A Brief discourse of War.  
Written by Sir Roger William's Knight; With his opinion concerning some parts of the Martial Discipline.  
Newly perused.  
Imprinted at London, by Thomas Orwin, dwelling in Paternoster Row, over against the Sign of the chequer. 1590.   

TO THE MOST Honourable, my singular and best Lord, Robert Earl of Essex and Ewe, Viscount Hereford and Bourghchier, Lord Ferrer of Chartley, Bourghchier and Lovayne, Master of the Queen's majesties horse, and Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter:  
Roger Williams wisheth increase of all Honour and Virtue.  
MOst honourable Lord, having busied myself more than two years in writing sundry actions that passed in our days, especially the great actions of the Netherlanders since the first arrival of Duke D' alua, until the late sieges of Sluice and Bergiss, having resolved to print and dedicate them unto your Lordship: divers occasions persuades me to crave pardon for a time; assuring your Lordship, if health and liberty permits leave, to present them unto yourself in the French tongue: hoping by those means to be rightlier judged, than I have been hitherunto. In troth, but for the negligence of a servant that lost part of my discourses, I would not have printed any thing without the whole; wherefore I have taken boldness to present your Lordship with some of my lost papers, humbly desiring you to accept them, as from a Soldier that hath but small skill in writing or inditing; but could I do better, assuredly it should be unto yourself, and shall be in any thing I can perform. Bear with my faults, be assured of my love, and command my life, next unto my sacred Sovereign & dear Country.  
Your Lordship's most bounden to serve: Roger Williams.   

To all men of War in general.  
NOble Soldiers of what quality soever, where I discourse of the virtues and vices that advanceth and overthroweth all actions, all that hath their honour to lose may claim part of the virtues, neither needs any to be grieved at the vices unless they condemn themselves guilty; the greatest Captains of Europe, can witness, that I rob neither superior nor companion of his right, much less hath been ever my thoughts to wrong any general action: the which all or the most of you that know me will bear witness, when my Netherlanders discourses with others, comes out. I think Gonsalua was called the last grand Captain, but I persuade myself neither he nor any other before him had ever carried that name, without the seconding of a number of brave companions. The most worthiest Caesar although he was highly ambitious, notwithstanding in his Commentaries written by himself, he imputed part of his honour unto his Lieutenants and Officers. Wherefore should not others do at the least the like, being not worthy to be compared unto the basest sort of his followers: no honourable minds can be free from honourable ambition, but the ambition may be such (let the mind be never so great) if he robs the honour of his companions, he wrongs himself and imbates his action. Few men of judgement but knows it impossible for one man to conduct an Army without Officers, & unpossible for any state to know the worth of their Captains without being in action with great enemies: but for that trial the Parisians, Gauntois, Antwerpians and such, would only place squadrons in battles, choose grounds, march in what order you would, arm men in good order, fortify and discourse, with other matters, to the show, as though they had been great masters of Camps: but when they were tried with the fury of expert executioners, their wars proved but May-games. Although I persuade myself my Discourse be Unpleasant, with small judgement: notwithstanding, being persuaded by honourable good friends, I took courage to print it: true it is, no action ought to be printed without the consent of sundry Actors, or at the least by one Principal, which ought to sign his works with his name, otherwise we find the most Actors wronged and rob of the most of their reputation: some with envy or malice, others with glorious ambition: sometimes you have most honourable quiet Estates wronged with ambitious follies libels, the which are hardly known and found out: but being signed by the author, deserves he well, the honour is his; if ill, the shame shall be his. Men of War ought to be more open hearted, more liberal, and more affable, than any other profession, although their secrets ought to be but unto few, their hearts must be open unto the multitude, and liberal to confess good deserts as well as with their purses: although their resolutions be agreed on by two or three, notwithstanding the more affable they show themselves unto the multitude, the greater will be their voges and loves. Some term men wise for not speaking many words: true it is, idle speeches are winds, and a disgrace unto the speaker; but be they to good purpose, the more he speaks, the greater is his praise. You must think to repeat great actions, it requires many words, to persuade the few expert companions to offend or defend, a few words will serve: but to animate or dissuade the rude multitude, the more words and the oftener the better. We do find the most conquerors were greatly advanced with the orations of their Orators, as well amongst the servilest sort as the rude multitude: without speeches, the wise can not be discerned from the foolish, nor without trial of government against equal enemies, the perfects Captain cannot be known from the most ignorant. Otherwise ignorance will condemn Generals, their followers and actions let them be ever so great, although themselves never carried places of reputation either in field or town, nor commanded more than over their own servants, saying we have known great Potentates Camps, and Courts. Let no man be so simple to judge them worthy to condemn great actions or their actors, without being employed in their great affairs, it is hard for men to govern themselves well, harder to govern a few, more harder to govern many, much more a great multitude; some can govern a household, and cannot govern a town; some can govern a town, and not a whole country. A man may be sufficient to conduct a private company, and not sufficient to command a Regiment; likewise sufficient for a Colonel, and not for a General. But whether it be for policy or Arms, it is an error to think men without trial worthy to be compared unto the others tried, in what place soever great or small. divers play Alexander on the stages, but few or none in the field. Our pleasant Tarleton would counterfeit many arts, but he was no body out of his mirths. Many have a virtue, few hath many, none have all: the most men looks into their fellows faults, but few looks into their own; bear with mine, I will bear with thine; love me, I will love thee; let us love each other, and God will love us all: on that condition noble superiors, Roger Williams wisheth to you all honour and happiness, and to you companions, no worse than to himself▪ Farewell.  
FINIS.   

EXperience and Learning must confess, all Wars are maintained with these three Principals. 

A good Chief;  
A good Purse;  
And good justice.    
ALl consists in the Chief: where there is a good Chief, there is good justice; & a brave Chief cannot want a good Purse, if he be second with his Prince or Estate: if their purse fail, a brave Chief will force his Enemy's Countries to maintain his action, having a good quarrel: with the sufferance of the great God.  
Is he resolute and valiant? All the rest of his Officers and Soldiers will resolve themselves, no coward shall be advanced; taking always care unto their words and deeds: assuring themselves, this resolute valiant Man will advance us, do we deserve it; do we ill, his Honour is such, he will not abide us.  
Is he liberal and constant? Then are all that serve under him sure to receive their due, rather more than less, that come into his hands, & assured to be recompensed for their vigilant pains and travel, and to be partakers aswell with his honourable acts, as with his liberal Purse: neither backbiter nor flarterer dares call in question the name of a brave man, much less none of his familiar acquaintance. If they should, then is the other sure to come to his answer, and not be condemned without great faults, as noble Sir Philip Sidney was wont to say, Let us love him for his small virtues, for a number have none at all.  
Is he covetous and miserable? He careth not what wrong he doth to recover wealth, cause men to end their days in every light skirmish, weary others with wants and discourtesies, keep the Officers of his Army in picks and quarrels, cause them to disgrace one another, lay all the fault on his fellows, spare neither friend nor foe to recover wealth; it is unpossible for such a Chief to end any action honourably: for he respects the least of his bags, more than his best Captain; and valure's his crowns too good for his bravest soldiers. A multitude are not to be contented, without consuming great treasure; the sight of his gold, & departing with his treasure will cause him to wish all his troops dead to recover their dues. In short time he will discredit his Estate and action.  
Is he ambitious, in such sort that he thinks none to be valued unto himself, and that all services are done by himself, resolving none shall be advanced, but such as flatter his humours, envying all other men's fortune, and virtues? That man careth not what becomes of his State and Action, longer than they maintain his ambition, against all others, be it right or wrong.  
Is he proud and vain glorious? All those that serve under him, must flatter his favourites to come unto his speech; when they come, there must be nothing contraried; if they do, he will term them fools, and his favourites devise faults to condemn them, to please his humours, and to maintain his Gloria Patri.  
It is almost unpossible for any one to have all these virtues; or for any to be free from all these vices. To say troth, Ambition is given to men of war, more than to any other profession: but let him be assured, whosoever hath it as I speak off, overthroweth any action, unless the great God will have the contrary.  
Some think it hard to know these men, because every man thinketh himself valiant & virtuous, or at the least say honest & just. Their valour must be judged by their deeds, not by their words; the rest of their virtues are easier known, than thieves in a civil government. thieves are tried by God and their country, so ought these great Captains to be tried by the multitude that serves under them; especially by their officers in general. Their fear cannot stop the rumour of the multitude, nor their bribes content few or none of the Officers, but such as respect neither honour nor virtue, and care not how they come by their favour and wealth, so they have it.  
Duty, honour and wealth makes men follow the wars: when Generals rob their inferiors of all three, often it makes honest minds quit their service, and the dishonest to serve their Enemies. None knows the worth of honest Soldiers, but such as have been in action with equal Enemies. Those that are most furnished with experimented captains, shall find it a loss to lose few; but those that have but few, shall find it a greater loss to lose any at all:  

How that all Conquests and Overthrows consists in expert soldiers, & ever did since the world began unto this hour.  
SOme thinks Commissions & authority is sufficient to conduct an Army, and that Conquests and Overthrows consist in multitude: let the Commission be ever so large, the authority ever so great, the multitude ever so many; the Wars consists altogether in good Chiefs, and experimented Soldiers, and ever did since the world began to this hour. What caused Alexander to overthrow Darius with few men, considering his number? but his valorous person, with the experience of his Captains and Soldiers. What caused Caesar to overthrow Pompey, Roman to Roman, with far lesser number? because he had old trained Legions, against more than half new levied raw men.  
Our famous Kings Henry the fift & Edward the third, gave their overthrows with few in respect of their Enemies.  
Also Charles the fift with a few experimented Soldiers, considering the number of the Germans.   

How often few or one is the occasion of the winning or losing of a Battle.  
IN our time did not the Prince of Conde give battle to the French King at the gates of Paris, to the King's loss, to the honour of the small Troop, being not half a quarter so many; where Stewart a Scottish Gentleman with a dozen Horsemen was one of the principallest occasions, by killing the Constable being their General.  
At the Battle of Mocberhay, where the worthy Count Lodowick of Nassau was overthrown and killed; the Troops of Spaniards being fearful to fight, seeing the number of lodowick's Horsemen, were only encouraged to charge resolutely, by the oration of Sentia de vela.  
The shameful Overthrow at jubeleo, where less than 600. Horsemen of Don john de Austria, overthrew 15000. against reason, only for want of Chiefs to keep order. The occasion of this charge came through a Captain of Horsemen, which discovered their disorder of March, and procured the rest to follow, desiring leave of Octavia Gonzaga his General, to charge.  
At Northorne in Freezeland, two or three cowardly captains were the cause of the overthrow of our Battle with discouraging words, the Enemy's Horsemen and vanguard being broken.  
The mutinous Gauntoys and Iper, did they not give battle in our father's days unto a French King, & their Earl of Flanders: and did not this Prince of Parma with less than 8000. men conquer them like slaves? only because they were void of Chiefs, unexpert for wars, their brave warlike minds changed unto mechanickes.  
Also the proud Town of Antwerp, which was left in good guard and Discipline by the late famous Prince of Orange having in it better than 16000 as well armed and in as good order as any Garrison in Europe, furnished plentifully with artillery, munition, and all necessaries for wars; for want of Chiefs to direct them, this prince of Parma made them slaves, with less than 8000. men.   

The difference betwixt raw men, and expert Soldiers.  
WHat is a multitude without Chiefs, but bodies without heads. Nations must not flatter themselves what they have been, but what they are. The Grecians, and the Macedonians had the Monarchy, so had the Romans', with others; what are they now? The people wanting their Chiefs, and their accustomed brave minds. All these actions with the rest that have been aforetime or in our days, were executed by the lesser numbers, and the praise of every several action, belonging unto less than a dozen Chiefs. It is an error to think that experimented Soldiers are suddenly made like glasses, in blowing them with a puff out of an iron instrument. There can be no Leaders of good conduct, unless they have been in fought Battles, asseiged and defended Towns of war; the longer experted, the more perfected. The Duke of Alva was wont to say; In losing of 100000. in 10. years action, their proves not 20. famous Leaders. To conclude; a multitude without experimented Leaders, that have to war with expert Captains, are to be compared unto a Navy in a Tempest, without Masters or Pilots.   

One noble opinion of Mounsieur de La Now.  
THE famous Mounsieur de La Now was wont to say, It was necessary for the greatest commanders, to give ear often unto all their under Officers, I mean their simplest Captains, to hear their opinions, concerning their Discipline in open audience. His meaning was noble without ambition: for in all Armies, there are a number of Captains better Soldiers, than many higher Officers; which can never be known without place to execute their art: which must be in action and audience before famous Superiors. These liberties and courtesies make a number employ their wits and valours daily to advance their credits. It hinders no great Officers, unless they mean the wars should end with themselves; it advanceth the Wars, and Actions: when they are gone, other experted known men are placed in their rooms. This order must maintain good Discipline, otherwise ignorance happens often into the high places, unknown, until actions be overthrown. Those will say, we are expert and as valiant as the others; let them say and be what they list, unless they be known to be expert of action, it is not necessary for a State to hazard their action in trying their experience, and unknown fortunes. What corrupted the discipline of the Netherlanders? chiefly placing their ignorant cousins & favourites to command. Who could have won Gaunt, Antwerp, Bridges, Iper, with an 100 other towns, that wanted no necessaries for wars if there had been expert Commanders in them. These strong places were lost shamefully without blows, with twenty overthrows in the field, with the like disorders. Therefore this noble La Now would say always, Checune a son mety; as much to say, Every man ought to have place according to his art. The martial Byron would say also, These Colonels of three days, mars all the Armies of the world. Notwithstanding, it must be confessed, that some quick spirits prove to be expert with small actions: but so rarely found, that it is dangerous to give them charge before they be well known.  
What makes the Spaniards discipline to be so famous as it is? Their good order: otherwise it is well known, the Nation is the basest and cowardly sort of people of most others; so base, that I persuade myself, ten thousand of our Nation, would beat thirty of theirs out of the field, let them be chosen where they list; saving some 3. thousand which is in the Low countries. And those, for all they be conducted by ancient expert Captains accompanied with other Nations, nothing inferior to those Spaniards, both for valour and conduct; notwithstanding, the trained Troops of our Nation did beat them always number to number, both in General Norris his time, & sithence. In their Countries the world doth know five thousand of our Nation made guards at the gates of Lisbon four days, although there were in the Town five thousand Spaniards, 4000 Portugeses carrying arms; beside they were assured of all the Burgesses, for they had sent into Spain, and kept in the Citadel, their wives, children, & chiefest goods. Also by reason of our Army staying in Galitia, where 6000. of ours overthrew 16000 of theirs. Before we arrived at Lisbon, they had 20. days respite to arm and put themselves in order; but had our Army not touched at the Groin, and sailed straight to Lisbon, as the Earl of Essex did, neither Soldier nor Captain can deny, but the town had been ours; for it was vnmanned, without any good order: & when we arrived, had our Navy entered, we would have entered the Town, or the world should have witnessed, so many Englishmen had been buried in that place. But let all the Captains of Europe judge rightly of our proceed from the first to the last, considering our small means & great crosses, they cannot deny, but both our valour and government, deserved 100 times more praise, than the attempt of Duke Medina and his, on England: notwithstanding they wanted neither men, victuals, munition, nor money. Also the world knows, we were not set out with our Sovereign's royal Forces; notwithstanding we gave them the law 30 days in their Countries. When sickness with other wants forced us to embark, being followed with their Army, we returned towards them with less than 4000 Where the Earl of Essex sent his Trumpet, to dare their General the County of Fuentes, to find himself in the head of his troops, to change the blows of the pikes, giving him signal of his attire and feathers: so did General Norris command the Trumpet to tell them our small number, & to dare their whole Forces to battle: but the cowardly besonions perceiving our resolution, before we could arrive within 3. miles of them, all their footmen ran away to Lisbon, being 3. for one. Fuentes with Don Gabriel de Ninis knowing we had under fifty horsemen, stayed where they were encamped, having with them at the least 600. horsemen: notwithstanding, the alrrme being given us, the Earl, and General Norris with the most of the Chiefs, giving order to our Squadrons to keep in that order we marched, and to march with all speed to recover the top of a hill, a fine place to give battle, assigned unto them by the trumpet, within half a league of their quarter. The Earl, General, and Chiefs with the horsemen, advanced with speed to the top of the hill, both to discover the Enemy's order, and to choose a commodious place to fight. At their sight, we persuaded ourselves by their fashion to receive battle, our ensigns being displayed on the top of the hill, and our squadrons possessing the ground that we thought most fit: after resting a while, & perceiving their cowardly resolution, advanced our battle towards their quarter, unknown to us but that all their forces had been in that village. At our approach, they ran away in such sort, that our horsemen (being but 50. in all, amongst whom were divers of our Chiefs, besides the Earl and his brother) made 200. of them run away that they kept in the Rearguard. This proof with divers others, had we on them in our Portugal voyage.  
But to speak troth, no Army that ever I saw, passes that of Duke de Parma for discipline & good order: the which & it pleased others to follow, it were not amiss. And to that end I thought good to show some part of the discipline and orders amongst them. None comes to be high Officers, unless they be known to be expert and tried Soldiers of action, of long continuance; or for courtesy to grace their Armies with young Princes, or Nobility, or at the least Gentlemen of good quality; neither must these contemn the basest Master of their Campe. For all their birth, they must be known valiant, and of good discretion. These Noble men are placed Generals of horsemen, or command a Cornet; but they will be sure to look, that their under Officers shall be expert and known men; they shall not choose their own favourites and followers: which maketh them to maintain the like discipline, when they come to be expert themselves: for without doubt, none can command so well, as those which have been commanded.  
Their State is governed with two sorts of people, Captain and Clergy. As the captains ambition persuades the king to increase his Wars, to maintain their estate in wealth and greatness, so doth the Clergy persuade him also to wars, to maintain their State, against them of Religion. By this means the State of Spain during this government can never be without wars, and continual wars must make expert Soldiers.   

The long continuance of their Army.  
THis Army of the Prince of Parma hath been in action unbroken, since Charles the fift his troubles against the Germans. They have continued in the Low Countries three and twenty years. When the Duke D' alua, brought them thither, he found them ready disciplined in Regiments, under Ensigns and Cornets, although the Governors, Captains and Soldiers, were changed with casualties of Wars: notwithstanding the Army was continually maintained with one purse & discipline from the first hour unto this, which must be about 50. years. For that time, we must confess, none had the school of wars continually, but themselves. Their actions shows their discipline, which were not amiss for others to follow. Their order is, where the wars are present, to supply their Regiments being in Action, with the Garrisons out of all his Dominions & Provinces: before they dislodge, besonios supply their places, raw men, as we term them. By these means he trains his besonios, & furnisheth his Army with trained soldiers: yet though these Garrison men be well trained Soldiers, God knows they are but raw men for a long time, in respect of the men of Action: then judge you, what difference there is betwixt expert Soldiers & raw. In my poor judgement, (as I showed before) all their discipline consists in the Spanish. They maintain also certain companies of ordinances, chief to content the Nobility, as I will show hereafter; they keep in good order their Cavaleri, Italians, Burgonians and Albanetes, for their great numbers I mean, to supply their Armies, as occasion presents. They make most account of the Walloons, Burgonians and Italians: for the Almains they care not, but will hire them only to serve their turn, when their Enemies levy Germans against them. They have great reason; for as long as any Prince or Estate keeps continually 7000. expert footmen, & 3000. horsemen, though his levied Army be 50000. the ten thousand will both discipline them, and keep them in order: for out of the 10000 he may draw continually 100 or two experimented Soldiers to make officers, to train the others. Besides he places divers great Officers out of his assured 10000 amongst his mercenaries; in the which he shows great discipline; for there can be no dangerous mutiny in any Army, unless some of the Chiefs be privy unto it; and easily prevented if it be discovered; and can not be but discovered by reason of this good order.   

How they divide their Armies.  
THey divide their Armies into Regiments. All the Spanish Colonels are termed, Masters of the Campe. Although all their Army be divided into Regiments, be they never so many Colonels, there are none termed M. deal Campo, but the Spanish. Although there are but four Tertias Spanish, which are called de la Lyge, de Lombardy, de Naples, and de Flandrie; to grace the Spanish, they give often the name of M. del Campo unto others, but never above six at a time, the which must be famous. Mondragon being Colonel of the Walloons afore Serexe, for his famous service was called M. deal Campo, so was jonas Oria, having no Regiment, for his famous service at Malta and in other places.  
These four Tertias, when they are most, are scarce 6000. strong, they make up their 10000 I named before with Burgonians, Italians & Walloons. One of these Tertias when the Duke of Alva came down, was called Tertia de Sardinia. For their disorder, the Duke executed their Captains in Amsterdam, in Holland, cassid the Tertia, entertaining the Soldiers a new. To keep the honour of the brave Soldiers, they termed this Tertia, Tertia Veche, to give example unto others. It is necessary to remember this Discipline, with other, executed by the Duke of Alua. This Tertia of Sardinia had to their Colonel a valiant Captain, named Don Gonsalo de Drakemont, being commanded to Frizeland, against Lodowicke the worthy Count of Nassaw, brother to the famous Prince of Orange: to stop his course, Duke d' Alva sent Sir john de Lamy Count de Aranberge Chief, with other troops of horse and foot. Besides this Tertia being approached Count Lodowicke understanding his strength, Aranberge would have stayed where he was, until the arrival of the Count de Megem, the which would have joined with him that night with more forces. The ambition of this Colonel and Captains was such, they forced Count Aranberge with urging words touching his reputation and credit, both to approach and charge some of Lodowick's troops, the which brought them into an ambush where Lodowicke was: who defeated them in rout, leaving Count de Aranberge dead in the place, with divers other Chiefs. At their return, Duke d' Alva rewarded them, as I showed you before.  
Another time a great Regiment of Almain mutined for want of pay: in their outrage they spoilt Count Laderne, their own Colonel. Duke d' Alva called them into a field, both to be mustered and to receive their pays, Into this place he commanded also all his Cavalero with other footmen to come. The mutinous Regiment being viewed with commissaries, he placed the horsemen in Squadrons round about them, commanding them to charge them like enemies, unless they would deliver the mutineers into his hands. The poor Almains seeing themselves deceived, fearing the fury of the horsemen, delivered unto him all that he demanded. To revenge their mutiny, and to maintain Discipline, he executed of them 200. Since that time we cannot learn that the Almains mutined in the Spanish Army.   

Their great Officers in order as they command.  
IN the absence of the Captain General, the high Marshal or master of the Camp general commandeth al. After him, the General of the horsemen: after him, the General of the Artillery: after him, the eldest master of the Camp: next unto the Master's del Campo, the Lieutenant general of the horsemen: after him, the Lieutenant of the Artillery. These Officers direct the field: for the rest of the Colonels and Officers, none meddle further than his own particular charge, unless they be authorized. Although the Threasurer at wars be an honourable place commanded by no body, but by the Captain general, he nor none of the others meddle with the Martial Discipline; I mean the Auditores, Commissaries, Muster masters, & such. Touching the charge and duties of the Captain General, and the other great Captains, I refer it unto the famous warriors which wrote it often before.   

What other Officers ought to second their great Officers.  
THe office of the Marshal, is painful & great, for he meddleth with the whole affairs of the wars; he hath to serve and to help him, the Sergeant mayor, Quarter masters, Provosts, and Captain of the Spions.  
The General of the horsemen hath to serve him, his Lieutenants, Colonels, Captains, and Scoutmasters.  
The General of the Artillery, his Lieutenant, Commissaries of munitions, Gentlemen of the Artillery, Colonel of pioneers, Trenchmasters, & Carriage-masters.  
The Treasurer is chief of all the others: he, the Auditor, Muster-masters, Commissaries aswell for musters, as for victuals, deliver their accounts only unto the captain general, or to his deputy authorized by him for the use of the King. There is also one Secretary authorized by the King, who looks into all their dealings, and knows all the secret only that passeth betwixt the King and the Captain general.  
This Secretary hath always divers blanks signed by the King. With those blanks they have redressed suddenly many disorders which could not have been done, if they had been forced to stay to know the King's pleasure.   

The greatness of their General, and Obeisance unto his King.  
ALthough the General hath his commission absolute from the King, to alter, to redress, place, & to displace whom he lists, as occasion presents: Notwithstanding he doth nothing, without the advise and consent of his counsel of war, if he should he is sure to be despised and contemned, not only by his counsel of war, but by his whole Army in general; who will not fail to appeal unto the King, & Estate of Spain, which redresseth presently any disorders. For sudden dispatches, the King hath his counsel of war severally for every of his kingdoms and provinces, where he hath occasion to use Viceroys or Captain Generals. All these Counsels of wars both in Spain and abroad, are expert and principal Captains, saving a few Divines and Civililians joined with them, to advise and redress their high minds and ambition; the which is done easier and better by wise persuasions, than by extreme justice: for if justice were executed to the uttermost, few great Captains should live. The most great captains cannot deny, but their profession over-reacheth themselves, more than any other; because all their speeches, deeds, and minds consists in ambition for honour, seeking to overthrow all estates, to advance their own, weighing no peril in respect of fame.  
I speak this for Captains in general: but there are honest, virtuous, and just, yet so few that the number must be embraced, else the multitude of the enemies would be too to many for the few friends. If a Captain be a good counsellor in War, a good executioner, or a good engioner, he ought to be embraced, and as noble Sir Philip Sidney said, borne withal, unless his faults are too intolerable.   

How they divide their Horsemen.  
THey divide their Cavalerie into an 100 under a Cornet. Unless it be their two Generals, the most of the advantagers and adventurers march under the high General, so do all his domestics. When he is in person in the field, his Cornet is always four or five hundred; they give several commissions unto Launtiers, & to the Hergulutiers, to five hundred Launtiers they join a hundred Hergulutiers, they keep that rate from the lesser number unto the greatest. These Launtiers are called light Horsemen, notwithstanding they are aswell mounted as the men at arms, for one horse a piece, and aswell armed, saving the barbd for their grieves and maces: the most carry one Pistol, but all carry a curtelace, I mean a good broad sword. Their Hergulutiers are also well mounted for 1. horse a piece, more than half cuirasses of the proof, with an open burgonet, or Milan murrions; many have pistols besides their pieces, but all have good curtilaces. Both Launtiers and Hargulatiers have all cassocks, every company several colours to be known.   

The divisions of their foot bands.  
THeir Commissions for foot Bands are like unto ours, some Ensigns 300. some 200. the most of an 150. Every hundred hath forty armed men, of which there must be 30. pikes, the ten others, are halberds & targets of the proof; all their Gentlemen & vantagers are armed men, the most carry the pike, having plasterons of the proof, I mean the forepart of the armour, the 60. others are shot. In the later days of Duke D'alua 25. of every 100 were commanded to be Musketters. With their armed pikes and musketters, they execute most of their services. They found such service in the musket, that this Prince of Parma hath the most of his shot musketters.   

The order of their marching.  
WHen the Army marcheth, one commands the vanguard, another the battle, the third the rearward. None of these, nor of the Officers appointed with them, whatsoever occasion presenteth, although their fellows were in fight, dares break out of his place to offer to fight, without commandment from the Principal. If the General be in person, he is known by a signal, like unto a Cornet, which is carried hard by him. As he sends often to know the State of his Army in all the quarters, so do they send others unto him, as occasion presents, both to acquaint him of their Estate, & to know his direction. To give equal honour unto all their troops, they altar their marches every several march. He that had the vanguard to day, to morrow is to have the rearward, the third the battle. When occasion presents to divide their Army into several parts to do some exploits in surprising some town, Castle, n, or other to give camisadoes, or re-encounter troops, either at their lodgings, or in their march, they send two of quality, according to the number of the troops that go, the one commands the horsemen, the other the footmen; but one is obeyed chief, in as ample authority, as the Captain General himself, until they return into their Army. They have great reason; for it is impossible for two Chiefs to agree, having equal authority.   

The order of their Sieges.  
WHen they assiege any place, they encamp at the first out of the danger of the enemy's artillery: before they make any approaches, they do what they can to make sure either with Forts or Trenches all the passages, I mean the coming in as well to their Camp, as to the Town or place assieged. If there be any river or passage by water, they will be sure to stop it with Forts, Artillery, Stockathos, Pallisathos. If they can make a bridge to pass over horse and foot, with all necessaries from one side unto the other: if they can they will not fail to make ways round about the place assieged to march with horse & foot. If there be any passages strong by nature, straits through woods, hills, or with waters, although it be a dozen miles from their Camp, they will build strong Forts, sufficient with a small guard to abide the fury of an army without battery. At one of these places will they give battle, rather than leave their siege, if the party be to their advantage: by this means they will be sure to have forty hours liberty to resolve, whether they will fight or retire; as they did at Muncier, at Cambria, and at other places. Count Lodowicke being in Mounce, well accompanied, especially with good Chiefs; for he had with him the famous Captains Monsieur de la Now, Monsieur de Poiet, Monsieur de Roueres: Notwithstanding, Duke d' Alva entrenched his Army before it so strongly, that he was able to send out half his men to do exploits where it pleased him. When the Prince of Orange encamped hard by him with equal forces, he never stirred his Army, by reason of his trained Soldiers, undid him with a Camisado, forced him to retire. So did he also send Chappine Vitelly out of his Army, with sufficient forces into the strait towards Valentia, who defeated Monsieur Iohn de Lise, which marched to the succours of Mounce with seven thousand Frenchmen. Also at Cambria this Prince of Parma abode the Army of Monsieur d' Alencon to come in sight, although he resolved to retire, sending his Artillery, munition and baggage out of danger: he stayed to see the order of his march, seeing the party unequal who marched in good order, he retired orderly without ingageing any fight. If they think the place assieged too well manned, or the seat such by nature, that battery can do no good, they will block it up with Forts in such sort, that half their Army will be sufficient to assiege it, they will be sure to place the rest in the best quarters for victuals and forage, although it be three days journey from the place assieged: as they did at Antwerp, Gaunt, Iper, Berke, and other places. By these means they relieve their wearied troops with fresh at their pleasures. If there be troops making head to levy their siege, they will join closer together, as occasions present: if they batter, they approach carefully with trenches a far off, spare neither pioneers nor cost to save their Soldiers. Before they place their Battery, they mount culverins, and other pieces to beat the flanks and defences: if there be not high grounds advantageous to do it, they will be sure whatsoever it cost, to raise mounts for the purpose. If the Bulwarks be such that the flanks cannot be taken away with their pieces, they will lay battery at once both to Bulwark and Curtain; for the Soldiers may lawfully refuse to assault, until the flanks be taken away; neither will the Chiefs offer it; for some of them must lead them.   

The order of their assaults.  
BEing ready to assault, to give equal honour unto all the troops, the Regiments hurl the Dice, who shall have the point, the first charge we call it: lightly the Chief that commanded that quarter will ask it as his right, because his troops are most spoiled by reason of their near guards and approaches. Most often he hath it: being given him, he divides his troops to second one the other, according to the wideness of the breach, they respect the honour of the point, that the Captains will not give place one unto the other more than their Colonels, but by fortune of the Dice. They need not be so earnest for the matter, because the greatest warriors account the first troop that entereth a breach in more danger, than the first troop that must charge in their several battles. They have reason; for I know it by good experience, whether they enter or retire the most of them are killed, if the defenders be honest men, I mean any thing valiant. They may have two or three breaches, but at every one they keep one order. Before the armed men advance to the assault, they place their Musketeers as near to the breach as they can, lightly they make mounts higher than the defendants: in those and in trenches before the Artillery they place all their small shot. Before they give an assault, they send sundry Officers and Soldiers armed of Musket proof and good judgement to discover the breaches: when they give the assaults, if they be not pell-mell with the defendants, their canoneers, flanks the breach over their heads, both from the battery, and with their flanking pieces: they line their armed men that have the first point with Musketeers armed of the proof. At these assaults both sides lightly shoot all the vilest shot they can invent, both to pierce Arms and to cut off Pikes, chained bullets, Dice of steel covered withlead: lightly they give their assaults general at once, I mean at all their breaches and mines, if the ground serve to mine. To discourage the defendants, they have messengers of credit one horseback, if they can pass, which run from breach to breach crying, courage the Tertia de la Liege is entered: So at the other breaches the like, that Tertias of Lombary or Naples, or others are entered, when there is no such matter. When those that give the first charge begin to retire or wax cold, the great Officers command their seconds to the assaults; finding fault with the rest, telling them, it is you fellows must do it: with these stratagems and words, they make the poor soldiers break their necks at their pleasure. But to speak troth, the Spanish discipline is very grateful unto the men of war; for want of present places to advance their valiant men of virtue according unto their deserts, they give them advantages of pays, with encouraging words and assured promises of the first places that fall void. If a Colonel, Captain, or any other officer under them, loseth his whole Regiment or Company in Battle, Assault, Skirmish, or in any other service commanded unto by their superiors; although the troop be defeated, those that return, are sure to remain in pay, and the Colonel or Captain have present Crowns to recomfort his troop. If the Regiment or Company be cashed, all the Officers are surely enrouled in their own pays they had before. A cashed Colonel, Captain, or Officer, will never take base charge than they had before, but will serve privately, until occasion presents to advance them unto the places they had before. As they are bound to follow the wars, where they receive their reliefs; so have they liberty to follow whom they list, unless they be commanded to the contrary: the greatest part will follow the Cornet royal, some the General of Horsemen, others the high Marshal, others the Master of the Camp, as they be affected and minded. Likewise the cashed Soldiers are placed in their former pays, under other Colonels None of these cashed Officers are bound unto any duty, saving fight; I mean to guard or watch▪ but the most part will do it orderly, better than the bound men, to show example unto others: persuading themselves he that excels his fellows, is soon advanced. Their usage hath been such, that I marvel all professions in Spain desires not to be Soldiers. Charles the fift being before Metz in Lorraine, his Army being in misery and extreme sickness, his Soldiers would openly rail on him, especially his Spanish would call him the son of the mad woman, with all the vile words they could devise, yet he would not hear them, but threw Crowns amongst them, saying to his nobility; hearken these knaves, yet let me call the worst by his name, he will not refuse to do any thing for me, though it cost him his life. Also the Duke of Alva, when the Burghmasters of Holland presented a petition unto him of the disorder of the Spaniards; amongst other foolish articles, they showed him how they would have their napkins changed twice at a meal. He answered, you must think, all those which came with me were not brought up amongst Burghers. To say troth, God help that man of war, that hath all his deeds and words construed to the worst, considering what casualties there are in wars above all other places. Often choler altereth honest minds, to day rich, to morrow poor; now happy anon unhappy. Although their discipline in martial actions be most famous, and worthy to be followed of all others; notwithstanding their government is so vile and tyrannous, that no people is able to abide it, unless they be too base minded. For example, the Castilian of Gaunt, having occasion to execute 3. or 4. offenders: to terrify the multitude, he did it openly in the market place; by chance a scaffold fell down, at the which there grew a great noise and rumour: suddenly without more ado, the Castilian drew his sword, crying Alerto to his soldiers; The soldiers most savagely discharged a salve of hargubusaides on the poor people; with shot & sword they killed and hurt above an 100 Complaint being made unto the Duke D' alua their Governor; his answer was, he was sorry the fault was done without desert, notwithstanding he punished no body: thinking it a good means to terrify a mutinous popular (as he termed them). Another time, the Master of the camps company, julian Romero, being in garrison in the town of Macklen, his Alfere being in love with a gentlewoman, could not obtain her love; on a May day, he and his company armed, came unto her father's house under the colour of Maying, took her away by force: her friends and kinsmen making what stir they could to save her, with the disorder of the Alfere and Soldiers, divers were killed and hurt. Complaint being made, no man was executed, but persuasions unto the parties to take patience, showing them what an offence it was, to stir against a flying Ensign of the King their Lord. The Alfere was banished for a few days; notwithstanding he enjoyed his love, & his favour with his Governor in a short time. Another time, a Sergeant of Sentia Davilla Castilian of Antwerp, road up and down Antwerp on a foot-cloth of velvet, mandilion and hose embroidered with gold letters, the contents of the words in Spanish, Gasador de los flamings; as much as to say in English, A Scourge for the Flemings: a number complained, but none had redress. Such is their government in all places where they command with citadels, garrisons, fortresses or forces; the least Sergeant of a Band, being a natural Spaniard, will seem to command the greatest man of quality of any other Nation, unless he command forces himself. Let the forces be ever so great, although it be 40. or 50000. and of them, but two. or 1000 Spaniards, it must be called the Spanish army. When they come first out of Spain, either to Italy, Flanders, or any other places, they be the simplest besonios (as they term them) that can be found of any other Nation; the most are appareled by the Governors, before they enter the Countries, to save the honour of the Nation. Let them continue any time in pay, the simplest will compare in pride with any captain of other Nations, and divers rascals must be called, Signior of such a place, meaning the next Town or Village that he was borne unto, having neither land nor house of his own. Besides the tyrannous Inquisition is maintained by that Nation, principally in Spain to bridle Princes and Nobility; which otherwise have so great liberty by their ancient customs, that divers of them own but small subjection unto their King: for abroad as well as in Spain, they make whom they list slaves and prisoners at their pleasures, without trial of justice: neither shall the parties know, who accused them, nor what is laid to their charge, more than it is the will of the holy Inquisition. With their devilish Inquisition, they take men's goods at their pleasure. With their Bulls and other paltry devices, poisoning, murder, breaking oaths & promises, may be pardoned by the Pope. Their religion is such, where they subdue kingdoms or countries, either by right, policy, or arms, if they find any of great quality that carries a voge, to command popular or men of war; let their service and deserts be never so great, unless they be sure of them, in such sort to obey all those, that carry their commissions & directions, be they never so basely or vilely directed, they will be sure to make them away with poison or murder, for justice can take no place, I mean touching all strangers, saving their own Nation.  
For example, the Marquis of Marinan, after they gave him advancement, Charles the 5. wrote letters to execute him, which were discovered by the Marquis. Likewise the Duke of Bourbon having won the battle of 〈◊〉 fearing his greatness, Charles caused his Army to mutiny against him, with other disgraces underhand to undo him; if the Duke had not taken resolution to sack Rome, to content the men of war. Also the brave Count Egmont with others of his Nation, for all their service were executed most cruelly by Duke D'alua, and the Marquis of Berges with Mountenie poisoned in Spain, only to bring to pass their determination against the Netherlanders. Also Mark Anthony Colono, whose house and himself, followed always the house of Austria, being Viceroy of Naples, reputed and feared for the greatest Captain in Italy, was sent for into Spain; and before he could speak with the king, he was poisoned in his way to the Court. The last day, two or three noble men Porteguises, taking arms, made to the Sea coast, having discovered sir Francis Drakes fleet; the Spanish perceiving their greatness, executed one Count, and poisoned the other; although some of them were the men that sought to bring them into the country, and most assured them. Look also to their proceed with Naples & Milan, the wrongs to Francis Fortza, Ferdinando of Arragon, with divers other the like actions. T'his discipline & government do I know by good experience, for I served under the Ensigns of the M. del Campo, julian Remero 22 months, and Mondragon 18 months, with the domestics of the brave Don john de Austria eight months, always in action. As I said before their discipline must be good, for good Chiefs makes good Soldiers.  
The least of thirty commanders they had always amongst them, were sufficient to command 10000 Soldiers. A camp continually maintained in action, is like an University continually in exercises, when famous Scholars die, as good or better step in their places: Especially in armies, where there be every day new inventions, stratagems of wars, change of weapons, munition, & all sort of engines newly invented, & corrected daily.  
Some may ask me as I did Philip de Comines in reading his book, where he speaks much to the praise of Lewis the xj. but nothing how he quited his Duke of Bourgondie: true it is, at the defeat of Harlam; Colonel Morgan and his Regiment were discharged from the Prince of Orange's service, myself being one arriving in England, the said Colonel with a number of others, were employed into Ireland. At that instant the Prince of Condie was newly escaped out of France into Germany. I having nothing to do, hearing the said Prince meant to return into France with an army, myself & 4. other companions, resolved to employ our service with that Prince: being in Germany with small purses, finding the Prince not able to march in six months, having no means to live, we returned for England; passing through Liar in Brabant, we were brought before the Master of the camp julian Romero, who entertained me with such courtesy, that I remained with him. Thus did I enter into the Spaniards wars, and do think it no disgrace for a poor Gentleman that lives by wars, to serve any Estate that is in league with his own.   

To prove Lantiers more serviceable than men at arms, considering the numbers that do duties.  
THe difference betwixt the men at Arms, companies of Ordinances, as they term them, and the Launtiers, called by the strangers Light Horsemen, by us Demilances. I must confess a company of men at Arms, to be the most honourablest private charge that a man may have in the wars, principally because these charges are given unto Princes, Nobility, or men of great qualities in the wars. To every several company belongeth one Ensign, one Guidon, and one Cornet; the Ensign over the men at Arms, the Guidon over the Archers, the Cornet over the light horsemen: Considering the number of hands to come to fight, & to do duty, I persuade myself the greatest warriors think the Lantiers more profitable and more serviceable: my reasons are these; a man at Arms ought to have 5. horses, for every horse he receives as much pay as a Launtier: commonly the men of Arms makes no convoys that belongs unto an Army, the most of them are men of quality (as we term men of war) either gentle or cashed Officers, wherefore they are favoured for their scouts, guards and watches. If they be commanded to any of these duties, out of their five horses, it is much if they send three, commonly one and two: half of them keeps but four horses, the most three, the rest is laden with baggage, perhaps lame jades, sufficient with courtesy to pass the Musters, being trimmed up with help of their witnesses, how they were hurt in service, & devices. Lightly they are not commanded to march, unless the Army dislodges: if they do, Cornets of Launtiers and Hargulatiers are commanded with them. The men of Arms never break their soft paces, unless they charge or retire, the others often are commanded to great marches, to do exploits, Cavalgade, (as the strangers term it) beside they must scout, discover, with all duties that belongs unto an Army, either in lodging or march, and fights often, when the men of Arms see no enemy▪ when they do fight, lightly, it is a battle, than the Launtiers receive and give the first blows. The first charge being well conducted, and directed, tries the most of the fortune of a days service, 100 men at Arms are as chargeable as 500 Launtiers, and do not the duty, neither in fights nor guards as half so many. Touching the barbd, (I mean the arming of the horses) I think it to little purpose, seeing all squadrons of pikes be lined with Musketeers or Calivers; the lesser of both pierceth any arming that horses use to carry. In stead of Maces, the Launtiers may carry one Pistol, the which is lighter and far more terrible, than thrice the force we have in these days. True it is, it is necessary, for the shock of a horse to wear a little Cuisset to cover the knee, so ought all the Launtiers to be. We know it by experience; let a horseman be armed, the forepart of his cuirasses of a light pistol proof, his head piece the like, two lame of his pouldrons the like, two or three Iames of his tasses of the like proof, the rest I mean his tasses, cuisses, pouldrons, vambraces, and gauntlets, be also so light as you can devise. With one pistol these kind of arming shall be found heavy for the most men, to carry all day long, and too heavy for the most horses to carry ten hours together, and to do any service: As I said before, the Launtiers are as well mounted for one horse a piece, if he have not two, unless he be too base minded, and the wars very bare. Besides, all Launtiers receive every man his own pay, and have nothing to do with Master, nor any body, saving his Officers, that commands him to do his duty in the war. Wherefore I persuade myself, they maintain these Ordinances, as they term them, chiefly (as I said before) to keep the ancient customs, fearing in breaking that order, divers of their great men would grudge: by reason, all or the most part of these companies belong unto them. For example our Band of horsemen Pensioners did account them the fairest Band of ordinance in Europe for the number, because all the men at arms are Gentlemen of quality: wherefore I do value this Band better, than twice as many of any other, let them be of what Nation soever. I may speak it by good experience, out of this Band there may be picked 15. or 20. sufficient to answer so many at all deeds of arms, let it be chosen out of any Army, be it never so great: considering their charges in pays, expenses in victuals munition, and their liberties for duties; I mean to convoy, guard, and to watch, so many private Launtiers, as this fair Band musters in all of horses, under their Ensign, or Guidon, would excel them; my reason is, as I said before, because every Launtier is a master, and receives his own pay.   

To prove Hargulatiers more serviceable than Spear men, termed by us, light Horsemen.  
THE difference betwixt our Northern Spears, Light Horsemen we term them; and the Light Horsemen termed by the stranger's Hargulatiers, as much to say Hargabushes or Petronels on horseback. Touching the mounting and arming of these hargulatiers, I showed you before, the service of all Light horsemen, consists chief in marching of great marches, (Cavalgades the strangers term it) I mean, to surprise Companies a far off in their lodgings, or marches; likewise to defeat convoys, & to conduct convoys, as much to say, direct it to spoil necessaries that come to furnish their enemies, and to conduct necessaries to furnish their own camp or service. Also to scout and discover, to spare the armed men, I mean the Launtiers, & the other horsemen; likewise both to conduct & spoil foragers, with the like services. They be never commanded to do any exploits on men of War, without being accompanied with Launtiers, or armed Pistolers, I mean Cuirasses on horseback. divers march with swords without Pistol or Lance, especially the Frenchmen. For these services it is necessary to have in armies or troops, for every 500 Launtiers or armed Cuirasses, 100 of these kind of light horse: from that rate to the greatest numbers. If horsemen be directed to assail troops at their lodgings, either in villages, straits, or fields, where it requires too great a march for footmen to keep company with the horsemen, without doubt these hargulatiers are far better than the spearmen; my reasons are these; when the horsemen approach the enemy, if it be in a village, lightly they must pass through barriers and narrow straits, bard with wagons, both of victuals, & of their men of war, where commonly the Enemy keeps guards & watch. If the passage be such, either in entering a village or strait, that horsemen cannot find place to enter and to charge, these hargulatiers' light on foot, & do no less duty than foot hargabushiers. If the enemy be lodged either too strongly or to many, for the assailants to do any good on their quarter, as ye must think, a 1000 strongly lodged in a village or straight, with good guard and order, are worth 2000 without, let them be of one valour and conduct) than the assailant will address an ambush perhaps, in a passage or narrow straight short of the Enemy's quarter, where he will also cause all or the most of those Hargulatiers to light, than place and hide them in such sort, that 100 shot will spoil and defend ten times more than themselves, unless the enemies bring shot to displace them; if they do, the Ambush may dislodge, if he thinks the party unequal; the which he could not, were his Hargulatiers' Hargabushers without horses, being engaged to fight. I confess also the Hargulatiers far better than the spearmen for this service; if troops of armed cuirasses, launtiers, or others, chance to meet by fortune with the like enemies in a champion, the Hargulatiers' unarmed march on both sides of their squadron, like wings of shot about a squadron of pikes; until the launtiers or cuirasses charge, divers of their Hargulatiers march skirmishing before the squadrons, like forlorn men after the Almain phrase; when the squadrons charge, they fly on both sides to their fellows They place their armed Hargulatiers behind the squadrons, they execute more than the Launtiers, after the Launtiers, break into the enemy's squadrons: for the armed hargulatiers ought to be as well mounted, and armed for cuirass and cask, saving their beavers, as the launtiers; the most of them, as I showed you before carrieth a pistol, besides his caliver or petronel. Let it be for what service Captains can devise, these hargulatiers are better than our sort of spear men that we term Light Horsemen. I persuade myself, that all the warriors in Europe, saving ourselves and the Scots will be found to be of my mind. I am sure the Earl of Essex, General Norris, the Lord Willoughby, Sir William Russell, Sir Richard Bingham, with the most of all that served against the great Captains, I mean the Prince of Parma and his followers, will say and confess as I do. For example, the famous monsieur de la Now, commanding chief of the wars under the Prince of Orange and the States in Flaunders, had 5. Cornets of these spearmen, all Scots: he finding little service with these kind of arming and mounting, changed them unto Launtiers and Hargulatiers; the which afterwards proved to be serviceable, & as brave bands as any other under his charge: especially the company of Seaton. True it is, brave men will show themselves valiant with any kind of weapons, all manner of ways: but the best sort of arming and mounting is the more profitable, & the more serviceable. Although our two nations (I mean English and Scottish) may compare, & in my opinion do excel all the rest of the world in value and strength: notwithstanding, neither of both our Nations can compare with the Strangers for the mounting and arming, unless we resolve to be Launtiers, Pistolers and Hargulatiers, as I showed before.  
Our discipline is to have 1000 Spearmen, and some 200. Launtiers, from that rate to the greatest numbers, which ought to be 1000 Lantiers and 200. Spearemen. Likewise, from that rate to the greatest, and those 200. ought to be Hargulatiers. I know no reason but 2000 Lantiers, 2000 Pistolers, 1000 Hargulatiers, should not Master 20000. Spearemen on horseback. Likewise from that rate to the lesser numbers; you must think the reason was that our kings of England & Scotland fought always or the most part on foot, because their whole trust was on the footmen, and that all strangers mastered them with horsemen: Assure ourselves let us keep their discipline with horsemen, none shall master us number to number, although they were more.  
Let us not err in our ancient customs, although our famous Kings Hen. 5. Edw. 3. and Hen. 8. were the most worthiest warriors that our nation ever had: notwithstanding you may be assured, had they known the terror of Muskets, Calivers and Pistols, they would have used the less Bows, Spears and Bills; as the actions of these famous kings shows their Captains to be the most expert. Likewise, we must confess Alexander, Caesar, Scipio and Hannibal, to be the worthiest and famoust warriors that ever were; notwithstanding, assure yourself, had they known Artillery, they would never have battered Towns with Rams, nor have conquered countries so easily, had they been fortified as Germany, France and the Low countries, with others, have been since their days. Although the ground of ancient Discipline is the most worthiest and the most famous; notwithstanding, by reason of fortifications, stratagems, engines, arming, with Munition, the discipline is greatly altered; the which we must follow and be directed as it is now: otherwise we shall repent it too late.   

The difference betwixt Launtiers and Pistolers,  
TRue it is, as Monsieur de la Now saith, a squadron of Rutters (meaning Pistolers) ought to beat a squadron of Launtiers. It were a great folly of me, either to deny his reasons or deeds; the little experience I got was from him, and from such others as himself. Touching Monsieur de la Now, he is known to be one of the worthiest and famous warriors, that Europe bred in his days. I do persuade myself, a squadron of Pistolers ought to encounter so many Launtiers; if they should enter into the squadrons of Lantiers, as Monsieur de la Now saith. Without doubt the Pistol discharged hard by, well charged with judgement, murders more than the Lance: out of a hundred Pistolers, 20. nor scarce 10. at the most do neither charge pistol, nor enter a squadron as they should, but commonly and lightly always they discharge their Pistols eight and five score off, and so wheel about; at which turns the Launtiers charge them in the sides, be they well conducted, if they should enter as Monsieur de la Now speaks, the Launtiers have or aught to have one Pistol at the least: touching their arming and mounting, they ought to be rather better than worse. The captains or captain that charges either with troops or troop, cares not much whether the companies break their lances or not, but desires them to enter resolutely, and to keep close together. If they be well conducted, their leaders command more than half of them to carry their swords or pistols in the bridle hand, rather than fail to use the sword & pistol, & quit their Lances; but they will be sure to place the best of the Lantiers in the forefront. Lightly of every hundred, 15. or 20. know how to break: being well broken, with care of the goodness of the staff and head, the blow of the Lance is little less in valour unto the pistol: the charge of the Lantiers is terrible and resolute, being in carrier to break, the enemies perceives their resolution is to enter, and not to wheel about like unto the pistolers; seldom or never at all shall you find pistolers charge or enter a squadron, either horse or foot on the spurs like unto the Launtiers; but softly on a trot or soft pace, persuading themselves, as it is true, their Pistols give as great blows, without the force of the horses. Considering the resolute charge done with the might of their horses, the Launtiers are more terrible and make a far fairer show, either in Muster of Battle: for example, the Almains, during the time they carried Lances, carried a far greater reputation than they do now being pistolers named Rutters. The most Chiefs or Soldiers of account are armed at the proof of the Pistol. If the Leaders command their troops to spoil horses, the Lances are more sure, for divers Pistols fail to go off, if they do, they must be charged with discretion; being overcharged, it shakes in a man's hand, so, that often it toucheth neither man nor horse. If the charge be too little, it pierceth nothing to speak of. True it is, being picked and chosen, the Pistolers murder more, would they do as Monsieur de la Now directs them? But it hath been seldom or never heard that Launtiers gave place unto Rutters; but I was often in their company when they ran away, three from one Launtier both in great troops and small. True it is, the great Captain the Admiral Chatillon, chose often to fight, and would have divers or the most of his horsemen to be armed, with one Pistol and a good Curtilace: he had great reason, for the most of his followers on horseback were Gentlemen of quality, or resolute Soldiers that fought for the Religion. divers of the Gentlemen were in quarrels for their houses, or for their particular reputation, but all in general, were resolute valiant faithful men of war, that fought either for religion or reputation, to maintain their words after the old Roman fashion. Being such men, no weapons comes amiss: for constancy and true valour, overthrows all policy, being in Arms, ready to fight without delays. Besides, the nature of the Frenchmen is such, that they will grudge to carry any Arms, but such as please themselves: unto the which their Leaders were feign to agree, partly against their wills, fearing otherwise to offend their humours, knowing it lay in them to follow whom they lifted, especially their Realm being divided into factions; being all united, their kings were feign to hire Swissers and Almains for their battles on foot, I mean armed Pikes, which is the body of all battles.   

To prove Musketeers the best small shot that ever were invented.  
THe difference betwixt the Muskets and any other pieces that are used. If it be in a battle, howsoever the ground or place falls out in Trenches, either assailing or defending Towns, Forts, or Fortresses, or in defending or assailing straits, or passages, whether it be by night or day, in my judgement five hundred Muskets are better than 1000 Calivers, or any other such shot, and are to be valued from that rate unto the greatest numbers. My reasons are thus, the Musket spoils horse or man thirty score off, if the powder be any thing good, and the bearer of any judgement. If armed men give the charge, few or any carry Arms of the proof of the Musket, being delivered within ten or twelve score. If any great troops of horse or foot, offers to force them with multitude of smaller shot, they may discharge four, five or six small bullets being delivered in volley, the which pierceth all they strike, unless the enemy be heavily armed, the which are not unless it be some 100 of a 1000 at the most of either horse or foot. By that reckoning 100 Muskets are to be valued unto 200. Calivers or more: the Calivers may say they will discharge two shot for one, but cannot deny; but one Musket shot doth more hurt than two Calivers shot, far or near and better cheap: although the Musket spend a pound of powder in 8. or 12. shot, and the other smaller shoots twenty and thirty of a pound. Considering the wages and expense of two to one, the Musket is better cheap and far more serviceable. Some think the Musket cannot march far in a day, or night, or continued long without rest, by reason of their weight nor skirmish so nimbly nor so often, by reason of their length, weight, and sore recoiling. Armed men are heavier loaden than the Musketeers, and more cumbersome in carriage: lightly no great troop matches ten miles without resting, although it be but a little at every stand and near the enemy: the Musketeers are suffered to quit their weight, leaving their Muskets in their rests: the armed men will not be suffered to disarm themselves in their march, let them stand never so often, if they be within five hours march of an Enemy any thing equal of either horse or foot: by that reason they have a little advantage. Few Captains will force any great troop of footmen to march above 15. miles, without resting: if the Enemy be equal and in hazard to fight, although it be 20. miles, both armed men and Musketeers will not stick to march, if their Leaders have any credit with them, and discretion to furnish their troops with victuals and necessaries that belongs unto such a march.  
Touching their often discharging, nimbleness & profit, I answered before. For recoiling there is no hurt, if they be straight stocked after the Spanish manner. For their weight and sure shooting, the Muskets have advantage on all the other small shot, by reason they shoot in their rests: true it is, were they stocked crooked after the French manner to be discharged on the breast, few or none could abide their recoiling, by reason of their great charges of powder: but being discharged from the shoulder after the Spanish manner, with the thumb betwixt the stock and the face, there is neither danger nor hurt, if the shooter have any discretion; especially not to overload their pecces, and take heed that the bullets join close to the powder. Few services of importance are executed in the field without armed men; and where armed men will march, the Musketeers are il conducted, unless they do the like, let it be never so far. The overthrows of all Battles and great fights are given within two miles, the most in half a mile: for that space, were it further, the Musketeers march as their leaders needs to wish them.  
Touching light skirmishes, unless it be to some purpose, none useth them, unless it be raw men or light headed, that delights to hear the pieces crack: as I said before, the most service consists either to defend or assail passages by water, or by straits, or to assail towns, forts, fortresses, or whatsoever service you can invent if it be done on great troops, the musketeers are the terriblest shot & most profitable that ever was devised. The Spaniards do use them most, & finds their seruie & terror such, that I persuade myself shortly, all or the most of their small shot will be Musketeers. True it is, I do think it necessary to have of 1000 shot, 200. Calivers from that rate to the greater number, and such shot for this purpose, when occasion presents to make great marches (Cavalgades the strangers calls it) to give  on troops that are lodged a far off, to surprise Towns, Fortresses or passages that are simply manned, and negligently guarded, or to lie in Ambush a far off, to cut off convoys, passengers, and such services. These lighter shot are necessary to march great marches with horsemen for these purposes, the which are often taken behind the horsemen for expedition of great marches, to do executions unlooked for.   

To prove the Pike the most honourable weapon carried by Footmen.  
THe Pike is the most honourable weapon that is carried by footmen; the Pike is the strength of all battles. I know no reason but two thousand Pikes, 1000 Musketeers, should not retire ten miles, although it were all champion grounds, from 3000. horsemen mounted & armed, as Captains can devise. The Pike is the chiefest weapon to defend, and to enter a breach, although divers guards near a place assieged are furnished only with shot & short weapons, as armed Holberts, Targets, and such weapons, by reason their Trenches are narrow and deep to cover them from the defendants shot, in which trenches the Pikes have no convenient place to fight: notwithstanding, about their batteries, and in divers places near unto these guards, they make large Cordigards, where they place their Ensigns in some and in all strong guards of Pikes; meaning thereby to put their strength and rest chiefly on that weapon: wherefore the experimented Spaniards commands all their chief men on foot to carry the Pike.   

What number of short weapons there ought to be amongst one thousand armed men, from that rate to the greater number.  
I Persuade myself there aught to be amongst one 1000 Pikes, 200. short weapons, as Holberts or Bills; but the Bills must be of good stuff, not like our common brown Bills, which are lightly for the most part all iron, with a little steel or none at all; but they ought to be made of good iron and steel, with long strong pikes at the least of 12. inches long, armed with iron to the mids of the staff, like the Holberts: for example. like unto those which the Earl of Leicester, and Sir William Pelham had in the Low Countries for their guards: being made thus, no doubt but it is a necessary weapon to guard Ensigns in the field, trenches or towns, and a good weapon to execute, but no better than the halberd. Because the Frenchmen make their halberds with long necked pikes, and of naughty stuff like our common brown bills, divers of our Nation condemns the Halberds: but let the Halberds be of good stuff and strongly made after the Milan fashion, with large heads to cut, and broad strong pikes both to cut and to thrust, than no doubt the Halberd is nothing behind the bill for all manner of service, and arms a soldier fairer than the bill. Both Bills and Halberds ought to have corselets, with light Milan morions; the foreparts ought to be of reasonable proof, I mean of the proof of the Caliver, discharged ten or twelve score off: so ought the pikes also to have the foreparts of the corselets of the like proof, fifteen or twenty of every hundred, from that rate unto the greatest numbers. I know no reason, that a thousand armed men ought to ask above two hundred targetters of the proof: those weapons are very cumbersome, they are best to arm men to discover breaches; or for the defendants to discover trenches, or the enemy's works; and for to cover shot that skirmishes in straits; their weights are such, that few men will endure to carry them (if they be of good proof) one hour, I persuade myself, the best arming of targetters, is to have the corselets of reasonable proof, and the targets light; so the bearers may the better and nimbler assail, and fight the longer in defending.   

To prove Bow men the worst shot used in these days.  
TOuching Bow men, I persuade myself five hundred musketers are more serviceable than fifteen hundred bowmen; from that rate to the greater numbers in all manner of services: my reasons are thus, among 5000. Bowmen, you shall not find 1000 good Archers, I mean to shoot strong shoots; let them be in the field 3. or 4. months, hardly find of 5000. scarce 500 able to make any strong shoots. In defending or assailing any trenches, lightly they must discover themselves to make fair shoots; where the others shot spoil them, by reason they discover nothing of themselves unless it be a little through small holes. Few or none do any great hurt 12. or 14. score off; they are not to be compared unto the other shoots to line battles, or to march, either in the wings of any battles, or before, as we term them from the Almain phrase forlorn hope. divers will say, they are good to spoil the horsemen; I do confess it, if the horsemen come within their shoots, and can not charge them by reason of their trenches or guards of pikes. Lightly when the horsemen approach within twelve score, the trumpets sound the charge; if it be on shot, that lies where they cannot charge, they are ill conducted that lead any great troop of horsemen to charge trenches. Commonly the Cornets or Guydons charge one an other if there be any of both sides: if not, few horsemen well conducted, will charge either trenches, or battles of footmen, unless they see a fair entry, or the footmen begin to shake, as good Captains will soon perceive. If they do charge, they will be sure to be well accompanied with small shot, which soon terrifieth bowmen, especially the musketters: besides the horsemen are all well armed, in such sort that Bowmen cannot hurt the men; let them say what they list, when the men are sure the arrows will not pierce them, they will be the valianter: although the horses be killed, and the Master's service lost for that day, notwithstanding they think it better to be taken prisoner six times, than killed once, beside the munition that belongs unto Bowmen, are not so commonly found in all places, especially arrows: as powder is unto the other shot. Also time and ill weather weakeneth the bows as well as the men. In our ancient wars, our enemies used Crossebows, and such shoots; few, or any at all had the use of long bows as we had; wherefore none could compare with us for shot: but GOD forbidden we should try our bows with their Muskets and Calivers, without the like shot to answer them. I do not doubt but all, honourable and others, which have served in the Low Countries will say as I do: notwithstanding some will contrary it, although they never saw the true trial of any of those weapons belonging either to horse or foot, alleging antiquity without other reasons, saying, we carried arms before they were borne. Little do they think how Caesar ended all his great actions in less than twelve years, by their reckoning none could prove great Captains that followed him, which began and ended in that time, as Duke D'alua said, the longer experted, the more perfect. T'rue it is, long experience requires age, age without experience requires small Discipline. Therefore we are deceived, to judge men expert because they carried arms forty years, and never in action three years, during their lives counting all together.  
Some will say, what discipline could there be seen in the actions of the Netherlanders and France, counting them civil wars: touching the Netherlanders, the world doth know their wars dured 23. years, without any peace, putting all together not 15. months. The wars of France dured 30. years: true it is they had often peace, & a long time together: wherefore it cannot be compared unto the other; notwithstanding, in these actions were employed all the bravest Nations of Europe, their greatest Captains, engineers, and counsellors for war.   

What Fortifications are best to withstand a royal battery and to prove a wet ditch better than a dry.  
SOme will condemn me for my strange names of Fortifications, they ought to pardon me: for my part, I know no other names than are given by the strangers, because there are few or none at all in our language. If a man should call a Casamate a slaughter house, the multitude would think I speak of a place to kill beeves, & such matters; if I should call a Cavilere a mount, divers would ask, what to do? to place windmills or artillery; if I should call a rampire a wall, they would think I lied, unless it were made of lime and stone: therefore as the most languages calls London and Bristol as we do, so is it best for us to call their inventions as they do: touching Muskets, Calivers and Hargubuziers, with other things, we agree with their names. The best dry ditch, is to have the ditch 100 paces broad, & 50. foot deep, 4. Casamats' on every side of the Bulwarks, the lowest to flank the bottom of the ditch from the one side unto the other; the second like wise within ten foot, with broad Casamats, that the Artillery may be raised hie behind, to beat a long the ditches, as nigh to the bottom as can be devised; the third and fourth Casamats likewise within ten foot one of another, to flank the ditch in every part as low as may be devised; also the fourth Casamate must flank the Counterskarfe: in every part the Counterskarfe ought to be three score broad, rising from the foot to the head; the head ought to cover the ditch and rampire as high as the fourth Casamate: you can not bestow too much cost on the Counterskarfe, Counterskarffe, for before the enemy possess the Counterskarffe, he cannot batter to take away any of the flanks: wherefore it ought to be made with all the art that can be devised with lime and stone, from the foot to the head, especially for forty paces near unto the head. It were not amiss, although it hath been never seen before to have mines like vaults, overthwart to the mids of the Counterskarsse; which mines ought to be flanked with two low Casamats out of the head of the Bulwarks, likewise from Bulwark to Bulwark in that sort: my reason is, when the assailant lodgeth in the Counterskarffe, they must be covered with Trenches, the which will be hardly done by reason of these mines. The mines cannot be hurtful; let the Enemy find them, they cannot lodge in them, we know it by good experience: he that possesseth a mine, first having an entry that cannot be cut off, hath triple advantage, though the mine were suddenly made, much more being made artificially with time and care, having a Casamat to flank it. The Counterskarffe ought to have parapets cut in them four foot deep, every trench to flank one another, from the head to the foot of the Counterskarffe, I mean place to lodge what troops pleaseth the defendants to guard it, with diverse places to sally both horse and foot at their pleasures. Every Bulwark ought to have two sallies, one for Horse and foot, the other a little secret sally: the Bulwarks ought to flank one another within ten score; every Curtain ought to have two Cavaleres' to command the field within their shoots, aswell as the Counterscarffes: let all this be finished as Captains and Engineers can devise. Notwithstanding, no dry ditch can be compared for strength unto a wet ditch: my reason is thus, where water may be drawn unto the ditch of the Rampire, likely it may be drawn unto the Counterskarffe ditch: half or the best part of the Fortifications is lost, when the Counterscarffe is possessed, being possessed, the assailants with their Trenches on wheels, pushed on with strong poles with the force of men, the which may be made of the proof of a field piece; with those and with wool sacks, gabions, sand bags, faggots, and such devices, as they had before Sluice, they will soon place their battery: after dismounting the Cavaleres' and highest Casamates. Also they will deface the Counterscarp, enter the ditch with mines in divers places, in time make all the Counterscaffe an easy entry in the ditch, and keep their guards in the sides where the flanks can not annoy them: that being done, they will soon lay battery to the other Casamates before they batter: having an easy entry into the ditch, the defendants dare not sally, by reason the Assailaunts Artillery beats all their high flanks & parpets; in such sort, that none dares show themselves. Let the defendants enter the ditch, the Assailants will enter also; being pell-mell, the Casamates kills their own as well as their enemies. Being thus, no doubt in short time the assailants will lodge in the rampire let it be never so thick, what trenches with in the Captains and Engioners can devise, unless they have new fortifications, like unto those I named before: in time the Assailant will lodge his battery on the rampires, as they did at Mastricht, and in short time fight with equal hands with the defendants to their undoing. Therefore a dry ditch cannot be compared unto a wet. If there can be made a wet deep broad ditch at the foot of the counterscarp, where the water may not be taken away, I know no reason why the defendants should lose their Counterscarp, being well manned. If the water may be drawn out of both the ditches of Rampire and counterscarp, yet is the wet ditches better than the dry. Few good Engineers gives counsel to make a wet ditch artificially, without Casamates under water, as low as reason persuades them the water may be taken from them: being let out, there remains in some trenches, water that cannot be voided, being clean taken away, the Casamates flanks all one.  
As I said before, flanks cannot be taken away, without possessing the Counterscarp, neither can a broad ditch be filled, without great murders against reason, with out dismounting the flanks. Some will say, the dry ditch is better, alleging that any army may the better succour the place asseiged, and that the defendants may the better sally out. Touching the succouring of the Asseiged, it is well known all Armies are victualled from hand to mouth; he that leads an Army to levy a siege, & cannot find a place to lodge his army within three hours march of the others, where he shall be assured to force his enemies to fight within ten days, levy his siege, or famish, conducts his troops very ill. None besiegeth any place, but entrencheth himself and troops in such sort, that 5000. will defend trenches, against thrice their number: wherefore the succours are ill conducted to force trenches, and may fight better cheap. Touching the sallies of the besieged, if the fortification be such, as I named before, it ought to have in it for every bulwark a ponton, I mean a bridge joined close together with iron engines, like unto those of the citadel of Antwerp. Those pontons are just the breadth of the ditch, hatched fast with iron hooks unto the Counterscafe, made so broad & so strong, that Artillery may pass beside horse and foot. These pontons serve a wet ditch for sallying, aswell as any sallies that belongs unto a dry ditch: both wet and dry, when the Counterscarffe is possessed, loseth their sallying, if the Seigers be good Captains. All Batteries ought to be guarded with strong trenches, and all quarters ought to be strongly entrenched, as I said before; especially, the assailants having intelligence of succours, that being furnished, the sallying of the assieged is their own confusion. It is dangerous to have bastilles from the rampire like unto Mastricht, Vtricht, and other places. Some counts these bastilles bulwarks, I think all Bulwarks ought to be gardall round about: others counts them spurs or ravelins; whether they be spurs, bastilles, ravelins or bulwarks, they be dangerous unless they join unto the rampire, or to be furnished during a siege with strong guards. Commonly they are not guarded, unless the Enemy lodgeth against them, because the defendants persuade themselves, the Enemy dares not lodge in them, by reason they be open unto the curtain & cavileres like the Counterscarps. These bastilles have much earth. Let the Enemy enter one of them, within two hours, he covers himself in the earth; nothing made with hands that can be battered, but will be made assaultable. Is there a breadth in one of them, & the enemy can beat the entry, I mean the bridge, betwixt the curtain and it, their succours is cut off. Besides the defendants shall not find much ground within them, to retrench themselves against the cannon; & where the cannon plays no defendant dare show himself: some will say, these bastilles may have counterscarps as I named before; I do confess it, but they are so far from the rampire, that neither the rampire, his counterscarp, nor scarce cavalere can flank; wherefore without doubt these bastilles that are not joined unto the rampire, are very dangerous, and not to be compared unto the others joining. True it is, men, victuals and munition ought to defend Trenches against an Army, I do confess it, a little Army against a great, I mean half so many. But no Fortifications made with men's hands, can be kept continually against a royal Army, without succours, if it can be battered; nor against a small Army, without men, victuals & munition: wanting one of the three, the best Fortress is lost, you must think the assailants having the field, and means to reinforce their troops as they list, the loss of one hundred unto the defendants is more, than two thousand unto the assailants. But let the defendants or assailants do their duties to the uttermost in any kind of services, unless it pleaseth their masters or superiors to grace their deeds, their well doing will be turned to nought; and their virtues, vices. Wherefore all men of war ought to pray to hazard their lives in the sight of their Princes or Estates, then likely they will confess no traffic so dear as lives, especially being in action with equal enemies. It is hard to please the most masters, & unpossible to content the rude multitude: the least worm will move, having any life being trodden upon: for my own part I do confess to be one of the least in respect of thousands, not so base but ever I carried a mind rather to be buried dead, than alive.  
I speak this for the wrongs done unto myself and companions for the defence of the town of Sluice: true it is, those that serves many, serves no body; I mean, they shall find none that will confess to be their masters, especially when they should be rewarded for their service, but the multitude will be ready to disgrace their servants, thinking by such means to pay them their debts, or at the least sufficient rewards to be reconciled unto them and pardoned for their misconstred thoughts. Wherefore I would wish all men of war, and they can, to be in all strange Princes or estates debts, rather than they in yours: if your masters be given to any machivel humours, the debts that should pay you, will hire them divers others: are you in their debts, you are sure not to be wronged, thinking your service to come paid for. Although our masters the States be for the most part honest and virtuous personages, notwithstanding look into their actions, you shall find a number of Captains wronged beside ourselves: they are partly to be borne withal. Sometimes great Captains are so ambitions, that they will deface their inferiors deeds: therefore there can been no great fault in the States, nor any such, when we wrong one another: otherwise time and fortune might make inferiors Competitors with the great ones. Sometimes fortune frowns on the greatest Captains, in such sort, that they can not or will not perform that the world looks they should do, then likely had they rather bury their instruments and inferiors, rather than be touched themselves with the least disgrace. Therefore you cannot blame the poor Soldier to desire the eye of his master, when he hazardeth his life. Subjects are vassals unto Princes and States, and not unto the most Generals: although I never knew any, notwithstanding, it is well known ambitious Generals wronged often their masters: being in those humours, they will be sure to wrong their inferiors, unless they serve their turns. Touching our wrongs, I impute it to no body but unto our own fortunes, as the Spaniards said unto Charles the 5. Adeunda salta la diecha, non apreviecha la diligencia. Touching Sluice, I do protest by the faith of a Soldier, what I writ is troth. As nigh as I can remember, we kept the Town about 60. days: divers thinks it no time, because Harlam, Mastricht, and others, were kept longer: little do they think how those places were furnished with all necessaries, especially, the lesser of both had in them at the least 6000. hands to fight and to work. Let us be rightly judged, I will prove that Bovennene was the furioust siege that was in the Low Countries, since Duke D'aluas' arrival until this hour; the which began and ended in less than twenty days: notwithstanding, there was more Captains and Soldiers spoiled by sword and bullet at that siege, than at Harlam, which dured ten months. Experimented Captains will confess, the fury of all breaches are tried in few hours, and the fury of artillery prevented without sudden attempts. We were not in S●uce 1600. fight, workmen, and all: we had to keep (counting the two Forts) above two miles and a half. It is well known, before we entered, the Town lost one Fort. If we showed any valour in our entry, let Sir Henry Palmer, & his Seamen, with them of Zealand judge; the danger was not so little, but of the vessels that carried us in, five were taken the next tide in coming out. The third tide, Sir Charles Blunt offered fifty pounds (besides the commandment his Masters and Mariners received at his embarking) to carry us our necessaries from Sir William Russell, than Lord Governor of Vlishing, who indeed was the occasion of our entry, resolution, and quick dispatch; who sent with us a good quantity of victuals and munition: and to say troth, without his earnest dispatches we had not entered: then the world knows the Town had been lost without blows, as a number of others were in those Countries far better than Sluice: The best sort doth know, had I and my companions marchanted our lives, as traffickers doth their ware, we had no need to have entered Sluice, for our direction was but to Ostend: we were battered with thirty Cannons and eight culverins on S. jacobs' eeve: from three of the clock in the morning until five in the afternoon, they shot above four thousand Cannon shot. By the Dukes own confession he never saw so furious a battery in one day: we were made saultable above 200. & 50. paces, betwixt five of the clock and seven: we were above five times at the push of the pike for our breach, where we spoiled the enemies in great numbers; who perceiving our Trenches within Ouerthwart the breach, quieted their furies: afterwards we kept the Town eighteen days, the enemy being lodged in our port, rampire, and breach, above three hundred paces, in the which time the Enemy passed through the port six paces to beat our Trenches within: we kept our Fort until we were made saultable more than our Troops could guard, unless we would quite the Town: being mined, we countermined them, in the which we fought hourly for the space of nine days with Sword, Target and Pistols: at our breach, port, and rampiet of the Town we fought daily with pikes, short weapons and stones, besides our shot for the said space of eighteen days. Touching our sallies, let the Enemy testify. The Duke of Parma being entered, asked me which was Buskeruilde, standing before him; I showed him: who embraced him, turning towards his Nobility, he said: there serves no Prince in Europe a braver man. Most true it is, at one sally he had the point with an hundred corselets of the best sort, who charged and made to run, eight Spanish Ensigns of the Tertia Vecho, and hurt their master del Campo. True it is, he was seconded with a number of others; but himself principally known by prisoners, and his great plume of feathers. Also Sir Francis Vere marked for his red Mandilion, who stood always in the head of the armed men at the assaults of the Fort and Town, being twice hurt, I and other his friends requested him to retire: he answered, he had rather be killed ten times at a breach, than once in a house.  
Captain Hart most valiantly swam in and out to show our General and States our wants and dangers: the world doth know what picks there was betwixt them at that instant, such that none can deny but a full resolution was taken not to enter in by water. The world doth know our Army by land retired at midnight from Blanckenborough to Ostend: let envy and malice speak what they list, troth may be blamed but never shamed: we were lost men but for our own wits and resolution: our powder was all spent so far, that we had not to maintain half a days fight: the Enemies had gotten into our rampire so far, that their shot flanked us into our trenches, for eighteen nights we lay always Officers and all at our breach, where we eat our meat continually: we had not left unbroken of twenty field pieces with their Artillery, four: we endured in Town and Fort, seventeen thousand four hundred and above of Cannon shot. Where malicious tongues speak of our assaults, I protest we endured one assault in the Fort at breaches and mine, from nine of the clock in the morning, until two in the afternoon, where the brave Marquis of Renti was hurt, the great Captain Mounsieur de la Mote lost his right arm, Mounsieur de Strippeny, Colonel of the Burgonians slain, with divers Captains and Officers: beside, by their own report at that assault they had slain, above seven hundred and as many hurt: we had hurt and slain at that assault above one hundred and fifty; where Colonel Huntley, Sir Edmond Udall, Sir john Scot, Captain Ferdinando Gorge, Master Selinger, Captain Nicholas Baskeruilde, with divers other Gentlemen and Officers showed themselves most valiantly, both at that assault and at all other services, during the said Siege. Captain Francis Alene swum in with Captain nn after the breach was made; during his time, none showed greater valour. Truly, all the Walloons with their soldiers showed themselves constant, resolute and valiant, especially the brave Captains, Messures de Medkerke and Erogier. We were but four English bands near two hundred strong a piece, by reason we divided amongst them some two hundred and fifty muskeeteers, who through the means of the Governor of Vlishing, came with us from his Garrison, from Berghen, & Ostend. There were many Lieutenants, Ensigns and Sergeants, adventurers, beside those soldiers, the better half of our men were slain▪ for of 1600. English, Walloons, and Flemings, we carried not out 700.  
In respect of our losses, our Captains asked pay for the whole numbers; wherefore our masters the States and others, would not confess our losses to be so great, from the first hour of our entry, until our coming out, none came to us but those which swam. The Duke of Parma himself asked me before a great number, what were our losses? I answered him with the troth as near as I could: himself, and divers other assured us, that he lost before Sluice five and forty Captains besides other Chiefs, and more Soldiers than he lost at Nuse, Berke, Grave, and Vendello. What words I spoke unto the Englishmen that followed him, my companions can witness. Some others (besides the Duke and myself) knows, if I listed, and promise kept, I might have had a far greater number of Pistols, than ever I had of Angels. True it is, some Prince's love treason, but never like the traitors: did they love them, they should never love me, for the least thought of such matters. Where it pleased some to speak of two Irish Greyhounds, which the Duke requested me to send unto him; returning to Middleborow, where I found the Earl our General, he gave me two fair Greihounds, commanding me not to fail to send them unto the Duke: and finding Master Steeuens, sometime servant unto the most noble Sir Philip Sidney, returning unto the Duke, on my request he presented the dogs; for the which it pleased the Duke to send me a fair Spanish horse with a rich saddle. The saying is true: It is better for some to steal a horse than others to look on: notwithstanding, that I gave nothing nor received nothing without the consent of my General, it was envied without more occasion. A fair horse with rich furniture is easily discovered by day light, where bags or rich bribes can hardly be seen, if the parties hath wit to cover it, the which the Spaniard presents often to many, unknown to their masters or estates, else their credits had not troubled Europe as it doth, nor the proceed against them so slowly as it is in some places.  
Some said also; if they had been in such dangers in Sluice, wherefore gave the Duke of Parma such large composition unto them? I know no reason but this, six days before we gave over the Town, all the Captains and Officers met in counsel: Having seen our dangers, and some perceiving the heat of our succours, we assigned our Articles of composition, swore all to have them granted unto us or to die, and to burn the Town and Castle, so escape that could through the drowned land: The copy of those Articles with other letters we sent unto the Earl our General and Estates, the which came into the Enemy's hands, by reason the messenger was slain in swimming by their boats and palisade on the river. This is well known unto all our companions, for the Marquis of Renti out of his Trench told it me openly before all our guards at the breach, and that Owen a Welsh Gentleman had much ado to put my foul hand in Italian to the Duke. Also we made a sally, where we lost two Officers, who showed them our resolution, the which we maintained being face to face with the Duke in our parley, and returned once from him into the Town, thinking he would not agree unto some of the articles: but his prudence or his counsel persuaded him to send for us again, and to sign them all. But I protest on the faith of a Christian, I think so will the rest of my companions protest the like, for my part I know not how we might have kept the Town twelve hours with the loss of our lives, had we been all desperate, if it had pleased the Enemies to attempt us: but most true it is, rather than take any base conditions, some and many would have ended our lives in that place. I protest to all manner of qualities, I writ not this with a meaning to condemn any particular nor general that should have succoured us, nor to rob the least defendant of his right; for I confess myself the simplest Captain of half a dozen that was within the Town, three or four of them, were they known and rightly judged, are sufficient to conduct double that Garrison in any Army in the world, and to conduct a greater troop, having authority.  
Some may blame me because I took no care in writing this action of Sluice more larger, and in better order; I will do it at large in my discourse of the Netherlanders actions, perhaps both that and a number of other matters, in better order, than some persuaded great Personages, I could do.  
True it is, some are to write, some to speak, others to execute. What I want in any of those virtues, my blood shall witness in others, the zeal of 〈◊〉 towards my sacred Sovereign and dear Count●●●, if occasion presents it. In the mean time, and always, I pray most heartily to the Almighty to preserve her sacred health and royal estate to the honour of God, and confusion of her Enemies.   
FINIS.