than not only as man, but as God reconciled the world. So Bernard well saith, singula illius opera ad hanc sive illam necesse est pertinere naturam, ad hanc scilicet miseria, ad illam pertinet potestas, etc. all his works must of necessity belong either to the one or to the other nature: to his humanity must be referred his abasing and misery, to the other his power, etc. Serm. de verb. sapient. See more hereof, Synops. Centur. 5. err. 29.   

14. Controv. Against the sacrifice of the Mass.  
v. 27. He shall cause the sacrifice and oblation to cease: All external sacrifices then ceased, and were abolished in the death of Christ. They then which would bring in a new external sacrifice into the Church, as the Romanists, which do hold, that in the Mass they do offer up in sacrifice the body and blood of Christ, do deny the sufficiency and efficacy of Christ's death, and make the covenant, confirmed by his blood, of no effect: for the testament being once confirmed and ratified by the death and sacrifice of Christ, there need no iteration of that sacrifice, unless they will make void the confirmation of the covenant by Christ's death: for as the Apostle saith, Christ with one offering hath consecrated for ever, them that are sanctified, Hebr. 10. 14. there needeth no more offering, but only a fruitful application of that offering, which is by a thankful commemoration of Christ's death and passion in the Sacrament received by faith. Oecolampad.   

15. Controv. Against the jews, that the Messiah who was expected of the fathers, is already come into the world.  
By this prophecy of daniel's 70. weeks, in the end whereof the Messiah should be slain, the jews are evidently convinced, that the Messiah is come: which may further be confirmed by these reasons taken out of this prophesy.  
1. The holy ointment, wherewith they anointed their Kings and Princes, which was a type of the spiritual anointing of the Messiah, is now abolished, and out of use among the jews: the type was to remain until the body and substance came: it being now ceased, it followeth that the Messiah, the true anointed of God, is exhibited to the world.  
2. The Messiah was to be slain before the end of daniel's weeks, or together with the expiring of them: but daniel's weeks are long since ended, even by the testimony of the jews themselves: therefore the Messiah is come, and they did unto him what they would.  
3. When the levitical sacrifices should cease, the Messiah was come, for his most perfect and holy sacrifice should determine the imperfect sacrifices of the law: But the legal and Levitical sacrifices are ended: Ergo.  
4. The blessed Messiah was to come before the destruction of the second Temple: and therefore the Prophet saith, Hagg. 2. 10. The glory of this last house, shall be greater than the first: because the Messiah should come, the second Temple yet standing: as the Prophet saith in the same place, v. 7, 8. Yet a little while, and I will move all nations, and the desire of all netions shall come. And for the further evidence and confirmation hereof, we have thereceived opinion of many of the jews themselves.  
R. Moses of Tyrol, and Bioces, looked for the coming of Christ toward the end of the second Temple: which they gathered partly out of this prophesy of Daniel, partly out of that place, Isa. 66. 7. Before her throws came upon her, she was delivered of a man child: therefore some of the Rabbins hold, that the Messiah was borne the same day, that the Temple was destroyed.  
In their book called Bereshith Rabath, there is this parable: how a certain Arabian passing by a certain jew, as he was at plough, hearing one of his oxen low, he bade him unyoke, for the destruction of jerusalem was at hand: and hearing the other low also, he bade him unyoke again, for the Messiah was already come. R. Aaron telling the same parable, saith, what need we learn it of an Arabian, seeing the text itself declareth it.  
josephus l. 7. de bell. judaic. c. 12. writeth, that therewas a prophecy found in holy Scripture, that at the time of the overthrow of jerusalem, there should come a king which should reign over the world, which he in flattering wise interpreted of Vespaesian.  
There was an other prophesy bruited among the jews, that Doctor Hillels scholars should never fail till Christ were come: the youngest of them was R. jochanan the son of Zacheus, who lived to see the destruction of the Temple: a little before, a certain gate opened itself, which josephus speaketh of in his 7. book, c. 12. where at R. jochanan being amazed, remembered that place, Zachar. 11. 1. Open thy gates, O Lebanon, and let fire consume thy cedars: which he applied to the destruction of the city, which was set on fire.  
Hereof it was, upon this common received opinion, that the Messiah should come before the destruction of jerusalem, that divers taking advantage of the time, took upon them to be Christ: as one Theudas a juggler, made the people believe, that he was a Prophet, and that he would divide the waters of jordan before them, as in the time of joshuah: and when Felix was governor, an other coming out of Egypt, making himself a Prophet, persuaded the people, that if they would follow him to mount Olivet, they should see the walls of jerusalem fall down. By these testimonies of the jews, and their own practices it is evident, that they expected the coming of Messiah, before the destruction of the second Temple.  
Hereunto may be added that notable confession of R. Samnel, sent in an epistle to R. Isaak above 600. years since, who upon the evidence of this prophesy of Daniel, was convinced to confess, that the Messiah was come: which testimony being very notable, it shall not be amiss to set it down at large, 
A notable confession of a learned jew, that the Messiah was come long since.  as Dyonts. Carthusian. hath it in his commentary upon this 9 chapter of Daniel: Videtur (Domine mi) Danielis Prophetia, quae scribitur nono capite iam completa esse, etc. It seemeth (reverend Sir) that the prophesy of Daniel, which is written in the 9 chapter, to be now fulfilled: after 62. weeks Messiah shall be slain, and a people shall come with a Prince to come, and destroy the city, and the house, and the destruction and desolation thereof shall be perpetual. Now it is not to be doubted (my good Sir) but this is the perpetual destruction and desolation in this captivity, wherein we are: for now there are a thousand years since, and the Lard plainly saith by his Prophet, that the desolation shall be perpetual for the kill of Christ, as our desolation is after the slaying of Christ: for the Lord threatened not perpetual desolation, but after the slaying of Christ. And if we will say, that before the kill of Christ, we were in desolation, the Christians will answer us, that before his death we had but a desolation for 70. years: and after this we were brought into the land of promise, and were in grace and favour with God. Truly (Sir) I see no evasion: for it is proved unto us in fact, that after seventy weeks of years were fulfilled from the re-edifying of the Temple, than was jesus slain of our fathers: and afterward came a captain, even Titus, and the people of Rome, and did unto us according to this prophesy. Now a thousand years are past, and we are notwithstanding under God's wrath, and yet we trust in him, expecting a Messiah to come: and that we shall return into the land of promise, and restore the city and Temple, and that we shall be in favour with God, and so this desolation not to be perpetual, but temporal. Alas (Sir) this excuse and evasion hangeth not together, and such expectation seemeth to be altogether vain.  
A more plentiful and evident testimony can we not have, then from this learned Rabbin, who giveth a most perfect and sound exposition of daniel's prophetical weeks. Seeing then it is evident, that the Messiah is come, who else can he be but Christ jesus: in whom all these things are fulfilled, prophesied of the Messiah. 1. the anointing is now ceased. 2. so are all the Levitical sacrifices since his death. 3. he came while the second Temple stood. 4. and suffered after 490. years from the re-edifying of the city and Temple. 5. immediately upon his death the city and Temple was destroyed. 6. and the same destruction is like to be perpetual, having continued almost 1600. years, according to this prophesy of Daniel. So that if they were not wilfully blinded, they must needs confess with R. Samuel, that the Messiah is come, and that he was that JESUS, whom their forefathers killed.    

6. Moral observations.  

1. Observ. Of diligent and careful preparation to prayer.  
v. 2. I Daniel understood by books, etc. Daniel cometh not rashly or of a sudden to prayer, but he before meditated upon the word of God, and carefully considered, what he was to pray for: he also set himself to seek the Lord by fasting, and so humbled himself. All this teacheth us, that we take heed that we come not presumptuously, or unprepared into God's presence, as the Preacher adviseth, Eccles. 5. 1. Be not rash with thy mouth, etc. God is in heaven, and thou art in earth. In this kind of rash prayer the Pharisie offended, Luk. 18. who not having first truly humbled himself, presseth vaingloriously into God's presence, whereas the Publican stood a far off, knocking upon his breast, & calling for mercy.   

2. Observ. That the promises of God should not make us more slack to pray.  
v. 2. I Daniel understood by books the number of the years, etc. Though Daniel was assured by the prophecy of jeremy, that the captivity should be dissolved after 70. years, yet he is not therefore secure, and careless, but he is thereby more stirred up to prayer: So the children of God, which do ground themselves upon God's promises, are thereby encouraged the more earnestly to pray: imagis stimulantur ad precandum, they are more pricked forward, and animated to prayer, Calvin. So jaacob prayeth, Gen. 32. 9 O God of my father Abraham, etc. which saidst unto me, Return unto thy country, etc. and I will do thee good: he is not negligent and secure, because he had God's promise; but he is so much the more diligent in prayer.   

3. Observ. The Scriptures are diligently to be read.  
If Daniel so great a Prophet did exercise himself in the reading of the books of the Prophets, how much more ought we to be conversant in the Scriptures, Bulling. So the Prophet David saith, Psal. 119. 24. Thy testimonies are my delight, and they are my counsellors. If these holy men endued with such excellent gifts, and having so great a measure of God's spirit, that they were used themselves as penmen of Scripture, did yet frequent the reading of Scripture; it teacheth us not to neglect so great a means of our salvation.   

4. Observ. Of the efficacy of prayer.  
v. 21. While I was speaking in prayer, the man Gabriel, etc. came. In this that the Angel came instantly to Daniel, as he prayed; we see that the prayers of the righteous are available with God: as the Prophet Isai saith, c. 30. 19 He will certainly have mercy upon thee at the voice of thy cry: when he heareth thee, he will answer thee. So the Lord heard Nehemiah, c. 1. and 2. and jonas, c. 2. 1. I cried in my trouble to the Lord, and he heard me. This therefore should encourage the children of God to pray, seeing the Lord heareth them; What subject, knowing the ready inclination of his Prince to hear him, would not with boldness offer his suit and supplication unto him?   

5. Observ. To be mindful of the Church of God in our prayers.  
v. 20. For the holy mountain of my God. Daniel though he were in prosperous state himself, yet remembreth the affliction of God's people, and the desolation of God's house: teaching us, that in our welfare we should think of the misery of other Churches. Moses living in Pharaohs court, would not so content himself, but he goeth forth to visit his brethren: the Prophet David having prayed for himself, thus concludeth his prayer, Deliver Israel, O God, out of all his troubles, Psal. 25. 22.   

6. Observ. That we must always in heart communicate with the public service and worship of God.  
v. 21. About the time of the evening oblation. Though the service of God were now intermitted, and there was neither morning nor evening sacrifice, the Temple lying desolate, yet Daniel still beareth it in mind, though in the land of captivity: teaching us, when we are otherwise letted by sickness, imprisonment, absence, we should in heart and desire be present with those that serve the Lord: as the Prophet David saith, Psal. 42. 4. When I remembered these things, I powered out my heart, because I had gone with the multitude, etc.   

7. Observ. God afflicteth and chastiseth whom he loveth.  
v. 23. Thou art greatly beloved. Daniel was a man highly in God's favour, yet he was lead into captivity, and there continued 70. years: let not men therefore be dismayed, though they continue long in affliction: yea, the Lord consecrated the Prince of our salvation through affliction, Hebr. 2. 10. yea, his whole life was nothing else but a tragical story of crosses and tribulations: the members must not think much to take part with the head, neither is the disciple better than the master.     

CHAP. X.  

1. The Argument and Method.  
IN these three last chapters, the 10, 11, 12. the fourth and last vision, which Daniel had, is set forth: whereof there are three parts. 1. the preparation to the vision, contained in the 10. chapter. 2. the prophetical vision itself, in the 11. chapter. 3. the consolation ministered unto Daniel, after the prediction of such heavy things.  
In the preparation, or preamble to the vision in the 11. chap. there are these four parts. 1. the sum of the vision in general, to v. 5. 2. a description of the glorious person that appeared, to v. 7. 3. the effect that followed, Daniel and his companions fear, v. 7. to the 10. 4. the erection and animating of Daniel by the Angel, v. 10. to the 21.  
1. In the general sum, 1. the time is expressed. 2. the person to whom the vision was revealed, to Daniel. 3. the manner of the vision: for the certainty, it was true: for the continuance, long: for the clearness, he understood it. 4. then the disposition of Daniel is showed, how he was affected, when this vision came: he was in heaviness: the effects whereof were, he eat no pleasant bread, v. 3.  
2. In this description, 1. the circumstances are set forth, the time and place, v. 4. 2. the glorious person described by his form, he was as a man, by his raiment, v. 5. by his parts and voice, v. 6.  
3. The fear of Daniel and his companions is diversly set forth: they fled away and hid themselves, v. 7. Daniel stayed by it, though his strength was much abated, v. 8. and the cause of this great fear is showed; the hearing of the voice like thunder, v. 9  
4. The erecting and animating of Daniel, is set forth in four degrees. 1. the first degree is in setting Daniel upon his knees, and the palms of his hands, which was caused partly by an hand that touched him, v. 10. partly by words, v. 11.  
2. In the second degree, he standeth, but trembling: the comfort is ministered by the speaking of the Angel: where he showeth, 1. when he was first sent forth, v. 12. 2. what was the cause of his stay, v. 13. 3. to what end he came, v. 14.  
3. In the third degree is showed, 1. the Prophet's infirmity: he set his face toward the ground, but held his tongue, v. 15. 2. the consolation, an hand touched his lips. 3. the effects: he speaketh showing his fear, v. 16. and the cause thereof, v. 17.  
4. In the fourth and last degree, 1. the Prophet's infirmity is expressed, his great fear, v. 17. 2. the erection of him, partly by gesture, an hand toucheth him, v. 18. partly by speech. 3. the effects, Daniel speaketh boldly to the Angel. 4. the Angel declareth three things: 1. of his fight with the Prince of Persia. 2. of the coming of the Prince of Grecia. 3. of the assistance and help of Michael the Prince of God's people.   

2. The text with the divers readings.  
v. 1. In the third year of (the reign. L. ad) Cyrus (Choresh, H. which in the Persian language signifieth, Lord, and therefore they call the son, choresh, his name before was Spaco, as Herodotus, which in the Medes language signifieth a dog) king of Persia, a thing (a word. H.) was revealed unto Daniel, who was called by his name Belteshatzar: and the word was true (proper. Br. truth in the word. H.) but the time appointed was long (great. H. the strength or force was great. L. V. S. tzaba signifieth both, but the first rather here) and he understood the words (word. H.) and had understanding in the vision (he understood both the words of the vision, because they were plain, and the matter of the vision.)  
2 At the same time (in those days. H.) I Daniel was in heaviness for three weeks of days.  
3 I ate no pleasant bread (or meat. I. bread of desires. H.) neither came flesh nor wine in my mouth, neither did I anoint myself at all (in anointing anointed me. H.) till three weeks of days were fulfilled.  
4 And in the four and twentieth day of the first month, I was by the bank (side, B. G. hand. H.) of the great river, even Hiddekel (that is, Tigris, L. V. in Dekel. S. cor.)  
5 And I lift up mine eyes, and looked, and behold, a man clothed in linen, end his loins were girded about with gold of Vphaz (not fine gold. L. V. it is the name of the place from whence they had fine gold. jer. 10. 9)  
6 His body was like Tharsis (H. S. the chrysolite. L. G. the turkeys. B. the hyacinth. V. berill. I. see more, qu. 14.) and his face as the sight of lightning, and his eyes as lamps of fire, and his arms and feet were like the colour (shining. V. show. L. eye. H.) of polished brass, and the voice of his words, as the voice of a multitude.  
7 And I Daniel alone saw the vision, and the men that were with me, saw not the vision: but a great fear fell upon them, so that they fled away, to be hid (and hid themselves. B. G.)  
8 Therefore I was left alone, and saw this great vision, and there remained no strength in me, and my comeliness (my form. L. glory. S. colour. B. strength. G.) was turned into corruption (was corrupted and deformed. V.) and I retained no power.  
9 Yet I heard the voice (sound. I.) of his words: and when I heard the voice of his words, I slumbered (fell a sleep. G. was astonished. B. but the word signifieth to slumber) on my face, and my face was turned toward the ground.  
10 And behold, an hand touched me, which set me up (moved or strengthened me. H.) upon my knees, and upon the palms of my hands.  
11 And he said unto me, O Daniel, a man much desired (a man of desires. H. see c. 9 23.) understand the words that I speak unto thee, and stand in thy place: (station. H.) for unto thee am I now sent: and when he had said this word unto me, I stood trembling.  
12 Then he said unto me, Fear not, Daniel: for from the first day that thou didst set (give. H.) thine heart to understand, and to afflict (chasten. B. humble. G.) thyself before thy God, thy words were heard, and I am come for thy words.  
13 But the Prince of the kingdom of Persia withstood me (stood before. I. rather against me) one and twenty days: but lo, Michael, the first (one. V. L. cum caeter. but achad signifieth the first, Gen. 1. 5. as well as one) of the chief Princes, came to help me, and I remained there by the kings (not king. L. S.) of Persia.  
14 Now I am come to show thee, what shall befall thy people in the latter (or ensuing. I. not last. L.) days: for yet the vision is for many days (not of these days. I. (days) put absolutely without any other addition, signify many)  
15 And when he spoke these words unto me, I set my face toward the ground, and held my tongue.  
16 And behold, as the similitude of man (of the sons of men. H.) touched (upon. H.) my lips: then opened I my mouth, and spoke, and said to him that stood before me, O my Lord, by the vision, my sorrows are returned (I. G. not my joints are turned out of their place, L. V. B. or my inward parts are turned. S. the word, tzir, signifieth sorrow, anguish,) and I have retained no strength.  
17 For how can the servant of that my Lord, talk with that my Lord (A. P. better than how can this servant of my Lord, talk with that my Lord. I. or how can the servant of this my Lord talk with this my Lord. V. Pol. or how can the servant of this my Lord talk with my Lord being such an one. B. G. the demonstrative, zeh (that, or yonder) is in both places joined with adonai, Lord: see more, qu. 17. following) for as for me, there remained no strength to me, neither is there breath (L. S. B. G. spirit. V. the soul. I. A. the first rather) left in me.  
18 Then there came again (added. H.) and touched me, as the appearance of a man, and strengthened me:  
19 And said, O man, much desired: peace be unto thee, be strong, and be of good courage: (be strong, be strong. H.) and when he had spoken unto me, I was strengthened, and said, Let my Lord speak: for thou hast strengthened me.  
20 Then said he, Knowest thou wherefore I am come unto thee? for now I will return to fight against the Prince of Persia: and as soon as I go forth (am going forth, H.) the Prince of Grecia shall come (cometh. H. not is come. L. S.)  
22 But I will show thee, that which is expressed (decreed. G. appointed. S.) in the Scripture of truth: and there is none that holdeth (confirmeth himself. H.) with me in these things, but Michael your Prince.   

3. The questions and doubts discussed.  

1. Quest. Of the excellency of this vision revealed in this Chapter and the two next unto Daniel.  
This vision, which Lyranus counteth the ninth from the beginning of this book, c. 2. but indeed it is but the fourth vision, which Daniel properly had, beginning at the 7. chapter: It is a most worthy and excellent vision in divers respects. 1. because of the preparation: Daniel fasted and humbled himself 3. weeks of days, before this vision was showed unto him. 2. The revealer of this vision, was the chief of the Angels, even Christ himself, as is further showed, qu. 12. following, who appeared not in the ordinary shape of a man, but in a glorious manner, his body was as the Chrysolite, and his face like lightning, etc. v. 6. Perer. 3. Whereas other visions were dark and obscure, this vision is plain and manifest: and therefore it is said, the word is true, or proper, not figurative. H. B. 4. This vision is continued, and contained in these three last chapters, which was all one vision: so were not any of the other so long continued and produced. jun. Polan. 5. It is said, the time was long, when these things should be fulfilled, many years after: some read, and the power and force is great: for the word is tzaba, which signifieth an army, and so some of the Rabbins understand here an army of Angels, which appeared to Daniel: but the first seemeth to be the better sense, jun. Polan. Some think, that this was a long prophesy, the accomplishment whereof is extended unto the end of the world, Bulling. Perer. But, though in the last chapter mention be made by occasion of the resurrection, yet this prophesy was properly fulfilled before the times of the Messiah: though typically it may be applied to the times succeeding; as concerning the perfection of Antichrist prefigured by Antiochus, and other accidents, which did befall the Church of Christ.   

2. Quest. How the third year of Cyrus is here to be understood.  
1. Some Greek copies here for the third year, do read the first year of Cyrus: the occasion of which error Theodoret thinketh to be this, because it is said, c. 1. 21. that Daniel was unto the first year of Cyrus: which doubt Theodoret thus taketh away, because in the original it is said, unto one year of Cyrus, not to the first: But it is evident, that in the Hebrew phrase, one is taken for the first: the solution than is this, that Daniel continued in authority with the Babylonian kings, and ministered unto them, as long as that Monarchy continued, and then he served Cyrus and Darius. Lyran. Perer. Polan.  
2. This third yeeare of Cyrus some understand to be the 4. year from the solution of the captivity: first Darius reigned one year, and died in the beginning of the next, and then Cyrus succeeded: But Cyrus and Darius reigned together, because it is said c. 1. 21. that Dael was unto the first of Cyrus, which was in the first of Darius also, for otherwise he should be omitted with whom Daniel was in great grace.  
3. The better opinion is that Cyrus in the very first year, when Babylon was taken, gave the jews liberty to return, in the second year they began to build, and were the same year hindered, and in the beginning of the third year this vision was revealed unto Daniel.  
4. This was the third and last year of Cyrus' reign over the Persian Monarchy: who reigned 30. years in all, and in the 28. year of his reign over Persia, he took Babylon, Polan. Pelican. he did not reign 30. after the taking of Babylon, as M. Lively, Pererius, with others think.   

Quest. 3. Of daniel's understanding of this vision.  
Here is to be considered a threefold distinction of those which have visions.  
1. Some have visions, but they understand them not: such were Pharaoh, Nabuchadnezzar, and Balthasar: 
lib. 11. Moral. cap. 12.  and of these Gregory saith, cum aliquid ostenditur, & intellectus non tribuitur, prophetia minime est, when any thing is showed, and understanding not given, it is no prophesy: 
lib. 12. de Gen. ad litter. c. 9  neither are they Prophets to whom such things are showed, etc. And Augustine saith, magis joseph Propheta fuit qui intellexit, etc. joseph was rather a Prophet, who understood the dream, than Pharaoh, which had it and understood not.  
2. Some there are which may understand in some sort, and have the gift of prophesying, and yet not be in the state of grace: such an one was Balaam, who uttered most clear prophecies of things to come. And that the gift of prophesy may be separated from the grace of God, and charity, the Apostle showeth, 1. Cor. 13. 2. If I had the gift of prophesy, etc. and had no love, I were nothing, Pintus.  
3. But there are some, which are the faithful servants and true Prophets of God, who have both the gift of prophesy, with the understanding thereof, and are also in God's favour, and in the state of grace: such an one was Daniel.   

Quest. 4, v. 1. Why Daniel maketh mention of his name Belteshazzar.  
What the meaning of this name is, is showed before, c. 1. quest. 28. But Daniel nameth himself here Belteshazzar for these cause. 1. voluit hoc vaticinium celebre esse per omnes nationes, he would have this prophesy famous among all nations, where he was known rather by the name of Belteshazzar, then by the name of Daniel, Calvin. 2. by this means, though he were called by a strange name, yet he would make it known, se non alienum esse à populo Dei, that he was not enstranged from the people of God, but continued still in their communion. 3. And hereby also Daniel intimateth, that he was the same man, unto whom the former visions were showed, and the understanding of secret things: and so by this means this vision was received with greater credit and authority, Polan.   

Quest. 5. v. 2. Why Daniel was so long in heaviness.  
1. Theodoret thinketh, this was one cause thereof, because all of the jews having liberty to return, yet many of them, being in love with the pleasures of Babylon, neglects in patriam reditu tanto beneficio uti noluerunt, neglecting to return into their country, would not use so great a benefit: But if this had been the cause, Daniel would not have deferred the time of mourning so long, for this backwardness of the people was known in the 1. year of Cyrus, when the people had licence to return.  
2. another cause of daniel's mourning is supposed to have been the remembrance and consideration of so many heavy things, as were foreshowed him in time to come to befall his people.  
3. As also because it was revealed unto him, to what blindness and obstinacy his people should grow, as to put to death the Messiah, Perer. But if either of these had been the cause, Daniel would not have put off his mourning so long: for the first was signified unto him in the 3. of Balthasar, c. 8. and the other in the 1. of Darius, c. 9 But this mourning of Daniel was in the 3. year of Cyrus, two years after.  
4. Therefore this indeed was the cause: the people which were returned had begun to re-edify the Temple, and presently they were hindered by Cambyses, Cyrus being occupied in wars abroad: this hard news came to Daniel in Persia, and therefore he mourneth, entreating the Lord that the business might go forward, jun. Polan. Oecolampad. Pellic. with others.   

Quest. 6. Of the time that Daniel mourned, which was three weeks of days.  
1. This is added (of days) by way of distinction, because in the former chapter he had spoken of weeks of years, Polan. 2. Some think he mourned 3. weeks, to signify the Trinity, gloss. interlin. but that is too curious. 3. Some, because the people having leave to return in the first of Cyrus, had deferred their journey until this 3. year, and therefore Daniel mourneth 3. weeks, for every year a week, lest this negligence should have been laid unto the people's charge, Hugo: but this is contrary to the story, Ezra. 2. where it is declared that they began to build the Temple in the second year, therefore they did not put off their return unto the third year. 4. Further Hugo hath an other conceit: that as Daniel fasted 21. days before the Angel appeared, which represented Christ, so the Church hath the like use to fast 21. days before the advent: But such superstitious customs are not grounded upon either precept or example in Scripture: superstition was the mother and founder of such inventions. 5. This than was the cause: Daniel herein showeth his constancy, not that sorrow is valued before God by the length of time: but Daniel continueth in fasting and prayer, expecting still some comfortable answer from God: he therefore giveth not over until he saw that the Lord graciously inclined unto his prayer, jun. 6. And in that he fasted 21. days in the 1. month, the 1. day, which was the new moon, which they were commanded by the law to keep with rejoicing, seemeth to be excepted, jun. 7. And whereas within this time they used to keep the Passeover, which was a time also of rejoicing, it seemeth that in the captivity that solemnity was omitted, and so thinketh R. Levi: whereupon Theodoret reproveth the jews in his time, who used to celebrate the Pasch, with all the rites and ceremonies thereto belonging, wheresoever they were, whereas by Moses law it was only to be kept in the place which the Lord should choose.   

Quest. 7. Of daniel's abstinency.  
v. 3. I ate no pleasant bread. In the Hebrew, it is called bread of desries: which Theodoret taketh to have been common bread, because it was desired of all: but it rather signifieth some fine pleasant bread, such as whitebread or manchet is to brown, Vatab. for afterward he speaketh of wine, which is a pleasant and principal drink, from the which also Daniel abstained: it is not like that for 3. weeks he did eat no bread at all.  
2. Now in that Daniel the space of 3. weeks refrained the drinking of wine, and eating of pleasant bread or meat, it seemeth that before he used them: so that daniel's abstinency, when he did choose at the first to be fed only with bread made of pulse, c. 1. seemeth only to have been for a time: which some think was for that he was now in years, and therefore it was not fit he should use such a sparing and course diet, as he did before: or now he was at his own finding, and needed not to be forced to eat any meat, that was polluted, but might provide such as he thought best himself, Lyran. Perer. But this rather was the cause, as M. Calvin well noteth: that now there was not the like danger, as then, in eating delicate meats; for than they were used as baits to corrupt Daniel, and win him from his faith and religion: But afterward Daniel, elapsus è Diaboli & Regis insidijs, having escaped the snares of Satan, and of the king, useth greater liberty.   

Quest. 8. Of the custom and use of anointing, which Daniel also forbeareth.  
Hierome here writeth, that the Persians in stead of baths used to anoint themselves, ye● to besmear themselves all over with ointment, as Pliny writeth lib. 13. c. 1. which they did both to defend themselves from the intemperate heat, and to keep their bodies in health, Lyran. this custom of anointing was very ancient: Pliny in the same place saith it was not in use in the time of the Trojan war: But that is not so: for Diodorus Siculus, lib. 2. c. 1. reporteth how a king of Egypt, called Miridies allowed unto his wife, for ointment and other ornaments of her body, a talon of silver every day: which king was long before the Trojan war. And we read in the Scripture that long before the Trojan stirs, Moses prescribed an ointment to be made for the use of the Temple, Exod. 30. And before that joseph embaumed his father's body with ointments and other spices, Gen. 50. 3. And ointment was used to diverse purposes. 1. There was a religious use in the anointing of the Tabernacle, their Priests also and kings were anointed. 2. It also had civil uses. 1. as first it was used for ornament, as Ruth anointed herself when she went to Boaz, Ruth. 3. 2. they used to entertain holy persons with anointing their head and feet: as Marie Magdalen anointed Christ's feet in the gospel. 3. they anointed also the bodies of the dead, and burned sweet odours over them: as it is said, that they laid Asa in a bed of spices, and burned sweet odours for him with an exceeding great fire, that is in great abundance, 2. Chr. 16. 14.   

Quest. 9 Of the river Hiddekel, where Daniel had this vision.  
1. This was the same river called Tigris, not as Hierome thinketh of the beast called the Tiger, because of the swiftness of the stream: but Tigris in the language of the Medes signifieth a shaft or an arrow, whence this river is so called of the swiftness, Plin. lib. 6. c. 7. 2. This Hidekel is commonly taken for the river Tigris, Pint. Perer. some think it was a branch of Euphra●es falling into Tigris about Apameae, Polan. But it was rather a part of Tigris, which in the one part is called Hidekel, in an other Phison, or Phasitigris, Calvin. see further hereof else where. 
Hexapl. in Gen. 2. quest. 13 14. 16.  3. it is called a great river in respect of other smaller rivers, though Euphates which is sometime simply called the great river, and Nilus in Egypt, were greater than it.   

Quest. 10. Whether Daniel were only in spirit, or bodily present by the river Tigris.  
1. M. Calvin thinketh, that he was carried thither in spirit only, as before c. 8. 2. he is said in Balthazars time to be in Shushan: but there is not the like reason: for then, while the Babylonian Monarchy yet stood, Daniel had no occasion to be in Sushan, which was the chief city of Persia: But now being in Persia, or among the Medes, it is like, that he was in that Province where Tigris was. 2. Pelican and Oecol. leave it as a matter indifferent, whether he were there in spirit only, or otherwise. 3. But it is most like, that the very place is described in deed, where this vision was revealed, as junius, that these things were showed unto Daniel, in regione trans-Tigritana, in the region beyond Tigris: and Bullinger doth gather so much by that which followeth, of daniel's companions, that being afraid of that glorious sight, they fled away, and hid themselves, v. 7. by which it appeareth, that Daniel was not alone transported only thither in spirit, but that he had company with him, and so was verily in that place.   

Quest. 11. Why this vision was showed unto Daniel by the river Tigris.  
Hierome here noteth that holy men usually had their visions and revelations by rivers sides, as Esechiel by the river Chebar, Esech. 1. john Baptist by the flood jordan: and herein the heathen Poets imitated the true Prophets, imagining themselves to be infused with their poetical furies, in fountains, and by rivers: whereupon it was commonly held, that their gods and goddesses had their habitation in fountains and rivers. Now these reasons may be given, why this vision was showed to Daniel in this place. 1. ut aquae labentes essent simi●●lum gratiarum spiritus, that the running waters might be a sign of the graces of God's spirit, which were powered upon the Prophets, Polan. to the same purpose Pererius, that by the abundance of water is signified magna vis prophetica illuminationis, the great plenty of prophetical illumination. 2. some think that the vanity of the world, is compared aquil praeter fl●●●tibus, to the passing of waters, Oecolampad. 3. But this is more probable, secessum contemplationis gra●●ia quaesisse, that Daniel went apart, to give himself to contemplation, because the city was full of noise and tumult: Pollican. as Paul with the disciples prayed by a river side, Act. 16. 4. And this special reason there was beside, because Nicator the founder of the family of the Seleuci●ns, whom the prophesy c. 11. chiefly concerneth, founded his chief city Seleucia, upon the river Tigris, H. Br. 〈◊〉 Daniel.   

Quest. 11. Whether it were an Angel or Christ which appeared here unto Daniel.  
v. 5. There was a man clothed in 〈◊〉 not that he was a man in deed, but he appeared in human sl●●pe. 1. Some think that this was the Angel Gabriel, as Theodoret, Ca●thusianus, Lyranus, who (they think) was the special protector of the jews in captivity, as Michael 〈◊〉 of those which were returned: so Gregor. lib. 17. 〈◊〉. Cassan●● c●●●ation. 8. Hugo Cardinal. of the same opinion is Calvin, Bullinger, Osiander, that this was an Angel. And Pereius reason is, because in the visions showed unto Daniel, c. 8. 9 the Angel Gabriel is expressed by name, that what sent to declare the meaning of the vision to the Prophet: But it followeth not, that therefore this was the Angel Gabriel which appeared in this glorious manner: It was the Angel Gabriel which afterward speaketh with Daniel; but it was Christ which in this glorious manner manifested himself.  
2. The reasons to confirm this, that Christ himself appeared, are these: 1. Hippolytus urgeth the difference between the apparition of Gabriel before, and this here: for he is said before c. 9 to come fleeing as a ministering Angel; but here is no such thing: he that appeareth now, showeth himself in his majesty, as the Lord, himself. 2. Pappus inferreth as much out of v. 17. because Daniel calleth this Angel Lord, and himself his servant: but the holy Prophets did not call themselves the Angel's servants: the Angels did rather acknowledge them to be their fellow servants, revel. 22. 8. 3. junius and Polanus do prove the same by that place, c. 12. 6. where one, namely an Angel, speaketh thus unto the man clothed in linen, When shall be an end of these wonders? this was Christ then, of whom the angels learn the knowledge of things to come: who is called c. 8. 13. Palmoni, one that hath secrets in account: to whom one of the Angels propounded the like question. 4. this vision agreeth with that Revelat. 1. almost in every respect: But there Christ appeared in this manner, in a long raiment, girded about with a golden girdle, his eyes were as flames of fire, his feet as fine brass, his voice as the sound of waters: And so doth Christ appear here, in a long white garment, his face as lightning, his eyes as flames of fire, his arms and feet like polished brass, his voice, like the voice of a multitude: the likeness and agreement of the apparitions showeth that he was the same, which in both places appeared.  
3. Now this strong objection there is, that it was not Christ but an Angel which appeared, because afterward v. 13. he speaketh of Michael the Prince which came to help him, which Michael is understood to be Christ: & Christ needed not to be helped: beside he saith, v. 11. unto thee am I now sent. But Christ is none of the missive or ministering Angels, he sendeth them, he is not sent.  
Answ. 1. Some here answer, that though Michael afterward be understood to be Christ, yet in this place, Michael signifieth one of the principal Angels, Pappus. But that seemeth not so fit, in the same prophesy, and at the same time, by Michael to understand not one and the same, but diverse.  
2. Oecolampadius, who holdeth this to be Christ that appeared in this majesty, thus interpreteth those words, now I am sent to thee: placuit pairiut te nunc consoler, it pleaseth my father that I now should come to comfort thee: But we do not find, that Christ as the son of God, is said to be sent of his father: as he was man he was sent into the world: Again, he giveth this sense of the other words, Michael helped me, hunc meum erga vos favorem magis declaravit, the Angel Michael hath more declared my favour toward you: so also Pelican. but it may seem an harsh and hard speech in any sense, to say that Christ is helped of the Angels.  
3. Therefore this is our answer, that it was the person of Christ the son of God, which was seen of Daniel in that great majesty: And he is that Michael afterward spoken of: But it was the Angel Gabriel that had the communication with Daniel: for the Prophet himself distinguisheth the person of the Angel, from him that appeared in that glory: as v. 16. he saith, I said unto him that stood before me: that was another beside Christ that appeared: whom the Prophet pointeth out by the pronoun demonstrative doubled, v. 17. how can the servant of my Lord talk with that my Lord, Polan. So c. 8. 16. there is the like distinction between the Angel Gabriel, and another that spoke unto him in a man's voice, called before Palmoni, v. 13. the like also see, c. 12. 5. where one of the Angels standing by the river, speaketh unto the man clothed in linen, that is unto Christ, to know when should be the end of those things.   

Quest. 13. Of the description of the manner how Christ appeared, and first of his apparel.  
Christ is described by the adjuncts of his vesture and raiment, and by the parts of his body set forth by certain similitudes. There are two parts of his apparel named, his white garment, and his girdle, which shall be handled in their order.  
1. The word is waldie, which Amm●nius taketh for a variable vesture of diverse colours, which he would have to signify the diverse virtues, which the servants of Christ should be endued with: but it was a kind of fine white linen, such as was used in those countries by Princes and great men: And such were the linen garments prescribed to be used by the Le●●es▪, and Priests in the old Testament, Exod. 28. Pererius hereby understandeth the innocency and purity of the Angelical nature. Oecolampadius applieth it to the innocency that ought to be in the preachers of the Gospel. But it better expresseth the Priesthood of Christ, who is described in the like manner, with a long garment down to the feet, Reu. 1. yet sometime Christ appeareth with a garment dipped and besprinkled with blood, as Isay. 63. v. 1. 2. and Apoc. 19 v. 13. but that is in a diverse sense: he hath a bloody garment in respect of the wicked, to show his victory and triumph over them: but a white garment toward the righteous, because he is their righteousness: and in his blood they do wash their garmens' white, Apoc. 7. 13. 14. that is, are justified and made righteous by the blood of the Lamb, Polan.  
2. His girdle was of fine gold of Vphaz: the Latin interpreter readeth, for Vphaz, Obrizum: so also Lyran. Vatab. which is a name given unto the finest gold, called obrizum, quia obradiat, because it glistereth, as Isidor. lib. 16. Etymol. c. 17. or, quia rubeat, because it is red, Pline lib. 33. c. 3. or rather as Pagnine it is called obrizum, quasi Ophirizum, because it came from Ophir: for that place which here is called Vphaz, and jerem. 10. 9 is elsewhere called Ophir, from whence Solomon had his gold. It is a place in India, about the river Ganges, called Malaca, Polan. Pererius thinketh it to be the same place, which the Portugals call Sophala. The girding of the loins with this girdle of gold, some expound of the pure affection of the Angels, because the reins are held to be the seat of the affections, that their revelations savour not of any carnal thoughts, Bulling. Some of their delight which they have in God, Perer. But this being a vision of Christ, not of a created Angel, both showeth his strength wherewith he had girded himself, as the Prophet David saith, Psal. 93. 1. as Pererius expoundeth that part of the vision, Apocal. 1. or it showeth Christ's readiness and alacrity to finish that work which was committed unto him: as they in those countries wearing long garments, used to gird and truss them up, when they went about any business, jun. Polan. Oecolamp.   

Quest 14. Of the glorious parts of this heavenly body which appeared unto Daniel.  
1. His body was like unto the Chrysolite, L. Genevens. Turkeys, B. to the Hyacinth, Vatab. to the Saphir, Osiand. rather like the berill, which is of Sea or Sky colour, jun. Pol. the word is tarshish, which is diversely taken: for it signifieth the Sea, than a country in India, from whence Solomon had his gold, 1. king. 10. 22. and there was a precious stone of that name, Exod. 28. 20. And sometime it is taken for Carthage, as where it is said, Ezeck. 27. the merchants were of Tarshish; the Septuag. read, the Carthaginians were thy merchants: But for Tharsus the chief city of Cilicia, it is never taken, as josephus thinketh lib. 1. antiquit. to this purpose Pererius. In which observation of his, this may be excepted against, 1. he thinketh that Tarshish is a country in India: but no such thing is gathered in that place, 1. king. 10. mention is made only of the ships of Tarshish, that is, of the Ocean sea which brought Salomon's gold. 2. In that place of Ezechiel, the Cilicians, or any other inhabiting upon the sea, may as well be understood, as the Carthaginians. 3. And it is evident, that jonas 1. 3. by Tarshish Tarsus of Cilicia is understood, which was so called of Tarshish one of the sons of javan the son of japheth, Gen. 10. 4. And this may appear by the words of the text, he paid his fare, and went down into the ship that he might go with them to Tarshish: this is not here understood to be the Sea, for as soon as he was in the ship, he was in the sea: and the mariners intended their course to some certain place, not to sail up and down in the sea: Therefore Hierome need not to have found so much fault with Rheticius Bish. of Augustadunum, for taking Tarshish here for Tarsus in Cilicia, epist. 133. ad Mar. 4. Further this Tarshish here cannot be the Chrysolite, which is a precious stone yellowish like gold, as Pliny writeth, that Aethiopia sendeth forth Chrysolites, aureo colore translucentes, which shine with a golden colour, lib. 37. c. 9 and so Hugo de S. Victore saith, Chrysolithus fulget quasiaurum, the Chrysolite shineth like gold: as the word signifieth: But Tarshish properly signifying the Sea, must be here taken for a precious stone of sea or sky colour: See more hereof, Hexapl. in Exod. quest. 21. 10. 5. But R. Saadiah his conceit here is very strange, who thinketh this glorious body to be likened to the Sea, for the height thereof: the Sea is 2000 cubits deep, as he soundeth the depth, and so imagineth that here appeared a shape of an huge proportion, far exceeding the statute of a Giant: But in that the text saith, there was a man clothed in linen, thereby is signified that he appeared in the ordinary shape of a man.  
6. For the signification hereof: some think that this sky colour signifieth immortality, Pintus, or the celestial nature of the Angels, Oecolamp, rather it betokeneth, that Christ is the Lord of heaven, jun. comment. and that he is the Lord heaven, as the Apostle speaketh, 1. Cor. 15. 47. Polan.  
7. But it will be questioned how the colour of his body could be perceived, seeing it was covered with a linen garment: Pererius answereth, that it appeared as a most fine linen garment, through the which the heavenly colour of his body might be seen.  
2. His face was like the lightning. So we read, that Christ's face in the mountain did shine as the Sun: Hereby is signified the excellency of his glory, Pintus: and his terror against his enemies, Perer. and as the lightning, & fulget, & terret, both shineth bright, and terrifieth, so Christ is terror to the wicked, and a comfortable light to the righteous, Oecolamp. Bulling. But it rather showeth celerrimam eius ad omnia presentiam, his swift presence in every place: as lightning appeareth quickly from the East to the West, Mat. 24. 27. jun. Polan.  
3. His eyes were as lamps of fire: so he is described Apocal. 1. that his eyes appeared as flames of fire: whereby is signified ardour amoris, his ardent love, Perer. or the perspicuity of Angels, Lyran. Pintus. or quia illuminat oculos, because he lighteneth the eyes of the mind, Bulling, and inflammat impios, he consumeth the wicked, Oecolamp, rather hereby is signified, that all things are manifest to Christ's eyes, and nothing can be hidden from him, as the Apostle showeth, Hebr. 4. 13.  
4. His arms and feet were like polished brass. Ammonius by the arms understandeth the fathers of old time, by the feet, the faithful that are now, all which as the arms and feet belong unto one body: but this is far fetched: some applying it to the Angels do give this sense, thereby they will have signified their great strength, ad operandum per brachia, ad movendum per pedes, to work with their hands, and move with their feet, Lyran. Pint. Perer. some refer it to the life and works of Christ, which did shine, Oecolamp. But more properly it showeth the great power of Christ, in rebus agendis efficacissimam, most effectual in doing and working of things, jun. commentar. and in treading and trampling upon his enemies, as if one should stamp upon an earthen vessel with iron or brazen shoes. Polan.  
5. Lastly this glorious and goodly man is described by his voice, which was as the voice of a multitude. 1. Albertus thinketh that this Angel was accompanied with many Angels beside, for the greater consolation of Daniel, and so his voice with the rest seemed as the voice of a multitude: But Daniel saith the voice of his words, was as the voice of a multitude, he speaketh of the voice not of many, but of one. 2. The Lord useth before any notable vision to send a great noise or sound, as Ezech. 1. 24. the sound of the wings of the beasts which appeared, was as the noise of great waters: and Christ's voice was like a trumpet, revel. 1. 10. and as the noise of many waters, revel. 1. 15. So before the coming of the Holy Ghost, there was a mighty rushing wind, Act. 2. 2. and this the Lord doth to prepare his servants, to whom he revealed himself, that they should attend with greater reverence, Polan. 3. Now this sound Daniel heard at the first, but he setteth it in the last place: because it is the manner of the Prophets to speak of that last, where the narration following is to begin, as afterward v. 9 he showeth how he was astonished at the hearing of this mighty voice, jun. comment. 4. For the signification of this voice, 1. Calvin thinketh that it was only to this end, to discern this Angel from the common sort of men: but there was more in it. 2. Hippolytus by the many waters understandeth the multitude of the faithful; All that believe, eloquia Christi sonamus, do ●ound forth the words of Christ. 3. they which apply it to an Angel, do signify thereby the singular faculty of the Angels, e●nuntiandi arcana, in declaring hid things. Perer. Lyran. Bullin. 4. But it rather showeth the mighty power of Christ in teaching of men, whose one voice prevaileth more than the voice of many beside, Polan. as in the Gospel it is said of our blessed Saviour, Math. 7. 29. he taught them, as one having authority, not as the Scribes: the teaching of Christ only was more effectual and of greater power, than all the babbling of the Scribes and pharisees.   

15. Quest. How Daniel is said to see the vision alone.  
1. The Hebrews think, that all this was done in vision, and that Daniel imagined, that Hag, Zacharie, and Malachi were present, to whom yet so much was not revealed as to him: But the description which followeth afterward of their fleeing and hiding themselves, showeth, that it was done in deed. 2. Some think that the rest saw not this vision, because they were afraid, and durst not look up. jun. in commentar. But the like thing happened rather here unto daniel's companions, which did befall those which accompanied Paul, Act. 9 they saw not the vision, only Paul's eyes were opened to perceive it. jun. annotat. 3. But where it is said, Act. 9 7. that the men which iourneied with Paul, heard a voice, but saw no man: and yet, Act. 22. 9 it is said, that they saw a light, but heard not the voice: the meaning is, that they heard Paul's voice answering, but not the voice of Christ speaking unto him: and they saw a light confusedly, but distinctly they saw not him, which was both seen and heard of Paul. 4. Pintus thinketh that they saw in deed the Angel, but perceived not what he said, and therefore they are said, not to have seen the vision: so also Lyran. but the text evidently showeth, that they did not see the vision at all, but Daniel only saw it: they heard the sound, and therewith were astonished, and fled away, but they saw nothing. 5. Calvin thinketh, that Daniel was in his chamber at this time, and in his spirit only by the river, and so falling into a trance, the rest were stricken with a terror: But if Daniel in spirit only had seen this vision absent, it were needless to say, that the rest saw it not: for how could they see a thing absent. 6. In that Daniel had company and witnesses present, it so sell out by God's providence, that the truth of this vision, which Daniel afterward was to communicate to the Church, should not be doubted of. Polan.   

16. Quest. The causes of daniel's great fear.  
v. 8. There remained no strength in me. It was usual with the holy Prophets and servants of God to be stricken with a great fear, when they received any vision: as jeremy saith, c. 23. 9 Mine heart breaketh within me, etc. for the presence of the Lord, and for his holy words: so Habac. 3. 2. O Lord, I have heard thy voice, and was afraid: likewise Dan. c. 7. 28. My cogitations troubled me, and my countenance changed in me: etc. 8. 27. I Daniel was stricken, and sick certain days: Thus were the holy Prophets affected in these visions. Now these reasons may be alleged of this their fear:  
1. The great majesty and glory which appeareth unto them, far exceeding man's capacity, maketh them afraid, and abateth their strength: as this was a most glorious sight which here was showed to Daniel: If we can not behold the Sun without dazzling of the eyes, how much less is man able to behold such excellent brightness.  
2. The heavy things, which were declared in those visions, did also terrify them: as the prediction of the calamities and miseries which should befall the people of God, cast Daniel into a sick fit, c. 8.  
3. It is the quality and condition of spiritual contemplation, that the more the mind is intent thereupon, the less vigour and strength the body hath, all the powers of nature bending and applying themselves to the disposition of the mind: as Gregory observeth well, cum ad virtutem Dei mens astringitur, à propria fortitudine caro lassatur, 
lib. 4. mor. c. 30.  when the mind is bend toward God, the strength of the flesh is abated, etc. and this he resembleth fitly to jaacobs' halting after he had wrestled with the Angel.  
4. By this means man seeth his own infirmity, and the greater evidence he hath of God's power and glory, the more he seeth into his own estate, and feeleth his own wants: As Abraham being admitted to that familiar conference with God, Gen. 18. confessed himself to be dust and ashes: Moses who thought himself some body before, as being brought up in the learning of the Egyptians, yet after he had talked with God, he then began to see his imperfection, that he was flow of speech, Exod. 4. 10. and the Prophet Isai, after he had that vision, c. 6. crieth out, that he was a man of polluted lips: to this purpose Gregor. homil. 8. in Ezechiel.   

17. Quest. Whose hand it was that touched Daniel.  
1. junius in his commentary, by this hand understandeth the spirit of God, by the which we are comforted: as Ezekiel saith, c. 1. 3. the hand of God was upon me by the river Chebar: But this thing was not mystically, but histotically▪ done: yet this hand was symbolum virtutis spiritus, a symbol or sign of the virtue of the spirit. Polan.  
2. Some take this for the hand of the Angel, which appeared in that glorious manner unto Daniel before, Hierome, Pintus, Calvin, Genevens. But it is showed before, that it was not an Angel which there appeared, but Christ himself.  
3. Lyranus hath this conceit, that the same Angel touched Daniel as it were with a man's hand, but in an other shape, than he appeared at the first: for the Angels can easily change their shape. But there is no reason to suppose, that in the same vision, the same Angel should assume a divers shape, neither do I think that the like can be showed in Scripture.  
4. Some think that this was Christ who touched daniel's lips: and this Polanus would confirm by these two reasons. 1. because it is God that used at other times to touch the Prophet's lips, and to strengthen them: as jerem. 1. 9 and Revel. 1. 17. 2. he is said to be like the similitude of the son of man, v. 16. and so Christ is described, c. 7. 13. one like the son of man, Answ. 1. True it is that God only giveth strength and utterance, but the Angels also may be as ministers of God's work, though they do it not by their own power: as Gabriel touched Daniel and strengthened him, c. 8. 18. And Polanus himself upon the 18. v. saith, that the Angel, tanquam administer Dei, as God's minister did strengthen Daniel. 2. v. 18. he saith, one like the appearance of man touched me: there he showeth what he meant before, by the similitude of the sons of men: for not only Christ appeared in vision as a man, but the Angels also, as Gabriel c. 8. 15. appeared in the similitude of a man: and c. 9 21. he is called the man Gabriel.  
5. Therefore I subscribe to junius in his annotations, that this was the Angel that touched Daniel, because the same that speaketh, toucheth, as may appear v. 11. 19 And Hierome saith, that the Angel touched him with a man's hand, ut sui generis corpus aspiciens, that seeing a body of his own kind, he should not be afraid: but the arms which Christ appeared with, were as polished brass, and therefore not of the same kind: and Daniel would have been more afraid, to have been touched with such glorious hands. So that hereby it is evident, that the hand which touched Daniel was an ordinary man's hand: it was not then the hand of that glorious body, which appeared before, v. 4.   

18. Quest. Why daniel's prayer being heard at the first, yet the Angels coming was deferred one and twenty days, v. 12.  
In that the Angel meeteth with a secret objection, and vouchsafeth therein to satisfy daniel's mind, therein the Lords singular mercy appeareth toward his servant: for Daniel might have thus thought, after the Angel had told him, that his prayer was heard, the very first day, that he humbled himself, why the Angel came not till now, which was three weeks after: to this therefore the Angel maketh answer, showing the cause of his stay.  
1. Hierome maketh this the cause, data est per moram occasio amplius deprecandi Deum, etc. by this stay, occasion is given to Daniel, the more earnestly to pray, that he might the more effectually be heard, etc. This indeed was the use that Daniel made of this stay, still continuing in prayer, and not giving over: but this was not the cause, which kept the Angel from coming.  
2. The ordinary gloss addeth further, that when Daniel began to pray, the Angel took occasion, and went into God's presence, pro re oraturus, to pray for thee: and this was that which occupied the Angel: but the text is, I am come for thy words: he came forth, as sent from God; he did not go to God: neither needed Daniel the mediation of an Angel in his prayers; he had a sufficient Mediator beside, even Michael, Christ jesus the Prince of his Church.  
3. Pererius addeth further, that this was an other cause of this stay, that it might appear what an hard thing Daniel entreated for, namely, the deliverance of the rest of the people, which were yet in captivity: not that it was an hard thing with God, but in respect of the sins and ingratitude of the people, which hindered this work. But these are men's conjectures: the Angel afterward expresseth the very cause, which is none of these alleged.  
4. Osiander thus writeth, that while the good Angel resisteth Satan (whom he understandeth by the Prince of Persia) aliquot dies in deliberationibus elabuntur, certain days pass in deliberation: But the Angels need not any such time to consult and deliberate of their business, as men do: their counsel is always ready, without debating, and their execution speedy without opposition.  
5. Oecoliampadius allegeth out of Chrysostome, an other cause of this let, to show unto the Prophet, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that he asked things which were not lawful, and forbidden: that the people should return, which benefit they were unworthy of. But this petition of Daniel was grounded upon God's promise, that the people should return after 70. years captivity, and therefore it was not unlawful.  
6. The Angel therefore showeth, whereabout he was hindered these 21. days: he was employed in the affairs of Persia, to stay the proceedings of them, which had hindered the building of the Temple, and intended to work yet further mischief against the people of God: and therein Daniel had his desire: for from the first day, that he prayed, forward, the Angel was occupied in the defending and protecting of the Church. Calvin.   

19 Quest. What it was that Daniel prayed for, and how he was heard.  
1. Some think that Daniel here prayed for the return of the people out of captivity, which was granted by Cyrus, sed non sine magna disceptatione, but not without great disceptation and opposition, the Devil interposing himself to hinder this business. But the people returned out of captivity two years before this in the first of Cyrus, for which thing Daniel had prayed for before, c. 9 Of this opinion seemeth also to have been the author of the interlineary gloss, Daniel prayed ut captivus populus sub Dario relaxetur, that the captive people under Darius might be released: he meaneth Darius the Mede, that reigned with Cyrus: by whom, as Hugo Card▪ noteth, initum fuit consilium, the counsel first was begun for the people's return. But this, as I said, was done two years before this prayer of Daniel.  
2. Lyranus thinketh, that although this liberty were granted by Cyrus, yet because most of the jews were borne in the captivity, which had continued from the first taking of the city in jehoiakims' reign 70. years, from jehoiachins carrying away 66. from Zedekiah 56. years, they being in love with Babylon, where they had possessions, and there were borne, deferred their going two years: and so Daniel feared, ne totum hoc negotium de eorum reditu impediretur, lest that all this business concerning their return might be hindered, etc. But it is evident that the return of the jews out of captivity was not so long put off: for they according to Cyrus' edict returned in the first year, and in the second year the seventh month, they began to build the house of God, Ezr. 3. 1.  
3. Pintus thinketh that daniel's desire was to know, what should become afterward of the Persian Monarchy, and what should befall the people of God: But though these things be afterward revealed to Daniel, c. 11. yet that was not it for the which Daniel was in heaviness three weeks of days. The Lord granteth more, than he desired, and revealed unto him things to come, as c. 9 Daniel only prayed for the temporal deliverance of the people, but he is iustructed also by the Angel concerning the Messiah, which should bring spiritual deliverance, and redemption.  
4. Pererius thinketh that Daniel prayed, that the rest of the jews which remained yet behind, might return also into their country: but Daniel was not heard in this: for many of them being entangled with the pleasures of Babylon, never returned.  
5. Wherefore daniel's prayer was this rather, that whereas the building of the Temple and City was hindered by Cambyses, it would please God, that the work might go forward, and that the impediments might be removed, and the enemies of his Church prevented: herein Daniel was heard: for the present in the one, that the malice of the adversary might be stayed, which was the cause of the Angels stay, to bridle the enterprise of the king of Persia: the other was in due time effected afterward, when the Temple was re-edified under Darius, and afterward Ezra, and Nehemiah were sent to set the city in order, and to finish the building of it. And that this was daniel's request, may be gathered by these two reasons. 1. Daniel was heard concerning that matter for the which he was in grief so many days: but that is showed before to have been for the hindering of the building of the Lords house. 2. that which detained the Angel 21. days, was to show the effect of daniel's prayer: but the business of Persia stayed the Angel, that the enemies of God's people should not proceed in their malice: therefore for that Daniel prayed.   

20. Quest. Who is understood to be the Prince of Persia.  
1. Some do think, that this Prince of Persia was an evil angel, and no other but Satan: this was the opinion of julian the Apostata: and some do father it also upon Hierome, as Rupert. lib. 9 de victor. verb. Dei. Thomas p. 1. qu. 113. Carthusian. and Hieromes words seem to import so much: for he thinketh that this Prince of Persia, was of those Princes, whom S. Paul calleth princes of the world, which crucified Christ, 1. Cor. 2. 8. which are understood to be the evil angels▪ though indeed in that place S. Paul speaketh of the Princes and governors of the world, which set themselves against Christ. But whether Hierome were or not of that opinion, Cassianus evidently saith, quem principem regni Persarum, minime dubitandum est adversariam fuisse potestatem, quae favebat genti Persarum inimicae populo Dei, which Prince it is not to be doubted but was the adversary power which favoured the nation of the Persians, which was an enemy to the people of God, etc. Cassian. collat. 8. c. 13. Rupertus also concurreth with him, prudens auditor principes illos angelos malos intelligere non dubitaret, a discreet hearer will not doubt to understand by those Princes (of Persia and Grecia) the evil Angels: the evil angel of Persia laboured to keep the people in captivity, because he was delighted with their afflictions, and would have the Persians thereby sin more grievously by oppressing the Lords people: the evil Angel of Grecia laboured for the same reasons, to bring them in captivity to the Grecians. Thus Hugo Cardinal. delivereth Hieromes exposition: of the same opinion that this Prince of Persia was Satan, are Melancthon, Osiander, and Pappus.  
But thus it may be objected against this exposition. 1. the evil angels are not able to resist the good, but the most inferior of the good angels is of greater power, than the most mighty of the evil: for as Thomas saith, 
1. p. qu. 109. art. ●.  ordo gratiae praeponderat ordini naturae, the order of grace prevaileth against the order of nature.  
To this it is answered, that the evil angels have not power to resist the good by any natural faculty, but by reason of the sins of the jews: malus pugnat accusando, bonus defendendo, the evil doth fight in accusing, the good in defending: And Rupertus showeth how the evil angel withstood the deliverance of the jews▪ four ways. 1. instigando ad gravissima scelera, by provoking them unto great sins, whereby God should be offended with them. 2. exaggerandis bonis, quae in captivitate possidebant, by amplifying and setting forth those good things which they enjoyed in Babylon. 3. alienando animum Cyri, by alienating the mind of Cyrus from them. 4. and by accusing them, and presenting their sins before God: so Rupert. lib. 9 de victor▪ verb. c. 6.  
Contra. But it is evident by the text, that no such resisting by persuasion, suggestion, or seduction is meant, but by a contrary power and endeavour: because the Angel speaketh of Michael's aiding and helping him against the Prince of Persia, v. 13. and v. 20. of his fight with the king of Persia. As the angel fighteth against him, so the Prince of Persia resisted the Angel: But he did fight, not by persuasion, or suggestion, but by hindering and suppressing his enterprises.  
2. Again it is objected, that the evil spirits are not made precedents of nations: as some imagine, that every nation and kingdom hath both a good, and evil angel set over it: to this it is answered, that the evil spirits have not this power given them of God over nations, but they have it by reason of men's sins: and indeed the Persians and Grecians worshipped devils in their idols, and so they themselves made the devils and evil spirits their Princes.  
Contra. True it is, that the Prince of darkness ruleth in the hearts of the disobedient: but it is one thing to seduce and entice men unto sin, an other to manage the affairs of kingdoms. This Prince of Persia hindered the building of the Temple, and the return of the people. This Satan had no power to do, otherwise then by his ministers and instruments. So then the evil spirits, are the Princes of darkness, and of the world of the wicked: but Princes of countries and kingdoms they are not. Satan indeed said unto Christ, that all the kingdoms of the world were his, to give to whom he would, Luk. 4. 6. but therein he lied: for the earth is the Lords, and all that therein is, Psal. 24. 1.  
2. another opinion is, that this Prince of Persia, was a good Angel to whom the care of that nation was committed: of this opinion are Gregory, Theodoret, Thomas, 1. p. q. 123. ar. 7. Lyranus, Carthusianus, upon this place, and Vatablus in his annotations, and Pint▪ so also Oecolampad. Pellic. And whereas one Angel is said to withstand an other, it is not they say, so to be understood, as though they did contend, and strive together: but as long as the will of God is not yet revealed, the Angels, populorum, quibus praesunt, diversa merita exponunt coram Deo, do only lay open before God, the divers state and deserts of the people, over whom they are set: Perer. yet so reasoning the case, ut quando revelata fuerit divin● voluntas, simpliciter concordent, that after Gods will is revealed, they simply accord together. Lyran. Pererius bringeth in the Angels thus reasoning together: first the Angel of the Persians thus allegeth, that it was not fit for the jews to return, 1. because it was profitable for them to be under affliction; in their prosperity they would quickly forget God. 2. And their sins were so great, that they deserved a longer time of captivity then for 70. years. 3. And beside, some respect was to be had unto the Persians, that they by the jews cohabiting among them, might be brought to the knowledge of the true God. On the other side Gabriel for the jews might thus allege, 1. that it was requisite they should now be delivered as God had promised, seeing the 70. years of captivity was determined. 2. there was great fear, lest, if they should continue longer among the Idolatrous Gentiles, they might sooner be perverted to idolatry, than the other converted to their religion. 3. And though they were unworthy in respect of themselves, of this benefit, yet the Lord would respect them for the Messiahs sake, that was to come of that nation.  
Contra. 1. It is a very base thing to imagine, that there is any such altercation or dispute between the good Angels, among whom there is a most sweet consent and harmony: If Satan be not divided against Satan, Matth. 12. 25, 26. but they work together to uphold their kingdom; much more do the good angels consent together to do the Lords will. 2. All the Angels are sent forth to minister for their sakes, that shall be heirs of salvation, Hebr. 1. 14. therefore they will not persuade any thing against the people of God. 3. If they rest contented, when Gods will is known, than they would not reason against the deliverance of the people of Israel▪ wherein the Lords will & pleasure was revealed already.  
3. Therefore▪ this Prince of Persia, was none other then Cyrus, or Cambyses in his absence, being at this time in war ●gainst the Massagetes, who by the suggestion of some enemies to the jews, and false informations given in against them, caused them to cease from building of the Temple: All this was no doubt wrought by the malice of Satan. But Cambyses is this Prince of Persia, who withstood the Angel, not as opposing himself, but interposing his authority to hinder the work of God's house, which the Angel furthered: And who this Prince of Persia was, the end of the verse showeth, where the Angel nameth the kings of Persia.   

21. Quest. How the Prince of Persia is said to have withstood the Angel.  
1. They which understand the Prince of Persia here spoken of, v. 13. and the Prince of Grecia, mentioned v. 20. to be evil angels, do verily think that there is striving and fight between them in deed: as Cassianus thus concludeth, Discordias gentium & conflictus, quos istis instigantibus inter se gerunt, etiam contra se adversae exercent potestates, the discords and conflicts of the nations, which they make among themselves, by the instigation of these spirits, even the adversary powers do exercise among themselves, etc. He thinketh, that by the variance between nations, which is caused by evil spirits, the Devils themselves may be thought likewise to be at variance.  
2. Rupertus goeth further, Etiam sibimet semper dissentiunt, & inter eos semper sunt iurgia, quia superbi sunt, the evil Angels do not only resist the good, but they are at variance between themselves always, and there are continually brawls among them, because they are proud, etc. But both these opinions are contrary to that saying of our Saviour, that Satan is not divided against Satan, for then his kingdom could not long stand.  
3. The evil Angels likewise resist the good, as Hierome saith in this place, enumerando peccata judaeorum, by rehearsing the sins of the people, for the which they were justly held in captivity: and Rupertus showeth how they contradict the good Angels about our prayer, 
lib. 9 de victor. verb. c. 8.  nostra contra nos declamando causas iniustitiae, etc. by declaiming against us, & showing our unrighteousness, for the which we deserve not to be heard. But in this sense they might as well be said to contradict God, and to withstand him, when they seek to hinder his gracious will and purpose toward his: and thus the evil angels oppose themselves not only 21. days, but continually, they never give over.  
4. Pappus seemeth to understand this resistance of the Devil, of his suggestions and temptations: which he worketh five ways: 1. by perverting the understanding and judgement, and corrupting it with error, as Idolaters, and heretics are seduced. 2. by incensing the will and affections to anger, envy, lust, and such like. 3. by offering the objects, and occasions of sin, as opportunity of time, person, place. 4. by driving men to despair through adversity and affliction. 5. by puffing them up with prosperity. But this is not the withstanding here spoken of, which continued but an 21. days, whereas Satan never ceaseth in this manner to tempt.  
5. Some refer it unto Satan's instruments, that Satan in respect of them is said to resist, because he turned the mind of Cambyses, and of the nobles of Persia, against the people of God, Osiand. Indeed Satan's instruments properly resisted herein, as is before showed: But Satan is not here said to resist in them: for than they should have resisted still, for Satan never left egging and sti●●ing of them up against the Church of God.  
6. They which understand and this of the good Angels, do think they are said to resist and withstand one an other, allegando contraria merita, etc. by alleging the divers merits of the nations, over the which they are set, Lyran. Pint. with others: but this is confuted before in the former question.  
7. This Prince of Persia then being understood to be Cambyses the governor of Persia, he is said to withstand the Angel: not that any moral Prince can oppose himself against the Angels: but this was done, per accidens, by an accident, because mora iniecta est Angelo, the Angel was stayed, being occupied in hindering the contrary endeavours of the Prince of Persia against the people of God: who, while he practised against the Church of God, whose cause the angel sought to further, is said to withstand him. jun. in commentar.  
7. Vatablus thinketh that this is but a prase of speech, that one Angel withstood an other, res exprimit Scriptura more nostro, the Scripture expresseth things according to our manner. Emmanuel Sa resolveth thus, that it seemed an hard thing to him to understand, and admirable, how there should be any contention among the Angels: the best resolution than is, to insist upon the plain and literal meaning, that this Prince of Persia was Cambyses, as is showed before.   

22. Quest. Who this Michael was, that helped the Angel.  
1. The most take Michael for one of the chief Angels, which assisted Gabriel: Hierom, Pintus, Pererius, Bullinger, Oecolamp. with others: and Lyranus thinketh that this Arkangel had the protection of all the people of God wheresoever, as this Angel was set over those which were left in Persia.  
2. But the better opinion is, that this Michael was none other but Christ the Son of God, the Prince and chief of the Angels: the reasons are these. 1. the word Michael signifieth, who is as God: whereupon it can not be inferred, that he is not God: for the essence of the Son is not compared with the essence of the Father, but the comparison is of their persons: and so Christ is called the image of the invisible God, Coloss. 1. 15. the engraven image of his person, Heb. 1. 3. 2. He is called the chief of the Angels, who are called Princes in comparison of all other terrene Princes: the word achad here used, signifieth as well the first, as one: as the word achath, of the same sense is taken, Dan. 1. 21. he was unto the first year of Cyrus. Christ then, was not one, but the first or chief of the Princes, that is, the Angels. 3. This Michael is called the Prince of the people of God, v. 21. who is Christ, and the great Prince, c. 12. 1. 4. He is said to help the Angels, than he was greater than the Angels: for there is no power greater than the Angelical power, but the divine only: Polan. Melancth. Genevens. H. Br. jun. all consent, that Michael is not here a created Angel, but Christ jesus the Son of God, the Prince of the Angels: M. Calvin leaveth it as a thing indifferent.   

23. Quest. How Michael helped the other Angel.  
1. Lyranus thinketh, that he was a superior Angel, and so helped him, as being of greater power: but God would not employ an Angel in the defence of his Church, not being of power sufficient to go through with the business.  
2. Pererius thinketh he helped him, validissime repellendo rationes Principis Persarum, by valiant repelling the contrary allegations of the Prince of the Persians, whom he supposeth to have been a good Angel: But it is an inconvenient thing to imagine, that there is such dispute and arguing among the Angels.  
3. Oecolampad. who taketh the Angel that speaketh to Daniel, to be Christ, and Michael, for another chief Angel, maketh this the sense, that Christ calleth an Angel his ●elper, ut commodius favere videatur, that he might seem more commodiously or fitly to favour and protect his people: his meaning is, that Christ herein applieth himself to their capacity, and as he allegeth out of Chrysostome, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he doth incorporate his cause, that is, speaketh as it were grossly to their understanding: such he taketh those speeches to be of the Angel, that wrestled with jacob, which was Christ, let me alone, because the day is risen: and the Lord said to Moses, Exod. 32. let me alone, that I may destroy them: But these speeches are not alike: for there God hath to do with men, and so applieth his speech to their best understanding: but here the Angel is helped of Michael, which must be taken properly, this matter being done among the celestial spirits: Then to say that Christ is helped and aided of the Angels, is a very improper speech, and agreeth not with the analogy of faith.  
4. Bullinger and Calvin think that although God could have protected his people by one Angel, yet quo magis testatam faceret curam, etc. alterum submisit Angelum, the more to testify his care to his Church, he sendeth an other Angel to help: But this is more to the comfort of God's people, when they understand, that not only the Angels fight for them, but even Michael the Prince of the Angels, the Son of God himself protecteth them.  
5. Wherefore it is the sounder opinion, that this Angel was helped, non accessione numeri, sed virtutis, not by the increase of the number, but by the accession of a greater power and strength, jun. Polan. for it is sufficiently proved in the former question, that this Michael was Christ.   

Quest. 24. How the Angel saith he was left with the kings of Persia.  
1. The Septuag. whom Theodoret followeth, read thus, whom I left with the kings of Persia, that is, Michael: but the true reading is, I remained, or was left with the kings of Persia. 2. the ordinar. gloss. which Hugo Cardinal. followeth, by the king of Persia understandeth Michael: but the construction of the text will not bear it: for Michael helped him against the Prince or king of Persia. 3. Oecolampad. referreth it unto Christ, who is said to remain in Persia in his members, that were captives there, as Paul is said to have persecuted Christ in his members: But the text showeth, that this is given as a reason, why the Angel came no sooner to Daniel, because he remained all that while, and was stayed in Persia by occasion of the business, which there fell out: the Angel speaketh then of a personal remaining or staying, which could in no wise agree unto Christ, who was not yet incarnate, and as he is God he is in every place at once. 4. the most, by the kings of Persia, do understand the Angels which were precedents of Persia, against whom this Angel strived for the people of God: But Rupertus reasoneth against this: because Angels are not called kings of countries: and beside he would have said, be remained against, rather than with those Angels which did contradict him. 5. Therefore Rupertus, though by the Prince of Persia before he understood the evil Angel of Persia, yet here resolveth that by the kings of Persia, must be understood Darius or Cyrus, with whom the Angel furthered the business, for the return of the people: and afterward in the reign of Assuerus, he prevented the mischievous counsel of Haman against the jews, and turned it upon his own head. And this indeed is the right meaning of these words: saving that the Angel speaketh only of his remaining at this time with the kings of Persia, Cambyses and his nobles, or Cyrus and Cambyses rather: not of his remaining there still, as though the charge of that Province were committed still unto this Angel; for no such thing can be gathered out of the Scripture, that the nations and kingdoms of the earth are assigned to particular Angels as their precedents.   

Quest. 25. Who it is, whom Daniel calleth Lord, v. 17.  
1. Lyranus understandeth it of the Angel Gabriel, that spoke unto Daniel before: and some think, that Daniel modestiae causa, for modesty sake doth so call the Angel Lord, whereas indeed the Angels count the Prophets their fellow servants, Apocal. 22. 8. Vatab. Pintus. so also Calvin, honorifice cum Angelo locutus est, he giveth honourable terms unto the Angel: so also junius readeth thus, how can this the servant of my Lord talk with that my Lord, that is, I so weak a man talk with an Angel so glorious, Osiander. But it is evident, that he to whom Daniel, spoke was an other beside him that stood by the river, described v. 4. for this that he here speaketh to, stood before him, v. 16. but the other clothed in linen, stood by the river, c. 12. 6. Neither is it like that the Angel would have received this submission of so great a Prophet, seeing he refused it at john's hand, revel. 22. 8. and take him as his servant, whose fellow servant he was, as the Angel saith to john in that place: He calleth the Angel afterward Lord, which was an honourable salvation used among men, but servant he was only to jesus Christ.  
2. Oecolampadius taketh this to be Christ, whose servant Daniel here professeth himself to be: and he noteth therein the distinction of persons, in that Daniel speaketh to one present of an other absent, the servant of that my Lord. But he thinketh all this to be uttered also by Christ, and not by the Angel: whereas it is evident, that many things here spoken in this conference with Daniel, cannot be understood of Christ: as that he was sent, that he speaketh of Michael, which was Christ, as an other person beside himself, in that he saith, he was helped, and remained in Persia: these things cannot agree unto Christ.  
3. Wherefore I think rather with Polanus, that Daniel turning himself to the Angel Gabriel, which was before him, speaketh of Christ, that glorious person which appeared, v. 4. as may be gathered by the demonstrative which he useth: how can the servant of that my Lord, talk with that my Lord, that is, seeing I am so afraid talking with thee, how should I be able to endure to talk with yonder my Lord: So it is evident that there is an interchange of persons in this chapter, as shall further appear now in the next question.   

Quest. 26. Who it was that had this communication with Daniel in this vision.  
1. Some think, that the Angel which appeared at the first in that glorious manner, v. 4. hath this conference with Daniel: so Hierome, in hominis figura videtur Angelus, etc. the Angel is seen in an human shape, and stretcheth forth a man's hand unto Daniel, that he should not be afraid: So also Hugo Cardin. Perer. Pintus, Pappus, Bullinger, Calvin, with others. But it is showed before, quest. 12. that it was Christ, not a created Angel, which so appeared, v. 4.  
2. Some think, that as Christ appeared there, so it was he that had all this conference with Daniel, and thrice touched him with his hand, so Oecolamp. but it is showed before, quest. 25. 2. that many things are uttered by the Angel, which can no way agree unto Christ.  
3. Some will have that to be an Angel, which was seen of Daniel, v. 4. but he that stretched forth his hand they think to be the son of God, whose office it is to comfort and strengthen, Osiand. But if that glorious vision should be of an Angel, and the appearance of a man's hand signified Christ, the minister should have appeared more gloriously than the Lord.  
4. Some think that these things were done interchangeably, that some things were done by the Angel, some by Christ: the touching of him with an hand was Christ's action: but when mention is made of Michael, the angel speaketh: of this opinion seemeth junius to be in his commentary upon these words, one like the similitude of the son of man, touched my lips, personam agentem Christum designari minime dubium est, qui singularia & praecipua opera sibi in hoc revelationum genere reseruavit, it is not to be doubted, but that Christ is signified to be the person agent here, who in such kind of revelations reserveth the most singular and special works to himself, etc. But it was the same person which touched Daniel, and strengthened him, and after spoke unto him, as is evident, v. 11. and 19 let my Lord speak, for thou hast strengthened me. Now it is the Angel that spoke to Daniel, for he speaketh of Michael, whom junius well understandeth here to be Christ, as of an other person beside himself: therefore it was he also, that touched him.  
5. Wherefore it being confessed and granted, that it was Christ, which appeared, v. 4. yet the rest is done by an angel, who as Polanus well saith, tanquam Dei administer, as God's minister, on this behalf doth minister strength unto Daniel: and this may be made plain by these two reasons. 1. because the same person strengtheneth Daniel, and speaketh unto him being strengthened: as is evident, v. 11. and 19 2. and the like was done by the Angel Gabriel before, c. 8. 18. who touched Daniel, and set him up in his place: And so junius in his annotations, thinketh that this was the angel Gabriel that touched Daniel in the similitude of a man, in v. 16.   

Quest. 27. Who is meant by the Prince of Grecia.  
1. Some do here understand by the Prince of Persia, and Grecia, the evil angels which bare sway in those kingdoms: and 1. some think that those evil angels did oppose themselves one against another, as Hierome saith, that the Prince of the Grecians came into God's presence, ut accusaret Persarum principem, to accuse the Prince of the Persians, that the kingdom of the Macedonians might succeed in place of theirs. 2. others think, that ●his evil angel of Grecia did not so much set himself against the angel of Persia, as against the people of God, seeking to hold them under in captivity also under the Grecians, Osiand. 3. Rupertus likewise understandeth this place of the evil angels, but thus applieth it, that they set the Persians and Grecians together by the ears: for about the same time Darius the 3. king of Persia was overcome of the Grecians, and his son Xerxes after him coming against the Grecians with an huge army, was constrained to flee away with shame. 4. Melancthon saith that the good angels did fight against the evil angels of Grecia, which stirred up the people of jonia, to rebel in Cyrus' time, who were suppressed by Harpagus. But all these are wide: for 1. the evil spirits are not said to be Princes of countries. 2. neither are those subtle spirits at variance among themselves. 3. and here the Prince of Grecia is brought in as assisting the angel against the Prince of Persia: but the evil angels do not join with the good.  
2. Some take these Princes to be good angels: and these also are of diverse opinions. 1. Some think that the prince of Grecia did fight, that is, the good Angel also of Grecia did reason the case with Gabriel, that the Hebrews should not yet be delivered, and that the Grecians were more to be respected than they. Theodoret. 2. Gregory giveth an other reason: because judaei aliquid in Graecos commiserant, the jews had committed somewhat against the Grecians, which was objected by the angel precedent of Grecia, why they should not be delivered, so Gregor. lib. 17. moral. c. 8. But the jews are not found to have had any dealing at all with the Grecians, until Alexander's time: and the jews were delivered out of captivity already, therefore that could not now be hindered. 3. Some think that the angel of Grecia expostulated for the wrongs which the Persians had done unto the Grecians, Oecolamp. 4. Some think, that this angel after he had finished his battle with the Prince of Persia, he was afterward to go against the Prince of Grecia, Sa. But how can it be imagined, that there should be such expostulating and parts taking among the angels? for wars and strife do arise of natural desires, as S. james saith, 4. 1. From whence are wars and contentions among you? are they not hence, even of your lusts, that fight in your members?  
3. Bullinger thinketh that by the Prince of Grecia may be understood, some man of Grecia, that appeared in vision, as approaching unto God, as by way of advise or consultation: But an angel reporteth this, who have not visions showed them as men.  
4. The best sense than is this, that by the Princes of Persia and Grecia, are understood the kings of the Persians and Grecians, with the one, the Angel himself will encounter now, and the other, namely the Prince of Grecia, in time to come should be raised up against him also. So two things are here declared by the Angel: first that he will go forth and fight against the Prince of Persia: for both Cyrus, after the edict for the re-edifying of the Temple was reversed, prospered not, but was slain in the Scythian wars: and Cambyses likewise fell into great enormities: first he caused his own brother Tanaoxares to be killed, being falsely accused by Sphendadates the Magician, of some practising against Cambyses: he made his mother drink poison, and so die, he killed his own sister being his wife, and great with child, his wife Roxane brought forth a child without an head, which the wisemen interpreted, that he should have no heir to succeed him in the kingdom: At the last he was wounded with his own sword falling out of his sheath, and so died. Secondly, the Prince of Grecia is armed against the Persians: for beside, that many valiant captains of the Grecians were raised up, as Leonides, Miltiades, Themistocles, which put the Persians to the soil, in Darius Hystaspis, and Xerxes' reign; at the length Alexander captain of the Grecians, was stirred up, who overthrew the Persian Monarchy.   

Quest. 28. Of the original of the Grecians here called javan, v. 20.  
1. Though the Grecians are ignorant of their own original, and beginning, yet the Scripture showeth from whom the nations were propagated, as may appear by the names, which a long time after they retained, as of Assur came the Assyrians, of Canaan, the Canaanites, and of Elam the Elamites, and of javan who was one of the sons of japheth, the jonians.  
2. And that javan was father of the jonians and Grecians, it may thus evidently appear: 1. because there was a remainder a long time of the names of japetus and jon among the Grecians: Euripides maketh jon one of the nephews and grandchilds of Deucalion: but he was long before Deucalion's time, Melancthon. 2. joel. 3. 11. where in the original is read jevanim, the plural number of javan, the Septuagint there translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Grecians: so likewise, Dan. 8. 21. and in this place c. 10. 20. 3. This is further evident by the places and countries, which the children of javan inhabited: as Elisha, who was the founder of the Aeolians, and Kittim, who are taken for the Macedonians. 1. Macch. 1. 1. Alexander is said to go forth of the land of Kittim, and of the word kittim, is derived by all likelihood, the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth a Macedonian, Melancthon. Alexander the king of Macedonia, is called the Prince of Grecia, because both the Macedonians and Grecians had one and the same original founder javan: and beside he was aided and assisted in his wars by the Grecians.   

Quest. 29. In what sense the Angel saith, that none held with him, but Michael their Prince.  
1. They which think that this Michael was an Arkangel, do give this reason hereof, why Michael only joined with this Angel, because he had the chief charge of the people and Church of God, under Christ, Genevens. and to the same purpose, Lyran. quia princeps erat totius synagogae generaliter, because Michael was the general Prince of the whole synagogue and Church of the jews.  
2. Vatablus understandeth, in his pugnis, in these battles against the king of Persia, there is none that helpeth me but Michael. But neither can it be showed that one Angel only hath the protection of the Church, seeing two armies of Angels attended upon jakob, Gen. 32. 1. and when Elisha prayed that the eyes of the young man might be opened, all the mountains seemed full of fiery horse and chariots: neither is it like, that the Angels would withdraw their helping hand one from another.  
3. The gloss. giveth this reason, that none helped him in presenting their prayers unto God, but Michael this Arkangel: But by this reason Christ the Mediator should be excluded from mediating for them: neither can it be showed out of Scripture, that the Angels have any such office to offer up men's prayers.  
4. Theodoret saith, that all the heavenly spirits were in deed against the deliverance of the people, propter multa eorum scelera, because of their many sins: But it is not like this people being so dear unto God, that the holy Angels would so set against them.  
5. Albertus thinketh that by Michael is not understood only the person of the Arkangel, but likewise all the company of the angels which were under him, as revel. 12. mention is made of Michael, and his angels, which fought with the dragon, ex Perer. But it is evident, that the Angel speaketh only of this Michael's person, because it is added your prince▪ now Michael only, and not the rest of Angels, was their Prince.  
6. Some show this reason, why Michael only helped the Angel, because he helped Michael, c. 11. 1. Oecolamp. But that place is not understood of helping of Michael, but rather of protecting the kingdom and Monarchy of Persia.  
7. Calvin thus resolveth, why only one other angel helped him, and not many: because God is not to be tied to any certain means, to use always many Angels, ut eodem modo semper nobis succurat, that he should succour us always after one manner: But this satisfieth not, for the Lord might have helped only with one Angel, and without any at all, if it had pleased him: therefore yet the reason appeareth not, why this Michael is singled out to help him.  
8. Dyonisius further saith, lib. de coelest. hierarch. c. 4. that no Angels do undertake any ministery or service, nisi sibi à Deo iniunctum, unless it be enjoined them of God: and therefore these two angels join together, because unto them only was committed this business of seeing the people delivered: to the same purpose also, Osiander. This is true, but yet it is not apparent, why this business should be committed to Michael, more than to an other.  
9 But this being granted; that this Michael is Christ the son of God, as is proved before, quest. 22. who is indeed the Prince of the people of God, the reason is evident, why Michael only assisteth this angel, because when all other terrene powers do fail, he taketh upon him the defence and protection of his Church, jun. Polan. H. Br.    

4. Places of doctrine.  

1. Doct. Of the difference of true and false Prophets.  
v. 1. A thing was revealed to Daniel: To the end that this might appear to be a true vision, Daniel is named, both by his original name, and that which was given him in Chaldea, namely Belteshazzar, to whom the Lord had showed many visions before: So then before we receive any prophesy, we must acknowledge them to be Prophets, which are the ministers thereof, such as the Lord useth to reveal himself unto: Therefore Hananiah, who prophesied that the Lord would break the yoke of king of Babel, jerem. 28. was not to be heard, because the Lord used not to speak by him. Such were the revelations, which in time past, Montanus and Priscilla pretended, and the Enthusiasts, and anabaptists in these days: which are no to be credited, because they are known not to be Prophets.   

2. Doct. That idolatrous and heathenish names must be shunned.  
v. 1. Daniel whose name was called Belteshazzar: Daniel could not help it that he was named by Bel the idol of the Chaldeans, yet he doth avoid it as much as he can, retaining in his prophecies and visions the name of Daniel still, as 7. 1. 8. 1. 9 2. whereby we learn how circumspect we ought to be, not to impose any names upon men, which have any show of heathenish idolatry: much less should we call God, by the names of the Gentiles gods, as of jupiter, Apollo, juno, Pallas: as some Christians think such names to be a grace unto their poetry: for if Christians may name God under such names, why might not the jews as well have worshipped God under the names of Baal, or Belus, which words signify Lord: and beside, while the name and memory is retained of their goddesses, the divine nature is dishonoured with distinction of sexes: we must therefore say with the Prophet David, I will not make mention of their names within my lips, Psal. 16. 4.   

3. Doct. God only can foretell things to come.  
v. 1. The time appointed was long: Hereby the God of Daniel showeth himself to be the true God, because he could foreshow things, that should come to pass long after: Things at hand, which already are begun in their causes, the subtle spirits can give notice of: nay we see that diverse creatures by their natural sense, can prognosticate of the change of weather which is instant: But things a far off and to come, none but God can foretell, as he saith by his Prophet Isay, 44. 7. what is at hand, and what things are to come, let them show unto them: The Lord by this argument showeth himself only to be God, and all the idols of the heathen, to be but vain, because they can declare no such things aforehand.   

4. Doctr. Of the diverse kinds of fear.  
v. 7. A great fear fell upon them, so that they fled away, etc. Here is great difference between the fear of Daniel and his companions: they were so frighted, that they ran away and hid themselves, and so were deprived of this goodly vision: but Daniel, though much amazed, yet stayeth by it, and to him is this vision revealed: So there are some, which through their infirmity and weakness do quite fall away: others though they have their imperfections, yet do recover themselves, and return again, jun. of this sort was Peter, of the other judas: and to this purpose saith the Apostle, Heb. 12. 13. make straight steps unto your feet, lest that which is halting be turned out of the way, but let it rather be healed.   

5. Doct. Of the office of Angels.  
v. 14. Now I am come to show thee, etc. Here are three special things expressed wherein the Lord useth the ministry of Angels to the comfort of his children. 1. They are sent of God upon their prayers to comfort them, as God sent his Angel to Peter being in prison, Act. 12. 2. their office is to protect and defend the children of God: as here the Angel fighteth against the Prince of Persia in defence of the jews: so was the Angel sent to stop the lions mouths against Daniel. 3. they are employed to instruct men, and give them knowledge of such things as concern them: as here the Angel revealeth diverse things to Daniel, that afterward should come to pass: so the Angel appeared to Cornelius, advising him what course to take for his further instruction.   

6. Doct. Of the power of Angels.  
These Angels are spirits of great power, to whom all earthly Potentates must give place, there is no creature that can withstand them, being armed with power from God: therefore they are called principalities, Rom. 8. 38. Principalities and powers in heavenly places, Ephes. 1. 21. One Angel in David's time destroyed 70. thousand, when David had numbered the people, 2. Sam. 24. 15. One Angel slew in Senacheribs' host in one night, an 185. thousand, 2. king. 19 And here one Angel encountereth with the whole power of the king of Persia: yet the Angel's power is limited: they can go no further, than they are authorized of God.   

7. Doct. Of the presence of Angels.  
The Angels, though they are of great agility, and can speedily pass from place to place, yet are they not every where, nor in many places at once: this Angel while he was stayed about these affairs in Persia, could not be present with Daniel, and while he was communing with Daniel, he was absent from Persia: as he saith, v. 20. knowest thou not wherefore I am come unto thee? but now will I return to fight with the king of Persia: Only it is peculiar unto God to fill heaven and earth with his presence, and to be every where in the same instant, as he saith by the Prophet, Heaven is my seat, earth is my footstool, Isay. 66. 1.   

8. Doctr. The cause of the ruin of kingdoms.  
The efficient cause is the Angel the minister of God's wrath and vengeance, as here the Angel sighteth against the kings of Persia, until by little and little, their kingdom was taken away from them by the Prince of Grecia. The occasion of the fall of kingdoms is the afflicting and oppressing of the Church of God: as the Babylonians for holding the people of God in captivity were surprised by the Persians: and they likewise for hindering the work of God's house, and suffering the people of God to be molested, were subdued by the Grecians: and these also, especially the Seleucians for tyrannizing over the people of God, were rooted out by the Romans.   

9 Doctr. Of the certainty of God's decrees.  
v. 21. I will show thee what is decreed in the Scripture of truth: that is, in the prescience of God: who needeth not any books to put him in mind, but this is taken from the use of Princes and judges which have their Registers and Records wherein their decrees and ordinances are set down: This Scripture of truth is nothing else but God's infallible and unchangeable decree, which cannot alter: But as the Lord hath decreed, so certainly shall every thing be fulfilled, Isay. 14. 24. The Lord of hosts hath sworn, saying, Surely like as I have purposed, so shall it come to pass, and as I have consulted, it shall stand.    

5. Places of controversy.  

1. Controv. Against superstitious fasting.  
v. 3. I ate no pleasant bread, etc. Daniel being purposed to humble himself by fasting, did not only abstain from flesh, but from wine also, yea from fine bread, and from other delicates, as in anointing himself with oil: whereby their nice superstition, or superstitious niceness is reproved, who though they forbear the eating of flesh in their fastings, yet will fill their bellies with other delicate meats, with dainty fish, and curious confections: But here Daniel contenteth himself with course bread and water, Calvin. Neither did he thus fast, as thereby thinking to merit any thing at God's hand, but only that he might be the more humbled thereby, and to make his prayers more fervent and effectual, Osiand. See more of the abuse of fasting elsewhere. 
Synops. pap. Centur. 4. cr. 96. 97.    

2. Controv. That Paradise was a terrestrial place.  
v. 4. I was by the side of the great river Hiddekel. Whereas some were of opinion, that the history of Paradise, with the trees and rivers, is spiritually to be understood, and in an allegory, as Plilo lib. 1. allegor, Valentinus apud Ireneum lib. 1. advers. hares. c. 1. Origen mentar. in Genes. and of late days Franciscus Georgius tom. 1. problemat, S. Hierome out of this place confuteth them, where mention is made of one of the rivers which flowed out of Paradise, namely Hiddekel, or Tigris. Hieromes words are these, unde eorum deliramenta conticescant, qui umbras & imagines in veritate quaerentes, ipsam conantur evertere veritatatem, etc. whence their mad conceits are put to silence, who seeking shadows & shows in the truth, go about to overthrow the truth, in making an allegory of Paradise, of the trees, and rivers thereof.   

3. Controv. Against the curious distinction of the orders of Angels.  
The Romanists following counterfeit Dyonisius in his book of the celestial Hierarchy, do make nine orders of Angels, which they distinguish into three ranks: in the first are Seraphims, Cherubims, Thrones; in the second Dominions, Principalities, Powers; in the third Virtues, Archangels, Angels. True it is, that Angels are called by these names in Scriptures, but whether there be so many orders of them, as names, and how they are distinguished, is a thing too curious for any to define, the Scripture being silent therein. But this text overthroweth the former distribution and disposing of them: for here Michael, whom they hold to be an Arkangel, is one of the first of the chief Princes: how then do they make him the second of the last rank, seeing he is said to be one of the chief Princes.    

6. Moral observations.  

1. Observ. That the school of Christ is the school of patience.  
v. 1. But the time appointed was long. The servants then of Christ have need of patience to wait the appointed time, seeing it is long unto it: so S. james saith, c. 1. 4. Let patience have her perfect work, that ye may be perfect and entire, wanting nothing: he than that hath patience, wanteth nothing, though he want all things beside. Likewise our blessed Saviour saith, Luk. 21. 19 By your patience possess your souls: he that hath patience, hath a good possession: he that wanteth it, is not owner or possessor of his own soul, but vexeth and disquieteth it.   

2. Observ. Of the sympathy and fellow-feeling of the members of Christ.  
v. 2. I was in heaviness. Daniel mourned not for himself, but for his people, that being returned, were hindered in the work of God's house: by whose example we learn, that we should be touched with a feeling of the miseries of others: as the Apostle saith, Rom. 12. 15. Rejoice with them that rejoice, weep with those that we●pe: be like minded one toward an other. So did Nehemiah, who being himself in prosperous state, attending upon the king's cup; yet his countenance was sad, because his city lay waste, Nehem. 2. 3.   

3. Observ. Of the interchangeable course of things.  
In that the building of the Temple was now hindered in the 3. of Cyrus, whereas in his first he gave licence for the people to return, and to build the city and Temple; we see the inconstancy of Prince's favours, and the changeable seasons of the Church: which sometime prospereth and goeth forward, and again is often hindered and pulled back, Bulling. therefore is the Church compared to the Moon, which sometime is at the full, and sometime in the wane, Canticl. 6. 4. at times increasing, and decreasing again.   

4. Observ. God prepareth his servants by fear.  
v. 8. There remained no strength in me. Thus God useth to humble his children before he reveal himself unto them: so Ezekiel fell upon his face, c. 1. 29. and Saul when he was converted, Act. 9 3. 4. S. john likewise, when Christ appeared unto him, Rev. 1. 17. Thus men must be humbled by seeing and acknowledging their own weakness, before they receive spiritual strength: and the preaching of the law goeth before the glad tidings of the Gospel.   

5. Observ. The prayers of the faithful are heard at the first, though they presently see it not.  
v. 12. As daniel's prayer was heard at the first, yet the Angel came not till 21. days after, yet in the mean time he was effecting that which Daniel desired, namely, to fight against the enemies of the Church: so this is the case of all the faithful servants of God, that God heareth their prayers, and secretly worketh for them, though at the first they see it not: as while Paul prayed for further strength, the Lord spoke unto Ananias to go unto him for behold he prayeth, Act. 9 11. even while Paul prayed, the Lord wrought for him, to effect his desire, though at that instant Paul perceived it not.   

6. Observ. God doth by degrees, not all at once minister comfort to his children.  
v. 10. He set me up upon my knees, and upon the palms of my hands. Daniel is not raised up all at once, but by certain degrees: first, he lying flat, is raised by one's hand upon the palms of his hands and knees, but yet he continued trembling, v. 11. then he is animated and emboldened by the Angel's words, v. 12. and so his trembling is somewhat stayed, but yet he durst not look up, but set his face toward the ground, and held his peace, v. 15. thirdly, one toucheth his lips, and he beginneth to speak, but yet in great fear and perplexity, v. 16, 17. lastly, an hand toucheth him the third time, and so he receiveth strength, v. 18, 19 This was not done, as though the Angel by God's power could not at once have strengthened Daniel, but to this end, that Daniel might acknowledge his own infirmity, and be the better prepared to attend unto that, which should be delivered: Even like as Christ dealt with the blind man, Mark. 8. 24, 25. at the first putting on of his hands, he saw men walk as trees, but when Christ had put on his hands the second time, he saw perfectly: So than the children of God are hereby taught patience, that though they recover not at once the full measure of spiritual strength and sight, yet they should wait upon God patiently till it shall please him to confirm his work in them.     

CHAP. XI.  

1. The Argument and Method.  
IN this chapter are described, what things should happen under three Monarchies, 1. of the Persians. 2. of the Grecians united, v. 4. 3. of the kingdom of the Grecians divided, v. 5. unto the end.  
1. For the Persian Monarchy, 1. the rising of it is described under Darius by the help of the Angel, v. 1. 2. the flourishing estate thereof, v. 2. 3. the fall, v. 3.  
2. In the second Monarchy, 1. the rising thereof is showed. 2. the decaying. 3. the event afterwards, how it should be dispersed to the four winds.  
3. In the third Monarchy of the Grecians: the acts and exploits of two kings are foreshowed, the kings of the North, and the South with their successors: but chiefly of the kings of the North.  
This Prophetical narration is brief and compendious to v. 10. then more large to the end of the chapter.  
In the compendious narration, 1. the power of the two first kings, of Ptolomeus Lagi of the South, and of Seleucus Nicanor of the North is set forth, but the one is mightier than the other, v. 5.  
2. The combination by marriage between Ptolemy Philadelphus, and Antiochus Theos, with the evil success thereof is foreshowed, v. 6.  
3. Then Ptolemy Euergetes victory against Callinicus is declared to v. 10. see the several parts, qu. 23.  
In the larger description, the exploits of two kings of the North are rehearsed, of Antiochus Megas to v. 20. then of his two sons, Seleucus Philopator, and Antiochus Epiphanes.  
The exploits of Antiochus the great are either against the king of the South, to v. 18. or against other nations, v. 18.  
The kings of the South, against whom Antiochus dealeth with his brother Ceraunus, was first Ptolemy Philopator, who overcometh Antiochus Megas, v. 10. 11. 12. see quest. 24. Then Ptolemy Epiphanes against whom Antiochus maketh three several expeditions: the first, v. 13. 14. see quest. 25. the second, v. 15. see quest. 26. the third, v. 16. 17. which endeth with an intendment of marriage, but with evil success.  
Then Antiochus goeth against other foreign nations, but is discomfited by the Romans, returneth with shame, and dieth, v. 18. 19 see quest. 28. 29.  
The rest of the chapter is spent in set●ing forth the exploits of Antiochus Megas his sons: first of Seleucus Philopator, v. 20. see qu. 30. then of Antiochus Epiphanes, whose history is set forth at large.  
In Antiochus Epiphanes history, 1. his manner of entering into the kingdom is described: see the particulars qu. 32. 2. his exploits to v. 44. 3. his end, v. 44, 45.  
His acts and exploits are, 1. against Egypt: where three expeditions and voyages of his are set forth. The first, v. 22, 23, 24. see qu. 33. the second, v. 25. to v. 28. see qu. 34. the third with his repulse, v. 30. qu. 35.  
2. Against the people of God: where it is showed, 1. what means he shall use against them, v. 32, 33. see qu. 40. 2. what they shall suffer, v. 33. and how they shall be comforted, v. 34, 35. see qu. 41, 42.  
3. What Antiochus himself shall do: where, 1. his acts concerning religion are described, in abrogating of all religion both true, v. 34. and false, v. 37. qu. 43, 44. and bringing in a new god, v. 38. qu. 46. 2. his civil and politic acts, v. 39 qu. 47.  
3. His exploits are against Egypt, judea, and other countries, v. 40 to 44. see the particulars, qu. 48.  
Lastly, the death and destruction of Antiochus is set forth, with the signs precedent, and manner thereof: see qu. 50.   

2. The text with the divers readings.  
v. 1 And I in the first year (from the first year. V.) of Darius the Mede, even I stood (stand. V.) to encourage and strengthen him.  
2 And now I will show thee the truth: there shall stand up yet three Kings in Persia, and the fourth shall be far richer (enriched with riches. H.) than they all: and when he is grown mighty in wealth (hath strengthened him in his riches. H.) he shall stir up all against the kingdom of Grecia. (javan. H.)  
3 But a mighty king shall stand up, and shall rule with great dominion, and do according to his pleasure.  
4 And when he shall stand up, his kingdom shall be broken, and shall be divided toward the four winds of heaven: and not to his posterity, nor according to his dominion, which he ruled: for his kingdom shall be plucked up, and be for other beside those.  
5 And the king of the South shall be mighty, and one of his Princes, and shall prevail against him, and bear rule: his dominion shall be a great dominion.  
6. And in the end of the years they shall be joined together: for the king's daughter of the South shall come unto the king of the North, to make an indifferent peace, (to make an agreement. B. C. friendship. L. league. S. to make equity. H. that is, peace with equal conditions) but she (not he. B.) shall not retain the power of the arm: (shall effect nothing. V.) neither shall be continue, nor his arm: (not his seed. L. S. zeroagh signifieth an arm) but she shall be delivered up, and they that brought her, and he that is borne of her (her young man. L. S. not he that begat her. V.B.G. for this agreeth not with the story, see qu. 21. following: the word ioledah signifieth a birth or generation.)  
7 But out of a sprig (bud. G.B. of her roots shall one stand in his stead (shall succeed in the kingdom. V. the sense, not the words▪ his plant▪ L. his base. A. or foot. Polan, rather in his stead. B.G.I.) which shall come with an army (to the army. A.) and shall enter into the fottresse (province. L.) of the king of the North, and shall do with them as he list, (B.G. do so that. I. abuse them. L. do great matters. V.) and shall prevail:  
8 And he shall also carry into captivity (captives. L.B.G.) into Egypt their gods with their Princes (A.U.I. not, with their molten images. L.B.G.S. the word is nasich with iod, a Prince, but nesech, is a molten image) and with their precious vessels of silver and of gold: and he shall continue more years than the king of the North. (shall prevail against. L. but here the word (shanim) years, is not translated.)  
9 So the king of the South shall come into his kingdom, (not into the kingdom of the king of the South V. S.) and shall return into his own land.  
10 Then shall his sons be stirred up, (move battle. I. Br. Pol. but then an other word is joined with garah, as lamilcamah, to battle, v. 25.) and shall assemble a mighty great army, (a company of many armies. H.) and one shall come and overflow, and pass through: then shall he return, & move battle (be stirred. L.U.) even unto the fortress, (at the fortress. B.G.)  
11 Then the king of the South shall be angry, and shall come forth and fight with (against. L. I. but (ghim) signifieth more properly, with) him, even with the king of the North: for he shall set forth (cause to stand up. H.) a great multitude, and the multitude shall be given into his hand.  
12 Then the multitude shall be lifted up (not he shall take the multitude. L. or the multitude shall be taken away. I. the word (nissa) may be either in niphal, or piel, and so may be translated actively or passively, but the first rather, because it followeth) and he shall lift up his heart: for he shall cast down thousands: but he shall not still prevail.  
13 For the king of the North shall return, and shall set forth a greater multitude than the former, and shall come forth after certain years (in the end of the time of those years. H.) with a mighty army, and much riches.  
14 And at the same time shall many stand up against the king of the South, and the seditious children (the violent. V. pestilent. S. offenders. L. rebellious. G. the word is pharatze, breakers, violaters, that is of the peace, such as the factious and seditious are) shall exalt themselves (be lifted up. H. better then be taken away. I. Pol. as before v. 12.) to establish the vision, but they shall fall.  
15 So the king of the North shall come, and cast up a mount (cast forth with slings, Pol. the first rather, for the word shaphach, to pour out, or s●ed forth, is more fi●ly used of the casting up of earth, then of casting out of a sling: and the other word sallelah, is taken for a mount, rather than a sling, as junius there readeth, 2. king. 19 32.) and take the strong city: and the arms of the South shall not resist, (stand. H.) nor his chosen people, (people of his chosen. H.) neither shall there be any strength to withstand.  
16 And in coming against him (unto him. H.) he shall do as he list, (according to his will. H.) and none shall stand against him: and he shall stand in the pleasant (or excellent. V. famous. L. sebi. S. but it is no proper name) land, and his hand shall finish (consummation in his hand. H. Pol. better then, he shall consume it with his hand. L.S.I.B.G. see qu. 26. in the end.)  
17 Again he shall set his face to enter with the power of the whole kingdom, and he shall make equal peace with him (L. V. and equity he shall do with him. H. better than his confederates with him. B.G. or he shall pretend right. I. the same phrase signifieth before v. 6. to make peace) and he shall give him the daughter of women (a virgin. Fr. I. see qu. 27.) to corrupt her (I.S. that is, craftily to use her against her husband: not to destroy her. G.B.U. or it, for the pronoun affix is of the feminine gender) but she shall not stand on his side, nor be for him.  
18 After, he shall turn his face unto the Isles, and shall take many: but a Prince shall cause his reproach to cease to him (that is, shall make him leave his reproaching: not he shall cause to cease the Prince of his reproach. L.S. for Prince, is put in the accusative, which should be in the nominative) beside that he shall cause his own shame to return upon himself: (he shall both cause him to leave his reproachful words and deeds, and return them on himself. Some do read thus, he shall cause his shame to light upon him, beside that he shall cause his own shame to turn upon himself. B.G. but here the same thing should be expressed twice.)  
19 So he shall turn his face toward the forts of his own land, but he shall be overthrown (or stumble. V.L.I.) and fall, and be no more found.  
20 Then shall stand up in his place, a raiser of taxes (a sender forth of exacters. H. that is, to gather tribute, not a vile person. L.) in the glory of the kingdom (not the glory of the kingdom, that is tribute. V. the preposition in is better supplied. G.B.I. nor, unworthy the glory of the kingdom. L. ad) but after a few days he shall be destroyed, neither in wrath, not in battle.  
21 And in his place shall stand up a vile person, to whom they shall not give the honour of the kingdom: but he shall come in peaceably, (not secretly. L. or with riches, V. or abundance. S. shalvah signifieth peace) and obtain the kingdom by flatteries.  
22 And the overflowing arms (arms of the overflowing. H.) shall be overflown before him: (the arms shall be overflown with a flood, or inundation. A.B.G. but (inundation) is better referred to the former word, arms: they shall be overflown by overflowing arms. I. but, arms, is better put in the nominative, see qu. 33.) and shall be broken: and also the Prince of the covenant.  
23 And after the league made (consecration. H.) with him, he shall work deceitfully: for he shall come up, and strengthen himself (overcome, B.G. prevail. V.) with a small people.  
24 He shall enter into the quiet and plentiful Province, and he shall do that which his fathers have not done, nor his father's fathers: and he shall divide among them the pray and the spoil, and the substance, yea and against the strong holds he shall forecast his devices (devise his devices. H.) even for a time.  
25 Also he shall stir up his power and his courage (heart. H.) against the king of the South with a great army, and the king of the South shall stir himself to battle with a great and mighty army: but he shall not stand, for they shall forecast devices against him.  
26 Yea, they that feed of the portion of his meat (they that eat bread with him. L. his domesticals. V.) shall destroy him: and his army shall overflow, and many shall fall and be slain.  
27 And both these king's hearts shall be to do mischief: they shall talk of deceit (a lie. II.) at one table: but it shall not prosper: for yet the end shall be at the time appointed. (the end shall be put off to an other time. L.)  
28 Then shall he return into his land with great substance: for his heart shall be against the holy covenant: so shall he do, and return to his own land.  
29 At the time appointed he shall return, and come toward the South: but it shall not be, as at the first, and at the last (not the last shall not be as the first. L.U.B.G. for he made more than two expeditions against Egypt, see qu. 35. following.)  
30 For the ships of Chittim (the ships of the Romans. L. the Citians. S. ships of Cyprus. V. see qu. 36.) shall come (they shall come in ships of Chittim. Pol.) against him: therefore he shall be sorry (or grieved) and return, and fret against the holy covenant, and practise: (and do H.) for he shall return (having finished his business he shall return. V. so shall he do, even he shall return. B.G. but the distinction (athnah) at (ghasah, do) doth sever it from the clause following) and have intelligence with (B.G. or set his mind towards. I. understand towards. H. not against. L. shall understand those, etc. S. but here the preposition ghal, is not translated) them, that break the holy covenant.  
31 And arms shall stand on his part, and they shall pollute the Sanctuary, and strong hold (I.U. better then the Sanctuary of strength. caeter. see qu. 39 2.) and shall take away the daily sacrifice, and shall set up the abomination (detestation. I. Pol.) bringing desolation (making desolate. H. the abominable desolation. G.B. or abomination for desolation. L. but the word is a participle, and signifieth desolating, or making desolate.)  
32 And such as wickedly break the covenant, shall he cause to dissemble (V. Pol. better then shall dissemble, for the word is in hiphil, which signifieth to cause to dissemble: shall cause to sin. B.G. chanaph signifieth to dissemble, to play the hypocrite) by flattery: but the people, that know their God, shall prevail and prosper. B.G. shall lay hold and prosper. H. A. shall do courageously. V. Br. not they shall apprehend the people of God and prosper. I. Pol. see qu. 40.)  
33 And they which understand among the people, shall instruct many: yet they shall fall by the sword, by fire, (by the flame. H.) by captivity, and by spoil many days.  
34 Now when they shall fall, they shall be holpen with a little help: but many shall cleave unto them feignedly.  
35 And some of them of understanding shall fall to try them, and to purge, and to make white, till the time determined: (time of the end. H. till the time be out. G.B.) for it is yet for an appointed time, (A. P. Pol. better then, yet a term remaineth to the appointed time. I. ad. or there is an other time limited. L. V. other is not in the original: for there is a time appointed. B.G. but here the preposition is omitted.)  
36 And this king (I. the king. caeter. but the article set before noteth some special king) shall do what he list: (according to his will. H.) he shall exalt himself, and magnify himself above (against L.B.G.) all that is God, yea above the God of gods: he shall speak marvelous things, (he shall speak marvelous things against the God of gods. B.G.L.U. but the distinction rebia coming between, doth distinguish the sentences) and shall prosper, till the wrath be accomplished: for the determination is made. (in the decree of God. B.G.A. the determination shall be effected. I. but the verb is in the pretreperfect tense: the definition is perpetrated, that is, effected. L. but the thing decreed and defined was not yet come to pass: when impiety is come to the extremity. V. but, impiety, is not in the text.  
37 He shall not have any mind (understand. H.) unto the gods (not god. L. the word ●lohee, is in the plural) of his fathers, nor to the desires of women: (not he shall be in the desires of women. L. for the negative lo, must be supplied) nor to any god shall have any mind: for he shall magnify himself above all.  
38 But in his place (that is, of the true God) shall he honour the god of munitions (that is, whom he set up in his strong holds: the God of strength. V. to whom he ascribeth his power: the god Mauzzim. B. G. L. S. but it is no proper name, as the next verse showeth: as for the God of strength he shall worship in his place. I. Pol. Br. they understand Mauzzim here to be the true God, which can not be, see qu. 46. 10.) even the god, whom his fathers knew not, shall he honour with gold, and with silver, and with precious stones, and with pleasant things.  
39 And he shall make to be for holds (or places of defence) strong places (or places of munition. S. he shall make for the munition of the god Mauzzim. V. or he shall do this to defend Mauzzim. L. or this shall he do in the holds of Mauzzim. B. G. but, Mauzzim is here no proper name: he shall commit the munitions of the God of strength to a strange god. I. but Mauzzim here is not taken for the true God, see qu. 47. 7.) with a strange god: whom he that acknowledgeth (V. ●. better than whom he shall acknowledge. B. G. I. whom he shall not acknowledge. L. but there is no negative in the original) he shall increase with glory, and shall cause them to rule over many, and shall divide the land for a price. (V. for gain. B. G. gifts. S. not freely. L. or in stead of a price. I. see 47. qu. 7.)  
40 And about the time of the end (not, and of time. B. G. S. or appointed time. L. at the last. V. that is toward the end of his days) shall the king of the South push at him, and the king of the North shall come against him like a whirlwind, with charets, and with horsemen, and with many ships, and he shall enter into the countries, and overflow, and pass through.  
41 And he shall enter also into the pleasant land (or glorious. L. excellent. V. beautiful. I. tzebi. H. into the land of Sebain. S. but it is here no proper name) and many countries shall be overthrown: but these shall escape out of his hand, even Edom, and Moab, and the chief of the children of Ammon.  
42 He shall stretch forth his hand also upon the countries (lands. H.) and the land of Egypt shall not escape.  
43 But he shall have power over the hid treasures of gold, and of silver, and over all the precious things of Egypt: and the Lybians, and the Ethiopians (black Mores. G.) shall follow him (I. at his footsteps. H. not in their munitions. S. or the Lybians and Ethiopians shall be in his passage. L.U.G. see qu. 48. in the end)  
44 But the tidings out of the East, and North shall trouble him: therefore he shall go forth with great wrath (not with a great multitude. L.) to destroy and slay V. (or bequeath to slaughter. I. root out. G. B.) many.  
45 And he shall plant (pitch. L.) the tabernacles of his palace (his tabernacle Apadno. L. or Aphadano. S. see qu. 50.) between the two seas, in the glorious and holy mountain (mountain of glory and holiness. H.) yet he shall come to his end (or when he is come to his end. I. V. and none shall help him.   

3. The questions and doubts discussed.  

1. Quest. Whether this vision in the 11. Chap. be divers from the former vision in the 10. chapter.  
1. Hierome, who taketh the first words of v. 1. to be uttered by Daniel, that he prayed for the prosperity of Darius, thinketh that this vision is divers from the former, for that happened in the third year of Cyrus, c. 10. 1. this in the 1. of Darius: and so his opinion is, that at what time Daniel prayed for Darius in his first year, than these things were revealed unto him by the Angel: and so there is in the text a sudden change of the person: for in the 2. v. the Angel speaketh, behold, now I will show thee: whereas the former words were uttered by Daniel. And this he saith is not unusual in Scripture, for a person suddenly to be brought in not mentioned before: as, Psal. 32. v. 7. after David had said, thou art my secret place, than v. 8. the Lord is brought in speaking, I will instruct thee, and teach thee the way that thou shalt go, etc. Of this opinion with Hierome are the author of the scholastical history, Albertus, and Carthusian. Hug. Cardin.  
2. But the better opinion is, that this vision contained in this chapter, is continued with the former: which Lyranus proveth, because this chapter beginneth with the Hebrew conjunction va●, which showeth a coherence with the former. And it may further be thus confirmed, in the former chapter, v. 14. the Angel saith, I am come to show thee, what shall come to thy people in the latter days: But these things are not there declared to the Prophet: the things then which should befall the people of God, which the Angel came to declare to the people, are those things which are expressed in this chapter.  
3. Some do make this verse a part of the former chapter, and will have this to be the sense, as Michael helped me, so I again helped Michael, Vatab. Bulling. But it shall appear in the 3. question, that the Angel saith not here that he helped or strengthened Michael, but Darius rather.   

Quest. 2. v. 1. Who it was that here saith, I stood up, etc.  
1. Hierome, whose opinion is in part showed before, thinketh that Daniel speaketh these words, that he prayed unto God for Darius, that his kingdom might be confirmed and established, who had as much as in him lay, delivered Daniel from his enemies, and sealed the stone upon the mouth of the lion's den, that none of his adversaries should go in to hurt him: But the phrase showeth, I stood up to strengthen him, that this is not understood of prayer or desire to strengthen him, but of a power whereby he was strengthened.  
2. Some think, that these words were uttered by the Lord jesus Christ, as the former also in the 10. chapter, Oecolampad. But Christ needed not the assistance of any Angel, as he saith that Michael helped him, v. 13. and Michael which helped the Angel is rather understood to be Christ, see before, c. 10. quest. 22.  
3. Therefore this was the Angel Gabriel, who spoke before unto Daniel, and continueth his speech still: for whereas he faith, I stood up to strengthen him, he speaketh not this, as though he did it by his own power, but in Dei persona, in the person of God, Calvin. and officium suum solum commemorat, the Angel showeth only his office and ministery, Polan. he did only strengthen him, as Gods minister therein.   

3. Quest. Who it was whom the Angel stood up to strengthen.  
1. Lyranus understandeth here Daniel, whom the Angel strengthened in offering up his prayers unto God: that as Daniel prayed for Darius, so the Angel furthered therein daniel's prayers, quia efficacior est virtus angeli, quam hominis, because the strength of an Angel is greater than of a man: But beside that the Scripture doth not give any such office unto the Angels, to be the presenters of our prayers, the Angel speaketh to Daniel in the second person, v. 2. I came to show thee: but this speech is uttered in the third person, I stood up to strengthen him.  
2. Some do take this to be Michael the Arkeangel, whom this angel strengtheneth, Oecolamp. Vatab. and some make this the sense, that these two Angels joined together to suppress Satan, who animated and stirred up the Persians against the people of God, O●●and. But in the first of Darius, nothing was attempted against the Lord's people: all made for them: for the people then by the joint edict of Cyrus and Darius, were set free: some expound it thus: that if these two angels Michael and Gabriel were able to assist Darius to overcome the mighty Monarchy of Babylon, much more were they able to preserve the people of God now, Bulling. This sense is much to the purpose, saving that he understandeth Michael here to be an Angel, who is before proved to be Christ himself, c. 10. quest. 22. who could not be helped by a ministering Angel, being the commander and helper of Angels himself.  
3. The meaning than is, that the Angl helped Darius to subdue the Monarchy of Babylon: and herein is showed the accomplishment of the vision of the hand, writing the destruction of Balthasar and his kingdom upon the wall, Dan. 5. which handwriting was made by the ministery of the Angels, who by God's appointment assisted Darius in the subduing of the Babylonian state and Monarchy: so in effect the Angel thus reasoneth, that seeing by their ministery, the Babylonian Monarchy was overthrown, and the Persian state set up: they are as able to bridle the rage and fury of the Persian kings, as they were first to set them up, Calvi●▪ and the Angel here maketh mention of Darius, because he would briefly set forth both the beginning and end of the Persian Monarchy.   

Quest. 4. Why the Persian Monarchy is so briefly touched, and the Grecians set forth at large.  
These reasons may be yielded thereof. 1. because that the Empire of the Persians, was not so grievous unto the jews, neither did they so cruelly entreat the people of God, as did the Grecians, as the kingdom of the Seleucians, and P●olomies: therefore the Angel 〈◊〉 them lightly over. 2. And an other reason is, seeing the people were to endure much affliction under the kings of Syria and Egypt, but especially of Syria, it was requisite, that the people should be comforted against those times: and therefore the Angel at large declareth such things, as should befall the people of God, under those kings, but chiefly under Antiochus Epiphanes, jun. commentar.   

Quest. 5. That there were more than three kings of Persia, as may be gathered out of the Scripture.  
1. Concerning the just number of the kings, that there were neither three only, as the Hebrews, nor 5. as Tertullian lib. advers. judaeos, nor 8. only as Isidor. lib. 5. Etymol. and joannes Annius, whom I●annes Driedo, and joannes Lucidus follow, not yet so many, namely 14. as Pererius, and the most do hold, as is showed before quest. 37. upon the 9 Chapter.  
2. But the opinion of the Hebrews, who most of them hold that there were but 3. kings of Persia, Cyrus, Assuerus the husband of Esther, and Darius whom Alexander overcame: and some of them name a fourth beside, Cambyses between Cyrus and Assuerus: This opinion may evidently be refelled by Scripture: which maketh mention at the least of 5. kings of Persia: Pererius thinketh that six are named in Scripture: 1. Cyrus. 2. then Assuerus, called also Artaxerxes, which was Cambyses, who hindered the building of the Temple, Ezra. 4. 3. then Darius the son of Hystaspis, under whom the Temple was re-edified, Ezra. 5. under whom the Prophet's Haggie and Zacharie prophesied. 4. Artaxerxes Longimanus by whom Ezra and Nehemiah were sent, Ezra. 7. Nehem. 2. 5. the fifth was Assuerus the husband of Esther, which is thought to be Artaxerxes Mnemon. 6. and the sixth was Darius whom Alexander overcame, in whose time jaddua was high Priest, Nehem. 12. 22.  
But in this collection Pererius diversely faileth. 1. in that he maketh Assuerus and Artashasht mentioned Ezra. 4. to be all one, whereas the last named was Cambyses, the other Darius Hystaspis, as is showed before quest. 58. c. 9 2. he thinketh the Temple began to be re-edified under Darius Hystaspis, which was Darius Longimanus, as is showed before likewise, quest. 45. c. 9 3. he taketh Assuerus, esther's husband to be Artaxerxes Mnemon, which was rather Darius Hystaspis, for Mordecai his age, who was one of the captivity of jechonia, will not suffer the story to be deferred so long: see before c. 9 quest. 44.  
3. This than may be affirmed, that at the least five several kings of Persia, are named in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah: as Cyrus is mentioned, Ezra. 4. 3. then Assuerus, which was Darius Hystaspis, and before him, Artashasht, that is Cambyses, which first hindered the work of the Temple, Ezra. 4. 6, 7. afterward Darius, which was Artaxerxes Longimanus, Ezra. 6. 1. called also Artashasht, v. 24. and Darius the last king, Nehem. 12. 22.   

Quest. 6. Who were these four kings of Persia here named.  
1. Hierome leaving out Cyrus, because the account beginneth from him, nameth Cambyses, than Smerdes the usurper, after him Darius Hystaspis, and the fourth Xerxes: so also Hugo Car. and unto this opinion inclineth junius in his commentary: and he yieldeth this reason thereof, because Smerdes, though he were an usurper, yet quietly a while enjoyed the kingdom: But this Smerdes is not to be counted any of this number, because both he was an usurper: for this Smerdes, or as Polanus out of Ctesias calleth him Sphendadates, was he that accused Tanyoxares Cambyses brother, whom Cambyses caused to be taken out of the way by giving him bulls blood to drink, and then this Sphendadates was taken for Cambyses brother, and Cambyses being dead he usurped the kingdom: But he being discovered by Tibethes' Eunuch unto Amytis, Cambyses mother, the 7. governors of Persia conspired to kill him, and then Darius Hystaspis was elected king, because he procured by art his horse first to neigh at the rising of the Sun, (whom the Persians worship as their God) as was agreed between them before. Beside, as this Sphendadates was an usurper, so he reigned only 7. months, as Herodotus, therefore in both these respects, because he was an usurper, and held not the kingdom long, he is to be excluded out of the number of the Persian kings, Bulling.  
2. The Hebrews thus count them, Cyrus, Cambyses, Artaxerxes Assuerus, making Darius the fourth, whom Alexander overcame: But it is proved before quest. 5. that the Scripture maketh mention of more kings of Persia then these: and this Darius, as Hierome saith, was the 14. king from Cyrus: but he was in true account the tenth at the least.  
3. Pintus out of Metashenes thus setteth them down, after Cyrus, the first was Artaxerxes Assuerus, than Darius Longimanus, after him Darius Nothus, and the fourth was Artaxerxes Mnemon: But here are two famous kings omitted: Cyrus, who must be numbered for one, because this vision was in the 1. of Darius: from him Cyrus was the first: and Xerxes, who was indeed that rich king of Persia.  
4. Melancthon likewise omitteth Xerxes and nameth Artaxerxes Longimanus for the fourth, because he reigned at home while Xerxes made war abroad in Europe: But this fourth king must be he, that stirred up all against Grecia, which was Xerxes, and not Artaxerxes his son.  
5. Oecolampadius and Pelican, do thus name them. 1. Cyrus. 2. Cambyses. 3. Smerdes. 4. Darius Hystaspis: But this Darius of purpose invaded not the Grecians, but set upon Asia minor, and then the Grecians challenging jonia to belong unto them, by that occasion Darius also encountered with the Grecians, and was overcome by Miltiades at Marathon: But Xerxes continued the war begun by his father, and did of purpose provoke the Grecians to battle, jun. commentar.  
6. These than were the three Rings. 1. Cyrus. 2. Cambyses his son. 3. Darius Hystaspis. 4. and the fourth was Xerxes, who is described by his riches, and his attempting of war against the Grecians: to the three first kings the Grecians gave these titles: Cyrus was called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a father, Cambyses, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Lord over them, and Darius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a merchant: a railer and extorter of tribute, H. Br. in Daniel. this reckoning follow Calv. Pol. jun. in his annot. Osiand. Pappus.   

Quest. 7. Of the fourth king of Persia his riches and power.  
Two things are here expressed concerning this fourth king, 1. that he should be richer than they all: for beside the great sums of treasure which Darius Xerxes' father had gathered together, he was 6. years after in making preparation for the wars of Grecia: and being thus grown to exceeding great riches, than he began these wars against the Grecians, which though intermitted a while, yet were not fully ended until the Monarchy of the Persians was finally overthrown by the power of Grecia under Alexander. 2. it is said, he should raise all against the realm of Grecia; herein three things are to be considered: 1. the preparation to this war. 2. the success thereof. 3. the end of this rich king. First his preparation was wonderful, Polanus out of Ctesias saith his army consisted of 800. thousand men, and a thousand ships. Calvine reckoneth 900. thousand: Osiander out of jostine counteth a 1000 thousand men, and a 1000 thousand ships: but Herodotus goeth yet further, and maketh the whole sum 23. hundred thousand. Pererius exceedeth them all, collecting that the whole army, quinquies continebat decies centena millia, contained 5. times 10. hundred thousand. But this number seemeth to be incredible: yet without question he provided an huge army, in so much that it is said, he drunk up rivers, made bridges over the Sea, cast down huge mountains, and made them even with the ground. 2. now for his success, he was overcome in 4. battles, and within the space of two years, all this huge company was vanquished and destroyed: first, he was foiled at Thermopilae, where 300. Lacedæmonians discomfited the whole army of the Persians: then he was overcome by Sea at Artemisium, afterward at Salamine, where finding the bridge broken down, he was constrained to fly away in a small boat: lastly Mardonius, by whose counsel he took that war in hand, was vanquished at Plateae; And such was the success of that war. 3. Now the end of Xerxes was this, at his return he fell into inordinate lust and cruelty: he committed incest with his brother's wife, and daughter, and caused his own brother Masistes to be slain, and he himself was killed by Artabanus, who a while usurped the kingdom after him: And this was the end of this rich and mighty king of Persia.   

Quest. 8. Why the Angel leaveth at the fourth king of Persia, seeing there were more.  
1. Lyranus his opinion here is not sound, that thinketh, following the Hebrews, that none of the Persian kings are here omitted: and taketh this fourth king to be the last Darius, that was overcome by Alexander: but both the continuance of the Persian Monarchy, and the number of the Persian kings agreed upon almost by all historians, overthroweth this opinion. 2. yet although there were more kings of Persia then sour, diverse reasons may be alleged, why the Angel stayeth at the fourth and proceedeth no further. 1. the spirit of God intended not to follow the order of the history, sed praeclara quaeque praestringere, but to touch only the principal and special things, Hierome, Hugo Card. 2. Theodoret saith the reason is, because the Angel would only set down the most mighty kings of Persia, omitting the rest: and to the same purpose Bullinger and Polanus, because it is said, there shall stand up three kings of Persia: the Angel only speaketh of the flourishing state of ●● at Empire, before it began to decay, as it did presently after Xerxes' time. 3. Some give this reason, that the other kings of Persia are omitted here, because they are supplied out of other books of the Scripture, as of Ezra, Nehemiah, and some of the Prophets, Pappus. 4. junius addeth, because the history of the Persian kings following concerned not the people of God: their chief business afterward fell out with the Grecians, in commentar. 5. But the most special reason is, the Angel only nameth those kings by whom the jews were held in captivity: and such as hindered the work of the Temple; and as Oecolampad. out of Eudoxius, their governments are spoken of, in which there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the hindrance of the work, and staying of the building of the Temple, which the Prophet took greatest care and thought for: to the same purpose M. Calvin. by standing, understandeth those kings, which stood against the people of God. 6. Add hereunto that the Prophet maketh a cursary mention of them, to insinuate in what short time these four kings should run out the race of their kingdom; for first Cyrus, in whose third the Temple was hindered, reigned not long after: some think that Cyrus going against a people of the Indians called Derbices, which used to devour their parents when they were old, thinking it a more honourable end for them, then to be eaten of worms, fell from his horse, and then was wounded in the thigh by a dart cast at him by an Indian, and so died, Polan, ex Cresia. but the more received opinion is out of Herodotus, that he was slain of Queen Tomyris, and his head being cut off was cast into a bowl of blood: yet Xe●ophon writeth that Cyrus being aged died in his bed, giving fatherly and grave exhortations to his sons. After him Cambyses having reigned not much above 6. years, was wounded by his own sword, and so died: Darius Hystaspis, being 20. years old when Cyrus went against Queen Tomyris, and living but 43. years in all, enjoyed not his kingdom 36. years, as most think, nor yet half so much: Xerxes' time could not be long: H. Br. giveth but 31. years to the Persian Monarchy unto the second of Darius Longimanus, and maketh the 49. years, for the re-edifying of the Temple, to coucurre with the 20. of Darius Longimanus, whom he supposeth reigning at home, while his father Xerxes was occupied in the Greek wars, being but then a young man, to have given liberty in his 2. year for the re-edifying of the Temple: but if 30. years be only allowed for the reign of Cyrus, Cambyses, Darius, and Xerxes, Darius Longimanus cannot be thought to be then of years to have sons, as he had, Ezra. 6. 10. But allow 49. years unto the 2. of Darius, as is further proved, c. 9 quest. 58. this was but a short time for the reign of four such potent kings.  
7. This also being joined to the former may make the former reasons more full, why the Angel endeth it at Xerxes, and so passeth unto Alexander's time, because then the quarrel begun between the Persians and the Grecians, which was never laid down, till the Grecians had overthrown the Persian Monarchy. And so Alexander in an epistle to Darius Codomannus, as Arrianus writeth, lib. 2. pretendeth this as the cause of his war against the Persians: Maitores vestri Mecedoniam ingressi, etc. Your Ancestors invaded Macedonia, and all Grecia beside, and offered them many wrongs, whereas they had received none: wherefore I being created Emperor of the Grecians, being willing to revenge their wrongs, am come over into Asia being provoked by you.   

Quest. 9 A brief description of the rising and fall of Alexander's kingdom, v. 3. 4.  
The Angel briefly toucheth both the rising up and the fall of Alexander's kingdom. 1. the rising of his kingdom is described, by two adjuncts. 1. he shall be mighty: for with 30. thousand footmen, and 5. thousand horsemen, he took upon him to conquer the whole world. 2. and it is said he shall stand up: whereby is noted the suddenness of his rising, and the singular dexterity that was in him to achieve that which he intended and purposed: the effects are likewise two, 1. he shall rule with great dominion: his Empire was large, for beside other countries, which he subdued, he possessed all the great Monarchy of Persia. 2. he shall doc according to his pleasure, he shall be prosperous in all his enterprises, and prevail in his wars, according to his own desires.  
2. The fall and ruin of his kingdom is likewise described, first in general, then in particular. 1. In general both by the circumstance of time, when he shall stand up, that is, after he hath stood a short time: for not above seven years had Alexander reigned, when his kingdom, together with his life was dissolved, jun. commentar. and even when his kingdom was come to the height, and he expected ambassadors at Babylon from all the world, he died at Babylon: As also the manner is showed, by a Metaphor, it shall be broken, like as when a brittle thing is broken into many pieces and shivers.  
2. In particular two things are expressed, the subject of this kingdom, and the quality and condition of it. 1. the subject is declared affirmatively, it shall be divided into the 4. winds, that is to four kings and chief governors, negatively, not to any of his posterity, which is amplified by a Metaphorical speech, it shall be pulled up, as a thing by the roots, in respect of his own succession: and others shall be planted in their stead, in the place of his successors: for so is the meaning of those words, to others beside those, that is, it shall be given unto those four successor, of Alexander, beside his own heirs.  
2. For the quality of these kingdoms, they shall not be like in power unto Alexander's. as it is said, not according to his dominion.   

Quest. 10. Of Alexander's birth, and education, acts and life, end and death abriged.  
1. For the first, Philip king of Macedonia, was father to Alexander, and his mother's name was Olympias: he was borne about the 2. year of the 106. Olympiad: the same day, wherein he was borne, the great Temple of Diana at Ephesus was set on fire, which the Magicians interpreted to signify, that one was then borne, who should set all Asia on fire: at 15. years of age he was committed to Aristotle to be instructed, and in his youth was of such magnanimity, that when his father had conquered any city he would say, that his father would leave nothing for him to win.  
2. At 20. years of age he sit upon the conquest of all the world: in his acts and life three things are memorable, his virtues, his monuments and exploits, his notable vices. 1. his virtues may be thus divided, into his moral, and military virtues: As his moral were these, his continency, before he tasted of the pleasures of Asia: he preserved the chastity of Darius' beautiful wife and daughters, and would not so much as see them: his clemency and humanity was great even towad his enemies: but his liberality exceeded all the rest: he gave 23. thousand talents among his soldiers: see more of his virtues, c. 2. quest. 48.  
His military virtues were excellent. 1. his courage, that with 30. thousand footmen, and 5. thousand horsemen durst adventure to bid battle to the whole world. 2. his patient labour in enduring hunger and thirst, frost and cold. 3. his dexterity and celerity in omitting no opportunity. 4. and hereunto may be added his singular success, he never besieged any city but he took it.  
2. His exploits were singular. 1. he enlarged the Empire of the Grecians, and made them Lords of the whole world. 2. he built many cities 70. in number as Plutarch writeth, whereof Alexandria in Egypt was one. 3. he reduced many barbarous nations from their savage and brutish manners to civility, as is further showed, c. 2. quest. 48.  
3. And his vices which he fell into after he had glutted himself with the pleasures of Asia, were not inferior to his virtues: four notable vices among the rest reigned in him. 1. drunkenness, he would drink so excessively, that he would lie 2. or 3. days till he had s●●pt out his drink. 2. in his drink he was cruel and outrageous: in his rage he killed his dear friend Clitus, much lamenting his death afterward. 3. he was given to the wantonness and pleasure of the flesh. 4. And at length he grew so intolerable proud, that he made himself jupiters' son, for which cause he commanded Calisthenes to be killed, because he refused to worship him: see before, c. 8. quest. 16.  
3. Then Alexander's end was this, in the 32. year of his age he died at Babylon. some think of poison: but he died rather of surfeiting and drunkenness, continuing quaffing so long, at a physicians house a Thessalian, that he fell into a burning fever, at such time, as he expected ambassadors from the remote countries of the world, out of Africa, Europa, as out of Spain, and Italy, and so in few days after he sickened, he died, having no time to return into his own co●ntrey, nor space to appoint his successor: see more c. 8. quest. 16.   

Quest. 11. Of the four successors of Alexander.  
Concerning three of Alexander's successors there is no question: Ptolomeus the son of Lagus possessed Egypt the kingdom of the South: Seleucus reigned in Syria and Babylon, in the East, which in respect of judea was counted the North: and Antigonus held Asia minor in respect of Egypt on the North: but there is some question, who was Alexander's successor in the kingdom of Macedonia in the West.  
1. The received opinion is, that Arideus called Philippus the brother of Alexander succeeded in the Macedonian kingdom, as Hierome, Lyranus, Hugo Card. Pintus, Bullinger. But Arideus cannot properly be counted Alexander's successor, because he was but chosen king for a time until Alexander's sons came to age: and he had but the name of a king: Perdiccas was chosen Tutor and protector of the Empire, and Seleucus master of the horse, which was the second place in dignity: Craterus Treasurer, Antipater governor of Macedonia and Grecia: and beside the text saith, that the kingdom should not be left to any of Alexander's posterity, that is, heirs or kindred: But his brother was one of his posterity and kindred.  
2. another opinion is, that Antipater one of Alexander's chief captains succeeded in Macedonia, Osiand. but this can not be neither: for though Antipater were set over Macedonia, as other of Alexander's captains were appointed their several regiments, before the kingdom was shared and divided into four parts; yet because Aridaeus was then living, to whom by general consent of the captains, the name and title of the king was yielded, during the nonage of Alexander's children, Antipater could not be said to succeed in that kingdom.  
3. Wherefore Cassander rather the son of Antipater, who usurped the kingdom of Macedonia, as soon as Aridaeus was dead, is rather held to be one of the four successors in the kingdom, jun. Polan. Calv. Pap. Calvin thinketh that Cassander was Antipater's father: true it is that he had two sons, Antipater and Alexander; but they by mutual parricide made an end one of an other, and held not the kingdom long after their father: But Cassander which reigned 18. or 19 years over Macedonia, was the son also of Antipater.   

Quest. 12. How all Alexander's posterity was rooted out, that none of them succeeded in the kingdom.  
1. Hierome thus expoundeth these words, not to his posterity, quia Alexander liberos non habuit, because Alexander had no children, which Pintus thus with favour interpreteth, that he had no son, which succeeded him: but if Hieromes words be well marked, he giveth this as a reason, why the kingdom was devolued to strangers, because Alexander had no children: whereas he had two sons, Alexander by Roxane, and Hercules of Barsines, as Trogus and justinus testify.  
2. Some writers think, that Alexander had a son called Alexander by Thalestra, Queen of the Amazons, as Q. Curtius, Clitarchus, Polycritus, Onexicritus affirm: but that is by other historians held to be but a fable: as Hecataeus, Philippus Chalcidicus, Duris Samius, Plutarch Cheronens. Philo Thebanus, with others, ex Pinto. for this Alexander was Alexander's son by his wife Roxane.  
3. This than was Alexander's posterity and kindred which he left behind him: his mother Olympias, and Pyrrhus his uncle king of Epirus, his brother Aridens, and his sister Cleopatra, his two wives with their two sons, Roxane with Alexander, and Barsines with Hercules, they were eight in all: Olympias causeth Arideus to be killed: Cassander thereupon taketh occasion to put Olympias to death being almost 80. year old, and poisoneth both Alexander's sons, Alexander and Hercules, with Roxane Alexander's wife: Cleopatra Alexander's sister, the governor of the Sardians, who was base brother to Philip Alexander's father, procured to be killed, therein thinking to gratify Antigonus: last of all Pyrrhus was vanquished by Antigonus Demettius son, and his head cut off. And thus in few years all Alexander's posterity was cut off, that none lived to succeed him.   

13. Quest. Of the meaning of these words, v. 4. It shall be for others beside those.  
1. Whereas it is said in the text in the end of the fourth verse, it shall be given to others beside, Hierome readeth strangers for others: the word acharim, signifieth both strangers and others: by stranger's Hierome understandeth other captains, beside these four, as Perdiccas, Crateron, Lysimachus, which had some part of Alexander's dominions. Theodoret interpreteth it of other strangers of foreign nations: as in the reign of some of the posterity of the first successors of Alexander, the Parthians fell away from the kingdom of Syria and Babylon, by the instigations of Arsaces' a Persian, of whom the kings of Persia a long time after were called Arsacidae. But neither of these expositions can stand here: not the first, because before in this verse, mention is made only of the division of the kingdom into the four winds: so that we are referred only to that famous division of the kingdom into four parts, and to none other: not the latter, because that falling away of the Parthians was well nigh an 100 years after Alexander's death, in the time of Seleucus grandchild to Antiochus the son of Seleucus Nicanor, as justine writeth, lib. 41. By others then, here are meant none else, but those four general captains, who divided Alexander's kingdom among them: yet it shall not be amiss here somewhat to touch the petty divisions of the kingdom, before it grew into four parts, and of Alexander's several captains, with their ends.   

14. Quest. Of the petty divisions of Alexander's kingdom among his several captains, before it grew into four, and of their mutual dissension.  
Three things here shall be briefly touched concerning Alexander's captains, 1. of their feveral divisions. 2. of their civil wars, which they made one with an other. 3. of their bloody ends.  
1. After that Alexander's captains had by a general consent chosen officers for the whole kingdom, Arideus was appointed Viceroy during the nonage of Alexander's children: Perdiccas, protector, whom Antipater afterward succeeded in that place: Seleucus general for the army: Craterus Treasurer: then they sorted the several Provinces among them: Ptolomeus had Egypt, Laomedon Syria, Philotas Cilicia, Antigonus Lycia, Pamphylia, and Prygia the greater, Cassander Caria, Menander Lydia, Leonatus Phrygia the less: Eumenes Cappadoeia and Paphlagonia, Phiton Media. ex Curtio. Lysimachus Thracia, Antipater Ma●edonia. H. Br. And justinus maketh mention beside of others: to Nicanor called Seleucus, were committed the Parthians, to Amyntas the Bactrians, to Neoptolemus the Persians, to Peucestes the Babylonians, to Philippus the Hyrcanians. And the other Provinces remained under their government, which held them Alexander yet living. Thus Alexander's Empire being distributed among so many petty governors, 15. or 16. in all, could not long so continue under so many masters, but they presently fell at variance among themselves. And in this respect Demades wittily compared Alexander's army when he was dead, to Cyclops the huge giant when he had lost his eye: for as that huge body wanting light to direct it, hit here and there, and could not guide itself: so this unruly company wanting a guide, dashed one upon an other, as a ship without a pilot runneth upon the rocks and sands.  
2. We are in the next place then briefly to see the civil dissension and wars which were moved among these captains.  
1. The first war was begun through the ambition of Perdiccas, who being in greater authority than the rest, intended to marry Cleopatra Alexander's sister, and so to take upon him the government: which his purpose that he might the better achieve, he first enterpriseth to remove the lets and impediments: and sendeth Eumenes against Antipater, and Antigonus, and he himself goeth against Ptolemy into Egypt: but he was slain of his own soldiers: and not long after Alcetas his brother, and his sister were slain also: and this was his end, who was the first beginner of sedition.  
2. After this a second stir began between Eumenes, and Antigonus: in which battle Neoptolemus and Craterus were slain, and Eumenes was betrayed by his soldiers unto Antigonus, whom he killed.  
3. Then Cassander after he had most treacherously extinguished Alexander's family, quarreleth with Antigonus, from whom he would have taken certain cities in Asia, and joineth with Ptolemy, and Seleucus, who feared Antigonus greatness: but Antigonus vanquisheth Cassander, and maketh him to restore the cities in Asia.  
4. After this Antigonus setteth upon Seleucus, and Ptolemy: but first he was overcome by Ptolemy at Tyrus, who took Demetrius Antigonus sons pavilion, with all the princely furniture, but restored it again: afterward Demetrius surprised Cilles one of Ptolomes' captains, and 8000. men, but returned them safe to Ptolemy, to requite his former humanity and kindness.  
5. Then followed a soar battle between all of the chief captains remaining, not far from Ephesus: on the one side were Seleucus and his son Antiochus, Lysimachus, and Ptolomes' forces: on the other Antigonus: the night before the battle, Antigonus had a vision, wherein Alexander appeared, saying unto him, that now he would go unto his enemies: whereby Antigonus understood, that having been hitherto victorious, he should be overcome now: And so it fell out, for as he pursued Antiochus in battle, he was slain by Seleucus horsemen, being almost 80. year old: his son fled to Athens, and renewed the war, but he was taken by Seleucus, and long survived not his father: then the rest divided the kingdom of Antigonus among them.  
6. The last battle between Alexander's captains, was between Lysimachus and Seleucus. This Lysimachus was a man of valour: for being familiar with calisthenes, whom Alexander killed, he was commanded to be cast unto the lions: but he killed the lion, and so escaped: for which his valour he was afterward much made of by Alexander. But this Lysimachus among his virtues, had enormous vices: he married two sisters, and had children by them both, but the one killed the others child: the mother for succour fled unto the other kings allied unto her: hereupon began the quarrel between Lysimachus and Seleucus: but Lysimachus being overcome, was slain. Melancth. ex Pausan.  
3. In the last place let us take a view of their bloody ends. Perdiccas' first killed Meleager: Ptolemy killeth Cleomenes Perdiccas' friend: and Perdiccas himself is slain of his own soldiers, going against Ptolemy. Craterus and Neoptolemus are slain in battle: Philotas killeth Phiton: and he with Eumenes are slain by Antigonus: Antigonus fight against Seleucus is killed: Lysimachus by Seleucus, Seleucus is slain by Ptolemy Ceraunus brother to Ptolemy Philadelphus then reigning in Egypt: and the same Ceraunus not long after was slain by Brennus: Demetrius Antigonus son rooteth out the house of Cassander: and so he and his posterity held the kingdom of Macedonia, until the Romans possessed it. And this was the end of Alexander's captains.   

15. Quest. Why the Angel prosecuteth the story only of the king of the South, and of the North, omitting the the rest.  
Two reasons may be yielded hereof. 1. The other kingdoms, the one of Asia the less in the North to Egypt, which fell unto Antigonus, after he was slain and vanquished by Seleucus, was divided among the other captains, and so it was extinguished: and the other kingdom of Macedonia in the West, was translated from Cassander and his posterity, unto Demetrius the son of Antigonus: neither was it in power answerable unto the other two kingdoms, of Syria, and Egypt: and therefore these only are mentioned: for vers. 5. the Angel speaketh only of two mighty kingdoms, which should prevail above the rest.  
2. another reason is, judea stood in the mids between these two kingdoms of Syria and Egypt, by which occasion, these king's waging battle one against an other, judea being in the mids, went to wrack between them: Melancthon. And sometime the jews favoured one, and sometime an other, and then the adversary part still afflicted them: and thus between these two kings were the jews molested the space of three hundred years. Lyranus. And a third cause there was of trouble unto the jews: sometime the Ptolemy's of Egypt challenged the government and sovereignty of judea, sometime the kings of Syria: but in the last social war against Antigonus it was agreed, that the most part of judea should belong unto the Seleucians, as Antiochus the great allegeth in an embassage sent unto Ptolemy Philopator king of Egypt: Polyb. lib. 5. Therefore mention is made only of these two kings, because they only had to do with the people of God: and as Hierome saith, scripturae propositum est, non externam absque Iudais historiam texere, it is the intent and purpose of the Scripture, not to follow a foreign history without respect unto the jews. And josephus hereof thus writeth, Antiocho magno in Asia regnant, etc. While Antiochus the great reigned in Asia, judea was continually troubled and Coelesyria: for while he had war with Ptolomeus Philopator, and his son Epiphanes, whether he did overcome, or were overcome, they went to wrack, even like unto a ship driven to and fro of the winds: inter prosperam & adversam Antiochi fortunam iactat a est, judea was tossed up and down between the prosperous and adverse fortune of Antiochus. joseph. lib. 12. antiquit. c. 3.   

16. Quest. Of the Kings of Egypt, and Syria, of whom Daniel prophesieth in this Chapter.  
The kings of Egypt which succeeded one another after the division of Alexander's kingdom into four parts, were these:  
1. Ptolomeus the son of Lagus, called Ptolomeus Soter, which signifieth a saviour; because he rescued divers kings that fled unto him for succour, as Seleucus, and Pyrrhus' king of Epyrus: but he contrary to his name made havoc of Syria and judea.  
2. Ptolomeus Philadelphus, so called, either because he married his own sister, or by the contrary, because he killed two of his brothers. jun. in commentar.  
3. Ptolemy Euergetes, a benefactor: he was a great favourer and patron of learning, as his father was: the Egyptians called him a benefactor, because he brought home the images from Babylon which Cambyses had carried away.  
4. Ptolomeus Philopator, so called by the contrary, for he killed his father, mother, and brother.  
5. Ptolomeus, surnamed Epiphanes, that is, the famous or renowned.  
6. Ptolomeus Philometor, which signifieth a lover of his mother, or beloved of his mother, by the contrary, for his mother hated him.  
7. Ptolomeus Physcon, so called of his great belly.  
8. Ptolemy Lathurus, so named because being exiled by his mother, he secretly practised to return again.  
9 Ptolemy Auletes, so surnamed the piper, because he would publicly in his princely habit contend with fiddlers and pipers, to exceed them in fiddling and piping.  
10. He left behind him his son Ptolemy Dyonisius, and Cleopatra: this Dyonisius caused Pompey to be killed, that fled thither for succour, being overcome of Cesar: who because he afterward practised against julius Cesar, was by him commanded to be slain, and the kingdom was given to Cleopatra his sister, who afterward married to Antonius. ex Melancth. Bulling. And these were the Egyptian kings, until the Romans reduced it into a Province after the death of Antonius and Cleopatra.   

These also were the kings of Syria, called the kings of the North.  
1. The founder and beginner of this kingdom was Seleucus surnamed Nicanor.  
2. Next unto him was Antiochus surnamed Soter, a saviour.  
3. Then Antiochus called Theos, which signifieth God, because he required divine ho●●●● to be given unto him, Bulling. or, as Pausanias, he was saluted by that title of the Mile●ians for expelling their tyrants.  
4. Seleucus Callinicus, which signifieth an excellent warriet, the son of Antiochus Theos by Laodice: his brother Antiochus Hierax, so termed for his rapacity, reigned together with him in an other part of the kingdom.  
5. Seleucus Ceraunus, that is, a flashing or lightning, was the next, but he reigned not long, therefore by some he is omitted, as Hugo Card. Melancth.  
6. Antiochus' surnamed Megas, the great, succeeded his brother Ceraunus.  
7. Then Seleucus Philopator (so called, because his father loved him) reigned: but not long.  
8. Antiochus Epiphanes, the famous, by the contrary, for he was of a base nature, and despised, v. 2. or rather as some call him Epimanes, the mad or furious Antiochus, succeeded Philopator.  
Thus far the prophecy of Daniel is extended to the 8. king of Syria, which was Epiphanes, and to the 6. of Egypt Ptolemy Philometor. At these the prophesy stayeth, because the principal intendment of this prophesy is, to foreshow the troubles, which the people of God should endure under Antiochus Epiphanes: and this prophesy there ending, signifieth that the coming of the Messiah was not far off: and beside after this time, when such havoc was made of the people of God by Antiochus, the kings of Syria (as a just recompense for their cruelty against God's people) did one cut an others throat, and so the kingdom by civil dissension was rend a sunder, until it came unto the Romans. These than were the kings that succeeded Epiphanes.  
9 Antiochus Eupator Epiphanes son, whom Demetrius his uncles son killeth.  
10. Demetrius succeed, whom one Alexander feigning to be Epiphanes son, killeth, and usurpeth the kingdom by Ptolemy Philometors means.  
11. Demetrius Nicanor son of the other Demetrius, killeth Alexander.  
12. Antiochus Sedetes expelleth Demetrius his brother.  
13. Tryphon killeth Sedetes, and is king.  
14. Antiochus the brother of Demetrius called Eusebes for his piety, because having besieged jerusalem in the feast of the Tabernacles, for reverence of their feast he did forbear them, and sent them sacrifices to offer, he killeth Tryphon: and he himself is slain in a battle by Arsaces' king of the Parthians.  
15. Demetrius Nicanor is restored again to his kingdom.  
16. One Alexander usurpeth the kingdom, who is overcome by Antiochus Gryphus.  
17. Antiochus' called Gryphus of his Eagles or hooked nose, was the son of Demetrius: between him and Antiochus Cyzicenus so named of the place where he was brought up, the son of Sedetes, was great war.  
18. Seleucus the son of Gryphus prosecuteth his father's quarrel, he killeth Cyzicenus. Thus the family of the Seleucians by mutual discord, was at the length extinguished, and then Tygranes king of Armenia taking advantage of this civil dissension, usurped the kingdom, and held it certain years until he was subdued by Pompey. Melancth. Bulling.   

17. Quest. Of the first Ptolemy called here the king of the South.  
1. This Ptolemy was held to be the son of Lagus, but in truth he was the son of Philippus king of Macedon, who married his mother being great with child, unto Lagus. 2. Alexander for his singular valour exalted him, justin. for when Alexander was in danger at Oxydrace, he only of all his friends rescued him. 3. He was the chief author of dividing the Empire, and took upon him the government of Egypt, slaying Cleomenes the governor thereof, and he overcame Perdiccas, that came against him with an army. 4. After the death of Perdiccas, he recovered Phoenicia, Syria, and Cyprus to his kingdom, and by his son Megas obtained Cyrene. Pausan. in Attic. 5. He restored Pyrrhus' king of Epyrus to his kingdom, and Seleucus expelled by Antigonus, fleeing unto him for succour. Hierome. 6. But he was cruel to the jews, invading them upon the Sabbath day, when they suspected nothing, and carried many of them away captive: but afterward he became more indifferent toward them, giving them the like privilege in Alexandria, as the Macedonia●s had. joseph. lib. 12. antiquit. 7. He reigned well nigh forty years after Alexander's death, and died in the 124. Olympiad, (as Polybius writeth) in the same year that Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy Ceraunus likewise ended their days. 8. He left behind him Philadelpus, Ceraunus, and other children beside. Pausan. And this was the king of the South (that is of Egypt, which was South to judea,) which (the text saith, v. 5.) shall be mighty.   

18. Quest. v. 5. One of his Princes shall prevail, who is meant hereby.  
1. Hierome, whom Lyranus, Hugo Card. Pintus follow, understand this to be Ptolemy Philadelphus, who succeeded Ptolemy Lagi, and grew to be mightier than he: he had 200. thousand footmen, and 20. thousand horsemen, 15. hundred ships of war, and a 1000 ships for burden: so Hierome.  
2. junius in his commentary, and in his annotations is of the same opinion, that the pronoun (his) hath reference to the king of the South before named: and by Princes, understandeth sons: as David's sons are said to be his chief Princes, 2. Sam. 8. And they are called Princes, rather than sons, because they were not the legitimate sons of Ptolemy. And beside this philadelphus, after the manner of the Persians, married his own sister Arsinoe, so that the children which he had by her, were rather called his Princes, than sons; jun. in commentar.  
But the words of the text following, he shall prevail above him, (or, as some read) against him, G. B. will not bear this sense: for these words do imply a contention, which should be the greater: but this was not between the father and the son: rather Ptolemy the father made his son great, being his younger son he appointed him to be heir of the kingdom, and as justine saith, resigned unto him the kingdom being yet alive, thinking it to be a greater honour to be a king's father, than the king: neither can it be showed, that this Ptolemy more enlarged the kingdom, than his father had done.  
3. Therefore, by one of his Princes, is rather to be understood, one of his, that is, Alexander's Princes, and that was Seleucus Nicanor, who was king of Babylon and Syria, which was North to judea: so Melanct. Vatabl. Calvin, Osiand. Bulling. Genevens. B. Polanus. 1. This Seleucus was of such strength, that when a wild bull, as Alexander was sacrificing, broke loose, he held him by the horns alone and stayed him, whereupon he gave the horns in his arms: which doth fitly answer unto the description of the fourth beast with ten horns, c. 7. 8. which signified the kingdom of the Seleucians, Appian. in Syriac. it is said, that Seleucus and his posterity had naturally the sign of an anchor in their thigh, Melanct. 2. This Seleucus overcame Antigonus, though he were before by him expelled out of Babylon: and he divided his kingdom: likewise he caused his son Demetrius to yield himself unto him: he also slew valorous Lysimachus, who in Alexander's time, being cast unto a lion, slew him. 3. He much enlarged his kingdom: he reigned over Babylon, and Media, Mesopotamia, Armenia, Cappadocia: and over the Persians, Parthians, Arabians, Bactrians, Hyrcanians: and possessed all from the borders of Phrygia even unto the river Indus: and passing over that river, he likewise warred with Sandracotus king of the Indians: never any possessed more countries in Asia then this Seleucus, only Alexander excepted. Polan. 4. He builded many goodly cities, sixteen of them he called after his father's name Antiochia, six by his mother's name Laodicea, nine after his own name, Seleucia: three by his wives name Apamea, and one Stratonica by his other wives name: the most famous of these cities, which afterward continued, were two called by the name Seleucia, one by the Mediterranean sea, the other by the river Tigris: Laodicea in Phoenicia, Antiochia under Libanus, and Apamea in Syria. Many other cities he called by Greek or Macedonian names: as Berrhea, Edessa, Perinthus, Maronea, Callipolis, Achaia, Pella, Amphipolis, Arethusa, Cholcis, Larissa, Apollonia: In Parthia Sotera, Calliope, Hecatompolis, Achaia: in India Alexandropolis: in Scythia Alexandrescota: So that Seleucus dominion was mightier and larger, than the kings of the South. H. Br. in Daniel. 5. This Seleucus was somewhat equal and favourable toward the jews: he did enfranchise them in all his cities which he builded in Asia and Syria, with the same privileges which the Macedonians had, joseph. lib. 12. c. 3. which he did to make them his friends against Ptolemy Soter. 6. But at length he was circumvented, and slain by Ptolemy Ceraunus, brother to Ptolemy Philadelphus. Melancthon.   

19 Quest. That this kingdom of the North is the same which Ezekiel calleth Gog and Magog.  
That Ezekiel, c. 38. and Daniel here agree in their description of the same kingdom, may appear by these reasons. 1. because the kingdom of Gog is also there called the kingdom of the North, Ezek. 38. 15. Come from thy place out of the North parts, thou, and much people with thee: and here also he is called the king of the North. 2. The nations which do accompany Gog, as Magog, Meshech, Gomer, Togarmah, Pharas, Put, the ●●ebrews themselves understand to be the nations inhabiting, Cappadocia, Galatia, Iberia, Armenia: all which were under the command and obedience of the king of the North. 3. The building of cities throughout those countries, and the calling of them by the names of the Seleucians, and their kinted, are evident arguments of the foveraigntie which they had over those nations: so that we need seek no further for that great Gog, whom Ezekiel speaketh of. 4. And further, as Ezekiel prophesieth, c. 38. 23. that after the overthrow of Gog, the Lord would be magnified and sanctified among many nations, which was performed by the coming of the Messias: so it came to pass: for not long after the destruction of this kingdom of the North, and the end of that family of the Seleucians, Christ came into the world. And this is the common opinion of the Hebrews, as Ab. Ezra, and Kimhi testify, that after the overthrow of Gog, Messiah should ●aigne. 5. Wherefore seeing this prophesy is fulfilled already, they are deceived, which defer the fulfilling of Ezekiels' prophesy until the end of the world, wherein they give great advantage unto the jews, who think that their Messiah, when he cometh, shall vanquish the power of Gog and Magog. H. Br. in Daniel.   

20. Quest. Of the first variance between the king of the South, and the king of the North: and of their joining together again.  
v. 6. In the end of the years they shall be joined together again. 1. It is evident than that first the league made between the first kings of the North and South Ptolemy Lagi, and Seleucus, was afterward broken: which was upon this occasion: Antiochus Soter succeeded Seleucus, and married his father's wife Stratonica, by the advise of Erasistratus his Physician, by whom he had issue Antiochus Theos: Megas the brother of Philadelphus' king of Egypt, married a daughter of this Soter, by which occasion Megas claiming to be king of Cyrene, which his father made him governor of, was aided by his father in law against Philadelphus, and so the truce was broken.  
2. Then Philadelphus to accord this dissension, giveth his daughter Berenice to wife to Antiochus surnamed Theos, the son of Soter: and Philadelphus accompanied her unto Pelusium, giving unto her a rich dowry of silver and gold, whereupon she was called Phernophoras, of her great dowry.  
3. But this conjunction did not long hold: for Antiochus Theos had a former wife Laodice, by whom he had two sons, Seleucus Callinicus, and Antiochus Hierax: whom he did repudiate, and took Berenice to wife, by whom he had a son. But not long after Laodice with her sons were received to favour; which Laodice, suspecting the inconstancy of her husband, poisoned him: and her son Callinicus took Berenice, and her son, and all her company, and put them to the sword: whereupon the quarrel was renewed between the kings of the North and South. Appianus in Syriac. thinketh that these were two sisters, Laodice and Berenice both daughters to Philadelphus: but that is not like, because the text speaketh but of the king's daughter (not daughters) of the South, that should come to the king of the North.  
4. Thus have we the meaning of these words, she shall not retain the power of the arm: she, namely Berenice, should not long continue in grace and favour with Antiochus, who was as an arm to embrace the two kings together: neither should be continue and his arm: some read, and his seed. L. Calvin. because vau is wanting in the latter word, whereas zeroagh with vau signifieth an arm, which word was used before: but it is an usual thing in the Hebrew tongue sometime to express, and sometime to suppress that letter: Lyranus expoundeth it of Berenice and her seed: but that can not be, for the verb is put in the masculine: some refer it to Antiochus, that he should not stand with his arm: he should cast off Berenice, who was suborned as an arm to bind them together, jun. but it may better be referred to Philadelphus, that he should not long continue after, nor this his arm (his daughter) which he used as a band of peace: but she shall be delivered to death: for Callinicus took Berenice and all her company, and put them to death, before they could be rescued: and her son, jun. Polan. Lat. rather than he which begat her. Genevens. Vatab. And he which had comforted her, or made her mighty in his times, that is, Antiochus Theos, who had before advanced her, and cast of Laodice, should not continue: for his wife poisoned him. Osiand. Polan. some understand it of those which took her part, jun. but because it is put in the singular number, and mention is made before of those which had brought her out of Egypt, and so attended on 〈◊〉, the former sense is better.  
5. Thus we see fulfilled, that which was revealed long before unto Nabuchadnezzer, c. 2. 43. that they should mingle themselves with the seed of men, but they should not join one with an other, as iron cannot be mixed with clay: this place therefore showeth, that that vision of the iron and clay legs is understood of the two kingdoms of the North & South.   

Quest. 21. What king of the South this was whose daughter came to the king of the North.  
1. It is agreed that this was Ptolemy Philadelphus, as is before showed, but some mistake Ptolemy Ceraunus for Philadelphus his brother, affirming that this Philadelphus killed Seleucus, that had slain Lysimachus, that had married his sister Arsinoe, Oecolamp. whereas it was Ceraunus not Philadelphus that killed Seleucus.  
2. This Philadelphus, was the son of Ptolemy Lagi, by his second wife Berenice: he had other sons by Eurydice his first wife the daughter of Antipater, but he disinherited them, and for love of his wife Berenice he made Philadelphus his youngest king, as Iustine ●aith, while he lived; but as Pausanias, it was a little before his death: he killed two of his brothers that he might be more secure in the kingdom, and therefore was called by the contrary Philadelphus, a lover of his brethren, jun.  
3. He had an other enormous fault beside, he married his own sister Arsinoe, who died before she was delivered of child, and afterward had children by an other Arsinoe daughter of Lysimachus: of the first Arsinoe, was the region Arsinoitis called, Pausan. in A●tic.  
4. This Philadephus was exceeding rich, as is partly touched before: Hierome here writeth, that he had 200. thousand footmen, and 20. thousand horse, 400. elephants, and 1500. long ships of war, and a 1000 ships of burden: he received yearly out of Egypt 14. thousand and eight hundred talents of silver, and 15. thousand measures of wheat, called artaba, which contained 3. bushels and almost an half: and lest this might seem incredible, that Egypt should afford yearly so great a tribute, Strabo lib. 17. reporteth out of Cicero in one of his orations, that Ptolemy Auletes, who was but a remiss and negligent Prince, received yearly 12. thousand and 500 talents of silver.  
5. This king is commended for his singular love of learning, whom Tertullian affirmeth in Apologet. to have been most learned himself: he founded a famous library at Alexandria, whereof Demetrius Phalereus had the oversight: he caused the Scriptures to be translated into the Greek tongue by the 70. interpreters, whom Eleazar the high Priest sent unto him: which book was carefully kept in the king's library, wherein were many thousand books: for the question being asked by him of Demetrius, how many thousand books he had gathered together, he answered he had gotten 200. thousand, but shortly he would make them up 500 thousand, Perer.  
6. This Philadelphus was very beneficial to the jews: he redeemed an 120. thousand of them, that were slaves in Egypt, and sent them home, and bestowed many rich gifts upon the Temple at jerusalem, joseph. lib. 12. antiquit. c. 2.   

Quest. 22. Of the translation of the Septuagint, which was procured by this Ptolemy Philadelphus.  
Seeing mention is made of the acts of this Ptolemy Philadelphus, among the which the most famous was the translating of the Hebrew Scriptures into the Greek tongue, it shall not be amiss to insert somewhat concerning that translation.  
1. It is evident that the translation which goeth under the name of the Septuagint, in many places is very corrupt, and varieth from the original: as Pagnin showeth, Isagog. c. 9 And as it is evident, Gen. 5. and 11. they feigned a 1350. years more, and Gen. 11. they put in Cainan one more than the original text hath: and they make but 70. persons to descend into Egypt with jaakob, to answer unto the 70. languages, which they think to have been spread over the earth, Gen. 10. Hierome thinketh, that the special principles of our faith, they either omitted in their translation, or interpreted after an other manner, to the intent to conceal the secrets of their faith.  
2. Ireneus, justinus, Chrysostome, Hilary, Augustine do ascribe very much unto this translation, and think that the interpreters were put into so many several celles, and yet agreed together, except only in some certain places: But Hierome praefat. in pentate●●. thinketh that to be a fable of their 70. celles at Alexandria.  
3. But there is great uncertainty beside. 1. Hierome writeth, that it is the general opinion of the jews, that the Septuag. only translated the 5. books of Moses, in 5. cap. Ezech. 2. And there were diverse copies of the Septuagint: Alexandria and all Egypt followed Hesychius copy: Constantinople and all unto Antioch, used Lucianus edition: And the middle Provinces between them, preferred the translation amended by Origen, and set forth by Pamphilus, Hierome praefat. in Paralip. 4. And beside the translation of the Septuag. whereof there were so many editions, there were other translations of the Scriptures into the Greek tongue, as by Aquila, Symmachus, Theodotian: wherefore in so great variety and uncertainty of translations, the most sure way is, to have recourse unto the original, as Hierome and Augustine do well advise, ex Bulling.   

Quest. 23. Who was the bud of her roots, v. 7. and of his exploits.  
1. Theodoret giveth this interpretation here: these wars here prophesied of he understandeth of the wars between Ptolomeus Philopator and Antiochus the great: by one of his captains before spoken of, v. 6. he would have understood Scopas general of Philopators' army, who won diverse places out of Antiochus jurisdiction, and joined them to his kingdom: After this Ptolemy gave his daughter in marriage unto Antiochus: but she was returned home again: yet there came a bud of her, she had a son that became an enemy unto her father.  
Contra. This exposition cannot stand. 1. the wars between Antiochus the great, and Philopator are afterward spoken of in this chapter. 2. It is unlike that one of his captains should be said to be greater than the king himself: seeing all his endeavour was to advance the honour and dominion of the king. 3. neither did the king of Egypt give his daughter to Antiochus the great: but he gave his daughter Cleopatra in marriage to Ptolemy Epiphanes. 4. beside this bud here spoken of invadeth the kingdom of the North, whereas Theodoret understandeth this bud to rise up an enemy to the king of the South.  
2. This then is the true interpretation. 1. This bud of her, that is, Berenice's roots, was Ptolemy surnamed Euergetes, her natural and German brother: who rose up to revenge his sister's death. 2. He came with an army and invaded Syria, and won the strong holds: many cities abhorring the cruel fact and parricide of Callinicus revolted, and submitted themselves to Ptolemy: who took possession of the country, and caused himself to be crowned king. 3. but hearing of some commotion in Egypt, he returned, and carried away with him many nobles captives, and a very great spoil beside, 40. thousand talents of gold, and many precious vessels, and 2500. images of their gods, and among them those, which Cambyses before had carried out of Egypt, whereupon the superstitious Egyptians called him Euergetes, benefactor, Hierome.  
3. After Ptolemy was returned, Seleucus prepared a great navy, which was overwhelmed in the Sea, and he himself hardly escaped with a few of his company, having nothing left of all that great preparation: in so much that his case was pitied of those which before had revolted from him: Then he craved aid of Antiochus. Hierax his brother, which Ptolemy perceiving, made peace with Seleucus for 10. years, Oecol. Melanct. ex justin.  
4. Hierax seeing this, then turneth his force against his brother Seleucus: which war tended to the ruin and destruction of them both: for Hierax was slain of certain robbers and thieves, and Seleucus died of a fall from his horse.  
5. All this being thus reported by foreign writers, justin. lib. 27. Polybius lib. 5. agreeth with this prophesy of Daniel, both of the preparation and expedition of Ptolemy Euergetes against Callinicus, v. 7. his success in carrying away much spoil and captives, v. 8. and his return into his country, v. 9  
6. But where it is said, v. 8. he shall continue more years than the king of the North: some refer it to the time of their reign: Calvin saith, whom the Genevens. follow, that Euergetes reigned 46. years▪ Oecolamp. 26. whereas Callinicus reigned but 20. years▪ but it is better understood, that Euergetes continued diverse years in this victorious estate, having the chief dominion in Syria, jun. Polan. for this best agreeth with the former words, wherein his victory and prosperous success is described: And Polybius writeth, that Euergegetes and Callinicus died much about the same time, lib. 5.  
7. I● his return which is mentioned, v. 9 josephus writeth, that Euergetes coming to jerusalem did offer sacrifices unto God, for his great victory, and bestowed great gifts upon the Temple, lib. post. advers. Appion. yet afterward he demanded the ordinary tribute 20. talents of silver, which was detained by the covetousness of Onias the high Priest: Euergetes sent unto him, threatening that if the tribute were not paid, he would divide their country among his soldiers. Then josephus Onias sister's son went in the name of the jews in embassage unto Ptolemy, and pacified him, and grew in great favour with him, joseph. lib. 12. antiquit. c. 3.   

Quest. 24. Of the third battle between the king of the South, and the king of the North, v. 10. 11. 12.  
This battle is described in three parts. 1. the preparation made by the king of the North, and their diverse attempts, v. 10. 2. the resistance made by the king of the South, with his good success, v. 11. 3. the events, that followed upon this victory, v. 12.  
1. The attempts made, are either jointly by the two sons of Seleucus Callinicus, namely Seleucus Ceraunus, and Antiochus surnamed Megas the great: in these words, his sons shall be stirred up, and shall assemble a mighty great army; or severally, by Antiochus Megas only in the latter part of the verse.  
First, Ceraunus and Megas joining together, partly to revenge their father Callinicus, and their grandmother Laodices' death, partly in hope to recover Syria, out of Ptolemy Philopators hand, who succeeded Euergetes, whom some think he killed, and therefore was called Philopator, that is, a lover of his father, by the contrary: they first set upon Ptolemy's captains, which held Syria for Philopator: But Cerannus passing over the mount Taurus, to go against Attalus, who possessed the country beyond Taurus, was slain by the treason of Apaturius and Nicanor, in the 2. or 3. year of his reign: of whom Acheus that went with Seleucus being his kinsman was presently revenged, and put them to the sword, Polybius lib. 4. all this agreeth well with this prophecy, saving that Polybius writeth that Acheus went in this battle with Seleucus, and that Antiochus the great lived as yet a private life, not meddling at all, lib. 5. But it is evident by this prophesy, that both the sons of Callinicus joined together.  
Now than Seleucus being dead, Antiochus Megas taketh upon him the kingdom, being then, as Polybius writeth, not above 15. year old: two of his expeditions are here described: the one in passing thor●gh in recovering Syria, and other parts of his own country: the other in assaulting Ptolemy at home, even at his own fortress and munition cities in the borders of Egypt.  
In the first expedition, Antiochus had two great lets in his way, which he overcame, first two brethren Molan and Alexander, contemning Antiochus youth, would have usurped all the country beyond Taurus: them first he overcame: then he had to deal with Ptolomes' captains, which held Syria for him: but here Theodotus helped him, who revolted from Philopator, both taking advantage of his voluptuous and slothful life, and for that he had sustained some disgrace being called to Alexandria, where he was in danger of his life: This Theodotus upon these occasions betrayed Syria into Antiochus hands: And upon this advantage he still proceeded, and recovered many cities and countries, as Polybius showeth at large, lib. 5.  
Then sent Ptolemy an embassage unto Antiochus, somewhat to stay him, until he might make himself strong: and Antiochus admitted some parley and treatise of peace: But there could be no agreement, for Ptolemy challenged those countries as belonging unto him by right of inheritance: Antiochus laid claim unto them by a former composition, made by Cassander, Seleucus, Ptolemy, when they overcame Antigonus, that Syria and Palestina should belong unto Seleucus: Thus they breaking off without any conclusion of peace, Antiochus goeth forward, and had diverse conflicts with Nicolaus Philopators captain both by Sea and land, and still prevailing he cometh even unto the munition towns in the borders of Egypt, and pitcheth at Raphia, which was 4. days journey from Pelusium, Hierom. Bulling Oecolamp Perer jun Polan.  
2. Now followeth the second part of the description, how Philopator being thus provoked even at his own doors did come against Antiochus with a great army, and encountered with him at Raphia and prevailed, as is showed here, v. 11. more particularly thus is this story reported by Polybius and justine. 1. Ptolemy, while the treatise of peace was in hand, hired soldiers out of Grecia, and gathered together a great army of 70. thousand footmen, and 5000. horsemen, and 73. elephants: Antiochus also came against him with an other great army, of 62. thousand footmen, 6000. horsemen, elephants 102. 2. These armies meeting at Raphia, after certain days joined battle: the fight was at the first doubtful: for the right wing of Antiochus had the better, but the left wing the worse: But at last the victory fell out unto Ptolemy, but not without great slaughter of his mercenary men. 3. In the 3. book of the Macchabees in the beginning an other circumstance is added, which furthered the fight on Ptolomes' side: how Arsinoe Ptolomes' sister, went up and down the camp as they were in fight, calling upon the soldiers, and encouraging them, promising to each man two pound of gold, if they got the victory: But whether this were so or not, Ptolemy obtained the victory: and of Antiochus side there were 10. thousand footmen slain, and 300. horsemen, 4000 taken prisoners, and 3. elephants were killed in the fight, and two afterward died of the wounds which they had in the battle: thus according to the text, the multitude was given into his hands.  
3. The events which followed this victory are rehearsed to be three. 1. the insolence both of Ptolomes' army, called here the multitude: for he had as great an army as Antiochus: and of Ptolemy himself: who thinking it sufficient that he had gotten the victory, was content, giving himself to case and pleasure, to accept of conditions of peace, which Antiochus entreated of him: whereas, as justine writeth, spoliavisset regno Antiochum, si fortunam virtute iuvisset, he had spoiled Antiochus of his kingdom, if by his own valour he had helped his good fortunes.  
2. another event was, he shall cast down: housands: which Hierome understandeth of his former victory: but it may better be referred to his cruel outrage practised upon the jews: for coming to jerusalem he pressed to go into the most holy place, but was gainesayed by the high Priest: yet he forcing to enter, was stricken of God, and carried away half dead: whereupon he afterward returning to Alexandria, gave forth very cruel edicts against the jews, commanding many to be killed, others to be fettered and imprisoned, and some to be trampled upon under the camels feet, 3. Macchab. c. 7. Bulling. Melancth. Polan. And hereof josephus maketh mention, that between Antiochus Megas and Philopator, judea was as ship tossed to and fro of the waves, and went to wrack on both sides, lib. 12. c. 3.  
3. The last event is, he shall not prevail, which was divers ways effected: 1. for he neither prevailed against Antiochus, who escaped his hands, and held his kingdom still, Hierome, 2. And notwithstanding his rage against the people of God, the Lord defended them. 3. After this he gave himself to all beastly pleasure: for he killed his wife and sister Eurydice: he kept both a male concubine Agathocles, and Agathoclea his sister, justin. lib. 30. 4. And within few years he himself died, Melancthon.   

Quest. 25. Of the first expedition of Antiochus the great against Epiphanes king of Egypt, v. 13. 14.  
Now follow diverse other expeditions and attempts of this Antiochus against the king of Egypt, unto v. 18. with his end, v. 19  
In this first is set forth his preparation, v. 13. then his success, v. 14. In his preparation there are three things expressed, the number of his army, the time, after certain years, and his great riches: for Philopator being now dead, and Epiphanes his son left but young, whose tuition together with the government of the kingdom was committed to Agathocles an infamous person, Philopators' minion, by which occasion many fell away from the king of Egypt; Antiochus took this to be a fit opportunity to recover his former estate, both in the nonage of the young king, who was but 4. year old when his father died, and because the Egyptians were at variance among themselves: for they rose up against Agathocles, and killed him, and the strumpets they hanged up, and then sent ambassadors to Rome, that they would take upon them the protection of the young king and his kingdom, to whose trust Philopator dying had commended his son. The Romans twice sent ambassadors to Antiochus, who had invaded diverse cities in Syria, belonging to the king of Egypt: but for all this Antiochus surceased not, Hierome ex justin. therefore it is said in the text, veniendo veniet, he shall certainly or speedily come, nothing could let him.  
And concerning his rich preparation, this may be an evident proof thereof: that afterwards, when he prepared in like manner to encounter with the Romans, and at that time, Hannibal being overcome of the Romans was fled unto him, he showed unto him his chariots and Elephants set forth with ornaments of silver and gold, and asked him if this were not sufficient for the Romans, who made this answer, satis esse credo Romanis haec omnia, licet sint avarissimi, I think these things may suffice and content the Romans, though they were most covetous, etc. Gellius in Noctib. Attic. lib. 5. c. 5. his meaning was, that it would be a sufficient prey, whereas Antiochus had asked his opinion of the sufficiency of his preparation.  
2. Then in the success described, v. 14. is showed, 1. the help that Antiochus had. 2. how he prevailed against those factious persons which took part with the king of Egypt.  
1. The text saith, that at that time, many shall stand up against the king of the South: which some understand of the jews which hitherto had taken part with the king of Egypt, who should now join with Antiochus, jun. but it is better understood, of the league and confederacy which Antiochus made with Philip king of Macedon, that they should both join together against the king of Egypt, and part his cities among them, each of them to take the cities next adjoining, Hierome. which confederacy was the occasion of war between the Romans and the said Philip: who being overcome by Flaminius the Consul, lost a great part of his kingdom, even all the cities of Thraci●, only Macedonia being left him, Melancth. Bulling.  
2. Then followeth what became of the rebellious sons of the people, that is, the refractory jews, which stood against Antiochus, and were refractory against God and his laws. 1. These rebellious and refractory jews are well understood to be those which fled with Onias (being expelled by jason) unto the king of Egypt, (which josephus saith was Philometor) but by the words of the prophesy it is better referred to these times of Ptolemy Euergetes, who gave unto Onias' leave to build a Temple in Egypt in the region of Hierapolis, about 180. furlongs from Memphis, which Onias accordingly did: making it in some things like, in some things unlike to the Temple of jerusalem: So herein they are called refractraie, because against the ordinance of God, that appointed the place of his public worship only at jerusalem, where they should offer all their sacrifices, yet did erect a Temple in an other place.  
2. Whereas it is said, to establish the vision: this also agreeth very fitly: some understand it, of the fulfilling this present vision, jun. annot. Polan. but that fulfilling was against their will: now here their purpose and intendment seemeth to be noted: to establish the vision: and so Onias pretended, that herein he fulfilled the prophecy of Isay. c. 19 v. 19 that the altar of the Lord should be in the mids of Egypt, Hierome, Pelican. Calv. Melancth. whereas that place is understood of the spiritual worship of God, which should be established in Egypt at the coming of the Messiah, which evidently appeareth out of the same place: for there the Prophet speaketh of a general unity and concord, that should be between Assur, Egypt, and judaea, which was not now in the time of this Onias: for the Assyrians now under Antiochus were enemies to the Egyptians. And beside Eusebius out of this very place showeth, that the sacrifices and ceremonies of Moses law were to cease: for seeing by Moses law they were not to sacrifice, nor to set up any altar but at jerusalem, if that law should not be abolished, the prophesy of Isay of setting up an altar, that is the true service of God in Egypt, could not have been fulfilled: to this purpose Eusebius, lib. 1. de domonst. Euangel. c. 4.  
3. Then it followeth what shall become of those refractory persons: they shall fall. 1. Hierome understandeth it of the destruction of this new Temple, and the city, which came to pass, 330. year after, as josephus writeth, under Vespasian the Emperor: who when he had destroyed the Temple at jerusalem, sent unto Lupus precedent of Alexandria, to demolish the other Temple in Egypt, lest it might be an occasion of mutiny and rebellion to the jews: But this Lupus only spoiled the Temple of the ornaments thereof: Paulinus succeeding him utterly abolished the service, which the jews there exercised, and shut up the Temple for ever, not suffering the same to be used at all: and so it came to ruin, josephus lib. 7. de bello judaic. c. 30. But this ruin and fall here prophesied of seemeth to have been present, to show how Antiochus prevailed against them. Some understand it of the jews in Palestina, which rebelled against Antiochus, Polan. jun. in his last edition: But in his first annotations he seemeth to refer it to the jews, whom Antiochus destroyed at his coming into Egypt.   

Quest. 26. Of the second expedition of Antiochus the great against Ptolomeus Epiphanes.  
v. 15. The king of the North shall come, and cast up a mount, etc. In this expedition, first is described his preparation, than his success.  
In the preparation it is expressed, how he should cast up a mount: junius and Polanus expound the word otherwise, taking it for a sling and other engines, which were used in the besieging of cities: the meaning is, that Antiochus should besiege the strong cities of Egypt: and it hath special reference beside unto the besieging of Scopas, Ptolomes' captain, whom the king of Egypt had sent against him: who encountering with Antiochus at Pan●as was put to the worse, and fled unto Sidon, where Antiochus besieged him with ten thousand men: then Ptolemy sent three captains, Eropus, Menocleas', and Damaxenus to rescue him: but they could not raise the siege, till Scopas forced by famine yielded himself. Antiochus also laid siege to the fortified place or tower in jerusalem, which he took by help of the jews, Hierome ex joseph. lib. 12. antiquit. c. 13. And many other strong cities did Antiochus take at this time in Syria, which did hold with Ptolemy before.  
2. The success was this. 1. concerning Egypt: the armies of Egypt were not able to resist, nor his chosen people; that is, the armies and strength of the king of Egypt, and his valiant captains had no power to resist Antiochus, but he should do what he would. 2. Then it is said, he shall stand in the pleasant, beautiful, or excellent land, that is judea, so called, not for any terrene excellency in it, but it was excellent because of the worship of the true God: This land he should also possess, not so much by conquest, but the jews willingly submitted themselves unto him: they received him into Samaria with his army, and provided provender for his elephants: of the which their kindness he wrote letters to his friends purposing to requi●e the same, josephus. lib. 12. c. 3. the words then following, which some read, he shall consume it with his hand, Hierome, jun. Calv. Genevens. (understanding it of the miseries and afflictions which he brought upon the jews) cannot have that sense; because at this time he received kindness at their hands, and intended to recompense them with the like again, as josephus saith. Some give this sense, deficiet in manu eius, it shall fail or faint under his hand, Bulling. that is, shall yield themselves unto him, Vatab. not resist him, but bear the tribute which was imposed upon them, Melancth. rather this is the meaning, consummatio in manu eius, consummation shall be in his hand; his hand shall consummate and perfect his desire, in obtaining the land of judea, which willingly yielded itself, Polan.   

Quest. 27. Of the third expedition of Antiochus Megas against Epiphanes, v. 17.  
Here two things are declared in this third exploit: first the attempt of Antiochus, than the event.  
His attempt was partly by force, but seeing he could not prevail that way, he seeketh to compass his desire by subtlety and craft, (affecting the government and kingdom of Egypt) in giving his daughter Cleopatra to Epiphanes: wherein three things are expressed: 1. his subtle intent, he pretended peace and amity, offered equal conditions of peace, ut recta faciat, to do rights, as the Latin interpreter: some read, his confederates with him, B. G. but the other sense is better, jun. Polan. for, as Appian writeth, Antiochus feared the Roman power, and when they sent unto him ambassadors to restore the cities which he had taken from Ptolemy, he made answer, that there was amity between him and Ptolemy, and that he intended to make him his son in law, Appian in Syriac. 2. then it is said, he shall give him the daughter of women: which Hierome thinketh to be a pleonasme, as when we say, he spoke with his mouth: but it signifieth more: junius understandeth by this phrase, to be a virgin: Polan. that she was farm lactens, yet but young, and in a manner a suckling: but (though this were true) yet it is better interpreted, that she was bathe nashim, a daughter of women, that is, of special womanhood: to the which answereth her name Cleopatra, the glory of the country: H. Br. consent. and so Vatablus translateth, pulcherrima foemina, she was a most beautiful woman, so also Perer. a choice woman, Osiand. And together with this daughter, Antiochus promised by way of dowry, Coelesyria, Phoenicia, judaea, and Samaria, the revenues to be divided between them, joseph. lib. 12. antiquit. c. 3. 3. It followeth to corrupt her, not, as the Latin, to destroy it, that is, the kingdom: or as Perer. readeth, to destroy him, that is her husband: for the pronoun affix is of the feminine gender: neither is the meaning, to destroy her, V. G. B. for Antiochus had no meaning herein to seek the destruction of his daughter, but he corrupted her with evil cou●sell: for as yet neither of them were marriageable. Hierome saith, that Epiphanes was but four year old when he began to reign, and Cleopatra was betrothed to him in the 7. year of his reign, and married in his 13. year: In the mean time Antiochus had the keeping of her, and so corrupted her with evil counsel, and gave her instructions how she should practise to take her husband away by poison, or some such like means: and this is understood by corrupting her.  
2. Then the event was this, contrary to his expectation: for Cleopatra like a good wife took part with her husband, and obeyed not her father's wicked counsel: and by her means Epiphanes recovered much in Asia minor.   

28. Quest. Of Antiochus expedition against foreign countries, v. 18.  
Here is described first his attempt, with his success; then the event which followed.  
1. Antiochus being disappointed of his hope for Egypt, both because his daughter had deceived him, and Epiphanes was in league with the Romans, than he set his mind to invade other countries, which are here called the Isles, because they were divided from him by Sea: as Hellespontus, Chersonesus, Euboea: then he struck over into Europe, and took divers Islands, Rhodes, Cyprus, Samos, Colophon: and so did bid as it were open battle unto the Romans: which he before intending, thought to make himself strong, by a new alliance with foreign Princes: for as he had married his daughter Cleopatra to Epiphanes king of Egypt, so he gave in marriage his daughter Antiochis to Ariaratus king of Cappadocia: and a third daughter he offered unto Eumenes king of Pergamus, but he refused, because of the wars which he had with the Romans. Appian.  
2. The event followeth: that in the end Antiochus was foiled by the Romans, and the shame returned upon his own head: but first the words of the text must be opened, and then the sense considered.  
1. The words are diversly read: 1. the vulgar Latin readeth thus, he shall cause the Prince of his shame to cease: which Lyranus expoundeth of himself, namely, Antiochus: but he misliketh this sense, because Antiochus rather still increased his own s●ame, he caused it not to cease. 2. Then he giveth an other interpretation, a Prince or Lord shall bring his shame upon him, that is God, whom he had blasphemed, shall bring him to shame. Pererius rejecteth this sense, because it is not found, that this Antiochus blasphemed God: wherein he is deceived: for the contrary is evident, that Antiochus, when all things went cross against him, accused God, as though he were his enemy, Polan. but the word katin signifieth a leader, or governor, which is not so fitly referred unto God. 3. Theodoret readeth in the (plural) he shall cause the Princes of his shame to cease, that is, shall vanquish divers Princes, and put them to shame: but the word is put in the singular. 4. Some apply it to Epiphanes king of Egypt, who by his captain Scopas had put Antiochus to shame, in taking certain cities from him: gloss. interlin. Hug. Card. and Pererius misliketh not this exposition: But the truth is, that Antiochus put Scopas to shame, causing him to yield himself. 5. The words then, are thus to be read, a Prince or captain shal●●ause his shame to cease, beside that he shall cause his shame to return upon him, Polan. that is, the shame which he offered to others shall return upon himself.  
Now for the meaning of the words, two things are declared. 1. the Prince or captain shall cause his shame to cease. 2. then it shall return upon his own head. 1. First, his contumelious and opprobrious words, and acts, spoken and done against the Romans, ceased, when first he was overcome by Marcus Attilius Glabrio the Roman captain, afterward by L. Scipio Nasica (accompanied with Publius Scipio Africanus his brother) by Sea: After this foil Antiochus, being not ruled by Hannibal's counsel, who was with him, who gave him advise to remove his forces into Italy, and to occupy the Romans at home at their own doors, was in such fear of the Romans, that he fled from Chersonesus, leaving all the furniture and provision of his own behind, which the Romans surprised: then he sent Ambassadors unto the Scipios, offering to bear half the charges of their battle, and to relinquish all the cities which he had taken in jonia, and Aeolia: but they made answer that they would have all the charges of that expedition, which he had been cause of, and he must surrender all the country on this side the mount Taurus: But Antiochus refusing these hard conditions, encountered with the Romans again, who had not above 30. thousand men, and he 70. thousand, in which battle he was discomfited, and lost 50. thousand men, and all his Elephants, saving 15. which were taken alive: and thus his proud spirit was abated, and his contumelies offered unto the Romans in word and deed, were at an end.  
2. Then last of all his shame was brought upon his own head: for upon a second embassage he was forced to accept of most hard conditions. 1. that he should leave all Asia on this side Taurus. 2. he should pay in present money fifteen hundred talents for the charges of the war. 3. he should deliver up all his Elephants, and ships so many as they should require: and should be stinted afterward for the number of his ships. 4. he should pay yearly 12. thousand talents for tribute for 12. years. 5. and give 20. hostages, whereof one should be his son, for the performance of these conditions: all which he undertook: and thus his own shame returned upon him: and further in disdain, whereas he was called before, Antiochus the great, it grew into a byword among the Romans, Antiochus sometime the great king. ex Livio decad. 4. l. 8. and App. in Syriac.   

29. Quest. Of the death of Antiochus the great, v. 19  
Two things are here declared, his shameful flight, and his shameful end.  
1. After that he had received the last great overthrow, with the loss of so many men, he fled away incontinently, and about midnight came to Sardis: thence to Apamea, from whence he sent Ambassadors, which concluded the former peace with the Romans upon those hard conditions. Then he betook himself to the remote parts of his kingdom, to his munitions and holds, being in such fear, as that he durst not endure the sight of Cn. Manlius, who succeeded L. Scipio. Thus Antiochus was confined within Taurus: who in this disgrace, was wont to say jestingly, as Tully reporteth in his oration pro Deiotaro, benign sibi à Romanis factum, etc. he was beholding to the Romans, who had eased him of the trouble of so great a kingdom, that he now contented himself with a less.  
2. Now touching his end, there are divers opinions. 1. after that he had such an imposition of tribute laid upon him, partly through necessity, and partly of a covetous mind, he went about 〈◊〉 rob a Temple of their treasure: Lyranus thinketh it was the Temple of Naneas among the Persians, where he entering into the Temple with his company, were hewn in pieces: as the story is set down 2. Macchab. c. 1. and therefore it is said here, he was no more found, etc. because his body being thus mangled could not be known: But that story rather showeth the end of Antiochus Epiphanes, this Antiochus son, as may appear by comparing that place with 2. Macchab. c. 9 see more before c. 8. qu. 33. 2. Some following justine lib. 32. think, that he would have invaded the Temple of jupiter Dyndinaeus, or Dodonaeus: but he was far off from that place, Bulling. 3. Hierome following Strabo, lib. 16. saith, that he with all his army was slain of the Elymeans, when he went about to rob the Temple of jupiter Belus: so also Polan. and so it is said, he was no more found, because he was tumultuously killed of the rude people coming together to defend their Temple: Calvin. H. Br. in Daniel. and because he died in Persia, and returned not into his own country. Osiand.   

30. Quest. Of the acts and end of Seleucus Philopator the son of Antiochus the great, v. 20.  
First it must be agreed, who this was, who is said to rise up in his place.  
1. P●rphyrius, as Hierome showeth upon this place, taketh this to be Ptolomeus Epiphanes king of Egypt: but as Hierome well showeth, he did not succeed Antiochus the great in his kingdom, and therefore can not be said to stand up in his place.  
2. R. Levi understandeth here the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, called Antiochus Eupator, who was slain by his uncles son Demetrius: and the former part of the prophesy he interpreteth of Antiochus Epiphanes: ex Oecolampad. But it is evident, that hitherto the Prophet hath described the acts and exploits of Antiochus, surnamed the great: for he it was, that gave his daughter Cleopatra in marriage unto the king of Egypt, as is prophesied, v. 17. And the rest of the prophesy can agree to none other.  
3. Some Hebrews, as Hierome also here writeth, think that this was Tryphon, which was the tutor of Antiochus son: but that can not be: for Tryphon followed many generations after: for after Antiochus the great succeeded in order, Seleucus', Epiphanes, Eupator his son, Demetrius, Alexander, Antiochus, before Tryphon usurped the kingdom. He that rose up in Antiochus' place, was the 7. king of Syria, but Tryphon was the 13. or 14. Bulling. Perer.  
4. Wherefore this that rose up in Antiochus' place, was Seleucus his son. Antiochus the great had three sons, Antiochus, Seleucus, and Antiochus Epiphanes: but Antiochus▪ being a Prince of great hope and towardness, died about the same time, that his father fleeing to Apamea, sent Ambassadors to the Romans about the former conclusion of peace, not without suspicion of poison: then succeeded Seleucus Philopator, so called because he was beloved of his father, called also Soter. joseph. lib. 12. c. 4. Polan.  
Secondly we come to the parts of the description. 1. This Seleucus acts are described, he shall cause to pass up and down an exactor of tribute: not take away the exactor of tribute, as Vatabl. for the word is ghabar, which signifieth to pass, and in hiph●l to caus● to pass. And so was Seleucus a great exactor of tribute: for being given to voluptuous living, he must needs also be immoderate in his expenses: when he was admonished by his familiar counsellors, that he should take heed lest he alienated the minds of his friends, by his immoderate taxations, he would answer them, that his money was his friend. This Seleucus is he that sent Heliodorus to spoil the treasure of the Temple at jerusalem, which Simo● had bewrayed unto him: which Heliodorus coming thither, and offering by violence to take the treasure away, he and his company were terrified by a fearful 〈◊〉: they saw an horse with a terrible rider, and so they desisted from their purpose: see the story 2. Macchab. 3.  
2. Then the end of Seleucus is prophesied of. 1. concerning the time, after a few days he should be destroyed: then can not 12. years be assigned to his reign, as Oecolampad. and it appeareth 2. Macchab. 4. 7. that he lived not long after Heliodorus attempted to rob the Temple at jerusalem. 2. for the manner of his death: it should neither be by wrath, nor by battle, either by the general hatred of his subjects, or by open war: but it is thought that he was poisoned by Heliodorus, and that by the practice of Antiochus Epiphanes his brother, who was coming from Rome, where he was left as an hostage, and was at Athens at that same time when Seleucus died. And this was a just recompense upon him for his sacrilege, that he should be cut off even by him, that was an instrument of his impiety. Melancth. Polan.   

31. Quest. Whether the rest of this chapter be properly understood of Antiochus Epiphanes, or of Antichrist.  
1. Some would have this to be a prophetical narration of the acts and doings of Antichrist, and make no mention at all of Antiochus, as Polychronius: But it is evident that many things can not be otherwise applied, then to Antiochus: as v. 21. in his place shall stand up a vile person, that is, in the room of Seleucus Philopator, before spoken of: and v. 25. it is said, he shall stir up his power against the king of the South, who is understood before to be the king of Egypt: so that it is evident, that this is a continuance of the same prophetical narration.  
2. Some do apply some part of this prophesy unto Antiochus, yet as a type of Antichrist, and some things only unto Antichrist: and these things are intermingled together: as Matth. 24. Christ prophesieth of the destruction of jerusalem, and of the end of the world jointly: so in this place, they think that the manners of Antiochus and of Antichrist are described interchangeably: Theodoret. So also Lyranus, who thus distinguisheth of figures and signs: that some things are so figures, as the thing prefigured concerneth them not at all: as Psal. 72. His dominion shall be from sea to sea, and from the river to the ends of the world: this place he thinketh only to be true of Christ, and not at all to agree unto Solomon: some figures are such, that the thing affirmed, agreeth both to the figure, and to the thing prefigured: as, 1. Chr. 22. 10. He shall be my son, and I will be his father: this was true of Solomon in part, but of Christ more fitly: so some things here are spoken of Antiochus as of a figure of Antichrist, and some things only agree unto Antichrist: as from the 36. v. to the end of the chapter: But, as Melancthon saith, non avellam hanc partem ab historia Antiochi, I will not pull away this part neither from the history of Antiochus: for mention is made after that of Edom, and other nations adjoining, which is evident to be historical.  
3. Some wholly refer this prophesy unto Antiochus, without any relation at all unto Antichrist, as Hierome here affirmeth of Porphyrius. But it is evident by the prophetical book of the Revelation, which taketh many things from this prophesy, that there is some relation and allusion in this prophetical discourse unto Antichrist.  
4. Some do make Antiochus a special type of Antichrist, and make him the image, and Antichrist the Archetypus, the principal person represented and resembled: and think that many things here done do more fitly agree unto Antichrist, then unto Antiochus. Pappus. But it is evident, that the description of Antiochus, and his cruel outrage against the church of God, is principally intended by the Prophet; because this prophesy was delivered for the comfort of the Church in those days, to the coming of the Messiah.  
5. Wherefore the literal and proper sense of this prophesy aimeth only at Antiochus: yet so, as by way of allusion and analogy, as a common type, Antiochus example, conditions, practices, may be drawn and by way of application accommodated to decipher Antichrist. jun. Polan. But these typical applications unto Antichrist, shall be referred unto their proper and peculiar place among the controversies.   

32. Quest. of Antiochus Epiphanes first entrance to the kingdom.  
Three things are orderly handled in this prophesy. 1. of Antiochus succeeding in the kingdom. 2. of his acts and exploits. 3. of his end: In the handling of which things the rest of this chapter is spent: for seeing this Antiochus should be the greatest and most cruel adversary unto the jews, and that under him, they should endure much misery, it was necessary that the people of God should aforehand be prepared for those times.  
First then his entrance to the kingdom is thus set forth, 1. by the very act of his succession. 2. by the small right which he had unto it. 3. and by the evil means, which he used.  
1. It is said, that in his place one should stand up: namely, Antiochus Epiphanes in the room and stead of his father. 2. but his right should be small thereunto: for whereas succession unto kingdoms is either by the natural right of succession, or by election and consent; he came by neither of these means to the kingdom: for he was the younger brother, and left hostage at Rome for his father, and so he was in that behalf neglected and despised, not designed or appointed by his father unto the kingdom: and when his elder brother was dead, he left behind him his son Demetrius, who was left as a pledge for Antiochus at Rome, whom Seleucus sent for to aid him in his wars: thus Antiochus was despised and neglected in respect of natural succession. jun. Polan. And in regard of his vile conditions, and loathsome vices he was despised also: so that it seemeth, he was called Epiphanes, famous, by the contrary, being indeed despised: which name was turned by the change of a letter, into Epimanes, which signifieth furious, mad. Athenaeus ex Polyb. And concerning the right of succession, which is by election, Antiochus wanted it likewise: as it followeth in the text, to whom they shall not give the honour of the kingdom: he was not called or adopted to the government by the consent of the nobles of the land: Only he was favoured and helped by two foreign kings, Eumenes, and Attalus. 3. Then the manner is showed how he attained to the kingdom: he at the first took upon him to be the protector of the kingdom for his brother's son Demetrius being absent, until by flattery he had established himself. He was very popular and familiar even with mean persons: he would stand in the streets and cast abroad money, crying out, Let him that fortune favoureth take it: he used to wash in the common baths, and to drink with common persons, he would give large gifts to whomsoever he met, though he had never seen them before: he would sport himself with those that attended upon him, and hit stones at them in jest: and thus by his flattery and popular behaviour he insinuated himself, and got the hearts of the people: as Absalon by the like means stole away the hearts of the people from his father. Thus Ptolemy testifieth of this Antiochus, lib. 1. & 5. Hypomemnat.   

33. Quest. Of Antiochus Epiphanes his first expedition against Egypt, v. 22, 23, 24.  
Secondly the entrance of Antiochus into the kingdom being thus described, then followeth a declaration of his acts and exploits, which are of three sorts. 1. his practising against Egypt. 2. his persecution of the people of God. 3. his invading of Egypt, judea, and other countries.  
Three expeditions he made into Egypt: the first whereof is here described. In this first the means are showed, which he should use, partly violence, partly fraud: and the success of them both.  
His forcible and violent attempt together with the success, is expressed v. 22. his attempt is compared to an overflowing flood: Antiochus taking advantage of the minority of Ptolomeus Philometor, the son of Epiphanes by his sister Cleopatra, and having a desire to join Egypt to his kingdom, cometh with a great power with chariots, horse, Elephants, and a navy beside unto Pelusium, overflowing like a great stream: his success was this: First, the arms and power of the Egyptians were overcome, the chief captains of Philometor Euleus and Leneus encountering with Antiochus between Pelusium and Casium, were there vanquished and slain: Hierome out of Porphyrius following Suctorius▪ so also Bulling. Melancth. Osiand. Polan. jun. with others.  
The second part of this success was, the Prince of the covenant was overthrown likewise. 1. which was not Ptolomeus Epiphanes, as Hugo Cardin. who was now dead. 2. nor yet Seleucus Philopater Antiochus brother, jun. annotat. H. Br. consent. for it is said before, v. 21. that Antiochus named a vile person, stood up in his place: his brother Seleucus was now dead. 3. neither was it judas Macchabeus, as Lyran. for as yet Antiochus had nothing to do with him. 4. nor yet Ptolemy Philopator, as Melancth. Oecolamp. Pellic. Vatab. for he was yet very young, and made no covenant: and beside the Prince of the covenant here spoken of was slain, which is expressed by the metaphor of breaking: but Philometor survived, and reigned long after. 5. And to apply it with Hierome to Antichrist, who shall feign himself to be Prince of the covenant, that is, of the law and Testament of God, is not proper: for if Antiochus be a type of Antichrist, then is not this Prince of the covenant, which is overcome by him, Antichrist also. 6. Wherefore this Prince of the covenant was Tryphon, who was a chief man in compounding and making a league with Antiochus after the former overthrow, that he should have the tutelage of the young king of Egypt Philometor his nephew: this Tryphon the chief contriver of this covenant, Antiochus causeth to be taken away, that he might work his pleasure without any let.  
Then followeth his second practice by fraud, with the success: first Antiochus having now committed unto him the protection of his nephew, under this pretence entereth into Egypt, but with a small company, being not suspected as an enemy, but held as a friend: and therefore it is said, he shall strengthen himself with a small people, v. 23.  
His success by this his fraudulent practising was this. 1. he shall enter into the quiet and plentiful Province: for he settled himself in Memphis in the heart of the country. 2. then he rob and spoiled, as never any of his predecessors did in Egypt before: for he is not said simply to do that, which his fathers had not done, but only in respect of Egypt, otherwise Seleucus Nicanor, their first founder, and Antiochus the great his father, had in other countries done more than he, Calvin. therefore this is no argument for Pererius to understand this of Antichrist, and not of Antiochus, because his predecessors had been of greater power: for, as is said, it is not simply and absolutely so spoken, but in comparison of Egypt only, which he rob and spoiled▪ as none of his fathers had done before him. Hierom. ex Porphyr. And these spoils he partly carried away, partly he distributed them among the Egyptians, to make himself stronger. jun. 3. Then he cunningly cast about how to get into his hand the strong holds in Egypt: and therein showed more cunning, than the wisest among the Egyptians: he deceived them with his wiles and politic devices. Hierom. ex Porphyr. following Suctorius. jun. Polan. But he did not long hold those places in Egypt, it was but for a time, as the text showeth: for Philometor afterward recovered them again.  
Some otherwise understand this whole description: that the league spoken of was made with Seleucus Philopator, who upon agreement with Antiochus then hostage at Rome, sent thither his own son Demetrius, to be in his stead: and so Antiochus returning first practised by the means of Heliodorus to take away his brother Seleucus, called here the Prince of the covenant. jun. in annotat. And this plentiful Province which he invaded, some understand to be Syria, jun. Oecolampad. some Phoenicia, where the rich city Tyrus was, which Antiochus spoilt, Melancthon.  
But this exposition can not stand. 1. Seleucus Philopator was dead before these things were done, and Antiochus tose up in his stead: these things followed then after Seleucus' death. And before the Prince of the covenant is taken away, it is said the arms were broken, which were the captains with their power: but Antiochus had no open war with his brother Seleucus, he was dead before his return.  
2. This pleasant Province was not Syria, but Egypt. 1. for it is said, that he did that, which none of his fathers before him: now both Seleucus Nicanor, and Antiochus the great had done greater exploits in Syria and Phenice, than this Antiochus: but none of them had spoiled Egypt like unto him. 2. he held these strong places only for a while: but the strong cities of Syria & Phenicia he held and possessed as his own, as of right belonging unto to him: he soon lost the strong cities and holds in Egypt, which Philometor recovered again: therefore this expedition upon the former reasons is better understood to have been made against Egypt, than Syria.   

34. Quest. Of the second expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt, v. 25, 26, 27, 28.  
In this second expedition, three things are declared, 1. the attempt, which these kings made one against the other, with the success, v. 25. and the means thereof, v. 26. 2. the event, which happened hereupon, v. 27. a dissembled peace. 3. the consequents, and such matters as followed, v. 28.  
1. The king of the North Antiochus, seeing he could prevail no longer by his fraud and deceit, who hitherto under colour of his protectourship, robbed and spoiled Egypt, (Philometor being now somewhat more grown in years) he seeketh now by open force to invade Egypt: and the king of Egypt, called here the king of the South, prepareth to meet him with a great army likewise: this was the preparation. But the success was this: the king of Egypt was not able to stand, he is overcome with his army: and the means which Antiochus ufed, was this: he corrupted Ptolomes' captains and counsellors with gifts, who betrayed Ptolomes' army: even his own feed men, and courtiers, that lived upon him, should deceive him, v. 26.  
2. The event was this, that after Philometor was overcome, he should make some peace with Antiochus: but it was a fraudulent peace: where 1. their intent and purpose is expressed; both the king's hearts shall be to do mischief. 2. their dissimulation, they shall speak deceitfully at the same table: for Philometor feasted Antiochus, and gave him great gifts. 3. but the issue was this, nothing was effected or concluded by this peace: for the time appointed of God was not yet, v. 27.  
3. The sequel was this. 1. Antiochus returneth into his country with great substance, partly by the gift of Ptolemy, partly by spoiling with his army. 2. In his return he set his heart against the holy Covenant, that is, the people of God: for he entered into jerusalem being received by wicked jason, and robbed and spoiled the Temple, though as yet he set not up the abomination of desolation: as is further showed, 1. Macchab. 1. 18. and 2. Macch. 4. 24.  
Some understand this battle to have been fought under Euleus and Leneus Ptolomes' captains, at which time Antiochus entered into Egypt, robbing and spoiling, and came to Memphis. jun. annotat. 1. & 2. edit. Oecolampad. Bulling. But this can not be: 1. this was Antiochus second voyage into Egypt, 2. Macch. 5. 1. but that battle under those captains was fought in his first voyage. 2. at this time Ptolomes' captains were corrupted, which could not be the foresaid Euleus and Leneus, for they were slain in battle. 3. hitherto Antiochus had dealt by cunning and fraud, but now he went about by force to reign over Egypt, 1. Macchab. 1. 17. which he did not attempt at the first: for he had sent in peaceable manner before Apollonius to the coronation of Philometor, 2. Macchab. 4. 22. 4. the kings now practised deceit one against an other: it seemeth then that Philometor was of years of discretion: but when Euleus and Leneus were slain, he was under their tuition: this Hierome foreseeing, that Philometor being a child could not practise any deceit or mischief against Antiochus, thereupon saith, that some will have it understood of Antichrist, who should first overcome the king of Egypt: But Philometor was not now a very child in Antiochus second expedition: he was somewhat grown in years, Osiand. for this happened in the sixth year of Antiochus reign, who began to reign in the 137. year of the reign of the greeks, and this was in the 143. year, 1. Macchab. 1. 11. 21. Wherefore I rather follow junius interpretation in his commentary, with Polanus, who refer the battle of Euleus and Leneus to the first voyage of Antiochus into Egypt.   

35. Quest. Of the third expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt, v. 29, 30, 31.  
Three things are here declared, 1. his attempt: he shall come again against the king of the South: and the time is set down, at the time appointed: which was about two years after, as may be gathered, 1. Macchab. 1. 30. Bulling. then entering into Egypt, and having taken Memphis, Philometor fled to his younger brother Physcon to Alexandria: and thither Antiochus followed, and besieged the city, joseph. l. 12. c. 6.  
2. Then the success is showed, not to be like unto the former: it should not be as at the first, and as at the last: for so are the words, not, the last shall not be as at the first, Genevens. for two expeditions or voyages are mentioned before: then the reason is showed of this cross, success, he shall be stayed by the Romans, which arrived there in ships of Cilicia, called the ships of Chittim: for Ptolemy had sent unto the Romans for aid, who sent Popilius, or as some call him Pompilius, who in their name should charge Antiochus to depart: who arriving at Alexandria found Antiochus upon the shore, who first would have saluted Popilius with a kiss, being of his old acquaintance in Rome, & would with flattering words have put off that matter for which Popilius came, and have craved some time to consider of it: But the courageous Roman, bid him leave off his trifling, and upon the sand did with his rod make a circle before Antiochus, requiring his present answer before he went from that place: who, though much against his will, there yielded himself to obey his embassage: and therefore it is said in the text, he shall be sorry and return: thus Hierom. out of justin. lib. 34. the same is reported by Florus, in epitome. lib. 45.  
3. The event was this, that this cruel Tyrant being disappointed of his hope in Egypt, shall fret against the holy covenant: for in his return he entered into jerusalem being received in peaceable manner at the first: but afterward he made havoc of the city, put them to the sword, caused the daily sacrifice to cease, and set up the abomination of desolation, a filthy idol in the Temple, and burned the books of the law: as is declared, 1. Mac. 1. 57 58.  
And the means is showed also how he compassed this his wicked purpose: he had inelligence by those which did forsake the holy coveuant, he was brought in by the wicked counsel and practise first of jason, then of Menelaus, 2. Macchab. 4. junius, Polanus, Oecolampadius.   

Quest. 36. Of the meaning of the word Chittim, v. 30.  
1. Here are two words used, tziim, and Chittim, which some Hebrews understand to be the Italians and Romans, Hierome: but the first word signifieth ships: it cometh of tzi, which properly betokeneth a bird, and so consequently a ship, which being under sail is like a bird that flieth. 2. josephus whom Theodoret followeth, and Vatablus, understand the ships of Chittim to be ships of the Isle Cyprus, where was a town called Citium, where Zeno the Stoic was borne: But the word Chittim is more general, then to be taken for one small Island: and Cyprus was under the command of Alexandria, which now Antiochus besieged, and therefore the ships of Cyprus could not repel Antiochus. 3. Some take Chittim directly for the Romans, as Hierome, so also the Chalde paraphrast. and the Tharg. Hierosol. so interpreteth that place of the Italians and Romans, Numb. 24. 24. the ships shall come from the coasts of Chittim, and subdue Ashur, and shall subdue Heber: But originally Chittim, are not the Italians or Romans: for Chittim was one of the sons of javan the father of the Grecians: as likewise were Elisha the founder of the Aeliseans or Aeolians, and Dodanim of the Dodoneans, and Tharshish of the Cilicians where Tarsus was: all these were countries belonging unto Grecia. 4. Some think that Chittim signifieth both the Grecians, Macedonians, and Romans, Calvin: but so we should make it too general a name. 5. Some understand the ships of the Romans which were kept in the coasts of Cilicia, (where the Isle Cetis was) that they might the better command the Seas, Polan. jun. But that seemeth not to be so proper to call them ships of Chittim, that is of Cilicia, because they only harboured there. 6. And it is too slender a conceit, to think that the Roman Ambassador came thither in ships of Grecia, ex Bulling. as if that potent nation of the Romans had no ships of their own. 7. nor yet is Chittim taken only for Grecia, for the ships of Chittim came now against Antiochus, which were not the Grecians, but the Romans. 8. Wherefore, I think with Melancthon, that Chittim originally is taken for some countries of Grecia, and comprehendeth also Macedonia: whereupon Alexander king of Macedonia, is said to have come from the land of Chittim, 1. Macchab. 1. 1. and the two last kings of Macedonia Philip and Perses, are called kings of Cittim, 1. Macchab. 8. 5. And the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Macedonian, hath some affinity with Chittim, the first letter being added: And further Melancthon showeth out of Homer how the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Citians, came with Telephus the king of the Mysians to the battle of Troy, as next adjoining.  
But yet though originally Chittim are the Grecians; which name might first be given unto the Islands of Grecia, as Cyprus, Rhodes, and the sea coasts as of Cilicia, and then generally was taken for other vpla●d countries of Grecia: this name also was extended to the Italians as having their original from the greeks: Melancthon showeth out of Suidas, that Latinui the son of Telephus brought the Citians into Italy, and gave the name to the country: but howsoever this is, it is certain, that the Grecians came into Italy and there inhabited, whereupon it might be called magna Graecia, great Greece: and thus much for the word Chittim.   

Quest. 37. Of the persecution of the people of God by Antiochus, and the manner thereof.  
This is the second persecution raised by Antiochus against the people of God, the first was touched before, v. 28. the occasion of the second is expressed in the former verse, partly because Antiochus being disappointed by the Romans, turneth his rage against the Church of God, and partly being thereunto induced by such amongst the jews as had forsaken the covenant.  
In this second persecution, 1. there are declared the means, which Antiochus used in oppressing Gods people: which were partly the forces, and captains, and foreign helps which he used: partly the seditious and factious among the people themselves. 2. the godly are described which shall suffer persecution, to v. 36. 3. then it is showed, what Antiochus should do himself, thence to v. 40.  
Now in v. 3. the foreign help is described, which Antiochus should use: namely, his captains with their forces, which are called arms: and the effects and works which they shall do are four. 1. They shall pollute the Sanctuary. 2. then the city itself, called the munition. 3. the daily sacrifice shall be taken away. 4. and the abomination of desolation set up.   

Quest 38. What is understood by the arms, v. 31.  
1. Some of the Hebrews by the arms do understand Thus that came of Vespasian, and was as his arm, that destroyed jerusalem and the Temple. 2. Oecolampadius by the arms interpreteth the captains of the Romans, Pompey, Crassus, Sabinus, Cumanus Florus, with others, which diverse times made havoc of the city, spoiled and profaned the Temple: But the coherence of the text will allow neither of these interpretations: for the story of Antiochus still is continued: he that set his heart against the holy covenant, v. 28. is the same that fretteth against the holy covenant, being repelled by the ships of Chittim, v. 30. and he that there fretteth, is the same that here polluteth the Sanctuary. 3. Some by the arms understand the towers and fortresses of the city, which are as the arms of it, Pintus. But the arms are said to pollute the Sanctuary: this cannot be properly understood of the towers. 4. Calvin, whom Genevens. follow, by the arms thinketh to be meant the faction of the wicked jews, that held with Antiochus, but they are spoken of in the next verse, which shall wickedly break the covenant. 5. Therefore by the arms are better understood Antiochus Princes and captains, whom he sent to spoil jerusalem, Bulling. Melancth. as Philippus a Phrygian, whom he left at jerusalem, after the first taking of it, and Andronicus at Garazin, 2. Macchab. 5. 22. to them he joined Bacchides, of whom josephus maketh mention, lib. 1. de bello judaic. c. 1. And he sent also Apollonius two years after to jerusalem, who made great havoc and spoil of all, as is showed, 1. Macchab. 1. and 2. Mac. 5. Polanus.   

Quest. 39 Of the defiling of the Sanctuary and the manner thereof.  
Four wicked exploits done by Antiochus forces are expressed here. 1. they defiled the Sanctuary: for they entered into it, robbed, and spoilt it; as Antiochus had done before himself: for he entered into the Temple Menelaus being his guide, and touched the holy vessels with his own hands, 2. Macchab. 5. 15. and carried them away, 1. Mac. 1. 23. 24.  
2. They took also the city, and the munition, the strong places thereof. Some refer it to the Sanctuary, thus reading the Sanctuary of strength, so called, because it was situate in a strong place, and had the tower of David adjoining unto it, Osiand. or because the people fled thither as to a sure hold, when the city was taken, Oecolamp. or because the people put their confidence in the Temple, as the rock of their defence, Bulling. or to put them in mind that they should trust in God, who was yet their strength, although for their sins he suffered his Temple to be defiled for a time, Calvin. But it is better understood of the city, which is called the munition, because of the strength thereof: for as Strabo writeth, lib. 16. Geograph. it was compassed with a strong wall of stone, and within was a ditch 60. foot deep, and 200. foot wide, made out of a rock, the stone hewn out made the walls about the Temple: Apollonius being sent to jerusalem by Antiochus, was received peaceably into the city: but being entered he went up and down killing and slaying, sparing none: but fell upon the jews (having an army of 22. thousand) upon the Sabbath, while they were keeping their feast, 2. Macchab. 5. 24. 25. jun. Polan. as also they fortified the city of David, with a great and thick wall, and mighty towers, and set people to keep it, and brought in the spoil of the city thither, 1. Macchab. 1. 35. 36. this may be well understood, (the event so fitly answering the prophesy) to be the munition or strong place here.  
3. They caused the daily sacrifice to cease, that is, discontinued the service of God which was celebrated by sacrifices in the Temple: one kind of sacrifice is taken for the rest: for Antiochus commanded that they should forsake their laws, and he would have them all brought to an uniformity, to live according to the laws of the heathen: likewise he enjoined his captains to forbid burnt offerings and sacrifices, and all manner of offerings in the Sanctuary: this was accordingly done, as we may read, 1. Macchab. 1. 47.  
4. Then they set up the abomination of desolation, which 1. some take for the soldiers placed in garrison, who were addicted to abominable idolatry, and brought both the city and Temple to desolation, jun. Pol. but the soldiers are before signified by the arms, and this is one of their effects, to set up the abomination: and they were rather abominable, not the abomination itself. 2. some translate the word shamam, by an other sense: it signifieth both to make desolate and to astonish: and so they read, they shall set up the abomination, which shall cause them to wonder, or astonish them, Pagnin. Vatab. they should wonder to see the Temple so defiled and forsaken, Calvin. but that the word rather signifieth here to make desolate, then to astonish, appeareth both by the former use thereof, c. 9 v. 26. 27. for the further explication whereof I refer the Reader to the questions upon that place. 3. Some understand nothing else here, but abominable desolation, Bulling. but that was signified before, they shall take away the daily sacrifice: and beside, the phrase of setting up showeth, that there was somewhat actually set up in deed. 4. Oecolampadius referreth it to the Roman ensigns and banners which were set up in the Temple, and round about: But this place is not understood of the Romans: Antiochus profanation of the Temple is here described. 5. Wherefore this abomination of desolation, or making desolate, cannot be better understood, then of those filthy idols which Antiochus and his captains caused to be set up in the Temple: as there was set up upon the altar, the abominable idol of jupiter Olympius: Pellic. Melancth. Osiand. Lyran. Perer. for both idols are usually in Scripture called by that name, abominations, and the sequel and event showeth it to be so understood, as 1. Macchab. 1. 57 it is said, they set up the abomination of desolation upon the altar: there was then some abominable thing in very deed set up upon the altar.   

Quest. 40. How Antiochus used as his instruments certain wicked persons of the jews, that forsook the law.  
1. The second kind of help which Antiochus used, was beside his captains and soldiers, certain wicked factious people among the jews: which were seduced by his flattery to betray their own country. Such were wicked jason, that entered into the city with a thousand men, and slew his own citizens without mercy: and wicked Menelaus that was himself a guide unto Antiochus, and brought him into the Temple, to rob and spoil it, 2. Macchab. 5. As these assisted Antiochus in his first taking of the city: so afterward when he sent Apollonius, diverse of the people joined with him: as 1. Macchab. 1. 55. then went many of the people unto them by heaps, every one that forsook the law. And after these times such an one was Alcimus the high Priest, who came with Bacchides, the king's captain: the people trusted Alcimus, because he was the high Priest, and he swore unto them, that he would do them no harm, but he took 60. men and killed them, 1. Mac. 7. 15. 16.  
2. The other part of the verse is diversly read. 1. junius and Polan. thus interpret, and the people of those that know God, they shall apprehend, that is, the wicked apostates shall betray their own brethren: but in this sense the word chazak is put with the preposition beth most commonly: as Isay. 4. 1. and Zachar. 8. 13. as our English phrase is, to lay hold on, and the word people, being set first, is rather the nominative than the accusative case, which for the most part followeth the verb in the Hebrew tongue. 2. Therefore here I rather approve the received interpretation: that though many shall fall away, yet those among the people, which fear and know God, shall encourage themselves, and go on in their duty: which is the meaning of the last word: they shall do, do their part and office, Bulling. Melan. Calv. Osiand. Genevens. cum caeter.   

Quest. 41. Of such things as the faithful people of God should do and suffer in this persecution.  
v. 33. They that understand, etc. shall instruct many: Three things are expressed concerning the faithful people. 1. what they shall do, they shall not give over one instructing and comforting another. 2. what they shall suffer. 3. how they shall be comforted, v. 34.  
1. Concerning the first. 1. Some because mention is made here of instruction, will not have it here understood of the persecution of the jews, in the time of the Macchabees, for they were fighters rather than instructors: and therefore they think it more fitly to be referred unto the persecution of the servants of God in the times of the Apostles, as is declared in the book of the Acts: for then the Apostles ceased not to instruct the people and Church of God, Oecolamp. 2. But though Mattathias and his sons were stirred up to defend the innocent by their valiant resisting of wicked Antiochus proceedings, yet they also instructed and encouraged the people, and exhorted them to continue steadfast, as we may further see 1. Macchab. 2. and 2. Macchab. 8. 16. 21. And that this persecution is not that which the history of the Acts maketh mention of, is evident by this; that the Romans and their agents were then the persecutors: but here this Tyrant and persecutor was somewhat kerbed by the Romans, as is before showed v. 30. And for the same reason this cannot be referred unto the last destruction of jerusalem by Vespasian and Titus, as some of the Hebrews think. 3. Those than which instructed the people, were chiefly the faithful Priests, the Macchabees, the father and his sons, 1. Macchab. 2. and other faithful people are not excluded, who did their part one instructing and encouraging an other.  
2. Then it followeth, what they endured and suffered, even all kind of most grievous torments, by the sword, by flame, by captivity, by spoil: how they were put to the sword, when Apollonius with an army of 22. thousand entered the city, as is showed, 2. Macchab. 5. 25. and the younger sort with the women were sold into captivity, v. 24. the spoil of the city is described, 1. Macchab. 1. 37. And how they were tried by the flames of fire and other torments, is declared in that lamentable story of the mother with her 7. children, how cruelly they were put to death, 2. Macchab. 7. their skin was flayed off, their tongues cut out, and their utmost parts cut off: their flesh was boiled in hot cauldrons: The like report josephus maketh of that cruel persecution, verberati, & diversis cruciatibus fatigati, etc. they being scourged and wearied with diverse torments, yet being alive were hanged up upon perches: the children which were circumcised, were strangled and hung about their parents necks, lib. 12. antiquit. c. 6. 7. And of these persecutions seemeth the Apostle to speak, Heb. 11. 35. 37. they were racked, etc. they were stoned, they were hewed asunder: they were tempted or they were burned, as junius and Polanus think it should be read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rather than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they were slain with the sword, etc.   

Quest. 42. Of the consolation of the afflicted Church of the jews, v. 34. 35.  
v. 34. They shall be holpen with a little help. The Lord forgetteth not his Church in their affliction, but sendeth them a breathing time, and some help to comfort them in the mids of their trouble. This consolation here propounded, consisteth of three parts. 1. it is described by the adjunct, the small help, that shall be raised unto them. 2. by the end, wherefore God suffereth them to be afflicted, namely, to purge and try them. 3. by the circumstance of the time, which shall not continue, but so long only as God hath appointed.  
Concerning the first (for the other two parts are plain enough) 1. the Hebrews understand this small help of some Emperors, which favoured the jews, such were Severus and Antoninus.  
2. Some refer it unto the time of julian, who gave the jews liberty to build the temple again: but he did it feignedly, for he intended thereby only the advancement of idolatry, and the defacing of Christian religion.  
3. Oecolampadius interpreteth this little help of the favour showed by some Emperors unto the Christians, as Marcus Aurelius protected them: and by those, that should cleave unto them feignedly, he understandeth the heretics, as Cherinthus, Menander, the Ebonites, with other who joined with the Christians, yet were great enemies unto the truth of Christian religion: But all these opinions may be confuted by one and the same argument: because here is a continuance of the same history, from v. 30. he which was repelled by the ships of Chittim, which were the Romans, is the same which persecuteth the Church here: the Romans are not these persecutors, but they somewhat bridled and stayed the persecutor.  
4. Some further apply this to the last times of persecution under Antichrist, that then the Saints shall resist him, but by small help, Hierome. Indeed typically this Scripture may be so applied, but historically it was performed in the time of Antiochus, as Pererius observeth.  
5. Wherefore here there is evident relation unto the Macchabees, unto Mattathias and his sons, who being but an handful and a small company in respect of Antiochus, and his army; yet God so prospered this small help, that the tyranny of Antiochus was somewhat stayed for the time: and in the end of the appointed time, after three years and certain days from the abolishing of the daily sacrifice, which began the 15. day of Casleu, in the 145. year 1. Mac. 1. 57 the Temple was cleansed on the 25. of the same month in the 148. year, 1. Macchab 4. 52.  
Now while this small help prospered, some as the text saith, did but cleave feignedly unto them: there were diverse, that as long as they prevailed, which stood for the law, would seem to join with them, but if their business went not forward, than they were as ready to take part against them: and such we shall find to have been am●●g the jews in the time of the Macchabees, as that story maketh mention, that were but false brethren, Bulling. Polan.   

Quest. 43. Of Antiochus' pride, and the exalting of himself against God.  
v. 36. And the king shall do what him list, etc. In this second persecution which Antiochus moved against the jews, which consisteth of three parts, first it hath been showed what ministers and instruments he should use: secondly, what the faithful should endure and suffer: now followeth the third part, what Antiochus himself should do: And his acts are either concerning religion, in abrogating all religion both true and false, v. 36. 37. and in establishing a new religion of his own, v. 38. or such as concern civil and politic matters, vers. 39  
But interpreters do much differ in the exposition of this Scripture, of whom it should be understood. 1. The Hebrews take this king to be Constantine the great: of whom Ab. Ezra is not ashamed to tell these lies, that there were but 318. which received the Christian religion, which afterward he compelled all Princes and people to embrace: But all this is false: he thinketh there were no more Christians but only those 318. Bishops which were assembled in the Nicen Council: neither did Constantine compel any to receive the Christian faith, but forbade the worship of Idols, and protected the Christian religion: but he was so far from lifting himself up against God, that every where he commanded Churches to be erected to the honour of Christ, in whose name he overcame his enemies. Some of the jews understand this king to be Vespasian; some an Emperor, that should rise up after julian, who seemed to favour them: so well they agree together.  
2. Oecolampadius and Melancthon, will have this king to be the Pope and Turk, who both are blasphemous against God: but the Prophet speaketh but of one king: neither is it like that the Angel breaking off at the persecution under Antiochus, would immediately join the history of such things, as should come to pass above a thousand year after: for so many years and more came between Antiochus persecution, and the beginning of the Monarchy of the Turk, and of the tyranny of the Pope.  
3. M. Calvin thinketh this place not to be understood of any one king, but of a continued government: which he referreth to the Monarchy of the Romans, not beginning at julius Caesar, but at such time as they began to oppress judea: as first Pompey took the city, though he spared the Temple: after him Crassus spoiled and robbed the Temple: whose insatiable covetousness was such in those countries, that he was hated of all: in so much that when he was slain they filled his skull full of gold, and carried it up and down in derision. The Romans exalted themselves against God: for they took upon them to determine who should be counted Gods: and Cicero in his oration pro Flacco, speaketh basely of the God of the jews, not holding him worthy to be compared with Bacchus or Venus: and that judea being so often overcome, was hated of all the gods: T●us M. Calv. But although diverse of these things here prophesied of may by way of analogy be applied to the Romans, whose pride was into lerable, and their superstitious religion, a very profaneness: yet they cannot well be understood here: seeing at that time there was no king among the Romans: but here the Angel directly speaketh of a king: and the invading of the city by Pompey was an 100 year and more after this: which distance of time, the continuance and coherence of this story will not admit.  
4. Lyranius, with other writers of that side, Pererius, with the rest, and before him Hugo Card. do understand this prophesy directly of that Antichrist whom they suppose shall come in the end of the world, and reign but 3. years and an half: and so Hugo a little before expounded that little help of Henoch and Elias, which shall stand up against Antichrist. And to this purpose Pererius allegeth out of Hippolytus, how Antichrist shall send his mandates through the world, to call together people and nations to come to worship him: who shall cause to be proclaimed in their hearing: quis Deus magnus praeter me, quis potentiae meae resistet? who i● so great a God as I, who is able to resist my power? etc. But that this devise of some singular man, which shall stand up in the end of the world to be Antichrist, is but a mere fiction, is afterward more at large declared among the controversies handled out of this chapter: And beside it is not like that the Angel would join together two stories so far asunder.  
5. Some other writers do so understand this of the very Antichrist the Pope, as that they apply it not to Antiochus at all: but think that Antichrist is properly described from hence to the end of the prophesy of Daniel, Osiander, Pappus. But it is one thing historically to interpret a prophesy, an other typically to apply it.  
6. Now than that all these things were historically performed by Antiochus, and are in the intendment of the prophesy specially meant of him, thus it may be showed:  
1. The time, when all these things should be fulfilled, is expressed, c. 12. 11. the days are summed to a 1290. days, that is, 3. years, 7. months, and about 13. days: therefore this prophesy could not be put off so long.  
2. The word hamelech, this king, hath reference to the former history: and the article ha, is a note of demonstration, pointing out the king before spoken of:  
3. All the other expositions bring us to a time far distant and remoote, from the former history of Antiochus; but these things here described follow, as the next in the consequent of time.  
4. Beside, the Angel in this prophetical narration satisfieth daniel's desire, which was to know, what should befall his people: but these things as the other expound them, do nothing concern the jews: neither came they so much as into daniel's thought to inquire.  
5. The sequel of the story answereth to the prophesy: for Antiochus did all this: he advanced himself above God, and spoke blasphemous things against him, in defiling his Temple, abrogating the sacrifices, burning the books of the law: he wrote also his letters, that they should forbid the offerings and sacrifices, and defile the Sabbaths and feasts, and pollute the Sanctuary and the holy men, and to set up altars, and groves, and chapels of idols, and to offer up swine's flesh and strange beasts, 1. Mac. 1. v. 47. to 51. and v. 57 58. Thus ti is evident that Antiochus magnified himself against God: see further Appendix following, exercis. 2. argum. 3.   

Quest. 44. Antiochus' impiety and inhumanity further described out of the 37. v.  
Some take not this to be understood at all of Antiochus, but do otherwise apply it: the Hebrews of Constantine, and of some other Emperors: Calvin of the politic state of the Romans before the coming of Christ: Melancthon, Oecolampad. of the Turk and the Pope: some of the Pope only, Bulling. Osiand. some of Antiochus only, Porphyrius, Pelican, whose opinions are discussed in the former question.  
But most of these will not have Antiochus here understood. 1. because we do not find that Antiochus neglected the worship of all gods, especially the god of his fathers, Calvin. for he set up the idols of the Gentiles, Lyran. 2. and whereas it is said, he shall not regard the desires of women: it is evident, that Antiochus was given over unto all carnal lust and licentious life: thus objecteth Pererius, that these things can not quadrare in Antiochu●, agree unto Antiochus, who was famous for his beastly and filthy lust: and he set up temples to jupiter Olympius, and jupiter Hospitalis, which were his fathers the Grecians gods: to these objections answer shall be made afterward: now we will examine the several opinions.  
1. Ab. Ezra thinketh this prophesy to have been fulfilled in Constantine the great, whe● he embraced the Christian faith, and abrogated Gentilism and Pagan idolatry: But Danie● saith not, he shall abrogate or deny the gods of his fathers, but he shall not regard them.  
2. Some apply this unto the Turk, who honoureth Mahomet before Christ the ancient God of Christians, and preferreth Mahomet's laws before Christ's: Melancth. Oecolamp. But, as Calvin well noteth, voluit Deus sustinere animos suorum usque ad Christi exhibitionem, God in this prophesy doth intend only the relief and comfort of his, till Christ should be exhibited.  
3. The same reason may serve against their opinion, which think the Atheism, irreligion, and new worship brought in by the Popes to be here described: as Illyricus, lib. advers. primate. Pap. Osiander, Bulling. Graser. exercit. 3. p. 185. all these show how the Pope hath left the ancient faith, and true worship of jesus, in setting up other Mediators, and bringing in traditions, making them equal, if not superior to the laws of jesus Christ: so that in effect he worshippeth Christ but in name and show only. All this may fitly be applied under the type of Antiochus, to the Roman Antichrist, but there is difference between the historical and typical sense.  
4. The Romanists, as Pererius, Vatablus, do here dream of their imagined Antichrist, that shall come before the end of the world, and grow into such pride, that he shall cause himself only to be worshipped, as God: But this their fantastical conceit is rejected before, qu. 43. 4. and shall be at large confuted among the controversies.  
5. Calvin understandeth the Roman state, who daily invented new gods, but in effect cared for none: but at this time there was no king or Emperor of the Romans: as the Angel here speaketh directly of a king, hamelech: the article set before the word showeth, that one particular king is meant.  
6. Wherefore this was historically fulfilled in Antiochus: 1. not in that he profaned the Temple and the God of the jews, whom Antiochus the great his father honoured, and gave unto the Temple great immunities: joseph. lib. 12. c. 3. for the God of the jews was not the God of his fathers, that were idolaters. 2. nor in compelling the jews not to set by the honour of their fathers, 2. Ma●chab. 4. 15. for this must be his own act. 3. nor in setting up the gods of the Grecians, as jupiter, Bacchus, Hercules, which were not the Syrian gods: for all the Gentiles worshipped in effect the same idols, though under other names. 4. But herein was his impiety and prophannes seen, that though he set up the idols of the heathen, and spared for no cost, in adorning them, and therein exceeded all his predecessors, as Polybius in Athen. yet in effect he cared for no god: he was vacuus omni numinis reverentia, void of all reverence of the godhead: jun. Pellic. and Graserus, who applieth all this to the Pope, denieth not but that in this sense it may be understood of Antiochus. pag. 191.   

45. Quest. How Antiochus should not regard the desires of women.  
1. Some do read these words affirmatively, that he shall be in the desires of women. And here 1. Pelican applieth it to Antiochus, that was luxuriosissimus, most lascivious, in so much that publicly he was not ashamed to use his concubines. 2. some refer it to the Antichrist in the end of the world, qui futurus est judaeorum Messias, who shall be the Messiah of the jews, who▪ because the jews do expect the multitude of wives to be granted them by their Messiah, shall by no means command, or commend caelibatum, single life: Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. pont. c. 21. But it is evident, that in the Hebrew the negative particle must be supplied in every clause, as hath been showed in the divers readings of this verse: and so Anquila readeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he shall not attend to the desires of women. As concerning that conceit of their Antichrist, the jews Messiah and that Antichrist shall come together.  
2. Pererius thinketh, that the spirit of God of purpose left the Hebrew Scripture ambiguous, that in both senses it might agree to Antichrist: for he secretly shall be given to all lust, and yet outwardly feign chastity: but the Scripture useth not to speak doubtfully.  
3. Wherefore the best reading is negatively, he shall not have respect to the desires of women. 1. which neither do we take generally for his inhumanity, becasue kindness and humanity is likened to the love of women, 2. Sam. 1. 26. as junius referring it to Antiochus, and Calvin to the Romans, and some other to Herod that was cruel toward his wife and children. 2. nor, becasue Antiochus regarded not the desire and request of his wife for sparing the Temple: for the text speaketh of women, not of one woman. 3. nor yet is here signified the tenderness of women, whom he cruelly put to death, not sparing their sex: Bro. for the word chemidah, desire, is not taken in that sense. 4. nor yet is it meant, he should altogether be alienated from the desire of women; as Vatablus doth, applying it to their Antichrist. 5. But the word signifieth the lawful desires of women: he shall contemn matrimony, and be given over to vagrant lust: and this to be the sense Graserus showeth by three arguments: 1. by the use of the word, which is for the most part taken for lawful desire: as Daniel is called, a man of desires, Dan. 9 23. and Ezekiels' wife is called the desire of his eyes, c. 24. 17. 2. the word signifieth a reflection of desire: in desiring and being desired: as 1. Sam. 9 20. the desire of Israel was toward Saul: but this reflection of desire is only seen in lawful matrimony. 3. the phrase showeth so much, he shall not regard: as before it signified not the abolishing of all gods, but a contempt of them: so here he shall not altogether despise women, but he shall not regard their desire: he shall contemn matrimony: and so did Antiochus, who had a famous strumpet Antiochis, to whom he gave the cities of Tharsus and Mallot, 2. Macchab. 4. 30. Theodoret: and he openly joined himself to strumpets: as Hierome. 6. This being thus literally true of Antiochus, may be applied typically to the Pope, who hath brought in contempt of Matrimony, etc. but this is not the historical meaning, as Bulling. Osiand. Illyricus, Graserus do think. 7. But Oecolampad. is further off, who understandeth this of Antiochus contempt of the beautiful goddesses, as the Moon, or Venus: for the text speaketh of women, not of goddesses.   

46. Quest. Of the strange god that Antiochus should set up, v. 28.  
This verse is diversly interpreted, and there is great difference about the meaning of these words, in his place he shall honour the god Mauzzim. These divers opinions may be thus sorted: some do understand these words of the false god, which shall be set up: some of the true God, in whose stead Antiochus, or Antichrist, shall set up an other strange god.  
Of the first sort: 1. some think that Mauzzim should be the name of the place where Antiochus set up his idol, and caused it to be worshipped, which Porphyrius thinketh to have been called Modin, the country of Mattathia: Pelican also misliketh not this sense. But Mauzzim hath an other sense, it signifieth munition or strength: and between the words Mauzzim, and Modin, there is small affinity.  
2. Some apply this unto Antichrist, and think that he shall secretly worship the devil, whom he shall call the god of his defence, Lyran. and Bellarmine doth hereunto incline.  
3. Theodoret thus expoundeth, that Antichrist shall call himself the god Mauzzim, that is, a strong god: but it hath been showed sufficiently before, that this prophesy is historically and literally understood of Antiochus. And if it should be referred to Antichrist, that he is himself this god Mauzzim, there can be made no sense of these words, he shall worship the god Mauzzim in his place: for how can he be said to worship himself? here is one that worshippeth, and an other that is worshipped.  
4. Some understand this prophesy of the Turk, and this god Mauzzim to be Mahomet, whom the Turks adore with silver and gold; and whose religion he maintaineth by force and strength; still seeking to enlarge his Empire, and to subdue nations, which was one of Mahomet's special precepts and principles: and it is said, he shall worship him in his place, that is, according to his quality and dignity, not as a God, but as a great Prophet: thus one Christian Irenophil. ex Polan. Oecolampadius much varieth not, having reference here unto Mecca the temple of Mahomet, which is adorned with silver and gold. But I have showed, that this prophesy concerneth not the Turk, whose Monarchy began a 1000 years after Antiochus: & the affairs of the Turk did not belong to the state & condition of the jews the people of God then, for whose comfort specially this prophesy was penned.  
5. M. Calvin still proceedeth, applying all this unto the Romans, that they had their peculiar god jupiter Olympius, jupiter set up in the Capitol, whom they made the chief of all other gods: but in effect they only magnified themselves, their power and riches above all other gods: And so far as it was for their advantage and profit, they did pretend the name and worship of the gods: but in effect, they set up altars, and offered sacrifice, suae foelicitati & fortunae, to their own happiness and fortune: so also Genevens. following Calvin: but this application to the Roman state we have upon divers reasons refused before, qu. 44.  
6. Melancthon by the god Maosim, that is, of munitions, understandeth the god variorum templorum, that was worshipped in divers temples: for as the jews had but one Temple called before Maosa, v. 31. the Sanctuary of strength: so the Gentiles had their Maosim, their divers temples, wherein they worshipped a number of gods: as the Athenians worshipped Pallas, the Thebans, Bacchus; the Eleusines, Ceres; the Sicilians, Proserpina; the Argives, juno; they of Delphos, Phoebus; the Lemnians, Vulcan; the Lampsacenes, Priapus; the Phrygians, Cybele: But M. Calvin doth not much weigh this distinction of the singular and plural, for the word Maozim, he taketh it to be curious. And seeing Melancthon first understandeth this of Antiochus, it can not be showed how he brought in all these gods: and the text only speaketh in the singular, of the god Mauzzim.  
7. Some do properly understand here the Pope the Roman Antichrist, and retaining the word as a proper name Mauzzim do specially apply it to the idolatrous sacrifice of the Mass: Osiander maketh some allusion in the word Mauzzim, to the word Mass: Melancthon observeth that the word mazon, which signifieth food or meat, hath some assinitie with Mauzzim, noting the Papists breaden god: but Oecolampad. refuseth this conceit, because the word mazon is written without the letter ain, which the other word hath, Bullinger maketh this application, that Mauzzim which signifieth holds, may be taken for the Temples, which they adorn with silver and gold, and do tie thereunto the corporal presence of Christ: But all these are analogical applications of this prophesy: we must seek for an historical sense beside, which was to take place long before the Roman Antichrist appeared in the world.  
8. All these do by the god Mauzzim, understand a false god, which should be brought in by this adversary here spoken of. Polychronius by the god Mauzzim, that is, of strength, would have signified the true god of Isreal, whom Antiochus at length was forced to confess by the extremity of his disease, and sent great gifts and presents to jerusalem to the Temple: But neither is mention made in the story, 2. Macchab. 9 of any such gifts which he sent, Oecolampad. and it is a strange god, not the true God, which Antiochus here is said to worship with gold and silver.  
9 junius and Polanus do concur together, thus reading, as for the God of strength, in his place he shall honour: he shall honour a god, whom his fathers knew not, etc. And Polanus will have the first clause distinguished, because of the accent zakeph katon, which divideth it from the words following: so that they would have the god Mauzzim here taken for the true God, called the God of strength, Polan. or the God of munitions, that is, whose seat was at jerusalem, which is called in Scripture a city of munition: jun. commentar. But 1. neither that accent, nor yet the imperfect distinction rebia, which is over the word maghuzim, or (as Montanus) mahuzim, are of such force wholly to suspend these words from the clause following; but only they make a little pause or stay, not dividing the sense: for then the words, leeloha maghuzim, the god Mauzzim, standing by themselves, should make no sense at all. 2. And again, the same word leeloha, God, is repeated in the next sentence: it must therefore be taken in the same sense in both places: if in the latter, it might be translated, and God, he shall honour, whom &c. it must be so taken in the first place: and the god Mauzzim, or of munitions: not, as for the God: the preposition lamed must have the like use in both places: and this reason chiefly maketh me to dissent from these learned men in this place.  
10. Wherefore I rather condescend to that other interpretation of Melancthon, that Mauzzim signifieth not only strength, but an hold, munition, a place of defence: and so Antiochus after he had set up the idol of jupiter Olympius in the Temple, he built a strong tower or place of defence, near unto the Temple, where he set a garrison, to force the people to worship that idol: so the author of the Scholastical history interpreteth, Maozim praesidium sonat, & Antiochus in jerusalem praesidium posuit, Maozim signifieth an hold or garrison, and so Antiochus set garrisons in jerusalem: Lyranus taketh Mauzzim for a strong place, where Antichrist shall worship his idol: Vatablus by the god of strength, understandeth the idol, cuius fortitudini tribuet acceptum imperium, to whose fortitude he shall ascribe his Empire & dominion, which he had obtained. But I prefer rather the former sense for these two reasons: 1. because an other word by way of explanation is added to Mauzzim, which signifieth holds: he shall make or set in the holds, Mauzzim, munitions with a strange god, v. 39 3. The history hereunto agreeth, how they built a strong wall and made towers in the city of David, which was near unto the Temple: and so they were an ambushment to the Sanctuary, 1. Macchab. 1. 35. 38. This god of munitions than was jupiter Olympius, whom Antiochus caused to be set up in the Temple at jerusalem, and to be called by the name of that idol, 2. Macchab. 6. 2. which idol he guarded with munitions, worshipped with silver and gold: which was a strange god, because the Syrians worshipped other gods, and goddesses, as Apollo, Diana, Atargates: Strabo lib. Geogra. 16. jupiter Olympius was the idol of the greeks, which was not known in these places before: at the least never set up in the Temple at jerusalem, by any of Antiochus predecessors: so four things are here declared concerning this abominable idol: 1. he shall be guarded with munition. 2. he shall be set up in his place, that is, in the seat and place of the true God of Israel. 3. it shall be a strange idol, not known in that country before. 4. he shall honour him with silver and gold.   

47. Quest. Of Antiochus politic devices to continue the idolatrous service of his new god, v. 39  
This wicked and subtle Tyrant having brought in a new Idol, useth two means for the establishing of this new come image: first he by force, planting garrisons, and fortifying strong holds, seeketh to defend his false worship; then by rewards, honours, preferments, he enticeth base fellows to maintain his idolatry: but first the meaning of the words must be examined, and then the accomplishment and fulfilling thereof showed.  
1. Some do join both the parts of the verse together, and make this the sense; thus shall he do to the strong garrisons, that shall defend his strange god: he shall give rewards, honours, and preferments, Melancth. Oecolampad. Osiand. but beside, that the distinction rebia doth divide the first part of the sentence from the latter, the words themselves will not beat this sense: for it is said, he shall divide the land for a price, not freely: but to his soldiers and garrisons he gave rewards freely, yea he gave them a years pay before hand, 1. Macchab. 3. 27.  
2. M. Calvin readeth thus, faciet adversus munitiones fortitudinum, etc. he shall do against the strong munitions with a strange god: that is, prevail, etc. which he understandeth of the prosperous success of the Romans, who shall prevail and overcome by this their strange god; that is, by their own power and strength, which they shall magnify as a god. But beside that the Romans are not here understood at all, this sense is contrary to the scope of the text: for he shall prevail by these strong holds, not against them.  
3. The vulgar Latin readeth thus, and he shall cause to fortify Maozim with a strange god, that is, as Lyranus expoundeth, he shall fortify the place, when he worshippeth this strange god; applying it to Antichrist: but although this sense be not much to be misliked, the words are not well translated: for the word lemibizere, is a noun put in the plural number, and not a verb, and signifieth holds, munitions, forts, not to fortify.  
4. Bullinger thus interpreteth, faciet, scilicet praedicta, he shall do, that is to say the former things, with silver and gold, in the holds, that is, the temples of Maozim, with a strange god, in setting forth the worship of this strange god: to this purpose also the English translations, thus shall he do in the holds of Maozim, B. G. But these make here Maozim a proper name of the idol, which rather is a name appellative, and signifieth holds or garrisons, as is showed in the former question: and it is evident, that Maozim is a divers thing from the strange god here spoken of.  
5. Bullinger delivereth this as an other sense; he shall do in the holds of Maozim, as the Gentiles used to do with their strange gods: But this strange god here is the same, which before he called the god of Maozim, which is Antiochus new idol, which he set up.  
6. junius thus readeth, he shall commit the munitions of the (God) of strength unto a strange god: so also M. Br. and Polanus agreeth, saving that he inserteth not (God) as the other do: and they make this the sense, that Antiochus shall commit the custody of the strong holds of judea unto jupiter Olympius, as though he had vanquished the mighty God of judea himself. But it seemeth, that he had more confidence in his munitions and fortified places, then in his strange god: and that he committed this new god to the custody and defence of them, rather than strong places to him.  
7. Therefore I prefer Vatablus translation for the first words, who readeth thus, faciet ac vertet in munimenta, these things he shall turn to the defence, etc. of the (god) Maozim: saving that he maketh here Maozim a proper name, and supplieth the word (God,) and so maketh the (god Maozim) to be divers from the strange god here mentioned, 
〈…〉  being the same: I rather take Maozim with the Septuag, to be here an appellative, who translate it, a place of refuge: thus then are the words to be read, he shall make (to be) for holds, Maozim, strong places with a strange god: so the author of the Scholastical history interpreteth Maozim to be garrisons or forts, and Em. Sa, castella fortia, strong castles: the 〈…〉 is, he shall make strong places of defence, where he shall set up his strange god: which Antiochus accordingly did: for he fortified the tower of Zion, near unto the Temple, where he set the idol of jupiter Olympius, 1. Macchab. 1. 35, 36. as Hugo Card. well observeth: and he set garrisons in other cities of judah also, as in Garizin he placed jupiter hospitaler, that is, which keepeth hospitality, as he had set jupiter Olympius in jerusalem, 2. Macchab. 6. 2.  
For the second part of the verse: 1. for this clause, whom he knoweth, some copies of the vulgar Latin have, whom he knoweth not: which translation Vatablus and Pintus set down: but there is no negative in the original. 2. some refer this clause, whom he knoweth, unto Antiochus, that is, the idol which he approveth, and chooseth, Lyran. Hug. Melancth. Calv. Pap. with others: but it is said before, that he should not care for any god: he acknowledgeth none at all. 3. junius giveth this sense, those whom he knoweth, that is, favoureth, and seeth to further his wicked devise, them he shall honour: so also Polanus. 4. But the better sense seemeth to be this; that him, which acknowledgeth this idol, and yieldeth himself to this abomination, him will he honour. Vatabl. Bulling.  
The last words, he shall divide the land for a price, are diversly interpreted: 1. the vulgar Latin readeth, gratuito, he shall divide the land freely: so Lyran. Hug. Osiand. Pap but the original hath bimchir, in a price. 2. some read, loco pretij, he shall divide the land in stead of a price, jun. but the word is in a price, that is, for a price. 3. the best reading is, for a price, Bulling. Calv. Vatab. Polan. so also the Septuag. (for gifts,) non gratuito, not freely, or gratis. Pelican.  
For the accomplishment hereof: 1. Lyranus thinketh that this can not be understood of Antiochus, for he had no lands to distribute, having little beside the kingdom of Syria: But this is understood of the dividing of judea, which now was in Antiochus' hand. 2. M. Calvin understandeth it of the Romans, who took great sums of the kings, whom they subdued, to retain their dignities, as of Philip king of Macedon, whom they had overcome before. 3. But the history of the Macchabees showeth evidently, that all these things here prophesied, were so done by Antiochus: for so he bestowed the office of the high Priest for money, first jason bought it, and he was defraveded thereof by Menelaus, who carrying the money obtained the Priesthood for himself, 2. Macchab. 4. And three things Antiochus is said here to bestow, honours, authority, possessions: which accordingly he did, distributing unto the Apostatate jews the dignities, offices, and lands in divers places of judea: Polan. see it accomplished 1. Macchab. 3. 35, 36.   

48. Quest. Of the last expedition of Antiochus against the Egyptians, judea, and other nations. v. 40. to 44.  
There are two parts of this narration: 1. what countries he shall invade, v. 40, 41. and what countries shall be free. First, he shall set upon Egypt, being provoked by the king thereof, and shall come against him with an huge army both by sea and land, v. 40. then he shall enter into the land of judea, called the pleasant land, v. 41. Secondly, the nations which are freed from these troubles, are either those which he shall spare, as being confederates, Edom, Moab, and the first, that is, the chief of Ammon, v. 41. and those nations which shall aid and assist him, as the Lybians and Aethiopians, which shall help him to take the spoil of Egypt: here then are in all these four particular members: 1. of the battle between the king of the South, and the North. 2. of the pleasant land. 3. of Edom, Moab, and Ammon, which escaped. 4. of Lybia and Aethiopia that helped: of all these, how they should be taken, there are divers opinions.  
1. Some do understand all this of the Antichrist, who, as they imagine, shall come in the end of the world. 1. he shallbe that king of the North, who shall first subdue Egypt. 2. and then he shall invade judea, called the pleasant, or glorious land, because of the miracles which were wrought there. 3. Moab, Ammon, Edom shall escape, because diverse in that great persecution of Antichrist, shall save themselves there in the mountains, for these were hilly countries. 4. he shall take also Lybia and Aethiopia, which shall first of all be subject unto him, Hierome, Lyran, Perer. But this exposition of such a singular Antichrist hath been refused before, upon these two reasons. 1. because the Angel prophesieth only of such things as should befall the people of the jews, for whom Daniel was so soliicitous and careful. 2. that there shall be no such singular Antichrist, whom they suppose to be one particular person, is showed afterward, controv. 2.  
2. M. Calvin giveth this interpretation: 1. that the king of the South and the North shall encounter with the Romans: for so Mithridates and Tigranes in the North, had long war with the Romans: and Cleopatra with Antony in Egypt fought a great battle with Augustus. 2. the Romans shall prevail and invade judea also. 3. But the hilly countries of Moab, Edom, Ammon, shall escape them, or they shall not greatly regard them. 4. the Romans also shall conquer the Lybians and Aethiopians.  
But this exposition cannot stand. 1. because the kings of the North and South do not join together, but it is said, the king of the North shall come against him, that is, against the king of the South. 2. here is no mention made of any third king or power, beside the king of the North and South: and he that is the king of the North, is said to do all that followeth in the next verses, v. 41. he shall enter into the pleasant land, v. 42. he shall stretch forth his hands, that is, the king of the North shall do all this.  
3. Bullinger thus interpreteth. 1. by the king of the North and South he understandeth the Turks and Saracenes which should come from the North and South, with huge armies of footmen, and horses, and strong ships. 2. They shall invade the pleasant land, and many shall falk which he referreth to the holy wars decreed against the Turk, by Gregor. 2. in the Council of Claromont, which was the occasion of the ruin and overthrow of many. 3. Edom, Moab, and Ammon, that is the people inhabiting those countries, shall join themselves unto the Turks and Saracenes, and so be free. 4. The Lybians also and Aethiopians, shall be confederate with the Turks: who shall overcome Egypt, and expel the Sultan thereof, which was brought to pass by Selimus the great Truke.  
But these exceptions likewise may be here taken. 1. that this prophesy beginning with Antiochus, is not like to end with the Turk, and so the space of a thousand years coming between, should be left untouched. 2. the kings of the North and South are not here confederates, but they one fight▪ with an other. 3. the names of Moab, Edom, Ammon, and their generation were extinguished before the Turks Monarchy began: this prophesy than cannot be extended so far, but must be restrained to those times, while these names and nations continued.  
4. Osiander and Pappus, 1. by the king of the North understand the Roman Antichrist: by the king of the South, Christ: for as from the North they say cometh all evil: so from the South that which is good: and thus the king of the South, that is Christ, hath raised up from time to time diverse of his saithful servants, which have opposed themselves to Antichrist. 2. by the pleasant land is understood the Church, which Antichrist shall continually afflict. 3. Edom signifieth red, Moab the father, Ammon my people: and these three sorts shall be free from the corruptions of Antichrist: the martyrs that are made red with their blood: they which depend only upon the mercies of God the father: and the first of Ammon, that is, infants which are as the first fruits of the people of God. 4. And though the Pope's authority be not received in Lybia, Egypt, Aethiopia, yet he challengeth jurisdiction over them all, etc.  
But this exposition also faileth: 1. the king of the North and South are literally to be taken, 
See more Appendix exercis. 7. argum. 3.  as before in the rest of this chapter: and who seeth not how improperly Christ is said to be king of the South: if the Pope of Rome be the king of the North, Christ borne in jerusalem which is not South, but East to Rome, is unfitly called king of the South: And seeing he is king of all the world, his kingdom must not be restrained to the South. 2. by the pleasant land judea is understood here as also before, v. 16. 3. as Egypt and other countries are here understood literally for the nations so called, so likewise must Edom, Moab, and Ammon be taken. 4. Lybia and Aethiopia, which never yet received the Pope, are very improperly said to be in subjection to him.  
5. It remaineth then, that all this was historically fulfilled in Antiochus. 1. the occasion of his coming against Egypt was this, Philometor king of Egypt, had an other brother called Physcon, who sought to expel Philometor out of his kingdom: with Physcon Antiochus taketh part, and prepareth an army to come and help him, which Philometor understanding, here called the king of the South, went against him: and this is the battle here spoken of between the king of the South, and of the North: But the king of the North prevailed, whose army is compared to a whirlwind, and to an overflowing water: but the other is said only to push at him. This history is touched by Florus in the Epitome of Livy, lib. 46. and by justine also, and Zonaras tom▪ annal. 2.  
2. As Antiochus returned from the spoil of Egypt, he took judaea, and other countries in the way, and spoiled them also.  
3. But he spared the Edomites, Moabites, and Ammonites, because they took his part against them, and much molested the jews: and therefore judas Macchabeus did fight against the children of Esau, and Timotheus the captain of the Ammonites, besieged their cities, and put them to the sword, 2. Macchab. 5. joseph. lib. 12. antiqu. c. 11.  
4. The Lybians also and Ethiopians, which before were on Philometors' side, being alured by his fair promises joined with Antiochus, and therefore it is said, they were at his footsteps or paces, that is, they followed him as their captain: see further in the appendix, Exercis. 8. argum. 2. answer. 9  
But thus it is argued against this exposition. 1. Porphyry who literally understandeth this prophesy of Antiochus, saith that these things happened in his 11. year, whereas in the beginning of that year he died far from home in Persia, Perer.  
2. After the Romans by their Ambassador Popilius had discharged Antiochus out of Egypt, he never returned thither again, Perer.  
3. Antiochus never subdued the countries of Lybia, and Aethiopia, as here it is said of this king, Hierome.  
4. Neither had Antiochus all countries in subjection unto him, only these three excepted, of Edom, Moab, Ammon.  
Answ. 1. Though these things were not done in the 11. year of Antiochus as Porphyrius thinketh, who was therein deceived, yet this letteth not but that this prophesy was fulfilled in Antiochus: these things might fall out two years after he had set up idolatry, and some two years or thereabout before his death, jun. annot.  
2. Though Antiochus did forbear to invade Egypt, after that discharge by way of hostility and conquest, yet he might and did afford his helping hand to one of the brothers against the other: which might be taken for no breach of his promise made unto the Romans to depart out of Egypt.  
3. Neither doth the text say, that he subdued Lybia, and Aethiopia; but as Hierome saith he passed through or by them: and Hierome himself giveth this satisfaction, that when Egypt was taken, the countries next adjoining conturbatae sunt, were troubled: But the word is bemitzghadaiv, in his paces, or footings, that is, Lybia and Aethiopia followed his footsteps, they obeyed him as their captain.  
4. Neither are all the countries of the world here spoken of: for never any Conqueror subdued the whole world, neither ever shall: but the country adjoining to Egypt, 
See more in the appendix exer. 6. argum. 1. respon 8.  and Palestina felt Antiochus' hand: the meaning is, that only these three countries in those parts, and in that tract and circuit escaped his hands, namely, Edom, Moab, Ammon.   

Quest. 49. Of the Lybians and Aethiopians where they inhabited.  
v. 43. Because mention is here made of the Lybians and Aethiopians, which should take part with Antiochus against the king of Egypt, it shall not be amiss briefly to describe what nations these were.  
1. For the Lybians: they were people that inhabited Africa: but the country called Lybia, was either taken for the larger country of Africa, or for that part only which was next unto Egypt, called Cyrenaica, as Act. 2. 10. it is said by way of distinction, the parts of Lybia, which is beside Cyrene. And that larger country, and the remoter parts of Lybia, are called in Scripture, Phut, as Nahum 3. 9 the Phutei and Lybians are named together: they were so called of Phut one of the sons of Cham, Genes. 10. 6. in which country there was a river called Phut: The Lybians then here spoken of, were those people of the nearer Lybia to Egypt.  
2. Cush here is taken for Aethiopia: so called of Cush the son of Cham: but there were two countries called by that name Cush or Aethiopia: one was Arabia in Asia, and therefore Zipporah Moses wife, is called a Cushite or Aethiopesse, Numb. 12. of this Aethiopia was Zerah king, that came against Asa, with such an huge army, 2. Chron. 14. 9 the king of the other Aethiopia, 
Se● a singular opinion of 〈◊〉 concerning these Lybians and 〈◊〉 Appendix Exercis. 8. argum. 2.  which was in Africa beyond Egypt, he is not like to be, because of the great distance of the place, and there was no cause of hostility between them: the Aethiopians here spoken of, were of that larger country adjoining upon Egypt, see further Hexapl. in Genes. c. 10. quest. 9  
3. But Pintus by occasion of this word Cush, which signifieth a Niger, or black Moor, will have it taken not only for one that is black in the colour and complexion of his body, but black also in manners and conditions: according to that saying of the Poet Herace, hic niger est, hunc tu Roman can●eto, etc. this is a black fellow, thou Roman take heed of him: 
Whether Sa●l be called Cush in the title of the 7. Psalm.  This his opinion he would warrant by the title of the 7. Psalm, Shigaion of David, which he sang, etc. concerning the words of Cush the son of jemini: which he taketh to be understood of Saul the king, who is called Cush, because of his evil and cruel conditions: Now for the meaning of this place, there are diverse opinions. 1. Some think that this is understood of Chushai David's friend, who opposed himself to the counsel of Achitophel: of this opinion are Basil, Chrysostome, Theodoret, Euthymius, with others: but this cannot be so:  
1. His name is Cushat, with other letters and pricks, this is Cush. 2. that Cushai was an Archite, that is, of Benjamin. 3. he was David's friend, but this was David's enemy, of whom he complaineth in this Psalm.  
2. another opinion is, that this Cush was Saul, because he was of jemini, that is, of the tribe of Benjamin: Thus expoundeth jonathas the Chalde paraphrast: as though Cush should be here taken for Cis the father of Saul: of the same opinion that Saul is here understood, are Hierome, whom follow herein Raynerus, Isidor. Brixianus, jansenius, Vatablus, Pintus, with others: But this we refuse also: for when the word is taken for a Cushite or Aethiopian, it is Cushi, not Cush: for so the Hebrews end their gentile names in I: so Cushi signifieth a Cushite or Aethiopian, jerem. 13. 23.  
3. Some do here refer us to Shemei, that cursed David, 2. Sam. 16. Genevens. as though he should be called by another name, beside Shemei: but there being no such thing mentioned in Scripture, I leave it as a bare conjecture.  
4. Wherefore it is more like, that this Cush was some other of Saul's followers that gave in false information of him unto Saul: as David complaineth of such unto Saul himself, 1. Sam. 24. 10. wherefore givest thou an care to men's words that say, Behold David seeketh evil against thee, jun.   

Quest. 50. Of the end of Antiochus, and such things as immediately went before.  
In this last part of this prophetical narration, there are first showed the signs and forerunners of this cruel Tyrant's end and sudden destruction: secondly, his end and ruin itself: there ate three signs which went before, as ominous accidents. 1. the rumours which he heard from the East and the North. 2. his indignation and fury thereupon. 3. the planting of his tabernacle in the holy mount. 4. then followeth his final ruin.  
1. What these rumours should be, there are diverse opinions. 1. Hierome understandeth it of the fame and rumour of wars, which should be raised by the faithful and Chrstian people against Antichrist in the end of the world: But such an Antichrist to be one particular person to come in the end of the world, hath no ground in Scripture: neither is the accomplishment hereof to be deferred so long unto the end of the world.  
2. M. Calvin still continueth his interpretation of the Roman state: these rumours which troubled them, were the evil news which was brought them, how Crassus was vanquished at Carras, and Antony also after that, was there foiled with all the power of the Romans: But this text speaketh of one particular man, whose end is described: it cannot be referred then to a whole state or Monarchy.  
3. These rumours, M. Bullinger thinketh, to be the tidings brought to the Roman Antichrist, concerning the wars of the Turk: whereupon Gregor. the 2. combined all Christian princes to join together against the common enemy the Turk, which was the beginning of those long and bloody wars, called the holy wars.  
4. Osiander and Pappus understanding here also the Roman Antichrist, by these rumours think to be meant the preaching of the Gospel, which began in the parts of Germany, which are East and North unto Rome: But though this prophesy analogically may be applied to Antichrist, yet there is another historical meaning, as shall be showed afterward.  
5. Melancthon will have the Turk here to be described, who shall be terrified with rumours: that is, whereas by human force he could not be resisted, the Lord from heaven shall stay his rage: But we must not defer the fulfilling of this prophesy so long: it served specially for the comfort of those times.  
6. These rumours than were the tidings of wars which were brought unto Antiochus, and drew him out of Egypt: these rumours from the East, were of the Parthians, which invaded his kingdom; and from the north, of the Romans whose navies and ships were in the coasts of Cilicia: jun. annot. who in his commentary thinketh that these rumours were only of the overthrow of his captains in judea, while he was in Persia: the news whereof was brought him both to Persepolis which was in the East, and to Ecbatane in the North, 2. Macchab, 9 2. 3. Porphyrius by these rumours understandeth the fame of wars which were intended against him from the East, by Artaxias king of Armenia: But Polanus better joineth these together: that first the rising of the Parthians and Persians troubled him, which was the cause that brought him into that country; and being there he was much more vexed, hearing of the evil success that his captains Timotheus and Bacchides had in judea, whom judas Macchabeus vanquished, and slew at one time 20. thousand of their army: see 2. Macchab. 8. 30. and c. 9 3.  
2. The second precedent of Antiochus ruin, was his great wrath and indignation, with the which he went forth and destroyed many. But this is likewise diversely interpreted. 1. Hierome understands it of antichrist's rage, against those which shall not receive his decrees: so also Pererius. 2. M. Calvin of Augustus Caesar, who overcame the Parthians, and recovered that which Antony had lost. 3. M. Bullinger of the combination made by Pope Gregory 2. whetting and stirring up Christian Princes to take in hand the wars for the holy land. 4. Osiander of the cruel rage of Antichrist against the preachers of the gospel, Luther, with others, the rumour whereof troubled him. 5. Melancthon of the rage of the Turk. 6. Porphyrius of the overthrow, which Antiochus gave to Artaxia● king of Armenia, subduing also the Aradians and Phoenicians in the way. 7. But the event of this prophesy showeth, that this cruel rage of Antiochus was but against the jews, intending to make an utter destruction and desolation of them, as is declared 1. Macchab. 3. 27. when king Antiochus heard these tidings, he was angry in his mind, wherefore he sent forth and gathered all the power of his realm, a very strong army: and what he intended against them, is further showed, v. 35. 36. 37.  
3. Then followeth the third ominous and precedent sign, of the planting of the tabernacles of his palace between the Seas in the glorious and holy mountain. 1. Aquila maketh Apadno, which signifieth his tabernacle, a proper name, and Saba he maketh the name of an hill: the holy mountain Saba, which is translated glorious: so likewise Th●dotian interpreteth, whom Theodoret followeth, taking Apadno to be the name of a place near to jerusalem, where Antichrist shall be overthrown: But it is evident, that the word tzebi, glorious, is here no proper name, as before it is an epithet given unto judea: and as Hierome noteth, aphadno is compounded of two words, aphad, which signifieth a throne, and no, his.  
2. Hierome therefore giveth this sense, whom Lyranus, Pintus, Pererius follow, that Antichrist shall pitch his tabernacle in judea, between the two Seas, the dead Sea, and Mediterranean Sea: in the holy mountain, mount Zion or mount Oliver, where Christ ascended, where Antichrist shall be overthrown: of which mountain Hierome lib. de locis hebraic. telleth two strange things: that in mount Olivet in his time were to be seen the print of Christ's feet on the ground, where he last stood, when he ascended; and beside in the same place where Christ is thought to have ascended, there is a Church, which will not endure a roof or covering upon it. But I will leave the credit of these strange reports to those, which have seen those countries, which do find no such thing: either Herome might be too credulous in reporting such things, or some forging finger hath thrust it in: If this report have no more truth, then that other conceit of antichrist's spreading his palace in mount Olivet, they are both mere fables.  
3. Porphyrius taketh these two Seas to be Tigris and Euphrates, and Apadno to be the name of a place between those rivers: and this mountain he thinketh to be in Elymais, Armenia, or Mesopotamia, where Antiochus pitched his pavilion: But though this prophesy were historically fulfilled in Antiochus, wherein he guesseth right: yet the other are but his fancies, by two Seas to understand two rivers: and why should any such hill among the idotrous Persians be called holy, unless he think it were for the superstitious adoration of some Gentile idols there: which the spirit of God would never in that respect have called holy.  
4. Some applying this to the Turk, do show how his seat at Constantinople is between the two Seas Aegeum and Euxinum, where sometime the Church of God was, called the holy mountain, Melancthon. M. Calvin showeth how the Romans set their palace and dominion in those countries, and especially in judea, after they had quieted those parts: But this prophecy was not deferred so long, as to reach unto the Turks: and it is evident, that some singular person is here described, whose end is foreshowed: therefore not the whole state of the Romans.  
5. Some do interpret it of the Roman Antichrist, whose seat is between the two Seas, Tyrrhenum, and Adriaticum: and they think Rome to be called the holy mountain, because sometime there Paul planted a famous Church, Osiand. Pappus. But though this by way of application may be referred to Antichrist, that is not the original and historical sense: and it seemeth to be somewhat hard, to call the seat of Antichrist great Babylon, the city of abominations, the holy mountain.  
6. Oecolampadius likewise here understanding Antichrist, taketh this holy mountain for the Church of God, which was prefigured by judea, which was situate between the two Seas, the dead Sea, and the mediterrane sea: But it is evident that the glorious mountain is here taken for judea, as it is called before the beautiful or glorious land, v. 16. 41.  
7. junius in his commentary taketh Apadno for Mesopotamia, for he saith that country was called Apadan: as Theodotian retaineth the same word Apadon, and there Antiochus pitched his pavilion between the Seas, among the Chalde fens: and in the holy mountain he interpreteth, when they went against the holy mountain, that is judea, which was an hilly country: And this may seem some probability hereof, because the word padan is taken for Mesopotamia in Scripture, which cometh somewhat near the word aphadno: But the two seas cannot properly be said to be fens: And the very description of the holy mountain between the two Seas, showeth that judea is understood by the right situation thereof.  
8. Some do think, that Antiochus himself returning out of Persia, was entering into the borders and confines of judea, when he was stricken of God: and then he pitched his princely tents between the dead sea, and the Mediterranean: so Polanus out of josephus, who thus writeth, that judas Macchabeus, eum in sins judaeae ingredientem, vehementissima plaga percussum, repressit, etc. did recoil him or drive him back entering into the borders of judea, being stricken with a great plague, etc. lib. 1. de bello judaic. c. 1. But this cannot stand with that report, 1. Macchab. 9 4. that Antiochus fell sick in Babylon, and their died: he was dead then before he came near judea: and he could not spread his tents there after he was returned from Persia: wherefore either josephus writeth here somewhat loosely and slenderly of this matter, as he doth elsewhere: or he speaketh of some other foil that judas gave unto Antiochus, and not at that time, when he had been in Persia.  
9 Wherefore the meaning is this, that not Antiochus should pitch his pavilion in his own person, but his viceroy Lysias, with whom he had left his son Antiochus, and half of his army, and made him governor in his absence of all his kingdom from Euphrates to the borders of Egypt: then he pitched in Emmaus with the king's forces, 1. Macchab. 3. v. 32. 40. H. Br. in Daniel. which was since called Nicopolis: which though it be said to be in the plain, yet there the hilly tract beginneth, that extendeth to jerusalem, the mount Olivet not being above a mile from Emmaus, Lyran. Hugo. the two Seas are the dead Sea and the Mediterranean Sea, which are the limits of judea, jun.   

Quest. 51. Of the sudden and fearful end of Antiochus.  
v. 45. He shall come to his end, and none shall help him. 1. Hierome thus delivereth the sense, that Antichrist shall go up to the top of mount Olivet: for so he readeth, veniet ad summitatem eius, he shall come to the height thereof: that is, of mount Olivet, whereon he shall be confounded: And this he would prove by that place, Isay, 25. 7. I will destroy in this mountain the covering, that covereth all people, etc. But the meaning of this place is, that Christ, of whom the Prophet there speaketh, (who shall prepare a spiritual feast, which is mentioned in the former verse, by the preaching of the gospel) shall remove the covering of ignorance and darkness, which had overspread the world: And the Prophet there nameth not mount Olivet, but hath reference to that mount spoken of, c. 24. 23. which was mount Zion: a figure of the Church, which should be illuminate with the knowledge of Christ. 2. and the text speaketh not of the end of the mountain, but of Antiochus end, when his time was come which was limited of God.  
2. Some proceed yet further, and show the manner how Antichrist shall be overthrown: that first he shall feign himself dead, and rise again the third day, and then upon mount Olivet he shall make as though he would ascend into heaven, and so shall be lifted up into the air by the help of the devil and his Angels: at which instant he shall be destroyed by Christ from heaven, by the spirit of his mouth, as the Apostle speaketh, 2. Thess. 2. Percrius, Some add further the particular manner how Antichrist shall be destroyed: as the author of the scholastical history saith, ascendente per aera Antichristo, audietur vox Christi de coelo missa, morcre: as Antichrist is ascending into the air, there shall come a voice from heaven, die, and presently he shall be smitten with lightning and perish: so also Lyran. But Lactantius is yet more bold, who thus describeth the destruction of Antichrist: that he with an huge army shall compass about the Saints in a mountain, whether they fled, than they shall call upon God for his help: And presently the heavens shall open, and lightning shall break forth: and this shallbe a sign of the Lords descending, cadet repent gladius, a sword shall suddenly fall from heaven: and then Antichrist shall be overcome by the Angels, and all his power: he only shall escape, sed quarto praelio debellatus, etc. but he in the fourth battle with all his host shall be subdued, and then shall suffer worthy punishment for his wickedness: to this purpose Lactantius lib. 7. institution. c. 17. 18.  
But 1. beside that these show great boldness in thus expounding, taking upon them without warrant of Scripture to express the very form of words, which shall then be used, and the very signs which shall be showed. 2. herein further they fail, in confounding the two overthrows of Antichrist, which the Apostle doth separate: for first he saith, whom the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth: that is, by his word: and the final destruction followeth: and abolish with the brightness of his coming, 2. Thessal. 2. 8. first Antichrists hypocrisy shall be discovered by the preaching of the Gospel, which is already fulfilled: but the remainder of his kingdom shall be reserved for the judgement of the great day.  
3. They which understand this of the Turkish Monarchy, as Melancthon, or of the Antichrist of Rome, as Bulling. Osiand. or of the Roman state, as Calvin, are confuted by this argument: because here the destruction of one particular man is set forth, as in the precedent part the prophesy runneth still upon one principal agent, in the wars before mentioned.  
4. junius in his annotations, understanding all this of Antiochus, doth thus interpret these words: he shall come to the end, that is, of his kingdom, namely to Persepolis in Elymais, which was in the utmost bounds of his dominion: But in his commentary he better expoundeth it of the end of his life: so also Polan. H. Br. Porphyrius, though an enemy to the Christian faith, yet herein agreeth with the truth, applying this whole prophesy unto Antiochus: but he is deceived, in naming the place of his death to be Tabis, a town of Persia: whereas he was carried to Babylon, and there sickened, 1. Macchab. 6. 4. and was stricken of God with an incurable disease, that no man could help him: for he crawled full of worms, and his flesh fell off from him, so that no man could endure his stink: yea he was loathsome to himself, as is further declared, 2. Macchab. 9 10. 12. This was the end of wicked Antiochus.  
But against this exposition it is thus objected. 1. that Antiochm died not between the Seas, and upon the mountain, as is here described, but as he came out of Persia, Lyranus. 2. Seeing these latter words of the chapter are joined with necessary coherence to the former; as they are not understood of Antiochus, no more are these, Perer.  
Answ. 1. It is not said here, that he died upon the mountains, or between the Seas, but there was his princely pavilion spread: for while Antiochus went into Persia, he left half of his army, and his son Antiochus, with Lysias, who pitched in Emmaus at the entrance or beginning of the hills, as is showed, 1. Macchab. 3. 34. 40. Now while Lysias with other captains were busy in suppressing of the jews, and were discomfited, as is further declared, 1. Macchab. 5. the news thereof was brought to Antiochus being in Persia: whereupon he fell into a great rage, purposing utterly to destroy jerusalem: but the Lord plagued him, and he died in the way, 1. Macchab. 6. 2. Macchab. 9 And thus was the horn broken without hand, as is prophesied, c. 8. 25.  
2. This argument may be returned upon Pererius: for seeing these words hang together with the former; and it hath been sufficiently showed before, that the former part of this prophesy, is understood of Antiochus, so must the latter also.  
3. This ●ore plague fell upon Antiochus (which Appianus thinketh to have been a venereous or lecherous disease, in Syriac.) but it was more strange and extraordinary, though that be foul and filthy enough: he was thus smitten, not as Polybius thinketh, because he would have spoiled the Temple of Diana: for as josephus saith, tantum cogitavit, he only intended it, he did it not: and therefore he well concludeth against Polybius, that Antiochus perished, ob templi Hierosolymitani excidium, for the spoiling of the Temple of jerusalem, lib. 12. Antiquit. c. 12. And thus far of the questions and doubts moved out of this chapter.    

4. Places of doctrine.  

1. Doct. The Scripture the rule of truth.  
v. 2. Now I will show thee the truth: The truth is only revealed in Scripture; the truth of God is first manifested unto the world in Christ, as he saith, joh. 14. 6. I am the way, the truth, and the life: and this truth is revealed in Scripture, as our blessed Saviour saith, joh. 17. 17. thy word is the truth: the Scriptures of truth are committed to the Church, which is called the pillar of truth, 1. Tim. 3. 15. not because it beareth up the truth; but it rather is borne up by the truth: but both because the truth of God is only revealed to the Church, as here the Angel delivereth the truth of this prophesy unto Daniel: and the truth is set forth and professed in the world by the Church, as a light set upon a pillar, or a beacon raised upon a mountain.   

Doctr. 2. Of the impotency of images.  
v. 8. He shall carry away captive their gods, with their molten images: quales dij sunt, qui captivi ducuntur, what manner of gods are these which are carried into captivity? Bulling. so the Prophet Isay derideth the idols of the Chaldeans, Bel and Nebo, which were carried upon beasts into captivity, Isay. 46. 1. how should they be able to help others, that can do nothing for themselves?   

Doct. 3. Victory not always a sign of a good cause.  
v. 11. And the multitude shall be given into his hand: Ptolemy Philopator a most vicious king, who slew Eurydice his both sister and wife, and used both a male concubine Agathocles, and his sister Agathoclea: yet he overcometh Antiochus Magnus, not so bad as himself: which showeth that the victory always falleth not on the better side, as the Israelites fight against Benjamin, having the better cause, were twice overcome, Bulling.   

Doct. 4. The Church of God maketh a land glorious.  
v. 16. He shall stand in the pleasant (glorious, or beautiful) land: which was judea, not so much glorious because of the fertility thereof, Pintus, or for the miracles done therein, Lyran, for many great works had been done in Egypt: but because there was the Temple and public service and worship of God: this showeth that religion maketh lands famous and glorious, Polan.   

Doct. 5. Of the fidelity of wives to their husbands.  
v. 17. She shall not stand on his side: Antiochus the great gave his daughter Cleopatra unto Ptolemy Epiphanes, thinking to use her as an instrument to destroy him; but she contrary to the expectation of her father, cleaveth to her husband: wherein she showed the part of a dutiful obedient wife, preferring the life and safety of her husband before her father's ungodly desire: thus the Scripture saith, for this cause shall a man forsake father and mother, and cleave to his wife, Genes. 2. If in the degrees of lawful affection the wife (or husband) must be preferred before the parents, much more in unlawful desires, Polan.   

6. Doctr. That tribute must be paid to the Prince.  
v. 20. Then shall stand up in his place, one that shall raise taxes. This was Seleucus Callinicus, who raised immoderate taxes. Tribute is to be paid unto Princes, and they may lawfully take it: for what God giveth, they may take: but such things are given unto Princes: as our blessed Saviour saith, Give unto Cesar, the things that are Caesar's: and such things are to be yielded unto the Magistrate, because they are helps to suppress the evil that disturbs the peace: and in that behalf they are due, as the Apostle showeth, Rom. 13. 4. 7. But two cautions are to be observed: 1. that such taxes be moderate, not excessive, tending to the overthrow and undoing of the subject: as Seleucus here was such a raker: and the king of Spain of late days, who exacted the tenth part of the things which were sold in the low countries. 2. such taxes and levies of money, must not be wasted in riot and excess, but ●mploied for the most part to the good of the Commonwealth.   

7. Doct. Religion is not to be compelled or urged by torment.  
v. 33. They shall fall by flame, by sword. Antiochus did wickedly force the faithful by such torments to forsake their religion: so doth that Antichrist of Rome, that by fire and sword forceth men unto his superstitions. Lactantius saith well, Religio cogi non potest, verbis potius, quam verberibus res agenda est, religion is not to be forced, by words rather than swords the matter must be handled. Among the Protestants none are put to death for religion, but for their rebellion, and sedition, and practising against the state.   

8. Doctr. The end of persecution is to try and purge the faithful.  
v. 33. Some shall fall, etc. to try and purge them, and make them white. There are two ends of persecution: the one is, that trial may be made of the constancy and faithfulness of the servants of God: the other to purge out that dross which is in them, and to wash them white: whereby we see, that the most faithful servants of God have their blemishes, errors, and imperfections, and therefore had need to be purged. Calv.    

5. Places of controversy.  
Here follow certain controversies concerning Antichrist.  

1. Controv. Of the birth and offspring of Antichrist.  
Many of the ancient writers, as they living many years before the manifestation of Antichrist in the world, were deceived in these particulars; so also they were much out of the way in true understanding of other points belonging to this mystery of iniquity. 1. Hippolytus thought that Antichrist should be a Devil incarnate, 
Antichrist not a devil incarnate.  and be begotten by fornication, & phantastica carnis substantia organi vice utetur, and should use a fantastical body, as his organ, etc. he thinketh that he should not have a true body, but only in appearance.  
2. Damascen thinketh not that Antichrist should be a Devil incarnate, yet he saith, 
Antichrist whether actually possessed of the devil.  that illum inhabitet Diabolus, etc. the devil should dwell in him, lib. 4. de fide orthodox. c. 18. that the Devil should possess him both body and soul, that in him and by him he should exercise and practise all his malice. But these are men's fancies: 1. S. Paul calleth him the man of sin: therefore a man he shall be, and not a devil in man's likeness. 2. and his coming shall be by the operation of Satan, 2. Thess. 2. 9 not by the possession, and habitation of Satan: Satan may work by those whom he possesseth not, and he may possess their bodies by whom he worketh not.  
3. another opinion of some ancient writers is, 
Whether Antichrist shall be borne in Babylon.  that Antichrist should be borne in Babylon: as Gregory would gather so much out of the 2. of Numbers, where it is said, that Dan pitched his tents toward the North: for Babylon Antichristi patria Aquilonaris est, etc. for Babylon the country of Antichrist is North to judea. Gregor. lib. 31. moral. c. 10. But this is a very slender collection: 1. there only the situation of the several tribes is described, how they were placed in respect of the Tabernacle, which marched in the mids among them: and not only the tribe of Dan, but of Asher also and Nepthali did camp Northward. 2. Babylon is not now standing, but is come to perpetual desolation, according to the prophesy of Isai, c. 13. 19 that Babylon should be as the destruction of God in Sodom and Gomorrha.  
4. But it is almost a general opinion among the ancient writers, 
Wh●ther Antichrist shall be of the tribe of 〈◊〉.  that Antichrist should be borne of the tribe of Dan: thus thought Ireneus, Hippolytus, Hierome, Augustine, Prosper, Ambrose, Beda, ●upertus, with many others, which they would prove by these three places of Scripture, as Gen. 49. 10. Dan shall be a serpent by the way, biting the horse heels. jerem. 8. 16. The neighing of his horses is heard from Dan: and because Apoc. 7. where 12. thousand are reckoned of every tribe, Dan is left out: the reason whereof they say is this, because Antichrist should come of Dan. Pererius subscribeth to this opinion, and alloweth of these reasons. But Bellarmine rejecteth this opinion as a fancy, and very sufficiently answereth all the former places objected: for the first place is understood of Samson, who was of the tribe of Dan: the second of Nebuchadnezzers' coming to destroy jerusalem, and so Hierome also expoundeth it: and in the third place Dan is left out, and so is Ephraim; because joseph is named for the latter, and Levi for Dan. Thus Bellarmin. lib. 3. de Roman. Pontif. cap. 12. Thus in this question one jesuit (or if you will judasite) is opposite to an other.   

2. Controv. That Antichrist shall not be one particular man.  
All these aforesaid, which affirm that Antichrist shall be a Devil incarnate, shall be borne in Babylon, and come of the tribe of Dan; they likewise hold, that he shall be one particular man. And this generally is the opinion of the Romanists at this day: so Pererius, Pintus, Bellarmine, with the rest: for if this could be proved, the Pope should be freed from the imputation of Antichrist.  
But this opinion hath as small ground as the other, and it may thus be refelled by Scripture. 1. S. Paul saith, that the mystery of iniquity began even then already to work in his time, 2. Thess. 2. 7. and S. john also agreeth, Of whom ye have heard (namely of Antichrist) how that he should come, and now already he is in the world. If Antichrist begun to show himself by his Antichristian doctrine even in the Apostles time, which is above 1500. years since, then can he not be one singular or special man.  
2. S. john again saith, 1. joh. 2. 18. Babes, it is the last time, and if ye have heard that Antichrist shall come, even now are there many Antichrists, whereby we know that it is the last time: out of this place two conclusions may be inferred: the first is, Antichrist was to come in the last times, but Antichrist is now come, therefore these are the last times: If then Antichrist was come in his members and forerunners, he could not be one man, to have so many forerunners, and so long before: The other conclusion is this, that one Antichrist is many Antichrists, which is thus proved; those are the last days, wherein the Antichrist shall come: but in these last days there are many Antichrists: therefore many Antichrists are that one Antichrist.  
3. S. Paul saith further, 2. Thess. 2. 3. There must come a departing first, and that man of sin must be disclosed: from hence we may reason thus: There shall be a general departure from the faith when Antichrist cometh: but a general apostasy or departure from the faith, can not be in one particular enemy: therefore there shall not be one particular enemy to Christ, when Antichrist cometh.  
But whereas the Scripture speaketh of the Antichrist in the singular number, the reason thereof is, because the Antichrist shall be the head of that Antichristian body, which shall set itself against the Church whereof Christ is the head: which Antichristian headship shall not rest in the person of one particular man: but shall adhere to a personal succession of particular men, who shall be the captains and ringleaders unto all Antichristianisme. Antichrist then upon the foresaid reasons shall rather be an Antichristian body politic, as are the Popes and Bishops of Rome, than any particular body. See more of this question Synops. Centur. 1. err. 56.   

3. Controv. That Nero the Emperor shall not be the great Antichrist.  
Severus Sulpitius writeth, lib. 2. sacr. histor. that it was the opinion of some, that Nero should come again in the end of the world to be that great Antichrist: his words are these, Nero creditur, etiamsi seipsum gladio transfixerit, curato vulnere eius servatus, Nero is held, although he did thrust himself through with a sword, being healed of his wound, to be preserved: and to that purpose they allege that place, Apoc. 13. 3. I saw one of his heads as it were wounded to death, but his deadly wound was healed: which they understand of Nero his wound healed again.  
But the same Sulpitius dialog. 2. reporteth an other opinion, that Nero should come again in the end of the world, and tyrannize in the West parts, compelling men to worship the idols of the heathen: and Antichrist should rage in the East, whose seat should be at jerusalem, commanding men to be circumcised, and making himself the Messiah.  
Augustine likewise remembreth this opinion of the coming again of Nero in the end of the world: Nonnulli Neronem resurrecturum & futurum Antichristum suspicantur: alij ●um non occisum putant sed subtractum potius, etc. divers do think, that Nero shall be raised again to be that Antichrist: some think that he was not slain, but rather taken away, and preserved in the same state of years, etc. lib. 20. de civet. Dei. c. 13.  
But Augustine misliketh this opinion, and saith it is mira praesumptio, a wonderful presumption for any so to think. And beside there is no probability of it: for it is not like that God would work such a miracle for so notorious a wicked man, as either to raise him from the dead, before the general resurrection, or to preserve him alive: we read only of two that were translated, Henoch and Elias, both holy men: for such a wicked man to be translated, it neither hath probability, neither yet is there any example for it.  
That place in the Revelation is indeed understood of Nero, but not in that sense: in him the stock of the Caesar's was extinguished, and so the Imperial succession received a deadly wound: but it was cured, in that the dignity of the Empire was restored in the Emperors succeeding, though not lineally descended from Cefar.   

4. Controv. That Antichrist shall be a deceiver rather than a victorious conqueror.  
Pererius concurring with other Romanists, thinketh that Antichrist shall be the greatest Monarch that ever was: and that he shall overcome three kings, of Egypt, Africa, Ethiopia, and all the rest shall submit themselves unto him. lib. 14. in Daniel. in v. 24. Of the same mind was Lactantius, that Antichrist should overcome three kings, qui tum Asiam obtinebunt, & in societatem assumetur à caeteris, which shall then reign in Asia, but he shall be admitted to the society of the rest, etc. Lactant. lib. 7. c. 16. But Lactantius here saith, that the three kings, which Antichrist shall subdue, shall be three kings of Asia; whereas Pererius, and so likewise Bellarmine suppose them to be in Africa: so well men agree together, when they follow their own fancies.  
2. Whereas Pererius would have Antichrist to be the greatest Monarch that ever was in the world, because it is said, v. 24. that he should do that, which his fathers had not done, nor his father's fathers, that place is understood of Antiochus, who is not simply said to do that, which his fathers had not done: for there were of his predecessors, mightier than he, as Seleucus' Nicanor, and Antiochus the great: but none had made such spoil of Egypt before, as he should do, as hath been further showed, qu. 31.  
3. But that Antichrist shall insinuate himself rather as a crafty deceiver, then as a mighty conqueror, is evident by S. Paul's description, 2. Thess. 2. 9 Whose coming is by the working of Satan, with all power, and signs, and lying wonders: in all deceiveableness of unrighteousness: and v. 11. God shall send them strong delusions to believe lies. He shall deceive rather with lies and false doctrine, then conquer by force and violence. So S. john describeth the Antichrists in his time by their corrupt doctrine, 1. joh. 2. 18. and 4. 3. see more hereof Synops. Centur. 1. err. 64.   

5. Controv. Of antichrist's miracles.  
1. It is also an old opinion, that Antichrist shall work many strange miracles: as Hippolytus thus setteth them down, Leprosos mundabit, paraclyticos sanabit, daemons expellet, etc. he shall cleanse the lepers, heal them that have the palsy, cast out devils▪ he shall tell things far off, as if they were present, raise the dead, remove mountains, walk with his feet upon the sea, bring down fire from heaven, he shall turn the day into darkness, and night into day, and bring the Sun about which way he will, and he shall show that all the elements are obedient unto him: so also Lactantius saith, l. 7. c. 17. that he shall stay the sun from his course, and cause images to speak.  
2. Pererius also delivereth his opinion thus, speaking more distinctly of these miracles: Some are profitable miracles, as such as Christ did in healing of the lame, and sick: some are curious, as to cause images to speak, and to cause ignorant persons, and children to speak with divers tongues: some are powerful miracles, as to bring down fire from heaven, and to command the Sun: all these things he thinketh Antichrist shall do. But yet there are some miracles which are done by a supernatural power, as to raise the dead, which only God can do, and these shall be exempted out of antichrist's power: yet whatsoever may be wrought by natural causes, Antichrist, the devil concurring with him, shall do, though they be never so strange.  
3. But these are men's fancies and dreams: 1. to heal diseases naturally incurable, as to make men see or hear, that are naturally blind, is beyond any natural cause: and only the Creator can heal those defects in his creature. 2. much more supernatural is it to command the Sun, and to change the season of the day or night: the Devil can do none of these things. 3. Neither can he by his own power raise lightning and tempest: for the Lord brought upon Egypt by Moses ministery the great thunder and lightning: and the fire which came down from heaven, and destroyed jobs sheep, is called the fire of God, wherein it pleased God to use the ministery of Satan: for if this were in Satan's power, than Baal's priests that served the Devil, might have brought down fire from heaven to consume the sacrifice, as Elias did. 4. The Devil yet, when the natural causes begin to work, can apply them, and remove them from place to place, as the fire and lightning being caused by God's power, he might bring it down upon jobs sheep: and the winds first raised, he directed upon the house, where jobs children were: though of his own power he can not cause lightning and tempest: see this question handled more at large, Hexapl. in Exod. c. 7. qu. 15. 5. Whereas then it is said, that Antichrist shall bring down fire from heaven, and cause an image to speak, though some understand these things mystically, 
Synops. Centur. 1. err. 63.  Bulling. as I have showed else where; yet it may literally also be understood: for in the Pope's legends such things are to be found, that their canonised Saints are said to have raised tempests, walked upon the sea, and caused images to speak: such things their legend stories are full of. And at the tombs of their Saints, to the which simple people come in pilgrimage, they made them believe, that many blind received their sight, many coming lame, returned hole and sound: yea they imagined the dead to be raised out of their graves. 6. And these strange things, so far as the power of Satan could extend, were done verily: for even such things were wrought by the operation of Satan among the heathen: as Claudia a Vestal Virgin to prove her chastity, did stir a ship alone by tying her girdle to it: and Tucia an other Virgin of the same order, did carry water in a sive from the river Tiber to the Capitol. Plin. lib. 28. c. 2. But many of their strange works, were but feigned and counterfeit miracles, such are those forenamed, which they fable to be done at their Saints tombs. So that, though all the foresaid miracles, mentioned by Hyppolius (Pererius subscribing) shall be wrought by Antichrist: yet many of them, some true, some forged, have been practised in the Papal Church, that in this behalf, we need go no further to seek Antichrist.   

6. Controv. That antichrist's coming shall not be deferred to the end of the world.  
This is the general opinion of the Romanists, that Antichrist shall reign but 3● years and an half, and then at the end of the world shall be slain: so Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. Pontif. c. 4. and the rest do concur with him therein. Lactantius also seemeth to favour this opinion, who thinketh that the coming of Antichrist shall be in extremis mundi temporibus, in the last times of the world. lib. 7. c. 16.  
But this opinion can not stand with the Scriptures: 1. the mystery of iniquity began to work in S. Paul's time, even than a way was preparing for Antichrist: If even then Antichrist were in hatching, it is not like, that all this while he should only be in the egg: that unclean bird hath long since broken the shell, and the cockatrice egg a good while since hath brought forth a serpent. 2. Antichrist must come at the losing of Satan: for then, when Antichrist should show himself, he shall come by the operation of Satan, with all power and signs, and lying wonders, 2. Thess. 2. 9 But Satan is let lose many years since: he was to be bound but for a thousand years, Rev. 20. 3. which thousand years are long ago expired. 3. We grant that Antichrist shall not utterly be confounded till the second coming of Christ: some relics of that adversary shall remain for Christ to abolish at the brightness of his coming, as S. Paul saith, 2. Thess. 2. 8. but his coming upon the foresaid reasons cannot be deferred so long: 
Synops. Centur. 1. err. 57  see more also of this matter elsewhere.   

7. Controv. That antichrist's seat shall not be at jerusalem.  
So hold the Romanists generally that Antichrist shall have his Imperial seat at jerusalem, command circumcision, and cause the Temple to be re-edified. Bellar. lib. 3. de Roman. Pontif. c. 13. Rhemists 2. Thess. 2. sect. 11.  
But this is a groundless and weak conceit of theirs, as it may appear evidently by these reasons: New Babylon shall be the seat of Antichrist, Apoc. 17. 5. but Rome is new Babylon: the great city which then ruled over the earth was Babylon, Apoc. 17. 5. 18. but that was Rome, which then had the command of the earth: Hierome also saith, speaking of Rome, dumb in babylon versarer, while I was conversant in Babylon. praefat. ad Paulin●m. 2. Again, in the same chapter, Apoc. 17. v. 9 it is said, the seven heads are seven mountains, whereon the woman sitteth: the city which stood upon seven mountains should be the seat of Antichrist: but Rome is notoriously known to be that city built upon seven hills: 
Synops. Centur. 1. ere. 6●  therefore none other seat shall Antichrist have then the city of Rome: see further elsewhere: we must but touch every thing briefly here.   

8. Controv. That the city of Rome shall not be utterly destroyed before Antichrist shall come.  
This was an other of Lactantius conceits, approved by Pererius, Incolumi urbe Roma nihil istiusmodi videtur metuendum, as long as the city of Rome is safe, no such thing is to be feared; but when that head city of the world is fallen, and Rome begun to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (that is, a ruin) as Sibyl said, who will doubt but that the end of human things is then at hand, etc.  
1. The same Lactantius was of opinion, that the world should end within 200. years after his time: the one is as true as the other. 2. True it is that as long as the Roman Empire continued in the full strength and authority, Antichrist was kept out, and that is it which should with old and let antichrist's coming, till it were taken out of the way, whereof S. Paul speaketh, 2. Thess. 2. 7. for it is evident, that the Pope increased in power by the ruin and decay of the Empire. 3. It is also true, that the city of Rome was never more ruinated, defaced, and spoiled, then since it hath been under the command and obedience of the Pope, by the Goths, Vandals, Lombard's, and others. 4. But that Rome should be utterly desolate, and brought to a final ruin, is contrary to the divine prophesy of the Revelation, which maketh the city with seven hills to be the seat of Antichrist, as is showed in the former controversy.   

9 Control. That the Papists Antichrist, and the jews Messiah shall come together.  
Hippolytus, whose opinion herein Pererius followeth, thus writeth of Antichrist, Potissimum Gens Hebraeorum prae omnibus Antichristo chara erit, etc. The nation of the Hebrews shall be before all other most dear unto Antichrist, and one shall say unto an other, can a man in our age such as this, so good, and so just be found? the jews therefore hoping that he shall obtain a most large Empire, shall thus say unto him: We will all obey you, for we acknowledge you to be just above all the earth, all we hope to obtain salvation by you, etc. Gregory also in his time seemed to favour that fancy: quia judaizare populum compellet, ut ritus Mosaicae legis revocet, etc. because he shall compel the people to judaize, that he might revive the rites of Moses law, and bring the jews in subjection unto him, he shall cause the Sabbath to be observed, etc. lib. 11. epist. c. 3.  
These scraps of some ancient writers the Romanists in these days have gathered up, who affirm the same, that Antichrist shall have his seat at jerusalem, re-edify the Temple, and command circumcision.  
The same is the general opinion of the jews, that when their expected Messiah cometh, the city and Temple shall be built again, and he shall restore unto them their kingdom and country, & be a victorious conqueror, suppressing the armies of Gog & Magog.  
Now then, as the Romanists themselves hold the obstinate jews to be in error, that deny the Messiah and Christ to be come, looking for an other: so they making their Antichrist to be the same with the jews Messiah, are in the like error, expecting for the coming of an other Antichrist, who long since is come already, and manifested in the world: and as soon shall the jews Messiah come, as this their imagined Antichrist. Having now thus briefly discovered these errors of the Romanists concerning Antichrist, we will now come to set forth the true signs and marks, whereby the Antichrist is discovered, and so find him out where he is.   

10. Controv. Of the true marks whereby Antichrist may be discerned.  
1. As he is called Antichrist, so he shall in all things be opposite and contrary unto Christ. 1. Christ was most holy▪ and by the spirit of God which remained in him, was moved in his thoughts, words, and works only to that which was good: but Antichrist by the operation and instinct of Satan shall be stirred up unto all kind of evil: this Pererius confesseth: & how this hath been performed in that Romish chair of pestilence, all the world seeth, and they which are not wilfully blinded must needs acknowledge: what blasphemy, idolatry, profaneness, uncleanness of life, murders, and other impieties have been committed by that Sea, hath been abundantly showed elsewhere: so that that title, which the holy Apostle hath given unto Antichrist, calling him the man of sin, 2. Thess. 2. 8. doth more fitly agree unto none, then to the Bishop of Rome. 2. Christ was humble and meek: but Antichrist shall be most proud. 3. Christ was most obedient unto his father, and gave most honourable testimony of him: Antichrist shall be most contumelious and blasphemous against God, and therefore he is said Apoc. 13. to be full of the names of blasphemy. 4. Christ came to preach the truth, Antichrist shall be the sour of all corrupt and false doctrine. 5. Christ said his kingdom was not of this world: but Antichrist shall altogether seek the pomp and glory of this world. 6. Christ was the head of all good and holy men, and Antichrist shall be caput malorum, the head of the evil and wicked men. These notes and marks Pererius giveth of Antichrist, showing wherein he shall be an enemy and adversary unto Christ. All which notes and marks do most fitly agree to the Bishop of Rome: for what place can show more examples of all kind of wickedness then that? who is more proud and ambitious blasphemous than he? where is taught more false and corrupt doctrine then there? who seeketh more the outward pomp of the world than he? and who else challengeth to be head of the (malignant) Church but he?  
2. Pererius saith that Antichrist shall be a great dissembler and hypocrite, he shall make a show of three great virtues, chastity, abstinency, and piety. And who maketh a greater show of these than the Pope? he would seem to be so chaste, that he forbiddeth his Clergy lawful marriage, yet suffering them to practise secretly all kind of uncleanness: he would seem to be abstemious in forbidding the use of lawful meats: and for his piety he will be saluted and called the most holy father.  
3. Antichrist shall corrupt many with his great gifts and liberal rewards: And so the Pope hath Cardinals hats, Archbishops palles, Bishop's mitres, and other dignities, with ample and large revenues to bestow upon his followers: as Bishop Fisher in king Henry's days was rewarded with a Cardinal's hat for his good service in maintaining the Pope's supremacy: but the head that should have worn it, was first set up upon London bridge. Bellarmine for his great pains taken in defending of the Pope's supremacy, and other points of Antichristian doctrine, was made a Cardinal.  
4. Pererius addeth further, that whom Antichrist cannot win with flattery & gifts, he will seek to overcome by terror and torments, lib. 14. in 11. Dan. v. 21. Such hath been the practice of the Antichristian Prelates, as the former days of persecution in England do plentifully testify: for first they would set upon the faithful servants of God by flattery and fair promises, and so not prevailing, they would threaten faggot and fire: this may be evidently seen in the examinations of the blessed servants of God, D. Taylor, M. Philpot. M. Bradford, with the rest.  
5. Last of all, Antichrist shall deceive, saith Pererius, faciendo plurima & admiranda prodigia, by working many prodigious things: And this hath been the continual practice of the Papal Church, with forged miracles to deceive the simple people, as hath been before declared: And hitherto I have followed Pererius steps, showing how his marks of Antichrist do most fitly agree unto his Pope holy father the Bishop of Rome.   

11. Controv. How the description of Antiochus historically, doth typically decipher the Pope and Antichrist.  
Though in this prophetical narration of Daniel, c. 11. from v. 21. to the end, Antiochus be properly described, yet figuratively it may be applied unto Antichrist. And it letteth not, that Antiochus was a civil and temporal king, and the Pope taketh upon him chiefly to be a spiritual governor: for as Doeg, notwithstanding he was one of Saul's courtiers, yet was a type of judas one of the twelve Apostles, as appeareth, Psal. 69. 26. and 109. 8. compared with Act. 1. 20. And so Achitophel also one of David's politic Counsellors of state, a figure of the same judas, Psal. 55. 14. and Mark. 14. 20. So Antiochus as well may be a figure and type of the Antichristian Prelate.  
1. Antiochus is said to be a vile and abject person, 
1. note of the rising of th●● 1. shop of Rome by craft and flattery.  and not to have come unto the honour of the kingdom by any right and title, or by consent or election, but by flattery: So the Roman Bishop was at the first of small respect, who by little and little usurped over the Church, not by any right or title thereunto, or by common consent and suffrage of the Church, but by flattery and deceit, Bulling. Polan. Hereunto also agreeth the former prophesy, c. 7. 8. where this enemy unto the people of God is called a little horn, in respect of his obscure and base beginning: and revel. 13. the beast which signifieth Antichrist, is said to ascend out of the ●arth.  
2. Antiochus is set forth as a victorious conqueror: 
2. ●ore his prospering & prevailing.  the arms shall be broken before him, v. 22. So the Antichrist of Rome hath much prevailed and prospered in the world, though not so much by force as by craft and subtlety, Oecolamp.  
3. Antiochus is set forth by his rapacity: 
3. his rapacity and covetousness.  he spoiled and robbed Egypt, and the most pleasant places thereof more, than ever did any before him, v. 24. And thus hath the Roman Antichrist in time past polled and peeled the world, by his annates, first fruits, tenths, Peter-pences, pardons, and such like devices to get money.  
4. Antiochus is also described by his dissimulation, 
4. his dissimulation.  that he with the king of Egypt shall talk of deceit even at the same table, but his heart even then shall be to do mischief, v. 27. So there hath not been more deep dissimulation practised with kings and Princes, then by the Bishops of Rome.  
5. As Antiochus practised with the forsakers of the holy covenant, 
5. the general apostasy and falling away from the faith.  v. 30. by their means to seek to prevail against God's people: So hath the Pope used as his ministers and instruments runagates from their country, and Apostates from the faith: as is evident to all the world in those monstrous and unnatural treasons, which have been attempted against this nation and Church of England: And as Daniel prophesied of Antiochus, that he should have intelligence and consult with them that did forsake the covenant, v. 30. so S. Paul saith that there shall come a departing first, (that is, from the faith) and that man of sin shall be disclosed: But because there is some difference between us and the Papists, what this apostasy and departure from the faith should mean, it shall not be amiss a little to insist thereupon.   

Controv. 12. That S. Paul speaketh of an apostasy and departing from the faith, 2. Thessal. 2. 3.  
1. Pererius thinketh that this Apostasy is to be understood of the departure and falling away from the Roman Empire, 
lib. 14. in praefat.  and to that purpose he allegeth Lactantius, who faith, incolumi urbe Roma nihil istiusmodi esse metuendum, that so long as the city of Rome is safe, no such thing is to feared, etc. Bellarmine also bringeth this for one exposition. 2. and further he addeth that by this apostasy we may understand, dispositionem adregnum Antichristi, a disposition or preparation to the kingdom of Antichrist. 3. and if it be understood of a defection or falling away from the faith, he thinketh it rather to agree to the Protestants, than any other, who are departed from the unity of the Church.  
Contra. 1. It shall be showed that apostasy is here to be taken, not as the word is used in the Civil law, for a departure either of a subject from the obedience of his prince, or of a soldier from his captain: for S. Paul speaketh not here of such civil and politic matters: or as the Romanists call apostasy, when one leaveth the order and sect into the which he was entered: for in S. Paul's time, there were no such superstitious sects of Monkery: but that Apostasy here is to be taken for a departure and falling away from the faith, it may thus appear.  
1. So is this word used in other places of the new Testament: as Act. 21. 11. They are informed of thee (saith james to Paul) that thou teachest the jews to forsake (or play the Apostates from) Moses: 1. Timoth. 4. 1. the spirit speaketh evidently, that in the latter times, some shall depart from the faith, and shall give heed to the spirit of error, and to the doctrine of devils. 2. The event is answerable hereunto: for together with the rising and manifestation of Antichrist, came in a general corruption and depravation of the most of the articles of Christian religion. 3. thus also diverse of the ancient writers expound this place: justin. Martyr calleth Antichrist, defectionis homo, a man of apostasy or falling away, dialog. cum Tryphon. Ireneus saith, he shall be sine lege quasi Apostata, as an Apostata without law, lib. 5. advers. haeres. c. 21. So also expound Primasius, Cyrillus, Chrysostome, Oecumenius. 4. Thus also Thomas in explanation. Lyranus, Hugo Card. expound, and the Rhemists also upon this place mislike not this sense.  
2. A disposition or preparation it cannot be unto antichrist's kingdom: because it is said that the man of sin shall thereby be disclosed: he shall then come together with it, because he shall be revealed by it.  
3. But it is a false imputation upon the Protestants, that they are Apostates: They have separated themselves from the Church of Rome, as did Enosh, and the faithful of the old world from the posterity of Cain, and as our Blessed Saviour and his Apostles divided themselves from the synagogue of the Scribes and pharisees: But they were departed first from the doctrine of Moses: as the Roman sectaries have declined from the ancient Apostolic faith, in stead thereof establishing their own traditions, and the doctrines of men.   

13. Controv. Of other notes and marks wherein Antiochus and Antichrist agree.  
6. As Antiochus used the arms and armies of his captains to oppress the jews: 
6. note: the abusing of the secular power to be ministers of their cruelty and butchery.  So likewise the Bishops of Rome have abused the secular arm and power to maintain their pomp, and ambition, and to establish their superstition.  
Marcellinus the historian (who was no Christian) writeth of the dissension between Damasus and Vrsicinus, about the Episcopal seat, that the contention between them was so hot, and such parts taking; that in one day in the Church of Seruinus there were found an 137. dead bodies, which were slain in a skirmish: And yet the ambition of the Roman Bishops was in those days nothing like to the pride of that vainglorious Sea now.  
Gregory the 7. called Hildebrand, as witnesseth Benno a Cardinal of that Sea, did move and make great wars to uphold his papal dignity: so did Paschal. 2. Innocentius 3. Gregory 9 fill all Germany, France, Italy, Spain with wars: and so have the Popes maintained their factions and quarrels a long time by the Civil power.  
Phocas the Emperor, that killed his Lord and Master: Pipinus king of France that murderer: Rodolphus that disloyal duke to Henry the 4. Emperor: Henry 5. that disobedient son to Henry the 4. his father; were all the Pope's vassals to fight his battles, and to maintain his quarrels with the sword. So have been of late the kings of France on a row, Henry the 2. Francis the second, Charles' the 9 Henry the 3. Such was the Duke of Albany in the low countries, and other captains and Generals under the king of Spain.  
By the secret practising of Nicolaus 3. all the French in one day were killed through out Sicilia: Matchiavil: with the privity and knowledge of Vrbane the 6. was joanna Queen of Naples slain before the altar, Theodoric. à Niem. lib. 1. de schism. c. 25. julius the 2. was a warrior himself, and present in the battles which he fought. Sixtus the 4▪ spent most of his time in wars: and when they were ended upon a conclusion of peace, he died for grief. Paulus the third was author of the Germane war, Polan.  
The Pope sent his secular arms, the king of Spain's forces, among the Indians, under pretence of embracing them to his religion: but they practised most horrible butchery and cruelty among them: they hewed them in pieces, roasted them at the fire, worried them with dogs: ●ipped their bellies, and drew out their bowels: opened the wombs of women with child: hung them up, and burned them: set them on stacks of straw, and set fire to them: and thus in 40. years space they destroyed 15. millions of men, that is, 150. hundredth thousand, and left waist and unpeopled five times so much ground as all Spain containeth. They put them to unspeakable torments, some they shod with iron shoes nailing them to their feet, some they flayed, and cast in salt, to put them to more pain: they cut off their lips, noses, ears, their fingers and toes: and with fire and sword, they consumed an infinite number, as is before rehearsed: Polan. ex Bartholom. Casa.  
As Apollonius sent by Antiochus against jerusalem, made fair promises until he was received into the city, but then he fell upon them on a sudden, and put them to the s●ord, and fell upon the jews on the Sabbath, 
2. 〈…〉  while they kept the feast, and used all outrageous cruelty against them: So within these few years, perdinandus Mendoza, with his crew of Spaniards, a champion for the Pope-catholik faith, practised most horrible & savage cruelty in Westphalia, sparing neither age nor sex, no not them which submitted themselves, and were of their own religion: the women great with child they stretching out their hands nailed to bourds, 
Most unspeakable and 〈◊〉 heard of 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 Papists.  and ripped their bellies, took out the infants, cut them in pieces, and hung them about their mother's necks: they compelled the men with long famine to eat their own children, and some they hung up by the pridie members, and the women's bellies they opened, and thrust in children of two years old, and strangled them in their mother's blood: Never did any Turks or infidels show such examples of cruelty, as those the Pope's arms and champions, Palanus.  
7. As Antiohus by his captain Apollonius caused the daily sacrifice to cease, set up abominable 
7. note: the setting up of 〈◊〉 in the Church and abrogating the rig●● use of the Eucharist.  idols, burned the books of the law: So the Antichrist of ●ome hath abolished the right use of the Eucharist, which is a continual commemoration of Christ's death: yea the sacrifice of Christ's death, and the virtue thereof is by them obscured, if not abolished, while he bringeth in other satisfactory and propitiatory sacrifices in their ordinary masses: the Pope setteth up in Church idols and imagery, which are things abominable in the service of God: the books of Scripture being in the vulgar tongue he commandeth to be burned, and hererein he treadeth in the steps of his forerunner Antiochus.  
8. Antiochus beside his foreign power used the service of the Apostatate Priests, and 
8. note: the Pope useth the pen and tongue of false teachers.  jews, as jason, Menelaus: So the Pope beside the secular power hath his runnaga●e and fugitive Priests, Jesuits, Seminaries, which do by their subtle persuasions seduce many: Gregory setting forth Antichrist, showeth that he shall use two kind of ministers: conatur ad se cord● hominum & missis praedicatoribus trahere, & commotis potestatibus inclinare, he shall endeavour both to draw men's hearts unto him by sending of preachers, and to bend them by the moving of Potentates, in job lib. 33. c. 23. This also he showeth further by that place, Apocal. 9 19 their power is in their mouth and in their tail: in ore doctorum scientia, in cauda secularium potentia significatur, etc. in the mouth the knowledge of the learned is signified, and in the tail the power of secular men.  
Thus the Roman Antichrist bestirreth himself using both the sword of cruel potentates, and the pen and tongue of corrupt teachers, whom he enticeth with rewards, and promise of dignities to uphold by their subtle wits the kingdom of darkness: and so in every point he imitateth the example of wicked Antiochus his lively image, that both these ways practised against the people of God.   

Controv. 14. How the Antichrist of Rome hath persecuted Emperors, Kings, Princes, learned men, whole Churches for religion.  
9 As in this great persecution under Antiochus there were many faithful, that did not forsake the law, but did cleave unto the Lord, and instructed others so to do likewise, who were most cruelly persecuted for their faith: so in the times of persecution under the Roman Antichrist, many of all sorts, that have opposed themselves to his ungodly proceedings have been evil entreated, and cruelly handled. 1. both Emperors. 2. Kings. 3. Princes. 4. Learned confessors of the truth. 5. whole Churches, as now shall be briefly showed in order.  
1. Of the Emperors. First, Philippicus Bardanius, because he commanded all images to be removed out of Churches by the consent of john Patriarch of Constantinople, 
Emperors persecuted by the Pope.  was declared to be an heretic together with the said Patriarch, and publicly excommunicated in a certain Synod by Pope Constantine, who inhibited that the image of the said Emperor should be stamped in any silver or gold, or any mention to be made of him in the common prayers, Vrspergens.  
Leo the 3. Isauricus, called Iconomachus, a fighter against images, caused images in Italy and Sicily to be cast out of the Churches, and by his public edict commanded all images to be removed: for the which fact he was excommunicated of Gregory the 2. and Gregory the 3. and the Venetians with others were stirred up to rebellion, and the Eparch or viceroy with his son slain: by which occasion the Pope stripped the Emperor of his Exarchateship or government of Italy, which the Emperors of Constantinople had held an 164. years.  
Constantine the 5. in a synod at Constantinople of 330. Bishops, decreed that images should be cast down and burned, and no more be worshipped, nor the Virgin Marie prayed unto: that Saints relics should not be kept: that it should be lawful for Monks and Nuns to marry: for the which Stephanus the 2. translated the Empire of Constantinople into France: and his body was taken up 23. years after it was buried, by the Empress Irene (to please Pope Adrian) and burnt to ashes.  
Constantine the 6. for removing images which his mother Irene had set up, was by her deprived of his kingdom, sight, and life also.  
No better dealt the Popes with their own Emperors of the West. Henry the 4. who had encountered with his enemies 62. times in open battle, was by Gregory the 7. Vrbane the 2. Paschal the 2. excommunicate: his Empire was first given to Rodolphus the Duke of Suevia: then his sons were set against him, under colour of religion: first Conrodus, afterward Henricus the 5. his son, who deprived him of his Empire, and caused his body to be digged up, after it was buried, and cast forth as a carrion into the fields, where it lay unburied five years, until it was brought to Spire, and there buried. Friderike the 1. called Barbarossa, was most hardly used by the Pope's Adrian the 4. and Alexander the 3.  
Philip the son of the said Friderike by the procurement of Pope Innocent the 3. who established transubstantiation, was slain at Bamberge by Otto Count Palatine.  
Otto the 4. and Friderike the 2. were excommunicate by Pope Innocent the 3. and Gregor. 9  
Henry the 7. was poisoned with a consecreate host by a Monk of the faction of the Guelphs, which was on the Pope's side: the Gibellines were an other faction, which held with Emperor.  
Lodovike the 4. was likewise excommunicate by the Pope, who sent forth his Monks and Friars into every quarter to defame the Emperor, and the Cardinals did stir up the Princes to war against him, Avent. And thus have the Popes handled the Emperors: Kings, and Princes, opposing themselves to their superstition, have found no better measure.  
2. Childericus king of France was deposed and thrust into a monastery. 
King's hardly used by the Pope.   
Rachis king of the Lombard's, was by the same Pope Zacharie put into a monastery.  
Lodovike the 12. was much encumbered by julius the second: who himself leading his army from Rome, as he went over the bridge of the river Tiber, threw S. Peter's keys into the river; and seeing they would do him no good, he said he would betake himself to Paul's sword.  
Henry the 4. now king of France, was assaulted by 6. Popes, Gregor. the 13. Sixtus the 5. Vrbane the 7. Gregor. the 14. Innocentius the 9 Clement the 8. who the last named, having brought the king to be reconciled to the Church of Rome, did thereupon triumph insolently over him: As in a certain book set forth of that matter, there is a tractate, de victoria Clementis 8. de Henric● 4. etc. gloriose triumphantis, of the victory of Clement the 8. most gloriously triumphing over Henry the 4. king of France and Navarre.  
Thus have the famous kings also of this Realm of England been served by the Popes and their ministers. King john was poisoned by a Monk.  
King Henry the 8. that most famous and renowned king, was by the bull of Paulus the 3. deprived of his kingdom, and his subjects freed from their oath of allegiance.  
Queen Elizabeth our late Gracious Sovereign of blessed memory, before she came to her crown was persecuted by her sister Queen Marie, and her chief agent Stephen Gardener, for her religion: and after that by God's fatherly providence and care to his Church, she was advanced to the kingdom, she was practised against by nine Popes: the six before named, and by Paulus the 4. Pius the 4. Pius the 5. both by open war and hostility, wherein the two Philips of Spain bore the chiefest stroke, and by privy treachery and treason.  
Our king's majesty that is now, both in Scotland had experience of Popish practices against him; and since his happy coming into England, some of the Popish faction have more than once or twice conspired against him. But blessed be God he hath escaped their snares.  
3. Now in the third place, 
Princes & Nobles 〈…〉 by the Pope.  Some Princes and nobles shall be produced whom the Popes have cruelly assaulted.  
The Exarch or viceroy of Ravenna, under Leo the 3. Emperor, by the Pope's faction was slain with his son.  
The Medici's at Florence were set upon in the Church by the counsel of Sixtus the 4. the Pope's legate gave the sign, when the host was lift up, Volaterran. lib. 5. Geograph.  
The Earl of Tholouse was pursued by the French king by most fierce war, at the instigation of the Pope, only because he favoured the Albigenses.  
john Friderike Duke of Saxony, and Philip the Landgrave of Hassia, were assaulted by most cruel war, only for the cause of religion.  
Count Egmond, and Count Horn were beheaded for favouring the Protestants.  
The Prince of Condie was poisoned.  
Caspar Colignius slain in the Massacre in France.  
Antelot and Cardinal Castilion poisoned.  
William prince of Aurane was slain by a villain.  
Charles the king of Spain's son, because he was thought to favour the Protestants, whom they call heretics, was made an end of by the Inquisitors for religion, neither could his father, or would not deliver him.  
4. These learned confessors also, 
Learned 〈◊〉 and confessors of the 〈◊〉 against the ●ope.  and some holy martyrs have in diverse ages opposed themselves against the Pope, and were evil entreated for it.  
Vigilantius Bishop of Barcelona in Spain, because he found fault with the adoration of relics, and with single life, was counted an heretic.  
The Bishops and Presbyters, which held a synod at Eliberine in Spain, were adjudged heretics by Pope Adrian in a synod at Frankefort.  
Ann. 840. Bertram writ against transubstantiation.  
So did joannes Scotus Ann. 869. and was slain of his scholars with their writing pens.  
Ann. 964. Huldericus Bishop of Augusta impugned the single life of the Clergy.  
Ann. 1039. Berengarius bent himself against transubstantiation.  
Ann. 1157. joannes Sarisburiens. did teach, that the Pope was Antichrist, and Rome Babylon.  
Arnoldus Bishop of Brixia denied unto the Pope the use of the temporal sword.  
About the same time lived Peter Bloix, who publicly maintained in his writings that Rome was Babylon, the Pope's officers harpies, his Priests Baalites.  
Ann. 1160. Petrus Waldo of Lions, ann. 1240. Petrus de Vineis, ann. 1260. Gulielmus de S. Amore, ann. 1306. Petrus Cassiodorus a learned Noble man of Italy, 1314. Dulcimus of Navarre. 1315. Arnoldus de nova villa. 1383. john Wicleffe in England. 1405. john Hus and Nicolaus Clemangis a Doctor of Paris. Hyeronym. Savonarola a Monk of Ferrara, whom Alexander the 6. caused to be burned. Antonius Mancinellus, Gulielmus Occam: All these were great impugners of the Pope.  
Ann. 1517. Martin Luther. ann. 1519. Huldericus Zuinglius: and since many learned men in Germany: Oecolampadius, Capito, Melancthon, Martyr, Bullinger, with others: in France, Calvin, Beza, Farellus, Viretus, with others: in England, B. Cranmer, B. Ridley, B. Hooper, M. Latimer, M. Filpot, M. Bradford, holy martyrs, and since B. jewel, D. Fulke, D. whitaker's, D. Reynolds, with many more excellent writers, and worthy preachers have discovered the nakedness of the whore of Babylon.  
5. Lastly whole Churches have been persecuted for resisting the Pope and his doctrine: 
Whole Churches persecuted by the Pope.  the Albigenses under Innocentius the 3. the Waldenses under Pope john the 22. the Church of Calabria, of Sevill in Spain, of England in Queen Mary's days: and the Curches of France under Charles the 9 and Henry the 3. endured much oppression, by the tyranny of the Popish faction.  
And thus doth the Pope resemble Antiochus in persecuting with fire and sword the faithful servants of God professing the truth.   

15. Controv. Of the pride and blasphemy of Antichrist against God.  
10. v. 36. He shall magnify himself against all that is God: This is most true of the Antichrist of Rome: for he exalteth himself above the Angels which are called gods in respect of their excellency of nature and condition, 
10. note: the Pope exalteth himself above all that is called God.  making himself judge of the Angels. Princes and Magistrates also are called gods: them hath the Pope caused to kiss his feet, and hath troad upon their necks, disposing of their kingdoms at his pleasure. Innocentius the third thus writ unto the Emperor of Constantinople: that as gold exceeded le●d▪ so the Papal dignity the Imperial: as the Sun was the Lord of the Planets, so the Pope of all secular dignities: and as the Moon receiveth light from the Sun, so the Emperor hath his dignity from the Pope: thus he exalteth himself above temporal governors, which are as terrene gods. Likewise the Pope maketh himself superior to Saints, whom he taketh upon him to canonize or not to canonize at his pleasure, Polan. The Pope also challengeth to be Superior to all other Bishops and Pastors, who are as Angels set over the Churches: and so he magnifieth himself above whatsoever is called God, Bullinger.  
11. Antiochus did exalt himself against the true God, 
11. note: Antichrist shall exalt himself against the true God.  who is here called the God of gods: so the Pope glorieth to be called God in earth: as Nicolaus the Pope in his epistle to Michael Emperor of Constantinople saith, that the Pope à pio principe Constantino Deum appellatum, was called God of the godly Emperor Constantie, distinct. 96. c. satis: So in a certain gloss in the end of the Extravagantes, the Pope is called Dominus Deus noster Papa, our Lord God the pope: which gloss is not ignorantly thrust in, but wittingly and well allowed of among the Papists: for notwithstanding that the Canon law was by the appointment of Gregory the 13. revised and corrected by certain Cardinals and others, they suffered that gloss to remain unaltered. At the coronation of Sixtus the 4. there was this inscription in a certain triumphal pagen, at one of the gates through the which he should pass, & merito in terris crederis esse Deus, thou art worthily held to be a God in earth. Ludovicus Gomesius in reg. Cancellar. saith, that the Pope is quoddam numen, a certain divine thing representing a visible God in earth: And Stapleton the jesuit in his preface to Gregor. 13. before his book de princip. fid. doctr. calleth the Pope, supremum in terris numen, the most divine power in earth. Therefore Friderike the 2. in his epistle to Otto Duke of Baevaria saith, not without just cause, Pontifices Romani affectant Dominationem quandam & divinitatem, the Roman Bishops affect a kind of lordliness, yea divinity in earth.  
12. Antiochus uttered horrible blasphemies against God: 
12. note: Antichrist blasphemous against God.  The Pope therein is no whit inferior unto him: Boniface the 8. in c. quoniam de imm. in Sext. calleth the Church his spouse, which only is peculiar to Christ to be the husband of his Church, 1. Cor. 11. 3. the same Pope also, among many other his arrogant speeches, saith, haec authortas non humana, sed divina, this our authority is not human, but divine: and again, subesse Romano Pontifici omni creaturae, definimus omnino esse de necessitate salut is, we do define, that it is of necessity of salvation for every creature to be subject to the Bishop of Rome, extrav. common. de maiorit. & obedien. lib. 1. titulo 8. The same Boniface the 8. in the 1300. year, when the jubilee was solemnised, showed himself the first day in his pontifical attire: the next day he came forth in the Imperial robes, causing a naked sword to be carried before him, and he himself came after crying with a loud voice, Ego sum Pontifex & Imperator, terrestreque & coeleste imperium habeo, I am both chief Bishop and Emperor, and have both the terrene, and celestial government. Sixtus the 5. in his bull against Henry king of Navarre, now king of France, and the Prince of Condie, boasteth, that his authority delivered unto him from Christ and S. Peter did exceed the power of all kings and Princes, & incumbere sibi, ecclesiarum omnium, populorum, & gentium sollicitudinem, that the care of all Churches, peoples, and nations did lie upon him, etc. so that the Pope doth challenge to himself, that which is peculiar to Christ, ex Polan. Such like blasphemies are those which are currant among the Popish sort: as in the gloss of the decrees, the Pope is said neither to be God, nor man, sed medius inter utrunque, but a middle thing between both: Augustin. Boetius addeth further, Papam omnia in terris posse, quae Deus potest in coelis, that the Pope can do all in earth, which God can do in heaven: and Philippus Decius, Papam omnia posse facere, quae Deus facit, etc. that the Pope can do all things, which God doth: such horrible blasphemies do proceed from that pestilent Sea.  
And as that man of sin speaketh wondrous and marvelous things against God: so doth he take upon him to work wonders against the truth: which are called lying wonders in two respects, because they are not done indeed, but in show, and because they are wrought against the truth: both these are touched by the Apostle in the description of Antichrist, 2. Thess. 2. the first. v. 9 Whose coming is by the working of Satan, by all power, and signs, and lying wonders: the other, v. 11. God shall send them strong delusions to believe lies. Papp●●. And thus this blasphemous Antichrist hath according to this prophesy magnified himself against the God of gods: and as S. Paul prophesied of him, that he should sit in the Temple of God, showing himself that he is God, 2. Thess. 2. 4. for the further explaining of which words, I will make here a short digression.   

16. Controv. How Antichrist is said to sit in the Temple of God.  
1. Some do understand it of the Temple of jerusalem, which they say, Antichrist shall cause to be builded again, and therein he shall sit to be worshipped as God: so Hippolytus, Cyrillus: and Chrysostome misliketh not this sense in his Commentary upon the 2. of the 2. epistle to the Thessaly. But this can not be the meaning: 1. because the Temple of jerusalem shall never be builded again, according to the saying of our Saviour, that one stone should not be left upon an other. The jews were licenced by julian the Apostata to re-edify their Temple, but they could not go forward: that which they built in the day, was cast down in the night, and beside a strange fire came forth, which consumed the instruments and engines of the artificers. 2. And though that Temple should be builded again, it could not be called the Temple of God, seeing it should be set up to revive the sacrifices and ceremonies of Moses law, which are abolished by Christ.  
2. Theodoret and Damascen understand it of the Temples of Christians which Antichrist shall command to be set up and erected to his worship: but thus he should sit in many temples, whereas the Apostle speaketh of Temple, in the singular: neither doth the Apostle call the Churches of Christians by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, temple.  
3. Wherefore the Apostle meaneth hereby, not material temples, but by the Temple he understandeth the Church of God, as it is called, 1. Cor. 3. 16. Apoc. 3. 12. Not that Antichrist shall in deed sit in the true Church of God, for he shall be an enemy to the Church of Christ: but he shall sit in the visible Church so reputed: and he shall style and title himself by the Church: As he taketh upon him to be Head of the Church, and to be Christ's Vicar in earth: Melancth. Pap. Fulke annotat. 2. Thess. 2. v. 4. He sitteth also in the temple of men's consciences, taking upon him to have power to forgive sins, and to make laws to bind the conscience. Bulling.  
4. Some, that hold the Turk to be Antichrist, may by the Temple understand those places, where sometime was the Church of God: but the Apostle speaketh of the Temple, that shall then be so reputed and taken, at the time of antichrist's sitting therein.   

17. Controv. Of the prosperity and outward success of Antichrist.  
As it is here said of Antiochus, 
13. note: of the prosperous success of Antichrist for a time.  that he shall do what him list, and again, that he shall prosper: so the Roman Antichrist hath both so taught, that he is to do what he list, and he hath practised, and prospered accordingly. For the first: Nicolaus the Pope thus writeth to Michael the Emperor, à seculari potestate nec ligari posse, nec solvi Pontificum, etc. that the chief Bishop can neither be loosed, nor bound of the secular power: and then he inferreth how that Constantine the Emperor called the Pope God: and so concludeth, nec posse Deum ab homme judicari manifestum est, it is manifest, that God is not to be judged of man, etc. And these are their positions in their Canons, that the Pope is without law, and that he is to be judged of none: and if all the world should determine any thing against the Pope, yet the sentence rather of the Pope must stand: and seeing he hath all fullness of power, no man is to say unto him, why do you so? for his will standeth for reason, distinct. 19 17. quaest. 4. nemini.  
And as this is their doctrine, that the Pope may do what he list, and no man is to check or control him: so he hath mightily prospered in his wicked proceedings, as Antiochus did: for Emperors, Kings, and Princes have furthered his enterprises: learned men have and do descend his errors: All kingdoms almost in the Christian world, Universities, scholars, have applauded him: So many Monasteries in divers countries with their Monks and Friars depended of him. This is the prosperity and external happy success, which the Romanists do boast of; and Bellarmine among the rest, maketh it a special note to know the true Church by: but as Antiochus prosperous success against Christ's Church was no sign of God's favour toward him, no more is it in the kingdom of Antichrist. But I will here stay a while, a little further yet to sift and examine this point.   

18. Controv. That external happiness is not a sure note of the Church.  
Bellarmine making external felicity a note of the Church, 
lib. 4. de Eccl. c. 18.  giveth these instances of the good success of the Romanists in their battles.  
1. In the time of Innocentius the 3. the Catholics in France with an army of 8000. conquered an 100 thousand of the Albigenses. Aemil. lib. 6. hist. Francor.  
2. Anno 1531. the Helvetian Papists, had five conflicts with the Helvetian Protestants, and still had the better.  
3. Charles the 5. ann. 1547. obtained a miraculous victory against the Protestant Princes in Germany.  
4. In France and the low countries, the Papists have had many victories, not without miracle: and the Protestants seldom had the better.  
1. Ans. These instances produced by Bellarmine are false, as shall now appear in the particular examination of them. 1. Mathias Parisiens'. reporteth far otherwise of that battle, writing, that Lewes the French king died in the siege of Avenion, and that his son having the leading of a great army against the Albigenses was overcome ab exiguis copijs, of a few small bands. And this is like to be the truer report: for it seemeth not probable, that the persecuted Church of the Albigenses could set forth such an huge army. 2. The Popish Helvetians had not so many battles with the Protestants: there was but one battle and a skirmish: the Popish sort had the better, having the advantage of the higher ground: neither was it such a great victory, for they were glad to ask peace, and to compound the matter upon equal conditions. 3. It was no miracle for Charles the 5. to prevail in that battle, setting upon Duke Frederick on a sudden, and some of his confederates having forsaken him: neither did the Emperor long enjoy that victory, for he was not long after by Mauritius, who aided him against Duke Fredrick, chased out of Germany for the wrongs offered unto Philip the Landgrave, and never after that returned he into Germany again. 4. Of the success of the battles in France and low Germany, they have no cause to brag: Henry the 4. ●ow king of France and Navarre, when he professed and maintained the Gospel, was always superior in battle: and how the wars have prospered on the Protestants sides in the low countries, no man is ignorant. So that if the goodness of the cause is to be esteemed by the good success, if they had no other arguments to defend themselves, this might plead for them, that God hath above these 30. years upheld that small country miraculously against all the power of Spain. But they have divers reasons beside, which may justify their wars against the king of Spain.  
1. The breaking of their privileges by the Duke of Albany: 2. the unreasonable exacting of tribute upon things which were sold: 
The reasons which moved the low countries to defend themselves by war against the king of Spain.  3. the unjust execution of divers both noble and others: 4. the setting of garrisons of strangers in their cities: 5. the building of castles and sconces: 6. the constituting of judges of the Spaniards, and not of their own country: 7. the general restraining of their liberty, Polan. p. 1070. 8. beside the bringing in among them of a strange religion.  
2. Now that outward prosperity is not a sign of God's favour, or a mark whereby to discern the Church, it is evident by the example of Antiochus here, who mightily prospered in his wicked attempts against the people of God: So also Nebuchadnezzer prevailed against jerusalem, and destroyed the very Temple. All the tribes of Israel being assembled together, against the children of Benjamin, having the better cause, yet were twice overcome, judg. 20. God then in suffering his Church to be for a time afflicted and oppressed, doth not thereby testify his favour toward their oppressors, but doth rather show his wrath against his own people for their sins: which was the cause that Antiochus prospered, whom the Lord used as his scourge: as it is here said, till wrath be accomplished: that is, God's wrath kindled against his people. And the same is one of the reasons, why the Lord shall suffer Antichrist to rage in the world: whereof more shall be here inserted in the next controversy.   

19 Contr. Why the Lord suffereth Antichrist to rage against his Church.  
That is no reason which Bellarmine pretendeth, that the Roman Church is by their outward prosperity known to be the true Church, and therefore it is given unto them to prosper: but these rather are the causes:  
1. That herein God's mercy may appear, who for a long time tied up and bound Sa●han, though for a while he be let loose: yet in that until the revealing of Antichrist, he was bridled, and not suffered hitherto to power out all his malice against the Church of God, it must be ascribed to his mercy.  
2. The Lord by this persecution under Antichrist will try out the faithfulness of his servants, that they may be discerned from the hypocrites: as it is showed here in the former verse, that divers were suffered to fall into affliction, to try and purge them: both that they might be scuered and purged from hypocrites, as the wheat is from the chaff and dross; and that the Lord also might have experience of the faithfulness and constancy of his servants. Hereupon Hippolytus thinketh, that the Martyrs under the tyranny of Antichrist, shall be the most glorious Martyrs, that ever were in any persecution before: which verily may be affirmed of our holy Martyrs that suffered in the days of Queen Marie in England, and then and since in other places: for beside that their torments and cruel manner of death were equivalent, 
〈…〉  the cause for the which they suffered was more hard to be judged of, and their enemies more subtle: for the Martyrs of the Primitive Church died for not yielding unto most gross idolatry of the heathen, which was most manifest impiety: and their adversaries were professed enemies to all Christianity: But these latter Martyrs suffered for matters of religion, even controverted among Christians, and their persecutors themselves pretending to be Christians.  
3. A third reason is, that God by the hypocrisy and tyranny of Antichrist, punisheth the sins of the world, which abounded at the revealing of Antichrist. Hippolytus thus well setteth forth the iniquity of those times, wherein Antichrist shall come: omnes suo arbitratu vivent, silij manus inijcient in parents, etc. all shall live as they list, the sons shall lay violent hands upon their parents: the wife shall deliver the husband to death, the husband the wife: masters shall be cruel toward their servants, and servants shall be stubborn against their masters: no man shall reverence the aged, nor have pity on the poor: then shall enchanters and sorcery be in force: Pastors shall become wolves, and Monks shall covet and desire the things of the world, etc. All these vices and corruptions abounded in the world, when Antichrist began to show himself, and these things are yet practised under the Roman tyranny: Wives do accuse their husbands, and husbands their wives, children the parents, and parents the children, one brother riseth against an other to put them to death for religion. So that for these and other sins, the hard yoke of Antichristian bondage yet lieth upon the world. And S. Paul showeth the reason thereof, 2. Thess. 2. 11, 12. God shall send them strong delusions to believe lies, that all they might be damned which believe not the truth, but had pleasure in unrighteousness. And so those nations, which are yet in bondage under Antichrist, because they desire not to leave their superstition, and unrighteous living, but still continue enemies to the truth, therefore they are by the just judgement of God kept still in ignorance and misbelief.   

20. Controv. That out of this text, v. 36. it can not be proved that the Pope is not Antichrist, as Bellarmine intendeth.  
Bellarm. lib. 3. de Rom. Ponti●. c. 21. goeth about to prove by divers arguments out of this text, that the Pope can not be Antichrist.  
Argum. 1. Antichrist here described, shall do what he list, and exalt himself against God, as not holding himself tied unto any law, nor acknowledging any superior: so doth not the Pope, who taketh himself to be bound unto the law, and confesseth Christ to be his judge and superior.  
Ans. The Pope confesseth thus much in words, but in effect he abrogateth the law of God, and so consequently denieth Christ to be his superior.  
1. The Pope dispenseth against the law of God, which showeth his superiority over the law: Pope Martin the 5. with the advise of his Popish divines, dispensed with one to marry his own sister german: this is committed to writing by Antoninus Florentin. sum. 3. p. tit. 1. c. 11. §. quod Papa. whom Necolaus Boerius followeth, consil. 20. utrum papa. number. 26. such were the incestuous marriages of Egypt: for Ptolemy Philadelphus married his own sister Berenice, and so did Ptolemy Philopator his sister Eurydice, whom he killed: Ptolemy Physcon married Cleopatra his brother Philometors wife: in which very case the Pope dispensed with Henry the 8. to marry his brother Prince Arthur's wife.  
Likewise the law of God forbiddeth the setting up of all images to be worshipped, Levit. 18. 9 which the Pope commandeth every where to be done. The holy Apostle saith, that concupiscence is against the law, and consequently sin, Rom. 7. 7. But the Pope in his Council of Trent decreed the contrary, that concupiscence is not vere & proprie peccatum, verily and properly sin.  
2. As the Pope alloweth that which Gods law forbiddeth and condemneth, so likewise he forbiddeth that, which Gods word alloweth and commandeth. As God's word commandeth obedience to parents, but the Pope set Conradus and Henry against their father Henry the 4. who warred against him; and Henry deprived him of his Empire, and of Christian sepulture. Our Saviour biddeth to give unto Cesar, the things which are Caesar's; as homage, tribute, obedience: but Gregory the 2. forbade tribute to be paid to Leo the 3. for pulling down of images, or any obedience to be yielded unto him. The Scripture alloweth, that they which have not the gift of continency, should marry: but Calisthus the 3. refused to dispense with the marriage of a certain Deacon, that alleged he had not the gift of continency, for whom also Cardinal Senensis entreated, who was afterward Pope called Pius the 2. who writ hereof unto his friend in these words, alterum Papam expectandum, qui melior sit, that an other Pope must be expected, who should be better. Boerius loc. citat. num. 20. The Scripture counteth marriage honourable, and maketh it free for all men, Hebt. 13. 4. yet the Pope forbiddeth marriage to his Clergy, as a disgrace to their orders.  
3. And that it yet may more evidently appear, how the Pope extolleth himself above Christ: In the year 1447. when Felix was Bishop of Rome, who succeeded Eugen●us, this answer was made by the Cardinal of S. Angel to the Ambassadors of Bohemia, Siquis non crederet Christum esse verum Deum & hominem, & idem sentiret Papa, eum, non damnatum ●ri, if any did not believe Christ to be God man, and the Pope did so think also, he should not be damned: and at the same time Henricus the master of the Palace said to the same Ambassadors, Papa potest mutare S. Evangelium, & potest S. Evangelio pro loco & tempore alium sensum tribuere, the Pope may change the holy Gospel, and may give an other sense to the Gospel, according to time and place. ex Polan.  
Argum. 2. Antichrist shall care for no God at all: But the Pope worshippeth God the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost: yea all the Saints in heaven, images and relics in earth (if we will believe the Protestants, saith Bellarmine) he adoreth also.  
Answ. In that the Pope invocateth Saints, prayeth unto images, adoreth relics, and so setteth up other gods: it is an evident argument, that he denieth the true God.  
Argum. 3. Antichrist shall overthrow the policies and states of kingdoms, so doth not the Pope.  
Answ. The contrary is evident: for Gregory the 2. forbade any obedience to be yielded to Leo the 3. and Gregory the 3. deprived him of his Empire. Alexander the 3. so served. Fredrick the 1. Fredrick the 2. and Lewes the 4. were so likewise used. Gregory the 7. deposed Bol●slaus king of Polonia: julius the 2. gave away the kingdom of Navarre. How then is not Bellarmine ashamed, these things being so manifest, to say, that the Pope is not an enemy to politic states?  
Argum. 4. Antichrist shall prosper: but the Pope, since the Protestants made him Antichrist, hath much decreased: he hath lost a good part of Germany, of France, Helvetia, Bohemia, Pannonia, Eagland, and all Suetia, Gothia, Norway, Denmark: but Luther hath prospered, by his carnal preaching seducing many, who of a silly Monk became as it were Pope over all Germany; he rather may be taken for Antichrist.  
Answ. 1. The Protestants in these days are not the first, that discovered Antichrist, he was so called and counted many years since. 2. the prospering here spoken of is not understood of any spiritual success by the preaching of the Gospel, but of such prosperous events as are compassed by violence and force of arms, and cunning devices. 3. it is no carnal preaching to teach men not to be addicted superstitiously to carnal ●ites and ceremonies, which was the scope of Luther's preaching. 4. neither did Luther affect a papal pre-eminence over Germany: though it be true, that of late one Felix Peretus of a poor Monk came to be universal Pope, called Sixtus 5. 5. God be thanked that many good morsels are snatched out of the wolves mouth: he speaketh but of a good part of England, that is revolted from the Pope: But all England in general and Scotland do detest the Pope with his superstitious and treacherous practices, except only a few tha● are Popishly addicted; whose number I trust daily will decrease. 6. And though Antichrist do not prosper, as he hath done, and I am sure, never shall: yet that followeth not, but he is Antichrist still: for he shall prosper only for a time, not always.   

21. Controv. How Antichrist shall forsake his father's God, v. 37.  
v. 37. He shall not regard the god of his fathers. 1. This is most true of the Pope, 
14 note: the 〈…〉  who hath swerved and departed from the religion and faith taught by the holy Apostles, and Apostolical men in the purer ages of the Church: 1. as S. Paul teacheth, 2. Tim. 3. 17. that the Scriptures are able to make the man of God perfect to all good works; and so consequently are perfect, and all-sufficient: so tertullian, aliunde suadere non poterunt de rebi●● fidei, quam ex literis fidei: de prescript. heretic. c. 15. they can not otherwise persuade of matters of faith, then by the Scriptures of faith: But the Pope teacheth that beside the word of God written, there are traditions, which he calleth the word of God not written, which they make of equal authority to the Scriptures: and so they bold, that the Scriptures contain not all things necessary to salvation. 2. Their forefathers have taught, that the Scriptures are plain and easy, and therefore are to be heard, and read of all: as Iren. lib. 2. adv. haeret. c. 46. universae Scripturae, etc. apertae & ab omnibus audiri possunt, all the Scriptures are open, and may be heard of all: But the Pope holdeth them to be obscure, and not safe to be read of the lay-people. 3. Clemens teacheth, ex ipsis Scripturis capere sensum veritatis opor●et, we must take the sense of the truth out of the Scriptures, distinct. 37. c. relatum. but the Pope will have the sense of Scripture depend of his own mouth. 4. Their fathers have taught that the translation of the Scriptures must be examined by the original, distinct. 9 c. 6. ve●erum librorum fides de Hebraeis voluminibus examinanda est, the credit of the books of the old Testament must be examined by the Hebrew: but now among the Romanists, the vulgar Latin is made authentical, Trident. sess. 4. and preferred before the original Hebrew and Greek. 5. Their Elders have taught, that we are only justified by faith, Basil. contion. de humilitat. this is perfect righteousness, etc. when a man knoweth himself sola fide in Christum justificatum, to be justified by faith only in Christ: so also Ambrose, impius sola fide iustificatur apud Deum, a wicked man is justified only by faith with God. in 4. ad Roman. But the Romanists hold, that we are also justified by the merit of our works. 6. The Fathers have taught that there are no other mediators of our prayers but Christ, as Chrysostome, nihil tibi opus est patronis apud Deum, etc. you need no patrons with God: for God will not hear so easily, if other pray for us, as if we pray ourselves, though we be full of evil, etc. And in many other points of doctrine it is evident, that the Pope hath lost and forsaken the faith and the religion of the ancient Fathers, and so consequently their God also.  
But Bellarmine thus would wipe away this mark: that this no way can be fastened upon the Pope, who confesseth the God of his fathers, God the Son, God the Father, and God the holy Ghost. lib. 3. de Roman. Pontif. c. 21.  
Contra. In words indeed they confess Christ to be their God, but in fact they deny him: 1. They do not acknowledge him to be their only Prophet, seeing they detract from the Scriptures, making them obscure, and imperfect: whereas Christ only is to be heard in the Scriptures: yea Boniface the Archbishop of Mentz uttered this blasphemous speech, magis ab ore eius quam à sacris pagini● antiquam Christianae religionis institutionem expetant, let them seek and desire the ancient institution of Christian religion rather at his mouth, then from the sacred book, etc. which horrible blasphemy is inserted in their Canon law: distinct. 40. cap. Si Papa. Bellarmine's best answer here is to doubt of the truth of this speech: but if it be not true, why standeth it in the Canon, after so often revising and perusing of the Canons. 2. They deny Christ to be our only Priest, in making other Mediators and intercessors beside him, contrary to the Apostle, 1. Tim. 2. 5. There is one Mediator of God and man, the man jesus Christ. 3. Neither do they acknowledge Christ to be the only king of his Church, making the Pope his Vicar, and head of the Church: and they say that unto the Pope is given all authority in heaven and earth: lib. 1. Ceremoniar. cur. Roman. Bellarmine answereth, that the Pope no more denieth Christ to be king, than a Viceroy in a country denieth the king of the land. Ans. 1. The reason is not alike: for a king can not be present in every part of his kingdom, and therefore committeth many things to his deputy, which he can not do himself: but Christ is for ever present with his Church. 2. the Viceroy taketh not upon him to be the king and head, as the Pope doth. So than it is evident, that the Pope in effect renounceth the God and religion of his fathers: see further in the Appendix exercis. 3. argum. 1.   

22. Controv. How the Roman Antichrist regardeth not the desire of women.  
Though the Antichrist of Rome doth publicly pretend chastity, 
〈…〉  yet all fornication and uncleanness both natural and unnatural, is practised and suffered under that licentious government. And herein the Pope regardeth not the desires of women, in that he is an enemy unto lawful marriage, forbidding his Clergy to marry: which is made lawful to all men, 1. Cor. 7. 1. Hebr. 13. 4. And while marriage is restrained, there is a way open to all other kind of uncleanness, even that filthy Sodomitry, which is against nature: in commendation whereof, a great Bishop of Italy did write publicly, and that without any check. Pap. This sin some scoffingly have called, mutum peccatum, a dumb sin: but they shall find that it is peccatum clamans, a crying sin, which called for fire and brimstone from heaven upon the Sodomites. Bulling.  
But Bellarmine to clear his great Master the Pope of this suspicion also, he allegeth, that in the original the words stand thus; and he shall be in the desires of women: though that in the Greek translation it be read negatively, he shall not, etc. And he giveth two conjectures why it should be read rather affirmatively, then negatively; both because Antiochus, as Hierome writeth, who is here historically meant, was given unto the desire and lust of women: neither is it probable, that Antichrist should command or commend single life: but the jews rather do expect, that Antichrist shall suffer them to have many wives, which they count a part of their terrene happiness.  
Contra. 1. That it is more agreeable to the original to read here negatively, he shall not have respect to the desires of women, then affirmatively, is showed before, qu. 45. whether I refer the Reader. 2. Though Antiochus were one way given unto the desire of women, in respect of his carnal lust, yet an other way he was not, in not regarding the request and desire of his wife, for to spare jerusalem, as is showed likewise before, qu. 45. 3. It is most probable, nay rather that Antichrist shall enjoin single life, and restrain marriage, because he shall maintain the doctrine of devils, whereof this is one. 4. And though the jews expect such carnal liberty, when their Messiah cometh, that is nothing to the purpose: for such a Messiah, as they expect, shall never come. But we know certainly that the Antichrist should come into the world, and is indeed already come. 5. And that Antichrist shall outwardly seem to maintain single life, it is the opinion of their own writers, exterius finget castitatem ut facilius decipiat, he shall outwardly feign chastity, that he may the more easily deceive, Lyran. so also Pererius, Intimis animi sensibus erit super omnes libidi●osus, etc. in his inward disposition he shall of all men be most licentious and lustful, though he shall outwardly dissemble chastity.   

23. Controv. That Antichrist shall not care indeed for any God, nor have any sense of religion.  
That the Antichrist of Rome herein also was well resembled by Antiochus, 
16 note: Atheism, prophannes, not caring in effect for any God.  may be proved first by particular induction, that many of their Popes have been found in a manner to be very Atheists, having ●o sense of religion. john the 12. whom Platina maketh john the 13. nec Deum nec hominem prae oculis habuisse, had neither God nor man before his eyes: so testifieth Theodoric. à Niem. lib. 3. c. 9 Innocentius the 8. was seen for the most part to sleep in the time of divine service: of Alexander the 6. saith Guicciardine, that he had nullum religionis sensum, no feeling of religion: his holidays exercise was to see Plautus' comedies played: of Leo the 10. it is reported, that he should thus say, quantum nobis profuit fabula ista de Christo? how much hath this fable or tale of Christ profited us?  
Secondly, this may be showed how the Pope doth magnify himself against God, by those blasphemous titles and prerogatives, which he suffereth to be given unto him by his Canonists: as Osiander doth exemplify these, the Pope is the universal father of all the faithful and of all the sheep of Christ, joannes de tur. cremat. the Pope hath the same consistory with God, and the same tribunal with Christ: the Pope is a certain divine power, representing a visible God in earth, Gomesius: All power is given unto the Pope in heaven and earth: from the Pope appeal is not to be made, no not unto God: the Pope can make something of nothing: the Pope can do all that God doth, Decius: the Pope is God, Felinus: the Pope is greater, than any other creature, and his power extendeth itself to celestial things, terrestrial, and infernal, Antonin. Florentin. the Pope may change the form of the Sacraments delivered from the Apostles, Archiadiacon. the Pope is the foundation of faith, as the canons speak: God hath subjecteth all laws to the Pope, and no law can be imposed upon his highness, 〈◊〉 Gratian. the Pope may decree against the epistles of S. Paul, Carolus R●●nus: God hath brought all things in subjection under the Pope's feet, Barbazia: none is equal to the Pope but God, August. Beroius: the Pope is the husband of the whole Church, joan. de tur. cremat. These and such like blasphemies are uttered by the Pope's clawbacks, and ●e accepteth them: for if he misliked them, why doth he not prohibit them to use such gross and blasphemous seatteries? By this it is evidently manifest, that the Pope, as here it is said of Antiochus, seeketh only to magnify himself, and in effect careth not for any God.   

24. Controv. How Antichrist shall bring in a strange God, which his fathers never knew, v. 38.  
As Antiochus brought in his new God Mauzzim, that is, 
〈…〉  of munitions, namely the idol of jupiter Olympius into the Temple, and guarded him about with munitions and garrisons, such an idol as his fathers never knew: so likewise the Roman Antichrist hath brought in a new kind of images into the Church: as one of them obtained of Phocas the Emperor, the Church of Gentile idols called Paentheon in Rome, and set up the images of Saints in stead thereof: likewise they do make the virgin Marie their Lady and goddess, making her their Mediatrix, and offering up prayers, consecrating Churches unto her: And thus they have framed unto themselves a new goddess whom their fathers knew not.  
But the most famous idol of all is their new devise of transubstantiation, and of their breaden god, and their idolatrous sacrifice of the Mass: wherein they commit many profanations. 1. They give unto every Priest power to make the body of Christ, and therein think them more worthy than the Virgin Marie: for she was conceived but once with the holy flesh of Christ, but they do make it daily. 2. they detract from the virtue & efficacy of Christ's all-sufficient sacrifice upon the cross, in adding as a supplement thereof their daily unbloody sacrifice (as they call it) of the Mass. 3. they ascribe unto the Mass such virtue, as that thereby they think the souls to be delivered out of purgatory. 4. they hold that the Mass is available ex opere operato, by the very external work, without the good intention, faith, or preparation in them, to whom it is apply. 5. They carry their impanate god about in procession, requiring adoration with knocking, kneeling, lifting up the hands to be yielded unto it. 6. And they make their Mass a general remedy not only against all spiritual but temporal evils and calamities, and a mean to obtain both spiritual and temporal blessings: as health of body, good success in any business, victory in war, good speed in marriage matters, in battle, in navigation, and such like: whence they have devised so many kinds of votive Masses, as they are called: as for peace, for rain, for fair weather, for women in travail, for those which are upon their journey, against the pestilence, lightning, and such like: All which are new brought in devices, never known in the former ages of the Church: and this may well be called their new come God Mauzzim, which signifieth munitions: for the idolatrous service of the Mass, is the chief pillar of Popish superstition, their munition and fortress, Pappus.   

25. Controv. Of the theatrical and pompous service with silver and gold, which Antichrist hath found out for his new idol.  
As Antiochus spared no cost to set forth his new idol, 
18. note: antichrist's new theatrical service of his new idol.  he bestowed upon it silver and gold, and precious things: and as Marcellus among the Romans rob all other Temples, to set forth and beautify the idol-Temples at Rome: So the Roman Antichrist with all external pomp, outward glory, and glittering show of silver and gold, doth adorn and beautify this his new coined service. And how all their religion consisteth in nothing else but in an outward show, and vainglorious pomp, it is evident in these three things, in their persons, Churches, and solemnities.  
First for their persons, they count them good Catholics, that observe their outward rites and ceremonies, though they have no good motion and instinct at all: as if they be in their baptism exorcised, anealed, afterward confirmed with chrism, and keep fasting days, be sprinkled with holy water and ashes, creep to the cross, be confessed at Easter, kiss the pax, go in pilgrimage, offer to their idols, and when they die, be anealed, and carried to the grave with tapers and dirges, they think they have performed all offices of Christianity.  
Concerning their Churches, there is no preaching, or very seldom, and that to small edifying, no singing of Psalms, or praying with understanding: but all things are set forth to the ear, in singing and sound of instruments, and to the eye, in adorning their images with silver and gold, and such like.  
And touching their solemnities; all their service is nothing else but a mere stage-play, from one end of the year to the other.  
At the nativity of Christ, an infant made of wood wrapped up in swathing clouts is carried up and down by boys and girls.  
In the festival of the three kings, which they say came to worship Christ, three appareled like kings do go from door to door singing and begging with a star made of paper.  
In the day of the purification candles are carried about: and ashes are sprinkled on ashwednesday. In lent certain persons disguised go up and down the streets whipping themselves: the images in the Churches are clothed in black as though they mourned, the altars are covered.  
On Palm Sunday, an ass is led about, and palms carried before: on the day of resurrection, after midnight the Priest taketh the image of the crucifix out of the sepulchre, and goeth about knocking at the Church doors, and crying, be ye lift up ye everlasting doors, and the king of glory shall come in: and then the question is asked, who is the king of glory? and the Priest maketh answer, the Lord strong and mighty in battle, he is the king of glory: and so they blaspemously ascribe that unto an image, which is due only unto Christ.  
Before the ascension day they have solemn processions, and then all the images of the Saints are brought forth, and carried in show: on the ascension day one is drawn up in a wooden tutret to the top of the Church, and as if he represented Christ, he crieth out, I ascend unto my father and your father: and when he is at the top he throweth down certain consecrated hosts, and while they are gathering them up below, water is powered down, whereupon there is raised a great laughter in the Church.  
On the day of Pentecost the image of a dove is let down from the top of the Church, together with fire, and a noise like thunder, with this voice, Receive ye the holy Ghost.  
On corpus Christi day, the host is carried about in solemn procession, with instruments of music, and love songs, such as minstrels use to sing at feasts, to make guests merit: And after this manner is the Popish service devised to attend upon their impanate God. ex Polano.  
But Bellarmine laboureth likewise to free the Pope of these imputations, that this prophesy of the new God Mauzzim, cannot in any sense agree unto him.  
1. First he reasoneth thus: this Mauzzim is either Antichrist himself, or the devil, whom he worshippeth: he shall command himself to be worshipped, and be a great sorceter and Magician: but the Pope is none of these.  
Answer. 1. We will yield unto him the proposition: though indeed this place hath no such sense, either to understand Antichrist himself, or the devil by the God Mauzzim, as is showed before, quest. 46. 2. But both the parts of the assumption are true of the Pope: for he commandeth himself to be worshipped: as appeareth. lib. 1. ceremon. Pontifical. sect. 3. c. 3. quod omnes mortales, etc. that all men of what dignity soever, as soon as they come into the Pope's sight, shall thrice bend their knees, and then come and kiss his feet.  
And that diverse of the Popes have been great Magicians, is extant in histories: Sylvester the 2. gave himself to the devil to obtain the Papacy, Platin. fascicul. tempor. Benno writeth of Gregory the 7. that he sent two young men to fetch a book of Necromancy▪ which he had forgotten, charging them not to look upon it: but they thereupon were the more desirous to pry into it, and while they read in it, the devils ministers came about them to know what they should do: who being amazed at the first, bid them presently to cast down a great wall which was near unto Rome, which was done forth with. Luithprandus writeth of john the 22. that he was wont, Diabolum in alea invocare, to call upon the devil as he played at dice: And diverse of the Popes beside have been noted, to use familiarity and conference with spirits: So that taking Bellarmine's own sense we shall find the Popish Antichrist to worship this God Manzzim.  
2. Bellarmine hath here an other evasion, that Mauzzim is like to be the name of the place where Antichrist shall lay up his treasure, and shall there secretly worship the devil.  
Answ. 1. Thus Bellarmine shifteth up and down, not knowing what to make of this Mauzzim: one while he thinketh it to be Antichrist himself, than again he will have it to be the devil, and now a name of a place. 2. But we admit it that Mauzzim is the name of a place, for it signifieth a munition or garrison: And may not such a place be found out in Rome, where the Pope's treasure lieth, namely the castle of S. Angel?  
3. Bellarmine addeth yet further, that Antichrist shall worship this god in secret, for openly he shall worshp no god at all, because the text saith, he shall not care for any God: but this cannot be said of the Pope, who professeth publicly the service of God.  
Contra. 1. These two may well agree together, not to care indeed for any god; and yet to pretend outwardly a kind of public worship in hypocrisy: as Antiochus set up the idol of jupiter Olympius at jerusalem, being himself without all sense of religion. 2. So the Roman Antichrist, doth profess himself a Christian, yet is indeed an enemy to true Christianity: And though he pretendeth to be but Christ's Vicar, yet he doth magnify himself, against Christ and his gospel, as hath been showed before.   

26. Controv. How Antichrist shall distribute honours and possessions unto his favourites, and that for money.  
As Antiochus bestowed upon the idolatrous Iewes offices and dignities and possessions, 
19 note: Antichrist distributeth dignities and possessions to his flatterers but for money.  but not without money: for jason and Menelaus brought the Priest's office for money: so the Antichrist of Rome taketh upon him to be the Lord of the world, to give kingdoms, Lordships, Manners, to those which will receive the mark of the beast: here two things are expressed of Antiochus, what he giveth, and for what. The like are observed concerning Antichrist.  
The things which are given are three, honours, places of authority and command, lands and possessions: in every one of these kinds the Pope taketh upon him to be a distributor both in the Church and commonwealth: for Civil titles and honours: he taketh upon him to create Emperors, Kings, Dukes: and to dispose of the kingdoms of the world, as there is extant, lib. 6. Avent. an epistle of Pope Adrian, to the Archbishops of Trevire, Mentz, and Collen, to this effect: sicut Zacharias transtulit imperium à Graecis ad Theutonicos, as Zacharie translated the Empire from the greeks to the Germans, so we may remove it from them to the Grecians again: ecce in potestate nostra est dare illud cui volumus, behold it is in our power to give it to whom we will: wherefore we are set by God over nations and kingdoms, to destroy and pluck up, to build and to plant, etc. And thus said the devil to Christ, that all the kingdoms of the world were his to give unto whom he would: In like manner the Pope hath Church dignities to bestow, Cardinalships, Archbishoprikes, bishoprics, Abbeys, and such like, which he conferreth upon those which will worship the beast, Bulling.  
But for the manner: he bestoweth them as Antiochus did the Priesthood not without money: Alexander the 6. made 12. Cardinals, not of those which best deserved, but of such as would give most for them: Guicciardin. lib. 5. histor. sui tempor. Leo the 10. had two calls or elections of Cardinals, wherein he made very few without money: Clement the 7. as Onuphrius writeth, sold 3. Cardinal's hats to those, which would give most: Hereupon it cometh to pass, that many unworthy persons are preferred in the Popish Church, such as are able to give most: as Bernard complained in his time, honorati incedunt de bonis Domini, qui Domino honorem non deferunt, etc. plus calcaria quam altaria fulgent, etc. they jet up and down honoured with the goods of the Lord, but themselves give no honour unto the Lord, etc. whence it is that they wear more gold in their bridles and spurs, then is to be seen in the altars, etc. ser. 33. super Cant. Budaeus hath the like complaint, that the rewards of learning and virtue were bestowed upon such asses and dolts, ut illis anima data sit pro sale, ut suibus, that their soul seemeth to serve for their bodies, as fault for swine's flesh, that is, to keep it from corruption.  
But Bellarmine to help out his Grand-master, telleth us, 1. that there have been many learned men among them, which have taken great pains, as Eckius, Cochleus, Latomus, Driedo, Tapperus, Petrus à Soto, with others, that have not received an halfpenny of the Pope for their great pains. 2. and yet they laboured night and day to suppress the furies of Protestants. 3. who expect their reward from heaven, for setting forth and maintaining God's glory. 4. And if the Pope do bestow the revenues of the Church upon Cardinals and Bishops, he is not said so much to confer them, as they who in their godly zeal gave such large revenues to the Church. Thus Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. Pontif. c. 21.  
Contra. 1. Bellarmine discrediteth the Pope, and noteth him with the infamous mark of ingratitude, in that he suffereth such patrons and defenders of his papal sepremacie to go unrewarded: and yet there was none of these whom he nameth, but enjoyed much more than many worthy ministers of the gospel. 2. can he for shame object fury unto the Protestants, seeing it is notorious, that diverse of these his learned men, became furious and mad indeed. Eckius when he died cried out, why do not ye give me my gold, where is my gold? it seemeth he should have bought some dignity which he miss of. Latomus, when he should have made an oration at Brussels against Luther, before Charles the 5. and could not go forward, being sent out with hisses, was so ashamed, that he fell mad; and uttered diverse blasphemies in the Schools, and in the Readers chair, whence he was taken by Ruardus Tapperus, and was carried to his bed, and died in despair, saying he was damned. Friar Cherubin, which in the year 1598. challenged the ministers of Berne and Geneve to dispute with them, after he had both in words and deeds bewrayed his madness, was tied with chains, and had keepers appointed him. 3. neither is it true that they strive for God's glory, but for the Popes, whom indeed they make their terrene god; and therefore they cannot expect any reward from God: he must reward them whose servants they are. 4. And these great revenues, which the Pope hath to bestow, he hath rather gotten by rapine and violence, then by the piety and devotion of others: As the Dukedom of Ferrara ann. 1598. was by Pope Clement the 8. by force and violence taken from the right heir thereof. ex Polan.   

27. Controv. Of antichrist's insatiable ambition, cruelty, and covetousness.  
1. As Antiochus upon every occasion was ready to invade Egypt and other countries: so the Pope usurpeth upon the nations and kingdoms of the world without any title, 
20. note: antichrist's ambition.  but with pretences and fogeries: as by that forged donation of Constantine, he challengeth to be Lord of the Occidental Empire: there is no king in all these West parts, whom either the Pope hath not made in times past his vassal, or at least will not say, that he holdeth his kingdom of him, and therefore aught to do him homage: Boniface the 8. decreed, that it was of necessity of salvation, for every creature to be subject to the Pope, Extrav. de maiorit. & obedient. c. unam sanctam. And in the same canon he glorieth, that he is set over nations and kingdoms, to plant and pull up, to build and destroy: he challengeth unto himself power in heaven and earth, and dominion from sea to sea, and from the flood to the ends of the world, lib. 1. ceremon. pontifical. c. 7.  
2. As Antiochus took every opportunity to afflict the people of God, 
21. note: cruelty toward the Church of Christ.  but he spared the Edomites, Ammonites, Moabites that assisted him, and hated the people of God as he did, v. 41. So Antichrist ceaseth not to persecute the Church of Christ, and by all means to oppress it, and to trample upon it: But such as are addicted to his superstitions, and are affected toward him, he spareth, and favoureth.  
3. As Antiochus hunted after nothing else, 
22. note: the covetousness of Antichrist.  but the spoil of Egypt, the treasurers of gold and silver, and other precious things: So the Roman Antichrist gapeth after the treasure and riches of the world, raking unto him whatsoever he can lay hold of: he selleth men's sins and pardons for money, releaseth the pains of purgatory for money, dispenseth almost with any thing for money: he imposeth taxes, tenths, mulcts of money by way of penance. As Henry the second had a mulct set upon him for the murder of Thomas Becket, and it was enjoined him to go a warfare at his great charge, as a part of his penance. Fredrick the Emperor being excommunicate by Gregor. the 9 bought his absolution for a 100 thousand ounces of gold, as witness Onuphryus and Guicciardin. Alexander the 6. appointed certain rich Cardinals to be poisoned, that he might seize upon their riches, Onuphryus in Alexand. 6. The Pope exacteth great sums of the jews dwelling at Rome, of the harlots and usurers. john the 22. jest when he was dead 25. millions of ducats of gold in the treasury. Boniface the 9 gathered out of one Province an 100 thousand Florence pieces by his indulgences in a very short time: the Senate of Paris in their petition to Lewes the 11. alleged that the Pope every year had out of France 946. thousand marks. Leo the 10. received a great sum of money by his pardons and indulgences out of Germany, and gave them to his sister Magdalen a most famous strumpet. Guicciard. lib. 13. ex Polan. Therefore Theodor. à Niem thus well resembled the Pope-Apostolike sea, camera Apostolica mari assimilatur, in quod intrant omnia flumina, & non exundat, the Apostolical chamber is likened to the Sea, into the which all rivers do run, and yet it never overfloweth: so many thousand pounds are brought into it, and it is never filled. etc. Union. tract. 6. c. 37.   

28. Controv. Of the rage and fury of Antichrist.  
v. 44. Like as Antiochus when he heard of the evil success of his captains, 
23. note: Antichrist. 〈◊〉. against the faithful.  how they were overthrown and discomfited in judea, went forth with a great rage thinking to destroy many: so the Roman Antichrist hath fretted and fumed, when he heard of any that were revolted from his obedience: As Leo the 10. and after him Adrian the 6. sent out their bulls against Martin Luther, Zuinglius, and other ministers, that preached the Gospel in Germany. When king Henry the 8. had abolished the Pope's supremacy in England, Paulus the 3. thus bestirred himself: he deprived the king of his kingdom, disinherited his children of the crown, released his nobles of their oath of allegiance, gave the possessions and lands of his subjects to be a pray to any, that list to invade them, he interdicted them from the Church and Sacraments: made void all leagues confirmed with foreign kings and states.  
After the same manner proceeded Pius the 5. against Queen Elizabeth, depriving her of her crown, releasing her subjects of their fealty, and excommunicating all her subjects, that continued in her obedience: the like also did Sixtus the 5. who also pursued Henry king of Navarre now king of France, and Henry of Bourbon Prince of Condie, with the same weapons: deposing them by his sentence from their honours and dignities, freeing their subjects of their fealties, and disinheriting them of their title to the crown of France.   

29. Controv. How Antichrists palace is planted between the two Seas.  
As Antiochus pitched his pavilion between the two Seas, 
24. note: the palace of Antichrist situate between two Seas.  the dead Sea and Mediterranean Sea, where judea was situate, v. 45. So the Roman Antichrist hath his seat just between two Seas, the Sea called Tyrrhenum and Adriaticum: and he sitteth in the Temple of God: not either the Temple of jerusalem, which is long since destroyed, and never shall be builded again, nor in any other material Temple; but he sitteth in the Church of God, taking upon him to be the head of Christ's Church: but he with his faction, are not the true Church of Christ, though he sit in the Church, as the vicious and corrupt humours are in the body, but are no part of it, Polan. And the Pope's palace may fitly be compared to a Tabernacle: because his seat was removed by Clement the 5. from Rome to Avenion in France, where it continued 74. years, Osiander.   

30. Controv. Of the fearful end of diverse Popes.  
As Antiochus came unto a terrible end: he was eaten of worms, 
25. note: the miserable end of diverse Popes.  and his flesh fell away from him, that he could not endure his own stink: so herein he was a figure and type of diverse Popes of Rome, who came to an untimely death.  
Sabinianus who first brought in the canonical hours, and the use of tapers in the Church, was frighted by a vision, wherein Gregory the 1. appeared unto him, whose books of mere envy he thought to have burned, and smote him, upon the terror whereof he not long after died, Fascicul. tempor.  
Boniface the 3. after he had obtained of that parricide and murderer the Emperor Phocas, that the Church of Rome should have the principality before other Churches, came home and ended his days in sorrow and grief, having not enjoyed his papacy above a year and 5. months.  
Leo the 3. was taken by the citizens of Rome and imprisoned, and making an escape went by stealth into France, where he ended his days miserably, having not been Bishop full 20. months.  
Pope Lando was suffocated by john the 11. by thrusting a pillow into his mouth.  
Sylvester the 2. that obtained his papacy by the devil, when he had solemnised Mass in a chapel called jerusalem, which sign the devil had given him that he should not die till he came to jerusalem, died presently: and his body was cut into gobbets, lest the devil should have carried it away, Naucler.  
john the 13. that had committed incest with two of his sisters, was slain in adultery.  
john the 15. had his eyes put out by Boniface the 7. and was famished to death in the castle of S. Angel: the same Boniface the 7. died suddenly a very short time after: and his body was drawn with a rope by the feet through the streets of Rome: the history called fascicul. tempor. giveth this note here of the Popes: note saith he, that the Bishops of Rome are killed, as in the Primitive Church, but they were no martyrs, par poena, sed dispar causa, the punishment was like, but the cause unlike.  
Benedict the 5. fled to Hamburge, and was there strangled in prison.  
Benedict the 6. was taken by the citizens, and strangled in the castle of S. Angel.  
Gregory the 7. by poison and other means made an hand of 6. Popes one after another, to make a way for himself to the Popedom. And he himself who so persecuted the Emperor Henry the 4. was taken by Cynthius a citizen of Rome and imprisoned: and afterward was besieged by the Emperor, and at the last escaped into a poor village in Apulia, where he died miserably.  
Victor the 3. was poisoned in a chalice by a subdeacon, and thereof died.  
Paschal the second after he had stirred up Henry the 5. against his father, was taken by the same Henry, and cast into bonds, and so died in prison.  
Adrian the 4. was choked of a little fly, and so ended his life.  
Boniface the 8. who had been a terror unto Princes, died mad in prison, and bonds: of whom it is said, that he entered like a fox, reigned like a wolf, and died like a dog.  
Clement the 5. was poisoned.  
Paulus the 2. who as Platina writeth, exceeded Heliogabalus in riot and filthy pleasure, through gluttony and lechery fell into an apoplexy.  
Sixtus the 4. died of very grief that his wars were ended.  
Alexander the 6. died of the same poison, which his son Caesar Borgia had provided for Adrianus Cardinal of Corneta.  
Paulus the 3. that spent his time in filthy pleasure, after he had heard of the death of his son Pertus Aloisius, died in a peevish rage, and crying out in despair, peccatum meum contra me semper, my sin is always against me, so gave up the ghost.  
julius the 3. that belly-god died of a surfeit, and not without suspicion of poison.  
Pius the 5. that had like a wolf sucked the blood of many of Christ's lambs, fell through grief into a consumption, and sucked asses milk, but it helped him not.  
Sixtus the 5. who so pursued and baited with his bulls Henry the 4. now king of France, died of poison, whereas the king yet liveth and prospereth.  
After him followed Vrbane the 7. Gregor. the 14. and Innocentius the 9 who died all in a very short time, one after an other, ex Polan.  
Thus Antiochus miserable end was a right figure and pattern of the like end of the like Roman tyrants.  
And as Antiochus' tyranny ended with him: so at the length the kingdom of Antichrist shall be extinguished: as it is prophesied, Apocal. 14. 8. It is fallen, it is fallen, Babylon that great city, for she made all nations to drink of the wine of the wrath of her fornications, etc.  
Thus have I by God's grace showed how diverse ways Antiochus was a type and figure of the Roman Antichrist: and so much of the controversies out of this chapter.    

6. Moral observations.  

1. Observ. The Angels assist Princes in the defence of the Church.  
v. 1. I stood to encourage him: that is, the Angel assisted Darius in his godly purpose in sending the people of God out of captivity: If the Angels assist infidels, when they favour the Church, much more faithful Princes: for the special office of the Angels is to be empolyed for their sakes, which shall be heirs of salvation, Heb. 1. 14.   

2. Observ. Ambition and covetousness the causes of the ruin of kingdoms.  
v. 2. By his riches he shall stir up all against the Realm of Grecia: Xerxes, who by oppression grew rich, and by his riches waxed proud, and through pride moved unnecessary war, warring against the Grecians with 800. thousand men, was the occasion of the ruin and fall of the kingdom of the Persians: for these wars continued still; and though sometimes intermitted, yet were not fully ended until Alexander's time, who took occasion by those wars to go against the Persians.   

3. Observ. God resisteth and punisheth the proud.  
v. 4. And when he shall stand up his kingdom shall be broken, etc. Alexander being lifted up in mind for his great success, made himself equal unto God: when he heard that the Arabians worshipped two gods, the heavens which did bear the Sun, and Dyonisius because he went with an army against the Indians, thought himself worthy to be the third god: and sometime he would come forth like jupiter, sometime like Diana: for this his pride and unthankfulness to God, he continued not long, being cut off in the 32. year of his age, and all his posterity and kindred, his mother, sister, sons, and wives, within a short time after his death, were all slain: this is the end of proud persons. So it befell unto proud Pharaoh king of Egygt, who was drowned in the red Sea, and unto Herod, that was devoured of worms, Act. 12.   

4. Observ. Incestuous marriages unhappy.  
v. 6. The king's daughter of the South, shall come to the king's daughter of the North. Ptolomeus Philadelphus gave unto Antiochus Theos first his daughter Laodice, and then afterward his other daughter Berenice: they 〈◊〉 two sisters, as Appian in Syriac. whom Polanus followeth: But whether they were sisters or not, Antiochus did repudiate his lawful wife Laodic, by whom he had two sons Seleucus Callinicus, and Hierax: but this marriage prospered not, for Berenice was slain by Callinicus: which showeth what is the end of such unlawful marriages: and that all leagues and confederacies combined by such means, can not hold. So Ferdinand gave unto Sigismond king of Polonia first one of his daughters, and after her death an other, by the Pope's dispensation: And in this age the Pope hath dispensed with the like incestuous marriages, for the uniting and maintaining of some great houses, Polan.   

5. Observ. Princes that are enemies to the Church shall not long prosper.  
v. 12. But he shall not prevail. Ptolomeus Philopator, having obtained an exceeding great victory against Antiochus Megas, because he was listed up in mind, and afflicted the people of God, profaned the Temple, and cast many of them before the Elephants in open shows; he was given over to a reprobate sense, spending his days in most filthy pleasure, and lived not long after: such is the end of those, which are enemies to the people of God: according to the prayer of the Prophet David, Up Lord, disappoint them, cast them down, Psal. 17. 13.   

6. Observ. There can be no firm peace among the wicked.  
v. 27. They shall talk of deceit at one table. Antiochus Epiphanes, and Ptolemy Philometor made semblance and show of friendship, but it was not in truth: such are the truces between Princes that profess not true religion: as between the kings of France & Spain in times past, as Sleidan and Gnicciardine note in their stories: so the Prophet Isai saith, c. 57 21. There is no peace to the wicked.   

7. Observ. Peace between Prince's enemies to the Church, dangerous.  
v. 28. His heart shall be against the holy covenant. As this peace between Antiochus Epiphanes, and Ptolemy Philometor redounded much to the hurt of God's people: such are the leagues made in these days between the Princes of the Pope's faction, which tend to the ruin of the Church: as Herod and Pilate were made friends by persecuting of Christ. But God shall break the bonds of all such carnal devices, and not suffer his Church to be trodden down.   

8. Observ. That we be not dismayed, when religion is hindered.  
v. 31. They shall pollute the Sanctuary. As Antiochus Epiphanes caused an idol to be set up in the Temple, and the daily sacrifice to be intermitted: so for a while God may suffer his Church to be tried, and his service to cease: as here in England in the days of Queen Marie, when the Churches were defiled with idols: but as Antiochus tyranny continued not much above six years, so God shortened those wicked days, which were under that time not full out six years.   

9 Observ. The end of the wicked shall be sudden and fearful.  
v. 45. He shall come to his end, and none shall help him. As Antiochus was plagued of God for his wickedness, and so he died: the like end wicked tyrants shall have: as Psal. 37. 37. Mark the upright man, for the end of that man is peace: but the transgressors shall be destroyed together, etc.     

CHAP. XII.  

1. The Argument and Method.  
THis Chapter, which containeth the comforts and consolations ministered unto Daniel is divided into three parts. 1. the conference of the Angel with Daniel, to v. 5. 2. of one of the Angels with Christ, v. 5. to v. 8. 3. of Christ himself with Daniel, thence to the end of the chapter.  
1. In the first part there are 4. comforts given unto Daniel. 1. one is taken from the efficient cause and author of their deliverance, Michael shall stand up for his people, v. 1. 2. in the second place of comfort, first the time of trouble is set forth by way of comparison, than the comfort is taken from the issue of their trouble: they which are found written in the book of life, shall be delivered, v. 1. 3. the third comfort is from the hope of the resurrection: they which are not temporally delivered, shall rise up in the end unto life everlasting. Here the resurrection is set forth. 1. in general, many, that is all shall awake out of the dust. 2. in particular: there shall be two sorts, some shall rise to life, some to shame, v. 2. 3. of those which rise to life, some shall shine among the rest, as the brightness of the firmament, and as the stars, v. 3.  
4. The fourth comfort is, that notwithstanding those troublesome times, yet the Church of God shall continue, and many shall seek for the understanding of this book, which to that end Daniel is bid to seal up, v. 4.  
2. In the second part is described. 1. the vision, that Daniel saw, both the number, he saw two, and the site or place of them, v. 5. 2. their speech. 1. the question moved, unto whom, namely, to Christ, and what, concerning the end. 2. the answer. 1. by whom, by him that stood upon the waters. 2. in what manner, by an oath with the lifting up of both his hands. 3. what he answereth, both for the continuance of the time, & for the end, v. 7.  
3. In the third part, there is 1. daniel's question, with the occasion thereof, his not understanding, v. 8. 2. the answer of Christ, partly denying daniel's request, the things were secret, and sealed up, v. 9 partly giving him satisfaction: 1. concerning the Church, wherein is showed the end and fruit of their afflictions, set forth by the contrary, the frowardness of the wicked, v. 10. and the term, first 1290. days, than a 1335. v. 11. 12. 2. concerning Daniel himself, that he should be content: with a double promise made unto him, that he should presently after his death, rest from all his labours: and afterward stand up in his lot in the resurrection.   

2. The text with the divers readings.  
1. And at that time shall stand up Michael the great Prince, which standeth for the children of thy people: and there shall be a time of trouble, such as never was since there began to be a nation unto this time: and at that time the people shall be delivered, every one that is found written in that book. (in the book. B. G. but the article is prefixed, which noteth some special book)  
2 And many of them which sleep in the dusty earth (V. I. earth of dust. H. not dust of the earth. B. G.) shall awake, some to everlasting life, and some to shame and perpetual contempt (not to contempt, that they may see always)  
3 And they which instruct (cause to understand. H. are teachers. V. are wise. G. B. are taught or learned. L. but the word is in the active) shall shine as the brightness of the firmament: and they which bring many (turn many. B. G.) to righteousness (justify many. H.) as the stars for ever and ever.  
4 But thou, O Daniel, shut up the words, and seal the book until the time determined: (I. L. until the last time. V. time of the end. H. B. not end of time. G.) many shall run to and fro (or here and there. B. not, pass through. L. or wander up and down. V.) and knowledge shall be increased. (see qu. 15.  
5 ¶ Then I Daniel looked, and beheld other two standing, the one on this side of the brink of the river, and the other on that side of the brink of the river.  
6 And one said (not, I said. L.) to the man clothed in linen, which was upon the waters of the river, (above at the waters of the river. V.) How long unto the end of these wonders? (not, when shall be the end of these wonders?)  
7 And I heard the man clothed in linen, which was upon the waters of the river, when he held up his right hand, and his left hand unto heaven (the heavens) and swore by him that liveth for ever, that at the appointed time, times, and a part, I. (or half, caeter. for cheizi, signifieth both. I. not unto the appointed time, whether long or short. V. he expresseth not the words) and when he hath accomplished to disperse the power (hand. H.) of the holy people, all these things shall be finished.  
8. And I heard, but understood not: and I said Lord, what shall be the end of these things?: (not what shall be in the end of these things. A. P. or what shall be after this. L. acarith, here signifieth the last end.  
9 And he said, go thy way Daniel, for the words are closed up and sealed, unto the time determined (L. I. time of the end. H. S. B. not end of time. G).  
10. Many shall be purged (chosen. L. S. barar, signifieth both, but the first here) and made white and tried (as fire. L. S. ad.) but the wicked shall do wickedly, neither shall any of the wicked understand, but they which instruct (I. V. cause to understand. H. the wise. B. G.) shall understand (observe, mark. I.)  
11. And from the time that the daily. sacrifice shall be taken away, and the abomination bringing desolation (making desolate. H. not the abomination for desolation. L. or abominable desolation. B. G. for (shamem) making desolate, is here a Participle) set up, there shall be a thousand two hundredth and ninety days.  
12. Blessed is he that waiteth and cometh (shall come. H.) to the thousand three hundredth and five and thirty days.  
13. But go thou thy way to the end, (not thou Daniel to the appointed or defined time. L.) for thou shalt rest and stand up in thy lot at the end of days: the Septuag. here add many words, there are yetdayes and hours to the fulfilling of perfection.)   

3. The questions and doubts discussed.  

Quest. 1. What time is here meant, and in that time shall Michael stand up, ver. 1.  
1. Some refer it unto the last time of world, after that great Antichrist shall have raged against the Church of Christ, which shall continue three years and an half, Lyran. Perer. Pintus, with other writers of that side: But we hold that to be a dream, that any such singular Antichrist shall come in the end of the world: see more c. 11. controv. 2.  
2. Bullinger understandeth it of the coming of Christ to judgement, when there shall be such great tribulation, as never was in the world before: and this may seem as an argument hereof: because afterward v. 2. mention is made of the resurrection: But that is added as a consolation: they which were not temporally delivered in those troublesome times, yet should be sure to rife unto life everlasting.  
3. Some do expound this prophesy of the persecution in the last times under the Turk, Melancth. and the Roman Antichrist, as Osiand. Pappus.  
4. M. Calvin referreth it to the time of Christ's coming in the flesh.  
5. M. junius in his commentary interpreteth it of all the time of the gospel, the beginning whereof is in his first coming, and the end in his second.  
6. But it is most properly referred to that time, when Antiochus left half his army with Lysias, while he went unto Elymais in Persia: for about the same time did judas Macchabeus, by the assistance of the great Prince of the Church Michael, which is Christ jesus, recover jerusalem, and purge the Temple, which had been defiled, 2. Macchab. 10. jun. in his annot. the reasons why this place is thus to be understood, are these: 1. because the time here spoken of hath relation to the former story: in that time, that is, the same time wherein the former things should be done: non post multa annorum millia, not after so many thousand of years, Pelican. 2. the Angel saith, thy people, the people of the jews must be understood, who, and not the Christians among the Gentiles, should be persecuted for religion, H. Br. 3. the event also confirmeth this exposition: for if Michael the great Prince had not then indeed stood up for his Church, it had perished.  
But thus it is objected against this interpretation: 1. that Porphyrius in hatred to Christian religion, to obscure the truth hath devised this sense, Perer. 2. the rest Porphyrius cannot make to hang together; how in Antiochus' time some should awake out of the dust: which Porphyrius understandeth of those which were shut up in caves and rocks, and afterward came out again, Hierome.  
Ans. 1. Though Porphyry were an enemy to the Christian faith, yet he might in some particular hit upon the truth: neither herein is the light obscured, but rather more manifested: and though his hatred were great against the Christian religion, yet this is no impediment to faith, though every point of faith be not proved out of every place of Scripture: the article of the coming of Christ to judgement, is sufficiently proved out of other places of Scripture, though it be not directly concluded here. Pelican here thus writeth, I give thanks to Hierome, qui tam diligenter adnotavit Phorphyrij expositionem, who hath so diligently noted Porphyry his exposition, which he holdeth to be most reasonable. 2. though he fail in some one point in his exposition, yet it followeth not, but that he may come near the truth in the rest.   

Quest. 2. Who is understood here to be Michael the great Prince.  
1. Some take Michael here for a created Angel, who as he had the protection before of the jews under the law, shall afterward protect the people of God under the Gospel: Anchrist by him shall be destroyed executive, in execution, by Christ imperative, by his commandment and authority, Lyran. Perer. Pintus.  
2. Bullinger taketh this Michael to be that Arkeangel, which S. Paul speaketh of, 1. Thess. 4. 16. that the Lord shall descend from heaven with a shoot, and with the voice of the Arkeangel.  
3. Osiander thinketh that Christ is here called Michael the Arkeangel, in respect of his office; as in the prophesy of Ezekiel he is called David, yet was he not Michael the Arkeangel.  
4. M. Calvin leaveth it as indifferent, whether we understand Christ the Mediator, or a created Angel.  
5. But that this Michael was none other but Christ, the Prince of the Angels, may be made plain by these reasons:  
1. By the name Michael, which is compounded of these three particles, mi, cha, el, which signify, which is as God, noting both the distinction of his person, and the identity of his nature, that he in power is equal unto God: as the Apostle saith of Christ, Phil. 2. 6. who being in the form of God, thought it no robbery to be equal unto God, and Heb. 1. 3. he is said to be the brightness of his glory, and the engraved form of his person. This annotation of the word is well urged by Melancthon, upon this place, Oecolampad. jun. in comment, Polanus, M. Br. in Daniel.  
2. This Michael is here called shar hagadol, the great Prince: there are principalities and dominions so called both among Angels and men: but this Michael is called prince in the superlative and highest degree, and in this respect the Apostle saith, Ephe. 1. 21. that God hath set Christ above all principalities and powers, etc. and every name that is named: And hereunto may be applied that saying of the Apostle, that Christ is made so much the more excellent than the Angels, as he hath obtained a more excellent name than they, namely, to be called, a great Prince, jun. this name or title shar hagadol, a great Prince, is translated by the Apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Arkangel, which signifieth the chief or Prince of Angels. And though it be there said, 1. Thess. 4. 16. that the Lord shall descend with the voice of an Arkangel, it followeth not that Christ is not that Arkangel, no more than it followeth, because it is said also in the same place, with the trumpet of god, that Christ should not be God. Polan. And the trumpet of God, is the voice of God, as Psal. 47. 6. God is gone up with triumph, even the Lord with the sound of a trumpet: God shall then descend in the voice of a trumpet, as in the giving of the law. So is this voice interpreted to be the voice of the Son of God, which the dead shall hear and live, joh. 5. 25. Polan. M. Br.  
3. Further this is showed by the office of this Michael, which is to stand for the people of God: whose protector and captain is Christ jesus, called therefore, josua 5. 15. captain of the Lords host: which place justin. Martyr dialog. cum Tryphon. understandeth of Christ: for who else is captain of the Lords host, and protector of his Church?  
4. This great Prince here mentioned, is the same, who had written upon his thigh, the king of Kings, and the Lord of Lords, Apocal. 17. 16. who sat upon a white horse, his eyes were as a flame of fire, and the wariers of heaven followed him upon white horses: who was called the word of God. This was no other but Christ: for to no other but unto him, do all these glorious titles agree, Oecolampad.  
5. This Michael is said to have Angels, Apocal. 12. 17. but the blessed spirits cannot be said to be any others Angels save Christ's, Fulke annot. By these and other reasons it is evident, that this Michael is no other but Christ: see more hereof, c. 10. quest. 22.  
But it will be objected, that Michael is not always taken for Christ, as epist. Jude 9 that Michael the Arkeangel striving with the devil about the body of Moses, durst not blame him with cursed speaking, but said, the Lord rebuke thee: Answ. Christ so speaketh as the Mediator of his Church, referring all to the glory of his father: as the like we read, Zach. 3. 2. where it is said, jehovah said unto Satan, jehovah rebuke thee Satan. Polan.   

Quest. 3. What time of trouble the Angel here speaketh of.  
v. 1. There shall be a time of trouble, such as never was since there began to be a nation unto that same time. 1. This time of trouble, such as never was any before, some refer unto the last persecution under Antichrist, whom they suppose shall be one particular man: that whereas the Church hath been persecuted by five several enemies, the jews, the Gentiles, by heretics, schismatics, and evil livers: this last persecution shall exceed all other: for both it shall be corporal, in tormenting the body, and spiritual, in abrogating the service of God, burning the books of Scripture, abolishing the use of the sacraments. Perer. This is true, that there shall be a most grievous persecution under Antichrist: but that is not signified here: for the accomplishment of this prophesy must not be deferred so long: and beside, that is but a groundless conceit, that Antichrist shall be one particular person.  
2. junius in his commentary thinketh this time of such trouble, to be that when Christ was borne: for the jews were never in any such slavery, both corporally, being divers ways afflicted, oppressed, and kept under by the Romans, and spiritually by the superstitious traditions, and corrupt doctrines of the Scribes and pharisees: But at that time Christ the Messiah came in great humility, he did not then show himself as the great Prince, in triumphing over his enemies.  
3. M. Calvin understandeth the great persecution of the Christians under the Roman Empire: but the Angel still speaketh of daniel's people, that is the jews, how they should be delivered: this text than concerneth not the believing Gentiles.  
4. Osiander thus interpreteth, haec non de corporalibus afflictionibus, sed de carnificina conscientiarum, etc. these things must not be understood of corporal afflictions, but of the tormenting of the conscience under the Pope of Rome by his superstitious traditions, whereby men's consciences were snared and entangled: as the doctrine of merits, Purgatory, and such like: But the Angel speaketh here of such troubles, as should befall the jews.  
5. Bullinger doth take these for the last times, when Christ at his coming shall judge the world: whose judgement shall be more terrible unto the wicked, then was either the destruction of the old world by water, or of Sodom by fire: the elect only shall be delivered: But the Angel speaketh here of troubles which should fall upon the elect, out of the which they should escape: Now the terrors of the last day of judgement shall not touch the righteous; who shall stand forth, and appear before Christ with boldness.  
6. These days of trouble then, are those which came upon the jews in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes: which are said to be the greatest troubles, that fell upon that nation, because their other captivities in Egypt, and in Chaldea, were but corporal; but this was both corporal, in tormenting their bodies, and spiritual, in forcing them by torments to forsake the law. And whereas before time some particular men were tried for their conscience, as Daniel and the three children, Dan. c. 1. c. 3. yet there was never an universal persecution before for religion among the jews. H. Br. in Daniel.  
But Lyranus objecteth, so also Pererius and Pintus, that there were greater persecutions before, than this under Antiochus, both intensive & extensive, in the intending and extending thereof, in the greatness, and in the continuance: the persecution by Nebuchadnezzer was both greater, for the city and Temple was destroyed, and many carried away captive, and many slain: it was also longer, for it continued full 70. years.  
Contra. It is true, that the captivity of Babylon continued longer than this persecution, but it was not greater: for beside, that all these outward calamities, of the sword, captivity, spoiling of city and Temple here concurred, they were generally persecuted for their conscience and religion, which trial they were never put unto before: so that in this respect, these may be said to be the greatest troubles, which ever that nation had.   

4. Quest. What deliverance the Angel speaketh of, and of whom.  
v. 1. At that time shall thy people be delivered, every one that shall be written in that book, etc. 1. Bullinger understandeth this deliverance not in this life, but at the coming of Christ, which time is called the day of refreshing: But then this clause should be confounded with the next, v. 2. where he speaketh of those that shall rise and awake out of the dust unto eternal life: he therefore speaketh of an other deliverance here.  
2. Some refer it to the spiritual deliverance of the faithful from the persecution of Antichrist in the end of the world, isti vere salvabuntur de tribulationibus Antichristi, these shall truly be delivered from the tribulation of Antichrist, Lyran. so Calvine understandeth it of the spiritual victory and conquest, whereby the faithful are conquerors even in the mids of death: Osiander of the spiritual deliverance of the faithful from antichrist's superstitions, by the preaching of the Gospel. But Daniel doubted not, but that all the elect should be spiritually delivered: therefore some other deliverance is spoken of from those external troubles.  
3. junius in his commentary applieth it to the vocation of the faithful by Christ, that although many should be called in common to the knowledge of Christ, at his coming; yet the Elect only should be effectually called unto life eternal. But some external deliverance is here signified, as the Angel spoke before of an outward troublesome time.  
4. junius in his annotations followeth an other sense: that every one should be temporally delivered from those troubles, even every one whom it seemed good unto God in his immutable decree to preserve: but by the book here is understood the book of life, wherein they were written, which were ordained to everlasting life, not any such knowledge or decree of God for a particular deliverance.  
5. Some give this sense: that all the Elect of the jews should by these afflictions be brought unto life eternal: God would sanctify their afflictions unto them, that thereby they should be consecrate unto God, and so obtain everlasting life according ro their election: M. H. Br. But in this sense is excluded the temporal deliverance, which is promised for the comfort of the people.  
6. Pelican doth expound it altogether of their temporal deliverance, that they which then stood for the law, obtinuerunt claram Deo auxiliante victoriam, obtained a most glorious victory by the help of God: But every one of the Elect in that time of persecution were not delivered: and all that temporally escaped, it is hard to say, whether they were all elected.  
7. Wherefore both these the spiritual and temporal deliverance must be joined together: that every one of Gods elect should be delivered: some both in body and soul: if any of the elect were slain and put to death in that persecution, though their body suffered, yet their soul should be delivered, and afterward in the resurrection, both soul and body should be saved: as it followeth v. 2.   

5. Quest. Whether all the jews shall be called before the coming of Christ.  
Because some understand this deliverance of the people of the jews, of their last conversion and calling in the end of the world, as Lyran. Perer. it shall not be amiss by the way to touch somewhat of that matter.  
1. Theodoret upon this place, and Gregor. hom. 12. in Ezech. do deliver their opinion, that not all the nation of the jews, but only so many, as shall by the preaching of Henoch and Elias be converted to the knowledge of Christ, shall be saved: the rest which shall cleave unto Antichrist, who shall most of all deceive the jews, they shall be damned: as it is said, Apoc. 14. 9 If any man worship the beast, and his image, etc. he shall drink of the wine of the wrath of God. But 1. if none else of the jews shall be called, save such as shall be converted by the preaching of Henoch and Elias, none are like to be called at all: for that is a mere fable of the return of Henoch and Elias in their own persons, to preach unto the world, as is afterward showed, Controv. 2. 2. this opinion includeth a contradiction, for if at the coming of Antichrist, whom the jews suppose to be their Messiah, he shall most of all seduce them: then is it like that very few of the jews shall be converted, but rather more hardened, their hoped for Messiah (as they think) being come.  
2. another opinion is, that universally all the jews shall be called, as Chrysostome inferreth upon those words, Rom. 11. 13. if the diminishing of them be the riches of the Gentiles, how much more, shall their abundance or fullness be: which fullness Chrysostome thus expoundeth, quando universi ad fidem accessuri sunt, when all of them shall come unto the faith, hom. 19 in epist. ad Romanos.  
3. But the safer opinion is, between both these, that neither universally the whole nation is like to be called: for in their best times, when as the worship of God most flourished among them, there were many carnal men and ungodly persons among them: neither yet shall so few of them be converted, because of the generality of the Apostles words v. 26. and so all Israel shall be saved: as here in these troublesome times every one of the elect was preserved: But it is evident by S. Paul's prophesy of the calling of the whole nation, that the greater part shall be converted and believe: so that the other part of those which shall remain in their blindness and hardness of heart still, shall be but small in respect of the other: And thus the Scripture useth to take (all) for the most and greatest part. Now that there shall be before the coming of Christ, such a general calling of the jews, the Apostle proveth out of Isay, 59 20. the deliverer shall come out of Zion, and shall turn ungodliness from jakob: this prophesy is not yet fulfilled, for though some of the jews in every age have been called, yet the nation hath remained in unbelief still. Perer.   

Quest. 6. What kind of book Daniel here speaketh of.  
1. Theodoret taketh this book for the knowledge of God: but there is great difference between God's prescience, and the decree of predestination: the one is an act of his allseeing knowledge, the other of his will: as the Apostle saith, Rom. 8. 29. those whom he knew before, he also predestinate to be made like the image of his son.  
2. junius seemeth to understand it of God's immutable decree concerning their preservation from those troubles: but this book is else where called the book of life, that is, of eternal life, not in respect of any temporal deliverance in this life.  
3. Osiander by this book meaneth the preaching of the gospel: so also Pappus of the book of the Scriptures: that every one which believeth them shall be saved and delivered: other secret book of God's decree, Pappus acknowledgeth none, non fingendi sunt aliqui occulti libri, qui nomina saluandorum conteneant, we must not imagine, that there are any secret books which do contain the names of such as should be saved: But this is a very corrupt opinion. 1. though God need not any material books, yet that he hath set down in his everlasting decree the number of such as shall be saved, and that whosoever is not so written in that book, that is appointed of God unto salvation, shall be damned, it is evident out of Scripture: as S. Paul speaketh of certain his fellow labourers, Philip. 4. 3. whose names are in the book of life: and Apocal. 20. 15. Whosoever was not found written in the book of life, was cast into the lake of fire. 2. And that this is in an other book beside the book of the Scriptures, is also evident: for neither in the Scriptures is any man's particular election set down: and the Scriptures are offered unto all, both the elect, and not elect: but in the book of life only are the elect written.  
4. Euthymius in Psal. 68 & 138. saith, that there is a threefold book of the divine knowledge, unus est universalis, etc. one is a general or universal book, wherein all both righteous and sinners are witten, which come into this world: of which book speaketh the Prophet David, Ps. 139. 16. in thy book were all things written: there is another book magis privatus, more private, wherein the righteous only are written: whereof the Prophet David speaketh, 69. 28. Let them be put out of the book of life, neither let them be written with the righteous: the third book is that, wherein the sinners only are written, as Dan. 7. 10. the judgement was set, and the books were opened. This tripartite division may safely be received, saving that the sinners are not said to be written in any book, but not to be written: as Apoc. 17. 8. Whose names are not written in the book of life from the foundation of the world: these books here opened, are books of every one's conscience, wherein all men's works both good and bad are written: which books are divers from the book of life, Apoc. 20. 15. See more hereof c. 7. qu. 36.  
5. This book then here mentioned is God's immutable decree of predestination, whereby they are ordained unto everlasting salvation, whom the lord hath freely elected in Christ: Lyranus saith well, that this book is conscriptio electorum in mente divina, the writing of the elect in the divine mind or knowledge. God needeth not any material book: but this is a figurative phrase taken from the custom of men, who use to write into a book all that are made free of a city or corporation: as Augustine saith, non liber iste Deum commemorat, ne oblivione fallatur, this book serveth not to put God in mind, lest he should be deceived through forgetfulness: but this book is, ipsa Dei praescientia, etc. the prescience of God concerning the elect, which cannot be deceived, lib. 20. de civitat. Dei, c. 15. So also Euthymius, liber Dei est summa eius scientia, scriptura perpetua memoria, the book of God is his high knowledge, and the writing is his perpetual memory, in Psal. 68  
Sometime it is called the book of God, simply without any addition, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because of the excellency, as in this place: sometime the book of life, Philip. 4. 3. and the book of the living, Psal. 69. 29. the book which god hath written, Exod. 32. the book of heaven, as Luk. 10. 20. your names are written in heaven: and in the Revelation, the lambs book of life, c. 21. 27. It is also called the writing or catalogue of the house of Israel, Ezech. 13. 9 So three things are observed out of these places concerning this book. 1. that God is the writer. 2. that the faithful only are there written. 3. that it is the lambs book: all there written shall be brought by the Lamb unto everlasting life.   

Quest. 7. Why this mystery of the resurrection is here revealed plainly to Daniel.  
1. True it is, that the mystery of the resurrection was shadowed forth, and yet darkly in the law: for the translation of Henoch, was an evident proof thereof: and our blessed Saviour inferreth as much, because the Lord is said in the Law, to be the God of Abraham, Izaak▪ and jacob, he is not the God of the dead, but of the living: by which necessary collection, Christ proveth the resurrection of the dead against the Sadduces, Matth. 22. The Apostle also Hebr. 12. 13. showeth that these mysteries were known to the Fathers, because they confessed themselves to be strangers and pilgrims in the earth: for they that say such things, declare plainly that they seek a country. 2. But these deep mysteries were but obscurely opened in former times to the Israelites, the reasons whereof the Hebrews yield to be these two specially: 1. because in Moses time, when the law was given, there were many which did not believe that God created the world and governed the same by his providence; and if Moses had spoken unto them of the higher mysteries, they in their weakness not being able to receive such mystical doctrines, would have rejected them as fables. 2. beside then the people were fed and alured with temporal promises, for as yet they had hope of such things, to enjoy great external happiness in the land of Canaan: But now when all hope of temporal blessings is cut off, and that even in the land of Canaan such troublesome times are foreshowed to come upon them, now it was very seasonable, to comfort them with the hope of eternal life, H. Br. in Daniel.   

Quest. 8: Of the coherence of this comfortable mention made of the resurrection with the former prophesy.  
1. Porphyrius and Polychronius, continuing their interpretation of this prophesy concerning Antiochus, by those that sleep in the dust, understand such as fled into the rocks and caves in the persecution of Antiochus: and after the city was recovered they returned again as out of their sepulchres: And by the writing in the book, they mean such as faithfully stood in the defence of the law: this exposition also followeth Pelican.  
But Theodoret confuteth this interpretation by two sufficient reasons. 1. they which fled away, and hid themselves in the caves, were all faithful men, they fled because they would not be forced to forsake the law: but these that awake out of the dust, arise some to life, some unto shame: so it would follow in their sense, eosdem fuisse pios & impios, that the same men were both godly and ungodly. 2. these do rise up to eternal life: but they which so returned from their dens and caves died again. 3. wherefore though hitherto Porphyry hath followed the sense of this prophesy well in applying it unto Antiochus, yet here he faileth. 4. But it is no marvel that he being an enemy to the Christian faith, doth obscure by his gloases so clear a place for the resurrection of the dead: it may seem strange that Pelican a Christian interpreter, should approve that sense: This was the heresy of Philetus and Hymeneus, which said that the resurrection was passed already, 2. Timath. 2. 17. as Porphyry here affirmeth the same, understanding this so evident a place for the resurrection, metaphorically.  
2. Some think that mention is made here of the resurrection, because it shall follow immediately after those troublesome times before spoken of: of this opinion are all they which do apply the times of trouble before spoken of, to the last persecution under Antichrist, as Lyranus, Perer. Pintus, with the rest of that side: likewise Melancthon statim post haec certamina fiet resurrectio mortuorum, straight after these combats shall be the resurrection of the dead: so also Osiander, huic postremae reformationi Ecclesiae sinis mundi imminet, straight after this last reformation of the Church, the end of the world shall be at hand: But it is at large showed before, quest. 3. that the times of trouble before spoken of, were those which fell out under Antiochus Epiphanes.  
3. junius in his commentary maketh this to be the coherence: that the Angel having spoken of the first coming of Christ before, doth now join thereunto his second coming, declared by the effects, the resurrection of the dead: so also M. Calvin: But it hath been showed before likewise, that Christ's first coming in the flesh is not here intended by the Angel.  
4. This then is the reason of the connexion: that whereas before the Angel spoke of the deliverance of the people of God, so many as were written in the book of life: because many of the Saints should be put to death, the Angel addeth an other comfort, that they should rest in the hope of the resurrection, Polan. And that place Heb. 11. 35. may serve fitly to expound this: some were racked, and would not be delivered, that they might receive a better resurrection: this also is further showed by the example of such as suffered then, how they comforted themselves in the hope of the resurrection: as Razis' when he pulled out his own bowels (which act of his cannot be commended) called upon the Lord of life and spirit, that he would restore them again unto him, 2. Macchab. 14. 46.   

Quest. 9 Why it is said, many of them that sleep, etc. shall awake, and not all.  
1. Lyranus thinketh the reason to be this, because of infants which shall rise again; but they cannot be said properly to awake; because they shall neither have sensum poenae, vel gloria, sense of pain or of glory: But this is an idle conceit: for in the resurrection our bodies shall rise in perfection: corruption shall put on incorruption, 1. Cor 15. 53. then if our body shall rise perfect and incorruptible, they shall have perfect sense, and other qualities of the body.  
2. Some think it is said many, and not all, in respect of the wicked, of whom it is said, non resurgent impij in judicio, Psal. 1. the wicked shall not rise in judgement: because they shall not rise unto life, Pintus. But the vulgar Latin translateth not that place well, the true reading is, non consistent in judicio, the wicked shall not stand in judgement. And again in this place, the wicked are a part of this many, some shall awake unto shame.  
3. Wherefore these answers may better serve: 1. Augustine saith, ponit aliquando scriptura pro omnibus vocabulum (multis.) the Scripture putteth sometime for (all) this word many: and he giveth instance of Abraham, of whom the Lord saith in one place, I have made thee a father of many nations, Gen. 17. and yet in another he saith, in thy seed shall all nations be blessed, Gen. 22. But this example is not so fit, for in the one place the Lord speaketh of Abraham's carnal generation, in the other of his spiritual seed, namely Christ, in whom all the nations of the world should be blessed: that other instance given by Theodoret is more to the purpose, Rom. 5. 18. by the offence of one, the fault came on all men to condemnation: and after in the next verse following, the Apostle saith, by one man's disobedience many were made sinners. Here it is evident that many is taken for all. 2. another answer is, that many are said to rise, because all indeed shall not rise again, because all shall not sleep, but they shall all be changed, 1. Cor. 15. 51. Bulling. Vatab. and again in another place the Apostle saith; we which live, and are remaining in the coming of the Lord, shall not prevent those which sleep, Osiander. 3. And otherwise it may be yet answered, that this word rabbim, many, as it appeareth by the accent Zakeph ghadol, is taken distributively; that many should awake unto life, and many unto shame, jun. in commentar. Polan.   

Quest. 10. A description of the resurrection of both good and bad, vers. 2.  
The resurrection of the dead is here described▪ 1. in general, that many that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake. 2. the particular events are showed, that some shall awake unto life, some unto shame.  
In the first part. 1. in that they are said to sleep, the being and remaining of the soul after death is signified: as the soul liveth when the body is laid a sleep. 2. and by this phrase is also noted, the natural affection which the soul hath to the body, that although they be sundered and separated a while by death, yet they both make but one man, as the soul and body are united together in natural sleep: for the union of the soul and body is essential, but the dissolution by death is accidental, by reason of sin, and therefore cannot hinder for ever the natural and essential union, jun. 3. in that mention is made of the dust of the earth, it putteth us in mind of the first creation of man, which was out of the dust of the earth; out of the which the Lord shall raise our bodies again, Bulling.  
Secondly, in that both good and bad are raised▪ 1. we must consider that all are raised both the one and the other, by the power of Christ in common: but the righteous are raised unto life, by the peculiar operation of Christ as he is the head of the faithful. 2. the wicked also shall be awaked up unto a kind of life, for they shall never die, but live in continual torment: but eternal life is to be considered two ways, simply and essentially in respect of the creature itself, as it liveth by the power of the creator; so the wicked shall live: and in respect of the habit and affection which the creature hath unto God, the author of life; and so the faithful only shall live for ever. So everlasting death is not so called essentially, which consisteth in the final dissolution of human nature: but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, habitually and respectively, because though they live, they have no communion with the life of grace, jun. in commentar. 3. they shall awake to shame and contempt, not as the vulgar Latin, that they may see always, for the word is deraon, which signifieth contempt, loathsomeness, as it is taken, Isay. 66. 24. they shall go forth, and look upon the carcases of those, which have transgressed, etc. and they shall be an abhorring to all flesh: like as a stinking carcase is abhorred of all; so the wicked then shall be an abomination to God, to Angels and men.   

Quest. 11. Of the great glory, which shall be given unto those which instruct others to salvation, v. 3.  
v. 3. They that cause (others) to understand, (that is, teach others) shall shine as the brightness of the firmament: and they that justify many, shall shine as the stars. These words are diversely expounded: whereas here a reward is promised, and they are described also to whom this reward shall be given:  
1. Some do make the first and the second clause all one in sense, but set forth with variety of words: as Pererius thinketh that both the same excellency of glory is set forth by the brightness of the heavens and of the stars: and they are the same, which first are said to be wise and understanding, and afterward, to justify many: But it is not like, that in this prophetiall narration, being so concise and compendious, there should be such a multiplying of words, without insinuation of some further sense.  
2. another sort do make a difference both in the reward, and in them which shall obtain it: and here 1. by the wise hearted or understanding, Carthusianus thinketh to be meant those only, which are sanctified by the spirit of grace, neither having gifts, nor calling to teach others: and they only shall be like the brightness of the firmament: but they which justify others by their doctrine, and bring them unto Christ, shall shine as the stars: which are the brighter parts of the firmament: this sense also follow Osiander, and Pappus, that do conclude from hence the diverse degrees of glory in the kingdom of heaven. 2. Some chose, by the first understand those which are teachers of others, by the second, those that are only righteous in themselves: so Lyranus, and the interlineary gloss, & before them Theodoret following the Septuag. who read, and many just, whereas it is in the original, matzedike harabbim, justifying many: and these make the brightness of the firmament a greater degree of glory, than the light of the stars.  
3. Some do distinguish here the persons which shall be rewarded, but take the similitude expressing the reward, the bright heavens and the stars to express the same thing, the great glory of the next life: the righteous are likened for their great glory unto the clear azure sky in the day, and to the bright shining stars in the night: But here also, 1. Some by the first understand such as teach and instruct others, as preachers and ministers; by the other that justify, such as by discipline and good order are the means of the salvation of others, as godly magistrates, Parents, Schoolmasters, Bullinger. 2. some by the first do understand the faithful, by the second ministers and teachers, Calv. Genevens.  
4. Some distinguish not the persons, but diverse parts of their office, for they are said to teach, or cause others to understand (for the word is maschill in hiphil) which signifieth to cause to understand, in respect of the administration of their office: in setting forth the truth, and making them to understand it: and they are said to justify others in regard of the work and effect, because by their ministery faith is wrought in them, whereby they are justified, jun. in commentar.  
5. But Polanus doth more fitly apply this text unto martyrs (for to their consolation this is specially ministered that should suffer in those troublesome times under Antiochus.) And them he maketh of two sorts: some that by the constant confession of the truth, and suffering for the same, therein by their example did teach others: and some beside their constant suffering, had by their godly instructions also edified many: and this cometh nearest unto the true sense, because as is said, this consolation is specially intended for the comfort of the holy martyrs: Now further although in this verse, the diverse degrees of glory are not described: yet in comparing it with the former verse, the diversity is expressed: for all the faithful and righteous, as is before said, shall rise unto life: but among these faithful, these holy teachers, and instructors of others, shall shine as the clear heavens, and as the bright stars.   

Quest. 12. How the faithful teachers are said to justify others.  
That this may be the better understood, we must consider the causes of our justification, which are these. 1. the efficient and principal cause is God himself, Rom. 8. 33. it is God that justifieth, who shall condemn? and the moving cause was only the mercy and love of God toward us, 1. john. 4. 10. herein is love, not that we loved God, but he loved us.  
2. The material and meritorious cause is the perfect obedience of Christ, which was either active or passive, active either the original and native righteousness of Christ, who knew no sin, he was without all spot: or his actual obedience through his life in keeping the whole law, and the commandments of God for us: so that which was impossible to the law in us, was fulfilled in Christ, as the Apostle showeth, Rom. 8. 2. his passive obedience was in suffering the most ignominious death of the cross for us, Philip. 2. 8. he became obedient unto death, even the death of the cross: and so did bear the curse of the law which was due unto us, Galat. 3. 13.  
3. The instrumental cause on God's behalf is the preaching of the Gospel, whereby faith is wrought in us: for faith cometh by hearing, Rom. 10. 17. on our behalf the instrument of our justification is faith, whereby we apprehend the righteousness of Christ.  
4. The ministering and under working or helping causes, are the teachers and preachers, who are as ministerial causes of our justification, in setting forth the gospel of Christ, and declaring the way unto salvation: in which respect they are said to justify: And in this sense also they are said to save others: as S. Paul thus writeth to Timothy, 1. epist. c. 4. 16. take heed unto thyself and unto doctrine, etc. for in doing this thou shalt save thyself, and them that hear thee: so also S. james saith, 5. 20. he that converteth a sinner, shall save a soul from death, etc.   

Quest. 13. Why Daniel is commanded to seal the book, and what is the meaning thereof.  
1. Some give this sense, praecepit ut involuat sermons, & signet librum, ut legant plurimi, he biddeth, that he should fold up this prophesy in dark speech, and sign the book, that many may read it, and seek the truth of the history, Hierome. But not only the speech is folded up, but the book was also kept secret: because if it had come to the hands of the profane sort, they would have made a scorn of it.  
2. Seal it up as a perfect and absolute prophesy, cui nihil sit amplius adijciendum, to the which nothing is to be added, Bullinger. But S. john is bid, that he should not seal up the prophesy of the Revelation, c. 22. 10. and yet it was perfect, nothing was to be added thereto, v. 18. 19 this then is not the meaning.  
3. Some say he is bid to seal it up, because it should not be accomplished till toward the end of the world: and till this prophesy began to take effect, it should not be understood, Pap. But this prophesy was fulfilled before the first coming of Christ, it was not therefore sealed up to that end.  
4. Wherefore by sealing up the book of this prophesy, 1. it is insinuated, that he should commit it to writing, consigna librum, make a book. 2. efferas aenigmatice, he must set forth this prophesy in obscure terms and words, Vatab. As Daniel useth many strange words and phrases in this prophesy: as c. 8. 3. Palmon●, c. 11. 38. Mauzzim, v. 45. aphadno, M. Brought. 3. maneat apud te instar theasauri, let it remain, and lay it up with thee as a treasure: though others make small account of it, yet do thou keep it as a treasure for the Church in time to come, Calvin. 4. seal it up, impart it not generally to all: ne si in manibus prostaret omnium, ludibrio esset, lest if it should come to every one's hands, it might be made but a laughing game by the profane and wicked, jun. in commentar. so also Lyranus, divina secreta non sunt omnibus revelanda, the divine secrets must not be revealed unto all: As our Blessed Saviour faith. Matth. 7. give not that which is holy unto dogs: so our Saviour spoke unto others in parables, but unto his disciples he expounded them apart: as here these mysteries are revealed unto Daniel, though they must be as a sealed book unto others. And hereof two reasons may be yielded, ut maligni non habeant materiam deridendi, & studiosi materiam se exercendi, that both the evil and malicious should have no matter to laugh at, and the studious might have matter wherein to exercise themselves.  
5. And further the sealing up showeth, that there were many years yet to come before this prophesy should be fulfilled: for it was 300. years from this time, unto Antiochus: and for the same reason john is bid not to seal up that prophesy, because some part thereof was presently to take place, Apocal. 22. 10. see before c. 8. quest. 36.   

Quest. 14. Until the time defined or appointed, v. 4. what time this was here limited.  
1. Some understand the end of the world, when these things should be fulfilled, Bulling. Osiand. and so Pagnin readeth, usque ad tempus finis, unto the time of the end: But it hath been showed before that this prophesy contained in the 11. chapter, was fulfilled in the days of Antiochus, and much of it before. 2. Some understand the time of Christ's coming, who opened the seals of the book, Apocal. 5. and revealed the mysteries which were hid before: whereof this was a sign, that in his passion the vail of the Temple was rend: Christ took away the vail and the covering, which hid from us the mysteries and high things of God: so Theodoret, Pintus, Pererius: But in this sense Christ opened not only the secrets of this prophesy, but of all other in the old Testament. 3. he meaneth then the time, which was appointed of God when this prophesy should be fulfilled: as Calvin, Deus probabit ipso eventu se non frustra locutum, etc. God shall prove by the event that he hath not foreshowed these things in vain; & est hic terminus non unus, sed multiplex, and this term was not one, but diverse: as the prophecies of this book are diverse, and so were to have their diverse times of fulfilling, jun. So in the time of the Macchabees, when diverse of these things were fulfilled, the jews did then begin to look into this prophesy, as the story of the Macchabees showeth, M. Br. And at the coming of Christ, there was great expectation of the fulfilling of that prophesy, Dan. 9   

Quest. 15. Of these words, many shall run through, and knowledge shall be increased.  
1. Bullinger thus interpreteth, that toward the end of the world, men shall run to and fro, being certain of nothing, but distracted in opinion, varijs se adiungent sectis, they shall join themselves unto diverse sects: but the last words, knowledge shall be multiplied, are against this sense, for where such uncertainty is, there knowledge cannot be increased.  
2. Some read thus: oberrabunt multi, many shall go to and fro to get knowledge, Vat. Genevens. B. but knowledge is not had by wandering from place to place: that showeth rather ignorance, Amos. 8. 12.  
3. Some expound thus, many shall run through this book, and they shall diversely expound it: Lyran. gloss. Hugo. because the Scripture admitteth diverse senses, Perer. But thus opinions are multiplied, not knowledge.  
4. Hierome well by running through understandeth the diligent perusing of this book: that though now it were not regarded, yet many in time to come should give their mind unto it: so also jun. Polan. and so M. Calvin expoundeth the word shuth, investigabunt, they shall search: multi se ad scripta tua legenda conferent, many shall settle themselves to read thy writings, Osiand. And withal here is signified, that Deus sibi multos discipulos colliget, God shall raise up unto him many disciples, Calvin. So that in the great persecution under Antiochus, many shall be found faithful, who shall cleave unto this prophesy, Polanus.   

16. Quest. What two they were, whom Daniel saw by the brink of the river, v. 5.  
1. This is not a new vision, as Bullinger maketh it in number the fifth, so also Oecolampad. but it is the same vision continued: as both the circumstance of the place showeth, it was by the same river Tigris, mentioned before c. 10. 5. and of the person, the man clothed in linen before also described: and the question demanded is concerning the continuance of those wonders and strange things before spoken of.  
2. These two Angels Hierome thinketh to have been the one the Angel that stood for Persia, the other that was Precedent of Grecia, which did hinder the deliverance of the Hebrews: But it is evident, that these Angels stand for the people of God: for as affected with the troubles which here are prophesied to come upon God's people, they desire to know the time of the beginning and end of them.  
3. Oecolampadius thinketh, that here were not three in all▪ but one more came unto him that had talked with Daniel all this while: and they are said to be two other, because alio modo, etc. they appeared in an other manner: But it is evident by their site and standing, that they were three: for two stood by the brink of the river, one on the one side, and one on the other, and the third was upon the waters.  
4. R. Levi thinketh that one of these two was Gabriel: but Gabriel was he, which had this communication with Daniel all this while, and now two other appear: they had not been other two, if there had been but one beside Gabriel. Polan.  
5. Hippolytus by these two Angels standing by the brink of the river, understandeth the law and the Prophets: but Daniel saw some real thing, for he saith, I Daniel looked. Pererius out of Hierome by these two Angels standing upon the rivers bank, interpreteth the flourishing and standing of the Persian and Greek Monarchy: and by the third upon the waters of the river, the troublesome state of the Church: for so in Scripture afflictions are signified by waters. But hereby rather is signified, in that the Angels stand on this side and on that side, the ready administration of the Angels, which are always at hand to expedite the commandment of God. Polan.   

17. Quest. Who it was that inquired of the man that was clothed in linen, v. 6.  
1. The Latin translator readeth, & dixi, and I said, referring it to Daniel: but in the original the word is vaiomer, and he said, in the third person: not Daniel, but one of the Angels.  
2. Some Greek copies read in the plural, and they said: but in the original it is in the singular, and he said: one Angel might ask in the name of the other. Oecolampad.  
3. Like unto this place is that in the Revelation, where the souls under the altar, that is, which yet were not glorified with their bodies, did ask the like question, which the Angels do here, How long, Lord, holy and true, dost thou not judge and avenge our blood, etc. Rev. 6. 10.   

18. Quest. Who the man was clothed in linen, of whom the question was asked.  
1. The most general and received opinion here is, that this third Angel of whom the question is asked, was Gabriel: Lyran. Pint. Perer. Bulling. with others: But how could one Angel ask and learn of an other? seeing they are all ministering spirits, and do all fetch their light and knowledge from the same fountain Christ jesus the revealer of secrets. M. Calvin here answereth, Est aliquod discrimen inter Angelos, sed non perpetuum, that there is some difference between the Angels, but not perpetual, only for a time: his meaning is, that God may at some time give greater illumination to one Angel then to an other, and so one Angel may receive direction of an other. But the Angels rather receive their direction from Christ, who is that Palmonis, one that hath secrets in account, and number: of whom an Angel likewise inquireth, c. 8. 13.  
2. Pintus thinketh that these three Angels do signify the Trinity, the two Angels that stood by the river, represent the Father and the holy-ghost, and the third upon the waters the Son of God: as the three Angels which appeared to Abraham, Gen. 18. did likewise represent the Trinity. But 1. in that one of the two Angels asketh of the third as his superior, they can not signify the Trinity, for this would argue an inequality in those most glorious persons. 2. One of those three, which appeared to Abraham, was Christ himself, whom Abraham there prayeth unto, and calleth him jehovah: the other two were indeed ministering Angels, which afterward went to Sodom, and were received into Lot's house.  
3. But this man which was clothed in linen, was none other then Christ himself: 1. because he is the same, which so appeared before, c. 10. 4. which was Christ, as in that place hath been showed. 2. he is the revealer of secrets, and of him the Angel asked the like question before, c. 8. 13. 3. this vision is interpreted by the like, Apoc. 10. 1. where a mighty Angel came down from heaven, with a rainbow about his head, and his face was as the Sun, he stood upon the land and the Sea, signifying his power over both, and lift up his hand to heaven; as this Angel here standeth upon the waters, and lifteth up both his hands to heaven: but that great Angel was Christ: the similitude of the vision argueth the identity of the same person. 4. and beside his standing upon the water doth signify, quod olim super jordanem testimonium accepturus, that in time to come he should receive testimony from heaven upon the waters of jordan.  
But it will be objected, that this was not Christ, because he lifteth up his hand, and sweareth by God: but he that one sweareth by, is greater. Answ. 1. Christ appearing as a man, is here to be considered both as God and man, and so as man is inferior unto God, and sweareth by a greater. 2. or rather Christ as God sweareth by himself, as one everliving God with his father, but a distinct person: so that this oath is the same in effect with that, Deut. 32. 40. I lift up my hand to heaven, and swear for ever: sic vides quod jurat per seipsum, etc. so you see that he sweareth by himself, touching the heavens with his hand, and setting his feet upon the water and land, showing his dominion therein: Oecolampad.  
And in that he lifteth up both his hands, whereas usually in taking an oath one hand is lifted up, Gen. 14. 22. Deut. 32. 40. hoc ad plenissimam pertinet rerum confirmationem, this is for the more full confirmation of these things, Bulling. & voluit hoc modo exponere rei magnitudinem, he would hereby show the greatness of this thing, Calvin. And because, an Angel stood upon each side of his hands, he lifteth them both up, that each of them might have a sign of the certainty of this thing, jun. Polan.   

Quest. 19 What is meant by a time, two times, and an half. v. 7.  
Some do take this for an uncertain and indefinite time: Some for a certain and limited term: and of both sorts there are sundry opinions.  
Of the first sort: 1. some do think, that the time of the afflictions of the people of God, certissimum esse apud Deum, sed nobis incognitum, is certain with God, but to us unknown, Bulling. B. so that the meaning is no more but this, these things shall most certainly come to pass, but whether, post modica, vel multa temporis intervalla, after a long or short time, it is not known to us: Bulling.  
2. Some because the time is here halued, do think, that thereby is signified, modicum tempus, a short time, a little while: and do expound it by that place, Apoc. 6. 11. They should rest for a little season, until their fellow servants, etc. were fulfilled. Oecolampad. Pappus.  
3. But some chose here understand a long time, tempus hic ponitur pro longo tractu, tempora, pro longiore tractu, here (time) is put for a long tract or continuance, (times) for a longer. M. Calv. Genevens.  
Now all these opinions are confuted by these reasons. 1. because the same phrase of a time, two times, and a part of time, are taken before, c. 7. 25. for a certain and definite term, therefore it is like to be so taken here. 2. this time is divided, a part of time, therefore it is a certain and definite number: for that which is uncertain and indefinite useth not to be divided into parts. 3. And what comfort had there been in this prescription and naming of time, if there were given no certain direction, how long this troublesome time should continue.  
4. Of the second sort: some take this for a certain number of years, whereof some understand by days years, some so many days literally: by a time, two times, and an half, which make years three, and an half or a part, that is, days 1225. or thereabout, are signified so many years 1200. and odd: which Melancthon beginneth from daniel's time, whereof 600. years were expired unto Christ, and about 600. years after the sect of the Mahumentans did spring in the East, and religion began to be corrupted in the West, by the Bishops of Rome.  
5. Osiander beginneth this term, where Melancthon endeth it, and continueth it unto the destruction of the Roman Antichrist, and of his tyrannical kingdom: But all these things here must be accomplished, while the Church of the jews yet continued, which are here called the holy people.  
6. They which understand by a time, two times, and an half, a year, two years, and an half (as indeed they signify, as c. 4. seven times during the humiliation of Nebuchadnezzer, are understood to be feven years) some do refer it unto the time of antichrist's tyranny, who shall rage against the Church of Christ three years and an half, as Christ preached three years and an half, Hierome, Lyran. Hugo. Pintus, with others. But they think that their Antichrist shall bear sway longer in the whole: yet the heat of his most cruel and outrageous persecution shall continue but 3. years and an half. But this interpretation is refused upon the former reason, because this prophesy concerned the holy people of God, that then was: and beside, that imagination of some one singular person to rise up to be Antichrist, is but a fabulous and fantastical conceit, as is before showed, c. 11. Controv. 2.  
7. This time then here prescribed and limited, precisely signifieth three years, and an half, or rather part of time: for so long continued the desolation of the Sanctuary under Antiochus: which began in the 145. year, the 15. day of the month Casteu, 1. Macchab. 1. 57 and ended in the 148. year on the 25. day of the same month, 1. Macchab. 4. 52. so that the event of the history doth very fitly explain this prophesy, jun. Polan.  
But against this exposition, which Porphyrius also did hit upon, Hierome thus objecteth: 1. if the time, two times, and an half, that is, three years and an half, must be referred unto Antiochus, whereof mention is made before, c. 7. 25. then that which followeth also in the same place, v. 27. The kingdom under the whole heaven shall be given unto the holy people of the most high, etc. and all Princes shall serve him, must be applied either to Antiochus, or to the people of the jews: which is manifestly false. 2. the defolation of the Temple continued but three years, as josephus writeth, l. 12. c. 10. but this term is of three years and an half. 3. Lyranus objecteth, that the persecution under Antiochus continued six years, from the year 143. 1. Macch. 1. 21. to the year 148. 1. Macch. 4. 52.  
Answ. 1. There is no consequent, that those words which follow should be either understood of Antiochus, or of the jews, who never ruled over the whole world: for there the Prophet showeth the destruction and ruin of the tyranny of Antiochus, by Christ, 
See in the Appendix 〈◊〉. 1. argum. 〈◊〉. answ. 2.  to whom reigning spiritually in his Church (there called the holy people) the kingdom should be given over the whole earth. 2. The word chatzi, signifieth not only the half, but the part of a thing: as the same is expressed by an other word pelag, c. 7. 25. which signifieth a division: and so indeed the desolation of the Temple continued just 3. years, and a part of a year, namely ten days, as is before showed: therefore josephus is deceived, which maketh account but of three years: for there were ten days above. 3. The persecution under Antiochus was either of the city, with spoiling also and robbing only of the Temple, or in laying waist the Sanctuary, and causing the daily oblation to cease: the first continued above six years, even 2300. days, as is prophesied c. 8. 14. but the other endured only three years and ten days: so these divers persecutions, had their divers terms: and both may well stand together.  
Some think that this term of 3. years and an half, showeth the term of Christ's persecution in the days of his flesh, which was just so many years: M. Br. this prophesy may have such an analogical application; but the historical accomplishment was under Antiochus, as hath been sufficiently proved.   

20. Quest. Of the meaning of the words, v. 7. When he hath made an end to disperse the hand of the holy people.  
Some refer these words to the coming of Christ in the flesh, some to the end of the world, some to the days of Antiochus.  
1. Of the first sort, some give this sense, when God hath dispersed the hand, that is, the place and city of this holy people, which came to pass in the destruction of jerusalem, than these things shall be fulfilled. jun. in comment. But 1. beside that the jews after they had put Christ to death, were not worthy to be called the people of God, but were rejected of God, and not held to be his people. 2. this prophesy of the tyranny of Antiochus was accomplished before Christ came in the flesh.  
2. Osiander thus interpreteth, that first before the end be, populus Dei per Evangelij praedicationem colligendus est, etc. the people must be gathered together by the preaching of the Gospel: but the text speaketh of dispersing and scattering, not of gathering together the people of God.  
3. Of the second sort: some do thus interpret, that before the end of the world the Church shall be afflicta, lacerata, & contrita, afflicted, rend as it were in sunder, and trodden down, Bulling. Oecolamp. But they read in the passive, when the dispersion of the hand, that is, the power of the holy people is accomplished, etc. whereas it must be read actively, when he hath accomplished to scatter, etc. and it hath been before showed, that this prophesy concerneth not the end of the world.  
4. Some refer it to the coming of Antichrist in the end of the world, and make this the sense, when as Antichrist being destroyed, the faithful which were before dispersed, are returned to their place, and freely profess the Gospel, then shall an end be of these things: Perer. But this were to make the sign and the thing signified, one & the same: for the thing signified, is the peace and restitution of the Church: this than cannot be given as a sign.  
5. Hierome expoundeth it, of the oppression of the people of God by the hand of Antichrist, ista generalis populi dispersio, this general dispersion of the people of God is given as a sign of the end of these things, Perer. when Antichrist shall be killed, Hug. Card. then shall be the resurrection of the dead, Lyran. But neither doth this prophecy concern the end of the world, neither yet shall there be such a singular Antichrist, as they imagine.  
6. Some understand these words, of the dispersion of the jews in the end of the world, after the death of Antichrist, to whom they did cleave, as their Messiah: then the persecution of the Christians shall cease, Hug. Card. But this devise of the jewish Messiah, and Popish Antichrist, is of like truth and certainty, the one as the other.  
7. Of the third sort, which apply these things unto the time of Antiochus, some understand, the hand of the holy people passively, manum prementem, the hand that oppressed the people of God, that is, Antiochus: that after his end and destruction, there should be an end of these troubles. jun. M. Br. in comm. Polan. But 1. it seemeth an harsh interpretation, the hand of the people, that is, the hand which was against the people. 2. neither did all the troubles of the people end after the death of Antiochus, as the story of the Macchabees showeth.  
8. Wherefore I take rather Calvins' sense, for the general meaning of the words: that when the people shall be brought to so low an ebb, as that they shall seem to have no strength, ac si manus illis contritae essent, as though their hands were weakened; and when there shall be such a persecution of the people of God, ut nullus apparere audeat in publico, that none da●e to appear openly, then shall these things come to pass, Lyran. And this sense P●ppus well confirmeth by the like place, Apoc. 6. 11. where unto the like question, the like answer was made: it was said unto them, that they should rest for a little season, until their fellow servants, and their brethren, which should be killed, as they were, were fulfilled: the same thing is here meant by accomplishing to disperse the hand (that is the power) of the holy people: that is, when they are at the lowest, and there is small hope of any deliverance, and the Lord hath fulfilled the number of the faithful, which he purposed to try, then shall an end and consummation be of all these things: which came to pass under Antiochus, when the faithful were dispersed, the Sanctuary lay waste, and small hope remained, than the Lord looked upon his people, and sent them deliverance: and this is that which is said, c. 11. 34. that when they shall fall, they shall be holpen with a little help: when their state seemeth most desperate, then God shall raise them up an helper, which was judas Macchabeus, who was but small in respect of the power of Antiochus.   

21. Quest. What it was that Daniel understood not, v. 8.  
1. Some think, that Daniel here inquired of the end of the world, as the Apostles asked of Christ: and as Christ answered his Apostles that the day and hour of his coming was not known, no not to the Angels, the like answer is made to Daniel here. Bulling. Oecolampad. But, as hath been often fhewed before, this prophesy concerneth not the end of the world: Daniel only desireth to know, what should befall his own people.  
2. Pappus thinketh that Daniel understood not, what was meant by the time, two times, and half or a part of time, that he took it not for any certain time: for otherwise interrogationis illius nulla fuisset necessitas, there had been no necessity of that interrogation, or question. But if Daniel had been altogether ignorant hereof, he might have asked the same question before, c. 7. 25. where mention is made of a time, two times, and an half.  
3. Pererius thinketh that Daniel was ignorant of the particular circumstances of the former Prophetical narration, as of the persons, times, and place, of those several prophecies of the battles of the kings of the North and South, revealed unto him, c. 11. so also Lyran. Hugo. But Daniel inquired not of those particular circumstances, which he might be ignorant of, for that had been too great curiosity; but he asketh▪ What shall be the end of these things: that is it then whereof he was ignorant. As M. Calvin saith well, haec ignorantia restringitur ad eius interrogationem, this ignorance is restrained unto the interrogation or question.  
4. Calvine further thus saith, that Daniel was not altogether ignorant of the meaning of this prophesy, but yet he understood not in every respect, as afterward it was fulfilled: he did not fully conceive, what should be meant by the time, two times, and a part of time: jun. in commentar. that is, though he did know how long the time of this great persecution should continue, yet he was ignorant where it should begin, and where end: M. Br. and therefore his question is, when shall be the end of these things.   

22. Quest. Whether Daniel had altogether a repulse in his demand.  
1. Some think, whereas this answer is made to Daniel. Go thy way Daniel, that because his question was curious, to inquire of the end of these things, quod illum non exaudi●rit Angelus, that the Angel did not hear him▪ Calvin. and that the Angel stayed Daniel, curiosity here, as Christ did the Apostles, Act. 1. It is not for you to know the times and seasons, which the father hath kept in his own power: Perer. and so he saith in effect, Go thy way, nihil amplius dicturus sum, I will say no more at this time unto thee: Vatab. Pintus. But it appeareth by the explanation, which followeth, that Daniel was not altogether repelled.  
2. Wherefore in part Daniel hath his request, pleniorem explicationem Christus exhibuit, Christ doth more fully explain the former prophecy of the time of the persecution: M. Br. partly he faileth in his desire: for he obtaineth not singularem & minutam istarum rerum cognitionem, a particular and several knowledge of these things, which are sealed up, until the time come, when they should be fulfilled: jun. in commentar. for if all these things had been particularly expounded aforehand, the faith and patience of God's servants had not been so fully tried; if every thing had been manifest as in their sight before: for as the Apostle saith, 2. Cor. 5. 7. We walk by faith, and not by sight.   

23. Quest. Of those words, v. 10. The wicked shall do wickedly, and none shall have understanding: what wicked he speaketh of.  
1. Some expound this place by that place, 2. Pet. 3. 3. that in the last days there shall be mockers, which shall say, Where is the promise of his coming? that although some shall profit by the Lords chastisements, and thereby be purged, and made white, yet others shall be secure, passing their time in pleasure, and carnal delight, Oecolampad. even as it was in the days of Noah and Lot, Bulling. But the understanding or not understanding here spoken of, is concerning the prophesy of this book, as Lyranus observeth: which concerneth not the afflictions of the last times otherwise then by way of analogy.  
2. Pererius and Pintus think, that the wicked may attain unto some knowledge, but it shall be infructuosa cognitio, an unfruitful and unprofitable knowledge: But this rather is given as a reason, why they shall do wickedly, because nihil intelligent, quia excaecati sunt, they shall understand nothing, because they are blinded, Calv. the knowledge of these secrets and mysteries shall be kept from their eyes.  
3. Here then is special relation had unto the false brethren, that should be in those days of persecution, which ●hould give way unto Antiochus wicked proceedings, and labour to seduce and betray their brethren, jun. annot. which should not have any care to observe the accomplishment of this prophesy, nor compare the event therewith: of these the Angel foretold before, c. 11. 34. Many shall cleave unto them feignedly. And as it was in those days of persecution, so should it be afterward: as S. Paul saith, 2. Tim. 3. 12. All that will live godly in Christ jesus, shall suffer persecution: but the evil men and deceivers shall wax worse, deceiving, and being deceived: of such also speaketh S. john, Apoc. 22. 11. He that is unjust, let him be unjust still, he that is filthy, let him be filthy still, etc.   

24. Quest. What the abomination of desolation is, mentioned v. 11.  
1. Hierome and Theodoret understand hereby the discontinuing of the true service of God by Antichrist at his coming: he shall bring in an horrible desolation, and abolish the true service of God: he shall Dei cultum interdicere, forbid the service and worship of God: But neither doth this prophecy concern the end of the world: nor yet shall there be any such singular Antichrist.  
2. Pererius and Pintus, with other Romanists, understand this of the abrogating of the sacrifice of the Mass, and in stead thereof Antichrist shall command himself to be worshipped: so also Hug. Card. Antichristus se exhibebit ad adorandum, Antichrist shall cause himself to be worshipped. But 1. that idolatrous sacrifice of the Mass, is rather the abomination of desolation itself, whereby the true service of Christ, and the right use of the Eucharist according to Christ's institution, is abolished: 2. neither shall this abomination be Antichrist himself, but he shall set up this abomination: as it is said before, c. 11. 31. They shall set up the abomination, etc. that is, wicked Antiochus with his captains: he that setteth up, and that which is set up, is not the same.  
3. Bullinger thinketh it is, abominanda gentis & urbis vastatio, the abominable laying waist of the nation and city of the jews at the destruction of jerusalem by the Romans: but this prophesy was rather fulfilled in Antiochus' time, as afterward shall be showed.  
4. M. Calvin understandeth the sacrifices of the jews, which were abominable, after the sacrifice of Christ's death performed upon the cross: so also Pëllic. but the daily sacrifice of the Temple was not taken away presently after Christ's death.  
5. Osiander thinketh this abominable desolation to be the idolatrous service brought into the Church by the Roman Antichrist: but then can not the time here described by days agree: for more than so many days or months, hath the true service of God been corrupted by them: and so many years, as here are named days, God forbid that antichrist's corrupt religion should continue.  
6. Wherefore, this abomination which shall be set up, was no other but the profanation of the Temple by Antiochus, when he caused that abominable idol of jupiter Olympius to be brought into the Temple, and the daily sacrifice to cease, 1. Macchab. 1. 57 2. Macchab. 6. 2. And hereof mention is made before, c. 8. 13. and 11. 31. likewise c. 9 27. but there the abomination of desolation is spoken of, which should be set up in the final destruction of the city and Temple by the Romans, as is showed, c. 9 quest. 88   

Quest. 25. The 1290. days mentioned v. 11. how to be taken.  
1. Lyranus taketh this to be the term of antichrist's tyrannical reign in the end of the world, even 3. years, 6. months, and 12. days: so also Pererius: but he counteth only 10. odd days: so also Pintus with other Romanists think that Antichrist shall reign 3. years, and an half: but as Bullinger saith, it is not like that antichrist's kingdom should continue ad tempus usque adeo breve, for so very a short time.  
2. Bullinger showeth how the jews war before the final destruction of the city, begun by Vespasian in the 14. year of Nero his reign, and ending the second year of Vespasian, continued about a 1290. days, that is 3. year and an half: but the text is, that these days must begin from the time of that abominable desolation, and continue only during that time: but after these wars which held 3. years and an half, that desolation of the city and Temple began, which then ended not, but continueth unto this day.  
3. Some by so many days understand so many years, a 1290. years, so long Osiander thinketh, that the profanation of religion should continue under the Roman Antichrist, from the first beginning thereof, unto the utter ruin of Antichrist: But we trust that God will not suffer that man of sin so long to afflict his Church.  
4. Some understand here no certain but an indefinite and unlimited time: as Oecolamp. multiplicatione dierum longum tempus Antichristianae impietatis agnoscas, by the multiplying of days know that the time of antichrist's impiety shall be long: so also Calvin by this number of days, thinketh, that tempus immensum, a great time is signified.  
5. Pelican chose inferreth, magnus numerus, sed breve tempus significat, a great number of days, but it signifieth a short time, that the jews sacrifices should not long continue after Christ's death. But in that this number receiveth an addition of 45. days which make with the former sum a 1335. days, it is evident, that a certain time is hereby signified.  
6. Wherefore, that which he called before, a time, two times, and an half, is here explained to be 1290. days, that is 3. years, 7. months, and about 13. days, which must begin from the profanation of the Temple by Antiochus, which was in the 145. year, the 15. of Casleu, which was the ninth month, 1. Mac. 1. 57 and must end 45. days before Antiochus death.  
junius setteth down the time precisely, when the 1290. days ended, in the 15. day of the month Xanthicus, which is the 11. month, in 48. year, when Antiochus by his public edict and writing confirmed and ratified the jews religion, restored by judas Macchabeus: But the time will not agree, if we begin from the profanation of the Temple, from the 15. of the 9 month Casleu in the 45. year, from whence to the 15. of the 11. month Xanticus in the 48. year, are but 3. years and just 2. months: therefore junius in his commentary to help this, beginneth the profanation of the Temple in the 15. day of the 4. month, in the 145. year, and citeth 1. Macchab. 1. and so the time will agree: but there the month Casleu is named, 1. macchab. 1. 57 which was the ninth not the 4. month, 1. Macchab. 4. 52. therefore I rather with Polanus, think that the 1290. days, determine at such time as judas Macchabeus had prosperous success against the Ammonites with their captain Timotheus, after he had cleansed the Temple, and Antiochus himself was forced to suffer the jews to enjoy their liberty and religion, and this was 45. days before the death of Antiochus, though the precise and particular time, be not expressed in story.   

Quest. 26. The term of 1335. days expounded.  
1. This term of 45. days added to the former number, of a 1290. days, maketh it a 1335. days: so many days after the death and slaughter of Antichrist shall Christ come in his majesty, Hierome, with whom consenteth herein Pererius, and the Romanists in general, because they think by this means to free the Pope from this imputation, to be Antichrist: But this opinion cannot stand. 1. they cannot assign the right cause, why these 45. days should be given after the death of Antichrist: Theodoret thinketh that in this space Henoch and Elias shall preach unto the world: but Hippolytus holdeth, and so the Romanists generally, that they shall be slain by Antichrist: some think this respite shall be given for the repentance of the world: but 45. days is a small term for repentance: God gave the old world an 120. years for their repentance. 2. if Christ shall come to judge the world just 45. days after the death of Antichrist, than the very day of Christ's coming may be known before, which is contrary to the Scripture. 3. Lyranus thus argueth, that whereas at the coming of Christ there shall be great peace and security, eating and drinking, and feasting, this great security would ask a larger space than of 45. days.  
2. Lyranus noteth, that some Hebrews take these days for so many years, that after the setting up of that abomination in the Temple, there should be a 1335. years to the coming of their Messiah: But they are herein much deceived: for if they reckon from the setting up of the idol by Antiochus in the Temple, which was, as Eusebius counteth, in the 153. Olympiad, there are run above a 1700. years: if from the last setting up of the image of Adrian, which was in the year of the Lord an 140. according to Eusebius, then are there expired above a 1460. years from thence.  
3. M. Calvin thinketh that this addition of 45. days, signifieth no certain time: but only hereby is signified, that although the time seem to be prolonged for the deliverance of the Church, yet the godly should wait with patience: so also, Oecolampad. Pelican. But this adding and putting to of one number to another, evidently showeth, that a certain sum of years or days is intended.  
4. Melancthon putteth both these numbers of a 1290. and a 1335. together, which make 7. years and three months: which term he beginneth in 145. year of the Greeks, and endeth in the 151. year, when Nicanor was overcome: But these two numbers have the same beginning from the time that the daily sacrifice should cease.  
5. Some by these two sums put together, understand so many years, namely, two thousand six hundred and odd: whereof 6. hundred were expired at Christ's coming, and two thousand should run out afterward: But who can define whether the world shall yet continue 400. years, the day, year, or hour is not revealed.  
6. Osiander thinketh this last sum of a 1335. years to be set for the continuance of the kingdom of Antichrist, understanding so many years: but he thinketh it is not known when this term taketh beginning, because God would have the time of Christ's coming to judgement kept secret: But neither shall the kingdom of Antichrist continue so many years: neither doth this prophesy properly, but by way of analogy, concern the latter times.  
7. Bullinger taketh these 45. days to begin from the taking of the city: for immediately after, many were sold into captivity, condemned unto the mines and stone quarries, some reserved for triumph: therefore he should be thought an happy man, that survived unto the end of these days: But these miseries of the jews continued longer than 45. days or 40. years after the destruction of the city: and what happiness could there be unto that nation, to see their, Temple and city laid waste.  
8. Therefore these 45. days added to the former sum, are prescribed to show the death of Antiochus, which was in the 149. year, as 1. Macchab. 6. 16. though the very month and day of his death be not expressed in that history, yet it is without question, that it was 45. days after the religion of the jews was restored, and their state settled, jun. Polanus.  
Thus have we four terms set down concerning the persecution of Antiochus, 1. 2300. days, c. 8. 14. which maketh 6. years, 3. months, and 20. days, which comprehendeth the whole time from the first beginning of that persecution, before the Sanctuary was defiled: see more hereof, c. 8. quest. 24. 2. there is a time, two times, and a part of time mentioned, c. 7. 25. and c. 12. 7. which containeth the precise time of three years and 10. days, during the which the daily sacrifice was discontinued. 3. here is one time of 1290. days, which endeth at such time as religion was fully restored after the purgation of the Temple. 4. and there is mentioned a fourth time of a 1335. days, which endeth at Antiochus' death.   

Quest. 27. Of the last words spoken to Daniel: go thy ways unto the end, v. 13.  
1. Melancthon hence inferreth, because mention is here made of the last resurrection, that Daniel shall stand up in his lot; that the prophesy of Daniel reacheth unto the end of the world: But this followeth not because the resurrection is here spoken of, that therefore daniel's prophesy comprehendeth the last times, no more than it can be hence concluded, that Daniel should himself live unto these times: yet we deny not, but that typically many things in this prophesy may be applied unto the persecutions of the Church, in the latter days.  
2. Chrysostome thinketh, that by this speech the Lord revealed unto Daniel, that he should not return into his own country, but die in Babylon in the land of the captivity, as the Lord told Moses, that he should not go into Canaan: But though thus much is not here signified, it is true, that Daniel died out of his own country: and he is forewarned of his end, which could not be far off, Daniel being now very old, of more than an 100 years.  
3. These words▪ go thy way unto the end, do put Daniel in mind of diverse things. 1. contentus sis hac mensura, be content with this thy lot, Calvin. he should from henceforth expect no more visions. 2. that he should persevere and continue unto the end, Bulling. 3. and that he should set all things in an order, and not trouble himself any further with curious searching out of these things, but prepare and make himself ready for his end, jun. in comment. 4. that which God had yet further to reveal for the comfort of his Church, he would reserve for other times, as Ezra, Zacharie, Haggie, Malachi were raised up afterward: the Lord would adorn his Temple at the re-edifying thereof with some prophetical visions, M. Br. in commentar.   

Quest. 28. Of these words, thou shalt rest, and stand up in thy lot.  
Here two things are promised unto Daniel. 1. his rest that should follow immediately after his death both in body and soul. 2. his reward, he should stand up in his lot in the end of days.  
1. He shall rest, both in body, in the grave, and in soul, being taken up into everlasting joy: the wicked do not rest after their death: for their souls go immediately to the place of torment: as is showed in the parable of the rich glutton, Luke. 16. But this is the privilege of those which die in the Lord, they do rest from their labours, Apocal. 14. 13.  
2. He shall stand up in his lot. 1. Melancthon thus interpreteth, docebis & confirmabis Ecclesiam, etc. thou shalt teach and confirm the Church in the last times: but it is evident, that he speaketh of his standing up in the resurrection: because mention is made before of his rest. 2. he shall stand up: for the wicked being condemned of their own conscience, shall not be able to stand in judgement, Psal. 1. 5. But the righteous shall stand forth and appear with boldness before the Lords tribunal seat, Perer.  
3. And the lot and portion of the righteous is everlasting life: which is called a lot, because it is given freely, and cast out unto them, without any desert of theirs, Perer. and because every one hath his lot, all shall not have the same measure of glory, Polan. And unto this gracious promise made unto Daniel, answereth that holy and comfortable saying of S. Paul, I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith, from hence forth is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord the righteous judge shall give unto me, at that day, and not unto me only, but unto all them that love his appearing, 2. Tim. 4. 8. God grant unto us so to keep the faith, and to fight a good fight, that we may obtain that crown of righteousness, through the merits of our blessed Lord and Saviour Christ jesus, to whom be praise for ever.    

4. Places of doctrine.  

Doctr. 1. Of the person and office of Christ.  
v. 1. Michael shall stand up, the great Prince, which standeth for the children of thy people: here are three things showed concerning Christ: 1. his person, he is called Michael, that is, as God, one equal unto God, a distinct person from the Father, but of the same essence, power, eternity, who is the brightness of the glory, and the engraved form of his person, Hebr. 1. 3.  
2. His office is described: he is the great Prince: the government is upon his shoulder, Isa. 9 6. the Lord of Lords, and the King of Kings, Apocal. 17. 14. the mighty protector and defender of his Church.  
3. The benefit which we have, is this, this Michael standeth for his people to defend them from the rage of Satan and of his ministers: as our Blessed Saviour saith, I give unto them eternal life, and they shall never perish, neither shall any pluck them out of my hand, joh. 10. 28.   

Doctr. 2. Of the resurrection of the dead, and the manner thereof.  
v. 2. Many of them which sleep in the dust of the earth, shall awake, etc. 1. Here is confirmed that article of our faith concerning the resurrection of the dead: the like hath job. 19 26. Isay. 26. 19 Ezech. 37. 12. and this is the first place in the old Testament, wherein evident mention is made of eternal life.  
2. The diverse state and condition is described of those which shall rise again, some unto everlasting life, and some to perpetual shame: as our Saviour saith in the same manner, joh. 5. 29. they shall come forth (of their graves) that have done good, unto the resurrection of life, but they that have done evil unto the resurrection of condemnation.  
3. The easiness and facility of this work is showed with God: that it is no more for him to raise the body out of the grave, then for the body to awake from sleep, & to rise out of the bed: & so the righteous are said to rest in their beds, that is, in their graves, Isa. 57 2. sleep then is an image of death, than the awaking from sleep, should put us in mind of our resurrection, and assure us thereof: as Tertullian well saith, cum evigilaverit corpus redditum officijs eius, resurrectionem mortuorum tibi affirmat, when thy body is awaked being restored unto the duties thereof, it doth affirm and testify unto thee the resurrection: lib. de anim. c. 43. the same Tertullian concludeth the resurrection by the example of the Phoenix, which is said to rise out of the ashes of the old Phoenix, whereupon he inferreth, that the bodies of men shall rise again, avibus Arabiae de resurrectione securis, the birds of Arabia being secure of their resurrection, lib. de resurrection. Pintus thinketh that mention is made of the Phoenix in the Psal. 92. 12. for where we read the righteous shall flourish like a palm tree, in the Greek it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth both the bird Phoenix, and a palm tree: but the original putteth it out of doubt, where the word tamar is used, which is a palm tree: see more concerning the Phoenix, Hexapl. in Gen. c. 7. quest. 7. We have better arguments to assure us of the resurrection, than this from the Phoenix. Bullinger, because mention is made of sleeping in the dust, whereout man was taken at the first, doth hence gather an other argument of the resurrection, because it is as possible for the Lord to raise the body out of the dust of the earth, as he created it at the first out of the dust.  
4. The quality of the body is showed, what it shall be in the resurrection, they shall shine as the brightness of the firmament: some qualities of the body are essential unto it, without the which it cannot be, as to be visible, to be palpable, to have parts, as the head, hands, feet, and the rest: these qualities it shall have in the resurrection: some qualities are essential, but not natural, as to be hungry, thirsty, heavy, weary, of a gross or thick substance, dark: these qualities shall be laid aside together with corruption: then the bodies of the Saints shall shine as the Sun, Matth. 13. 43. Polan.   

Doctr. 3. The difference between Philosophy, and the Christian religion.  
v. 3. They which turn many to righteousness: This cannot Philosophy do, convert men unto righteousness: for like as the stars do somewhat lighten the night, but they cannot expel darkness: so philosophy may give some light unto the understanding, but it cannot utterly chase away ignorance, or give true knowledge: it is the light of the Gospel that chaseth away darkness, as the Apostle saith, Rom. 13. the night is past, the day is come, and Christ only hath the words of ●●ernall life, joh. 6. 68   

Doctr. 4. That the word of God is not revealed to all.  
v. 4. Thou Daniel shut up the words: Like as this prophesy of Daniel was commanded to be shut up and sealed, and was not communicated to all: so the secrets of God's word are only revealed to those whom it pleaseth God, Psal. 147. 19 he showeth his word unto jacob, his judgements to Israel: in the old Testament, the knowledge of the Messiah was not made manifest unto the Gentiles: and there are now many nations, in Asia, and India, that have not heard of Christ: hereof no other reason can be given, but that it is so the good pleasure of God.   

Doctr. 5. Of the office, quality, and condition of Angels.  
v. 6. And one said unto the man clothed in linen, etc. when shall be the end of these wonders, etc. 1. In that the Angels do ask of Christ touching the end of these afflictions, and calamities of the Church: their compassion therein appeareth, and love toward the members of Christ, desiring the end of their troubles and afflictions. 2. in that they stand on each side of the man clothed in linen, which was Christ, they show their readiness, being always at hand to execute the will of God for the good of his Church. 3. in calling these things wonders, they therein declare, that they wonder at and admire the works of God in the Church. 4. and they in ask this question, show their desire to profit in the knowledge of God's secrets: as S. Peter saith, 1. Pet. 1. 12. which things the Angels desire to behold: teaching us by their example, to proceed in the further knowledge of the mysteries of God.   

Doct. 6. Concerning the person, dignity, and office of Christ.  
v. 6. The man clothed in linen, which was upon the waters of the river: 1. here first the person of the Son of God is set forth, being both God and man: this appearing in human show was a praeludium, and foreshowing of his incarnation, and assuming of our flesh. 2. for his dignity, he is the word of his father, from him all the elect both Angels and men receive their illumination and knowledge, for in him are hid all the treasures of wisdom, and knowledge, Coloss. 2. 3. 3. for his office, he is our high Priest, which is signified by his linen garments. 4. for his authority, he hath rule and power over all nations: and therefore he standeth upon the waters, which signify the people. 5. his mercy also and love appeareth, being ready to declare unto the Angels, the thing, which they desired.   

Doct. 7. Of the lawfulness of an oath, and the manner of it.  
v. 7. He swore by him that liveth for ever. 1. In that Christ here taketh an oath, we see that it is lawful to use an oath, contrary to the opinion of the Anabaptists. 2. as Christ here in swearing lifteth up his hands unto heaven; so in taking of oaths some external ceremony by gesture, or otherwise, may be used, which yet is no part of the oath. 3. but an oath must only be made by the name of God, as here Christ sweareth by him that liveth for ever. 4. the end of an oath is here observed: which is either to end strife and controversy, or for the confirmation of the truth, as in this place.   

Doct. 8. Of the inequality and diverse degrees of glory in the resurrection.  
v. 13. Thou shalt stand up in thy lot: which showeth that the Saints shall have their diverse lots and portions of glory: for as Christ the head shall excel all his members in glory, so his members shall have their diverse lots and degrees: there shall be one lot of the holy Prophets and Apostles, another of the martyrs, another of the holy pastors and teachers, an other of the faithful and believers: as before the Angel showed, v. 2. that all the just shall rise unto eternal life: but they which convert others to righteousness, shall shine as the stars, Polan.   

Doct. 9 Election of grace, not by merit.  
v. 13. In thy lot. Pererius well inferreth hereupon, that as a lot is that which is not procured by any man's industry, but it cometh out unlooked for, so gratia praedestinationis conting it electis nullo ipsorum merito, etc. the grace of predestination falleth unto the elect without any merit of theirs, only by the mere good will and love of God: as the Apostle showeth, that the purpose of God might remain according to election, not by works, but by him that calleth, Rom. 9 11.    

5. Places of controversy.  

1. Controv. Against blasphemous servetus, that made himself Michael.  
It hath been showed before, quest. 2. that this Michael was no created Angel, but Christ the Mediator, who is the Prince and protector of his Church, as is there proved by these 3. aguments out of this place. 1. by the name Michael. 2. by the title here given unto Christ, called the great Prince. 3. by his office, he standeth for the people of God: Herein then appeareth the horrible blasphemy of servetus, who as M. Calvin reporteth his words, was not afraid to say, se esse illum Michaelem Ecclesiae custodem, that he was that Michael the protector and keeper of the Church, etc. What presumption is this for a mortal man to arrogate unto himself that name and title, which is too great to be given unto the Angels?   

2. Controv. Whether Henoch and Elias shall stand up with Michael in the last times.  
Pererius, concurring with other Romanists, saith, that beside Michael, who shall be the invisible protector of the Church, shall stand up two faithful witnesses Henoch and Elias, who shall oppose themselves against Antichrist; and they shall preach repentance unto the world a 1260. days, that is 3. years and an half, Apocal. 11. 3. And that Elias should come in person, beside the received opinion of the fathers, as of Theodoret in this place, August. lib. 20. de civitat. Dei c. 29. he allegeth these Scriptures for it, Malach. 3. 4. 5. I will send Elias the Prophet before the coming of the great and fearful day of the Lord: which must be understood of the second coming of Christ, which shall be fearful and terrible: Again, Apocal. 11. 6. it is said of these two faithful witnesses, these have power to shut heaven that it rain not in the days of their prophesying: wherein there is an allusion unto Elias, at whose word the rain was stayed three years and six months: so Pererius upon this place.  
First, these places give no warrant for this opinion. 1. the two witnesses are the ministers and preachers of God's truth, who are said to be two, because their number shall not be great, and yet they shall be so many, as one shall give witness to an other: neither Henoch nor Elias are here named: for these 1260. days being taken prophetically for so many years, two Prophets could not continue preaching so long. 2. that place in Malachi our Blessed Saviour expoundeth of john Baptist, Matth. 11. who should come in the spirit of Elias, to turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, as the Angel saith, Luk. 1. 17. And the first coming of Christ is there understood to be that fearful day: for in the same place the Prophet saith, v. 2. unto you that fear my name shall the Sun of righteousness arise: which Zacharie applieth to the first coming of Christ, Luk. 1. 78. whereby the day spring from an high hath visited us: It shall be a day of health and salvation unto the faithful, but a day of terror to the wicked and unbelievers, as john Baptist saith, Mat. 3. 12. which hath his fan in his hand, and will make clean his floor, and gather his wheat into his garner, but will burn up the chaff with unquenchable sire. 3. And by the shutting of heaven is by an allegory signified the efficacy of the preaching of the Gospel, in opening the heavens to the faithful, and shutting up the same to all unbelievers, as our Saviour faith to Peter, Matth. 16. 19 whatsoever thou shalt bind in earth, shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt lose in earth, shall be loosed in heaven.  
Secondly, concerning these witnesses, there is great difference and variety of opinion, 1. both for the number of them. 2. and who they shall be. 3. and when they shall preach: for the first: the common opinion is, that they shall be but two: yet Lactantius affirmeth, that there shall be only one Prophet, lib. 7. c. 17. Some think there shall be three, Henoch▪ Elias, and john the Evangelist, and this is one of their reasons: because as in the world there have been 3. laws in force, the law of nature, the law of Moses, the law of grace; so it is requisite there should be 3. witnesses that lived under these three laws, Henoch, Elias, and john: Hyppolit. oration. de consume. secul. A●br. Catharin. in Genes. 2.  
As great diversity there is of opinion, who these witnesses should be: Elias is agreed upon by the most, to be one: but it is doubted who should be the other: Victorinus in Apocal. 11. thinketh, that jeremy the Prophet shall be the other witness: because the Lord saith jerem 1. 5. I have ordained thee a Prophet unto the nations: but then jeremias only prophesied to the Hebrews: to fulfil therefore that saying, he shall come in the end of the world to prophesy unto the nations: But Pererius well answereth unto this reason: that jeremy is said to prophesy unto the nations; because he fortelleth the destruction in his prophesy of diverse nations, the Egyptians, Moabites, Ammonites, Philistims, with others: Areta upon the Apocalypse thinketh, that john the evangelist shall be one of the witnesses, whom they suppose yet to be kept alive in Paradise with Henoch and Elias, because it is said Apocal. 10. 11. thou must prophesy again among the people, and nations, and tongues, and to many Kings: which was not done in john's life time, and therefore he thinketh he shall come in the end of the world, to prophesy unto nations: But the meaning of this place is, that john should prophesy unto nations in the rest of the visions of this book: and now though john be dead, his Revelation prophesieth still: Pererius also understandeth it of the Gospel, which john did write after his return from the Isle Pathmos, whereby he prophesieth unto nations. But it is certain, that john is not yet alive in the flesh: as Eusebius proveth by the testimony of Polycrates, who was the Apostles disciple, lib. 3. Ecclesi. histor. c. 25. Lyranus thinketh that the two witnesses spoken of Apocal. 11. were Sylverius the Pope and Menna that resisted the Eutychiane heresy. joachimus Abbess, and Gagnaeus, upon the Apocalypse, c. 11. do think that Moses shall be one of these witnesses: that like as he was raised to life to be a witness of Christ's first coming, when he was transfigured in the mount, so he shall be raised to be a witness of his second coming. And this is brought as a probability thereof: because these witnesses are said to have power over waters to turn them into blood, Apocal. 11. 6. which thing Moses had done before.  
But 1. it followeth not because Moses was seen in the mount talking with Christ, that therefore he shall come again before his second coming: for by the same reason it may be inferred, that his three disciples also which went up to the mount, and saw him transfigured, should also be witnesses of his second coming, & be sent again into the world to preach: Sure it is that both the Prophets and Apostles shall accompany Christ in his second coming, and by the doctrine, which they preached, judge and condemn the world, Matth. 19 28. But neither the one nor the other shall be raised up before the general resurrection, and sent into the world to preach. 2. by the turning of waters into blood, is understood the threatening of God's judgements for the contempt of the ministery of the word.  
3. A third uncertainty there is concerning the time of the preaching of these two witnesses: Theodoret thinketh that Elias shall preach 45. days after that Antichrist is slain: and therefore it is said, v. 12. blessed is he that shall come to the 1335. days, which is 45. days more than the former sum of 1290. days. But Hippolytus thinketh that Antichrist shall put to death Henoch and Elias, after they have preached 3. years and an half: and that after their death, Antichrist shall reign 3. years and an half more. Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. Pont. thinketh that these two Prophets shall preach 3. years and an half, that is, 1260. days, a cap. 8. month before Antichrist is slain, who shall reign a 1290. days. This uncertainty showeth, this to be but a jewish fable, and a mere imagination of the coming of Henoch and Elias in person in the end of the world to preach.   

3. Controv. What manner of persecution shall be under Antichrist.  
Pererius thus far proceedeth well in describing the grievous persecution which shall be under Antichrist, that it shall not be only corporal and external in tormenting of the body, but it shall be also spiritual in abolishing all exercise of religion: he shall burn the books of the Scripture, and burn the righteous together with those books: he shall forbid the use of the Sacraments; and as Augustine saith, there shall be great difficulty in baptizing of the infants of Christians: lib. 20. de civitat. Dei, c. 8. the sacraments shall not publicly be administered, but privately. All this is most true, and every one of these things hath thus come to pass under the tyranny of Antichrist: the true service of God was abolished, and prayer in an unknown tongue brought into the Church: they have burned the Martyrs with books of Scripture and of godly prayers together: as is set forth in the story of the burning of Bucer and Fagius bones, and one Hilliard at Cambridge: the Christians children could be hardly baptised, but after their superstitious manner, as the history of M. Hawks martyr showeth.  
But herein Pererius is deceived: he thinketh that Antichrist shall take away all images, neither shall suffer any man to sign him with the sign of the cross, but shall abolish that sign out of every place.  
Contra. 1. It is certain that Antichrist rather shall set up images and idols of silver and gold: as in the Revelation, c. 9 20. after the opening of the sixth and last trumpet save one, toward the end of the world, mention is made of those that worshipped idols of silver and gold, of brass, etc. and had not repent: now there are none known worshippers of such idols in these days in these part of the world, under the Roman Empire, but the Papists.  
2. And Antichrist, as he shall cover his hypocrisy with the name of Christ, so he shall not abolish the sign of Christ's cross, but still rather superstitiously abuse it: robbing Christ indeed of his due honour, and giving him reverence only in outward shows and signs: as the jews clothed Christ in purple, and did obeisance to him in mocking: So that whether by the mark of the beast, we understand with junius the Popish chrism, which in confirmation is laid on with the sign of the cross upon forehead and hand: or with Napier the crosses of all kinds superstitiously abused by the Romanists, which are represented in the number of the beasts name expressed in these three Greek letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. as he pithily proveth, propos. 31. or with D. Fulke S. Peter's crosskeys, which the Pope useth as his ensign, to the which he forceth every one to submit himself; we shall find, that the Antichrist shall not abolish all such signs, but abuse them rather to superstition and idolatry.   

4. Controv. Of the certainty of election, that none of the elect can finally fall away.  
v. 1. In that the Angel here saith, thy people shall be delivered, every one that shall be found written in the book, it is evident, that none there written shall perish: and so consequently whosoever is not there written, can not but perish: the first our Saviour affirmeth, saying unto his Apostles, Luk. 10. 20. Rejoice, for your names are written in heaven: that is, were so written, as that they could never be blotted out: in which sense the Prophet David saith, Psal. 119. 89. O Lord, thy word remaineth for ever in heaven: the other also is evident, Apoc. 20. 15. Whosoever was not found written in the book of life, was cast into the lake of fire.  
But against this position of the certainty of Predestination, these places of Scripture are objected, Exod. 32. 32, 33. Moses saith unto God, if not raze me out of the book which thou hast written: and the Lord answereth, him that sinneth, will I blot out of my book: likewise Psal. 69. 29. Let him be put out of the book of the living, and let him not be written with the righteous. Apoc. 3. 5. He that overcometh, etc. I will never blot his name out of the book of life. Apoc. 23. 19 If any shall diminish of the words of the prophecy of this book, God shall take his part out of the book of life.  
Ans. 1. We refuse here the opinion of Ambros. Catharinus, lib. de praedest. that maketh two orders of those which shall come to everlasting life: one of such as are predestinate being excellent and worthy men; an other of such as are not elected, that is, by the grace of God ordained to salvation, yet through God's mercy shall be saved. But this opinion is contrary to the Scriptures, which testify, that whosoever is not written in the book of life, shall be cast into the lake of fire, Apoc. 20. 15.  
2. Thomas Aquin. here hath this distinction, 
Thom. 1. part. qu. 24. ar. 3.  that some are said to be written in the book of life, simpliciter, simply, such as are in deed predestinate according to the good purpose of God, and these can never be blotted out: others are written secundum quid, after a sort, in respect of their present justice, these may be blotted out: And as these in respect of their present state may be said to be written in the book, so the elect indeed may in respect likewise of their present state, while they remain in sin, be said to be blotted out: And therefore some think that the book which was showed unto Ezekiel, was written within and without, in the inside were written only those, who should be saved, on the backside they which are written only there for a time.  
Contra. 1. This distinction may well be admitted, if some be said to be written in the book in respect of their own opinion, and outward appearance: but none can be said to be there written by God: for as the Preacher saith, Eccles. 3. 14. I know, that whatsoever God shall do, it shall be for ever: his works are perfect, therefore he writeth not any there, and blotteth them out again.  
3. Wherefore the best solution is this: that God is said to blot out, not properly, but by a certain similitude, as he is said in Scripture, to repent, to be angry: they are blotted out, that is, the Lord declareth by the event, that they were never written there: as Augustine well saith, hoc dictum est secundum spem ipsorum, this is said in respect of their hope, they took themselves to be written there: and they are said accordingly to be blotted out, that is, non ibi se script●s agnoscent, they shall find and acknowledge that they are not written there in deed. August. in Psal. 68 So the Scripture sometime speaketh, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to the opinion of men: as Matth. 8. 12. the children of the kingdom shall be cast out into darkness: and Matth. 9 12. I come not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance: here they are called the children of the kingdom, and the righteous, in respect of their own opinion, and others, not that they were so in deed: And so some making a glorious show for the time of righteousness, seem to themselves and others to be written in God's book, and yet are not. Pelican.  
But yet a further doubt is moved, concerning Moses words, that wished to be razed out of God's book: he was there written in deed, and therefore this solution will not serve here: of this now more in the next place.   

5. Contr. In what sense Moses wisheth to be razed out of God's book, Exod. 32. 32.  
Though this question be sufficiently handled elsewhere, 
Hexapl. in Exo. c. 32. qu 78. 82.  yet it shall not be amiss to add somewhat more concerning that matter: and the rather because the other book may be not so ready at every one's hand.  
1. Some think that Moses speaketh of the book not of eternal, but of this present life, desiring in effect to give his life, and to shed his blood, that the people might be saved: in which sense also S. Paul wisheth to be anathema, and accursed for Israel's sake: thus Origen in 9 ad Roman. so also Hierome, noluit deleri de libro vitae perpetuo, sed in presents: he would not be blotted out of the book for ever, but for the present: qu. 19 ad Algasiam: to the same purpose Euthy●ius, who maketh three books of God's prescience, as is showed before, quest. 6. and here Moses speaketh, de libro vitae corporis, of the book of the life of the body, wherein all men both good and bad are written: But Chrysoctome lib. de compunct. cord. and lib. 3. de pr●●ident. by this argument confuteth this opinion: Moses and Paul's desire were all one: now Paul desireth to be separated from Christ for his brethren's sake, Rom. 9 3. but the death of the body doth not separate from Christ, but rather more speedily bringeth the faithful to Christ, as the Apostle ●aith, I desire to be dissolved & to be with Christ, Ph. 1. 23.  
2. Basil thinketh that Moses and Paul in thus desiring, were not ignorant that they could not be separated from God in thus praying, it proceeding from so great charity: but they rather hoped to receive so much the more at God's hand for it: in libr. regular. But if they had thus prayed only of this mind, they had respected themselves more than the glory of God.  
3. August. queast. 140. in Exod. thinketh, that this wish of Moses proceeded ex ingenti quadam divinae familiaritatis securitate, from a wonderful security and familiar assurance that he had with God: and he maketh this to be the effect of Moses speech; either forgive the people this sin, or blot me out: but I am assured, thou wilt not blot me out: therefore forgive them. But the Lords answer, I will blot out him whosoever sinneth, showeth that Moses wish was to be blotted out, and he showeth not his assurance in so wishing, not to be blotted out.  
4. Bernard thinketh that this wish came à paterno affectu, from a fatherly affection, ne solus ipse, excluso populo, etc. that he alone without the people would not attain unto everlasting life: serm. 12. in Cant. But this had been no orderly affection, to wish to be damned with others: the hope of the faithful is such, that they doubt not to be saved, though all the world beside be damned.  
5. Rupert. lib. 3. in Exod. giveth this sense; either forgive them, or else it must needs follow, that I also be blotted out of thy book, because I am likewise a sinner: But this had showed some diffidence and doubtfulness in Moses of his own salvation.  
6. Hugo in Psal. 138. maketh two books of life, one of the present state of justice, out of the which Moses wisheth to be razed out, the other the book of predestination: But this had been to tempt God, to wish to fall from the state of grace into sin.  
7. Cajetan thinketh the meaning to be but this, that he desireth to be blotted de libro principatus, out of the book and decree of his principality and government: to lose that princely office, over the Lord's people, which God had assigned him unto.  
8. And R. Solomon joachi much to the same purpose, understandeth by the book, the Pentateuch, out of the which Moses wisheth his name to be blotted, that is, no mention to be made of his name, or of his acts therein: But God's answer taketh away both these interpretations, him that sinneth will I blot out of my book: but in the Pentateuch the names of many sinners are written. And Moses only had the principality appointed unto him for his time, there was none other written there but he: but God speaketh of the blotting out of others.  
9 Lyranus thinketh, that as Christ secundum voluntatem partis sensitivae, in the will of his sensitive part desired the cup to pass, quem voluntas rationalis appetebat, which the will of his reason desired: so Moses here, secundum desiderium partis inferioris, in the desire of the inferior part of his mind, (that is, his will and affection) wisheth to be blotted out, though in his superior part, that is, in his judgement, he would not have it so. But this comparison is not alike, for the desire in Christ to escape death was natural; but this wish of Moses to perish not only temporally, but eternally, was supernatural: and to wish one thing one way, and not an other way, includeth a contradiction.  
10. Alphons. Abulens. in Exod. thinketh it is an hyperbolical speech, and not literally to be taken, as was that of Rachel to jaakob, Give me children, or else I die: not that she preferred the having of children before her life; but in so speaking she showeth her vehement desire. But Gods answer to Moses in the same phrase, showeth, that Moses so meant in deed.  
11. I prefer here therefore the interpretation of Chrysostome in the place before alleged, that Moses and Paul, tanto Dei amore flagrabant, etc. did burn with such love and zeal to the glory of God, that in respect thereof, Deo ipso frui pro nihilo reputarunt, they made no account of the fruition of God himself: hoc erat eorum propositum, ne Deus ab ipsis sum dilectus, irrideretur ab impijs, this was the purpose and scope of their desire, lest God whom they dearly loved, should have been laughed to scorn and derided of the wicked: which Moses feared would have been, if the Lord should at this time have destroyed his people: as Moses had declared before in his prayer, Exod. 32. 12. Wherefore shall the Egyptians speak and say, He hath brought them out miraculously to slay them in the mountains. These holy men preferred the glory of God before their own salvation.   

6. Controv. That the souls of the faithful departed, do not sleep until the resurrection, but presently enjoy the sight of God.  
Bellarmine falsely ascribeth this opinion unto Luther and Calvin, and unto the reformed Churches, that the souls of them which depart hence in the Lord, do not enjoy the presence and sight of God until the general resurrection. Tom. 1. contr. 7. l. 1. c. de canon. sanct.  
But 1. Bellarmine is much deceived: for they hold no such thing: it was the opinion of one of the Popes, john 22. which is thus reported by Hadrian the 6. an other of their Popes, in 4. sententiar. de sacram. confirm. artic. 3. joannes 22. publice docuit, etc. john the 22. did publicly teach, and commanded also to hold, quod animae purgatae ante sinale judicium non habent stolam, quae est clara & facialis visio Dei, that the souls being purged receive not their stole or garment before the final judgement, which is the clear vision of God face to face, etc. 2. This his error might seem to be grounded out of this text, they that sleep in the dust shall awake: but this is evidently spoken of their bodies, which are laid in the grave and dust of the earth: which are said to sleep, because their bodies do but rest there for a time, they shall be raised again. But that the souls of the believing do presently pass out of their bodies unto heaven, is manifest by the answer of our Saviour unto the thief, This day shalt thou be with me in Paradise: out of which place Gerson chancellor of the University of Paris, in an oration before the states of France, inferreth, Latronem etc. beatificatum suisse in Paradiso in ipsa hora mortis, that the thief, though he had not fulfilled his penance, was made blessed in the very hour of his death. Gaguin. histor. Francor. lib. 8. 3. The truth than is this, that the souls of the faithful departed are presently taken up unto rest: but yet their glory shall be more full and absolute, when the bodies together with souls shall be glorified in the resurrection: as S. Peter faith, 1. epist. 5. 4. When the chief shepherd shall appear, ye shall receive an incorruptible crown of glory. So the Angels that fell, are said to be kept in chains of darkness unto damnation, 2. Pet. 2. 4. they are already damned, but yet they shall have a further consummation of judgement at the last day. Likewise the wicked are said to go into everlasting fire in the day of judgement, Matth. 25. 46. and yet presently after death their souls go unto the place of torment, Luk. 16. 23.   

7. Controv. That all men shall rise again, and not only the faithful: neither shall they die again.  
Two errors of the jews are here convinced: 1. they hold that the resurrection shall be only of the righteous, but the wicked, they think shall abide in death for ever: But the Angel saith, that of these, which awake out of the dust, some shall awake to shame: the wicked then shall rise again. 2. The jews hold with the Chiliasts, that the just shall rise again, and shall live a thousand years in the earth without any war or trouble, and afterward they shall die again: But here the Angel saith, that some shall rise unto everlasting life: they shall rise then never to die again.   

8. Controv. That Christ died not in general for all, but for such only as believe.  
The Ubiquitaries, which hold an omnipresence of Christ's flesh in every place, do also hold, that Christ died universally for all men: and that where the Scripture seemeth to speak otherwise, naming many, and not all, as Matth. 26. 28. the blood of Christ was shed for many for remission of sins: Rom. 5. 19 by the obedience of one many were made righteous: In these and such like places, many are understood for all, as here in Daniel, many that sleep in the dust of the earth, shall awake, Pap.  
Contra. 1. Why in this place of Daniel, many are named not all, diverse reasons are before alleged, quest. 9 2. and though in this place many be taken for all, yet it followeth not, that every where it should so: in this place it is so, because it is warranted by other places of Scripture: as joh. 5. 28. the hour shall come, in the which all that are in the graves, shall hear his voice: But in the other places, many cannot be all, because the Scripture doth not warrant that sense, that Christ intended the benefit of his death to all, but only to those which believe, the holy and undefiled, Apocal. 14. 3. they sung a new song before the throne, etc. and no man could learn that song, but the hundredth four and forty thousand, which were bought from the earth: by this place it is evident, that all are not bought by Christ's blood, but only a certain number, for whom it is ordained: Christ's death is indeed sufficient for all the world, but is effectual only to those which do believe in him: see more of this question of the universality of grace, Synops. Centur. 4. err. 23.   

9 Controv. That the faithful do not justify other by way of merit or satisfaction, but as ministers only of salvation.  
In what sense the faithful servants of God are said to justify others, as here the Angel faith to Daniel, v. 3. is before sufficiently showed, qu. 12. But the Romanists by occasion of this, and other such like places, as namely that Coloss. 1. 24. where S. Paul thus faith, I fulfil that which is behind of the afflictions of Christ in my flesh, for his body's sake, which is the Church: whence the Rhemists infer: that the sufferings of Christ's members are not only satisfactory for the sufferers, but for others. But this is a blasphemous assertion, that the passions of any are meritorious or satisfactory, saving only of Christ. 1. The sufferings of Christ's members are called his sufferings, because Christ suffereth in his members: 2. but their sufferings are to a far divers end, than Christ's passion was: for Christ suffered for our redemption: his members suffer not for that end: for Christ's offering was sufficient, which otherwise should have been imperfect, if it needed any other supply: but they suffer both for themselves to be made conformable unto Christ, and for the confirmation and example of others: in which sense S. Paul saith, 2. Tim. 2. 10. I suffer all things for the Elects sake, that they may also obtain salvation. So Thomas Aquinas well expoundeth, 
Part 3 Summ. qu. 48. artic. P●nult.  passiones sanctorum prosiciunt Ecclesiae, non quidem per modum redemptionis, sed per modum exempli & exhortationis, etc. the passions of the Saints do profit the Church, not by way of redemption, but of example and exhortation: according to that saying, 2. Cor. 1. 6. Whether we be troubled, it is for your consolation and salvation, etc.   

10. Controv. That the Saints merits as they are divers do not merit divers degrees of glory.  
v. 3. They that be wise, shall shine as the brightness of the firmament. Though we admit, that there shall be diversity of glory among the Saints in the next world, as one star differeth from an other in glory; yet two errors are here to be taken heed of: 1. the curiosity of the heretics called Cataphryges, whose sect-masters were Montanus, and his two Prophetesses, Prisca and Maximilla: who imagined that the bodies of the Saints should some exceed the Sun in glory an hundred fold, some more, some less: which is a curious and idle fancy and speculation: the Scripture saith, that the righteous shall shine as the Sun in the kingdom of Christ: 
Matth. 13. 43.  but by how many degrees their bodies shall exceed the brightness of the Sun, it is a superfluous and curious inquisition. 2. The Romanists think, that this difference and diversity of glory is measured unto the Saints, according to their diversity of merit, which is a great error: men's works as they are great and small, shall be a rule, according to the which men shall be judged, but the greatest works are not meritorious of the least degrees of glory, as Christ teacheth his disciples to say, Luk. 17. 10. When ye have done all those things, which are commanded you, say ye are unprofitable servants.   

11. Controv. The Scriptures not so obscure, but all may be admitted to the reading of them.  
v. 4. Thou Daniel shut up the words, etc. Hence Pererius inferreth, that not only this prophesy of Daniel, but other books of Scripture also are obscure, and hard to be understood: it should be as a closed book to them that would read it: and thereupon he crieth out against heretics (meaning in his jesuited, or rather judasited sense the Protestants) which should affirm, omnem divinam Scripturam cuilibet etiam de vulgo facilem esse & perviam, that all the divine Scripture is easy and plain to be understood even of every one of the common people. Likewise the Rhemists do falsely charge the Protestants to say that the Scriptures are so easy, that they may not only be read, but expounded of the learned and unlearned, and that every one may make choice of such sense as himself liketh, in 1. Pet. 3. vers. 16.  
Contra. 1. They do here notoriously slander the Protestants: for we deny not but that many places in Scripture, are hard to be understood: neither do we give liberty to overy one to expound the Scripture as they list. 2. But this we affirm, that the doctrine of faith and of all things necessary to salvation, is set forth in plain and manifest places of Scripture, to the reading whereof even the unlearned may safely be admitted: as our Blessed Saviour exhorteth generally all, Search the Scrptures, for in them ye think to have eternal life, joh. 5. 39 3. Neither doth it follow, because some things in daniel's prophesy are hard, that all the Scripture is so: and yet the hardness of this prophesy was but for a time: for when these things were accomplished, than the meaning thereof plainly appeared: And therefore Daniel is bid to seal it up but for a time: See more of the perspicuity and plainness of Scripture, Synops. Centur. 1. err. 6.   

12. Controv. Bellarmine confuted, who by divers arguments out of this chapter would prove the Pope not to be Antichrist.  
1. Argum. Antichrist shall reign only 3. years and an half, called here a time, two times, and an half: which is defined to be a 1260. days, Apoc. 11. 3. and 12. 6. But the Pope hath reigned in the Church now more than 1500. years at the least: therefore the Pope is not that Antichrist. Bellarm. lib. 3. de Rom. pontiff. c. 8.  
Ans. 1. The proposition is false: for this place of Daniel is understood of Antiochus, that so long the Sanctuary should lie profaned and polluted by him: he was indeed a type of Antichrist, but not in every respect, as namely in the time and continuance of his tyranny: types do not answer in every respect unto the thing that is shadowed forth, but only in that wherein they are types: as David and Solomon were types of Christ, yet it followeth not, that Christ's kingdom shall continue but 40. years, because they reigned no longer.  
2. That term of a 1260. days, mentioned in the Apocalyps, Polanus taketh to signify that time precisely, namely 3. years and an half, when the Church of Christ fled from jerusalem unto a town called Pella, where they were preserved, during which time the city was besieged, and at the last taken and destroyed: but these days are rather taken prophetically for so many years, 1260. during which time the mystery of iniquity did work in the Church: which term some begin in the year 300. so Napier upon the Revelation, propos. 36. junius also taketh those days for so many years, Apoc. 11. 3.  
3. In that he saith the Pope hath reigned 1500. years in the Church, therein he confesseth that the Pope is the Antichrist, that taketh upon him to reign in the Church: whereas S. Peter saith, 1. ep. 5. 3. Not as though ye were Lords over (Gods) inheritance. And thus also is evident by his confession, that the said term of a 1260. days taken for years, and beginning in the year 300. will make that sum of 1500. and somewhat more.  
2. Argum. When Antichrist cometh, all external ceremonies of religion shall cease, and the public worship of God: but so is it not under the Pope: for they have the daily sacrifice of the Mass: Ergo. Bellarm. lib. 3. c. 7.  
Ans. 1. Whereas it is here said, v. 11. That the daily sacrifice shall be taken away: it is understood not of Antichrist, but of Antiochus, who in deed caused the daily sacrifice to cease: as the author of the books of the Macchabees taketh it, 1. Macchab. 1. 57 and joseph. lib. 2. antiquit. c. 10. so also Chrysostome expoundeth, and Hierome upon the 11. chap. v. 30, 31.  
2. Neither is it true, that all outward ceremonies of religion shall cease under Antichrist: for he shall fit in the Temple of God, and so retain some outward marks of Christian religion, as baptism, and yet in deed be an enemy to the Christian faith.  
3. Though in the reformed Church there is (thanks be to God) public exercise of the right sernice of God; yet under the Papacy, the true worship of God is abolished: idolatry, invocation of Saints, and other strange worships are brought in.  
4. The Mass is not that daily sacrifice here spoken of, it is rather that abominable idol, which abrogateth the virtue of Christ's sacrifice upon the cross, and maketh the oblation of a piece of hallowed bread a sacrifice propitiatory for the quick and the dead.  
3. Argum. They which go about to abrogate the sacrifice of the Eucharist, are the forerunners of Antichrist: but the Protestants, not the Papists abolish the sacrifice of the Eucharist: Ergo. Bellar. ibid.  
Answ. 1. The Protestants do observe and keep the true institution of the Lords Supper, called the Eucharist: which they celebrate as an Eucharistical and commemorative sacrify, not as propitiative, as the Papists do: for Christ hath with one offering consecrated for ever, them, that are sanctified, Heb. 10. 14. therefore he was not to offer himself up often, Heb. 9 25. we use it as a commemoration of Christ's sacrifice, according to his own commandment: do this as oft as ye do it in remembrance of me: Thus Theodoret writeth, having moved this question, cur novi testamenti sacerdotes mysticum sacrisicium peragunt, etc. why the Priests or ministers of the new testament do celebrate a mystical sacrifice, seeing Christ by his sacrifice, hath made other sacrifices not now to be necessary: clarum est iis, qui in rebus diviuis sunt eruditi, nos non aliud offer, sed illius unius & salutaris memoriam peragere, it is well known to those which are skilful in divine things, that we offer no other sacrifice, but celebrate a memory of that one healthful sacrifice: for this the Lord himself commanded, do this in remembrance of me, etc. so Theodoret in c. 8. ad Hebraeos.  
2. But the Papists indeed have abrogated the true use of the Eucharist; turning bread into flesh, a Sacrament into a sacrifice, a commemoration into an oblation, eating and drinking, into gazing, and shaking to and fro, and lifting up: in stead of worshipping God, adoring a piece of bread: and such like profanations have they brought in of the Lords Supper.  
4. Argum. 45. days after the death of Antichrist, Christ shall come unto judgement: But the Pope hath reigned these 500 years in the Church, utroque gladio, by both swords, even by the protestants own confession, and yet Christ is not come unto judgement: Ergo. Bellar. lib. 3. de Roman. Pontisi. c. 9  
Answ. 1. If just 45. days after the death of Antichrist, Christ shall come to judge the world, than they which live at that time shall be able to assign the very day of Christ's coming, and so shall be wiser than the Angels, to whom the day and hour of Christ's coming is unknown.  
2. This prophesy of a 1335. days concerneth not Antichrist, it was fulfilled in the death of Antiochus, who miserably ended his days 45. days after the restitution of religion among the jews: see before quest. 26.  
3. In that Bellarmine confesseth, that the Pope hath reigned so long with both swords, therein he showeth him to be the Antichrist: for Christ saith, learn of me, for I am humble and meek, Matt. 11. 29. and the Prophet Isay saith, speaking of the kingdom of Christ, c. 11. 9 then shall none hurt or destroy in all the mountain of mine holiness: the Pope then, that killeth and destroyeth with the sword the innocent sheep of Christ, is the very Antichrist.    

6. Moral observations.  

1. Observ. Michael the great Prince standeth for his people.  
v. 1. At that time shall Michael stand up, etc. This is the comfort of God's Church, though Turk and Pope, and other adversaries do stand up against them, yet they have Michael the great Prince to fight for them, who shall deliver his Church from their cruel rage, and not suffer them further to prevail, than it shall be for his glory, and the trial of their faith: and this is that, which our Saviour hath promised, Behold, I am with you always to the end of the world, Matth 28. 20.   

2. Observ. The hope of the resurrection doth arm us against all afflictions, yea death itself.  
v. 3. Many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth, shall awake, etc. This aught to be our comfort, that although the members of Christ are persecuted in this world, vexed and tormented, given to the fire, slain with the sword, cast into the Sea, yet God shall restore unto them all their parts again: this was jobs comfort in his greatest extremity, c. 19 25. 26. I know my Redeemer liveth, etc. and I shall see him in my flesh.   

3. Observ. It is not sufficient to know the will of God, but we must teach it others, and do it ourselves.  
v. 3. They that turn many to righteousness: Christ requireth of his disciples both to teach, and themselves to observe his commandments, Matth. 5. 19 for like as the ostrich hath wings, but flieth not with them: and as the stomach which receiveth meat, and keepeth it, never digesteth well, unless it transmit it over unto other parts: so are they which have knowledge and other gifts, and seek not to benefit others thereby.   

4. Observ. The glory of the next life, should teach men temperance and sobriety.  
v. 3. They shall shine as the stars: The bodies of the Saints shall be so glorified in the resurrection, that they shall shine as the stars, yea as the Sun, in the kingdom of God, Matth. 13. 42. If men do hope to have their bodies vessels of so great glory, they must take heed that they defile them not with surfeiting, drunkenness, uncleanness: Such filthy and polluted vessels, are no fit temples for the spirit of God: Thus S. Peter exhorteth, 2. epist. 3. 14. Beloved, seeing ye look for such things, be diligent, that ye may be found of him without spot and blameless.   

5. Observ. Against curiosity.  
v. 9 Go thy way Daniel, for the words are closed up: In that Daniel obtaineth not altogether his desire for the knowledge of these hid mysteries, it teacheth us that we should not curiously press to know such things, which it hath pleased God to keep secret: So the Apostle adviseth, that no man presume to understand, above that which is meet to understand but that he understand according to sobriety, Rom. 12. 3.   

6. Observ. Of the use and end of affliction.  
v. 10. Many shall be purified, made white, and tried. Here are three effects of affliction expressed. 1. as the wheat is purified from the chaff, so by affliction the faithful are discerned from the hypocrites: as the Apostle saith, in an other case, 1. Cor. 11. 19 there must be heresies, that they which are approved may be known. 2. as the cloth by often washing is whited, so by affliction men are purified from their corruptions: as the Prophet David saith, Psal. 119. 67. before I was afflicted I went astray. 3. as the gold and silver is tried in the fire, so the Lord taketh trial of the faith and patience of his servants by affliction: as S. Peter saith, 1. epist. 4. 12. dearly beloved, think it not strange concerning the sierie trial, which is among you to prove you, etc.   

7. Observ. Of the fruitful meditation of death.  
v. 13. Go thy way, for thou shalt rest, and stand up in thy lot: After that the Lord had revealed to Daniel by his Angel, the coming of the Messiah, that should finish sin, and reconcile sinners, c. 9 24. and beside he had heard what should be the end of the just, they should awake unto everlasting life: now he is called to prepare himself to his end: so after we have attained to the knowledge of Christ, we should desire nothing more, then with S. Paul to be dissolved and to be with Christ: and to sing with old Simeon, Lord now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace according to thy word, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation. And now blessed be the Lord, who hath suffered me to live with Simeon to see this great mystery of salvation revealed in this book, who I trust will yet strengthen me in other books and parts of holy Scripture, to embrace Christ as it were in mine arms, and to show him unto others: that when the course of my poor ministry is fulfilled, I may sing nunc dimittis with Simeon: and so we the servants of jesus Christ may comfort ourselves with this gracious promise made to Daniel, to rest in peace, and stand up in our lots in the day of the Lord: to whom be praise for ever.  
FINIS.     

❧ AN APPENDIX unto this Commentary, wherein are examined the reasons and Arguments urged by GRASERUS, against JUNIUS' exposition of the Image which Nabuchadnezzer saw in a dream, c. 2. and of the visions set forth, c. 7. c. 8. and of the 11. chap. from v. 36. to the end.  
AFter I had by the Lords gracious assistance finished this Commentary, there came unto mine hand a treatise set forth this last year 1608. by Graserus. entitled historia Antichristi illius magni, the history of that great Antichrist: wherein he taketh upon him to infringe and impugn the interpretation of junius throughout this book. This his Censure and animadversion he divideth into ten exercises, as he calleth them: I think it not amiss speedily to run through all of them, and to weigh his principal reasons and objections, wherein he seemeth to be so confident: whose learned travail in this argument in applying daniel's prophetical visions against Antichrist, as it deserveth commendation, so yet some of his reasons are not so pithily set down, but that they may be revewed and examined.  

The first exercise perused and examined.  
In this first part of his treatise Graserus taketh upon him to prove, that the legs of the image, c. 2. and the fourth beast described c. 7. cannot signify the kingdom of the Grecians, which succeeded Alexander, as of the Seleucians in the North, and of the Ptolomes', and Lagidae in the South, as junius doth well interpret: but that by the fourth Monarchy of the Romans is signified, which to this day continueth, divided into two parts, as the two legs thereof, the kingdom of the Pope in the West, and of the Turk in the East: and that not the Monarchy only of Alexander, but of him and his successors jointly is described, by the belly and sides of the image, c. 2. and by the third beast, c. 7. His arguments are these.  
Argum. 1. The third beast called the leopard, is unlike unto the other two before it, the lion, which signifieth the Chaldean Monarchy, and the bear taken for the Persian state: But if Alexander in his own person were this Leopard, he should not be unlike the first, for he was an absolute Monarch, as the Chaldean kings were: whereas the Persian state was not entire, but consisted partly of the power of the Persians, partly of the Medes, like to the Polonian state, which standeth in the joint authority of the Polonians and Lithuanians: And beside, not the persons of the kings, but the kingdoms themselves, are here compared together, P. 37.  
Answ. 1. The dissimilitude of these beasts consisteth not in the unlike form of government: for the state of the Persian kings was as absolutely Monarchical, as was the Empire of the Chaldeans: though their kingdom consisted of diverse united parts, yet that letteth not the kingly power to be absolutely Monarchical: but the difference between these kingdoms, was in other qualities, as the one exceeded the other in strength, or in more hard and cruel government: as is showed before in the 17. and 18. questions upon the 7. chapter. 2. not the kingdoms only, but the kings together with their kingdoms are compared together: as c. 2. 38. Daniel saith to Nabuchadnezzar, thou art this kingdom of gold: as his Monarchy was as gold in respect of them which succeeded, so he was as gold being compared also to his successors. So Alexander's person together with his kingdom was this third beast: as the little horn, cap. 7. ver. 8. signifieth Antiochus person with his kingdom.  
Argum. 2. The lives of these beasts were prolonged for a certain time, and period, c. 7. 12. But Alexander's kingdom over the Macedonians continued but 12. years from his father's death: his Monarchy but half so long, after he had overcome the power of Persia: in so short a time what periods, and conversion of times could be observed? p. 38.  
Answ. That place is not understood of the continuance or periods of those kingdoms, (and yet this supposal of the fatal periods of kingdoms, is found by experience, to be but a speculative imagination) for the text saith, the dominion of the beasts they had taken away before: the meaning is, that their lives, that is, some remainder and relics of those beasts should continue after their dominion and kingdom was ended, and determined: and so there remained some portion of the Macedonian kingdom even after Alexander, and of other the former Monarchies, as is further showed, c. 7. quest. 39  
Argum. 3. The third beast had 4. heads: which are taken by junius for the four chief regiments, which were under Alexander, managed by his principal and chief captains: But those 4. captains are signified by the four horns, which came not up, till the great horn, which signifieth Alexander, was broken, for they came up in stead of that great horn, c. 8. 8. pag. 40.  
Answ. 1. Graserus here confoundeth the visions of the 7. and 8. chapter: he maketh the Leopard, c. 7. and the Goat, c. 8. to signify the same, whereas the goat more generally comprehendeth the whole Grecian Monarchy, both under Alexander and his successors: as appeareth by the little horn, which in the vision of the 7. chapter cometh out of the fourth beast: but in the 8. chapter, both that great horn, which was Alexander, and the 4. horns which came up in the place thereof, and the little horn which came forth out of one of the four horns, do all arise out of one and the same beast, namely the goat. 2. these four principalities in the 7. chapter, are 4. heads of that beast, while they managed the affairs of the kingdom under Alexander, and Arideus his brother: But after they took upon them to be kings, they are said to be four horns, which did rise up in the place of the great horn.  
Argum. 4. In the 8. chapter, the goat is interpreted to be the kingdom of Grecia, and the great horn, is the first king thereof, namely Alexander: he than maketh not that beast alone, but the whole kingdom of Grecia is understood, whereof Alexander was but the first king.  
Answ. It is granted, that the goat in the 8. chapter, signifieth the whole kingdom of Grecia, both of Alexander and his successors: but it followeth not, that the third beast, the Leopard in the 7. chapter, should therefore comprehend likewise both the one and the other, as is showed in the answer to the former argument. 2. in the 11. chapter, v. 4. there is an evident distinction made between the kingdom of Alexander and of his successors: for it is said, his kingdom shall be broken, and shall be divided toward the four winds, and not to his posterity: Graserus here answereth, that the same kingdom remained still; for that which is divided, is not destroyed or dissolved, pag. 43. If this were a good answer, the 4. Monarchies described by the image, c. 2. should be all one: for they made all but one general body set forth by that image, one succeeding another, as the parts and members of the body do one depend upon another.  
Argum. 5. The 4. beast was unlike to all the rest, it had iron teeth, it was more fierce and terrible than the former, but so was not the kingdom of the Seleucians more terrible to the world, than the three former of the Chaldeans, Persians, Alexander: it cannot therefore be taken for that kingdom, p. 50. And whereas junius well observeth, that these beasts are described respectively, as they were toward the people of God, unto whom the Seleucians were more cruel, than any of the other Monarchies: Graserus would thus remove this answer:  
1. The beasts c. 7. are not more strictly to be taken, than the parts of the image, cap. 2. but there they are described generally by the defferent qualities of gold, silver, brass, iron, one being thus compared to an other. 2. Daniel in particular showeth, in the description of the little horn, wherein this beast should be more terrible to the people of God, than the other: so that in so general a description it had been superfluous to insinuate the same. 3. If these visions had specially concerned the people of God, the Prophet would have penned his prophesy in the Hebrew, not in the Chalde tongue, Graser. p. 52. 53.  
Answ. 1. In the vision of the image, the four Monarchies are compared together by those different qualities of the four metals, yet with relation unto the people of God: toward whom the first Monarchy in general was as gold, the second as silver, to the rest, see quest. 45. c. 2. 2. though in particular that little horn were more cruel to the people of God, than the other horns, yet generally also the fourth beast, was more savage unto God's people, than the precedent Monarchies: therefore in this description there is no superfluous iteration: and yet it is not denied, but that typically this fourth beast may shadow forth the Monarchy of the Romans: because c. 7. 23. it is said to devour the whole earth, and the Evangelist S. john, Apocal. 13. in the description of the Roman Empire, which is likened to a beast with 7. heads, and ten horns, hath reference to this vision.  
3. This book is written in Chalde, because when Daniel wrote he was in Chalde, where these things were showed and done: and therefore for the more credit of the story, it is written in the Chalde. And beside it was requisite that the Chaldeans should understand what was to befall them in time to come, how their Monarchy should be subverted for their pride and oppression, that hereby they might be admonished to be more equal toward the people of God: see more hereof in the general observations premised, concerning the diverse readings used in this book.  
Argum. 6. This fourth beast is set forth to have iron teeth, it devoured, and broke in pieces, and stamped the rest under the feet: this description agreeth not unto the kingdom of the Seleucians, or Antiochians. 1. for they did not not stamp the rest under their feet: they were rather stamped upon and trodden under feet by the Romans; who triumphed over Antiochus the great, who far exceeded in power his son Antiochus Epiphanes, p. 58. 2. and if this be referred to the violence offered to religion, for the which Antiochus did grievously torment diverse: others did the like before, as Nabuchadnezzar by setting up a golden image would have drawn them from their religion, p. 56. 3. neither did Antiochus so prevail against the jews: for in the end they resisted him, and restored religion, and settled the state of the commonwealth, p. 62.  
Answ. 1. This their stamping and treading under feet, is especially meant of the oppression of the people of God: although Antiochus also did more hurt and damage unto Egypt, than any of his fathers before him, c. 11. v. 24. 2. though Nabuchadnezzar commanded his golden image to be worshipped, yet that was but one special act in a particular place: he did not cause a general revolting from religion, not yet profaned and polluted the Sanctuary, which things Antiochus did. 3. In the end Antiochus tyranny was stayed by the valiant resistance of the Macchabees, (as there is no tyrannical government perpetual) but yet, while he had his time, he did much mischief, and tyrannised more cruelly than ever any had done before.  
Argum. 7. junius interpreteth the 10. horns of the fourth beast, c. 7. to be the ten kings of Syria, among whom two kings of Egypt must be counted, Ptolemy Euergetes, and Ptolemy Philopator, who subdued Syria, and so Antiochus Epiphanes was the 10. from Seleucus Nicanor. Against this interpretation, Graserus thus objecteth: 1. that if these ten horns were ten kings, whose particular history is described, c. 11. why should there be more than 10. kings there spoken of: there are 14. kings of the North and South at the least there pointed at. 2. there is no reason, if any of the Egyptian kings should be numbered among the Seleucians, that the first Ptolemy the son of Lagus should be omitted, that twice subdued Syria, p. 66. 3. junius himself excludeth Seleucus Nicanor in that prophesy, c. 11. 5. by one of his Prince's understanding Philopator the son of Ptolemy Lagi: whereas the pronoun hath relation unto Alexander, and by one of his Princes, is understood Seleucus one of Alexander's Princes, pag. 68  
Answ. 1. True it is, that the history of 14. kings is abridged c. 11. 6. of the South, and 8. of the North: but the other are prophesied of for the more evidence of the history: and in that prophesy the Angel doth not only entreat of the ten horns of the beast, which came out of the kingdom of the North, but expoundeth the first vision of the two legs of the image, showing how they knocked and beat one upon an other. 2. Graserus himself giveth the reason, why Ptolemy Lagi is not counted among the rulers of Syria, because he then subdued Syria, quando Seleucus de eius possessione ne cogitare audebat, etc. when Seleucus as yet durst not so much as think of possessing that kingdom, p. 69. the kingdom of the Seleucians than was not yet begun, when Ptolemy subdued Syria, and therefore the other two rather are counted in the number of the Syrian horns and kings than he, namely Euergetes and Philopator, who subdued Syria after the Seleucians were confirmed and settled in their kingdom: and because special mention is made of the victory and conquest of these two against the kings of the North; of Euergetes, c. 11. 8. of Philopator, v. 11. 3. junius is deceived, in understanding these words, one of his Princes, of Ptolemy Philopator, rather than of Seleucus Nicanor: as is further showed, c. 11. quest. 18. and we confess with Graserus, junium interdum dormitare; that junius and his followers may sometime be a sleep, and be deceived, p. 70. for no man's judgement is so perfect, to be followed in every thing: yet this is no let but that his former exposition of the ten horns, may very well stand.  
Argum. 8. Further Graserus thus objecteth against these ten horns thus interpreted, and the little horn coming up among them understood to be Antiochus: 1. These ten horns of the beast must come up at one time, for how can it be called a ten horned beast, if one should come up after an other? and the little horn is said to come up among them, therefore they came up together. 2. the little horn shall rise up after the ten, c. 7. 24. it was then the eleventh rather then the tenth. p. 73. 3. The kingdom of the beast endeth with the destruction of this little horn, c. 7. 11. and then the everlasting kingdom of Christ succeed: but the kingdom of the Seleucians ended not in Antiochus: many of that line succeeded afterward: and there was almost as many ye●●es from Antiochus Epiphanes death unto the coming of Christ, as there were from Alexander's death unto Antiochus, Graser. p. 74.  
Answ. 1. It is not necessary, that these 10. horns should come up all at once, because the beast is said to have ten horns: like as the beast is described with seven heads, Apoc. 17. which are interpreted to be 7. kings v. 10. and yet were they not altogether, but five were fallen, one is, and one is to come, v. 10. this little horn is said to come up among them, that is, it was one of them: see more hereof, c. 7. quest. 26. in the end.  
2. The little horn is said to come up after them, that is the last of them: as junius translateth, post quos exurget postremus, after the which it shall rise up last, c. 7. 24. as the word acharan, signifieth both an other, and the last, so it was the tenth in number, and in some sort the eleventh also, as much differing from the rest: see c. 7. 29. 2.  
3. The beast is said to be slain, when the little horn was destroyed, not because then the kingdom of the Seleucians was utterly extinguished: but the power and glory thereof began more and more to be abated after Antiochus, until it was taken from the Seleucians, and given to Tigranes' king of Armenia, and last of all dissolved by the Romans. This translating of the kingdom from the house of the Seleucians unto Tigranes, happened about 80. years after Antiochus death: and about 80. years after this translating of the kingdom was our Blessed Saviour borne: see before, c. 7. qu. 38.  
Argum. 9 And that Antiochus Epiphanes cannot be the little horn spoken of, Graserus thus argueth: 1. it is called a little horn: but Antiochus Epiphanes could not be said to be little, being son unto Antiochus the great, though he had an elder brother, pag. 76. 2. the show of this little horn in the end was greater, then of his fellows: but Antiochus Epiphanes was not greater than his father called Antiochus the great. 3. this little horn had a mouth, that spoke words, not against the most high, as the most interpreters read: but ex part al●issimi, letzad, on the part of the Almighty: as Vatablus, Pagnin, and Montanus: Thus did not Antiochus: But it must be referred to him, qui impietati suae Dei nomen praetendet, which shall pretend the name of God in all his impiety, Graserus pag. 80.  
Answ. 1. Antiochus Epiphanes, is said to be that little horn, because he was the younger son, and so not borne unto the kingdom, and his elder brother had a son Demetrius: so that Antiochus Epiphanes was an usurper of the kingdom.  
2. Antiochus Epiphanes was not simply greater than his father, but he carried himself more stoutly and proudly against the people of God, than any of his predecessors: and he also practised against Egypt, and did them more hurt than any of his predecessors: as it is said, Dan. 11. 24. he shall do that (namely to Egypt) which his fathers have not done, not his father's fathers: these words being so manifest, I wonder that Graserus so much forgetteth himself thus to write, constat parentem Antiochum non minores yes contra Egyptum gessisse, it is evident that Antiochus his father did attempt no less matters against Egypt.  
3. That word letzad, signifieth not on the part, but rather against the part of the most high: as let ziddim is used, judg. 2. 3. thorns against their sides: and that this is the meaning, that he shall speak words against the most high, is evident, c. 7. v. 8. where he is said to have a month speaking presumptuous things: and c. 11. 36. he shall speak marvelous things against the most high.  
Argum. 10. Further he thus objecteth: 1. this little horn pulled away three other before it: this can not be showed of Antiochus: junius understandeth, that he removed Philopator, who had overcome Antiochus his father: but yet he continued king of Egypt still, his horn then was not broken: an other of these horns pulled away, he saith was Seleucus, his elder brother, whose death he procured: but the text saith contrary, that he entered peaceably, c. 11. 21. Demetrius Seleucus son was the third: but neither can it be showed, that Antiochus caused him to be killed, neither was he any of the ten horns, he was not king before Antiochus: these three horns then, are rather three kingdoms, which this little horn should surprise. p. 84.  
2. junius by a time, two times, and a part, understandeth the term of 3. years and 10. days, during which the profanation of the Sanctuary continued: But then the spirit of God had of purpose wrapped up a manifest history in obscure terms: and the word here used signifieth rather half, than a part of time: this prophetical prediction of a time, two times, and an half, is in the Apocalyps applied to signify the whole time of the persecution of the Church under Antichrist: which is set forth by such obscure terms, to the end that the time of Christ's coming, which should immediately follow after that term ended, be not known. Graser. p. 86.  
Ans. 1. Though Philopators horn, that is, government in Egypt, were not pulled away, yet his power and dominion over Syria was removed by Antiochus Epiphanes, and so his horn there was broken. And although Antiochus entered peaceably by flattery, yet he might secretly contrive the death of Seleucus his elder brother, as he did: & the third horn plucked up before him, was not Demetrius, but rather Antiochus his father, whom he procured to be slain in a certain sedition: see before c. 7. qu. 28. in the end.  
2. The time of profaning the Temple is expressed in prophetical terms, as other prophecies are, not with affected obscurity, but to the end that they might be held in suspense, until they saw the accomplishment thereof: the word pelag used c. 7. 25. and chatzes, c. 11. 7. signifieth, not only an half, but a part of time: see before c. 12. qu. 19 in the end. In the Apocalyps there is an allusion to this time: but the historical accomplishment was before the first coming of Christ.  
Argum. 11. Whereas junius understandeth, c. 7. 11. by the slaying of the beast, the death of Antiochus, by the destruction of his body, the extirpation and rooting out of his family, and by giving it to the burning fire, the torments which he endured being alive: Graserus thus objecteth: 1. That S. Paul referreth this to the destruction of Antichrist, which he setteth forth in three degrees: the revealing or detecting of that wicked man; the consuming of him by the spirit of Christ's mouth; and his utter abolishing with the brightness of his coming: and he understandeth not the first coming of Christ in the flesh, as junius, but his glorious coming to judgement, 2. Thess. 2. 8. Graser. p. 89.  
2. Whereas junius thinketh the little horn described in the vision in the 7. c. and in the 8. c. to be the same: Graserus thinketh that the little horn spoken of in the 7. signifieth Mahomet, and the little horn in the 8. the Pope. p. 92.  
3. Whereas junius thinketh that the history of this little horn is more fully described in the end of the 11. ch. these reasons are against it: 1. because no mention is made in the 11. ch. of the ten horns, nor of the three horns taken away before the little horn. 2. nor of the eyes and mouth of the little horn. 3. and his end is far divers: for c. 7. his body is destroyed and given to the burning fire: but in the 11. chap. he is described dying by some fatal disease, as being forsaken of his friends. p. 98.  
Ans. 1. S. Paul may in the same phrase of speech set forth the destruction of Antichrist, whereby Daniel describeth the death of Antiochus, and yet not understand the same thing: As in the Apocalyps the Evangelist in the phrase of speech alludeth to divers visions in Ezekiel and Daniel, and yet applieth them to a divers purpose.  
2. The little horn spoken of, c. 7. and c. 8. is the same, as may appear by the description of it: it is in both places called a little horn, in the 7. it hath a mouth speaking presumptuous things, v. 8. and in the 8. ch. v. 25. he shall extol himself against the Prince of Princes: Mahomet and the Pope came too late, to be historically understood by this little horn: for this little horn must come forth out of one of the four horns, which did rise up in the place of the great horn (which was Alexander) being broken: But there was no remainder of Alexander's kingdom long before the rising up of the Mahometan or Popish sect.  
3. It is not necessary, because the particular history of the little horn is more at large followed, c. 11. that therefore there should be a rehearsal of the same things, which were touched before concerning the same horn, but rather one vision supplieth that, which was omitted in the other: for to what purpose should the vision be renewed, if the same things in every respect should be iterated: The four Evangelists do write the same history of the doings and sayings of Christ; yet some have one thing that is not to be found in an other. And the divers relation of the end of Antiochus is no such matter to insist upon: for the diversity is herein, that chap. 7. the destruction of the beast, that is, of the kingdom of the Seleucians, is set forth, and in the 11. c. the death of Antiochus, as is before showed at large, c. 7. qu. 38.  
Argum. 12. Graserus proceedeth to deliver and confirm his own interpretation of these visions: by the fourth beast he understandeth the Roman Empire, and by the two legs of the image, the two parts of the Roman Empire, one in the East, the other in the West, which was extended in length from one to the other 700. German miles: this division began under Augustus and Antonius: afterward Constantine built new Rome in the East: and these two legs to this day, are the Turk in the East, and the Pope in the West. p. 99 100  
Ans. That neither the Roman, nor Turkish Empire is signified by the two legs of the image, c. 2. nor by the fourth beast, c. 7. is at large showed before, c. 2. qu. 49. and c. 7. qu. 21. whether I refer the Reader. And further this evident argument there is thereof, that the toes of the image being partly of iron, partly of clay, are said to mingle themselves with the seed of men, they shall join in marriage one with an other, but that band shall not hold: this was evidently performed, when the kings of the North and South, were linked in marriage together, as Ptolemy Philadelphus gave his daughter Berenice to Antiochus Theos in marriage, as is prophesied, Dan. 11. 6. see c. 11. qu. 20. 21. and the king of the North, namely Antiochus Megas, gave his daughter (to wit) Cleopatra, to wife to Ptolemy Epiphanes, c. 11. 17. Seeing that the Prophet himself expoundeth the vision, showing, how and of whom this mingling of seed is to be understood: they weary themselves in vain, that seek for the accomplishment of this prophesy elsewhere, as Graserus doth in the Papacy, where there hath been such combination of marriages. p. 103. But he can not show how the two legs, the kings of the North and South, have in the Papacy so joined and combined themselves.  
Arg. 13. 1. By the ten horns are rather understood ten kingdoms, than kings, as Grecia, Macedonia, Asia, Syria, Egyptus, Africa, Hispania, Gallia, Germania, Illyricum. 2. The little horn signifieth Mahomet, called little in respect of his obscure beginning. 3. The 3. horns plucked up before it are the 3. kingdoms of Syria, Egypt, Africa, which the Turk invaded. 4. The mouth speaking proud things, is the new Law of the Turks Koran brought in by Mahomet. p. 109.  
Answ. 1. That these visions appertain not unto the Roman or Turkish Empire, is showed at large, c. 7. quest. 21. whether I desire the Reader to have recourse: 2. seeing the 10. horns, and the 3. horns which were plucked up before the little horn, are interpreted by the Angel to be so many kings, not kingdoms, it is too great boldness to understand them to be kingdoms, not kings. 3. this little horn must come out of the fourth beast or Monarchy, and have the power thereof: But Mahomet and the Turk did not spring out of the Roman Empire, but always did oppose themselves unto it. 4. though Mahomet had a mouth speaking presumptuous things, it followeth not, that he was this little horn: for not one of the properties, but all must agree unto him, that is signified by this little horn. 5. Graserus himself conesseth, spiritum sanctum in hac visione Antiochi historiam tractare, that the holy spirit doth in this vision handle the story of Antiochus, but yet so, as that he maketh him a pattern to describe and proportion our Antichrist by, p. 91. If then this prophesy were historically fulfilled in Antiochus, it is not properly referred to any other, but only typically and by way of analogy, which we do not deny.  
Argum. 14. These visions showed unto Daniel concern the last times toward the end of the world, as 1. appeareth by the phrase of speech, which the Prophet useth: as c. 8. 17. in the last time shall be the vision: v. 19 I will show thee, what shall be in the last wrath: but the wr●th which Antiochus showed against the people of God, was not the last: p. 103. & v. 26. it shall be for many days: p. 115. and c. 10. 1. the time appointed is long. 2. The Prophet Isai speaking of the rejection of the jews, and calling of the Gentiles saith, c. 29. 17. Yet a little while, and Lebanon shallbe turned into Carmel, etc. this was above 500 years before the coming of Christ: if the space of 500 years be counted but a little time, how then can half that time be counted long, from the time of this prophecy to the destruction of the Temple by Antiochus? Graser. p. 119. 3. The Prophet himself maketh evident mention in these prophecies of the second coming of Christ to judgement, as c. 2. he speaketh of the cutting out of the stone without hands, whereby is signified the suddenness of Christ's second coming: and c. 7. of the setting up of the thrones, and of the coming of the Son of man in the clouds: and c. 12. evident mention is made of the resurrection of the dead. p. 121. 4. The Prophet is bid to seal up the vision, because it was for many days, c. 7. 26. as for the same reason john is bid not to seal up the words, because the time was at hand, Apoc. 22. 10. p. 122. 5. And that daniel's prophecy concerneth the last times, may be thus gathered: Apoc. 10. 7. there it is said, The mystery of God shall be finished, as he hath declared to his servants the Prophets: of these Prophets Daniel was one, therefore to him was declared this mystery, concerning the final destruction of Antichrist. p. 123.  
Ans. 1. The words, in the time of the end (shall be) the vision, are well interpreted by junius in the time defined or determined: legneth ketz, at the end of time, signifieth the same, that lemoghed ketzes, the appointed time of the end: so likewise v. 19 the words are, what shall be in the last of this wrath, not in the last wrath: for the word acharith is a substantive, and signifieth the extremity and end of this wrath; which should be showed by Antiochus. 2. Time is said to be long & short in respect of the subject, & matter in hand: so that the same continuance of time may be said to be long in one respect, which is counted short in an other. The Prophet Isai counted but a short time unto the coming of Christ, in regard of the continuance of the Church of Christ afterward: and so all the time after the first coming of Christ in the flesh, is but short in comparison of his everlasting kingdom. This notwithstanding, this term of 300. years, from daniel's time until Antiochus, may be counted long, in respect of the present state of the jews Commonwealth, which was not to continue long. So the servant, whose ear was boared through, is said to serve his master for ever, Exod. 21. 6. namely unto the year of jubilee, which might take up the whole term of his life. 3. That neither in this place, c. 2. nor in the other prophesy, c. 7. the second coming of Christ to judgement is described: see before at large, c. 2. qu. 55. c. 7. qu. 31. and to what purpose also mention is made of the resurrection of the dead, c. 12. see further handled, c. 12. qu. 7. qu. 8. 4. john is willed not to seal up the prophesy, because part thereof was presently to take effect: but Daniel is bid to seal up his, because yet 300. years should expire, before the prophesy should take place. 5. The Prophets, which are there spoken of, might be the Apostles, as S. Paul among the rest, to whom the mystery of iniquity was revealed: and the old Prophets also prophesied of the last times, which also was revealed to Daniel: but hereof it followeth not, that therefore Daniel in these visions specially prophesieth of the great Antichrist: whom notwithstanding typically we grant he describeth under this prophetical prediction of Antiochus.   

The second Exercise.  
In this second part Graserus taketh upon him to prove, that in the 11. chapt. from v. 36. the history of Antichrist is set down, and not of Antiochus, whose acts and doings were treated of before: and this difference he maketh between the prophesy in the 8. chapt. and this in the 11. chap. that there the Prophet speaketh of Antiochus and Antichrist jointly together: confuso typo cum eius antitypo, the type being confounded with that which answereth to the type: but here se●r sim tractat, etc. he handleth asunder the history of both: p. 107. His arguments are these:  
Argum. 1. These general reasons he enforceth, that this part of the 11. chap. from v. 36. can not be interpreted of Antiochus.  
1. The Prophet useth manifest words of digression from the former history of Antiochus, v. 35. that●● is yet an appointed time or period. p. 128.  
2. The Prophet had absolved all the acts of Antiochus before, both against Egypt, and especially his attempts against the people of God, excepting only that clause concerning his death: when then, and at what time should these things be done by Antiochus, which are contained in those ten verses following?  
3. There is a manifest difference in the phrase: the Prophet useth certain strange words and terms, which do insinuate some deeper mystery then of Antiochus. p. 131.  
4. And if these exploits were done by Antiochus, they must fall out within the compass of 2. years: which could not be, unless we will make an other Alexander of Antiochus. p. 131  
5. If all these things were determined in Antiochus, and his doings against the jews, it may seem strange, that the Prophet maketh no mention of the restitution of the Temple and religion. p. 132.  
6. And if nothing were intended beside the history of Antiochus, the Prophet would not have counted them such great wonders, as he doth, c. 12. 6. p. 132.  
Ans. 1. The like words of digression were used before, v. 27. chi ghod ketz lamoghed, because yet the end (shall be) at the time appointed: Graserus would make some difference between this form of speech used, v. 27. and the other, v. 35. but there is none at all, saving that in the former the word ketz is used, which signifieth (the end) which word must be supplied in the other.  
2. The history of Antiochus by his own confession is not complete and absolved before the 36. verse, because the clause of his death followeth last cf all, v. 45. And these things expressed in the ten last verses, were done in such order, as is set down, after he had begun to tyrannize and rage against the Church of God.  
3. It is no marvel, that the phrase is somewhat strange and changed, because he toucheth more strange acts and practices of Antiochus, than he had done before.  
4. Neither are Antiochus exploits here set down to be compared with Alexander's acts: for his chief attempts were against the pleasant land and Egypt, v. 40. 41. 43. which might easily be done in the compass of two years.  
5. This reason as well may exclude Antiochus altogether out of this prophecy, as from the latter part thereof: for it may be as well objected against the former prophetical narration to v. 36. that no manifest mention is made of the restitution of the Temple, after the profanation thereof by Antiochus: And yet this also is insinuated, both v. 34. where it is said, they shall be helped with a little help: and v. 35. that this persecution should be unto the appointed time: which was before showed c. 7. 25. a time, two times, and a part or dividing of time: which maketh 3. years and 10. days: for so long the profanation of the Temple continued.  
6. Though all this history be determined in Antiochus, yet might it seem a great wonder unto Daniel, that God would suffer such a wicked Tyrant so to prevail, and to defile his Temple in such sort, as it was never profaned before.  
Argum. 2. Graserus further taketh upon him to prove, that the 36. v. is not understood of Antiochus, but properly of the Roman Pope.  
1. Hitherto the Prophet having spoken of the kings, Seleucians and Ptolomes', used the distinct terms of the kings of the South, and the kings of the North: but here he saith absolutely, the king shall do what him list, without any addition: which name of king agreeth unto the Pope, to show a difference between him and Christ, whose kingdom was not of this world: but the Pope taketh upon him to be a terrene king, nay to be the king of kings. p. 144. 145.  
2. And this clause, shall do● what him listeth, agreeth not to Antiochus, who was kerbed by the Romans, and was circumscribed by Popilius, drawing a circle with his rod, and made to return out of Egypt: but it doth most fitly agree unto the Pope, who doth all things according to his own will: he boasteth omnia se iura in scrinto pectoris habere, that he hath all laws enclosed in his breast. Graser. p. 152. 153.  
Ans. 1. Though in this place, the addition, king of the North, be not expressed, yet afterward it is supplied: he is called the king of the North, and the king of Egypt, the king of the South, v. 40. and though the Pope take upon him the Civil and temporal power, yet directly he nameth himself not a king: but he challengeth chiefly to be head in spiritual matters.  
2. And though it be most true, that the Pope holdeth himself tied to no law, but doth what he list; yet it followeth not, that every king that doth what him list, should be here signified: for so did also Caligula and Nero, and other wicked Emperors. Though Antiochus were restrained from Egypt by the Romans, yet this his unlimited will he followed in his own kingdoms, and specially in judea: where he prevailed for a certain time according to his own untoward and wicked desire: for he abolished true religion, and brought in the rites of the heathen, abrogate the laws of God, and burned the books of Scripture, and set up an abominable idol in the Temple, and so he ruled all according to his own will.  
Argum. 3. another note is set forth of Antichrist, that he shall magnify himself against all that is called God: which is most fitly applied to the Popes, who only by a certain inherent ambition, have aspired unto such degree of pride, nec divino aut humano iure, by neither divine or human right: although they pretend, but without all show of ground, the prerogative of Peter given him by Christ, and the donation of Constantine: which allegations, if they were true, both S. Peter might be condemned of great simplicity, and all the Bishops of Rome for a 1000 years, until the time of Gregory the 7. and Boniface the 8. who never took upon them this princely prerogative. Graser. p. 155, 156. But Antiochus succeeded in the kingdom by descent from his father, and so held the kingdom by right of succession.  
Ans. 1. We deny not but that Antiochus was herein an evident type of Antichrist, as S. Paul prophesieth of him, that he shall exalt himself above all that is called God, 2. Thess. 2. 4. but literally this is understood of Antiochus: as is evident by comparing this place with c. 8. 11. where he which thus extolleth himself against the Prince of the host, that is, God, is said also to take away the daily sacrifice, and to cast down the Sanctuary, which things were so fulfilled and came to pass under Antiochus. 2. Though Antiochus was rightly descended of Antiochus the great, and so under that title possessed the kingdom; yet to that height of pride, in exalting himself against God, his Temple, sacrifices, and laws, and so trampling under feet all divine things, he had no show neither of divine nor human right: as neither hath that Roman Antichrist. See c. 11. qu. 43.  
Argum. 4. Further, he shall speak marvelous things against the God of gods: which most properly fitteth the Roman Antichrist, both in respect of his marvelous and strange doctrine, which he hath brought in, full of curious questions, and school divinity: in which sense he is said to understand dark sentences, c. 8. 23. p. 163. and beside his sophisticate doctrine, this may be applied also to that counterfeit service which he hath brought into the Church, only feeding the eye and ear, bewitching the senses, with superstitious objects of images, and such like: p. 165. add hereunto his sophisticate and cozening miracles, p. 166. and the snaring and entangling of men's consciences, with auricular confession, his penal injunctions, works of satisfaction, and such other: All these things most truly are verified in the Pope: But to Antiochus they agree not, who either had no knowledge at all of this great God, or he spoke rather open blasphemy, then marvelous things against him: p. 167.  
Answ. 1. We deny not, but that all these things given in instance, are most lively and evidently verified in the Pope: but yet this prophesy is rather thus typically accommodated to him, then literally spoken of him. 2. And this prophesy was verily accomplished in Antiochus, who in respect of his subtlety and cunning, his fetches and devices, in compassing his purposes, is said to understand dark sentences: though he had no true knowledge of God, he might blaspheme him so much the more: for if he had known him, he would not have blasphemed him: and what else are blasphemies, but wonderful and strange things uttered: the same which are here called niplaoth, marvelous, wonderful things, are said to be rabhreban, presumptuous things, c. 7. 8. in a Chalde word. 3. But Graserus would have that place understood of Mahomet, this of the Pope: p. 168. whereas it appeareth, by the description of the little horn, both c. 7. and 8. and the properties, that in both places the same enemy is discovered by the Prophet.  
Argum. 5. 1. It followeth, it shall prosper, till the wrath be accomplished, etc. The long prosperity, which here the Prophet speaketh of, better agreeth unto the Pope of Rome, then unto Antiochus: he useth here the word tzalach, to prosper, which thrice before is inserted in the prophesy, c. 8. 12. 24, 25. In setting down the prosperous success of Alexander, the Prophet useth not this word: so that he speaketh of a longer prosperity than Alexander had, which is not seen in Antiochus. p. 173. 2. Neither need this limitation be added, the determination is made, if Antiochus only were here meant: for his prosperous success must needs determine with his life. p. 180. 3. Therefore it is most fitly referred unto the perpetual prosperous success of the Popes, who for six hundred years together have so wonderfully prevailed and prospered, that they only have not deluded the world, to receive their pretended title of their supreme Vicarship in earth; but have by the aid and help of temporal Princes enlarged their kingdom, and triumphed over those that set themselves against them. p. 176. to 178.  
Ans. 1. In that this very word of prospering is used in the former vision, c. 8. where evident mention is made of taking away the daily sacrifice, and casting down the Sanctuary, it is manifest, that these things were fulfilled, the jews Temple and Sanctuary yet standing. And the reason why Alexander is not said so to prosper, is, because he attempted no such things against the jews, neither so prospered in any devise against them. 2. Though Antiochus prosperous prevailing in these his enterprises could not exceed the term of his life, yet it was requisite, that the Church of God should be comforted, understanding that this success against the Church of God should be but for a time. And indeed this his prosperity ceased before his death, at the appointed time: before likewise v. 35. which Graserus confesseth to be understood of Antiochus, the like phrase is used: there is an appointed time, that it need not seem strange, the like clause to be added here.   

Exercise 3.  
Wherein Graserus out of the 37. and 38. v. goeth about to prove, this prophecy literally and historically to be understood of the Roman Antichrist, and not of Antiochus.  
Argum. 1. He shall not regard the God of his fathers. 1. This was not true of Antiochus, for he set up the idols of jupiter Olympius, and jupiter Xenius, or Hospitalis, and caused them to be worshipped, which were the idols of the Grecians. p. 183. 2. But this is performed by the Pope, for he regardeth not Christ the God, whom the Apostles worshipped, whose successor he boasteth to be: he is not said to deny or abjure him, but not to regard him. Aben Ezra maliciously here understandeth Constantine, who did for sake the idols which his fathers adored, when he embraced the Christian faith. But he is said here not absolutely to reject the God of his fathers, he only shall not have due respect unto him: And the Romanists can not wipe away this imputation from the Pope, though he often make mention of Christ in all his edicts and bulls: he may notwithstanding, and in truth doth, little regard him: not so much opposing himself to his person, as impugning his offices: both regal, in arrogating unto himself power over heaven, earth, and hell, p. 185. and priestly, in setting up an other propitiatory sacrifice of the Mass, in making other Mediators: his Prophetical, in detracting from the authority of the Scriptures, making them imperfect, and adding thereunto traditions, which they are not afraid to call (the word of God unwritten,) and the Pope reserveth unto himself power to interpret Scripture, as he list. And thus he derogateth both from Christ's kingdom, priesthood, prophecy, and so regardeth not his father's God. p. 186. to 190.  
Answ. 1. Antiochus did diversely depart from his father's Gods. 1. those idols of the Grecians, were new gods among the Syrians, whom he made to forsake their own laws and rites, to receive his new idols, 1. Macchab. 1. 43. 2. Macchab. 2. 3. 2. he cared not in effect for the idols of the heathen, otherwise than they were for his profit and advantage: for he would have robbed the Temple at Persepolis, 2. Macchab. 9 2. 3. whereas some of his predecessors had great respect unto the Temple at jerusalem, giving unto it great gifts, as namely Seleucus and Antiochus the great, as it showed, c. 11. quest. 44. he rob, spoiled, defaced, and polluted it.  
2. All these things are also typically verified in the Roman Antichrist, as further hath been declared, c. 11. controu. 21. he many ways is departed from the faith and doctrine of the Apostles, and ancient fathers of the Church: and in effect useth the name of Christ but for his own gain and advantage: but yet the historical application of this prophesy belongeth unto Antiochus.  
Argum. 2. another note is, that he shall not regard the desires of women: the word chemedath, here signifieth the lawful desire and love of women, which is in matrimony: not that he should utterly condemn marriage, but not give it that reverence, which is due unto it. This fitly ageeths unto the Bishop of Rome, who although he make matrimony a Sacrament, yet he holdeth it a profanation of orders, and therefore forbiddeth any of his Clergy to marry: And in that the natural and lawful desire and affection of women is not regarded, 2 way is given unto unnatural lust to that filthy sin of Sodomitry, and to other kinds of unnatural concupiscence, as of adultery, fornication, p. 196. 197. 2. But to Antiochus it cannot be referred, who was married and had children, whom he was careful of, as appeareth 2. Machab. 9 what though he might be unkind unto his wife or wives, that was not a matter of such note, that it should be specially touched in this prophesy. Graser. p. 200.  
Answ. 1. All this (we grant typically and analogically) is fitly urged against that Antichrist of Rome, who alloweth his Clergy rather to commit fornication, then to be lawfully married: as hath been at large declared before, c. 11. controv. 22. 2. But properly Antiochus is here deciphered, who being an idolater, and so polluted with spiritual fornication, was also no doubt an unclean person of life: and though he were married, yet he might be, and was carried away with vagrant, wandering, and inordinate lust: see more hereof, c. 11. quest. 45.  
Argum. 3. 1. The next note is, he shall not care for any God: which Graserus thus expoundeth: that he shall acknowledge no power or majesty in earth: and this word eloah he understandeth of the Civil magistrate, for as before the Prophet showed, how he should carry himself in the Ecclesiastical, and economical estate, neither caring for the God of his fathers, nor for the desire of women: so now it followeth how he should use the civil state; not regarding them, or giving them due reverence: he should not utterly take away magistracy or government, but he should make no great reckoning or account thereof: Thus have the Popes done, both challenging unto themselves power to command Emperors, and kings, to translate the Empire, and accordingly they have made kings to hold their stirrup, to lead their horse by the bridle: This great power, Augustine de Ancona, who lived under Pope john the 22. ascribeth to the Pope, thus writing, Papa habet omnem Regalem, Imperialem, & Sacerdotalem potestatem in toto mundo, quia cosecratur quemadmodum sacerdos, coronatur ut Rex, etc. the Pope hath all Regal, Imperial, and Priestly power in the whole world: for he is consecrated as a Priest, and crowned as a king, etc. 2. But Antiochus was so far from depressing and despising Magistrates, and the Civil power, that one captain of the Romans with a message from Rome terrified him, and made him give way: yea, and the Macchabees, being of no great power, resisted him. Graser. p. 205.  
Ans. 1. That the Pope is a despiser of the Civil government, and hath despitefully and disdainfully used both Emperors, kings, and Princes, it is evident to all the world, wherein he doth manifestly detect himself to be Antichrist: according to S. judes description, v. 8. That they shall despise government, and speak evil of them that are in authority. 2. Yet hereby is it not evicted, that this is the proper and literal meaning of this place: for though elohim in the plural, be in Scripture applied to Princes and rulers, yet eloah in the singular is seldom found in that sense; but is better interpreted (God.) 3. And so indeed Antiochus cared for no God, but was lift up in pride beyond the condition of man, as though he could command the floods, and weigh the mountains in a balance, 2. Macchab. 2. 9 And yet in the other sense it was also true, that Antiochus, though he were kept in awe by the Romans, yet he made no account of the governors and Elders among the jews: (toward whom the greatest respect is had in this prophetical description of Antichrist) for he put them to the sword, as common and vile persons: as is touched, 1. Macch. 1. 27. The Princes and Elders mourned, etc.   

The fourth Exercise.  
Wherein the idolatry of this Antichrist is described, as it is set fourth in the 38. v. which Graserus contendeth by diverse reasons to be understood of the Roman Antichrist, and not of Antiochus.  
Argum. 1. It is said, that in his stead he shall honour the God Mauzzim, that is, as Graserus interpreteth, basilicarum Deum, the God of Temples: for so before, v. 31. the Sanctuary is called mahoz, of the strength: and Ezceh. 24. 25. the same word is used, where the Prophet saith, shall it not be in the day, when I take from them their strength, the joy of their heart, the pleasure of their eyes, etc.  
2. Thus the Romanists have set up a new God, the God of their Temples, which they consecreate unto several Saints, as several gods: making vows unto a Saint of such or such a place, and going in pilgrimage unto them: to this end they hollow Churches, consecreate Altars, as tying the divine worship unto such places: whereas Christ hath left his worship free for all places, not limiting it to jerusalem, or any other place, but every where God is worshipped in spirit and truth. Graser. p. 317. to 319. And thus they set up in Christ's place and stead their Temple gods, and that strange idol of the Mass, which all they say tend unto the honour of Christ: they might as well say that the abominable idols which Antiochus set up in the Sanctuary, tended also unto the honour of God, p. 239.  
3. Graserus after this, entereth to confute junius translation of this place, who thus readeth: as for the God of strength, in his seat he shall honour; be shall honour (I say) a God, whom his fathers knew not with gold and silver: against which interpretation Graserus produceth these reasons.  
1. It cannot be showed in Scripture, where God is called, eelohe mauzzim, the God of strength or munitions, without any other addition, but either the God of my strength or refuge, or for my refuge, or the rock of my refuge, and in the Psalms and deprecations made unto God, not in prophetical predictions.  
2. In the second clause, he translateth leeloah God, why then in the first clause should it be interpreted, as for the God: if the the word cabadh, to honour, usually admit not this construction with the preposition lamed, it must be considered, that the Prophet speaketh of no usual, but of a strange matter: and yet, as Graserus well observeth out of junius Grammar, this preposition is often set before such words, as are governed of verbs, which signify, study, desire, attributing of any thing, as here in this place.  
3. The conjunction van, veleeloah, showeth that there the second clause beginneth, and must be read distinctly from the first.  
4. If we should not read thus, and the god Mauzzim shall be honour in his place: but thus, as for the God Mauzzim, and make a pause there, the sentence should be imperfect.  
5. The general consent of interpreters, which take Mauzzim here for the name of an idol: and the Rabbins some understand here Mars, some Margolith the God of the Arabians: aught somewhat to move, Graser. p. 246. to 249.  
4. Graserus also misliketh junius sense, who applieth this unto Antiochus, who set up the image of jupiter Olympius in the Temple of God: because (saith Graserus) this had been no such strange thing for an idolater to magnify his idols, and to worship them with silver and gold, p. 249.  
Answ. 1. The word Mauzzim here rather signifieth holds and munitions, than temples, as the word is taken, v. 19 he shall set his face against the forts of the land: and so is the word also taken, v. 31. as is showed before, c. 11. quest. 39 for it cannot be read thus in construction, to be joined to the former word, Sanctuary of strength, because each word hath the article h● prefixed, as Graserus noteth: nor yet, by way of apposition, the Sanctuary (that is) the strength, as Graserus would have it: for the word Mahoz is not taken for the temple: But in this 31. v. Antiochus assault is described both against the Sanctuary, and the munition, that is the city: so the word Mahoz is taken for a rock or fort, jud. 6. 26. and in that place of Ezekiel it also signifieth strength.  
2. It is most true, that the Romanists have erected unto themselves many temple gods, and typically this prophesy may be applied unto their Pope, the very Antichrist, see c. 11. contr. 24. But this prophesy literally decyphereth Antiochus, as hath been proved at large, c. 11. quest. 43. whether I send the Reader.  
3. junius interpretation is here refused by Graserus upon very good ground: so also before, c. 11. quest. 9 upon these and other reasons it is misliked: though junius may in some particular interpretations be deceived, yet in general his relation here in this prophesy unto Antiochus is not therefore to be rejected.  
4. It was no very strange thing, that Antiochus should set up idolatry, being a professed idolater: but it was to be wondered at, that he should set up such an abominable idol in the Temple of God: that the Lord for the sin of his people would suffer his own Sanctuary to be defiled.  
Argum. 2. The god whom his fathers knew not. 1. This cannot be understood of Antiochus, for he set up no such strange god whom his fathers knew not: if they say this was jupiter Xenius, that keepeth hospitality and entertaineth strangers, which was set up in Garizim among the Samaritans, 2. Macchab. 6. 2. neither was this a strange god, though worshipped of strangers, neither set up in the Temple of jerusalem, as this idol must be honoured in the place of God: if they will have it to be jupiter Olympius, neither was this god unknown to his fathers; for Seleucus the founder of the family of the Seleucians, did sacrifice unto jupiter at Pella, being to set forward with Alexander, where Pausanias writeth, lib. 1. that the wood prepared for the altar came of it own accord unto the image of jupiter, and burnt of itself no fire being put under, Graser. p. 252.  
2. But this strange god, is indeed that new devised and upstart idol of the Mass, with the superstitious inventions of transubstantiation, sacrifice for the quick and the dead, purgatory fire, indulgences, and such like: for although the use of the Lords Supper were known and practised in the Church even since the Apostles time, yet this idolatrous sacrifice, was not once thought of, p. 254. 255.  
Answ. 1. This strange god might very well be jupiter Olympius, who though he might be worshipped by Seleucus a Grecian (though that fabulous report of Pausanias prove it not) yet the immediate predecessors of this Antiochus being kings of Syria, by all likelihood worshipped the country gods and idols of Syria; so that jupiter Olympius the idol of the greeks, might seem in that behalf a strange god: and beside it is so called, because never any of his ancestors did offer or attempt to set up such an idol before in the holy Temple of God: see before c. 11. quest. 46. in the end.  
2. That this prophesy notwithstanding is most fi●ly by way of analogy and typically applied unto the strange idol of the Popish Mass, we do willingly grant: as is showed before, c. 11. controv. 24.  
Argum. 3. It followeth, he shall honour this strange God, with gold and silver, and precious stones. 1. This is most true that the Romanists do in most costly manner set forth their new breaden god, which they adore in the Mass; As the whore is thus described, Apocal. 17. 14. arrayed in purple, scarlet, with gold, precious stones, and prarles, etc. 2. But concerning Antiochus, he was more ready to spoil the temples of the idols of their treasury, as he would have done at Persepolis, 2. Macchab. 2. 9 then to bestow any such costly gifts upon them: which if he had done, it had been no such strange thing for idolaters to be prodigal and excessive in bestowing cost upon their idols, p. 257. 258.  
Answ. 1. It is also confessed that herein Antiochus king of the North, was a true type of the Roman Northern Antichrist, who spareth for no cost to set forth and adorn his new found idol: as is proved before c. 11. contr. 25. But still we affirm that Antiochus is here historically described. 2. Though Antiochus might at some time spoil the Temples of idols of other nations, it followeth not but that he might be very sumptuous in garnishing his own idols: as the Romans did spoil the temples of other nations, as at Athens, and other places, to garnish their own at home: So in like manner, Antiochus that had robbed and spoiled the Temple at jerusalem, afterward purposed if he had lived, to have bestowed as great gifts upon it, as he had taken from it, 2. Macchab. 9 16. his mind then might change toward his own idols: And though special mention be not made in the story of the Macchabees, of his honouring this new idol with gold and silver, yet so much may be gathered, that he spared for no cost, because he commanded altars to be builded throughout the cities of juda, on every side: and before the doors and in the streets they offered incense, 1. Macchab. 1. 58.   

The fifth Exercise.  
Wherein the 39 verse is interpreted, which Graserus also removeth from Antiochus, and applieth to the Roman Antichrist by these reasons:  
Argum. 1. The first part of the verse he readeth thus: he shall make the munitions of the (God) of the Temples, with this strange God: and whom he liketh he shall increase with honour, etc. this he showeth practised among the Romanists: for all the strength of the Roman Church consisteth in the defence of this idol of the Mass; their Churches, Monasteries, Abbeys, so many orders of religions are sounded upon this idol, p. 272, 273. And those whom he findeth pliable to his purpose, and maintainers of this idol, he advanceth, he maketh them Cardinals, Abbots, and such like: So the Pope magnifieth his Clergy, enlargeth and increaseth them, in so much that in some countries beyond the Alps, the Clergy taketh up the third part, in some the half part of the whole multitude, p. 280.  
2. But of Antiochus Graserus thinketh this prophesy is not uttered, how he should set up his strange god in the forts and strong places, and favour those which received his idol, and played the Apostates, but the faithful he persecuted: for Antiochus' persecution was so notorious and evident, that if the spirit of God should in such obscure terms have spoken thereof, magnam prophetia suae iniuriam facturus fuisset, he should have offered great wrong to his prophesy, pag. 282.  
Answ. 1. We answer here, as before, that typically all this may be well applied to the Roman prelate and Antichrist, as is also showed, c. 11. contr. 26. but the historical application of this prophesy concerneth Antiochus, who fenced his new idol with strong holds and garrisons: as is evident, 1. Macchab. 1. 35. 36. and hath been further declared, cap. 11. quest. 47.  
2. Graserus readeth not right: for he both leaveth the preposition lamed untranslated, reading, he shall make munitions, whereas the word is lemibtzere, for munitons: and beside he addeth (God) of the temples or basilikes, which first word (God) is not in the original: he justly misliketh junius translation: he shall commit the munitions of the God of strength to a strange God: that is, shall make his strange idol the protector of judea, which is understood by the munitions of God: for the word Mauzzim, as hath been showed, c. 11. quest. 46. 9 is not understood of the true God. As junius faileth one way, so Graserus misseth another way in his translation: the meaning is this then, that he shall make for strong holds places of munition: So Antiochus caused the tower of Silo to be fortified, and set garrisons there to annoy those which went up into the Temple, as is before showed.  
3. And though Antiochus persecution, were notoriously evident, after it came to pass, yet it being prophetically described, was after the manner of other prophecies to be set down somewhat obscurely, that both it might be kept from the notice of the profane sort, and yet be evident to the faithful, that would search for the meaning thereof.  
Argum. 2. Whereas it followeth in this verse, he shall cause them to rule over many. 1. this is evidently fulfilled by the Roman Antichrist, who giveth dominon and authority unto his followers and favourites, creating them Cardinals, Prelates, Abbots, making them Princes, Counties, Barons in their dioceses and seignories. 2. But to Antiochus it cannot well agree, for he brought not in new titles of dignities into the commonwealth. And if he bestowed honours upon those which favoured his wicked proceedings, that was no strange thing: for kings and Princes usually do so, Graser. p. 286. 287.  
Answ. 1. All this is granted, that the Pope of Rome doth wage his pharisaical clawebacks, with great honours and dignities, to maintain his crown and supremacy, which is upheld with a new kind of idolatry: and herein Antichrist is typically described under Antiochus, as is at large showed, c. 11. contr. 26. 2. But yet the literal and historical sense will direct us to Antiochus, who gave honours and dignities, as namely the Priesthood to jason, and Menelaus, which were Apostates from the faith, and furthered his wicked and ungodly attempts, 2. Macchab. 4. 3. What though it be usual with kings to reward their favourites: yet this was a rare thing, and never attempted before, that one should by gifts and rewards pervert the faith of an whole nation, as Antiochus did: see further, c. 11. quest. 47. in the end.  
Argum. 3. Further, he shall divide the land, as with a cord or line, and that for a reward, or exchange. 1. The Pope's jurisdiction extendeth itself to the whole earth; it is not limited: yea by his instruments the Spaniards he hath also subdued the Indians and remote parts of the world under his jurisdiction: And it is memorable, that Alexander the 6. drawing a line in the terrene globe from pole to pole, made this division between the Castilians and Portugals, that they should possess all that part of the new found world, which was on the West, and the other the parts on the East: which division a certain Castilian objected unto a certain petty king of America, who answered, sibi non boni Dei, sed diaboli vicarium videri, etc. that he seemed unto him not to be the vicar of the good God, but of the devil, which gave unto another, that which he had no right unto himself, p. 290. 291.  
2. Neither doth the Pope distribute his honours and preferrements for nothing, but conditionally, and upon a composition, that they which receive any dignities at his hand, shall be bound by oath unto him, to maintain his supremacy, and other Papal privileges: and for the more evidence hereof, it shall not be amiss to set down the oath, which every popish Bishop taketh at his consecration.  
Ego N. electus Episcopus N. etc. I such an one being elected Bishop of such a place, 
The form of oath which the Popish Bishops make at their consecration to the Pope.  from this hour, as before, shall be faithful to S. Peter, and to the holy Apostolic Roman Church, and to our Lord (the Pope) and to his successors entering canonically: I shall not be in counsel, consent, or fact, that they shall lose their life or member, or be taken, or violent hands laid upon them, under any pretended colour whatsoever: the counsel, which they shall credit me withal by themselves, or their messengers, wittingly to their hurt, I shall not open to any: the papacy of Rome, and reg●lities of S. Peter, I will help them to maintain and defend against all men (even though it be the king:) the Legate of the Sea Apostolic going and returning, I will honourably entreat, and help him with necessaries: the rights, honours, privileges, authorities of the Church of Rome, and of our Lord the Pope, and of his successors, I will endeavour to preserve, defend, increase, and promote: neither will I be of counsel, practice, or treaty, where any sinister thing or prejudicial to their persons, rights, honours, state, power, is attempted against our Lord the Pope, or the Roman Church: And if I know such things to be treated of or procured by any, I will hinder them, as much as I can, and as soon as I can I will signify the same to the same our Lord (Pope) or to some other, by whom it may come to his notice: The rules of the holy father, the decrees, sentences, dispositions, reservations, provisions, the Apostolic mandates I will observe with all my power, and procure to be observed of others: they which are rebels (as all schismatics and heretics) unto our Lord, or his said successors, I will to my power persecute, and impugn: Being called to a synod, unless I be hindered by some cononical let, I will be present: the Apostles threshhold (that is, palace or Church) the Court being at Rome, if I be on this side the mountains, once every year, if beyond, every third year will I visit by myself or my messenger, unless I be freed by the Apostolic licence: the possessions belonging to my table I will not give, nor lay to pawn, nor let out to fee farm, though it be with the consent of the Chapter of my Church, without the privity of the Bishop of Rome: As God shall help me and his holy Gospels, etc.  
In which oath this is worthy to be observed, that the Pope's Bishops are not bound by any promise or otherwise, to preach the Gospel of Christ, to feed his flock, to read and study the Scriptures: but only to be true unto the Pope, and to maintain the rights and privileges of that Sea: And thus it is evident, how the Pope of Rome doth distribute the honours of the earth, unto his flatterers by a certain compact and covenant, Graserus. p. 293. 294.  
Answ. 1. All this we grant to be most true, that is here alleged, and more too: that the Pope doth not only exact an oath of obedience of his Prelates, but he doth even sell them their prelacies, Cardinalships, bishoprics, Abbacies, and other preferments for momoney: as is at large showed, c. 11. contr. 26.  
2. Yet notwithstanding this was historically performed by Antiochus, who expelled the ancient inhabitants of judea and jerusalem out of their possessions, and parted their lands among strangers, 1. Macchab. 3. 36. the Priesthood also was sold to jason first, and then to Menelaus for money, 2. Macchab. 4. see c. 11. quest 47. in the end.   

The sixth Exercise.  
Wherein is expounded the 40. vers. which Graserus also contendeth to be understood of the Roman Antichrist, and not at all of Antiochus, by these reasons:  
Argum. 1. At the end of the time shall the king of the South push at him, etc. Whereas junius understandeth this literally of the king of Egypt Philometor, who withstood Antiochus by force, coming to aid his brother Physcon against him: Graserus thus objecteth:  
1. If Daniel here had meant by the kings of the North and South, the kings of Syria and Egypt, he would have so expressed them by those names as the other Prophets do, and not by so general terms, p. 304.  
2. This junius supposeth to have been done in the last year but one of Antiochus reign; but then he wanting money, took his journey into Persia, there to gather tribute, 1. Macchab. 3. 39 how then was he able to furnish himself with such great power to go against Egypt.  
3. And seeing he had been discharged out of Egypt before by the Romans, Popilius being sent unto him, it is not like that he durst attempt and adventure to go into Egypt again.  
4. If Antiochus had lately made such a conquest in Egypt, it is not like when news was brought him in Persia, how the jews had prevailed against his captains; that he would have taken it so to the heart: he might easily have recovered that loss, p. 307.  
5. In the last year but one of his reign, Antiochus went into Persia, which is quite opposite to Egypt: neither did he send his captains thither: for he left Lysias with half of his army to invade judea, neither did he give him charge concerning Egypt, p. 308.  
6. And the king of the North here doth not offer battle to the king of the South, but only defendeth himself.  
7. justinus lib. 34. saith, that after Antiochus was discharged out of Egypt by the Romans, reversum in regnum ibi decessisse, relicto filio impubere, he returned into his kingdom and there died, leaving his young son behind him: after that discharge than he returned not into Egypt, p. 309.  
8. We read but of two expeditions of Antiochus into Egypt, in the second whereof he was sent out of Egypt by Popilius in the Romans name: he made not a third expedition, pag. 303.  
Answ. 1. As though throughout this 11. chapter, the kings of Syria and Egypt, are not continually expressed by the names of the king of the North, and the king of the South.  
2. The journey which Antiochus took into Persia, was after his return out of Egypt: from the which though he brought great riches and spoils, yet his treasure was wasted by his exceeding liberality toward his soldiers, which far passed other kings, that had been before him, for he gave unto his soldiers a years pay aforehand, 1. Macchab. 4. 28. 30.  
3. It is not like he would after that discharge by the Romans, invade Egypt by way of hostility and conquest: yet as a friend to one of the brethren, to aid him against the wrongs of his brother, he might although he were discharged, enter into Egypt, or he might notwithstanding this discharge, yet after practise again against Egypt.  
4. It was so much the more grievous to Antiochus, to be foiled of the jews, having overcome the power of Egypt: And God's hand being then upon Antiochus, he was stricken with such a fear, that he knew not how to bestir himself: but partly of grief of mind, and partly tormented by the stroke of God's hand, he upon that occasion ended his days.  
5. Neither do we say, that Antiochus made this conquest of Egypt, at that time, when he went into Persia: but he had spoiled Egypt before: and therefore he needed not give any charge to his captains concerning Egypt, but only concerning the jews.  
6. While Antiochus was preparing to come and help Physcon against Philometor, than Philometor hearing thereof did also provide to resist him: which here is called pushing at him: and then Antiochus came upon him like a whirlwind: so both may be true, that first Antiochus made his preparation; but before he gave the onset, the king of the South first provoked him to battle.  
7. justins' report is in some things imperfect: that Antiochus died presently after he was charged by the Romans to depart out of Egypt: for after that he went into Persia, 1. Macchab. 3. 31. justinus as well may fail also in the rest: that Antiochus returned no more into Egypt after this discharge by the Romans: for Florus in his epitome of Livies history, lib. 46. after that Antiochus had been thus discharged by Popilius out of Egypt, whereof he maketh mention in his 45. book, writeth that the ambassadors of the king of Bythinia called Prusias, complained of king Eumenes, eum conspirasse cum Anitocho contra populum Romanum, that he had conspired with Antiochus against the people of Rome: it seemeth then, that after this discharge Antiochus practised secretly against the Romans.  
8. Antiochus made more than two expeditions against Egypt: for evident mention is made of three before in the 11. chapter, one v. 23. 24. see quest. 33. an other mentioned, v. 25. see qu. 34. though junius take this for the first: the third v. 29. see quest. 35. And that Antiochus made more than two journeys into Egypt, may be proved out of the story of the Macchabees: for that was his second voyage into Egypt, when in his return he spoiled and robbed the Temple, wicked Menelaus being his guide, 2. Macchab. 5. 1. 15. which is the same voyage mentioned, 1. Macchab. 1. for in his return there spoken of he rob the Temple, v. 23. But this was not his last voyage: for after this he went into Egypt, when he was countermanded by Popilius the Roman Ambassadors as it may thus appear: Antiochus in this his second return out of Egypt, brought great spoils from thence, 1. Macchab. 1. 20. but when Popilius discharged him, he returned against his will, having not that success which he had before as is expressed, v. 29.  
And further that Antiochus made more than two voyages, may be collected, v. 29. it shall not be as at the first, and as at the last, that is, in his third attempt, when he was stayed by the Romans, he should not have the like success, as the two former times: But Graserus maketh an other sense, posteriora istius expeditionis non respondebunt initijs, the end of this expedition, shall not be like the beginning, p. 306. and he would have it understood of one and the same expedition, that whereas at the first, he was likely to have overcome all Egypt, in the end he was restrained and kerbed by the Romans: so also read Genevens. the last shall not be as the first: to the same purpose Vatablus: but the original standeth thus: and it shall not be, as the first, and as the last: in the other reading both the conjunction vau, should be superfluous, and as the last, and the note of similitude caph, should be in the same clause used in a double sense: in the first word carishonah, it should be taken for sicut, as, and in the latter caacharonah, for sic, so: whereas in both places it is better interpreted as.  
But here it will be further doubted, which of Antiochus voyages into Egypt this was which is here prophesied of v. 40. and in the verses following: for the satisfying of which doubt, I neither think with junius, that this was his second voyage, the next before that, when he had his discharge from Popilius, annotat. 101. in ver. 29. for such a preposterous placing of matters historical is not to be admitted, in so orderly a narration, as the Prophet hath continued through this 11. chapter: that he should speak of Antiochus third voyage v. 30. and defer the second to v. 40. 2. neither do I think that this is a recapitulation of Antiochus expeditions formerly mentioned: but it much differeth from the former: because the king of the South, here giveth the first occasion: but in all the other attempts the king of the North was the first agent. And again here mention is made of other nations, with whom Antiochus had to do, as the Edomites, Moabites, Ammonites, the Lybians and Moors. 3. This than was the last exploit of Antiochus in Egypt, as the 40. v. showeth, in the end of time. And though before this he had been countermanded by the Romans to depart out of Egypt, yet he afterward was had in jealousy to conspire against the Romans, as is before showed out of Florus, and so might contrary to his promise invade Egypt again: and the rather because P●olome Physcon the younger brother sought to drive Ptoleme Philometor out of his kingdom, which occasion Antiochus took to aid Physcon the younger brother against Philometor: of this variance between the brethren, who seemed to be reconciled before, when Popilius made Antiochus to depart out of Egypt, Livy decad. 4. lib. 5. and Florus likewise maketh mention in the 46. book of his epitome: see further of this matter, in the 11. chap. quest. 47. toward the end.  
Argum. 2. Graserus proceedeth and as he excludeth Antiochus out of this prophesy, so he by the kings of the North and South would have understood the Pope, whose jurisdiction is most in the Northern parts of the world, and the Turk who ruleth chiefly in the Southern: his reasons for this opinion are these.  
1. Because there is great affinity between the first kings of the North and South, which are before spoken of in this chapter, namely the kings of Syria and Egypt, and these kings of the North and South. 1. as they branched out of the Monarchy of Alexander, so these two, the Pope and the Turk, are risen out of the Monarchy of the Romans. 2. as they had their situation, the king of Syria toward the North, and of Egypt toward the South: so these two the Pope and Turk have their chief dominion the one in the Northern parts of the world, the other in the Southern. 3. as both those kings of Syria and Egypt afflicted the people, yet diversly: for Antiochus would not suffer the jews to enjoy their religion, but put them to grievous torments: yet the kings of Egypt permitted the jews to follow their own rites, in so much that they suffered them to build a temple in Egypt like to that in jerusalem: So the Christians are tormented and persecuted for their conscience under the Northern Tyrant, yet under the Turk they may have toleration of their religion, Graser. pag. 314.  
2. The phrase also well agreeth to this sense: 1. the word tzaphon, which is interpreted the North, signifieth also hid, which fitteth the whore of Babylon, in whose forehead is written, a mystery, etc. Apoc. 17. 5. p. 310. 2. the king of the South shall push, which cannot be understood of Ptolemy, who was of no such force to push at Antiochus: but this well agreeth unto the house of the Ottomans, the great Turks, which have pushed at these Northern parts of the world, p. 318. 3. the other word ijshtagher, he shall come like a whirlwind, showeth not an absolute and entire power, as in the horn to push, but rather a confederacy of united forces: such as the papacy consists of in gathering of Counsels, sending up & down of Legates, stirring up and combining Princes together to fight for the holy land against the Saracens: to this purpose Graser. pag. 320.  
Answ. 1. In that Graserus maketh the kings of the South and the North, that is of Egypt and Syria, types and shadows of his kings of the North and South the Turk and Pope in their original, situation, affection toward the people of God, therein he granteth the same, which hath been so often affirmed, that typically Antichrist is here shadowed forth, but not literally and historically. 2. neither yet in these things is there so great affinity between them: for the Turkish dominion did not spring out of the Roman Empire, as the Seleucians and Ptolomes' had their original from Alexander's Monarchy, and the Turkish Empire is in the East, not Southward from Rome: who also are held to have had their beginning from the Scythians, who are a Northern people.  
2. Concerning the phrase it is not so correspondent nor fitting unto his kings of the South and North. 1. seeing throughout the whole chapter hitherto, the kings of the South and North, are understood to be the kings of Syria and Egypt, there is no reason to take them otherwise here: especially seeing evident mention is made of Egypt, v. 42. 43. 2. the king of the North here is described to come upon the king of the South as a whirlwind, and to pass through his land, and to carry away much silver and gold: This more fitly agreeth unto the Turk then the Pope: for he hath rather fallen as a whirlwind upon Christendom: whereas the Pope hath but pushed at him, and attempted rather then prevailed against him.  
Arg. 3. The circumstance also of the time here noted agreeth with the revelation of the Roman Antichrist: at the time appointed shall Antichrist come, or as junius translateth, about the end of time (which Graserus misliketh.) 1. This time the Ebionites therein consenting with Aben Ezra, assign unto the reign of Constantine, when he building new Rome in the East, left old Rome unto Sylvester then Bishop of Rome: But this is their vain conceit, for Constantine had no such intendment to resign the city of Rome unto the then Bishop there, which afterward he bequeathed with the Empire of the West unto his son Constance: neither if Constantine had been so minded, was Sylvester then Bishop there capable of so great a gift; the most part of the city being yet Pagans and Infidels: As for that donation of Constantine, it is found to be but a forged thing, and of small credit: and it is like, as if one should imagine, that the Duke of Venice should give the city of Venice to the Parish Priest of Saint Marks: Graser. pag. 326. to pag. 328.  
2. But thus rather this time appointed may be scanned, that as Antiochus ranged 12. years, though not complete: the six first years whereof, Antiochus making a way unto his tyranny, yet did not show himself such an adversary to the Church of God, as afterward: In the last six years he raged against the people of God, spoiled their Temple, and made havoc of the Saints: from which time, namely the sixth year of his reign, which was in the 143. year of the kingdom of the greeks, the story of the Macchabees taketh beginning, 1. Macchab. 1. 21. So unto these 12. years of Antiochus reign, who herein was a type of Antichrist, do answer, the 12. ages wherein Antichrist shall reign: the first six ages do end at Gregory the 7. if we begin to count in the sixth age after the birth of Christ: until this time, the rest of the Popes, made a way for Antichrist: but then he showed himself in his colours: when as Gregory the 7. excluded the Emperor from intermeddling with the election of the Bishop of Rome: and first prohibited the marriage of Ministers: of this Antichristian practice of this Gregory the 7. thus complained, an. 170. years after, the Archbishop of Salisburge, in the Council of Ratisbone, as aventinus reporteth, lib. 7. Annal. Hildebrandus primus sub specie religionis Antichristi fundamenta iecit, etc. Hildebrand first under colour of religion, laid the foundation of Antichrist, etc. and then he proceedeth to show, how he excluded the Emperor from their Pontificial Counsels: and thus in the end concludeth; credit experto, etc. believe one that hath tried, they will not give over, till having brought the Emperor to order, pastoribus veris, qui pascant, oppressis, etc. the true Pastors being suppressed, which should feed, the dogs being taken away that should bark, they make havoc of all: from this Gregory then begun the last six ages, which answer unto the last six years of Antiochus, Graser. p. 329. to p. 333.  
Ans. 1. Whereas Graserus misliketh junius translation, at the end of time, whereas he saith he translateth the same phrase, v. 35. and c. 12. 4. at the time appointed, as Graserus would have it taken here: there is great difference between ghad gheeths ketz, unto the time of the end, that is, the appointed time, which phrase is used in the two places given in instance, and these words, begheth ketz, in the time of the end: and v. 35. that phrase is expounded by an other word lamoghed, unto the time appointed. If this than were to happen in the end of time, it agreeth not with Graserus conjectures: for Gregory the 7. came not in the end of time, there being toward 600. years passed since: The Ebionites fancy, together with some of the Rabbins, we do with Graserus reject upon those reasons alleged, and other weighty arguments beside, that might be produced.  
2. In that he maketh Antiochus a type and figure of Antichrist, it is as much as we desire to be granted: whence it will follow that Antiochus is here understood (which is before denied by Graserus) for how else could Antiochus typically decipher Antichrist, if he were not comprehended in this prophesy? But, seeing there is no mention made in this prophesy of the years of Antiochus reign, therein he can be no type of Antichrist. And for every year to understand an hundred, is not the use of Scripture: neither doth the casting of the years agree with Graserus conjecture: for since Gregory the 7. who attained to the Popedom about ann. 1070. or there about, there are expired about 530. years: so that by this reckoning, there should remain but 70. years of antichrist's dominion, which were too great boldness for any to affirm.  
Argum. 4. Graserus proceedeth further thus: 1. this preparation with charet, horsemen▪ and ships made by the king of the North against the king of the South, he understandeth, of the holy wars (as they were called) which were decreed by Vrbanus the 2. in the Council of Claromont in France, for the recovery of the holy land against the Saracens, which was ten years after Gregory the 7. which Pope Vrbanus, being the author of those cruel and bloody wars, was thereupon called Turbanus, because he thereby procured so much woe and trouble unto Christendom: pag. 334. 335.  
2. Of Antiochus' expedition against Egypt and the holy land, this prophesy can not be understood: for he needed not to have invaded Egypt by ship, which is in the same continent with Syria, neither could he by ship assault judea, ab omni maris imperio separatam, being separated and divided from all command by the Sea: pag. 342. 343. whereas every part of this prophetical description agreeth with those former wars attempted by the Christians against the Saracens: for they were transported thither in ships, and first invaded Syria, and being thence expelled, they prayed upon Egypt: p. 344. 345.  
Ans. 1. Typically we deny not, but that here the wars between the Christians and Saracens may be shadowed forth by some analogy, or allusion: but that is not the historical intendment of this prophesy: for here the king of the North is set forth as a conqueror over the king of the South, coming against him like a whirlwind: But those attempts of the Christian Princes against the Saracens came to small effect: neither did the Pope himself in person go against the Saracens and Turks, though those wars were taken in hand by his counsel and persuasion.  
2. Though Egypt were joined unto Syria in one continued continent, yet Antiochus might and did assault the same both by Sea and land: he had his army upon the land, and his navy upon the Sea, when he assaulted the two brethren at Alexandria, as Livy writeth, lib. 5. decade. 5. Neither is it here said, that he by ships invaded the pleasant land: but only it is set down thus, v. 41. he shall enter also into the pleasant land. Neither is it true, that judea is altogether separated from the Sea, and without the command thereof: for jaakob prophesieth thus of Zebulun, Gen. 49. 13. Zebulun shall dwell by the Sea side, and shall be an haven for ships, and his border shall be unto Zidon.   

The 7. Exercise.  
Wherein Graserus expoundeth the 41. verse, and taketh upon him to prove, that it can not be understood of the expedition of Antiochus against judea, but of the attempts of the Bishop of Rome against the Saracens.  
Argum. 1. Graserus first confuteth their opinion, who think all this to be understood of the king of the South, that he should enter into the land of Palestina, applying it to the Saracens, who possessed that country: But this he well showeth, can not be so: for the king of the North is brought in as the principal: the king of the South is mentioned but by occasion of the other, as it were by an accident: and therefore the story still runneth upon the acts and exploits of the king of the North. p. 148. 149. Then he cometh to examine junius opinion, that interpreteth all this of Antiochus, who in his return out of Egypt, invaded judea, but spared the Edomites, Moabites, and the chief of the Ammonites, as confederate with him. His reasons are these:  
1. If by the pleasant land were here meant the land of judea, why is it not described by that name, in all this whole prophetical vision of Antiochus, wherein so many attempts of his are described against the jews? this therefore showeth, that by this name given unto that land, some other thing is signified. 2. And if the Moabites and Edomites be here meant, who were in such league and amity with Antiochus, that they aided him in his wars, and judas Macchabeus was revenged upon them, as his enemies: it could not be said of them, that they escaped out of his hands, which phrase rather presupposeth some former hostility and persecution, out of the which they hardly escaped. 3. And why should he say the first and chief of the Ammonites: if the Edomites and Moabites were wholly spared, who were as in the heart of Syria, why should the first and nearer parts of the Ammonites only escape, whose country is extended to Arabia? Graser. p. 353. 354.  
Ans. 1. judea is before described by this name of the pleasant land, v. 16. when Antiochus the great father to Antiochus Epiphanes, first subdued it: therefore judea being before expressed by that name, is most likely also to be signified here: the reason, why in the prophesy of Antiochus expeditions against the people of God, it is described by other names, as the holy covenant, and Sanctuary, is, because Antiochus sought more to deface their religion, then to invade their land.  
2. The Edomites and Moabites are said to escape his hand, not as though he attempted any thing against them, but because their countries lying and bordering upon Palestina, were in danger also to have been smitten and oppressed by him, but that he spared them as his confederates: so they are said to escape, in regard of their present danger, in respect of the nearnes of the place.  
3. The reason is evident, why only the first and nearest of the Ammonites do escape, because their country was more remote from Syria, than Edom and Moab was, extending to Arabia: and therefore the nearest parts of the Ammonites were most in danger: see before c. 11. qu. 48.  
Argum. 2. Further Graserus would prove by the phrase and words, that Antiochus invading of judea is not here meant.  
1. By the invading of the pleasant land, such war is here understood, in quo de terrae illius poss●ssione praecipuum certamen fuit, wherein the chiefest strife was about the possession of that land: Now Antiochus had that land in subjection before, he now sought only to root out their religion: But this very well agreeth to those holy wars made between the Christians and Saracens, which was for the possession of that country.  
2. Again, the king of the South and North strove about this country: but Ptolemy letted not Antiochus, neither resisted him in his proceedings against judea.  
3. It is said that many shall be overthrown: which is fitly applied to those bloody wars between the Christians and Saracens, wherein so much blood was shed, as Vrspergensis writeth, ut in ipsius Templi pavimento is equorum genua attigerit, that in the pavement of the Temple, it took the horse up to the knees.  
4. And whereas the word rabbath, many, is put in the feminine gender, here may very well be understood the word keholoth, Churches; because indeed many Churches should be ruinated and made desolate at the coming of Antichrist. pag. 355. to p. 362.  
Ans. 1. Antiochus did not only pollute and defile the Sanctuary, but he made havoc also of the cities and country: for his captains spoiled jerusalem, set it on fire, cast down the houses and the walls, and took the women and children captive, 1. Macchab. 1. 33. 34. Neither were those bloody and most cruel wars between the Christians and Saracens taken in hand only upon a civil respect to possess the country of judea, but because they had a superstitious opinion of that country, as being counted more holy than other, at the instigation of the Pope those troublesome wars were undertaken, whereupon they were called the holy wars.  
2. Neither is it here said, that the king of the North and South strove about this country, but only that the king of the North shall invade it, and enter into it, as before he set himself against the holy covenant, v. 29. 31. which thing Antiochus did: in his return out of Egypt, he set upon judea.  
3. Because many did fall in those wars, it followeth not, that they therefore should be comprehended here: it is not enough for one of the parts of this prophetical description to agree, but all must be made to accord.  
4. We need not seek for any strange word here to be supplied: the word eeretz, earth, before used in the beginning of the verse, is most fit to be understood here: and so the meaning is, that many nations and lands, saving those few here excepted of the Moabites, Edomites, Ammonites, should feel Antiochus' hand.  
Argum. 3. By the Edomites, Moabites, and the chief of the Ammonites, Graserus understandeth the Church of the Grecians, Ethiopians, and the Elect, which all escape the tyranny of Antichrist: which he would show in this manner:  
1. Like as the pleasant land generally betokeneth the Catholic visible Church, which shall be surprised by Antichrist: so by the other three, which were allied unto the people of God the Edomites, which came of Esau the brother of jaakob, the Moabites and Ammonites, which issued from Lot Abraham's brother's son: by these three are understood three sorts of people, which have some affinity with the Church of God: The Edomites may signify the Grecians, which came nearest in judgement of religion unto the Church of God in these West parts, as the Edomites were next in affinity unto the Israelites.  
2. The Moabites do shadow forth the Ethiopians: that as they were also of affinity unto Israel, but somewhat further off, and differed more in religion from the Israelites, than the Edomites did: so the Ethiopian Christians differ much from the Christianity of the Western Churches: yet among them there are to be found some seeds and remainder of the Christian faith: for even from the Apostles times, they had the Scriptures, as is evident in the history of the Eunuch, who did read upon the Prophet Isai, as he sat in his charet: Act. 8. These two Churches of Grecia, and Ethiopia, the Roman Antichrist hath attempted to subdue unto his jurisdiction, but he hath not prevailed: and so the Edomites and Moabites have escaped his hand.  
3. The chief of the children of Ammon, which signifieth my people, are the elect of God, who also shall escape in the persecution of Antichrist: he shall have no power to pervert them: thus it it is said, Apoc. 18. 4. Come out of her my people: and here c. 12. 1. the Angel saith, at that time thy people (that is, Ammon) shall escape: to this purpose Graser. from pag. 365. to pag. 378. this allegorical interpretation he fathereth upon Theodoret. pag. 377.  
Ans. 1. As by Egypt here is understood literally the region, and country so called, so must the rest of the nations here named, of Edom, Moab, Ammon, be so taken likewise: and seeing that when the Prophet speaketh of the Grecians, he describeth them by the name of javan, c. 8. 21. c. 10. 20. who came of japheth; by the Edomites of Esau, of Isaak, who came of Sem, the Grecians can not properly be understood.  
2. And seeing express mention is made afterward of the Lybians and Ethiopians, by them rather the Church of the Ethiopians should be signified, then by the Moabites.  
3. And as unfitly by the Ammonites, are the elect people of God shadowed forth, seeing that the Ammonites in Scripture are usually taken to be enemies unto the people of God: as Psal. 83. 5. They have consulted together in heart, and made a league against thee, etc. as Gebal, Ammon, Amalek.  
4. Wherefore, these nations are literally to be taken for the Edomites, Moabites, Ammonites, whom Antiochus spared, as being adversaries and enemies unto the jews: and therefore judas Macchabeus did fight against them, namely the children in Idumea, and against Timotheus the captain of the Ammonites, 1. Macchab. 5. 3. 6. There we see sensibly and evidently performed this prophesy: see further hereof before, chap. 11. qu. 48. 4.   

The eight Exercise.  
Wherein Graserus laboureth, in the explanation of the 42. and 43. verses, to remove the received interpretation, which is of Antiochus exploits against Egypt and other countries, and to apply this prophesy unto the Roman Antichrist, and his attempts against foreign nations.  
Argum. 1. As before by the pleasant land he would have understood generally the whole visible Church: so by Egypt he insinuateth all those barbarous nations in the unknown parts of the world, in India America, whether the Roman Antichrist hath also extended his hand.  
1. In all the prophesy before concerning Antiochus, the name of Egypt is not used, but it is described by the name of the South: which showeth that an other kind of Egypt is here signified.  
2. Neither is here any mention made of the king of the South: it was then such an Egypt, as the king of the South did not meddle with: which was not Egypt, for that was under Ptolemy the king of the South.  
3. If the land of Egypt were here properly signified, than a tautology, or vain repetition of the same thing should be admitted, seeing in that sense mention is made of Egypt in the next verse. p. 382. 383.  
Ans. 1. Though this land be not in the prophesy concerning Antiochus expressly named Egypt, it sufficed to be so called once before in this chapter, v. 8. that it may be known in the rest of the prophesy following, what is meant by the king of the South.  
2. Though here the king of the South be not named, yet Egypt is understood to be his kingdom by the former parts of this vision: as v. 8. Egypt is expressly mentioned, and then it followeth v. 9 the king of the South shall come into his kingdom.  
3. The contrary followeth, because the same name of Egypt is again repeated in the next verse, that it is not to be taken in an other sense, but rather the same word is to be understood after one and the same manner, where the circumstances of the place otherwise infer not: neither is it therefore a vain repetition: for the same word is repeated, both by way of explanation, and for greater emphasis sake, that special note should be taken of this surprising even of Egypt.  
Argum. 2. By the Libyans and Cushites or Aethiopians, Graserus also would have understood, the Americans in the West, and by the Cushites the Indian countries in the East. His conjectures are these:  
1. The words Lubbim and Cushim are not here fully expressed with van, as else where, but only with kibbutz in stead of vau schurech: which may signify, that not the Aethiopians, which inhabited beyond Egypt toward the South eastward, nor the Lybians, which dwelled in the nearer parts of Africa toward Europe, but such nations are rather to be understood, as came of them: such are the Indians and Moors of the West and East India. p. 389.  
2. The phrase here used, of extending or stretching forth the hand, signifieth, that he should vnprouoked set upon these countries, and without any great labour take them, as by the putting forth of his hand: and beside, the distance of these places is hereby noted, that he should stretch out his hand unto them, as being not otherwise within his reach, or under his command. p. 391.  
3. He shall have power over the treasure of gold and silver, and over all the precious things of Egypt: this cannot be understood of Egypt literally: for though their might be abundance of silver and gold, yet the having power over the hid treasures, and over precious things, as pe●rles; precious stones, so well agreeth not to Egypt: Hereby rather is signified the rich spoils which the Spainyards, the Bishop of Rome's right hand, have taken from the poor Indians, and so have corrupted all Europe with their Indian silver and gold: And so Augustine speaking of Antichrist saith, dabit credentibus in se abundantiam auri & argenti, he shall give to such as believe in him abundance of silver and gold, Graser. p. 394. 395.  
4. And this shall be done successive & per certos progressus, successively, and by certain paces as it were, and degrees: so Graserus interpreteth the word bemitzeghadau, at his footsteps or paces. p. 386. But this was not true of Antiochus, whom junius supposeth to have done all this in his last two years: nor yet of the Papists Antichrist, who they imagine, shall reign but 3. years and an half. p. 398.  
Answ. 1. It is a slender conjecture, that because cushim and lubbim, are written without vau shurek, that thereby are signified such nations as came out of those countries: for Zipphorah Moses wife is called Cushith, ● Cushite, which word is written without vau shurek, Numb. 12. 1. and yet she was indeed of that country, a Cushite or Aethiopisse of Arabia, for there was one Aethiopia in Asia, which was Arabia, an other in Africa beyond Egypt: neither can it be showed, that the East and West Indians had their beginning from the Lybians and Aethiopians.  
2. The phrase of stretching out the hand, hath no such special signification, the phrase in Hebrew is, shalach iado, he sent his hand, which is indifferently used, when any are assaulted near or far off, whether provoked or not: as Exod. 24. 11. upon the nobles of the children of Israel, lo shalach iado, he laid not his hand.  
3. Egypt was very rich in silver and gold and other precious things: It is said before, v. 8. that the king of the South having overcome the king of the North, should carry into Egypt precious vessels of silver and gold: and v. 28. Antiochus returned thence with great substance: this therefore may very well agree unto Egypt literally, that he shall have power over the silver and gold.  
4. The word bemitzeghadau, properly signifieth in his progress, or at his footsteps: for so the word tzaghad, of the same root is taken for going: Proverb. 30. 29. the words than are thus to be read, the Lybians, and Aethiopans at his footsteps or paces, that is, shall follow him: for the distinction athnah divideth the Lybians and Aethiopians from the first clause: though Graserus thinketh, that it serveth rather for ornament here then distinction, p. 386. the meaning is, that the Lybians and Aethiopians, who joined upon Egypt, and used to assist the Egyptians in their wars, as may be gathered, Nahum. 3. 9 should leave the king of Egypt, and join with Antiochus, being alured by his promises and rewards: Here than no such successive proceeding is signified, as Graserus supposeth: see c. 11. quest. 48. toward the end.  
Argum. 3. Graserus proceedeth to show the probability of this his opinion, that by the Cushites and Lybians are understood here the East and West Indians.  
1. First the Americans are without all question descended of Noah, and most like of Cham, whose seed was accursed: and those beastly people of the Indians therefore may be thought to be of his line.  
2. The coasts of Africa are nearest unto the West Indians, and parts of America, and most like in that behalf to have been stored with people from thence.  
3. The likeness of beastly and brutish manners, and the affinity in colour between the Indians inhabiting between the tropic of Cancer, and the equinoctial, do show them to come of the same offspring with the black Moors and Aethiopians, p. 400. 401.  
Answ. 1. The contrary is evident out of Scripture, that the East Indians are not descended of Cham, but of Sem: As Ophir and Havilah, who inhabited the golden Indians, were the sons of joktan, of Eber, and so of Sem, Gen. 10. 29. though the americans and West Indians should derive their pedigree from Cham, yet the other Indians in the East must certainly come of Sem.  
2. America is more like to have been replenished from the East India, from the which it is thought either not at all to be divided by Sea, or by a very small cut, then from the coasts of Africa, from whence it is separated by the large and great Ocean: And if the old inhabitants of America had come from Africa, there would have been greater intercourse between them: whereas till of late, those parts have been utterly unknown, both to the Africanes and Europians.  
3. The similitude of colour is caused by the quality and condition of the climate: for otherwise, if their original from black or tawny Moors were the cause; not only in that climate, between the tropic of Cancer, and the equinoctial, but in other climates and regions also the people would retain the same complexion and colour, if it were natural unto them in respect of their parentage and beginning, and not rather caused by the quality of the climate and region.  
4. This conceit then of Graserus in taking these Lybians and Aethiopians to be the East and West Indians, hath no probability: and we further reject it upon these reasons. 1. The Lybians and Cushites are here to be understood, according to the phrase of Scripture in other places: But where they are named elsewhere, they are taken for the people inhabiting in the parts of Africa near unto Egypt, as jerem. 46. 9 Nahum. 3. 9 therefore so are they also to be interpreted here. 2. the king of the North who throughout this whole prophesy is understood to be the king of Syria, had power over these countries: but the kings of Syria never stretched their hand unto the Indians. 3. the Bishop of Rome cannot be said to be the king of the North in respect either of the East or West Indians: but he is toward the East to the one, and Westward to the other. 4. by the king of the North one special king is signified, whose end is described, v. 45. therefore not a succession of Kings or Popes.   

The ninth exercise.  
Wherein Graserus expoundeth the 44. v. applying the same still to the Roman Antichrist and his proceedings.  
Argum. 1. By the rumours from the East and North, he understandeth the evil news, both from the East, of the Turks victories, and of his taking of Constantinople, ann. 1453. the hearing whereof did terrify all Europe: but more afterward, when in the year, 1481. Geduces a Bassa of the Turks invaded Calabria, and made the Pope himself Sixtus 4. and all Rome afraid: the rumours from the North, was the fame of Luther's preaching, and of others which set forth the gospel, and discovered the hypocrisy and false doctrine of the Bishop of Rome, p. 410. 413.  
2. These reports make him fret and fume, so that he prepareth himself to go forth against them: for as Antiochus hearing of the rumours of wars from Parthia, and of the rising of the Macchabees in judea, divided his army, and left half thereof with Lysias to suppress the jews, and the other half he took with him into Persia: So the Pope bendeth his force partly against the Turk in the East, but more against the Protestants in the North that trouble him, p. 407.  
3. He goeth forth in great wrath, the word here used is chema, with aleph, which properly signifieth butter, but with he, it betokeneth wrath: here he is put for aleph, to insinuate what manner of wrath this should be, under pretence of amity: his words should be as oil and butter, while he meditateth mischief in his heart: as was evidently seen in the massacre at Paris some 34. years since, p. 418.  
4. He shall go forth and destroy many: no special enemy is named, but he shall intend a general persecution: in which behalf this prophesy cannot be so fitly applied unto Antiochus, who had his certain enemies: here the great number also is noted, that should be destroyed: and so one hath noted, that within the space of 30. years, from the year 1550. to the year 1580. 
●. hundred thousand in 30. years space slain by the Popish Spanish faction.  not so few as 900000. have been slain, partly by the Spanish inquisition, and the Spanish wars, p. 429. And thus Graserus would persuade, that this prophesy, is most fitly applied to the Roman Antichrist.  
Answ. 1. No man can mislike Graserus diligence, in setting forth by so lively demonstration the Antichristian proceedings of the Popes of Rome: And it cannot be denied, but that there is a near resemblance between Antiochus exploits and Antichrists: and this his application of these rumours is not without great probability: But yet the historical sense of this prophesy will direct us thus rather to understand those rumours, that from the East out of Parthia and Persia, and then out of the North from judea, troubled Antiochus, as hath been further showed, c. 11. quest. 50.  
2. In that he maketh Antiochus a type of the Roman Antichrist, and specially in the dividing of his forces against his two chief adversaries the one in the East, the other in the North, we take no exception to it: We affirm the same, that historically Antiochus is here described, and typically Antichrist.  
3. It is usual among the Hebrews to use indifferently aleph, in stead of he, and chose: as sometime chemah with he is taken for butter, as job. 29. 6. and chema with aleph without he for wrath, as in this place: Graserus collection then upon this change of the letter, though it be fitly applied to his purpose, it is not of such weight as to exclude Antiochus out of this prophesy: nay it fitly describeth Antiochus, whose captain intending mischief, upon his flattering words, and fair speeches was received into the city, 1. Macc. 1. 31.  
4. Antiochus likewise in his beastly rage destroyed many: for in 3. days space, he put to the sword 80. thousand, and took 40. thousand prisoners, 2. Macchab. 5. 14. So that herein he was a type of the great Antichrist, that should shed so much blood.   

The tenth Exercise.  
Wherein the 45. verse is explained.  
This verse also Graserus interpreteth of the Roman Antichrist, and not properly of Antiochus.  
Argum. 1. Whereas there is great difference among interpreters concerning the meaning of this word apadno: 1. it cannot be a proper name as the Septuag. and vulgar Latin read, as appeareth by the affix which is annexed thereunto. 2. Neither is it derived of the Chalde word padan, as some think: for to what purpose should the Prophet writing in Hebrew, use a Chalde and strange word here? and beside, padan in the Chalde, signifieth a yoke of oxen, in which sense it hath no agreement with this place. 3. Graserus therefore taketh it to be an Hebrew word, and to be derived of the root aphad, which signifieth to put on: and hence cometh the word eephod, which was a special garment, and ornament of the Priests: upon this reason, Graserus interpreteth apadno, his Clergy, he shall plant the tabernacle of his Clergy, which he applieth to the Tridentine Synod: which is fitly said to be planted, as a plant, that was set only but took no root, neither came to any perfection: for it was scarce finished in the space of 18. years: And the intendment of this Synod was to destroy many, even to extirpate and root out all which professed the Gospel.  
2. Hereof Antiochus made some show and shadow, when by his captains Lysias, Ptolemy, Nicanor, Gorgias, he pitched his tents in Emmaus with an intent to destroy judea, 1. Mac. 3. 38. 39 But the style of the Prophet aimeth at a greater adversary than Antiochus, which was Antichrist. Graser. p. 434. to p, 448.  
Answ. 1. It being admitted, that the word apadon is best derived of aphad, which signifieth to put on, or close in, or compass about: it may as well signify, a rob of honour, for so David also had his linen Ephod, as a priestly garment: but it is better translated, a palace, a place of honour and estate: as Hierome thinketh it signifieth a throne: see more hereof before c. 11. quest. 49. 3. 2. If this were fulfilled in Antiochus, as he confesseth, we will easily grant further, that typically it may be applied unto the Roman Antichrist: so that Antiochus be not excluded.  
Argum. 2. Whereas against this exposition two special objections may be made out of the text: 1. that these tents are pitched and planted between the Seas, as Trent is not, where this Council was held. 2. and beside upon the glorious mountain: Graserus frameth this answer:  
1. That by the Seas, or waters we must understand much people, as it is interpreted, Apocal▪ 17. 15. the waters upon the which the woman fitteth, are people and multitudes, etc. And this especially is meant of Europe, which is environed and distinguished into diverse parts by the boughtes and turnings of the Ocean sea, more than any part of the world is.  
2. And by the glorious mountain we understand the Church of God, which in regard of the excellency thereof, and of the flocking of all nations thereunto, is compared to a mountain, as Isay. 2. 2. the mountain of the house of the Lord shall be prepared in the top of the mountains: this glorious mountain than is the Church of God, which most flourished in Europe.  
3. These two Seas cannot be the Mediterranean, and dead Sea, as junius: for both the Prophet should have spoken darkly and obscurely, of an evident matter: and beside the lake Asphaltes', called the dead Sea, compared with the Mediterranean, is not worthy the name of a Sea, p. 448. to p. 459.  
Answ. 1. There is great difference to say between the Seas, and upon the Seas or waters: here he pitcheth his tent and palace, not upon them, but between them: and seeing here there is evident description of a place, the words are to be taken literally, not in allegorical sense: as Nahum, 3. 9 art thou better then No, full of people, which lay upon the waters, whose ditch was the Sea, etc.  
2. True it is, that the Church of God is in diverse prophecies resembled to a mountain, by allusion unto the mountain, whereupon the Temple was built: but to appropriate this to any particular place, as namely to the city of Trent in that sense is not safe: for so the title of the true Church of Christ, should be given to that Antichristian assembly: This may more fitly be applied unto that Lateran Council under Leo the 10. which was held at Rome, which is situate indeed between two Seas. Tyrrhenum and Adriaticum.  
3. If the Prophet had in direct terms expressed the Seas by their names, it had been an history, rather than a prophesy: and it is evident, that in Scripture that salt lake is called by the name of the Sea, as Numb. 34. v. 6. the Mediterranean is called the great Sea, and the other the salt Sea, v. 3. wherefore seeing we can find this prophesy to have been literally and historically fulfilled, when Antiochus captains pitched in Em●aus in the beginning of the mountains; as hath been showed at large, cap. 11. quest. 50. it is in vain to run to allegories.  
Argum. 3. The words following also, he shall come to his end●, and none shall help him: Graserus proceedeth to apply unto the Roman Antichrist, and showeth the fatal end of his Antichristian kingdom to be at hand: which 1. he doth gather by two arguments: the great insolency of the Papal Sea, for pride goeth before a fall: and the most desperate means which the Romanists use to maintain their kingdom: their sophisticate doctrine, and their perfidious and treacherous practices: which being the chief means, which are left unto them, it is evident that their disease is dangerous and deadly, the means being so desperate, pag. 462.  
2. And further it is said, none shall help him: herein Antiochus in his miserable end was a type of the ruin of Antichrist, who was stricken with such a loathsome disease, that his own friends did forsake him, and could minister no help unto him: Such was the fall of Babylon, as the Prophet describeth it, jerem. 51. 8. howl for Babel, bring balm for her sore●f she may be healed: So the sickness of Antichrist, when God striketh him, shall be incurable and remediless.  
By two special means is antichrist's kingdom upheld, by the Jesuits corrupt seducing, and by the secular arm, afflicting the Church, especially by the Spaniards: But neither of these can restore unto Antichrist the former glory of his kingdom: The first may be likened unto the Assassins among the Turks, whose founder was one Alohadinus, who invented this devise to increase his sect: he caused to be planted in a most fruitful valley pleasant orchards and gardens, which all kind of carnal delight, 
ex Cael●i Augustin. Curion. histor. Sarac●a. 2. lib. 3.  variety of delicate ments, with beautiful damsels to attend upon them. This being done, this Alohadinus feigned himself to be Mahomet's companion, and to have received power of him, to confer Paradise upon whom he would: Hereupon he would make choice of the best witted and most goodly young men, whom he with a certain drink would cause to be cast asleep, and then convey them to that valley, where awaking they should enjoy all terrene pleasure: then he would cast them into a sleep again, and convey them thence: so they made report that they had been in Paradise: and by this devise he drew unto him 60000. to be of his sect: the like sleights do the Jesuits use, to promise heaven, and releasing out of purgatotie, to those that will set afoot their wicked devices: But they notwithstanding labour in vain.  
So likewise the secular powers have laboured to advance the papal kingdom, as Henry the 3. in France; the king of Spain in the low countries, which wars the Prince of Parma confessed had cost the king of Spain unto the year 1585. six hundred tun of gold; The like attempt he made against England in the year 88 which he assaulted with that great navy and army, the maintenance whereof stood him in 30000. ducats every day: yet they ●aue miss of their purpose. Thus Christ the king of his Church, showeth his power in abating the pride of Antichrist: but he at once thinketh it not good to dissolve his kingdom, to try the fidelity of his servants, and to take away security: to this purpose Graserus p. 465. to p. 467.  
Answ. All this we willingly confess may typically be applied, and that very fi●ly, to the Roman Antichrist: so that the historical ground be first laid in Antiochus, which Graserus seemeth to acknowledge; whose singular industry, and judicious application of this prophesy deserveth much commendation, though he fail in the historical sense. And this shall suffice briefly to have been touched out of Graserus.  
God be praised.    

A Table of the questions.  

THe prophesy of Daniel explained. General observations upon the whole book.  
Of the divers languages used in this book, and why Daniel writeth a great part thereof in the Chalde tongue.  
1. qu. Of the author of this prophetical book of Daniel.  
2. qu. Of the signification of the name Daniel.  
3. qu. Of the kindred of Daniel.  
4. qu. Why daniel's kindred is not particularly expressed in the text.  
5. qu. When Daniel began to prophesy, and at what age.  
6. qu. Of the time when Daniel had his several visions.  
7. qu. Of the whole time of daniel's age, and time of prophesying.  
8. qu. Why Daniel is not mentioned to have returned with the rest out of captivity.  
9 qu. Of the times wherein Daniel lived, compared with foreign Chronicles, and of the memorable things which happened therein.  
10. qu. Of the excellency, use, and utility of this book of Daniel.  
11. qu. Of the authority of the prophesy of Daniel.  
12. qu. Of the obscurity of this prophesy.   

Questions upon the first Chapter of Daniel.  

1. qu. Of the third year of jehoiakim, which is called the fourth, jerem. 25. 1. how these places are reconciled.  
2. qu. How this third year of jehoiakims' reign is to be counted.  
3. qu. Of jehoiakim and jehoachaz, what difference between them.  
4. qu. Why the king of Babel had such an envy against jehoiakim.  
5. qu. Of Nabuchadnezzer the king of Babel, and how many there were of that name.  
6. qu. Of the acts & exploits of Nabuchadnezzer.  
7. qu. Of the time of Nabuchadnezzers' reign.  
8. qu. Of the city of Babylon.  
9 qu. Of the city jerusalem.  
10. qu. v. 2. What this phrase meaneth, to be given into one's hand.  
11. qu. How jehoiakim was given into Nabuchadnezzers' ●and, whether he carried him to Babylon.  
12. qu. Whether Daniel at this time went into captivity with jehoiakim.  
13. qu. Why it pleased God that Daniel and others that feared God, should be taken captives.  
14. qu. The meaning of those words, which he carried into the land of Shinar to the house of his god.  
15. qu. Of the land of Shinar or Shingar.  
16. qu. Of the god and idols of the Chaldees.  
17. qu. v. 2. What is to be commended, what discommended in Nabuchadnezzer in carrying part of the vessels of the Temple.  
18. qu. Why it pleased God to suffer that the vessels of the Temple should be carried away.  
19 qu. Of Ashpenaz the master of the eunuchs his name and office.  
20. qu. Whether Daniel may be proved from hence to have been an Eunuch in the first sense.  
21. qu. Who are understood here by the Princes.  
22. qu. Why the children of the Princes and nobles were taken captives.  
23. qu. How the Lord performed his promise to David, that his kingdom should be established for ever, 2. Sam. 16. seeing lehoiakim was given into Nabuchadnezzers' hand.  
24. qu. Whether it were lawful for Daniel to be taught the learning of the Chaldeans.  
25. qu. Of the Chalde language, and the difference between it and the Hebrew.  
26. qu. Of the necessary institution of schools, and the manner and order thereof.  
27. qu. Why other names were given them.  
28. qu. Of the signification of their names, both the new and the old.  
29. qu. v. 8. Why Daniel refused to eat of the king's meat, and of the divers kinds of abstinence.  
30. qu. The causes which moved Daniel to forbear the king's meat.  
31. qu. v. 8. How Daniel should have been defiled with the king's meat.  
32. qu. whether Daniel ever after abstained from the king's meat.  
32. qu. v. 9 What favour it was which Daniel found with the chief of the eunuchs not obeying his request.  
33. qu. Of daniel's request to the butler.  
34. qu. Whether Daniel tempted not God, in setting a certain number of days.  
35. qu. Why Daniel did choose rather to eat of pulse, then of the king's meat.  
36. qu. vers. 15. Whether the beauty and strength in Daniel and the rest feeding on this course food, were a natural work.  
37. qu. v. 17. Of the knowledge and understanding which God gave unto Daniel and the other three, whether it were natural or supernatural.  
38. qu. Whether Daniel and the rest learned the curious arts of the Chaldeans.  
39 qu. Whether it be lawful to use the arts and inventions of the heathen.  
40. qu. Of the dreams and visions which Daniel had understanding of.  
41. qu. Whether this gift of understanding visions and dreams were in Daniel as an habit permanent and remaining always in him.  
42. qu. Of the divers kinds of dreams.  
43. qu. Whether there be any divine dreams.  
44. qu. Whether there be any truth or certainty in dreams.  
45. qu. Of the causes of true dreams.  
46. qu. How diabolical and divine dreams may be discerned.  
47. qu. Why it pleased God by visions and dreams to instruct his servants.  
48. qu. Why visions and dreams are often showed unto simple and unlearned men.  
49. qu. Why dreams are not always clear and manifest, but darkly and obscurely propounded.  
50. qu. what dreams may be observed, and by whom.  
51. qu. Whether in divine dreams there is a free use of reason and the will, and the same acceptable to God.  
52. qu. v. 21. How Daniel is said to have been unto the first year of king Cyrus.    

Questions upon the second chapter of Daniel.  

1. qu. v. 1. How the second year is to be counted wherein Nabuchadnezzer had this dream.  
2. qu. What Nabuchadnezzer this was, and whence he was so called.  
3. qu. v. 1. Why he is said to have dreamt dreams.  
4. qu. What manner of dream this was, which Nabuchadnezzer had.  
5. qu. Why it pleased God to send this dream upon Nabuchadnezzer.  
6. qu. v. 1. Of the meaning of those words, And his sleep was upon him.  
7. qu. Of the four kind of wise men whom the king sendeth for.  
8. qu. Why Daniel was not called and sent for among the rest of the Chaldeans.  
9 qu. v. 4. Of the Aramites language, whether it differ from the Hebrew, and be all one with the Chalde.  
10. qu. Why the Chaldeans spoke in the Aramites language.  
11. qu. v. 8. Why the king saith, they would gain or redeem time.  
12. qu. v. 10. Of the Chaldeans answer unto the king.  
13. qu. Of the impostures and falsehoods in the answer of the Chaldeans.  
14. qu. what the Chaldeans mean in these words, Except the gods whose dwelling is not in the flesh.  
15. qu. v. 12. Of the king's rash sentence, in commanding all the wise men of Babylon to be slain.  
16. qu. v. 13. whether the wise men indeed were slain.  
17. qu. what office Ario●h had to whom Daniel maketh this motion. v. 14.  
18. qu. v. 15. How Daniel was ignorant of the king's decree against the soothsayers.  
19 qu. v. 19 How this secret was revealed unto Daniel in the night.  
20. qu. Of the form and order of daniel's thanksgiving.  
21. qu. v. 19 How Daniel is said to have blessed the God of heaven.  
22. qu. vers. 21. How the Lord is said to change times and seasons.  
23. qu. v. 22. what secret things the Lord is said to discover.  
24. qu. v. 22. How light is said to dwell with God, whereas it is said, Psal. 18. 11. he made darkness his secret place.  
25. qu. v. 24. whether Daniel did well in staying the execution of the king's sentence upon the wise men.  
26. qu. v. 25. whether Arioch lied unto the king in saying, I have found a man.  
27. qu. v. 25. why Arioch named Daniel to be one of the captives rather then of the wise men.  
28. qu. v. 26. How the king is said to answer, no question being demanded.  
29. qu. v. 27. why Daniel denieth that any of the wise men could expound this dream.  
30. qu. v. 28. whether God only be the revealer of secrets and things to come.  
31. qu. v. 28. What Daniel meaneth by the latter days.  
32. qu. v. 29. whether Nebuchadnezers thoughts were the cause of his dream.  
33. qu. v. 29. why it pleased God to impart unto Nebuchadnezer this dream.  
34. qu. v. 30. This secret is not showed me for my wisdom: whether Daniel by any natural wisdom could have obtained the knowledge of this dream.  
35. qu. v. 30. why Nebuchadnezer could not understand the dream which he saw.  
36. qu. v. 30. Of the two ends why it pleased God to reveal unto the king his dream.  
37. qu. v. 31. of the vision which the king saw in his dream, the manner & parts thereof.  
38. qu. of the divers kinds of signs of things to come, and of which kind this image was.  
39 qu. what kingdoms of the earth are not comprehended in this vision.  
40. qu. v. 8. why the Chaldean Monarchy is compared to the head of gold.  
41. qu. Of the largeness of the Empire and dominion of Nebuchadnezer.  
42. qu. whether Nebuchadnezers dominion were at that time the greatest in the world.  
43. qu. v. 39 Of the second Monarchy described by the arms and breasts of silver, what it was.  
44. qu. v. 39 why the Persian Monarchy is said to be inferior to the Babylonian.  
45. qu. whether the Monarchy of the Chaldeans or of the Persians was more cruel toward the jews.  
46. qu. why the Persian Monarchy is compared to silver.  
47. qu. why the third Monarchy is likened to the belly and the thigh, and unto brass.  
48. qu. Of the largeness of Alexander's Empire, and of other memorable and notable things in him.  
49. qu. v. 40. whether this fourth kingdom must be understood to be the Roman Empire.  
50. qu. That this fourth kingdom divided into two kingdoms, resembled by the tw●●●gges of the image, was the kingdom of Syria and Egypt.  
51. qu. Of the beginning and continuance of the four general Monarchies of the world.  
52. qu. v. 43. Of the meaning of these words, they shall miagle themselves with the seed of men.  
53. qu. v. 44. What manner of kingdom the Prophet speaketh of which God should set up.  
54. qu. Whether the stone cut out of the mountain, do signify Christ and his kingdom.  
55. qu. Whether this prophesy be fulfilled in the first or second coming of Christ.  
56. qu. The description of the kingdom of Christ by the Prophet, v. 44. 45.  
57 qu. That this kingdom which God shall raise up must be understood of the kingdom of Christ.  
58. qu. That this kingdom of Christ is a spiritual, no temporal kingdom.  
59 qu. v. 44. In the days of what kings Christ's kingdom should be raised up.  
60. qu. How Christ's kingdom is said to destroy other kingdoms.  
61. qu. Whether Christ at his coming did indeed destroy the temporal dominions.  
62. qu. How Christ is said to be the stone cut without hands.  
63. qu. In what sense Christ is compared to a little stone, and how it filled the earth.  
64. qu. v. 46. Whether Nabuchadnezzar did well in bowing unto Daniel, and commanding odours to be offered unto him.  
65. qu. Whether Daniel refused this worship offered unto him.  
66. qu. Of Nebuchadnezzars ample and large confession of God.  
67. qu. Whether Nabuchadnezzar had the true knowledge of God.  
68 qu. Whether Daniel did well in accepting the gifts and honours which the king bestowed on him.  
69. qu. Whether Daniel could with a good conscience be set over the wise men and soothsayers of Babylon.  
70. qu. How Daniel is said to have sat in the king's gate.  
71. qu. Whether it be lawful for a Christian to live in an idolatrous kings Court.    

Questions upon the 3. chapter of Daniel.  

1. qu. At what time Nabuchadnezzar set up this great image.  
2. qu. To whom Nabuchadnezzar erected this image.  
3. qu. To what end this image was set up.  
4. qu. How it came to pass that Daniel hindered not the king's purpose in setting up this image.  
5. qu. of the place where this image was set up.  
6. qu. of the greatness of this image compared with others, and in itself.  
7. qu. of the mystical application of this image.  
8. qu. of the several names and titles of the king's nobles & officers here rehearsed. v. 2.  
9 qu. why Nebuchadnezer only called his nobles and officers.  
10. qu. v. 5. of the divers kinds of instruments here rehearsed.  
11. qu. v. 5. of their falling down and worshipping this image.  
12. qu. That it is not lawful to bow unto an image, though one in his heart abhor it.  
13. qu. Of the malice of the Chaldees against the jews.  
14. qu. why they say in the plural, they will not serve thy gods, v. 12. whereas there was but one image.  
15. qu. why these three, Shadrach, Meshack, and Abednego, are only called.  
16. qu. what age these three were of, when they were brought before the king.  
17. qu. why Daniel m●de not intercession to the king for his three friends.  
18. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers speech unto these three brought before him.  
19 qu. Of the religious and resolute answer of these three convented before the king.  
20. qu. why the Lord doth not always deliver his out of temporal dangers.  
21. qu. why they are so resolute not to worship the golden image.  
22. qu. whether the Prince is by fire & sword to root out them which are of contrary religion.  
23. qu. of the extraordinary heating of the furnace.  
24. qu. of the exquisite cruelty and torments which these three were put unto.  
25. qu. of the apparel which they were cast into the fire with.  
26. qu. why Daniel was not cast into the fiery furnace with the rest.  
27. qu. How the flame of the fire slew those which were the ministers of the king's cruelty.  
28. qu. How these three men cast into the fire were preserved.  
29. qu. of 7. miraculous things concurring in this preservation of them from the fire.  
30. qu. whether any thing without miracle may be preserved from the fire being in the flames thereof.  
31. qu. That these three were true martyrs, though they escaped by miracle the danger of death.  
32. qu. whether all those are to be held martyrs which die constantly and courageously.  
33. qu. Why it pleaseth not God always to deliver his servants out of danger, as he did these at this time.  
34. qu. v. 25. In what sense the king saith, that the fourth was like the son of God.  
35. qu. of the apparition of Angels in human shape, what manner of bodies they appeared in.  
36. qu. why the Angels used to appear in human shape.  
37. qu. Of the sudden change and conversion that was in Nebuchadnezzer, with the parts thereof.  
38. qu. whether this were a true conversion in Nebuchadnezzer.  
39 qu. whether blasphemy is to be punished with death.  
40. qu. whether the 3. last verses do belong unto this third chapter.    

Questions upon the 4. chapter of Daniel.  

1. qu. of the king's epistle, the sum and parts thereof.  
2. qu. At what time Nebuchadnezer wrote this epistle.  
3. qu. How Nebuchadnezer could write unto all the people in the world.  
4. qu. Of the signs and wonders which Nebuchadnezer declareth.  
5. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were now at the last truly converted.  
6. qu. Of the author of this epistle.  
7. qu. whether this history contained in this chapter of Nebuchadnezers transmutation, were so done in deed.  
8. qu. why Daniel was called by the name of Belteshazzar.  
9 qu. In what sense Nebuchadnezer saith, that Daniel had the spirit of the holy gods.  
10. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers dream and the sum thereof.  
11. qu. why this tree is said to be in the mids of the earth.  
12. qu. why Nebuchadnezer is compared to a tree.  
13. qu. v. 11. who are understood by the beasts and fowls.  
14. qu. v. 12. how Nebuchadnezer was bound with a band of iron and brass.  
15. qu. v. 11, 12. why this prophecy is uttered in the imperative mood, hue down the tre● etc. leave the stump.  
16. qu. v. 14. why the Angels are called watchmen.  
17. qu. By whom the 14. v. was pronounced, by the Angel or by the King.  
18. qu. v. 14. Of the meaning of those words, According to the request of the holy ones.  
19 qu. of the meaning of those words, v. 14. & appointeth over it the most abject of men.  
20. qu. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an hour.  
21. q. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dream to the king's enemies.  
22. qu. That a tyrannical government is better than an Anarchy, or no government.  
23. qu. v. 20. What is meant by hewing down the tree.  
24. qu. v. 22. How Nebuchadnezzer was driven from among men, & dwelled with beasts.  
25. qu. How Nebuchadnezzer did eat grass like an ox.  
26. qu. How the kingdom of Babylon was governed in Nebuchadnezzers' absence.  
27. qu. v. 22. what is understood by 7. times.  
28. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers transmutation, but first in general of the divers kinds of transmutations.  
29. qu. what manner of change Nebuchadnezers was.  
30. qu. How Nebuchadnezzers' body was changed.  
31. qu. v. 24. How Daniel gave counsel to the king to prevent this judgement, seeing it was determined.  
32. qu. whether Daniel did counsel the king to redeem his sins by alms deeds.  
33. qu. whether Daniel spoke doubtfully saying, v. 24. It may be thy prosperity may be prolonged.  
34. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer did follow daniel's counsel.  
35. qu. Of the greatness of the city of Babylon.  
36. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were the builder of Babel.  
37. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers pride in saying, which I have built for the house of etc.  
38. qu. what manner of voice it was which came down from heaven.  
39 qu. The sum of the sentence denounced against Nebu●hadnezer.  
40. qu. v. 30. of the execution of the sentence upon Nebuchadnezer, he did eat grass etc.  
41. qu. v. 31. After the end of what days Nebuchadnezer was restored.  
42. qu. of the restitution of Nebuchadnezer.  
43. qu. That God only is without check, and not to be controlled in his works.  
44. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were saved.  
45. qu. why Nebucdadnezer was saved, and not Pharaoh, both being in the same cause.  
46. qu. why Nebuchadnezer being thus converted, the jews kept in captivity were not delivered, nor Ieho●akim released out of prison.    

Questions upon the fifth chapter of Daniel.  

1. qu. Why this chapter is transposed, and no● set down according to the order of time.  
2. qu. Of the kings of Chalde which succeeded after Nebuchadnezer.  
3. qu. Of the divers names of this Balthasar.  
4. qu. In what year of Balthazars reign this history fell out.  
5. qu. of the greatness of Balthazars feast.  
6. qu. of the manner and order of this feast.  
7. qu. of the occasion of this feast.  
8. qu. who commanded the vessels of the Temple to be brought, and how.  
9 qu. Of Balthazars profaning of the holy vessels.  
10. qu. Whether Nebuchadnezer did not likewise profane the vessels in laying them up in his idols temple.  
11. qu. Of the blind and obscene idolatry of the Chaldeans.  
12. qu. How far it is lawful to apply some things to profane uses.  
13. qu. Of the fingers which appeared on the wall, how they were caused.  
14. qu. whether it were the likeness of an hand only, and seen of Balthasar alone.  
15. qu. Of the manner of the apparition of this hand.  
16. qu. Why the hand appeared over against the candle stick.  
17. qu. Of Balthazars sudden fear, and the manner thereof.  
18. qu. v. 7. Why Daniel is not here called among the rest.  
19 qu. How it came to pass that the wise men could not so much as read the writing.  
20. qu. What Queen it was which came in.  
21. qu. In what sense Nabuchadnezzar is called Balthazars father.  
22. qu. of the Queen's oration to the king.  
23. qu. of the excellent wisdom and other princely parts in this old Queen.  
24. qu. of Belshazars' speech unto Daniel.  
25. qu. Of daniel's answer to the king, and the several parts thereof.  
26. qu. Of daniel's abrupt beginning in his speech to the king, v. 17. keep thy rewards to thyself.  
27. qu. why Daniel rejecteth the king's rewards.  
28. qu. why Daniel receiveth the like rewards from Nebuchadnezer, and refuseth them from Balthasar.  
29. qu. Whether Daniel after his refusal accepted afterward of these rewards, v. 29.  
30. qu. whether in these words, he put to death whom he would, v. 19 Nebuchadnezzars tyrannical government be expressed.  
31. qu. Of the writing, and interpretation thereof in general.  
32. qu. Of the interpretation by writing in general.  
33. qu. why the first word Mene is doubled.  
34. qu. Of the meaning of the word, tekel.  
35. qu. Of the meaning of the word, Pheres.  
36. qu. Of the tropological, that is, the moral application of this vision.  
37. qu. why Balthasar commanded Daniel to be honoured hearing so evil news.  
38. qu. Of the honours here bestowed upon Daniel.  
39 qu. whether Daniel did well in accepting of these honours.  
40. qu. why Daniel exhorted not Balthasar to repentance as he had done Nebushadnezzar before.  
41. qu. v. 30. whether Balthasar were slain at that time.  
42. qu. whether Balthasar were slain the same night▪ and the city taken.  
43. qu. whether Balthasar was taken in Babylon.  
44. qu. By what means Babylon was taken.  
45. qu. By whom Balthasar was slain.  
46. qu. By whom the city of Babylon was taken.  
47. qu. who was chief in the taking of Babylon Darius or Cyrus, and why mention is made only of Darius.  
48. qu. Of the cause of this Babylonian war.  
49. qu. whether Babylon was at this time finally destroyed according to the predictions of the Prophets.  
50. qu. How long the Chaldean Empire and Monarchy continued.  
51. qu. Of the years of the reign of the several kings of Babylon.    

Questions upon the sixth chapter of Daniel.  

1. qu. what Darius this was which took upon him the kingdom of Babylon.  
2. qu. of the divers names which Darius had.  
3. qu. How Darius took upon him the kingdom of Babylon.  
4. qu. when Darius took upon him the kingdom of the Chaldeans.  
5. qu. Of the officers which Darius appointed, and the reason thereof.  
6. qu. Whether Darius did wisely in thinking to set Daniel, being a stranger, over the whole realm. v. 3.  
7. qu. Whether Daniel did well in taking upon him to bear office in an idolatrous king's court.  
8. qu. How the rulers failed in their purpose, finding no fault at all in Daniel.  
9 qu. Of the edict and decree made to entangle Daniel, the occasion thereof, and injustice therein.  
10. qu. Of the immutable decrees of the Medes and Persians. v. 8.  
11. qu. why Daniel did not stay the king's decree by his contrary advise.  
12. qu. Of daniel's constancy of praying, with the circumstances thereof.  
13. qu. How daniel's custom in opening the windows when he prayed, agreeth with our saviours precept, Matth. 6. to shut the doors of the chamber in prayer.  
14. qu. Why Daniel opened the window of his chamber toward jerusalem.  
15. qu. why Daniel prayed thrice in a day.  
16. qu. whether Daniel did well in this praying, to offer himself to public danger.  
17. qu. Of daniel's adversaries practise and accusation against him.  
18. qu. How the king laboured to deliver Daniel till the Sun went down.  
19 qu. whether Darius might not have broken this decree.  
20. qu. whether Darius' prayer for Daniel were of faith.  
21. qu. v. 17. why the king sealed the stone with his seal.  
22. qu. Whether Darius were truly converted, confessing daniel's God to be the living God.  
23. qu. Of daniel's deliverance from the lions, and the cause thereof.  
24. qu. Of daniel's salutation to the king, O king live for ever.  
25. qu. Of daniel's manner of deliverance from the lions, that it was divine & extraordinary.  
26. qu. why the Lord doth not always send his children temporal deliverance.  
27. qu. Of Darius' joy, v. 23. than was the king exceeding glad.  
28. qu. whether the king did justly in causing daniel's accusers, with their wives and children, to be cast into the den.  
29. qu. Of king Darius' decree concerning the worshipping of daniel's God, the order and parts thereof.  
30. qu. Of daniel's prosperous estate under Darius and Cyrus.  
31. qu. Whether this miracle of daniel's deliverance from the lions were showed at Babylon in Chaldea or in Media.    

Questions upon the seventh chapter of Daniel.  

1. qu. Of the order observed by Daniel in the setting down of these visions.  
2. qu. Of the visions which follow in general.  
3. qu. Of visions in general.  
4. qu. Of the time when this vision was revealed unto Daniel.  
5. qu. Why the vision of the four Monarchies is again revealed unto Daniel being showed before to Nabuchadnezzar, c. 2.  
6. qu. What manner of vision this was which Daniel here had, and how it was revealed.  
7. qu. What was meant by the four winds which strove together upon the sea.  
8. qu. Of the description of these beasts in general.  
9 qu. Why the kings and kingdoms of the earth are likened unto beasts.  
10. qu. Of the agreement between this vision of the four beasts, and that of the image showed to Nabuchadnezzar, c. 2.  
11. qu. Of the first beast representing the Chaldean Monarchy.  
12. qu. Where the Chaldean Monarchy here described must take beginning.  
13. qu. Of the second beast, and why the Persian Monarchy is compared to a bear.  
14. qu. Why the bear is said to stand upon the one side.  
15. qu. Of the three ribs in his mouth, what they signify.  
16. qu. Who said unto him, Arise and devour, etc. v. 5.  
17. qu. Of the Persian kings with whom the Persian Monarchy begun and ended.  
18. qu. Of the third beast called a leopard, the description of the third Monarchy.  
19 qu. Why the fourth beast hath no name.  
20. qu. Of the description of the 4. beast in general.  
21. qu. Whether the Roman or Turkish Empire be signified by this fourth beast.  
22. qu. That the kingdom of Syria which was held by Seleucus and his posterity, was this fourth beast.  
23. qu. Of the iron teeth and other parts of the general description of the fourth beast.  
24. qu. Why it is said to stamp the residue under the feet.  
25. qu. Wherein this fourth beast was unlike the rest. v. 7.  
26. qu. Of the ten horns, what is signified thereby, v. 7.  
27. qu. Who is signified by the little horn, ver. 8.  
28. qu. Who these three kings should be, signified by the three horns plucked away.  
29. qu. Of other properties of this little horn.  
30. qu. Of the description of the glorious manner of God's judgement expressed, v. 9 to v. 15.  
31. qu. Whether the final judgement in the end of the world be here described.  
32. qu. v. 9 who is said to be the ancient of days, and how.  
33. qu. How God was seen of Daniel which is invisible.  
34. qu. How judgement is said to be set, seeing God is judge from everlasting.  
35. qu. What the fire signifieth which issued from the throne.  
36. qu. Of the number of Angels that ministered unto God, thousand thousands, etc. ver. 10.  
37. qu. What books these were which were opened, v. 10.  
38. qu. Of the destruction of the fourth beast.  
39 qu. Why t●e other beasts had their dominion taken away, and how their lives were prolonged.  
40. qu. v. 13. Why it is said one like the son of man.  
41. qu. How he is said to come in the clouds, and approacheth to the ancient of days, and when.  
42. qu. That this kingdom could not be the kingdom of the Macchabees.  
43. qu. That this kingdom is the kingdoms of Christ our Blessed Lord and Saviour.  
44. qu. That this kingdom given to the son of man shall not be in earth, against the Chiliastes.  
45. qu. Of the excellency of Christ's kingdom beyond other kingdoms.  
46. qu. How the kingdom of Christ is said to be everlasting, seeing it shall be delivered up unto God, 1. Cor. 15. 24.  
47. qu. v. 17. Of the rising of the four beasts.  
48. qu. Who shall possess the kingdom of the Saints.  
49. qu. Why they are called the most high Saints, v. 18.  
50. qu. v. 20. How the horn called before little, is said to be in show, greater than the rest.  
51. qu. How this little horn is said to change laws and times.  
52. qu. What is meant by a time, times, and a part of time, v. 25.  
53. qu. What is meant by the half or dividing of time, v. 25.  
54. qu. How this kingdom is said to be given to the holy people, v. 27. which is said, v. 14. to be given to the son of man.    

Questions upon the 8. chapter of Daniel.  

1. qu. The difference between this vision and the former.  
2. qu. Of the time of this vision.  
3. qu. What manner of vision this was.  
4. qu. How Daniel is said to be in Sushan, ver. 2.  
5. qu. Of the city Sushan, by whom it was builded, and whence so named.  
6. qu. Of the situation of the city Sushan.  
7. qu. Of the river Vlai where Daniel had this vision.  
8. qu. Why Daniel nameth himself in the first person.  
9 qu. Why the kings of Persia are compared to a ram, v. 3.  
10. qu. Who are signified by the two horns, whereof one was higher than the other.  
11. qu. Of the greatness and prosperous success of this ram.  
12. qu. Of the meaning of these words, as I considered. v. 5.  
13. qu. Why the kingdom of the Grecians is resembled to a goat.  
14. qu. Of Alexander the great signified by the horn between the eyes, his birth, education, exploits, death, and end.  
15. qu. Of the victory of Alexander against Darius, described by the goats overcoming the ram.  
16. qu. Of the breaking of this great horn, and of the death of Alexander.  
17. qu. Of the four horns which came up in the stead of this great horn.  
18. qu. When these four kingdoms did arise after the great horn was broken.  
19 qu. Who was this little horn, v. 9  
20. qu. Of the outrages committed by Antiochus Epiphanes signified by this little horn.  
21. qu. Of the meaning of these words, v. 12. the army was given up with the daily sacrifice by iniquity.  
22. qu. Of the meaning of the word, Palmoni, v. 13.  
23. qu. What Angel that was, unto whom one of the Angels spoke.  
24. qu. Of the time prescribed, v. 14. of 2300 days, how it is to be taken.  
25. qu. When this term of 2300. began and ended.  
26. qu. When the kingdom of the greeks so often mentioned in the book of the Macchabees took beginning.  
27. qu. Why the kingdom of the greeks is counted from the reign of the Seleucians.  
28. qu. of the name Gabriel.  
29. qu. v. 16. Upon these words, make this man to understand the vision, whether Augels can give us understanding.  
30. qu. How Alexander is said to be the first king of Grecia.  
31. qu. of the time when Antiochus Epiphanes should rise up in the latter end of their kingdom, v. 25.  
32. qu. The description of Antiochus and of his doings.  
33. qu. Of some differences in the story of the Macchabees concerning the death of Antiochus.  
34. qu. Of the agreement of other persecutions of the Church with this description of Antiochus.  
35. qu. Why it is called the vision of the evening and morning, v. 26.  
36. qu. Why Daniel is bidden to seal up the vision.  
37. qu. What kings business Daniel did, v. 27.  
38. qu. Of the meaning of these words. v. 27. none understood or perceived it.  
39 qu. The history of Antiochus Epiphanes reign abridged, for the better understanding of this vision.    

Questions upon the 9 chapter of Daniel.  

1. qu. What Assuerus this was whose son Darius is said to be.  
2. qu. of the years of Darius' reign, and how this vision is said to be in his first year.  
3. qu. Whether in the first year of Darius the Chaldean Monarchy was dissolved, and the 70. years captivity ended, against the opinion of joseph. Scaliger, lib. 6.  
4. qu. of the 70. years of captivity in what sense they are called seven generations, Baruch, 6. 2.  
5. qu. When the 70. years of captivity mentioned v. 2. took their beginning.  
6. qu. when the 70. years of captivity ended.  
7. qu. of daniel's prayer, v. 4. to v. 20.  
8. qu. How Daniel prayeth for the deliverance of the people, seeing it was certainly promised after the 70. years.  
9 qu. Of the properties required in the prayers of the faithful observed here in daniel's prayer, v. 20.  
10. qu. Of the apparition of the Angel Gabriel, v. 21.  
11. qu. How Daniel discerned this to be a good Angel.  
12. qu. Whether the Angels have bodies.  
13. qu. Why the Angel came about the time of the evening sacrifice, v. 21.  
14. qu. Why Daniel is called a man of desires, v. 23.  
15. qu. v. 24. seventy weeks are determined: How daniel's prayer is heard, praying for the people's deliverance.  
16. qu. v. 24. How the seventy weeks must be understood.  
17. qu. Why 70. weeks are said to be cut out or determined.  
18. qu. Why this term of 490. years is expressed by weeks.  
19 qu. Why the Angel saith, upon thy people, and upon thine holy city.  
20. qu. Of the meaning of these words, v. 24. to finish or rather restrain wickedness.  
21. qu. Of the sealing of sins.  
22. qu. What it is to reconcile iniquity.  
23. qu. v. 24. How the Messiah brought everlasting righteousness.  
24. qu. Why it is called everlasting righteousness.  
25. qu. Whether as Christ's satisfaction for the punishment of sin is imputed to us by faith, so likewise his innocency.  
26. qu. Whether the justice brought in by Christ, exceed the justice of Adam.  
27. qu. Whether it standeth with God's justice to justify us by another's righteousness, and how that may be.  
28. qu. How the vision and prophesy was to be sealed up.  
29. qu. Of the anointing of the holy one, who is signified thereby.  
30. qu. Why Christ is called the holy of holies.  
31. qu. How Christ was anointed.  
32. qu. When Christ was anointed.  
33. qu. Of the obscureness and difficulty of this prophesy.  
34. qu. Of the diverse interpretations of daniel's weeks, with an answer to the cavil of the jews concerning the dissension of our interpreters.  
35. qu. What Chronologie and computation of time is to be followed in the account of the 70. weeks, which make 490. years.  
36. qu. whether the account of the Olympiake years be a certain direction for the understanding of daniel's weeks.  
37. qu. Of the names and number of the Persian kings.  
38. qu. Of the uncertainty of the years of the Persian Monarchy and of the Persian kings.  
39 qu. That daniel's weeks do signify a certain definite number of years.  
40. qu. That Origens' account cannot stand beginning the 70. weeks at Adam, and ending them at the destruction of jerusalem.  
41. qu. That the 70. weeks must not begin before the people's return out of captivity.  
42. qu. That the 70. weeks do not begin in the reigns of the other kings of Persia after Cyrus.  
43. qu. That daniel's 70. weeks must take beginning from the proclamation made by Cyrus for the return of the people.  
44. qu. Under which of the Persian kings Mordecai lived, and of his age.  
45. qu. which of the Persian kings it was that renewed the decree for the re-edifying of the Temple.  
46. qu. What Artaxerxes it was in whose 7. year Ezra was sent, and in whose 20. Nehemiah.  
47. qu. That daniel's 70. weeks were determined neither before Christ's passion, nor at the destruction of the city.  
48. qu. That the 70. week's end not after the destruction of jerusalem.  
49. qu. That the 70. weeks must end at the passion of Christ.  
50. qu. Of the just and exact computation of years from Cyrus first unto the passion of Christ.  
51. qu. Of the years of the Persian kings in particular to make up the said sum of 〈◊〉 130. years, and first of the years to the finishing of the Temple.  
52. qu. That Xerxes' reign was intermingled with his fathers in the beginning, and with his sons in the end.  
53. qu. Of the particular years of the second part of the Persian Monarchy from the finishing of the Teple to the end thereof.  
54. qu. Of the just computation of the years of the Grecian Monarchy.  
55. qu. The several interpretations of daniel's 70. weeks dispersedly handled before summed together.  
56. qu. Why the 7. weeks are severed from the 62. v. 25. unto the Messiah shall be 7. weeks and 62. weeks.  
57 qu. Whether these 7. weeks must be ●ted before the 62. weeks or after.  
58. qu. When this term of 7. weeks, that is 49. years began, and when it ended.  
59 qu. Whether that place john 2. 20. that the Temple was 46. years in building, have any agreement with these 7. weeks.  
60. qu. Unto Messiah the Prince shall be 7. weeks, v. 25. who is here understood by the Messiah.  
61. qu. The street shall be built again in a troublesome time, how this was fulfilled.  
62. qu. Of the 62. weeks, how they are to be understood.  
63. qu. Shall Messiah be slain, v. 26. who this Messiah was that should be slain.  
64. qu. And he shall have nothing, or rather not for himself, of the meaning of these words.  
65. qu. Of the year of the nativity of our blessed Saviour.  
66. qu. Of the computation of years from the creation to the nativity of our Blessed Saviour.  
67. qu. In what year of the reign of Herod our blessed Saviour was borne.  
68 qu. In what year of his age Christ was baptized.  
69. qu. How many years Christ lived on earth, and in what year of his life Christ was put to death.  
70. qu. Of the number of Pasches which Christ solemnised in the days of his flesh, whereby the time and years of his preaching is certainly gathered.  
71. qu. At what time of the year Christ was borne.  
72. qu. Of the space and distance of time, that was between Christ's baptism and his passion.  
73. qu. Upon what day of the week Christ suffered, and whether upon a festival day.  
74. qu. Who are meant by the people of the Prince to come.  
75. qu. how long after the Messiah was slain this destruction happened by Titus.  
76. qu. Why mention is made of the destruction of jerusalem here, seeing it is without the compass of the 70. weeks.  
77. qu. Of the meaning of these words, v. 26. the end thereof shall be with a flood, and unto the end of the battle it shall be destroyed.  
78. qu. That the end of the state of the jews not of the Romans is here signified  
79. qu. Of the most grievous calamities that fell upon the jews in the final destruction of their city.  
80. qu. That all this misery came upon the jews for putting to death the Messiah.  
81. qu. He shall confirm the covenant with many for one week, how this one week is to be understood.  
82. qu. What is understood by the covenant.  
83. qu. How this covenant was ratified and confirmed.  
84. qu. When this Testament began to be ratified and confirmed by the preaching of Christ.  
85. qu. v. 27. In the half of the week he shall cause the sacrifice to cease: when this half week began.  
86. qu. How and when the sacrifices were caused to cease and were abolished.  
87. qu. What is meant by the overspreading of abomination, v. 27. of the best reading thereof.  
88 qu. What this abomination of desolation was.  
89. qu. v. 27. Whether the desolation of jerusalem here spoken of should be final.    

Questions upon the tenth chapter of Daniel.  

1. qu. Of the excellency of this vision revealed in this chapter, and the two next, unto Daniel.  
2. qu. How the third year of Cyrus is here to be understood.  
3. qu. Of daniel's understanding of this vision.  
4. qu. v. 1. Why Daniel maketh mention of his name Belteshazar.  
5. qu. v. 2. Why Daniel was so long in heaviness.  
6. qu. Of the time that Daniel mourned which was three weeks of days.  
7. qu. Of daniel's abstinency.  
8. qu. Of the custom and use of anointing, which Daniel also forbeareth.  
9 qu. Of the river Hiddekel where Daniel had this vision.  
10. qu. Whether Daniel were only in spirit or bodily present by the river Tigris.  
11. qu. Why this vision was showed unto Daniel by the river Tigris.  
12. qu. Whether it were an Angel or Christ which appeared here unto Daniel.  
13. qu. Of the description of the manner how Christ appeared, and first of his apparel.  
14. qu. Of the glorious parts of this heavenly body which appeared unto Daniel.  
15. qu. How Daniel is said to see the vision alone.  
16. qu. The causes of daniel's great fear.  
17. qu. Whose hand it was that touched Daniel.  
18. qu. Why daniel's prayer being heard at the first, yet the Angels coming was deferred 21. days, v. 12.  
19 qu. What it was that Daniel prayed for and how he was heard.  
20. qu. Who is understood to be the Prince of Persia.  
21. qu. How the Prince of Persia is said to have withstood the Angel.  
22. qu. Who this Michael was which helped the Angel.  
23. qu. How Michael helped the other angel.  
24. qu. How the angel saith he was left with the kings of Persia.  
25. qu. Who it is whom Daniel calleth Lord, v. 17.  
26. qu. Who it was that had this communication with Daniel in this vision.  
27. qu. Who is meant by the Prince of Grecia.  
28. qu. Of the original of the Grecians here called javan, v. 21.  
29. qu. In what sense the Angel saith, that none held with him but Michael their Prince.    

Questions upon the 11. chapter of Daniel.  

1. qu. Whether this vision in the 11. chapter be diverse from the former vision in the 10. chapter.  
2. qu. v. 1. Who it was that here saith, I stood up, etc.  
3. qu. Who it was whom the Angel stood up to strengthen.  
4. qu. Why the Persian Monarchy is so briefly touched, and the Grecians set forth at large.  
5. qu. That there were more than three kings of Persia, as may be gathered out of the Scripture.  
6. qu. Who were those four kings of Persia here named.  
7. qu. Of the fourth king of Persia his riches and power.  
8. qu. why the Angel leaveth at the fourth king of Persia, seeing there we●e more.  
9 qu. A brief description of the rising and fall of Alexander's kingdom.  
10. qu. Of Alexander's birth and education, acts and life, end and death abridged.  
11. qu. Of the 4. successors of Alexander.  
12. qu. How all Alexander's posterity was rooted out that none of them succeeded in the kingdom.  
13. qu. Of the meaning of these words, v. 4. It shall be for others beside these.  
14. qu. Of the petty divisions of Alexander's kingdom among his several captains before it grew into four, and of their mutual dissension.  
15. qu. why the Angel prosecuteth the story only of the king of the South and of the North, omitting the rest.  
16. qu. Of the kings of Egypt and Syria of whom Daniel prophesieth in this chapter.  
17. qu. Of the first Ptolemy called here the king of the South.  
18. qu. v. 5. One of his Princes shall prevail, who is meant hereby.  
19 qu. That this kingdom of the North is the same which Ezekiel calleth Gog and Magog.  
20. qu. Of the first variance between the king of the South and the king of the North, and of their joining together again.  
21. qu. what king of the South this was whose daughter came to the king of the North.  
22. qu. Of the translation of the Septuagint, which was procured by this Ptolemy Philadelphus.  
23. qu. who was the bud of her roots v. 7. and of his exploits.  
24. qu. Of the third battle between the king of the South and the king of the North v. 10. 11. 12.  
25. qu. Of the first expedition of Antiochus the great against Epiphanes king of Egypt.  
26. qu. Of the second expedition of Antiochus the great against Ptolomeus Epiphanes.  
27. qu. Of the third expedition of Antiochus Megas against Epiphanes, v. 17.  
28. qu. Of Antiochus expedition against foreign countries, v. 18.  
29. qu. Of the death of Antiochus the great, ver. 19  
30. qu. Of the acts and end of Seleucus Philopator, the son of Antiochus the great, ver. 20.  
31. qu. whether the rest of this chapter be properly understood of Antiochus Epiphanes or of Antichrist.  
32. qu. Of the first entrance of Antiochus Epiphanes to the kingdom.  
33. qu. Of the first expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt, v. 22. 23. 24.  
34. qu. Of the second expedition of Epiphanes against Egypt, vers. 25. 26. 27. 28.  
35. qu. Of the third expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt, v. 29. 30.  
36. qu. Of the meaning of the word Chittim, v. 30.  
37. qu. Of the persecution of the people of God by Antiochus, and the manner thereof, v. 31.  
38. qu. What is understood by the arms, v. 31.  
39 qu. Of the defiling of the Sanctuary and the manner thereof.  
40. qu. How Antiochus used as his instruments certain wicked persons that forsook the law.  
41. qu. Of such things as the faithful people should do and suffer in this persecution.  
42. qu. Of the consolation of the afflicted church of the jews.  
43. qu. Of the pride of Antiochus, and the exalting of himself against God.  
44. qu. Antiochus impiety and inhumanity further described out of the 37. v.  
45. qu. How Antiochus is said not to have respect to the desires of women.  
46. qu. Of the strange God, that Antiochus shall set up, v. 38.  
47. qu. Of Antiochus politic devices to maintain the idolatrous service of his new god, v. 39  
48. qu. Of the last expedition of Antiochus against Egypt, judea, and other nations, v. 40. 41. 42. 43.  
49. qu. Where the Lybians and Aethiopians inhabited.  
50. qu. Of the end of Antiochus, and such things as immediately went before.  
51. qu. Of the sudden and fearful end of Antiochus.    

Questions upon the 12. chapter of Daniel.  

1. qu. What time is here meant, and in that time shall Michael stand up, v. 1.  
2. qu. who is understood here to be Michael the great Prince.  
3. qu. What time of trouble the Angel here speaketh of.  
4. qu. What deliverance the Angel speaketh of, and of whom.  
5. qu. Whether all the jews shall be saved before the coming of Christ.  
6. qu. what kind of book Daniel here speaketh of.  
7. qu. Why this mystery of resurrection is here plainly revealed to Daniel.  
8. qu. Of the coherence of this comfortable mention made of the resurrection with the former prophesy.  
9 qu. why it is said, many of them which sleep shall awake, and not all.  
10. qu. A description of the resurrection both of good and bad.  
11. qu. Of the great glory which shall be given unto those which instruct others to salvation, v. 3.  
12. qu. How the faithful teachers are said to justify others.  
13. qu. why Daniel is commanded to seal the book, and what is the meaning thereof.  
14. qu. Until the time defined or appointed, v. 4. what time this was here limited.  
15. qu. Of these words, many shall run through, and knowledge shall be increased.  
6. qu. what two they were which Daniel saw by the brink of the river, v. 5.  
17. qu. who it was that inquired of the man clothed in linen, v. 6.  
18. qu. who the man was clothed in linen of whom the question was asked.  
19 qu. what is meant by a time, two times, and an half, v. 7.  
20. qu. Of the meaning of these words, v. 7. when he hath made an end to disperse the hand of the holy people.  
21. qu. what it was that Daniel understood, v. 8.  
22. qu. whether Daniel had altogether a repulse in his demand.  
23. qu. Of those words, v. 10. the wicked shall do wickedly, and none shall have understanding: what wicked he speaketh of.  
24. qu. what the abomination of desolation is, mentioned v. 11.  
25. qu. The 1290. mentioned v. 11. how to be taken.  
26. qu. The term of 1335. days expounded.  
27. qu. Of the last words spoken to daniel's go thy way unto the end, v. 13.  
28. qu. If thou shalt rest and stand up in thy l●t.   
The sum of these questions amounteth to 593. or thereabout.    

A Table of the Controversies.  

Places of Controversy.  

1. Contr. THe vulgar Latin translation not the best.  
2. contr. The history of Susanna, the song of the three children, and of Bel and the dragon, are no parts of Daniel, nor of the Canonical Scripture.    

Controversies upon the 1. chapter of Daniel.  

1. Contr. Whether the changing of the Pope's name be grounded upon the example of Peter.  
2. contr. That fasting is not meritorious nor satisfactory.  
3. contr. That the prescript of fasting days for abstinence, and for forbearing of certain kinds of meats, is no● warranted here by daniel's abstinence.  
4. contr. v. 20. What the wise men of the Chaldeans were, and whether the wise men which came to Christ were kings.  
5. contr. v. 20. Of the Magicians among the Chaldeans, and how that such were always opposite to the true Church of God, as divers of the Popes were such.    

Controversies upon the 2. chapter of Daniel.  

1. Contr. That the Scriptures should be extant in the vulgar and known tongue.  
2. contr. That prayer must only be made unto God.  
3. contr. That prayer is not meritorious, but grounded only upon God's mercy.  
4. contr. That Matrimony is no Sacrament.  
5. contr. That the Saints merit not.  
6. contr. v. 21. That the Pope hath no power committed unto him to put down kings.  
7. contr. That the Pope can not be Christ's Vicar general in earth.  
8. contr. That the time of Christ's coming to judgement, can not be gathered from daniel's prophesy, v. 44.  
9 contr. v. 45. Whether the virgin Marie be the mountain out of the which the stone was cut.  
10. contr. Whether Christ verily increased in the gifts and graces of the soul.  
11. contr. That the Pope is not to be reverenced, honoured, and worshipped through the world.  
12. contr. That it can not be proved out of daniel's prophesy that the Pope is not Antichrist.  
13. contr. Of the lawfulness of Magistracy, against the Anabaptists.    

Controversies upon the 3. chapter of Daniel.  

1. Contr. That an image used for any religious use, and an idol, are all one.  
2. contr. Against the adoration of images.  
3. contr. Whither images in Churches may be tolerated, though they be not adored.  
4. contr. Of the ways and means whereby idolatry is promoted.  
5. contr. Of the use of Church music, and musical instruments.  
6. contr. The multitude of professors doth not argue the truth of the profession.  
7. contr. Of superstitious dedications.  
8. contr. That counsels and general assemblies may err.  
9 contr. The fire and sword and other cruelties, the weapons of idolators and superstitious men.  
10. contr. That these three servants of God were not delivered for their virginity or abstinency.  
11. contr. Against the Ubiquitaries.  
12. contr. That miracles are not always a note and sure mark of the Church.  
13. contr. Whether a contrary religion may be tolerated in a Commonwealth.  
14. contr. That the conversion of Nebuchadnezzer, doth not signify the conversion of the Devil in the end of the world.    

Controversies upon the 4. chapter of Daniel.  

1. Contr. That the virgin Marie was not without sin.  
2. Contr. Against free will.  
3. Contr. Against the invocation of Saints.  
4. Contr. That the Pope is not the distributer of kingdoms.  
5. contr. Against satisfaction by works.  
6. contr. Of the certainty of remission of sins.  
7. contr. Which be the good works of Christians.  
8. contr. That God's providence is not only a bare prescience or permission.  
9 contr. Against the Pope who would be without check or controlment.    

Controversies upon the 5. chapter of Daniel.  

1. Contr. That idolaters and worshippers of images make them their gods.  
2. contr. Whether images in Churches may be retained, though they be not worshipped.  
3. contr. That not Protestants, but Papists are the profaners of holy things.  
4. contr. That there are no certain periods of kingdoms.    

Controversies upon the 6. chapter of Daniel.  

1. Contr. Against canonical and stinted hours of prayer.  
2. contr. That it is no Apostolical tradition to pray toward the East.  
3. contr. That the public profession of our faith is necessary, and it is not sufficient to have it inwardly in the heart.  
4. contr. That it is not lawful worshipping God to look toward an image.  
5. contr. Against the Papists and Ubiquitaries, that hold a carnal presence in the sacrament.  
6. contr. Of the false suggestions of the Papists against the Protestants.  
7. contr. Of the unjust proceeding of the Romanists in their cruel inquisition, condemning the Protestants, their cause not being heard.  
8. contr. Of the practising of Popes against Princes.  
9 contr. Whether one is just before God by an inherent justice.  
10. contr. Whether daniel's innocency were the meritorious cause of his deliverance.  
11. contr. That a general faith, called salus implicita, an implicit faith, is not sufficient.    

Controversies upon the 7. chapter of Daniel.  

1. Contr. The Church is not discerned by the greatness and largeness thereof.  
2. contr. Whether the Saints shall judge the world.  
3. contr. The vulgar Latin translation not authentical.  
4. contr. Of the divers orders of Angels.  
5. contr. The glorious persons of the Trinity are not to be represented by any image.  
6. contr. Against the Ubiquitaries which hold an omnipresence of Christ's humanity.  
7. contr. That diuturnity and long continuance without interruption, is no infallible note of the Church.  
8. contr. That the dominion of the Pope is temporal rather then spiritual.  
9 contr. That Antichrist is already come.    

Controversies upon the 8. chapter of Daniel.  

1. Contr. Prosperity and external felicity, is no perpetual note of the Church.  
2. contr. That the abomination of desolation spoken of, v. 13. is not the abolishing of the sacrifice of the Mass.  
3. contr. The authority of the Scripture dependeth not upon the testimony of the Church.  
4. contr. The description of Antiochus agreeth to the Pope and Antichrist.    

Controversies upon the 9 chapter of Daniel.  

1. Contr. That prayer and fasting is not meritorious.  
2. cont. God only is to be invocated, not Saints or Angels.  
3. contr. That Christ is the only Mediator.  
4. contr. Against prayer or invocation of the dead.  
5. contr. Of the name of the Catholic Church, that it is but usurped by the Romanists.  
6. contr. That no man is perfect in this life.  
7. contr. That the prayers of the faithful are not meritorious.  
8. contr. That we are not justified by any inherent righteousness, but imputed only by faith.  
9 contr. Whether sin any way after forgiveness may be said to remain in the faithful.  
10. contr. That charity is not more principal in the matter of justification than faith.  
11. contr. That the Pope doth blasphemously usurp the title of Christ, to be called most holy.  
12. contr. Whether the Sacrament of the Altar be most holy.  
13. contr. That Christ is Mediator both as God and man.  
14. contr. Against the sacrifice of the Mass.  
15. contr. Against the jews, that the Messiah who was expected of the Fathers, is already come into the world.    

Controversies upon the 10. chapter of Daniel.  

1. Contr. Against superstitious fasting.  
2. contr. That Paradise was a terrestrial place.  
3. contr. Against the curious distinction of the orders of Angels.    

Controversies upon the 11. chapter of Daniel.  

1. Contr. Of the birth and offspring of Antichrist.  
2. contr. That Antichrist shall not be one particular man.  
3. contr. That Nero the Emperor shall not be the great Antichrist.  
4. contr. That Antichrist shall be a deceiver rather than a victorious conqueror.  
5. contr. Of antichrist's miracles.  
6. contr. That antichrist's coming shall not be deferred to the end of the world.  
7. contr. That antichrist's seat shall not be at jerusalem.  
8. contr. That the city of Rome shall not be utterly destroyed before Antichrist shall come.  
9 contr. That the Papists Antichrist and the jews Messiah shall come together.  
10. contr. Of the true marks whereby Antichrist may be discerned.  
11. contr. How the description of Antiochus historically doth typically decyphre the Pope and Antichrist.  
12. contr. That S. Paul speaketh of an apostasy and departure from the faith, 2. Thes. 2. 3.  
13. contr. Of other notes and marks wherein Antiochus and Antichrist agree.  
14. contr. How the Antichrist of Rome hath persecuted Emperors, Kings, Princes, and learned men for religion.  
15. contr. Of the pride and blasphemies of Antichrist against God.  
16. contr. How Antichrist is said to sit in the Temple of God.  
17. contr. Of the prosperity and outward success of Antichrist.  
18. contr. That external happiness is not a sure note of the Church.  
19 contr. why the Lord suffereth Antichrist to rage against his church.  
20. contr. That out of this text, v. 36. it cannot be proved that the Pope is not Antichrist, as Bellarmine intendeth.  
21. contr. How Antichrist shall forsake his father's god, v. 31.  
22. contr. How the Roman Antichrist regardeth not the desire of women.  
23. contr. That the Antichrist shall not care in deed for any god, nor have any sense of religion.  
24. contr. How Antichrist shall bring in a strange god which his fathers never knew, v. 38.  
25. contr. Of the theatrical and pompous service with silver and gold, which Antichrist hath found out for his new idol.  
26. contr. How Antichrist shall distribute honours and possessions unto his favourites and that for money.  
27. contr. Of antichrist's insatiable ambition, cruelty, and covetousness.  
28. contr. Of the rage and fury of Antichrist.  
29. contr. How antichrist's palace is planted between two seas.  
30. contr. Of the fearful end of diverse Popes.    

Controversies upon the 12. chapter.  

1. Contr. Against blasphemous Servetus that made himself Michael.  
2. contr. Whether Henoch and Elias shall stand up with Michael in the last times.  
3. contr. What manner of persecution shall be under Antichrist.  
4. contr. Of the certainty of Election, that none of the elect can finally fall away.  
5. contr. In what sense Moses wisheth to be razed out of God's book, Exod. 32. 33.  
6. contr. That the souls of the faithful departed do not sleep until the resurrection, but presently enjoy the sight of God.  
7. contr. That all men shall rise again, and not only the faithful, neither shall they die again.  
8. contr. That Christ died not in general for all, but only for those that believe.  
9 contr. That the faithful do not justify other by any merit or satisfaction, but as ministers only of salvation.  
10. contr. That the Saints merits as they are divers, do not merit divers degrees of glory.  
11. contr. The Scriptures are not so obscure but all may be admitted to the reading of them.  
12. contr. Bellarmine confuted, who by divers arguments out of this chapter, would procue the Pope not to be Antichrist.   
The number of these Controversies is an 134.  
The Doctrines and moral observations are not summed, as being neither so many in number, nor of such special note.  
This Commentary was finished by God's gracious assistance, upon the 31. of Decemb. in the year 1608. anno aetatis Authoris 46.  Eph. 1. 3. 
Blessed be God even the Father of our Lord jesus Christ, which hath blessed us with all spiritual blessings in heavenly things in Christ.    

The faults escaped.  

The first number showeth the page, the second the line.  
3. 1. read jaddua. 3. 4. read, was about an 160. years. 3. 41. read other, for either. 7. 27. prophetalem. 12. 9 koph. 12. 11. read, unto jerusalem (not into, etc. 13. 8. read, it was not a, etc. 17. 1. for Cyrus, read Tyrus. 24. 32. dipnosophist. 24. 37. ghebed for ghebat. 41. 44. the house of his. 43. 34. read, ye would, 64. 37. read, 3. hundred thousand. 77. 17. read, girded thee. 81. 4. read, ex pacto for ex part. 88 9 read, inferreth, therefore, etc. 90. 18. read, in the first occasion, for accusation. 91. 49. read, deliver us or not, V. 94. 26. read, overtopped. 98. 57 they for those. 113. 6. read, occasion of stumbling. 118. 18. read, deliberate, 124. 5. read, not so much in. 131. 31. read, Nimrod. 140. 55. Pint. 143. 39 read, defined for defended. 145. 18. read if, for and if. 150. 54. read obscene, for obscure. 181. 45. for the holy spirit, r. the law. 184. 22. read, incredible. 184. 31. read, coniunctum. 198. 36. read, their. 210. 30. at that time. 210. 57 read, heard of. 237. 9 read, grounded. 252. 14. read, they were. 252. 23. read, virgin. 323. 24. read, 70. for 72. 373. 4. Daniel. 384. 24. phrase. 397. 43. read, Angel. 401. 26. abridged. 423. 25. for both by, read by. 429. 41. r. leeloah, 42. read, it be, for it might be. 434. 2●. this is, for that is. 448. 3. Exarch. 451. 39 Pontisicem. 456. 26. for, nay rather that, read that. 459. 17. read, bought. 460. 25. forgeries. 472. 35. read, prophetical. 486. 30. Aretas. 491. 4. for whence, read hence. 509. 29. for money.   

Add this following unto pag 87. line 36.  
Concerning the controversy of Christ's increasing in the graces of the spirit, thus much further may be added by way of explanation. 1. Out of Cyril, that corporale augmentum, etc. the growth of body, and increasing in wisdom, humanitatis mensurae conveniat, ageeths unto his human condition: as Christ was God he increased not. 2. In respect of his hypostatical union, there was no increase: he was in the very first instant of his conception perfect God and perfect man, as Heb. 1. 6. when he bringeth in his first begotten Son into the world, he saith, let all the Angels of God worship him: divine worship was due unto Christ, at his very first coming into the world. 3. Concerning the graces which the divine nature conferred upon his humanity, they were either habitual, infused into the soul of our Saviour in the very first union, or experimental: the first increased not, but were as ample and full in the first instant of this blessed union, as afterward (for Christ's soul came not into his body as tabula abrasa, a bare and naked table wherein nothing is written, as our souls are,) saving that these infused and habitual graces could not show themselves, till the organical body was made fit thereunto, as at 12. years he disputed and opposed the Doctors: these graces increased only per modum declarationis, by way of declaration, as Cyril saith, voluit quasi paulatim divinitatis suae gloriam declarare, he would by little and little manifest the glory of his deity. 4. Yet the experimental knowledge, which is gathered by sense and experience, increased in Christ, as Ambrose well determineth, sapientia sensu proficit, quia à sensu sapientia, sensus igitur proficiebat humanus, wisdom increaseth by sense, for wisdom cometh by the sense: his human sense increased, etc. and consequently his experimental wisdom and knowledge: and that there was an accession of his experimental knowledge, the Apostle showeth, Heb. 2. 18. in that he suffered and was tempted, he is able to succour them that are tempted.