THE HISTORY OF XENOPHON: CONTAINING The Ascent of CYRUS into the HIGHER COUNTRIES. Wherein is described THE ADMIRABLE JOURNEY OF TEN thousand GRECIANS from ASIA the Less into the Territories of BABYLON, and their retreat from thence into GREECE, notwithstanding the opposition of all their Enemies. Whereunto is added A COMPARISON OF THE ROMAN MANNER OF WARS with this of our Time, out of JUSTUS LIPSIUS.  
Translated by JOH. BINGHAM.  
LONDON, Printed by john Haviland for Ralph Mabb. 1623.   

TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL, HUGH HAMERSLEY, ONE OF THE ALDERMEN AND COLONELS OF THE CITY OF LONDON, AND Precedent of the worthy Society of CITIZENS exercising Armes in the ARTILLERY Garden of LONDON; and to all the CAPTAINS and Generous CITIZENS professing Armes there.  
GENTLEMEN: I do not present this Translation unto you, to the end to incite you to Military cogitations. Your forwardness that way is such already, as rather deserveth commendation, than requireth any man's words of incitement or exhortation; neither will I at this time enter into the large field of the praise of the Art of War; especially lest I should haply incur the censure of the old Proverb: Suum cuique pulchrum. But seeing you have taken the laudable pains to attain to the knowledge of handling your Arms, and of the several motions of a battle requisite for the service of the Field, wherein many of you may justly challenge the praise of equalling, if not exceeding the greatest number of Soldiers, that have a long time followed the wars in foreign parts, in which also it hath pleased you to use my poor endeavour; I have thought good to adjoin to your former Speculation (I hope I may use that word, considering you have not yet come to the sight of an Enemy, nor proceeded usque ad sanguinem) and to present unto you in your own Language, a Precedent of War of another nature, than you have hitherto been exercised in, that is to say, the greatest March and Retreat, that ever was found in any History; wherein are notable Stratagems set out of resisting a multitude of Enemies in an open Field, of passing Mountains possessed by an Enemy, of leading an Army thorough straits, thorough Forests, thorough Woods, thorough Rivers, over Bridges, of laying and avoiding Ambushes, of Marching by night, of resisting Horse, of stilling Soldiers mutinies, of escaping Enemies machinations, of taking in Forts, of making provision for an Army; in a word, of all accidents, that may fall out in a long and dangerous March. In reading whereof, besides the variety of discourse, you may observe many documents fit for a worthy Soldier's consideration. For they are not to be heard that contemn the experience of former Times, and think, that the policies used by ancient General's match or suit not with our modern Wars. From whence, I pray, are derived our Motions, and whole manner of exercise now in use, but from Antiquity? Neither is there any other true difference to be found betwixt us and Antiquity, in the universal course Military, save only in the use of Guns: Of which the great Ordinance succeed in the place of ancient Engines of Battery; the smaller Pieces in place of Arrows, Slings, and Darts▪ Now as I must confess, that the force and violence of Guns is far greater, than of the weapons missive used in time past; so me thinks I may truly maintain, that their place in Battle, and elsewhere, is altogether the same: Shot must have defence either from Pikes or from other advantage of ground, or else they are subject to be scattered or overrun by Horse, or the like, as well as the lightarmed of old time. But hereof I shall have other opportunity to speak. My desire is at this instant that you will be pleased to accept this presentation, with the same mind it is offered unto you by  
16 Maij 1623. Your servant to do all service, JOHN BINGHAM.   

THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF XENOPHON, TOUCHING THE Ascent of CYRUS the younger, out of Asia the Less, into the Higher COUNTRIES.  
DARIUS and PARISATIS had two Sons, of whom the eldest was named Artaxerxes, the younger Cyrus. And when Darius fell sick, and suspected he should not live long, he desired to have a sight of both his Sons. The eldest happened then to be present; he se●t for Cyrus from the Province whereof he had made him Satrapa or Ruler, and had declared him General of all the people, that upon Musters resorted to the plain of Castolus. 
A city of Lydia.  Cyrus therefore journeyed upward to his Father, taking with him Tissaphernes as a friend, and having for his Guard 300 armed Grecian Foot, under the leading of Xenias the Parrhasian. After the death of Darius, and crowning of Artaxerxes, Tyssaphernes accused Cyrus to his Brother, 
The occasion of the difference betwixt the Brethren for the treason, see Plutarch in vita Artaxerxis.  as though he intended treason against him: who being easily persuaded and induced to believe, caused Cyrus to be apprehended, with intent to put him to death. But his Mother made intercession for him, set him at liberty, and remised him to his government. He having been thus in peril, and dishonoured, deliberated after his departure, how to exempt himself from his Brother's subjection, and to make himself King in his Brother's stead. Their Mother Parisatis inclined more to Cyrus, loving him better than she did Artaxerxes, that reigned. And Cyrus, if any were sent to him from King Artaxerxes, won them so by his courtesies, that they departed better affected to him, than to the King. Besides, he had that regard of the Barbarians, which were about him, that he both made them good Soldiers, and purchased their love. As for the Grecians, he waged them as secretly as he could, to the intent to take his Brother altogether unprovided. When therefore he made levies of such, as should lie in Garrison in his Cities, he commanded the Captains of the Garrisons, every man apart, to wage as many, and the best Peloponesians they could, under pretence, 

Peloponesus was that part of Gree●e which is now called Monea.  
jonia, a part of Asia the Less. Miletus, a City of Car●a.   that Tissaphernes sought to surprise the Cities: For the Ionian Cities were before delivered to Tissaphernes by the King, but then they all revolted to Cyrus, excepting only Miletus. And Tissaphernes being in Miletus, and perceiving they also would turn, and take part with Cyrus, put some to death, some other he chased and banished out of the City. Cyrus' receiving these banished men, and gathering an Army together, besieged Miletus both by Sea and Land, seeking to restore them to their Country. And this was also another pretence of raising an Army. Besides, he sent to the King, and desired him, that being his Brother, the rule of those Cities might rather be committed to him, than to Tissaphernes; wherein he was seconded by his Mother, so that the King perceived not, that reason was intended against him at any hand, but imagined, that Cyrus waged that Army to war against Tissaphernes; for which war, he was not greatly sorry, because Cyrus sent to the King the Tribute of those Cities, whereof Tissaphernes had the command. Another Army was collected for Cyrus, 

Abydus, a City lying upon Hellespont, right against Sestos.  
A Darick, was a piece of gold of the value of thirteen shillings.  
Cherronesus, an Island joined to the Continent of European Thra●●, only by a Neck of Land.   right over against Abydus, in this manner. Clearchus was banished from Lacedaemon, he came to Cyrus, and Cyrus, after conference and acquaintance with him, both admired the man, and beside, gave him 10000 Daricks. Clearchus taking the gold, levied an Army therewith, and passing out of Cherronesus, warred upon the Thracians, that inhabit above Hellespont, thereby advantaging greatly the affairs of the Grecians; and so much in deed he did advantage them, that the Cities of Hellespont willingly furnished him with money to maintain his Army. So that this Army also was not descried to be held on foot for Cyrus. Further, there was one Aristippus a Thessalian, a 
a 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a guest, amongst the Grecians was one of another City or Nation, that a man admitted into his house, and lodged.  
Thessaly, a country of Greece. Boeotia, that part of Greece where the city Thebes stood. S●ymphalus, a city of Arcadia. Achaia, a country of Pelopon●sus.  
Pisidia, a Country of Asia.   guest to Cyrus, who being overpressed with his Countrymen of the contrary faction, came to Cyrus, & requested him to spare him 2000 Mercenaries, and three Month's pay, alleging, that thereby he should be able to overcome his adversaries. Cyrus' furnished him with 4000 men, and six Month's pay, desiring him withal, not to agree with his adversaries, till they two had had conference together. So again this Army in Thessaly was not perceived to be kept on foot, and nourished for Cyrus. Further, he commanded Proxenus the Boeotian, who was his friend, to bring unto him as many men as he might, under pretence of warring against the Pisidians, that spoiled his Country; and Sophaenetus the Stymphalian, and Socrates the Achaean, who likewise were both his guests, to come to him with as many men, as they could make, under colour, together with the banished Milesians, to make war against Tissaphernes, which also they did. Cyrus, after he was resolved to ascend into the higher Provinces, gave out, that his purpose was to chase the Pisidians wholly out of the Country, and so assembled both his Barbarian and Grecian troops, as if it had been against them. And he commanded Clearchus, with the Army which he led, to come unto him, and Aristippus to compound with his adversaries, and afterwards to send him that Army of his likewise. And Xenias the 
* Arcadia, a Country of Peloponesus.  Arcadian (whom he had appointed General of the Mercenaries, which he laid in Garrison in the Cities) to bring unto him those Troops, leaving behind so many only, as should be sufficient to guard the Citadels. Likewise he sent for those that were at the siege of Miletus, and invited the banished men to his service, promising, if his affairs had good success, not to give over till he had restored them to their home. They with joy accepted of his proffer, (for they trusted him) and thereupon came to Sardes. 

Sard●s, a City in Lydia.  
Armed, 11300. Light armed, 2300.  
Megara, a City in Greece.  
The Grecians that served Cyrus.   Xenias gathered together the Mercenaries in the Cities, and brought them to Sardes, being in number about 4000 armed foot. Proxenus came with 1500 armed, and 500 light armed foot. Sophenetus the Stymphalian, with 1000 armed. Socrates the Achaean, with about 500 armed. Pasion the Megarean, with 300 armed, and 300 Targeteers (or Peltasts.) This last, and Socrates, were of those that besieged Milet. These Troops came to Cyrus to Sardes. Tyssaphernes having intelligence hereof, and conceiving that the preparation was greater than fitted the war against the Pisidians, hasted with as much speed as he could, towards the King, having with him about 500 Horsemen. And the King, as soon as he heard by Tyssaphernes, of the Army that Cyrus had raised, made contrary preparation. Cyrus' with the Forces aforementioned, marched from Sardes. He marched into Lydia, 22 
a A Parasang containeth 30 Stadia, or Furlongs, 8 Furlongs go to a Mile, so a Parasang is 3 Mile three quarters. 22 Parasangs amount to 82 Miles and a half, which being divided by 3, the quotient will be 27 and a half, so he marched every day 27 miles & a half.  Parasangs in three encamp, and came as far as the River Maeander, the breadth whereof is 
b Plethrum, is 100 Foot.  2 Plethors. A Bridge was laid over the River upon six Ships joined one to another. Passing over here, he made one encamping in Lydia, having marched eight Parasangs, and came to Colosse, a great, rich, and well inhabited City, where he remained seven days. Hither Menon the Thessalian came to him with 1000 armed Foot, and 500 Dolopian, Aenian, and Olynthian Peltasts, or Targeteers. From thence he marched in three encamp, 20 
c 67 Miles & a half. 22 Miles and a half every encamping. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Parasangs, as far as Celaene, a great, rich, and well inhabited City of Phrygia. Here had Cyrus a Palace, and a great Park, full of wild Beasts, which he hunted on Horsbacke, whensoever he was disposed to exercise himself, and his Horses. Maeander runneth thorough the midst of the Park, the Fountains whereof arise within the Palace. It runneth also thorough the City Celaene. The great King hath also a strong Palace in Celaene, under the Citadel, upon the Spring of the River Marsyas, which River runneth thorough the City, and falleth into Maeander. The breadth of Marsyas, is 25 foot. It is said, that Apollo pulled the Skin of Marsyas over his head (who contended with him about Wisdom) and hung it up in the Den, where the Spring of the River Marsyas ariseth, and that thereupon, the River is called Marsyas. The report is, that Xerxes flying out of Greece after his overthrow, builded the Palace, and the Citadel of Celaene. In this place, Cyrus rested 30 days, and Clearchus, the exile of Lacedaemon, came unto him with 1000 armed Foot, and 800 Thracian Targeteers, and 200 Cretan Archers; and Sosias the Syracusian, with 1000 armed Foot; and Sophaenetus the Arcadian, with 1000 armed Foot. Cyrus took muster, and numbered the Grecians in this Park, 

13000 Armed, and light armed.  
37 Miles and a half. The day, 18 miles and more.  
These Games were first instituted in the honour of Pan, god of Arcadia. Young men ran naked in them. Livius, l. 1. They were called Luper●alia amongst the Ro●●nes, vide 〈◊〉 A●cadi is, 〈◊〉. 456. num●●o. 3●. 517. num. 40.   and found them to be 11000 armed, and about 2000 Targeteers, or Peltasts. From thence, he marched in two encamp, 10 Parasangs, and came to Peltae, a City well peopled, there he remained three days, during which time, Xenias the Arcadian solemnised the Plays, called Lycaea, and proposed games. The games were Golden rubbers. Cyrus was present and beheld that exercise. From thence, in two encamp, he marched 
a ●5 Mil●● Every day 22 m●les and a half.  12 Parasangs, and came as far as the Market of the Ceramians, a City full of people, the last of the Country of Mysia. From thence, in three encamp, he marched 
b A great March if it be not mistaken. It amounteth to 112 miles in all. And to more than 37 mile a day. Epiaxa, the Queen of Cilicia.  30 Parasangs, as far as the City called the Plain of Cayster (a City well peopled) where he stayed five days. By this time, there was due to the Soldiers more than three Month's pay, which they often demanded, gathering themselves together before Cyrus his door. But he put them off with hopes, not without manifest signs of discontentment in his countenance. For it was not Cyrus his manner to hold up payment, when he was furnished with money. Here Epiaxa, the Queen of Syennesis the King of Cilicia, came to Cyrus, and was said to bring unto him great sums of money, wherewith he paid the Soldiers their entertainment for four Months. This Cilician Queen, had a Guard of Cilicians, and Aspendians, about her. The report went, that Cyrus was very familiar with her. From hence, in two encamp he proceeded 
* 37 Miles and a half. 18 miles every day and above.  10 Parasangs, even as far as Thymurium, a well inhabited City. near the way leading to this City, there is a Fountain, called the Fountain of Midas King of Phrygia, where the fame is, that Midas hunted the satire, mingling the water of the Fountain with wine. From thence, in two encamp, he marched 10 Parasangs, and came to Tyriaeum, a City full of people; He remained there five days. Whilst he was there, the report goes, the Cilician Queen requested him to show her his Army, whose request, he being desirous to satisfy, took a muster of the Grecians, and Barbarians, in the Plain near adjoining. He commanded the Grecians to order, and range themselves according to their wont manner of embattailing, every Leader directing his own Soldiers. They were therefore ordered 
c 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cl●●●chus, the Chief of the Grecian Commanders in the le●t Wing.  
A muster of the Army of Cyrus. No Cuirasses.   four in depth. Menon, & those with him, had the right Wing; Clearchus, and his Soldiers, the left; The other Commanders, the midst. Cyrus, and the Queen, he in his Chariot, she in her Coach, rid up and down, and first viewed the Barbarians (who passed by, and advanced in Troops, and Companies) and then afterward the Grecians. They had every man a Brazen Head-piece, a Scarlet Coat, Greves, and a polished and bright Target. When he had passed by all, staying his Chariot before the midst of the Phalange, he sent Pigres his Interpreter, to the Grecian Colonels, willing them to command a Charge (as if they were to give upon the Enemy) and to move forward with the whole Phalange, who gave warning hereof to their Soldiers. No sooner therefore had the Trumpet sounded, but they straightways advanced, 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  holding out their weapons as in a Charge, and then mending their pace, and giving a shout, they fell of themselves into a Plain, running toward their Tents. 
The Grecians put the Barbarians in fear.  Both the other Barbarians were taken with sudden fear, and also the Cilician Queen forsook her Coach, and the Market-folke, leaving their wares behind, shifted away every one to save himself. The Grecians not without laughter, held on forward to their Tents. The Cilician Queen wondered not a little at the beauty and order of the Army, and Cyrus took as much pleasure to behold the Barbarians put into such a fear by the Grecians. From hence, in three encamp, he marched 20 Parasangs, and came to Iconium, 
22 Miles and above, a day.  the last City of Phrygia. He stayed there three days, and from hence, he marched in five encamp thorough Lycaonia, 30 Parasangs. 
20 Miles and above, a day.  He suffered the Grecians to spoil this Country, as Enemy. From hence Cyrus sent away the Cilician Queen by the nearest way to Cilicia, and with her he sent Menons' Regiment, and Menon the Thessalian himself. Cyrus, with the rest, marched thorough Cappadocia, 25 Parasangs in four encamp, as far as Danae, a great, wealthy, and well peopled City. 
23 Miles and a half, and upward.  Here he remained three days, within which time, he put to death Megaphernes, a Persian, the King's Purple Dyer, and another Ruler of great authority, charging them with Treason against himself. From hence they attempted to break into Cilicia, but the entrance was so narrow, 
The entrance into Cilicia.  that more than one Chariot could not pass at once, and withal, exceeding steep, and unpassable for an Army, in case resistance were made. The fame was, that Syennesis had planted himself in the highest of the straits, 
Syennesis, King of Cilicia.  to defend the passage, which was the cause, that the Army stayed in the Plain one day. The next day, there came a Messenger bringing tidings, that Syennesis had left the straits, after he perceived that Menons Troops were already beyond the Mountains in Cilicia, and heard that a Fleet of Lacedaemonian Galleys, and another of Cyrus, were under sail, to pass from jonia to Cilicia, under the leading of Tamon. Cyrus' ascended the Mountains without resistance of any Man, and found the Tents yet standing, of those that were in guard of the Mountains. From thence, he descended into a great, beautiful, and well watered Plain, 
Cilicia.  and replenished with all manner of Trees, and with Vines. It beareth abundance of Sesamum, and Panic, and Millet, and Wheat, and Barley. 
A kind of Indian Corne.  It is environed on every side from Sea to Sea, with abrupt, and high Mountains. Descending from this Mountain, in four encamp, he marched 25 Parasangs, thorough Cilicia as far as Tarsus, a great, 
23 Miles and upward, a day.  and rich City of Cilicia. In that City was the Palace of Syennesis, King of Cilicia. Thorough the midst of this City, runneth the River named Cydnus, 
Cydnus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  being 200 foot in breadth. The Inhabitants thereof, excepting such as bought and sold, left the City, and fled to the Mountains with Syennesis. But the Inhabitants of Solos, and Issos', which stand near the Sea, held themselves to their homes. Epiaxa, the Wife of Syennesis, arrived at Tarsus, five days before Cyrus. But in the tops of the Mountains, that stretched towards the Plain, 
Lochos, signifieth here a Company: in Aelia●, it is used for a File.  two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (or Companies) of Menons' Regiment were lost. Some say, that being busy in pillage, they were cut off by the Cilicians; Other some, that they were left behind not able to find the rest of the Troops, nor the ways which they were to pass, and were lost in wand'ring up and down. Their number was about 100 armed Foot. The rest coming to Tarsus, sacked the City, and the Palace in it, in a rage for the loss of their Companions. Cyrus' entering the City, sent for Syennesis, who returned answer, that as he never yet had committed himself to the hands of a Man better than himself, so he would not now begin. In which mind he continued, till his Wife persuaded him to the contrary, and till he had taken assurance from Cyrus. After that they met, Syennesis gave Cyrus great sums to uphold his Army. Cyrus again gave him gifts, such as he thought honourable, and much esteemed amongst Kings; As namely, a Horse with a golden bit, a Chain of gold, Bracelets, a Sword decked with gold, a Persian garment, and freedom of his Land from spoil; As also, restitution of the Slaves, which were taken in spoil by the Soldiers, wheresoever he could find them. 
The Grecians refuse to go any further.  Cyrus, and the Army, remained here 20 days, for the Soldiers plainly denied to go any further, imagining now they were led against the King, which they said, was no part of their agreement. Clearchus was the first that went about to force his Soldiers to proceed, but they, as soon as he offered to go forward, cast Stones at him, and at his carriage Beasts. 
Clearchus' art in drawing them further.  And surely he hardly escaped stoning. But afterward perceiving it was in vain to use force, he called his Soldiers to an assembly; and first he stood weeping a good time, which they seeing, wondered at, and kept silence. Afterwards he spoke thus: My fellow Soldiers, wonder not that the present state of this business toucheth me to the quick, for Cyrus hath made himself mine Host, being banished out of my Country, and not only done me other honours, but also given me 10000 Darickes: which I taking, hoarded not up for mine own private use, and pleasure, but disbursed them upon you. And first I made war upon the Thracians, and with your helps revenged the wrongs they did unto Greece, chase them out of Cheronesus, whilst they endeavoured to take that Land from the Grecians. But when Cyrus called for me, I took you with me, and went to Cyrus, to the end in his need to show myself thankful for his former kindness and favours towards me. But since you please to go no further, I must of necessity either forsake you and apply myself to his friendship, or deceive his hopes, and remain still with you. For my part (I know not whether I am in the right or not) I will rather choose you, and with you partake such fortune as God shall send. Neither shall any man ever say, that I led the Grecians against the Barbarians, & embracing the friendship of the Barbarians betrayed the Grecians. And because it pleaseth you neither to be persuaded by, nor yet to follow me, I will follow you, and with you willingly undergo whatsoever shall happen. For my resolution is, that you are my country, my friends, and my fellows in Arms, and that with your presence, I shall be honourable, wheresoever I become: Being deprived of you, I shall neither be able to pleasure a friend, nor to be revenged upon an enemy. Wherefore I would have you think assuredly, that whithersoever you go, thither will I go with you. Thus he spoke. His own Soldiers, and others hearing these words, and that he purposed not to go against the King, commended him much, and above 2000 of Xenias, and Pasions Soldiers taking with them their Arms and Carriages, came and encamped with Clearchus. Cyrus' doubting the sequel of these things, and somewhat aggrieved in his mind, sent for Clearchus, who refused to go unto him, but secretly without the Soldier's knowledge willed him to be of good courage, for he doubted not, but all should be well. Only he desired him to send for him once more, albeit he signified before hand, that he would deny to come. Afterward, gathering together his own Soldiers, and the other that quartered with him, and as many beside as list to hear, he said thus: My fellow Soldiers, the affairs of Cyrus with us, and ours with him, stand almost upon one foot, and carry no great difference: For neither are we his Soldiers any more, because we follow him not, nor yet is he to give us any more entertainment. I know well he thinketh himself much wronged by us, which is the cause I refused to go unto him, when I was sent for, especially being ashamed, & touched in conscience, that I had deceived his hopes. Further I feared lest laying hands upon me, he might perhaps inflict some severe punishment for the wrong I have done him. I am therefore of opinion, that it is high time for us not to sleep, nor be careless of ourselves, but to take counsel what is to be done: for if we be forced to stay here, it is to be considered, after what sort we may stay with most safety: If to depart, how we may most securely depart, and how recover things necessary for our journey. For without these, neither General, nor common Soldier is able to achieve any thing. As for Cyrus, where he is a friend, he is a sure friend, and highly to be prised; where an enemy, no man more sour, nor more enemie-like. Besides, he hath Forces of Foot, of Horse, and Shipping, which we all see, and very well understand, as being quartered not far from his Campe. So that it is high time for any man to utter what he thinketh. Having spoken thus, he held his peace. Then arose some of their own accord, who delivered their opinions. Other some by his subornation, showed the impossibility of going or staying, without the good will of Cyrus. One making semblance of hasting into Greece with all speed, advised to choose other Generals quickly, in case Clearchus refused to lead away, and to buy things requisite for the journey (for there was a Market, said he, in the quarter of the Barbarians) and immediately to truss up their baggage, and go to Cyrus, and require Shipping, to depart in: And in case he refuse to give them, to desire a guide to lead us thorough the Country as friends. If he refuse that also, then presently to put the Army in Battle array, and to dispatch away some, to seize upon the height of the straits, that neither Cyrus prevent us, nor yet the Cilicians, abundance of whose persons and goods, we have preid and carry with us. Thus much spoke he. Then answered Clearchus in this manner: Let no man once imagine, that I will take upon me the place of General over this Army (for there are many things that dissuade me from it) But if you shall think good to choose any other man, I will not fail to obey him to my uttermost; that you may see, I know as well to be commanded, as any man else whosoever. After Clearchus, another arose, showing the simplicity of him, that advised to require Shipping of Cyrus, as though he had no further use for it, and what a shallowness it would be, to require that of a General, which if he granted, his enterprise should be quite overthrown. And if we were in any thing to trust the guide, that Cyrus should give us, why commanded we not Cyrus to take the top of the Hills for us? For my part, I would be thoroughly advised, ere I went into Ships of his providing, lest he sink both us and them; and would fear his guide, left he lead us to a place, from whence there were no coming off. I had rather go hence without Cyrus his knowledge, if there were any means to hide my departure from him: but that is a thing impossible, as also I say, these are all idle conceits: for my advice, I would think it expedient, to send fit men with Clearchus unto Cyrus, to inquire, wherein he will be pleased to use our service, and if the action be like unto those, wherein he hath heretofore employed Strangers, to follow him, and to show ourselves no worse, than they were, that heretofore ascended to his father with him. But if the enterprise seem greater, and of more labour, and more peril, than other former enterprises have been, to desire him either to persuade us, and so to lead us with him, or else to yield to our persuasions, and friendly to dismiss us. For so both in following him, we shall follow as friends, ready to do him service, and in returning, return with safety. What answer he maketh, I think necessary to be reported to the Army, that we may consult upon it accordingly. This was decreed by the whole assembly, and chosen men sent with Clearchus to make demands to Cyrus, according to the resolution of the Assembly. Cyrus' answered, that he had news, that Abrocomas an enemy of his, was at the River Euphrates, which was about 12 encamp from thence: That he went against him, and if he found him there, he would be revenged upon him; if he fled away, we will deliberate then, said he, what is to be done. The chosen men made report hereof to the Soldiers, who albeit they had a suspicion, they were led against the King, yet decreed to hold on. When they demanded of Cyrus an augmentation of pay, he promised them half as much more as they had before, 
20 s. and 6 d.  namely, in stead of one Darick the month, a Darick and an half to every soldier. But all this while no man heard in public, 
37 miles, and a half. 18 miles & upwards a day. Three Plethers.  that they were led against the King. From thence he marched ten Parasangs in two encamp, as far as the River Pharos, whose breadth was 300 foot. From thence in one encamping 
a 18 Mile and upwards. 600 Foot.  five Parasangs, and came to the River Pyramus, whose breadth is a furlong. From thence in two encamp, 
b 28 Miles and more a day.  15 Parasangs, and came to Issos', the last City of Cilicia, a City situated upon the Sea, being well peopled, large and rich. There he remained three days. Here out of Peloponnesus came to Cyrus 35 Ships under the command of Pythagoras the Lacedaemonian. The Admiral of the whole Fleet was Tamos the Egyptian, who brought with him 25 other of Cyrus his Ships from Ephesus, with which he had before besieged Miletus, because that City took part with Tissaphernes: and this Tamos followed Cyrus against him. Cherisophus the Lacedaemonian came with these Ships, 
Che●isophus, who afterwards was one of the Colonels.  whom Cyrus had sent for by name, and brought with him 700 armed foot, with which he served Cyrus. The Ships anchored hard by Cyrus his Tent. Whilst the Army rested here, the Grecian Mercenaries, which were under the pay of Abrocomas, being in number 400 armed foot, revolted from him, and came to Cyrus, and served against the King. From hence in one encamping he marched five Parasangs, even to the straits of Cilicia, and Syria. 

18 Mile and more.  
The straits of Syria.  
The River Chersos.   These were two walls, of which Syennesis, and a guard of the Cilicians had the defence of the inmost next to Cilicia: The other next Syria was defended by a guard of the King's soldiers. Thorough the midst of these two runneth the river called Kersoes, being of the breadth of a hundred foot. The whole distance between the two walls is three furlongs, and it admitteth no passage by force, the neither way toward the Sea being narrow and fenced with strong walls, and the upper nothing but inaccessible rocks. In either wall there is a gate set. This passage was the cause that Cyrus sent for his ships, that in them he might transport armed foot both without and within the gates to force a way, if it were so that the enemy sought to make good that place, which he thought Abrocomas with his soldiers, that he had in great number, went about to do. But Abrocomas did it not: For as soon as he heard, that Cyrus was advanced into Cilicia, he returned with all speed out of Phoenicia to the King, 
Abrocomas his army 300000. men.  having with him, as it is reported, an army of thirty Myriads of men. From hence he marched in one encamping thorough Syria five Parasangs, even as far as Myriandrum a City inhabited by the Phoenicians, 
18 Mile and upward.  and situated upon the Sea. This town is a place of traffic, and many ships of burden road in the Haven. There he remained seven days, 
Xenias & Pasion, two Colonels, forsake Cyrus without leave.  and Xenias the Arcadian Colonel, and Pasion of Megara shipping themselves, and their goods of most esteem, sailed homeward discontented (as it was thought by most) because Cyrus suffered Clearchus to keep their soldiers, which refusing to go any further against the King, removed into his camp, with intent to return into Greece. As soon as they were out of sight, the rumour went that Cyrus pursued them with galleys, and some wished they might be taken, as men that had used treachery: Other some pitied them, and feared their danger in case they were taken. 
The lenity of Cyrus.  Cyr●s calling the Colonels together, said, Xenias and Pasion have forsaken us. But let them know for certainty, that neither they are so secretly fled, but that I am informed whither they are gone, nor yet that they are out of my reach, for I have galleys enough that will easily (if I list) fetch up their ship. But indeed it is not my purpose to pursue them: neither shall it be said, that I use the service of any man so long, as he is willing to follow me, and when he is desirous to be gone, arrest him, and entreat him ill, and spoil him of that, he hath. But, as I said, let them go, and understand, that they deal worse with us, than we with them: And albeit I have their wives and children at Tralles in custody, yet shall they not be defrauded, but have them safely delivered into their hands, in respect of their former service to me. So much Cyrus. The Grecians hearing the worthy disposition of Cyrus, even those that before were slack and backward in the journey, followed him now more willingly and cheerfully. 
75 Miles, 18 miles and more the day.  From thence in four encamp he marched twenty Parasangs to the river Chalos, a river 
a A Plether. The gods of the Syrians.  100 foot broad, which was full of great tame fish, which the Syrians think to be gods, and therefore suffer them not to be harmed no more than they do Pigeons. The villages wherein they encamped pertained to Parisatis, being given to her for her maintenance. 
22 M●les and upwards a day. A Plether.  From thence in 5 encamp, he marched 30 Parasangs, as far as the head of the river Daradaces, which was 100 foot in breadth: there was the Palace of Belesis, who sometimes governed Syria, & a very large and beautiful Park stored with all kind of fruit, and wanting nothing that grows at any time of the year. Cyrus' cut down the trees thereof and burned the Palace. From thence in three encamp he marched fifteen Parasangs, 
56 Miles. 18 And more the day. Thapsacus.  even as far as the River Euphrates, whose breadth is three furlongs. A great and rich City is built upon Euphrates, which is called Thapsacus, where the army remained five days. Cyrus' sending here for the Commanders of the Grecians told them, that his purpose was to lead against the great King, willing them to signify so much to the soldiers, and to persuade them to follow. They call an assembly, declared all that was delivered unto them. The Soldiers were offended with the Commanders, alleging they knew as much before and concealed it, and refused absolutely to stir a foot forward, unless they had such rewards assured them, 
Under the leading of Xenias.  as the other Grecians had that before ascended up with Cyrus to his father: who notwithstanding went not to fight, but only waited upon Cyrus when his father sent for him. The Commanders reported those things to Cyrus, who promised to give every man five pounds of silver as soon as they came to Babylon, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst the Grecians was of the value of 58 s— 4 d. the whole sum is-14 li. 11 s8 d.  and to continue their whole pay until they were sent back and came into jonia. Most part of the Grecians yielded to these conditions. But Menon, before it was known what the other soldiers purposed to do, & whether they would follow Cyrus or no, called his own Regiment apart, and spoke unto them in this sort. 
Menons' subtlety.  My Companions (quoth he) if you will be ruled by me, you shall without danger or labour be more esteemed of Cyrus than all the rest. What then would I have you do? Cyrus' at this instant is entreating the Grecians to follow him against the King. This is therefore my counsel, that we pass over Euphrates before it appear what answer the other Grecians will deliver unto Cyrus. For if they resolve to follow him, it will seem that you that first began to pass, are the cause thereof, and Cyrus will both thank and reward you, as the most forward of all the rest (for he knows how to do it as well as any man) but if they resolve the contrary, we will all return over the river back again. So shall it come to pass that Cyrus will use us both for Garrisons, and for Commanders, as the most obedient and most faithful soldiers of his Army, and if there be any thing else you shall request of him, I assure myself you shall find him your especial friend. The soldiers hearing this, yielded to his persuasion, and passed the river before the other could resolve upon an answer. Cyrus' perceiving they were passed over, was glad at heart, and sent Glous unto them, willing him to say in his name; Cyrus at this present praiseth and commendeth you, but he will endeavour to give you cause hereafter to praise him, else would he not have you think him to be Cyrus. The soldiers filled with great hopes, wished him good success in all designs. It is said, he sent rich presents unto Menon. This done, he passed the river, 
Euphrates a deep river.  and the whole Army after him, and not a man was wet above his breasts in wading over. The Thapsacens report that the river was never passed over on foot before, but with shipping alone, which Abrocomas had burnt, to the intent to hinder Cyrus in his passage. This seemed to be a miracle, and that the river gave way to Cyrus, portending he should be King. From thence in nine encamp he marched fifty Parasangs thorough Syria▪ and they came to the river Araxes, 
187 Mile and upwards; above 20 mile a day.  where were many villages replenished with Corn and Wine. There remained they three days, and made provision of victuals. From thence in five encamp in the wilderness he marched thorough Arabia 35 Parasangs, 
Arabia.  having Euphrates on the right hand. The territory of this Country was a Plain all over, even like unto the Sea, but full of wormwood, and if any shrubs or reeds grew there, they yielded a sweet savour like unto spices, but there was not a tree to be seen. Of untamed beasts, the most were wild Asses, 
Wild Asses. Ostriches. Bustards.  and not a few Ostriches. There were also Bustards and wild Goats. These asses being chased first fled on afore, and afterward turned and stood at a gaze (for they were much swifter than a horse) & again did the like when a horse came near them. So that it was a matter impossible to take them, unless the horsemen hunted with their horses placed in distance, and taking the chase one from another. The flesh of them being caught is in taste like a red Deer, saving that it is a little more tender. No man could lay hand upon an Ostrich, and the horsemen that gave her chase soon quitted it. For she runs away flying using her feet for course, & lifting up herself with her wings, as it were with the sails of a ship. As for the Bustards, they are easily caught if a man suddenly spring them: for they both make a short flight as Partridges do, and are soon weary. The flesh of them is very delicate & pleasant. Proceeding on thorough this country the Army came to the River Masca, which carrieth 100 foot in breadth. 
A Plether.  Here was a great City, but dispeopled, named Corsote, which hath the River Masca running round about it, where they stayed three days making provision for the Army. From hence in thirteen encamp in the wilderness Cyrus marched 90 Parasangs, 
337 Miles and a half, which amounteth to 25 Miles and upward the day  having Euphrates on his right hand, & came to the straits. In these encamp many carriage-beasts were lost for want of food. The inhabitants digging out and fashioning millstones about the river, carried them to Babylon and sold them, buying with the price victuals to maintain their lives. The Army was now destitute of victual, neither was there any to be bought elsewhere than only in the Lydian market amongst the Barbarians that followed Cyrus, where a 
a 
A Capitha containeth half a peck of our measure.  
A Chaenix a quarter of a peck.   Capitha of meal was sold for four Sicles: a Sickle is valued at 7 Attic 
b Obolus Atticus is taken for penny farthing of our money.  Oboli, & a half, and a Capitha contains 2 Attic Chaenices. The Soldiers therefore fed upon flesh. These encamp were a great distance one from another, & they fell out to be the longer because Cyrus was forced to march on till he came either to water or fodder. And if it chanced that the way leading thorough straits or mire were hardly passable for the Chariots, Cyrus would stay with the best and gallantest of his train, & command Glous or Pigres to take some of the Barbarian army, & draw the Chariots out of the mire. And in case they seemed too slow, he would, 
The cause of long marches.  as it were in anger, command the strongest of the Persians that followed him, to put to their hands and free the chariots. There might a man have beheld no small piece of obedience. For casting off their scarlet cloaks (called Candyes) in the place where every one stood, they hasted, as if a man should run for a wager, even against the steepness of hills, being clad with rich coats, and embroidered breeches, & some of them with chains of gold about their necks, and bracelets about their wrists; and yet with these leaping quickly into the mire, they hoist, and brought out the wagons sooner than a man would have imagined. In a word, Cyrus spared no manner of diligence all the way to haste the journey forward, staying in no place unless there, where he must needs furnish himself with provision, or else set down for some other necessary cause; conceiving the more speed he made, the rather he should surprise the King, and fall upon him at unawares; and the more he loitered, the greater Army the King should be able to raise. For it was easy for any man that would mark, to perceive, that the King's dominion was strong in largeness of Territories, and multitudes of men, but weak in length of ways, and separation of his forces, in case war were roundly moved against him. Beyond Euphrates, and the encamp in the wilderness, there was a great and rich City, the name whereof was Carmanda, out of which the Army made their provision passing over in boats, 
Carmanda.  which boats were contrived upon the sudden in this sort: 
Boats for a shift.  The skins which they used for coverings, they filled with light hay and chaff, binding and sowing them so close that the water could not come into the chaff, and upon those, they went over and got provision, which was wine pressed out of Palm nuts, & corn called Millet, whereof there was great plenty in this country. 
Seditious Soldiers put all in danger.  Here a controversy falling out betwixt a Soldier of Clearchus and another of Menons' Regiment, Clearchus commanded Menons' Soldier to be beaten, judging him to be in the wrong. This Soldier went to his own quarter, and complained hereof to his companions, and they hearing what had passed, grew discontent and angry with Clearchus. The same day Clearchus going to the passage of the river, and there viewing the Market, rid back to his own Tent with small attendance thorough Menons' quarter. Cyrus was not yet arrived, but was upon the way coming forward. It fortuned at the same time that one of Menons' Soldiers was hewing Wood, who seeing Clearchus passing by, threw his Hatchet at, but miss him, than threw one Stones, and so another, and then many more, raising a great cry. Clearchus' fled to his own quarter, and forthwith commanded his Soldiers to take Arms. The armed Soldiers he commanded to stay there, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  resting their Targets against their knees; the Thracians, and the Horsemen, of which he had above 40 in his quarter (the most part Thracians) he took with him, and galloped against Menons' Soldiers; so that both they, and Menon himself, were put in a fear, and some ran to their Arms, others stood still, doubting what the sequel would be. Proxenus his turn was to come in the rear that day, with his whole Regiment of Armed, 
The Colonels marched by turns. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  who presently thrust his Troops in betwixt them both, and laid down his Arms, entreating Clearchus to forbear. Clearchus chose was angry because being so near stoning, Proxenus used so calm words in his extremity of danger, and willed him to depart from between them. Whilst they stood upon these terms, Cyrus came up, and was certified how things went, and presently arming himself, 
Cyrus stilleth the contention.  and attended with most of them that were about him, he galloped in between, and spoke thus: Clearchus, and Proxenus, and you the rest of the Grecians that are present, you know not what you do; For if you fall to fight among yourselves, you may well think, that this day you shall cut me a pieces, and yourselves not long after me. For if our affairs go ill, all these Barbarians that you see, will be greater enemies to you, than they, who are with the King. Clearchus hearing these things, came again to himself, and both of them moderating their choler, laid their Arms down in the place. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Proceeding in their journey from hence, they discovered the footing, and dung of Horses. It seemed the number of the Horse, was about 2000, which going before our Camp, burned the Fodder, and all other things profitable for use. Orontes a Persian, near a ●in to the King, and deemed one of the best Soldiers of Persia, did seek in former times to betray Cyrus, making war against him; but being after reconciled to Cyrus, he journeyed with him now, and proffered, 
A fair pretence of a traitor.  that if Cyrus would let him have 1000 Horse, he would either by ambush cut off the Scouts of the Enemy, that burned the Country, or would take many of them alive, and so inhibit their burnings, or at least disable them to report to the King any thing touching the Army of Cyrus. Cyrus' hearing this, held it a matter of importance, and therefore he willed him to take a parcel of Horse out of every Troop. Orontes thinking these Horse were ready at his call, writ a Letter to the King, that he would come unto him with as many Horse, as he could get; Only he desired, it would please the King, to give charge to his Horsemen to receive him as a friend. Besides, he added in his Letters many remembrances, & tokens of his old friendship & faith to the King, and delivered the letter to a trusty Messenger, as he imagined; who as soon as he received it, showed it to Cyrus. When Cyrus had read the contents, he caused Orontes to be apprehended, & called into the same tent wherein himself was, seven of the most honourable Persians he had about him, & commanded the Grecian Leaders, to bring unto him some number of their armed Foot, whom he appointed to lay down their Arms at his Tent. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  They as they were commanded, brought with them about 3000 armed Foot: Cyrus then called Clearchus also into Council, who seemed to him, and to the rest, to be of far greater reputation, than any other of the Grecians; And he, after ●e came forth, 
The manner of proceeding in judgement against Orontes.  told the History of Orontes judgement, to his friends, and how it was carried: for secretness in this business was not enjoined. Clearchus' reported then, that Cyrus began after this manner: My friends, I have called you together, that consulting with you about this Orontes, I might do that, which is most just, both before God, and Men. My Father at the first gave him to be under my command; afterward by commandment of my Brother, as he professeth, having in possession the Citadel of Sardes, he made war upon me; but I pursued him with arms so near, that he thought it best to forbear bearing arms against me, and afterward received his, and gave him my right hand in token of reconciliation. He added, Was there any thing, Orontes, I wronged you in after this? Orontes answered, Nothing. Then Cyrus asked him again, Did not you afterward, being not wronged by me, as yourself confess, revolt to the Mysians, and spoil my Country to your uttermost power? I did, said Orontes. And when you found yourself too weak, did you not fly to the Altar of Diana, saying, you repented of that you had done, and desired pardon, and gave and took of me assurance of no further enmity betwixt us? Orontes acknowledged this also. Wherein then (quoth Cyrus) have I wronged you, that you sought to betray me the third time? When Orontes confessed, he was not wronged; Cyrus asked him, Do you confess then, you have done me wrong? I must needs, quoth Orontes. Then Cyrus asked him again, will you henceforward then be enemy to my Brother, and friend, and trusty to me? Although I should, answered he, I shall not seem so to you. After this, Cyrus said to those that were present: You have heard, what this man hath done, and said; Begin Clearchus, and give first your judgement upon him. Then said Clearchus: 
His condemnation.  Mine advice and counsel is, that he be forthwith dispatched out of the way, that we be not troubled with keeping him, and that he hinder us not to do good to those, that willingly would become our friends. To this advice the rest assented. Afterward by commandment of Cyrus, all they that were present, and his kinsmen also, rising up, took hold of Orontes girdle, as of one condemned to die, and men appointed for the purpose led him forth: When he came out, those that were wont to bow to him with reverence, made then also obeisance, albeit they knew, 
His execution.  he was led to die. But being conveyed to the Tent of Artapata, one of the most trusty Masebearers of Cyrus, from that time forward, no man saw Orontes alive, or dead, nor could report the manner of his death (some being of one imagination, some of another) nor yet was there made any Grave or Monument for him. From thence in three encamp, 
45 Mile, 15 a day.  he marched 12 Parasangs, thorough the Country of Babylon. 
Ordering of the battle.  In the third encamping, Cyrus about midnight took musters of the Grecians, and Barbarians, in the Plain where they than were (for he thought, that the next morning, the King would come with his Army, and bid him battle) and gave to Clearchus the command of the right Wing of the Grecians; and to Menon the Thessalian, the left; himself ordered his own people. After musters ended, as soon as it was day, there came Fugitives from the great King's Camp, and brought news to Cyrus touching the Army of the King. Cyrus' calling together the chief Commanders, and the Captains of the Grecians, consulted with them, how he might best order his Army for fight, and admonished, and encouraged them in these words: I made choice of you (o Grecians) to be my Companions in Arms, not because I wanted, or might not have had plenty of Barbarians, but I chose you for that I esteemed you better, and more to be valued than many multitudes of Barbarians. Show yourselves therefore men worthy of the liberty you enjoy, in respect whereof, I hold you also happy. For I would have you know, that I prize liberty above all things I possess, and above many more of greater worth, than those, I possess. But to the end you may understand what fight you are at this present to undergo, I will in few words declare it unto you. The number of the enemy is great, and they charge with a great cry. Endure the first, and I am ashamed of the rest: and, am likewise ashamed, what manner of men you shall find the Inhabitants of these Countries to be. And in case you show yourselves men, and be courageous, and valiant, whosoever desireth to return to his home, I will so send him away, that at his return, his fellow Citizens shall have cause to envy his good hap. But I think so to use the matter, that many shall rather choose to remain, and take such part as I shall have, than to return home to their Countries. Hereupon Gaulites a Fugitive of Samos, but faithful to Cyrus, replied; There are (o Cyrus) that say, you make large promises by reason of the peril at hand; but in case the success be good, you will forget all. Other some, 
The largeness of the Persian Kingdom.  that although you remember, and would, you cannot perform what you promise. Cyrus' hearing these things, answered, My Father's Kingdom stretcheth toward the South so far, that for heat, no man is able to inhabit; toward the North, that no man can inhabit for cold; the middlemost parts, are under the government of my Brother's friends. If we get the victory, I can do no less, than establish you my friends in the possession of them. So that I fear not (if my journey prosper) not to have enough, wherewith to pleasure every one of my friends, but I fear rather, I shall not have friends enough to pleasure. But to you, o Grecians, to every one of you, I will give over and above my promise, a Crown of Gold. They that heard these things, were much more forward than before, and related them to the rest. Many both of the chiefest Commanders, and also some other of the Grecians, went in to Cyrus, demanding what should be their reward, in case they won the day; whom Cyrus sent away full of good hopes. About that time, Clearchus asked Cyrus, Do you think (Cyrus) your Brother will hazard a battle? 
Cyrus' foot were 112800.  If (quoth Cyrus) he be the Son of Daerius and Parisatis, and my Brother, I shall never obtain the things, I seek for, without fight. Here the Grecians being in Arms, were numbered to be 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  10400 Armed, and 2400 Targeteers, the Barbarians with Cyrus 
b Every Myriad is 10000  10 Myriad, Sythed Chariots about 20. The enemy was said to be 120 Myriad, and about 200 Sythed Chariots. Besides, there were 6000 Horse under the leading of Artagerses; they were ranged before the King. There were four Rulers, or Generals, or Leaders, of the King's Army; of whom, every one had 30 Myriad under his charge; to wit, 
The king's foot 900000.  Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and Arbaces. But of this number, there were no more, than 90 Myriad present in the battle, and 150 Sythed Chariots. For Abrocomas, although he posted with all speed out of Phoenicia, came five days after the battle. The Fugitives from the King's Army, brought this information to Cyrus before the battle; and those of the enemy, that were intercepted after the battle, confirmed the same. From hence Cyrus in one encamping, marched 3 Parasangs; his whole Army, both Grecians & Barbarians, being in battle array: for he thought the king would have fought that day, because at the end of this half day's journey, 
A Fathom containeth two yards.  he found a deep Trench cast, the breadth whereof was five Fathoms, the depth three Fathoms. The trench ran up into the Country 12 Parasangs, thorough the Plain even as far as the wall of Media, where the Channels begin, that are derived out of the River Tigris, being in number four, each of them 100 Foot in breadth, and very deep, so that Ships of burden do sail in them. They fall into Euphrates, every one distant a Parasang from other, and every one having a Bridge laid over it of the breadth of 20 Foot. A narrow way was betwixt the River Euphrates, and this Trench. The great King caused this Trench to be cast for a Fortification, as soon as he heard that Cyrus was on foot. Cyrus and his Army passed over this narrow way, and were come within the Trench. The great King joined not battle this day, but many Tracts of men and beasts, that retired, might hereabouts be evidently perceived. Upon the same day, Cyrus calling to him Silanus the Diviner of Ambracia, gave him 3000 Daricks, because 11 days before offering Sacrifice he told him, that the King would not fight within ten days. If he fight not within ten days, quoth Cyrus, he will never fight; but if thy saying prove true, I promise to give thee 10 Talents, and he gave him that gold then, because the ten days were passed. Now seeing the King did not hinder the passage of Cyrus his Army over that Trench, Cyrus, and the rest, were strongly persuaded, that he determined not to fight, which was the cause, that Cyrus had not so great care of his march the next day; and he advanced the third day after sitting in his Chariot, and the most of his Army marched confusedly, and many of the Soldier's Arms were put upon the Wanes, & upon the carriage beasts. Now it was the time, the Market was full, and the place of encamping, where they should quarter, was at hand, when Patagyas a Persian, one of the faithfullest of Cyrus his Train, was seen to come upon the spur, his Horse dropping with sweat, crying out in the Persian and Greek Language; that the King was hard by with an huge Army ready, and prepared for fight. This news made a great confusion, and as well the Grecians, as all the rest, imagined they should be charged in this disorder. Cyrus' leaping from his Chariot, put on his Cuirass, and getting on Horseback, took his Darts in his hand, and commanded the rest to Arm, and every man to take his place. 

The order of Cyrus his battle. The place of the Commanders. Of the battle of Grecians.  
Light armed of the Grecians. Ariaeus is afterward called General of the Horse.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   Then with great diligence they ordered themselves, Clearchus in the point of the right Wing, by the River Euphrates, Proxenus next unto him, and the other after Proxenus. Menon, and his Regiment, had the point of the left Wing of the Grecian battle. Of the Barbarians, about 1000 Paphlagonian Horsemen stood by Clearchus on the right hand, and all the Targeteers of the Grecians. On the left hand of the whole Phalange, Arieus, Cyrus his Lieutenant General, and the remnant of the Barbarians. Cyrus himself held the midst with 600 Horsemen, which were armed with great Cuirasses and tases, and all of them with Casks, except Cyrus alone. Cyrus stood waiting the fight with his head unarmed: It is said, that other Persians also, when they hazard battle, fight with their heads unarmed. All the Horse that served under Cyrus, had both Frontlet's and Brest-plates; the Horsemen had Grecian Swords also. It was now midday, and the enemy was not yet come in sight; but when midday was past, first a dust appeared like unto a Cloud, and a little while after, a kind of blackness spread over the whole Plain. When they came somewhat nearer, a man might discern the shining of Brass, and their Spears, and array were easily discovered. And on the left Wing of the enemy, 
The order of the Persians. The arming of the Egyptians.  were placed Horsemen armed with white Cuirasses, who were reported to be under the command of Tissaphernes, next to whom were placed the Wickar Targeteers, and hard by them armed Foot, that carried long Wooden Targets, reaching down to their feet. They were said to be Egyptians; then other Horsemen, and other Archers, all according to their Nations; and every Nation was cast into a Plesium (or square battle) full of men, and before them, the Sythed Chariots, 
A Plesium. Battalions. The place of the Chariots. See my Notes upon the 11 ch. of Aelian.  distant a good space one from another. These Chariots had on the sides Sythes prominent, and bearing strait forth from the Axeltrees, and some from the former Seat of the Chariot, with their points turned toward the ground, to the end to cut a pieces whatsoever they met, and struck upon. The King's purpose was to send them with high speed against the ranks of the Grecians, to break and rend them in pieces. Cyrus' in a speech (heretofore delivered) exhorting, and encouraging the Grecians, gave them to understand, it should be enough only to endure the cry and shout of the Barbarians. But he was therein greatly deceived; for they advanced not with a cry, but with as great silence, and quietness, as was possible, continuing still in an equal and slow pace. Cyrus' at this time galloping up to the right Wing with Pigres his Interpreter, and with three or four more, cried out to Clearchus, to lead the Grecians against the midst of the enemy's battle, 
Plutarch accounteth this a fault in Clearchus, in vita Artaxerxis.  because the King was there; for if it be overcome, quoth he, there is no more for us to do. Clearchus seeing the midst of the battle, and hearing from Cyrus, that the King was far without the point of the left wing of the Grecian Phalange (for the king so abounded in multitude, that all the midst of his battle stretched, and was extended without the left Wing of Cyrus his Troops) would not for all that draw away the right Wing from the River, 
Remedy against overwinging.  fearing to be overfronted, and encompassed on both sides: but answered Cyrus, He would have a care, that all things should go well. In the mean time, the Barbarians Army advanced equally, but the Grecians remaining in the same place, increased still, and ordered their Troops, as they came on. And Cyrus putting forth a little before the rest, viewed both Armies at a good distance, casting his eyes sometimes upon the enemy, sometimes upon his friends, whom when Xenophon the Athenian, being amongst the Grecians, perceived, he spurred his Horse to meet him, and when he was come up, asked, if he would command any thing; Cyrus pausing a little, said, Tell all your people, that the beast sacrificed, and the inwards, promise us good luck. In speaking this, he heard a murmuring, that ran along clean thorough the Grecian Troops, and asked, what noise it might be, and what it meant; Xenophon told him, the Word was now given the second time. He m●ruailed who had betrayed the Word, and asked, what the new Word was; 
The Word.  Xenophon answered, jupiter the Saviour, and Victory: which Cyrus hearing, I accept it, said he, and let it be so. After he had thus spoken, he returned to his own pla●●. And now the two Phalanges were not above three or four Furlongs one from another, when the Grecians sang the Paan, 
A Military Song.  and set forward against the enemy. The part of the Phalange which advanced, swelled toward the Front, as it had been a wave of the Sea, and the hinder part began to follow apace, and all shouted (as they are wont in a Fury Marshal) and all ran on at once. 
Alexander gave direction to his soldiers to do the like. The victory of the Grecians.  Some also report, that they beat their Pikes upon their Targets, to the end to scare the Horses. Before they came within an Arrows shot, the Barbarians turned their Horses, and fled. The Grecians followed the chase with all speed, and cried one to another, not ●o run and haste too much, but to follow in good order. The Chariots, void of guides, were carried, some upon the enemies themselves, some upon the Grecians, who upon a forecast opened, and let them pass thorough; yet were there some that were overthrown for fear, as it is wont to happen in a Horse race, who notwithstanding were reported to have had no harm, nor yet any other Grecian in this whole fight, one only excepted, who was strucken with an Arrow in the left side. Cyrus' seeing the Grecians have the victory against their adversaries, and hotly pursuing them, rejoiced much, and was now worshipped of those, 
Cyrus' wariness in his good success.  that were about him, as King. Notwithstanding, he broke not out to follow the c●ace, but keeping by him his Troop of 600 Horse close serred, he observed what the King had in intention to do. 
The place of the K. of Persia in a battle.  For he knew well, that his place was in the midst of the Persian Phalange, as it is the manner of all the Persian Commanders, to lead in the midst of their Troops, conceiving that they are there in greatest safety, both because their strength is equally divided on both sides of them, and in case of Commands, the Army may receive directions in half the time it should, if they were elsewhere placed. So the King being then in his Station in the midst of his Phalange, and yet without the point of Cyrus his left Wing, and seeing no man to fight against him on the contrary part, nor yet against the Troops, that were ranged before him, he wound and turned his battle to the left hand, to the intent to overwing and encompass in his adversaries; which Cyrus perceiving, and fearing lest coming on the backs of the Grecians, he should cut them in pieces, he galloped forth, and met him in Front, 
Horse in front.  and charging with his 600 overcame, and put to flight the 6000 that were ordered before the King; and with his own hands (as the report goeth) slew Artagerses, one of the Generals of the King. 
An error in too ●arnest pursuit.  They were no sooner put to flight, but Cyrus his 600 pursuing hotly, were dispersed here and there, except a few, that were left with him, who were for the most part such, as usually sat at his Table: being accompanied with these, he espied the King, and the Troop, that was about him, and by and by, after he had said, I see the Man, he flew out directly against him, 
Cyrus' his valour.  and struck him on the Breast, and wounded him thorough the Cuirass, as Ctesias the Physician reporteth, who reporteth also, that he cured the wound. Whilst Cyrus was thus in fight, one with a Dart hit him a sore blow under the eye. The King, and Cyrus, and their Followers in defence of either of them thus coping together, Ctesias (for he was present) telleth the number of those, that died about the King; and Cyrus himself was also slain, 
The death of Cyrus.  and eight of his best Followers lay dead upon him. Artapata, one of the faithfullest of Cyrus' Masebearers, was said, after he saw Cyrus fallen, to have alighted from his Horse, and cast himself upon him. And some affirm, that the King commanded him to be killed upon Cyrus; others report, that he killed himself, drawing out his own Sword. For he had a gilt Sword, and wore a Chain, and Bracelets, and such other Ornaments, as the best of the Persians wore, being of great esteem with Cyrus for his love and faithfulness towards him. Thus died Cyrus, 
The praise of Cyrus.  a man by the opinion of those that had acquaintance with him, of the most Kingly disposition, and most worthy to bear rule, of all the Persians, that succeeded the Elder Cyrus. For first, 
His childhood.  being but a Child, and brought up with his Brother, and other Children, he was thought to surmount them all in all things. For all the Children of the best sort of Persians, have their education at the King's Gate, 
The K. of Persiaes' Gate.  where a man may learn much temperance, and where no kind of filthiness is to be heard or seen; and the Children have daily conversant before their eyes, those that are honoured, or disesteemed of the Kings. So that being yet but Children, they learn to rule, and to obey. There Cyrus seemed to be the aptest to learn of all, that were of his age, and to be more obedient to the Elder sort, than those that were far his inferiors. Besides, to be a great lover of Horses, and to use them with great skill, and to delight, and be studious of warlike exercise, and of shooting, and darting. When he was in the flower of his age, he greatly loved hunting, and shunned not danger, when he came to encounter with wild beasts. And when on a time a Bear set upon him, he feared her not, but buckling with her, was pulled from his horse and received those wounds, the scars whereof he after carried about him, and yet slew her at last. The man, that first came in to his rescue, he rewarded with royal gifts, and made him more happy, than many others of his time. Afterward when he was sent by his father, and made Satrapa (or Governor) of Lydia, and of the greater Phrygia, and of Cappadocia, and was declared General of the people, that were to assemble and be mustered in the Plain of Cast●lus, 
His keeping of his word.  he gave all men to understand, that he esteemed nothing more, than to keep faith with whomsoever he made league, agreement, or promise. Wherefore the Cities under his command believed him in all he spoke, and particular men every where believed him. And if an Enemy were to come in at any time upon Cyrus his word, he was easily persuaded of his assurance and safety; which was the cause, when he moved war against Tissaphernes, that every City willingly chose to take part with Cyrus, rather than with Tissaphernes, Milet only excepted: which feared him, for that he would not forsake, but gave encouragement to the fugitives of their City. For he declared both in deed and word, that after he had once received them into his friendship, 
His thankfulness.  howsoever their number, or fortune afterward fell out to be, he would not cast them off. Besides he made it evident, that in case any man showed him kindness, or were malicious against him, he would do all he could, to go beyond him in either of both. And there were, that reported this wish of his, namely, to live so long, as to be able to overcome his friends in kindnesses, his Enemies in revenge. Therefore many men were content to give up their riches, Cities, and bodies into his hands, 
Strictness in punishment.  rather than into any man's, tha● lived in our age. Neither could it be truly said, that he suffered wicked and loose persons to scorn him. For that kind of people he punished severely, and in the common ways were often to be seen men without feet, and hands, and eyes; so that in Cyrus his government both Grecians and Barbarians behaving themselves orderly, might walk, where they list without fear, and carry such things with them, as they thought fitting for their journey. By all men's confession he extraordinarily honoured men skilful in the Art Military. 
His esteem of Soldiers.  The first war he had, was against the Pisidians and Mysians: Himself therefore leading an Army against those countries, if he saw men willingly offer themselves to danger, he made them governors of the Country, which he conquered, and honoured them beside with other gifts. Whereby it appeared, that valiant men were happiest, and cowards accounted, as it were, their slaves. And for this cause many willingly put themselves into, and provoked danger, especially if they imagined, that Cyrus should have notice thereof. Whosoever it was that showed to the world any notable example of justice, he much rather enriched him, than those, that fished for gain out of unjust dealing. Therefore both many other things were rightly administered by him, and also he had an army, that might truly be called an Army. For the chief Commanders and Captains resorted unto him no● for moneys sake, but because they knew, that the service of Cyrus was much more to be prised, than their monthly pay. Now his servants that executed his commands with dexterity and diligence, 
Love & kindness to his servants.  he suffered not to go unrewarded. Wherefore the ●ame went, that there was no kind of work to be thought upon, wherein the servants and workmen of Cyrus did not excel. Ifhe found a man to be a good husband in augmenting his own wealth without oppression, or in garnishing the Province, which he governed, with new revenues, he was so far from taking from him, that he gave him more to that, he had. So that men gladly took pains, and boldly held, what they had gotten, and none concealed from Cyrus, the things he possessed. For he seemed not to envy them, which in open show were rich, but would often use the goods of such, as concealed and kept them close. What friends soever he chose, 
To his friends.  and found well affected to him, and judged able to effect that, which he desired, by the confession of all men he used most obsequiously. For as he needed friends to be fellow-workers of his designs, as he conceived: so himself endeavoured to be to his friends, the best fellow-worker of that, which he thought, every one of them desired. I have many causes to think, he had more presents made unto him, than any one man of that age whatsoever. All these he distributed especially amongst his friends, having consideration of every man's manner of life, and of their need. The things that were sent him for ornament of his body, or else fo● war, or for other trim and beautifyings; of these he is reported to have said, that his own body could not use them all, and that his opinion was, that friends well adorned were a man's greatest ornament. But it is no marvel, that being of greater ability he overcame his friends in kindness. This rather seemeth a marvel, that he went beyond them in care, to gratify and do them good. For Cyrus oftentimes, when he happened upon extraordinary pleasant wine, would send them flagons, with this message: Cyrus hath not tasted more pleasant wine a long time; he hath therefore sent this to you, and desireth you to day to drink it out with those, that you love best. Oftentimes also he sent half geese, and half loaves, and such like, willing the messenger to say, the taste of these pleased Cyrus, and therefore he would have you also to taste them. If at any time there were small store of fodder, it was easy to him to furnish himself, by reason of the multitude and diligence of his servants. Being then so furnished, he used to ●end part unto his friends, and willed them to give that fodder to the beasts, upon which they rid, lest they might suffer hunger, after they had traveled in carrying his friends. If he journeyed any whither in the sight of many, he would call his friends to him, and find talk with them of purpose, that it might appear, who they were, that he honoured. Out of which I may truly conjecture, that no man was beloved of more either Grecians, or Barbarians, than he. Let this also be a testimony hereof, that no man sought to fly from Cyrus (who was but a servant) unto the King (that was Master of all) except only Or●●●es (who also found the man, whom he thought his sure friend, more friend to Cyrus than to himself) but many after the enmity broke out betwixt the two Brothers, yea, some whom the King loved best, left him, 
The love that all men bore to Cyrus.  and came to Cyrus, believing the rewad of Virtue was greater with Cyrus, than with the King. That he was both good himself, and could give true judgement, who were faithful, loving, and constant, it is a great argument, that chanced at the end of his life; For when he died, all his friends, and such as were partakers of his Table, died fight over his body, saving only Ariaeus, he was Commander of the Horse on the left Wing, and, when he perceived, that Cyrus was fallen, fled with the whole Troops under his command. There the head and right hand of Cyrus were cut off. But the King and his folk following the chase chanced upon the Camp of Cyrus. The Troops of Ariaeus made stand no where, but fled out of the Camp to the place, where they last before quartered. The way thither was accounted four Parasangs in distance: 
15 Miles. The Gre●ian Ca●pe taken by the King.  But the King and his Army spoilt both other things, and took Cyrus his Phocean Concubine, called the Wise, and Beautiful. For the Milesian, younger in years than the other, being in hand to the King's people, escaped away naked to the Grecians, that stood armed by the Baggage; who having put themselves in order for fight, flew many of the Spoilers, though some of them also were slain. Notwithstanding they fled not, but saved her, and saved all whatsoever both good● & men, that were within their custody. Here the King and the Grecians were 30 Furlongs asunder; 
Three Mile & three quarters.  th●se last, giving chase to those enemies that stood against them, as if they had been Conquerors of the whole Army enemy; the other, rifling the Camp of the Grecians, as if their whole Army had gained the victory. But when the Grecians understood, that the King and his Army were amongst their Baggage, and the King heard by Tissaphernes, that the Grecians had overcome those, that were opposite against them, and that they proceeded forward giving chase, he gathered together his dispersed Troops, and put them in order of battle. And Clearchus calling to him Proxenus (for he was the next unto him) consulted, whether it were better to send away some few, or whether with their whole Forces they should go to succour the Campe. In the mean time, the King appeared again, advancing forward (as it seemed) upon the rear of the Grecians: the Grecians wheeling about their battle, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  prepared themselves to march on, and to receive the Kings charge that way. But the King advanced not, but as before he passed by without the left Wing, so he returned back again the same way, taking with him those, that fled to the Grecians during the time of sight, as also, Tissaphernes, and his Troops: for Tissaphernes fled not in the first encounter, 
Tissaphernes chargeth the Grecians.  but gave upon the Grecian Targeteers by the River side, yet killed he no man in giving on, for the Grecians opening their battle speedily, left a passage for Tissaphernes, striking and darting at him, and his, as they passed thorough. Episthenes the Amphipolitan, was Captain of the Targeteers, esteemed a man of good direction; therefore Tissaphernes departed, as having the worst; and making toward the Grecian Camp, met the King there, and both joining again their Forces, advanced forward. After they were now come as far as the left Wing of the Grecians, the Grecians feared the enemy would charge their Wing, and so wrapping in their battle on both sides, cut it in pieces. 
Remedy against encompassing.  They therefore thought fit to draw out that Wing in length, and to apply and set their backs against the River. Whilst they were in this consultation, the King changing the form he was in, ordered his Phalange against them as at first, advancing as though he meant to charge. And the Grecians seeing the enemy at hand, and ordered for fight, began the Paean again, and moved forward with much more alacrity, than in the first fight. The Barbarians received them not, but fled with greater speed than before. They followed the chase unto a certain Village, where they made Alt. For above the Village, was a hill, upon the which the King's Forces were rallied, and stood with their faces toward us, being no Foot, but Horse alone, and so many as covered the hill. A man could not see what was to be done; some said, they discerned the King's Standard, a golden eagle with her wings displayed as on a little Target fixed to the end of a long wooden staff. When the Grecians advanced thither also, the Horse forsook the Hill, not in Troops, but dispersedly, some scattering here, some there, in the end, all vanished away. Clearchus therefore ascended not the hill himself, but making Alt with the Army at the foot of the hill, sent Lucius the Syracusian and another, willing them to get up the hill, and to discover, and make report to him of that they saw. Lucius galloped up the hill, and after he had taken view, returned and told him, that the enemy fled upon the Spur. Whilst these things were in doing, the Sun was almost set. Here the Grecians made a stand, and rested themselves, laying down their Arms; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and withal, they wondered they saw not Cyrus, nor any man that came from him; for they knew not, that he was dead, but imagined, that either he followed the chase, or else hasted forward to take in some place of importance, & they consulted, whether it were better to remain still in the place where they were, & to cause their baggage to be brought to them, 
The Grecians return to their Campe.  or to return unto the Campe. At last, they resolved to depart, and about supper time they came to the camp, and so the day ended. When they came there, they found the most of their other goods rifled, and especially the meat and drink, and the wainesladen with flower & wine, which Cyrus had prepared to relieve the Grecians, 
Cyrus' his provision for the Grecians.  in case the Army should at any time be driven to penury, and need. They were, as was said, 400 wanes, which the King's Army spoiled, so that the most part of the Grecians were supperless, as also they wanted their dinner that day: for the King came in sight before the Army could rest themselves, and take their dinner. Thus therefore they passed that night.  
Finis Libri Primi.   

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF XENOPHON, TOUCHING THE Ascent of CYRUS the younger, out of Asia the Less, into the Higher COUNTRIES.  
IN the book next before-going, is declared how Cyrus at such time, as he warred against his brother Artaxerxes, levied his forces out of Greece, and what happened in the journey, and how the battle was fought, and after what manner Cyrus ended his life, and how the greeks thinking themselves masters of the field, and Cyrus to be alive, returned to their camp, and took themselves to rest. As soon as it was day, the chief Commanders gathering together, marvelled that Cyrus neither sent unto them, nor came himself to give direction, what was to be done. Therefore they thought good to truss up their baggage, that was left, and to put themselves in arms, and march forward, and join their forces with Cyrus. Whilst they were busy herein, by sunrising came Procles, 
For Demaratus see Herodot. lib. 6.175. & Pausani●s in Laconicis. l. 3.171.30. Ariaeus his message to the Grecians.  sometimes governor of Teuthrania, a man of the posterity of Demaratus the Lacedaemonian, and Glus the son of Tamon. They brought word of the death of Cyrus, and that Ariaeus, with the other Barbarians, being put to flight in the battle, were retired to the camp, from whence they dislodged the day before: and said further, that Ariaeus would stay for them that whole day, if they thought good to come unto him, and the next day set forward toward jonia, 
A country of Asia the less.  from whence they first began their journey. The chief Commanders, and the rest of the greeks hearing this news, were much perplexed. Clearchus hereupon said: Would God Cyrus had lived. But seeing he is dead, carry word to Ariaeus, that we have vanquished the King, and that no man, as yourselves are eye-witnesses, fighteth or lifteth up his hand against us; and had you not come, we were even at this instant marching against the King. But say to Ariaeus, if he please to come & join with us, we will install him in the King's throne. 
Clearchus' his answer.  For they, that are conquerors, have also power to dispose of the government of the Kingdom. Having spoken thus much, he sent away the messengers, and with them Cherisophus the Lacedaemonian, and Menon the Thessalian: For Menon himself, being a friend and guest to Ariaeus, desired to go. So these men departed, leaving Clearchus behind with the army. The army in the meantime victualled itself, in the best manner it could, 
Firing to dress their meat.  with the carriage-beasts, cutting the throats of Oxen and Asses. And going a little further to the ground, where the battle was fought, they gathered up arrows, which were many in number (which also they compelled the runaways from the King to pull out of the ground) & wicker targets, & wooden Egyptian targets for firewood. There remained also in the camp a multitude of targets and empty wanes, with which they sod their meat, and so fed that day. By this time was the marketplace replenished with people, when messengers came from the King, and from Tissaphernes. The other were Barbarians; amongst them was one Phalinus a Greek, who followed Tissaphernes, and lived in good account with him. For he professed skill of embattelling an army, and of the use of arms. These coming near, and calling for the Grecian Colonels, said, that the King having gained the victory, and slain Cyrus, 
The king's message to the Grecians.  commanded the Grecians to deliver up their arms, and to repair to the King's gate, and submit themselves to his mercy. This was the effect of the message. The Grecians took the message in evil part. Notwithstanding Clearchus answered, that it was not the manner for conquerors to deliver up their arms. But you the Colonels, said he, give answer to these men, as you shall think best, and most fitting our affairs: I will streightwaies return to you. For he had at that present a sacrifice in hand, and one of the Sergeants came for him, to the end he might look upon the entrails of the beast. 
Answer of the Grecians.  Then Cleanor the Arcadian, the eldest Colonel spoke, and said, he had rather die, than deliver up his arms; and the next after him Proxenus the Theban replied: I wonder, quoth he, whether the King require our arms as a conqueror, or by way of friendship, and as a gift. If he would have them as a conqueror, why doth he rather ask them, than take them by force; If by way of persuasion, let him tell us, what we, that are Soldiers, shall have left, after we have gratified him herein. Hereunto Phalinus answered: The King thinks himself master of the field, 
Reply of Phalinus.  because he hath slain Cyrus; and who is he, that now contendeth with him about the kingdom? He thinks also, that you are his, for that he hath you in the midst of his territory enclosed with unpassable rivers, and is able to bring such a multitude against you, as you shall not be able to put to the sword, though they were by him delivered into your hands. Then said Xenophon the Athenian: Phalinus, you see we have nothing left us, besides our arms and valour. As long as we keep our arms, we shall have use of our valour; delivering them up, we imagine, we shall not long be owners of our bodies or lives. Think not then, Phalinus, 
Xenophon.  that we are so unadvised, as to yield up our only riches, by the help whereof we purpose to make trial▪ if we can possess your riches also. Phalinus hearing this▪ f●ll into a great laughter, and said: Young man you look like a Philosopher, and speak not unpleasingly. Know notwithstanding, wise man, as you are, that your valour will not overmatch the King's power. The report is, that some other spoke to c●rrie favour: namely, that as they had been faithful to Cyrus, so would they do the King good service, if he pleased to be their friend: For whether he were disposed to employ them otherwise, or else in the wars against Egypt, they would undertake to bring it under his subjection. By this time came Clearchus, & asked, whether they had yet given answer to the messengers, or no, Phalinus told him that the Colonels answered one one, another another thing. But I pray, said he, let us hear your answer. For my part, quoth Clearchus, 
Clearchus' his answer.  I am glad to see you, Phalinus, and so I think are the rest of us here present. For you are a Grecian, and we being so many in number, as you behold, and in this estate, would willingly be advised by you, what were best to be done in that, which is propounded unto us. Therefore we desire you, for God's cause, to declare unto us, what course in your opinion will be safest and most honourable for us: which also being reported in time to come may bring you reputation: namely, that Phalinus being sent a messenger from the King unto the Grecians, with commandment to deliver up their arms, gave such and such advice. For you know, that the counsel, which you give us, cannot, but be related in Greece. Thus much insinuated Clearchus, being desirous, that Phalinus the King's messenger should advise the Grecians not to deliver up their arms, that thereby they might gather heart, and receive the greater encouragement. But Phalinus withdrawing himself a little, and streightways returning, spoke thus contrary to Clearchus his expectation: If amongst 10000 hopes you had but one, 
The advice of Phalinus.  to save yourselves by bearing arms against the King, I would counsel you not to deliver up your arms. But seeing there is no hope to escape danger against his will, I counsel you to seek your safety by whatsoever means, you can. Hereunto Clearchus replied: Well than this is your opinion: But from us return this answer to the King; that, if we may be thought worthy to be his friends, we shall be better friends having arms, than delivering them up to any man else; if no remedy be but war, we shall better make war with arms, than without, after we have rendered them up. We will, quoth Phalinus, deliver your answer; But we have further in charge from the King to say unto you: That as long, as you stay where you are, you may expect truce; war, if you march forward, or depart. Say hereunto, I pray, whether you will stay, and have truce, or else I shall carry tidings of war unto the King? Clearchus' answered: Carry tidings with you, that we are of the same opinion that the King is of. What opinion is that, quoth Phalinus? To have truce, said Clearchus, if we stay; war, if we depart, or march forward. But he signified not, what he meant to do. 
The doubtful answer of Clearchus.  So Phalinus and those in his company departed. Pr●cles and Cherisophus were by this time returned from Ariaens, but Menon remained still with him. They brought answer from him, whereby he signified, that there were many Persians in all respects better, than he, who would never endure, that he should be King. But if you resolve, said they, to depart with him, he willeth you to come this night; if not, he meaneth to march away early in the morning. Clearchus said; we must do as you advice, if we go unto him. If not, we are to resolve upon that, which shall be thought most convenient for us. But neither signified he to these men, what he purposed to do. After this, about sun set, he called the Colonels and Captains together, and spoke to them to this effect: Even now when I asked counsel of the gods by sacrifice, whether we should go against the King or no, the intrayles assented not; and not without ca●se: For, as I now understand, the River Tigris, a River navigable, lieth in the midway betwixt us and the King; which River we cannot pass without shipping. Shipping we have none, and being destitute of victual we may not remain here. But the sacrifice was fair, and allowed of our going to the friends of Cyrus. This therefore must be our order. We must for the present away every man to his lodging, and there sup with such as he hath. When the horn giveth sign to rest, let every man make ready to depart. At the second sign lay your baggage upon the carriage-beasts; at the third follow your leaders; and in our march the cariage-beasts are to be placed next the river, the armed without them. The Colonels and Captains hearing this, departed, and did so. And thenceforward Clearchus commanded, and they obeyed him, not because he was chief by election, but because they saw, he only was able to command, the rest without experience. The length of the journey from Ephesu● in jonia to the place of the battle were 93 encamp, 
2000 Miles and above.  535 Parasangs, 16030 furlongs. From the place, where the battle was fought, to Babylon, 
382 Miles and a quarter.  were by estimation 3060 furlongs. Here Metocythes the Thracian, when it was dark, fled to the King with 40 Horsemen, which were under his command, and with 300 Thracian foot. The rest Clearchus led according to the appointment made between them, and the whole army at the first encamping came up to Ariaeus and to his army about midnight, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and laying down their arms in order, the Colonels and Captains of the Grecians resorted to Ariaeus; and both the Grecians and Ariaeus and the chief men about him took an oath to be friends, and confederates, & not to betray one another. The Barbarians swore also to be faithful Guides to the Grecians in their return homeward. This oath was taken killing a Boar, a Bull, a Wolf, and a Ram; and the Grecians dipped the point of a sword, the Barbarians of a spear in the blood of these beasts, being poured out into the hollowness of a Target. After they had taken mutual assurance, Clearchus said to Ariaeus; Ariaeus, seeing it so falleth out, that your journey, and ours is all one, tell me, I pray, your opinion, 
Ariaeus his counsel for the way of their return.  whether we are to return the same way we came, or else can you direct us any better way. He answered: If we return the same way we came, we shall for want of provision all perish with hunger. For in ●7 encamp, advancing hither, we found nothing in the country to relieve us, and that little that was left, was consumed in our passage. We are therefore resolved to return by a way of more circuit, but able enough to furnish out all manner of provision for us. And for our first encamp we had need to gain in them as much ground, as we can, that the King's army may be cast a great distance behind us. For if we get before him but two or three days journey, he can by no possibility be able to overtake us: with a small army he will not dare to follow us; with a great he can make no speed, besides that it is like to be destitute of Victual. This is mine opinion, quoth he. Which suggestion of his served for no other purpose but for a speedy shifting and running away. But fortune afterward was a better guide for us. As soon as it was day, all set forward, having the sun on the right hand, imagining that by sunset they should reach to Villages of the Babylonian Territory. Neither were they deceived in their imagination. About evening they thought they saw the enemy's Horse; and both the Grecians, which were out of order, ran to their places, and Ariaeus (for he road on a Wagon, because of his wound received in the battle) alighted and put on his cuirass, as did the rest likewise, that were in his Company. But while they were arming, the scouts brought tidings, that they were no Horse, but only carriage-beasts at pasture, and streightwaies every man easily conjectured, that the King's Camp was some where not far of. Howbeit Clearchus led not against the enemy, both because our Soldier's courages began to fall, and also because they had been fasting that whole day, and now it grew something late. Yet turned not out of the way, left he might seem to fly, but holding on right forth, by sunset he reached to the villages with the Vanguard, and there quartered. The timber of the houses of some of the villages was broken down, and carried away by the Soldiers of the King's army. Therefore they, that came first, lodged themselves reasonably well; the last being benighted, every one took up his lodging, as fell out; and calling one upon another made a great noise; so that the King's army heard it. Whereby came to pass, that the enemy next at hand fled out of their tents. This appeared the next day For neither was there carriage-beast, nor camp, nor smoke at hand to be seen. The King also (as it should seem) was terrified with the access of our army, which he declared by the next day's work. Yet in the process of the night a fear seized upon the Grecians themselves, and the tumult and hurliburley was such, as is wont, when men are possessed with fear. 
A panical fear amongst the Grecians.  Clearchus in this distress called Tolmides the Elean (whom he had with him, the best Crier of those times) and after silence enjoined willed him to make proclamation, that the Colonels signified, whosoever in general could bring forth the author of this tumult, should have a talon of silver for his reward. By the proclamation the Soldiers perceived, that their fear was vain, and their commanders in safety. As soon as it was day, Clearchus commanded the Grecians to fall into the same order, they held, when the battle was fought. And where I before wrote, that the King was put into a fear by our access, it hereby appeared to be so, because the day before he sent an Imperious commandment to deliver up our arms, 
The King maketh an overture of Truce.  and now this day he employed messengers about a truce. They after they came to our outguards asked for the Colonels. The outguards advertised Clearchus hereof, who was then viewing the order of our embatteling, and he willed them to say to the messengers, that they should stay, where they were, till his further leisure. After he had so ordered the Army, that the whole Phalange appeared in a fair thickness, well compacted together, and no unarmed man in sight, he called for the messengers; and both himself taking with him some of the best armed and gallantest Soldiers of the Troops, and willing the other Colonels to do the like, he advanced to meet them. Meeting together, he demanded the cause of their coming. They said, they came about a ●●uce, and had full power to deliver the King's pleasure unto them, and to return their answer to the King. Clearchus answered: Tell the King now from me, that there is no other way, but first to fight. For we have no dinner, neither dares any man speak a word to the Grecians about Truce without offering them meat to eat. The messengers hearing this, posted away, and returned presently. Whereby also appeared that the king was at hand, or at least some other man, that had authority about this negotiation. They said, the King allowed the motion, and, if the Truce were concluded, would send guides to conduct them to sufficient provision. Clearchus asked whether the Truce should stretch to all in general, or to those only, which were to go between. They answered, to all, till your propositions be related to the king. After these things spoken, Clearchus fell to counsel with the Colonels. It seemed good to all to embrace a Truce forthwith, and quietly to go to the place, where the provision was, and there to take it. I am of your mind, quoth Clearchus; but I would not signify so much to the messengers, but linger a little to put them in fear of our refusal of Truce; and I think our Soldiers are in the like fear. 
The Grecians accept the Truce.  When he judged it time, he told the messengers, he accepted the Truce, and willed them to lead immediately to the place, where provision might be found: which they did. Clearchus, albeit he purposed to accept Truce, yet marched on with his Army in order of battle himself following in the Rear. He chanced upon Ditches and drains full of water, which were not passable without Bridges. Yet framed they a passage with Palm trees, of which some were already fallen to the ground, othersome they felled themselves. A man might hereby perceive the sufficiency of Clearchus his command, 
The diligence and sufficiency of Clearchus in his command.  who carrying in the left hand a Pike, in the right a Truncheon, in case any man appointed to work seemed to slack, choosing a fit man in his place, he chastised and put him off, and withal thrusting into the dirt himself, set his hand to the work. So that it seemed a shame to all, that had the work in hand, not to make haste, and be earnest in it. The work was by him laid upon the Soldiers of 30 years of age. But the elder sort undertook it also, when they saw Clearchus so busy about it. And he hasted the more, suspecting, that the Ditches were not at all times so full of water (for it was no time of the year to water the Plain) but that the King had let the water in, to the end that the difficulties of the journey might seem to the Grecians greater and more in show, than they were in deed. Marching on, they came to the villages, in which the guides assigned their provision. There was much Wheat, 
Palm nuts.  and Wine of Palm to be found, and Vinegar boiled out of Palm nuts. Those Nuts of Palm, such as are not to be seen in Greece, were reserved for the Servants; but the Masters had other chosen out from the rest, of wonderful beauty and greatness: The colour of them nothing differeth from Amber, and being dried some of them were usually set upon the Table for dainties. The Wine is pleasant, but raising pain in the head. This was the place, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  where the Soldiers first fed upon the Marrow of the Nuts of Palm, and many wondered at the kind and property of pleasantness of them. This also bred extraordinary pain in the head. The Palm, when the head is taken out, waxeth wholly dry. Here they rested three days; and hither Tissaphernes and the King's Wives Brother, and three other Persians with many attendants, came from the great King. When the Colonels of the Grecians met them, 
A dissembling speech of Tissaphernes.  Tissaphernes by an Interpreter began thus: I (o Grecians) have my habitation near Greece, and seeing the dangers & misadventures, which you are fallen into, to be without issue, I besought the King▪ that he would be pleased to give me some means, whereby, if possibly I could, I might deliver you into Greece in safety. For I imagine the doing hereof would be acceptable to you, and to all Greece beside. In this mind I made suit to the King, alleging he had good cause to be gracious in my suit, for that I first brought news, that Cyrus raised an Army against him, and withal brought him aid, and alone of all, that were ordered in battle against the Grecians, fled not, but broke thorough them, and joined with him in their Camp whither the King came, after he had slain Cyrus; and with those, that are now in my company (who are most faithful to the King) followed the chase upon the Barbarians, that served Cyrus. Whereupon he promised me to advise. But he commanded me to go to you, and demand the reason, why you took up arms against him. I would counsel you therefore to make a mild answer, that I may more easily compass the good, which shall lie in my power to do for you. After this the Grecians withdrew themselves to consult and give answer: and Clearchus in the name of the rest said: We neither assembled ourselves to make war, 
The answer of the Grecians.  nor did we take this journey in hand against the King. Cyrus found many pretences, as you very well know, to engage us and bring us hither. When we saw him in distress, we were ashamed, before gods and men, to betray him, having in former times addicted ourselves to his service. Now Cyrus is dead, we neither oppose against the King's government, nor is there cause for us to infest his Countries, or to seek his death, but we would without offence of any man return to our country. If wrong be offered us, we will by the help of God defend ourselves, as well as we can. If on the other side any man show us favour, we will not, to our power, be behind in kindness. Thus much Clearchus; which Tissaphernes hearing, 
The conclusion of truce, with the conditions annexed.  said: I will report these things to the King, and to you again, what the King's pleasure is. Let the truce continue, till I come. We will exhibit you a market. The next day he came not, so that the Grecians were in a perplexity, and knew not, what to think. The third day he came, and said, he had obtained power of the King to preserve the Grecians, albeit many gainsaid, and urged, that it stood not with the King's honour to suffer those, that had made war against him, to depart quietly. He added at last, you may now take assurance of us, if you will, to make the country your friend, and that without fraud we shall lead you into Greece, exhibiting all the way a market of things necessary for you, and that where you have it not, you may lawfully take provision of the country, as you find it. You on the contrary side must swear that you will pass thorough the country peaceably, taking only meat and drink where you have no market; where you have, buying and paying for such things, as you stand in need of. These points were concluded, and Tissaphernes, and the King's wives brother gave their oaths and right hands, 
The assurance of truce.  to the Colonels and Captains of the Grecians, and took the like of them. Afterward Tissaphernes said, I must for the present depart to the King. When I have my dispatch, I will come with my baggage ready both to guide you into Greece, & also to return to my government. The Grecians and Ariaeus encamping near together, waited for Tissaphernes more than twenty days. In the mean space Ariaeus his brother, and many other of his friends came to him, and to the Persians with him, some encouraging them, other some bringing the King's right hand, 
Ariaeus practised to return to the King's obeisance.  and assurance, that he would forget, that they had served Cyrus in his war, and all things else, that were passed: after which it might easily be perceived, that Ariaeus and his army made small account of the Grecians, in comparison of that, they did before; so that this also was not greatly pleasing to the most part of the Grecians, who came to Clearchus, 
Suspicion of the Grecians.  and the other Colonels, saying: Why stay we here? know we not, that the King would give any thing to have us destroyed, to the end that other Grecians may hereafter be put in fear of bearing arms against him? And now he keepeth us here, because his army is dispersed, which being again assembled, he will in all likelihood set upon us. It may be also, he is entrenching or raising a wall somewhere to block up our way. For he would not willingly have us return into Greece, and report, that being so few in number, we have vanquished his forces, even before his own gates, and now depart homeward in scorn and derision of him. 
Clearchus' confident in the truce.  Clearchus answered them, that so discoursed; The things, you speak, are likewise in my mind. But I conceive withal, that if we now depart, we shall seem to depart as men, that seek war, and beside do against the truce. Furthermore, no man will furnish us with a market, nor shall we have corn in any place. Then who shall be our guide? Further I know not, whether we have any other River to pass. For it is impossible to pass over Euphrates, the enemy opposing against us. And if we chance to fight, we have no Horse, whereas the enemy's Horse are many▪ and much esteemed: so that albeit we get the victory, whom shall we kill? If we be beaten, not a man of us can escape. If therefore the King should harbour so much as a thought to make us away, I cannot see why in so many advantages he should swear, give his right hand, & adjure the gods, and so elevate his bands of assurance both with the Grecians and with the Barbarians. He spoke many other things to this purpose. About this time came Tissaphernes with his own Forces, making semblance to march homeward, and with him Orontes and his Forces, which last led with him the King's daughter, whom he had lately married. From thence the Grecians proceeded in their journey, Tissaphernes being their guide, and exhibiting a market of all things needful. Ariaeus also having with him the Army of Barbarians that served Cyrus, 
Ariaeus joineth with the King's Forces.  marched with Tissaphernes and Orontes, and lodged in the same Campe. The Grecians being jealous hereof, marched alone by themselves with their guides. They ever encamped a Parasang or little less one from another, 
Three miles three quarters.  and they observed and watched one another, as enemies are wont, which straightway bred a suspicion between them. Sometime going for wood to the same place, and gathering fodder and such like, they fell to blows, which also set them at further odds. After three days encamping they came to the Wall of Media. 

The Wall of Media.  
The height 33. yards. The breadth 6. yards and more. The length 75 miles or thereabout .30 Miles, 15 mile a day. Draine● of Tigris.   It was built of Brick mortered with asphalt, being in thickness 20, in height 100 Foot. The length was said to be 20 Parasangs. It was not far distant from Babylon. From hence they marched eight Parasangs in two encamp, and passed over two great Drains, one upon a Bridge, the other upon Ships joined together. These Drains came out of the River Tigris, and from them were sewers derived to water the Country, being at the first greater, then less, lastly little Drains, such as they use in Greece when Panic seed is sown. From thence they came to the River Tigris, near to which stood a great City well peopled, named Sitaca, being distant from the River 15 Furlongs. The Grecians encamped by the City near a fair and large Park, 

Sitaca  
A mile & three quarters.   wherein grew plenty of all manner of Trees. The Barbarians passed over the River, and were out of sight. After supper Proxenus and Xenophon chanced to walk before the place of Arms, when there came one and asked the outwatch, where he might find Proxenus or Clearchus. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  He sought not for Menon, albeit he came from Ariaeus Menons' guest. When Proxenus told him, he was the man, whom he sought; Ariaeus and Artaosus, 
Ariaeus his message.  quoth he, that were faithful to Cyrus, while he lived, and are now your friends, have sent me unto you, and advice you by me to keep good watch to night, lest the Barbarians assault your Campe. 
A practice of the Barbarians.  There is a great army in the Park. Besides they counsel you to put a good guard upon the River Tigris, because Tissaphernes is determined this night to break the Bridge, if he can, to the end to hinder your passage, and to enclose you betwixt the Bridge and the Draine. After they heard this, they led the man to Clearchus, 
A true conjecture about the message.  and imparted the message unto him. Clearchus was much troubled and in extreme fear with the news. But a young man then present, after he had well ruminated the matter, said: It hangs not together, that Tissaphernes should go about to charge us, and to break down the Bridge. For it is evident, that charging us he must either overcome, or be beaten. If he overcome, what need the Bridge be broken? For admit, there were many Bridges, yet should we have no where to save ourselves by flight. If he be beaten, whither shall his Army fly, the Bridge being broken, and most of the Army being beyond the River, how shall they succour one another, but by the Bridge? After Clearchus heard this, he asked, what quantity of Land lay betwixt Tigris and the Draine? He answered, that the territory was large & had many villages & great cities in it. Here-hence they perceived, that the Barbarians sent the man underhand, fearing that the Grecians would not pass the Bridge, but remain in the Island having for their Fortification the River Tigris on the one side, and the Draine on the other, taking their provision out of the Country, where it was both plenteous and very good, in which also many Labourers inhabited. Besides the place would be fit for retreat, in case they were disposed to make inroads upon the King's dominions. After this they gave themselves to rest, and yet were not unmindful to send a Guard to the Bridge. But neither did any man assault the Greekish Camp, nor yet, as the Guard brought news, did any of the enemy come to the Bridge. Assoon as it was day they passed the Bridge in as good order, as was possible; which Bridge was laid over the River upon 37 Ships. 
A Bridge upon Ships.  Some of the Grecians in Tissaphernes Camp gave intelligence, they should be charged in their passage over. But nothing of this was true. During the time of their passage Glus and others were seen to observe, whether they passed over or no: and when they saw them passing, they spurred away with all speed. From Tigris they marched 20 Parasangs in four encamp as far as the River Fyscus. 
75 miles, every day 18 & more. Fyscus, a River. Opis.  It hath a Bridge upon it, and near it a great City inhabited, the name whereof is Opis, hard by which the bastard-Brother of Cyrus and of Artaxerxes, leading a great Army from Sufae and Ecbatana to the King's aid, met the Grecians, and causing his own Army to stay, beheld the Grecians in their march. Clearchus led his men two in a rank, and oftentimes made Alt in his going on. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The army must take up five mile in length, being 10000, and betwixt every rank six foot. 112 miles, every day 18, and more.  As long as the Front of the Army stood still, so long the whole Army stood also still; so that both the Grecians held it a great Army, and the Persian was astonished at the sight thereof. From hence they marched in six encamp 30 Parasangs in the Wilderness thorough Media even up to the Villages, which appertained to Parisatis Mother of Cyrus and of the King. These did Tissaphernes permit the Grecians in derision of Cyrus to ransack, and take out of them, what they list (excepting only the bodies of men.) Much Corn, and many Sheep, and other goods were found there. From thence in five encamp in the Wilderness they marched 20 Parasangs leaving the River Tigris on the left hand. 
75 miles, every day 15.  In the first encamping beyond the River was a great and rich City called Caenae, 
Caenae, a City. Zabatus a river 400. footbroad.  out of which the Barbarians transported Bread, Cheese, and Wine upon flote-Boates made of Skins. After this they came to the River Zabatus, which was four Plethers broad, and there remained three days, 
Distrusts betwixt the Grecians and the Barbarians.  and still they increased their jealousies, but no manifest deceit or lying in wait of one against the other was perceived. Therefore Clearchus thought it best to confer with Tissaphernes, to allay, if he could, these distrusts, before they broke out into open hostility. And he sent a special messenger unto him to signify, that he desired to speak with him, who readily answered, he might come, when he pleased. At their meeting Clearchus begun, and said: I know well, Tissaphernes, 
Conference betwixt Tissaphernes and Clearchus.  that we have sworn and given mutual right hands not to infest, or annoy, one another. I see notwithstanding, you keep narrow watch upon us, as upon enemies, and we perceiving it do as much upon you; But when, according to my poor understanding, 
The speech of Clearchus.  I looked into the matter, and could not find, you sought to wrong us, and knew for certain, that to wrong you was furthest from our thoughts, I desired conference, that thereby we might, as much as was possible, take each from other this diffidence. For I am not ignorant, that men fearing one another, whether out of sinister delations, or of jealousy, to the end rather to prevent, than to suffer, bring remediless evils upon them, that neither seek, nor think the harm, which they imagine is intended. Conceiving therefore, that such errors are easily laid asleep by familiar conference, I come to you to signify that you distrust us without cause. For first and chiefly, our oaths forbid us to be enemies, which whosoever neglecteth, I cannot account him happy, in what estate soever he flourish; considering that neither speed, nor darkness, nor strength of place, can assure a man from the vengeance of the gods. All things are subject to them, and nothing exempted from their power. This is mine opinion concerning the gods, and the oath, to which we have mutually bound ourselves. Now for you, I hold you, for the present, of all mortal things our greatest good. For with your help all ways are open, all river's passable, nor can we be destitute of provision; without you all ways full of darkness (for we know no foot of them) all rivers shut up, all gathering of people together fearful; and solitariness most of all, because it is full of difficulties. And say, we were so mad to seek your life, what should we thereby else do, than by killing a man of such desert toward us, bring the forces of the great King upon us, who would be your revenger? Besides, for mine own particular, I will in a word declare of how many, and how great hopes I should deprive myself, if I should go about to wrong you. I sought the friendship of Cyrus in imagination, that he, of all that lived, had the greatest ability to do good, to whom he pleased. Now I see the authority and country of Cyrus in your hands, over and above that, which you had before, and the King's forces, which Cyrus used for war devolved to you alone. This being so, who would be so senseless not to desire your friendship? I will add the things, which put me in hope, you will not refuse, nay rather endeavour to be our friend. I know the Mysians are troublesome unto you, whom with the forces, I have, I make no question to humble at your feet. The like I know of the Pisidians. Besides I hear, that many other nations are always malicious and repining at your felicity. As for the Egyptians, whom you principally bear upon the spleen, I see not with what aids you can better revenge yourselves upon, then with the army under my command. Your neighbours, if you please to befriend any, you are of ability to do it munificently of yourself; in case they molest you, you may chastise them, as a master, and that much the rather by our service, who will follow you not for pay alone, but more for thankfulness, in regard you have preserved and brought us home safe to our country. When I consider these things, it seemeth so wonderful unto me, that we should be disinherited, that I would fain hear his name, who is so powerful in speech, as to persuade, that we lie in await for you. These were the words of Clearchus to Tissaphernes. 
Tissaphernes answer.  Tissaphernes answered in this manner: It is a joy to me, Clearchus, to hear your wise and discreet discourse. For seeing you understand these things to be so, you cannot wish me ill, without being an enemy to yourself. But that you may learn, you cannot justly leave and forsake the King, hear on the contrary side. If we had any intent, to ruin you, whether do you think, we wanted means, having multitudes of horse, and foot, and weapons to cut you in pieces, without any danger of ours? Imagine you, we wanted fit ground to fall upon you? Pass you not with much labour many plains, that are friend to us? See you not, what mountains you are to march over, which if we take before hand, your passage is shut up? How many rivers are there, where we may make choice, and, as it were, cull out that number of you, with which we list to fight? There are also amongst them some, that you cannot pass without our friendship and assistance. But say we had the worst in all these, yet hath fire the command of all fruit, that ariseth of the earth. Which if we burn, we shall oppose hunger against you in the field, with which you shall never be able to fight, were you never so valiant. How then having so many advantages, and all without our own peril, should we amongst the rest choose such a kind alone, as is impious against the gods, abominable before men, and such a one as befitteth them, that know not what to do, and are circumvented with distress, and overwhelmed with necessity, and which is beseeming loose persons, who care not so they may effect their designs, though it be with perjury against the gods, and with unfaithfulness toward men. We, Clearchus, are not so void of sense, or destitute of reason. When we might have cut you off, why did we not? It proceeded out of my love, that I might show myself an entire friend to the Grecians, & by my well deserving descend into my government strong with those forces, with which Cyrus ascended, being assured of them, by reason of the entertainment he gave them. You have declared how many ways, you may stead me. But I know myself the chief and principal. It is not lawful for any, but the King, to wear his Tiara upright upon his head; But with your presence and assistance, perhaps another man may carry it upright in his heart. Having spoken these words, 
Tiara was an attire that the Persians wore on their heads.  he seemed to Clearchus to deliver that, he thought. Considering then, quoth Clearchus, we have such cause to be friends, are not they worthy to taste extreme punishment, who by sinister suggestions endeavour to make us enemies? If you, quoth Tissaphernes, and the Colonels and Captains please openly to come unto me, I will tell you, who they are, that informed me. By these words, and courteous entertainment, Tissaphernes prevailed to make him stay, and bear him company at supper that night. The next day Clearchus, after his return to the quarter, 
Clearhus overreached by the cunning of Tissaphernes.  declared publicly how well he thought of Tissaphernes, and related, what he heard from him; and said, That it was fit, that they, whom Tissaphernes desired, should accompany him to Tissaphernes his camp: and likewise that they, who as traitors, and bearing no good affection to the Grecians, had slandered them with false suggestions, might have their due punishment. He suspected Menon to be the tale-bearer, knowing he often resorted to Tissaphernes with Ariaeus, and that he opposed against him in his command, & sought to supplant him, to the end that gaining the leading of the army, he might show himself a friend to Tissaphernes. For Clearchus would have the whole army to cast their eyes upon him alone; and sought to remove all, that seemed discontent therewith. Some of the Soldiers spoke against the sending of all the Colonels and Captains, and said, No trust was to be given to Tissaphernes. But Clearchus laboured eagerly to the contrary, till he brought to pass, that five Colonels and twenty Captains were allowed to go; two hundred Soldiers followed them, 
Five Colonels.  under colour to buy victual. When they were at Tissaphernes his door, the Colonels were called in, to wit, Proxenus the Baotian, Menon the Thessalian, Agias the Arcadian, Clearchus the Lacedemonean, and Socrates the Achaean. The Captains stayed at the door. Not long after, at one and the same sign hands were laid upon those within, 
The Colonels taken prisoners by Tissaphernes.  and those without were cut in pieces, and some of the Barbarian horsemen scouring the Plain, killed all the Grecians, they lighted upon, free, and bond. The Grecians perceiving these things out of the camp, marvelled at their manner of riding up and down, and doubted of the sequel, till Nearchus the Arcadian came running with his entrailes in his hands after a wound received, and told what had happened in the camp of Tissaphernes. Hereupon all the Grecians affrighted snatched up their arms, imagining the Persians would presently invade their camp. But there came no more, than Ariaeus, Artoasus, and Mithridates, men of chiefest credit with Cyrus. The interpreter of the Grecians said, He saw and knew Tissaphernes his brother amongst them. About three hundred Persians followed them in Cuirasses. These, when they came near, willed, if there were amongst the Grecians any Colonel or Captain, he should come forth, and hear the King's pleasure. Thereupon after assurance given, Cleanor the Orchomenian, and Sophenetus the Stymphalian, both Grecian Colonels, issued out; and with them Xenophon the Athenian, to learn what was become of Proxenus. Cherisophus chanced then to be absent, being gone to a certain village to make provision. Coming within hearing, Ariaeus said: Clearchus (o Grecians) having falsified his Oath, 
False pretences of a foul action.  and broken the truce, hath his judgement, and is dead. Proxenus, and Menon, are in great honour, because they revealed his treason: and the King demandeth of you your Arms. He saith they are his, because they belonged to Cyrus his Servant. The Grecians answered hereto by the mouth of Cleanor; O Ariaeus, the most execrable of men, and all ye, that were Cyrus his friends: Blush you not before the gods and men, that having sworn to us to have the same friends and enemies, you now seek to betray us with Tissaphernes a most godless and faithless man? and after you have made away them, to whom you gave your Oath, you go about to destroy the rest, and come with our enemies against us. Ariaeus answered, Clearchus sought first to entrap Tissaphernes, and Orontes, and all of us, that were with them. 
The falseness discovered.  Hereunto Xenophon replied: If Clearchus have against his Oath broken the truce, he hath his judgement. For it is just to punish perjured men. But Proxenus and Menon having behaved themselves towards you as friends, being our Colonels, let them be restored unto us. For being friends to both, no doubt they will advise you, and us for the best. The Barbarians having long conferred together, departed without giving answer hereto: but the Colonels so caught in the snare were delivered over to the King, and ended their days, being made shorter by the head. 
A description of Clearchus his natural disposition.  Of whom Clearchus by consent of all, that had acquaintance with him, was held a man of martial disposition, and extremely desirous of war. For as long, as war continued betwixt the Lacedæmonians and Athenians, he remained at home. Peace being made, he persuaded his City, that the Thracians wronged the Grecians. And using all means he could, obtained of the Ephori a Commission to be General & to go against them, and shipped himself with purpose to invade those Thracians, 

The Island in Thrace bordering upon Hellespont.  
A town lying upon the same Sea.  
The narrow Sea beside Constantinople. Lacedaemon.   which inhabit above Cherronesus and Perinthus. But after his departure the Ephori changed their minds, and sent to call him home from Istmos; which message of theirs he obeyed not, but continued his navigation to Hellespont. Whereupon the Magistrates of Sparta condemned him, as a disobedient Subject, unto death. Being now a banished man, he journeyed to Cyrus, whose friendship, after what sort he gained, I have written elsewhere. Cyrus gave him 10000 Daricks, which he spent not in idleness, but waging an Army therewith, made war against the Thracians. And first he vanquished them in a battle, afterward harried & spoiled their Country, and continued that war, till Cyrus stood in need of his Army. Then he departed with intent to follow the service of Cyrus. These therefore were the actions of a man that delighted in war; who, when he might have lived in peace without shame or damage, chose to be in war; might have rested in idleness, gave himself to labour, and war; might without danger have enjoyed riches plenteously, bestowed them rather upon war. Such was his disposition to war, and he spent as willingly upon war, as if it had been upon love, or other pleasures. It appeared also, that he was of a warlike inclination, because he loved danger, and led his people as well by night, as by day against the enemy; and demeaned himself wisely and circumspectly, 
His diligence.  when he was in peril, as all, that followed him, confess. Besides, he was said to be an excellent Commander according to his manner. For, 
His skill.  if any man else, Clearchus knew how to make necessary provision for his army, and to supply the wants thereof in time of need: and how to breed an opinion in his Soldiers, that Clearchus his command was not to be disobeied. This he effected by his sourness, and austerity, 
Severity.  being stern in visage, and harsh in voice, and always using extremity in punishment, and sometimes with choler, so that the time was, when he repent of his hastiness. He chastised his Soldiers of set purpose; thinking an Army unpunished to be of no use. This saying of his is also reported; That a Soldier ought rather to fear his Commander, than his Enemy, in case he were to stand well to his guard, or to abstain from spoiling his friends, or to go without refusal against an enemy. Therefore the Soldiers heard him willingly, and required no other Commander in time of danger. They said, that sternness than seemed cheerfulness in his countenance, and sourness a kind of strengthening against the enemy. So that now it was no more austerity, but, as it were, a preservative. When they were out of danger, & might follow other Commanders, many forsook him. For he had nothing in him to win favour; but was always sour and cruel, so that Soldiers affected him as children do their Schoolmaster. Neither had he any man, that followed him for love; but whosoever were put under his command either by the city, or else by necessity and want, they were wonderfully obedient to him; & after they had overcome the enemy under his leading, his means were great to make his Soldiers serviceable. For they marched against the enemy with great assurance, and the fear of punishment kept them in good order. Such a Commander was Clearchus. It was said, he had no great desire to be under an other man's command. He was about fifty years old, 
Ambition.  when he died. Proxenus the Boeotian sought even from his childhood to become a man fit for great employments, 
Proxenus.  and out of this desire he gave entertainment, and addicted himself a scholar to Gorgias the Leontine; 
His industry being young.  and after he had conversed with him a time, thinking himself now both able for government, and also that being in estimation with the greatest, he should not fail of means to prefer himself, he went and joined with Cyrus in the same actions, imagining thereby to purchase a worthy name, and great power, and plenty of riches; 
His ends.  and albeit his desires were such, notwithstanding it appeared evidently in his carriage, 
Modesty.  that he wished not by ill means, but fairly and justly, and no otherwise to come unto them. He was able to manage matters of importance, and worth, but yet could neither raise reverence, 
Remissness.  nor fear in his Soldier's minds toward him. Nay rather he reverenced them, than they him; and showed clearly, he more feared their hatred, than not to have them obedient to him. He thought it sufficient to be, and seem to be, to praise a well-deserving soldier, not to commend him, that did amiss. The honester therefore, and better sort of Soldiers were well affected toward him; the other sought to circumvent him, as being easy to be overtaken. He was about thirty years old, when he lost his life. Menon the Thessalian made open show, 
Menon.  that he greedily coveted riches, and coveted rule thereby to wax worthier, 
His desire of wealth.  and coveted honour to bring in gain. He insinuated himself into great men's favour, to shelter his faults from punishment. To forswear, to lie, and deceive, he held the next way to effect his desires: 
Impudency.  simplicity and truth he accounted all one with dulness, and want of understanding. It could not be perceived, that he loved any man. To whom he made most show of love, him he sought to beguile. In his common discourse, 
Deceitfulness.  he used not to deride an enemy; but scoffed always at them, with whom he conversed. He never lay in wait for enemies goods, because he judged it hard to finger that, which was kept, but imagined, that he alone knew, that because the goods of friends were under no straight custody, they might easily be surprised. Perjured and wicked folk he feared, as men armed, and abused at his pleasure upright, and wellminded men, scarce esteeming them for men. Menon no otherwise rejoiced, in deceit, forging of lies, and deriding his friends, than another man would in godliness, truth, and just dealing. He esteemed him, that was no circumuenter, to be unnurtured, and to want education. 
Calumniation.  In seeking great men's favour, he thought there was no other way, than by accusing them, that stood in their special grace. He endeavoured to make his Soldiers obedient with society of villainy. He looked for respect, because in many things he had ability, and will to do wrong. If any man forsook him, he said he dealt kindly with him, for that he had not made him away. But the things concerning him, that are not so openly known, may seem to be feigned. Every one knows these, that follow. Being in the flower of his age he obtained of Aristippus the leading of the strangers in the army; and in the flower of his age he grew into the familiarity with Ariaeus, 
Impudicitie.  who was a Barbarian, and delighted in young boys; and having yet no hair on his face, he fell in love with Tharipus, that had a beard. When the other Colonels were made away, because they bore arms with Cyrus against the King, he scaped being in that same fault. 
Death.  Yet after the death of the other Colonels was he punished and put to death by the King; not losing his head, as Clearchus and the other, (which seemeth to be the fairest and most honourable kind of death) but he is reported to have come to his end, as a wicked man, being put to continual torments by the space of a whole year. Agias the Arcadian, and Socrates the Achaean, lost their heads at the same time, whom no man ever scorned as slack and sluggish Soldiers, nor blamed as disloyal and untrue friends. They were each of them about forty years old.  
Finis Libri Secundi.   

THE THIRD BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF XENOPHON, TOUCHING THE Ascent of CYRUS the younger, out of Asia the Less, into the Higher COUNTRIES.  
WHat was done by the Grecians in their Ascent with Cyrus, until the battle fought, and what befell them after the death of Cyrus returning homeward in the company of Tissaphernes according to the truce, is declared in the former discourse. After the Colonels were apprehended, and as many of the Captains and Soldiers, as followed them, slain, the Grecians were forced into great straits and perpiexitie, especially when they considered, that they were at the King's Gates, and round about them both Nations and City's enemy, and from thenceforward no man would store them with provision, and that their distance from Greece was more than 10000 Furlongs, 
About 1250 mile.  that they had no guide of the way, that their return was shut up betwixt unpassable Rivers, and were betrayed also by those Barbarians, that ascended up with Cyrus, and left alone, having not so much as a Hors-man on their side, so that it was manifest, that albeit they gained the victory, they should not be able to slay an enemy; in case they were beaten, no one of them should remain alive; weighing these things in their minds, 
The distressed estate of the Grecians.  and thereby being full of grief, few of them tasted Food that evening, few kindled Fires, and not many took Arms the whole night; and every man laid himself down to rest, there, where he chanced to stand, being unable to sleep for sorrow, and for desire of his Country, Parents, Wife, and Children, which he made account never to see again. In this distress they reposed themselves. 
Xenophon.  There was in the Army one Xenophon an Athenian, who followed the Camp, being neither Colonel, nor Captain, nor Soldier, but was sent for from home by Proxenus, 
Invited to serve Cyrus.  that was his guest of old. He promised Xenophon, if he would take the pains to come, to make Cyrus his friend, who as he esteemed would be more to be prised of him, than his own Country. Xenophon reading the Letter conferred with Socrates the Athenian about the journey; 
So●rates his counsel to X●noph●n.  and Socrates misdoubting, that to be Cyrus his friend, would turn him to displeasure with the City (because Cyrus seemed to join willingly in war with the Lacedæmonians against Athens) advised Xenophon to repair to Delphos and ask counsel of the god concerning his journey. 
To the Oracle of Apollo.  Xenophon therefore going thither, demanded of Apollo, to which of the gods he should offer prayers and sacrifice, that thereby he might prosper, and do well, and be preserved from all dangers in the journey which he conceived in his mind. Apollo answered, he should sacrifice to the gods, to whom he ought to sacrifice. 
Mispropounding his question.  After his return to Athens, he communicated the Oracle with Socrates: who, when he heard it, blamed Xenophon, because he demanded not, whether it should be better for him to travel or to stay at home, but (as though he had already resolved to go) demanded, how he might best accomplish his journey. But seeing you have propounded your question in this form, quoth Socrates, you are to do that, which the god commandeth you. Xenophon therefore sacrificing, as the god had commanded, took shipping and sailed away, and found Proxenus and Cyrus at Sardes (who were now ready to take their journey upward) and was forthwith presented to Cyrus. Proxenus earnestly requested him to stay; and Cyrus did the like; but added, that as soon as the Army was dissolved, he would immediately give him leave to depart. The journey was noised abroad to be against the Pisidians. Xenophon therefore followed the war being thus deceived not by Proxenus (for neither he, nor any other of the Grecians, except Clearchus, knew of Cyrus his intent against the King) but when the Army came into Cilicia, there was no man so simple, but he easily perceived, that they were led against the King. And albeit they feared the length of the way, and were unwilling to proceed further, yet the most part in regard of mutual respect one to another, and of the love they bore to Cyrus, continued on the journey: amongst whom Xenophon was one. 
Xenophons' grief.  And being now in this distress, he was sorrowful with the rest, but yet taking a little nap he fell into a dream. It seemed to him, that in a thunder the bolt fell upon his Father's House, 
His dream.  and that the whole House was therewith set on fire. Being affrighted, he started out of his sleep, judging that the dream was good in part, because being in travel and danger he saw a great light proceed from jupiter: In part he feared it, because it seemed to come from jupiter being a King, and to shine in a circle; imagining he should not be able to get out of the King's Country, but be environed on all sides with some one distress or other. Now what the signification and effect of such a dream was, might be easily perceived by the sequel. For it fell out, that, strait after that he awaked, 
His discourse in mind.  he entered into this cogitation with himself: Why lie I here? The night passeth away; and it is likely that the enemy will fall upon us, as soon as the day appeareth. If we come into the King's hands, what shall hinder, that having first seen with our eyes all manner of scorns, and next felt all kind of torments, we die not afterwards a shameful and villainous death? Now no man maketh preparation for defence, nor so much as once thinketh upon it: but we lie still, as though we were in security. What Commander therefore do I expect out of any other City to direct us? Or what age do I look to attain unto? If to day I betray myself to the enemy, I shall never be an hour elder. Hereupon he presently arose, 
His resolution. His speech to the Captains of his own Regiment.  and first called together the Captains of Proxenus his Regiment. Then he spoke thus: Worthy Captains, the consideration of our estate will neither ●uffer me to sleep (which I think is you● case as well as mine) nor yet to lie still and give myself to rest. Our enemies, until they imagined they had brought their designs to a wished end, forbore to offer open hostility. Of us on the other side there is no man that casteth in his mind, how we may best come to fight, and defend ourselves against the enemy. For if we yield and subject ourselves unto the King's power, what hazard shall we not incur? He cut off the head and hand of Cyrus, and fastened them to the Gallows, who was his Brother both by the same Father and Mother, and already dead. We then, who have here no kindred, who took up arms against him, who sought to establish his servant in his Throne, and to make away the King himself, if it lay in our power, we I say, what may not we expect to suffer? Will he not use all means possible to lay upon us extremity of punishment, thereby to strike a fear into other, that they presume not to war against him? Surely we are to try our uttermost endeavours, that we fall not into his hands. For my part I ceased not, even while the truce endured, to bemoan our case, and to esteem the King, and such as followed him happy, seeing with mine eyes, how large and goodly a country they enjoyed, what plenty of provision, what a number of attendants, how many carriage-beasts, what quantity of gold, and of apparel they possessed; and on the contrary side, comparing the condition of our army, that enjoyed nothing of value, but what was bought with money (which I knew but few had) & was debarred of other means of provision, by reason of their oath and agreement. Casting, I say, these things in my mind, I feared then the truce more, than I do now the war. And considering the enemy himself hath broken the truce, I think, that both their insolency and our suspicions are come to an end. For now all the advantages, whereof I spoke, are laid in the midst, as it were, betwixt us both, as rewards for those, that shall behave themselves most valiantly. The gods are judges, and give success to battles, who in all reason will be on our side. Our enemies in forswearing themselves, have broken their faith unto them: We chose, having many fair advantages offered us, constantly forbore to take them for our oaths sake made to the gods. So that, me thinks, we ought to go forth to battle with much more courage and assurance, than they. Further, our bodies are more able to endure cold, and heat, and labours, than theirs, and, by the favour of the gods, our minds more noble. Besides, they will be more subject to wounds, and death, than we, in case the gods (as they have done heretofore) vouchsafe to give us victory. But it may be, that other men harbour these cogitations, as well as we. For the love of God let us not expect, that other come and encourage us to be brave and resolute, but let us begin to excite other to valiance. Show yourselves gallantest amongst Captains and most fit to command amongst Colonels. Myself, if you shall be pleased to lead me, will follow; if you appoint me a leader, will not excuse myself by want of years, but rather conceive that youth may strengthen and preserve me from many mischances. 
Apollonides a harsh counsellor.  Thus much he spoke. All the Captains hearing it, willed him to proceed, except one Apollonides, a man that clattered rudely in the Boeotian idiom. He said, they spoke idly, that sought to persuade, that there was any other hope of safety, than in the King's favour, if it might be gained, and withal began to reckon up the distresses, we were in. Xenophon in the mean time interrupting him replied: O strange man, that you are, who neither seeing know, nor hearing remember. You were present, when the King, proud of his victory, after the death of Cyrus sent unto us, commanding to deliver up our arms. When we refused, and marched forward in arms, and encamped close by him, what did he not to procure truce, sending Ambassadors, and demanding cessation of hostility, and offering to furnish the army with provision. But after the Colonels and Captains (as you now would have us) in confidence of the truce, went without arms to confer with them; are they not now scourged, wounded, and scorned, and yet cannot die poor men, albeit, I persuade myself, they infinitely desire it? All this you see, and say notwithstanding, they speak idly, that advice to stand upon our defence; and would have us to sue to the King anew to obtain his favour. For my part (Companions) I hold this fellow not only unfit henceforward to be admitted into our society, but also worthy to lose his Captain's place, and no otherwise to be employed, than as a carriage-beast; because in bearing this base mind, he both shames his country, and beside disparages the whole Grecian nation. Hereupon Agasias the Stymphalian replied: This fellow hath nothing in him at all, that savours of Boeotia, or Greece. For I have seen both his ears, which are bore thorough, like as are the Lydian slaves. And indeed they were so. 
Assembly of the army. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Therefore they drove him away. The rest going about the camp, where they found a Colonel alive, called forth the Colonel, where he wanted, the Lieutenant Colonel, and where a Captain was alive, the Captain. When all were assembled, they set down before the place of Arms, and the Colonels and Captains, that came together, were about a hundred in number. 
Jerome the Eleans speech.  This fell out almost at midnight. Then Jerome the Elaean, the eldest Captain of Pro●cenus his Regiment, began to speak after this sort: We (worthy Colonels and Captains) seeing the desperate estate of our present affairs, have thought good, both to meet here ourselves, and to call you together, to the end to advise upon some good course of proceeding. Xenophon, quoth he, I pray relate to the assembly the things, which you delivered unto us. 
Xenophons' speech.  Xenophon hereupon began thus: We all know, that the King, and Tissaphernes have laid hands upon as many of us, as they could, and that they lie in wait for the rest to cut them off. Therefore mine opinion is, that we leave nothing undone to avoid the snares of the Barbarians, nay rather to become their masters, if it be possible. And you cannot be ignorant likewise, that being so many, as you are here assembled, your demeanour will bring forth effects of great consequence. The eyes of the whole army are cast upon you. If they perceive, that you faint in courage, you must expect the like from them. But if you appear resolute against the enemy, and stir up the rest, and hearten them, you know well, they will follow, and endeavour to imitate your example. And doubtless it is reason, you should carry braver minds than they; you are their Colonels, 

Taxiarches are the Captains of the light armed.  
Lochagi the Captains of the armedfoot.   you their Taxiarches, and Captains. In time of peace, you enjoy more wealth and honour, than they; and now in time of war it behoveth you to surmount the multitude, and as need shall require, to go before them in counsel, and pains taking. For the present, first I think, you will much advantage the Army, in making choice of new Colonels and Captains in stead of them, that are lost. For without rulers nothing that is good or profitable can be administered (in a word) any where, but especially in matters of war. For as good order seemeth to preserve, so disorder hath overthrown and undone many. After you have appointed so many Commanders, as are needful, if then you call the Soldiers together, and confirm their minds, you shall not do it out of season, as I think. Now you perceive as well, as I, how heavily, and drowsily they go to Arms, how drowsily to the Watch; In which case, as long, as they remain, I know not, what use may be had of them night or day. But if a man stir up their minds, and represent, not only what they are to suffer, but to do also, it will greatly enhance their courage. For you know, that it is neither multitude, nor strength, that giveth victory in war, but which side soever go (by the favour of the gods) into the field with braver and gallanter resolutions, they for the most part prevail. It cometh beside into my mind, that whatsoever he be, that seeketh by all means he can to save his life in wars, he commonly dies a vile and dishonourable death. But they which know, that death is common and unavoidable to all men, and that strive to die with honour, I see them much sooner reach to old years, and spend the remainder of their life in happiness. Which we should do well to consider, especially in this hard time, and both ourselves be courageous, and also excite other to valour, and forwardness. So much he spoke, and held his peace. After him Cherisophus spoke and said: 
Cherisophus.  Heretofore I knew you (Xenophon) thus far, that you were reported to be an Athenian. Now I commend both your speech and actions, and could wish, we had many such, as you are. It would be a common good to all. It remaineth, that we slug not at this instant, but depart every man to his quarter; and you that want, choose your Commanders. When they are chosen, come and bring them into the midst of the camp, and present them unto us. Then will we assemble the rest of the Soldiers. And let Tolmides the Crier come likewise unto us. Having thus said, he arose, because he would not hinder the dispatch of things needful to be do●e. Then were the Colonels chosen: 
New Colonels.  Timasion the Dardanian, in stead of Clearchus; in stead of Socrates, Xanticles the Achaean; Cleanor the Orchomenian, for Agias the Arcadian; Philesius the Achaean for Menon; and for Proxenus, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Xenophon the Athenian. The day almost appeared before the election ended, and the Commanders came to the midst of the Camp, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and it was decreed, that a watch should be set before the Camp, and the Soldiers of the whole Army called to the assembly. When the rest of the Soldiers were come together, Cherisophus the Lacedaemonian arose, 
Cherisophus his exhortation.  and spoke to this effect: My companions in Arms, we are fallen into great straits, being bereaved of such Colonels, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Captains, and Soldiers. Besides, the Army of Ariaeus, which before were our confederates, hath betrayed us. Notwithstanding it becometh valiant Soldiers to lift up their heads, and to make way thorough these evils, and not to faint, but endeavour, as much as in us lieth, to save ourselves by obtaining a noble victory against the enemy, and if we fail thereof, to die an honourable death, and not to come alive into their hands, lest we suffer such things, as, I pray God to turn upon their own heads. Next Cleanor the Orchomenian stood up and said: You see (fellow Soldiers) the perjury and impiety of the King, 
Cleanor.  you see likewise the falseness of Tissaphernes, who pretending he was a Neighbour to Greece, and that he would at any price be a means of our safety, and hereupon himself giving his Oath, himself his right hand, deceiving us himself, hath apprehended the Colonels, and not fearing jupiter the protector of guests, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  inviting Clearchus to his Table, and thereby circumventing the rest, hath put them all to death. As for Ariaeus, whom we would have made King of Persia, to whom we gave, and from whom we took assurance by oath, not to betray one another, he also neither fearing gods, nor men, nor reverencing Cyrus, that is dead (being most of all other, whilst he lived, respected and honoured by him) revolting to his greatest enemies, goeth about to work us mischief, who were Cyrus his friends. But the gods will revenge our wrongs upon such men. It behoveth us, having these things before our eyes, to be no more overreached by them, but with our Swords in hand, and fight valiantly, to expect, whatsoever it shall please the gods to lay upon us. Then Xenophon stood up, having apparelled himself as bravely, as he could, for the war; conceiving, if God gave victory, that the fairest furniture was most befiting victory; if he should be slain, it would not be amiss to end his days in his best ornaments. He spoke in this manner: Cleanor hath discovered unto you the perjury and faithlesness of the Barbarians, 
Xenophon.  which, I think, is also well known to yourselves. If therefore we purpose again to treat with them by way of friendship, we must needs do it with great distrust, setting before our sight the miserable case of the Colonels, who upon trust permitted themselves to their hands. But if we seek revenge by Arms for that, wherein they have wronged us, and hereafter prosecute all manner of war against them, we have, by the favour of the gods, many and fair hopes of safety. Whilst he was speaking these words, one of the Soldier's sneezed: 
The superstition of the Gentiles.  which when the rest heard, all of them at one instant worshipped god: and Xenophon said; Seeing whilst we were speaking of safety, a good foretoken of jupiter the saviour presented itself unto us, I hold it fit to make a vow to that god, that when we come into a Country, that is friend, we offer a healthoffring unto him; and sacrifice withal to other gods according to our ability. You, that are of the same mind, hold up your hands. They held up their hands every man, and made a vow, and sung the Paean. After all things appertaining to the worship of the gods were duly ended, he thus began again: I was even now saying, 
A warlike song which they used when they went to charge the enemy.  that many and fair hopes of safety presented themselves unto us. For first we have performed our Oath●s, which we made before the gods, whereas our enemies, as perjured persons, have broken both the Truce and their Oaths. Which being so, there is no question but we shall find the gods (who are of power sufficient both to humble the mighty, and on the sudden to preserve the lowly, in what danger soever they be) adversaries to our enemies, and assistants to us. Next I will put you in remembrance of the noble acts of your ancestors, that you may know, 
Brave exploits of ancestors, a great incitement to valour. Darius' the Father of Xerxes sent his General Datis with a great Army which was overthrown by the Athenians at Marathon. The Persians were slain to the number of 6300. Herodotus lib. 6. But justin reporteth that there were slain 200000. Herodotus lib. 7.  it behooveth you by their example to be valiant, and that valiant men are by the gods preserved from all dangers and distress. For when the Persians and their allies came with a mighty Army to destroy Athens, the Athenians being not afraid to meet them, fought with them and had the victory. And making a vow to Diana, to offer unto her so many Goats, as they killed enemies, when there were not so many to be found, they made a Decree to offer yearly 500, which number they offer also at this present. Afterward when Xerxes, raising an Host without number, came against Greece, even then also our Ancestors overcame their Ancestors both by Sea and Land, whereof the Trophies erected are tokens. But the greatest testimony is the freedom of the Cities, in which you were borne and bred. For you worship no man as Lord, but the gods alone, of such Ancestors are you descended. I speak not this, as though you degenerated from them. For many days are not past, since ordering yourselves in battle in the Field against these their posterity, by the favour of the gods you overcame them being many more in number than yourselves. And at that time you showed yourselves valiant to the end to make Cyrus King. Now when the fight is for your own safety, 
A man is nearest to himself.  you ought to be much more forward and resolute. Besides you ought to be more confident now than at that time; for then having had no trial of them, albeit you saw their number infinite, yet you durst charge them with brave Grecian minds; now finding by experience that, though their number were never so great, yet they had not the heart to abide you; 
Experience of an enemy.  why should you be afraid of them? And let it not trouble you, that Cyrus' Soldiers have forsaken you, that before took your part. They are greater cowards, than the other, you have already beaten. It is true, they have left you, and are fled to them, and for my part, whosoever beginneth first to run, I had rather see them with the enemy, than on your side. But if any of you faint in mind, because the enemy hath many, you have no horse, let him consider, 
Horse in the field.  that ten thousand horse are no more than ten thousand men. For no man was ever slain in battle by the biting or stroke of a horse. Men they are that perform, whatsoever is done in fight. As for us, our mounting is much more firm, and steadfast, than theirs. They hang upon their horse, and are not only in fear of us, but to be shaken off also from their horses, and fall to the ground. We chose have sure footing, and shall be able with more assuredness, to strike any man, that approacheth us, & to direct our aim with more certainty. One advantage the horsemen have, that they may more securely run away, than we. But in case you fear not to fight, but mislike only that Tissaphernes will not be your guide, 
Scarcity of provision.  nor the King prepare a market for you, you shall do well to consider, whether is better, to have Tissaphernes your guide, who every where seeks to entrap you, or to take guides of your own choice, who if at any time they prove false, offend against their own souls and bodies. As for provision, whether is it better to buy a poor pittance for much money (which now, being out of pay, will grow scant amongst us) out of a market, which they shall furnish, or having the victory, to use what measure every man thinketh fittest for his own turn. But if you know these things to be so, and fear notwithstanding the passage of rivers, 
Passage of Rivers.  thinking it will be deceitful and dangerous for you, consider if the Barbarians have not herein also notably played the fools; For all rivers, albeit far from their springs they have hard passage, yet at their heads a man may go over without wetting his knees. But say we can neither pass the rivers nor find guides, yet are we not to despair. For we know the Mysians, whom we cannot esteem better, than ourselves, inhabit many and great, and rich cities in the King's territory, 
Seating in a strange country.  and that in despite of the King. As much we know of the Pisidians. As for the Lycaonians, ourselves have seen, that having won many strong places in the Plain, they do at this day enjoy the fruits of the King's country. And I would think it fitting, that we also should make no semblance of returning home, but so demean ourselves, as though our purpose were to inhabit here. For I know the King would give the Mysians many guides, 
A golden bridge is to be made for an enemy to run away. See Diod. Sicul. l. 1.21. and the Lexicon, in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: for the tree and fruit see Pliny, l. 13. c. 17. pag. 234.  and many hostages for assurance of their departure, and would open them a way, yea, if need were, send them away in Chariots. The like I assure myself, he would do to us most willingly, if he perceived, we prepared ourselves to seat here. But I fear, in case we once learn to live idly, and in plenty of all things, and grow into acquaintance with the fair and tall wives and virgins of the Medes and Persians, left after the manner of the Lotophages, we forget the way homeward to our own country. 
The fruit is so pleasant, that they that taste it, are loath to ret●rn to their own country.  Wherefore it seemeth unto me fit and reasonable, that we endeavour first to return into Greece, to see our kindred and acquaintance, and to show the Grecians, that they willingly are poor, considering, they may, if they please, send the needier sort of their Citizens hither, where they may abound in all manner of riches and plenty. For whatsoever is good in the land it will be theirs, that win the victory. Now I will declare unto you, how we shall march with most security, and how, if need be, make our strongest fight. And first, 
Unnecessary carriage.  I hold it necessary to burn our Wagons, that our carriages be not our masters, and that we may have full liberty to march, where it is fittest for the Army. Then to burn our Tents, which it will be troublesome to carry them, and they profit nothing either to fight, or for provision. Besides to leave behind us our unnecessary stuff, and to take with us only such as for war, or for meat, or drink we stand in need of, to the end that most of us be in Arms, and as few, as may be, busy themselves with unnecessary carriage. For you know that they, which are overcome, leave all they have to the spoil of others: being Conquerors, you must esteem the enemies to be your carriers and purveyors. It remaineth to speak of that, which I take to be of most importance. For you see, that the enemy durst not make open war against us, till they had laid hold upon our Colonels, imagining, that so long as we had Colonels, and were obedient unto them, we were able enough to go thorough stitch with the war. After they had gotten our Colonels into their hands, they thought, 
Care of the Comm●nders. 〈◊〉 of Soldiers.  they might easily overthrow us through default of command and of order. It behoveth therefore the Commanders, that now are, to be more careful, than the former Commanders, and the Soldiers to be more orderly and obedient, than before. And in case any man o●ey not, if you decree, that whosoever is present with the Commander, shall have authority to chastise him, the enemy will be much deceived in his hopes. For they shall see in stead of one Clearchus ten thousand, who will give no man leave to play the coward. But it is high time to make an end. For it may be the enemy will presently be here. Whatsoever then of these things, you shall allow, let it be dispatched out of hand. If any other man, albeit but a private Soldier, conceive of a better course, let him speak. For we all in common stand in need of safety. Then said Cherisophus: If aught else be needful besides the things, that Xenophon hath mentioned, it may be done hereafter: Those things, he hath spoken of, it seemeth fit, they should be decreed. All, that are of the same opinion, let them hold up their hands. They all held up their hands. Then Xenophon standing up again, proceeded further, and said: Fellow Soldiers, hear now what in mine opinion you are to expect. It is clear that we are to march thither, where we may find provision. I hear there are good and plentiful Villages not above twenty Furlongs hence. I will not therefore marvel, as fearful Dogs are wont, to follow and bite, if they can, such, as pass by, and to run away from those that turn again upon them, 

A square hollow battle fit for a march when it is feared, the enemy will charge round about. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Commanders of the Front, flanks & rear.   if the enemy do the like pursuing our Rear. But then I hold that our march will be the safer, if we cast ourselves into a Plesium, that the baggage & loose multitude may be conveied in more security. If now therefore it be agreed upon, who shall lead the Plesium and order the Front, who the Flanks, who the Rear, we shall not be driven to consult, when the enemy approacheth, but only execute that, which is concluded. If any man can advise us better, let us give ear to him; if not, let Cherisophus have the leading, because he is a Lacedaemonian, two of the eldest Colonels command the Flanks, I and Timasion, as the youngest, be in the Rear. And from hence forward, after we have made trial of this form, we will upon all occasions take counsel, what is best to be done. If any man can direct us better, he hath liberty to speak. When no man spoke against the motion, he said: They that allow of that, which is propounded, hold up their hands. So it was decreed. Now, quoth he, you are to depart, and put the decree in execution. And whosoever he be amongst you, that desireth to see his kinsmen and friends, let him remember to show himself a man of valour. For otherwise there is no hope thereof: and he, that desireth life, let him endeavour to overcome. The Conquerors have power to slay, the conquered are to expect nought else, but death. And if he covet riches, victory must be the means to obtain them. They that are Masters of the Field, are Masters of their own, and of their fortunes also, whom they subdue. Assoon, as these things were spoken, all arose and departing, set fire on the Carts, and Tents, and on the things, that might well be spared. Some they parted with their friends, the rest they burned; and so went to breakfast. Whilst they were at breakfast, came Mithridates with about thirty Horses, and called out the Colonels to parley. He spoke thus: 
Mithridates' feigned speech.  I, o Grecians, was (as you know) faithful unto Cyrus, as long as he lived, and now am a well-willer of yours, and therefore cannot, but remain in great perplexity. If then I could see, you took any safe course, I would come unto you myself, and bring my followers with me. Tell me then, I pray, what your purpose is, as to one, that is your friend, and wisheth you well, and resolved to proceed with you in the same journey. The Colonels consulting together resolved upon this answer, and Cherisophus delivered it: Our purpose is, if we be not impeached, to return home, and to pass thorough your Country endamaging it as little as may be: and if any man hinder us, to open the way with our Swords. Mithridates sought to persuade, that without the Kings will and pleasure, 
He discovers himself by accident.  it was impossible to depart in safety. Whereby we understood, there was no great trust to be reposed in him. Besides it was observed, that one of Tissaphernes his familiar friends was in his Train to see, what was done. And thereupon it seemed good to the Colonels to make a Decree, 
Messengers from the enemy.  that hereafter no Messenger should be admitted from the Enemy as long, as we were in the Country. For with their intercourse they corrupted the Soldiers, and corrupted one Captain, to wit, Nicharchus an Arcadian, who in the night time fled to the enemy with about twenty men. When breakfast was ended, passing the river Zathe, we marched in good order, 
Zathe a river. Order of march in an open country.  having placed the carriage, and loose multitude, in the midst of the battle. We had not marched far, before Mithridates appeared again, with 200 horse, and 400 archers and slingers, which were very nimble and light. He, as a friend, came close up to the Grecians. Being near, some of his horse and foot began upon the sudden to shoot, 
Fair words turned into a storm of hostility.  other to sling, and so wound the Grecians. The rear of the Grecians were fain to endure all, yet could not annoy the enemy. For the Cretan bow carrieth not so far, as the Persian; and the Cretan archers wearing no arms of defence, were glad to hide themselves within the body of the armed; and the darters were not able to reach the slingers of the enemy. Xenopho● therefore, having the rear, 

An error of Xenophon.  
Advantage of missive weapons.   thought good to advance and follow the enemy; and thereupon fell out with the armed and targeteers of the rear; but could not lay hand upon any of them. For the Grecians had no horsemen, and their foot in so short a race could not overtake the foot of the enemy, (which had the start so far before) and it was not safe to give chase far from the body of the Phalange. Besides, the barbarian horsemen, as they fled, shot backward from their horse, and wounded many that gave chase. And as far as the Grecians advanced, so far must they afterward retire, still maintaining the fight; so that the whole day they marched not above 25 furlongs, and yet by Sunset they came to the villages. There again were they much discomforted, and Cherisopus and the eldest Colonels blamed Xenophon, in that he pursued the enemy so far from the Phalange, and put himself in danger, and yet no whit endangered the enemy. Xenophon hearing it, said, that they reprehended him not without cause, and that the action itself testified with them. But I was forced, quoth he, to do, as I did. For I saw, that standing still we were sore distressed, and not able reciprocally to offend the enemy. And when we fell out, it was, as you say. For giving chase we little hurt them, and yet retired with great difficulty. The gods be thanked therefore, that I went not out with many, but with a few. So that I did no great harm, and yet have found out that, which we stand in need of. For now we see by trial, that the enemy shoots and slingeth further, than either the Cretans, or our Darters can reach; and when we fall out after them, 
Necessity mother of invention.  we may not go far from the Phalange. If but a little way, let the Soldiers be never so nimble, he shall never be able to come up to a footman, that is distant from him as far, as a bow can shoot. If therefore we will debar them from annoying us in our journey, we must quickly provide slingers and horse. I hear there are Rhodians in our Camp, of whom the most part are reported to have skill in slinging, and that their slings reach twice as far, 
The Rhodian slings.  as the Persian slings. For the Persians use stones, that fill the hand, and therefore sling not far, the Rhodians leaden bullets. If therefore we inquire, which of them have slings, and reward them; and deliver to other money to make new slings, 
Means to procure readiness to serve.  and beside grant to them, that will serve in that kind, some other immunities, it may be, we shall find amongst them, that will be for our purpose. Besides I se● horse in the Camp, some of mine own, some left by Clearchus, and many, that have been taken from the enemy, and are now become cariage-beasts: If we make choice amongst these, and give the owner's cariage-beasts in exchange, and distribute the horse to horsemen, peradventure they also will trouble these runners. These things were decreed, and the same night 200 slingers, and the next day 50 horsemen were furnished out, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  to whom were given cassocks and cuirasses, and Lucius the son of Polystratus an Athenian was appointed their Captain. The Grecians taking their rest that day, and rising more early the next, marched forward. They were to pass a valley, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  in which they feared the enemy would charge them, and being now gotten to the other side of it, Mithridates appeared again, leading with him 1000 horse, and 4000 archers and slingers. For being insolent, because in the former encounter he with a few came off without harm, and yet, as he imagined, very much annoyed the Grecians, he required and had so many of Tissaphernes, promising, if he obtained them, to deliver the Grecians into his hands. The Grecians were past the valley 8 furlongs or thereabout, 
A vain promise upon an unsure ground. A ●ile.  when Mithridates passed likewise with his forces. The Targeteers and armed of the Grecians that were to fall out, were before hand appointed, and the horsemen had charge given them, not to be afraid in following the chase, because a sufficient number of foot was to second and attend them. By this time Mithridates' wa● come up to the Grecians, and the Persian slings and bows bestowed their flying weapons thick amongst them, when a sign was given by trumpet, and immediately the chosen foot sprung out together, and likewise the horse upon the spur. The enemy endured not the charge, but sped, all he could, into the valley. In this chase many of the Barbarian foot died, 
Omnia repentina terren●.  and about 18 horse were taken alive in the valley. The Grecians without commandment mangled and dismembered the dead carcases, that the sight hereof might henceforward strike a greater fear into the enemy. After this conflict the enemy retired, and the Grecians marching on the rest of the day securely, came to the river Tigris, upon which stood a great desolate city, the name whereof was Larissa. The Medians inhabited it of old time. The walls were 25 foot broad, 

Larissa a City. Breadth 8 yards one 25. part. Height 33 yards, one 100 part.  
Circumference, miles seven, & a half. 6 yards 2 foot. 200 yards. 400 yards.   and a hundred foot high: and the circuit of all two Parasangs. It was builded of brick, and the foundation of stone laid beneath the wall, was 20 foot deep. The King of Persia (when the Persians gained the Empire) besieging, and assaulting it, could not win it by any means. But the Sun hiding his head in a cloud appeared not, till the inhabitants forsook it, and so it was taken. near to the City there is a Stone-Pyramis, the breadth whereof is 600 foot, the height 1200, into which many Barbarians conveyed themselves out of the neighbour-villages. From hence in one encamping they marched six Parasangs, 
22 mile and a half.  as far as a great desolate castle hard by a City. This City's name was Mesphila; the Medians sometimes inhabited it. 
Mesphila a city. 16 yards, three 50 parts. 33 yards, etc. 22 miles and a half.  The foundation was of hollow carved stone, and had 50 foot in breadth, 50 foot in height. Upon it was raised a stone wall 50 foot broad, and 100 foot high. The circuit of the wall was 6 Parasangs. It is said that Media the King's wife fled hither, when the Persians wrung the Empire out of the Medians hands; and that the Persian King could not take it, either by time or force, till jupiter sent a madness amongst the inhabitants, and so it was overcome. From thence they marched 4 Parasangs in one encamping. Here Tissaphernes appeared with his own horse, 
15 miles. Tissaphernes with horse.  with the forces of Orontes (who had with him ●he King's daughter) with the Barbarians that ascended with Cyrus, with those, that the King's brother brought to the King's aid, and with as many other, as the King gave him. So that the Army seemed huge and mighty. When he came near, he ordered some of his troops against the rear of the Grecians, some against the flanks: yet durst he not charge, 
Horse against the rear and flanks of the Plesium at once.  nor had in mind to hazard battle. He commanded only his Soldiers to sling and shoot. When the ●hodians, that were here and there dispersed amongst the Grecians, began to sling, and the Archers after the Scythian manner to shoot, and no man miss his mark (for he could not, though he would, in such a multitude) both Tissaphernes quickly retired out of danger, and his troops likewise. The rest of the day the Grecians marched on, and the Persians followed; but yet forbore to skirmish any more. For the Rhodians slinged further, than the Persians could sling, and further than most of their archers shot. The Persian bows are great, so that the arrows, that were gathered up, served the Cretans to good purpose; For they used them much, and endeavoured by raising their compass to send them a great distance. 
It is like they were heavier, than the arrows of the Cretans.  In the villages thereabouts, both many Bowstrings were found, & much Lead, which they converted to the use of slings. And so this day, after the Grecians had quartered in the villages, which they happened upon, the Barbarians departed having the worst in the skirmish. The next day they sat still, and made provision of victuals; for there was plenty in the villages. The next day after, they marched forward thorough the Champaign, and Tissaphernes followed skirmishing. Here they perceived, that a Plaesium, or hollow battle with equal sides, was no good form to march in, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the enemy following in the rear. For in case the wings of the Plaesium thronged together, either by reason of the strait way, or compulsion of mountains, or of a bridge, the armed foot must needs be brought out of order, and march at small ease, being partly thronged, partly forced out of the place, they held, and in this disarray there would be no great use of them. And when the wings were again opened, they, that were so disordered, must needs be broken asunder, and the midst of the wings empty, & the soldier's discomforted, especially the enemy being at their heels. And if a Bridge were to be passed, or some such strait, every man would haste desiring to be over first. So that the enemy had then a fair opportunity to give on. The Colonels perceiving this, framed six Companies, every one consisting of an hundred men, and appointed Captains over them, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and Penteconters, and Enomotarches. These Captains, when the wings closed and thronged too near in marching, stayed behind and kept without the wings for fear of disordering them. 

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It is to be understood that these new Companies were led every one in file, and being joined together they made six files. If then the breach in the Plaesium were small, they inserted the six files rank-wile to make it up, if wider, they doubled again the ranks of the Companies and so filled it with half files: if very wide, they doubled the half files and filled it up with Enomoties. The remedy for light armed against forcing of the enemy. The heavy armed unfit for quick and ni●ble service. The higher ground commands the lower.  
Care of the wounded.   When the sides of the square battle opened too wide, they filled the midst, if the space were narrow, by Companies, if a little wider by fifties, if very wide by Enomoties. So that the midst was always shut up and full. If a bridge or other strait were to be passed, there was no disorder, because the Captains every one led over his Company apart, and when a Phalange was needful, sleeved up one by another. In this manner they marched four encamp: the fifth brought them to the sight of a Palace, and of many villages about it. The way leading to it was over high hills, which began from a mountain, under which a village was situate. The Grecians were glad to see the hills, as was reason, the most part of the enemy's forces being Horsemen. But when marching out of the Champaign they had gained the first hill, and descending from thence raised their battle up against the second, the Barbarians were forth with at hand, and cast weapons at them down from the higher ground, being compelled with stripes to sling, and shoot; and they wounded many, and had the better of the Grecian light armed, and shut them up within the battle of the armed: so that this whole day the Slingers, and Archers did little or rather no service, being glad to hide themselves amongst the unarmed multitude. And when the Grecian armed, being hardly laid unto, sought to fall out, they had much ado to climb the hill in their armour, whereas the enemy retired with ease. Again, when they retired to the rest of the armed, their danger was as great. Whereupon the Colonels thought good not to move the army from the third hill. Notwithstanding they led certain Targeteers from the right flank of the square battle toward the mountain. After these had gotten above the heads of the enemy, the enemy forbore to press upon such, as descended, fearing to be cut off by our Soldiers, that enclosed them on both sides. Thus marched the Grecians, the rest of the day, some by the way upon the hills, other some right over against them on the side of the mountain, till they came to the villages: where they appointed eight Physicians, because many of the Soldiers were hurt. Here they stayed three days, both to favour the wounded, and also for that much victual was found, meal, wine, and barley, which last was laid up for horses in abundance. All these things were stored and laid up for the ruler of the Province. The fourth day they descended into the Champaign; where when Tissaphernes had overtaken them with his forces, 
Experience the mistress of alterations in matters of war.  he taught them by necessity to encamp in the first village, they reached unto, and to march no more fight. For many were unfit to fight by reason of their wounds, many by carrying the wounded, and no less they, that had the arms of both charged upon their backs. After they had taken up their lodging, the Barbarians coming to the village offered skirmish, in which the Grecians had a great deal the better. For it was much easier to sally, and so repress the enemy, than to march fight with them, as they followed at their backs. When it was night, the enemy was to depart. For the Barbarians, fearing to be assailed by night, 

7 Miles and a half.  
The manner of the Persian encamping.   never encamp less than sixty furlongs from the Grecians. Their manner of encamping is dangerous also in the night. Their Horse are tied, and for the most part fettered, left being loose they might happen to run away. And if any tumult arise, a Persian must saddle, and bridle, and put on his Cuirass, and so get upon his Horse. All which are hard to be done in the night, especially in a tumult. When the Grecians perceived, that the enemy purposed to depart, and had given open notice thereof, they proclaimed in the hearing of the enemy, that the army should make ready to march. The Barbarians hereupon stayed awhile; but the night beginning to draw on, they went their ways. For they hold it not expedient to march, and come to their quarter by night. After the Grecians saw plainly, that they were departed, they also trussing up their baggage, began to march, and iourneied sixty furlongs; 

7 Mile and a half.  
The Grecians march by night.   and the space between the armies was so great, that neither the next, nor the third day the enemy could come up to us. The fourth day the Barbarians advancing forward by night, seized upon a high place, by which the Grecians must pass of necessity; namely, upon a mountain, under which the way lay, which led into Champeigne. 
The Persians by night seize upon a passage.  When Cherisophus saw the height of the mountain possessed by the enemy, he called for Xenophon from the Rear, willing him to bring his Targeteers with him, and come to the Front. Xenophon brought not the Targeteers with him (for he saw Tissaphernes and his whole Army appear at their backs) but himself speeding came, and asked Cherisophus, why he sent for him. You may see, quoth he. The hill hanging over our way, is before hand taken by the enemy; and we cannot continue our march, unless he be beaten from thence. But why brought you not your Targeteers with you? Because I thought it not good, quoth he, to leave the Rear unguarded, especially the enemy being in sight. But it is time, quoth Cherisophus, to advise, how we shall drive these folks from the hill. 
Means to dislodge the enemy, that possesseth a strait.  Here Xenophon marked, that the top of the mountain was over the head of our Army; and that from thence a way led to the hill, where the enemy stood, and said: Methinks, Cherisophus, it should be best for us with all speed to gain the top of the mountain; which if we once have, they cannot keep their ground over the way. I will go, if you please to stay with the Army; if you please to go, I will stay here. I give you the choice, quoth Cherisophus. And I because I am the younger, quoth Xenophon, will choose to go. Only he required, 
juniores ad labores.  that he might have Soldiers of the Front to accompany him; for it was too long to wait for any from the Rear. Cherisophus sent with him the Targeteers of the Front, and those, that were in the middle of the hollow square battle; he willed also the chosen 300 men, which he had about him in the Front, to follow Xenophon. Then they hasted, all they could, to get up the Mountain. The enemy upon the Hill perceiving that their intent and proceeding was to possess the height of the Mountain, began in emulation forthwith to post thither. There was a great cry in the Grecian Army, a great cry in the Army of Tissaphernes, each inciting and animating those of their own side. Xenophon riding from one to another, exhorted the Soldiers: Now Companions you strive for Greece, now for your wives and children, now taking a little pains, we shall clear the rest of our journey from fight. Soteridas the Sicyonian answered: You and I, Xenophon, stand not upon like terms of marching. You ride, I am on foot, & by reason of the weight of this Target, have much ado to get up the Hill. Xenophon hearing this, alighted from his Horse, and taking from him his Target, thrust him out of his Rank, and marched on with all speed possible. He had on at that time a horseman's Cuirass, wherewith he was heavily laden, yet proceeding, he exhorted the foremost to mend their pace, and those in the Rear (who had much ado to march) to hasten after. The other Soldiers beat and threw at, & reviled Soteridas, till they compelled him to take his Target again, and to march on. Xenophon mounting again to Horse, rid as far, as the ground would give him leave. When it began to be rough, and not passable for a Horse, he hasted forward on foot. By this time they had gained the top, 
The top of the Hill gained.  and prevented the enemy, who upon sight thereof, forsook their ground, and fled every man, as he could. The Grecians made good the top. Then the Army of Tissaphernes and Ariaeus departing diverted another way, but Cherisophus descending into the Plain, quartered in a Village, that had plenty of good provision in it. In this Plain were many other rich Villages situate by the River Tigris. When it was now night the enemy suddenly showed himself in the Plain, 
Carelessness of Soldiers in seeking prey. The enemy burneth his own country.  and cut in pieces some Grecians, that were dispersed here and there ●unting after prey. For many Herds of cattle, transported over the River, were here intercepted. Tissaphernes, and they that were with him, di● all they could to fire the villages; and many of the Grecians were muc● discomforted therewith, conceiving they should hardly recover victual, if the villages were thus burnt and destroyed. Cherisophus had sent out some of his people to succour their companions against the enemy, who returned, as Xenophon descended from the Mountain. With these Xenophon meeting, rid from rank to rank, & said: You see, fellow Soldiers, that the enemy confesseth the Country is none of theirs. For in the truce they capitulated with us to preserve the King's Country from burning, now they burn it themselves, as if it were not their own. But do, what they list, if they have victual for themselves in any part, they shall soon see us there for our portions. But Cherisophus, quoth he, me thinks, we should do well to give aid, as to our own Country, against these burners. I am not of that advice, quoth Cherisophus, but rather I would burn for company to make them the sooner give over. When they came to the camp, the rest busied themselves about provision, 
Consultation about their march.  the Colonels and Captains assembled together in counsel. Here was disputing & advising, what to do. On the one side were high Mountains, on the other a river so deep, that the water covered the ends of Pikes, wherewith the bottom was sounded. While they were in consultation a Rhodian came unto them, and said: I will undertake to carry you over by 4000 at once, 
A bridge oared.  if you furnish me with such things, as I want, & give me a Talon for reward. Being asked, what things he wanted; I want, said he, 2000 water-budgets, and I see here many Sheep, Goats, Kine, and Asses, whose skins being flayed, 
A bridge without boats or Ships.  and blown, will easily give us means of transportation. I shall need also the bands, which you use about your cariage-beasts. With these I will bind your water-budgets, and fit them one to another, and hang stones upon them, and let them down like anchors, & laying them upon the water, and fastening them on both sides, I will throw Rise upon them, & then earth; and that you shall not sink, you will easily perceive, in that every budget will be able to bear up two men; and the Rise & earth will keep the budgets from tottering, and make them lie firm & stable. When the Colonels heard this, the invention seemed witty, but the thing itself not possible to be performed, by reason there were many horsemen on the other side of the river, who would hinder the foremost, & not suffer them to proceed in their work. Therefore they retired the next day in the way, they came (which led to Babylon) to the unburnt villages, setting afire the villages, where they last quartered, so that the enemy offered not to charge, but became lookers on, wondering what way the Grecians meant to take, & what their purpose was. The Colonels & captains assembled again, & calling together the captives, enquired of the countries round about, what they were, & of their nature & quality. They reported that toward the South the way led to Babylon & to Media, and was the way by which they came; 
Two provinces of Persia. Mountains near to Armenia.  toward the East to Susa & Ecbatana where the king was said to pass the summer & spring; over the river to Lydia and jonia; over the mountains & towards the north to the Carduchans; who, they said, inhabited the mountains, & were a warlike people, and refused to obey the king; and that the king sometimes sent against them an army of 12 Myriad of men, 
Every Myriad 10●00, the whole number 120000 men.  of whom none escaped & returned back by reason of the roughness of the country, & that since the Satrapa, or ruler, of the next Province, made truce with them, they had free intercourse of trade one with another. The Colonels hearing this, set apart by themselves those, that took upon them several knowledge of these things, not declaring what way, they meant to hold. But their resolution was to pass over the mountains against the Carduchans. For the captives said, after they were come beyond the mountains, they should enter into Armenia, a large, and rich country, of which Orontes was ruler, and from thence find the way open & ready to go, whither a man would. This conclusion being had, they sacrificed to the gods, that they might have no impeachment, when it was fit to set forward (for they feared the tops of the mountains might be anticipated) and commanded, as soon as supper was past, that every man should have his things in a readiness, and give himself to rest, and after follow in the journey according to direction.  
Finis Libri Tertij.   

THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF XENOPHON, TOUCHING THE Ascent of CYRUS the younger, out of Asia the Less, into the Higher COUNTRIES.  
WHat happened in the Ascent of Cyrus till the battle, and what after the battle in the truce, which the King and the Grecians (that ascended with Cyrus) had concluded: and after that the King and Tissaphernes had broken the truce, what war was made upon the Grecians, an Army of Persians still pursuing them, is already discoursed. Now when they had proceeded thus far, and found, that the River Tigris was unpassable by reason of his depth and greatness, and that there was no other way to follow, 
Tigris.  because the Carduchan Mountains being abruptly steep, lay directly hanging over the same River; It seemed good to the Colonels, to continue their march over those Mountains. For they understood by the Captives, that, after they had once traversed the Carduchan Mountains, they might pass over the Fountains of Tigris in Armenia, if they list, if not, they might fetch a compass about them; and the Fountains of Euphrates were said to be not far off from the Fountains of Tigris, and that there were some straits in the way. Therefore they marched toward the Carduchans, partly in hope to steal away unespied, partly to prevent the enemy, in case he went about to seize upon the tops of the Mountains, and stop their march. It was now about the last watch, and so much night left, as would give space to pass over the Plain. The Grecians even then rising and upon a sign beginning their march, came by break of day to the Mountain's foot. Cherisophus led the Vaunt, taking with him his accustomed Troops, and all the light Armed; Xenophon and the Reare-Commanders brought up the Rear with the Armed alone, having never a lightarmed man with them. For it seemed, the rear was without danger to be charged in the ascent. Cherisophus attained the top of the hill, 
Disposing of the lightarmed where need was.  before any enemy perceived it, and he leading on the rest of the army, followed towards the villages, which were situate in the valleys and windings of the mountains. The Carduchans' forsaking their houses, 
The Carduchans'  and taking with them their wives and children, fled to the mountains. Great plenty of provision was found here, and the houses garnished with many brazen vessels, which the Grecians left untouched. Besides, they gave chase to none of the Carduchans, of purpose to see, if they might gain a friendly passage thorough the Country, especially seeing both the Carduchans and Grecians were enemies to the King. Yet being in necessity they spared not the provision, which every man fortuned to find. The Carduchans, albeit kindly entreated, would neither hear of parley, 
Obstinacy of the Carduchans.  nor yet showed any other token of friendship. Whilst the rear of the Grecians descended from the height of the mountains to the villages, it being now dark (for by reason of the straightness of the way, the whole day was spent in ascending the hill, and descending to the villages) some of the Carduchans, albeit but a few (for the Grecians fell upon them at unawares) gathering together charged the Grecians, and killed some of them, 
The peril of the Grecians.  and hurt other some with stones and arrows; and if many of them had been assembled, they had no question cut off the most part of the army. That night therefore they lodged thus in the villages. The Carduchans on the other side lighted many fires in a circle on the mountains, and so they looked one upon another. By day break, the Colonels and Captains of the Grecians came to counsel, and decreed, 
Good order in passage of straits and of mountains.  that the carriage-beasts necessary, and such, as were best able to endure the hardness of the way, should be led on by their owners, the rest left behind, and that the slaves lately taken, and remaining in the army, should all be cast off. For the carriage and captives being many, made the march very slow, and cumbersome. And many of them, that road, were such, as fought not, and the multitude of people being great, double provision and carriage was requisite in comparison of that, they should otherwise have needed. 
Execution of the order taken.  These things being so decreed, proclamation was made for the execution. Having dined, they marched forward, and the Colonels staying in a strait of the way, wheresoever they found any of these things not cast off, took it away. The Soldiers were very obedient, unless any man being in love with a boy, or a woman of the fearest fashion, conveied them away by stealth. And so for that day they proceeded in their march, one while fight, and another while giving themselves to rest. The next day fell a sharp storm, and yet a necessity was laid upon us to continue our march, because our provision failed. Cherisophus led the Vaunt, Xenophon brought up the Rear, and the enemy pressed us sore; and the Country being full of straits, they came up close, and plied us with arrows and stones out of slings, so that the Grecians sometimes giving chase, sometimes retiring, were forced to march on slowly. It fell out often, that Xenophon sent word to that Vaunt to stay, especially at that time, being roundly put to by the enemy. Cherisophus, 
Why the Front oftentimes made Alt.  that at other times upon the receipt of such messages made usually Alt, made not Alt then, but led away apace, and commanded the rest to follow. So that it appeared, there was some great occasion, and yet there was no leisure to send and know the cause. The march seemed to the bringers up to be a plain running, and there was then slain Cleonymus a brave, and valiant Lacedaemonian, being strucken into the side with an arrow thorough his target, 
He had no Cuirass on.  and Soldier's coat; and Basius an Arcadian pierced in the head. When they were come to their quarter, Xenophon attired, as he was, stepped forthwith to Cherisophus, and blamed him, he made not Alt, whereby he forced them in the Rear to fight in their flight; and now, quoth he, we have lost two gallant and worthy Soldiers, and were neither able to bring them off, nor yet to bury them. Cherisophus answered; Look up, quoth he, to those mountains and behold how unpassable they are. There is no way, but that steep one, you see, and upon it you may discern the huge multitude, which have taken, and do guard the passage. The cause of my speeding, and not staying for you, was to try, if by any means I might prevent their seizing upon the height. For the guides affirm, there is no other way but this. But I have two guides, quoth Xenophon; For when they ceased not to molest us, I laid an ambush, 
Ambushes laid in a march, and why.  whereby both we found way to breathe, and also killed some of them, and some other we endeavoured to take alive, for this cause especially, that we might use such, as knew the Country, for guides: and immediately bringing forth the men, they examined them apart, whether they knew any other way, than that, which was in sight. One of them, albeit he were diversely put in fear, would not confess. When they could get nothing out of him, that was to purpose, they slew him, the other looking on. He, that remained alive, said, that his Companion would confess nothing, because he had bestowed a daughter of his in marriage to a man dwelling thereabout. But I, said he, 
About the passage.  will teach you a way, thorough which the very carriage may easily pass. Being demanded, If that way had no impediment or encumbrance, he answered, There was a top of a hill, which unless it were possessed, it would be impossible to proceed further. Hereupon it was thought good, 
How to give upon an enemy that possesseth a strait upon a hill.  to call for the Captains of the Targeteers, and of the armed Foot, and to impart unto them the estate of the present affairs; and to ask, if any would show himself a gallant, and willingly undertake the journey. There offered their service, Aristonimus an Arcadian of Methydria, and Agasias another Arcadian of Stymphaly. Callimachus a Parrhasian Arcadian, 
Emulation in service.  and this Agasias were always at emulation and strove one with another in all employments. He offered himself upon condition he might be permitted to take with him the voluntaries of the whole army; For I know, quoth he, that many of the youth will follow, if I have the leading. Then they asked, if any of the lightarmed, 
Taxiarches of the lightarmed.  or Taxiarches would bear the armed Company. Aristarchus the Chian, a worthy man, and one that in the like case had often heretofore done good service to the army, presented himself. It was now late, and the Soldiers were commanded to sup, and presently to march away. 
The ordering of a guide, that is enemy.  The guide was delivered bound unto them, and order given, that if they took the top of the hill, they should make good the place that night, and as soon, as it was day, give a sign with the trumpet, and descend and charge the forestallers of the known way, and the rest of the army beneath ascend, and join with them in as great speed, as was possible. This order being taken, there marched out to the number of two thousand. 
How to divert the enemy's thoughts, and to coceale our intentions. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  In the mean time fell much rain. Xenophon, having with him the Reare-commanders, led toward the known passage, to the end the enemy might be intentive upon that way, and those that were appointed to take the top, might the better pass by unespied. When the Rear was come to a hollow bottom, thorough which they must needs pass ere they came to ascend the steep hill, the Barbarians tumbled down round stones, of which every one was of weight sufficient to load a waggon, and many other great and little stones, which rolling and beating upon the rocks, came bouncing with such force, as if they had been sent out of a sling, and made it impossible to come near the way. Some of the Captains seeing that way shut up, sought to find another. This continued till it was dark. The Grecians when they imagined, that their departure could not be discerned, went hence to supper. For the Rear had not dined that day. The enemy ceased not the whole night to send down stones, which might easily appear by the continual sound and noise of the fall. In the mean time those, that had the guide, 
The Grecians gain the height of the mountain.  fetching a compass, fell upon the enemy's guards, as they sat by the fire; and killing some, and giving chase to the rest, themselves maintained the place that night, as if they had gained the top. But they were deceived; for there remained yet a little knop above them, near which the strait itself was, where the enemy's guards did sit. There was indeed a passage from thence, that led to the enemy. That night therefore they spent there. As soon as day appeared, they advanced silently, and in good order against the enemy. They were near, before they could be descried, because of a mist, that fell at the same instant. When they saw one another the trumpet sounded, and the Grecians giving a shout, advanced against the enemy; who received not the charge, but forsaking the way, and flying, lost some few of their people. For they were lightarmed. The rest of the army with Cherisophus, hearing the sound of the trumpet, made all haste to ascend by the common way. Some of the Colonels took bypaths, every one, as it came to hand, and climbing, as they could, drew one another up by the pikes, and so they were the first, that joined with them, that had won the top. Xenophon, with half the Rear, followed the way, that the guide had shown to the first (for it was the easiest for the carriage-beasts) the other half he ordered after the carriage-beasts. 
The carriage in the midst.  Marching forward, they chanced upon a hill hanging over the way, which was held by the enemy; by reason whereof they were driven to a necessity, either by force to dislodge the enemy from the place and cut him off, or else to be secluded from the rest of the army. The soldiers might have followed the way, that the rest held, & so have freed themselves from danger, but the carriage could be led no other way. Exhorting therefore one another, they charged up the hill, ordering their Companies every one in File, 
Raising of forces against a hill. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  not encompassing the enemy, but giving them room to fly, if they were so disposed. The Barbarians seeing them ascend each one, as he could make shift for himself, did neither shoot nor sling at them, as they approached the way; but presently forsook the Hill. This Hill the Grecians took, 
The Hill taken.  and seeing another before them held likewise by the enemy, they resolved to go against that also. Notwithstanding Xenophon reputing in his mind, that, if he should leave the Hill already gained without a Guard, the enemy seizing again upon it, might distress the carriage in passing by (for the carriage by reason of the straits were extended into a great length) he left upon the Hill the Captains Cephisodorus the Son of Kephisophon an Athenian, and Archagoras a banished Argive; 
Securing of that Hill.  himself with the rest continued his march against the second Hill, which also was taken after the same manner. There remained yet another Hill more steep, than the two former, even the same, that the night before, was by the first ascenders won from the enemy's Guards, that sat by the fire; to which when the Grecians approached, the Barbarians forsook it without fight; which made the Grecians wonder, and imagine, they feared to be round encompassed and charged on all sides; but the truth was, that descrying from the top, what was done behind, they hasted away to fall upon the Rear. Xenophon, and the youngest sort of Soldiers had gotten up the Hill, and he commanded the rest to follow, till the last Captains were come up, and then he willed them to march forward in the way, and when they came to even ground to lay down their Arms. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  At this instant came Archagoras the banished Argive, and brought news that they, whom Xenophon left behind, were beaten from the first Hill, and that Cephisodorus, Amphicrates, and as many other, as leapt not from the Rock, and saved themselves amongst the rest of the Rear, were slain. The Barbarians having wrought this feat, conveied themselves toward the Hill opposite against the top, where Xenophon was; and he by an Interpreter treated with them about truce, and about recovering the dead bodies out of their hands. They answered, 
Conditions of recovering the dead bodies of the Grecians.  they were ready to deliver them upon condition, the Villages might be spared from fire: to which Xenophon accorded. In the time while this parley was in hand, the rest of the Army passed by, and were freed from danger of the place. The enemy stayed there; and when the Grecians began to descend from the top to the place, where the foremost had laid down their Arms, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  they in great number and tumult ran upward, and having gained the height, from whence Xenophon descended, rolled down stones, and broke a leg of one of the Soldiers. Xenophons' Target-bearer was then away with his target, which Eurylochus the Arcadian borne at Lusium, a heavy armed Soldier, perceiving, came running unto him, and retiring by little and little protected both himself and Xenophon with his Target. So they all came up to the vant which stood in order of battle. Now were all the Grecians come together, and they quartered in many fair houses having large provision, and plenty of all things. There was much Wine kept in Cisterns, 

The Grecians careful of the burial of their dead.  
Honour of burial.   plastered with mortar. Afterward Xenophon and Cherisophus so wrought with the Barbarians, that they recovered the bodies of the dead in exchange for the Guide, whom they delivered up; and they buried them with as great honour, as was possible to be given to worthy and valiant Soldiers. The next day we marched on without a Guide. The enemy fight with us, and taking the straits, which lay in our way, endeavoured to hinder and shut up our march. But when they opposed against the Vant, 
Mutual assistance of the Vant and the Rear.  Xenophon from the Rear ascending the Mountains and gaining the upper ground removed all the impediments, the enemy could cast upon the way: when against the Rear, Cherisophus ascending taken the upper ground likewise, and freed the way for them, that came behind. So they always succoured and had mutual care one of another. Sometimes also the Barbarians, after the Grecians had got up to the heights, annoyed them spitefully in their descent. They were lightarmed, and coming close up they might easily shift away at their pleasure, because they carried no other furniture, than Bows, and Arrows, 

The Carduchans' good archers. Their bows and arrows length.  
The force of their ●●ot.   and Slings. They were excellent Archers, and had Bows well nigh three Cubits, Arrows more than two Cubits long. When they shot, they drew the string applying their hand somewhat toward the neither end of the Bow, and ●etting their left foot forward. With their Arrows they pierced both Cuirasses and Targets. The Grecians putting thongues to the midst of them, sent them back again at the enemies in stead of Darts. The Cretans were very useful in these places; Stratocles the Cretan was their Commander. They quartered that day in the Villages, 
Centrites a river. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  which lay upon the Plain near the River Centrites, the breadth whereof is 200 Foot, and this River parteth Armenia and the Carduchans' Country. Here the Grecians rested. The River is distant from the Carduchan Mountains about some six or seven Furlongs. 
Three quarters of a ●●le, or thereabout.  They quartered here with great pleasure both in regard of the plenty of all things, which they found, and also because they gladly remembered their travel overgone. For in seven whole days, in which they marched thorough the Carduchans' Country, they were put to continual fight, and suffered more distress, than whatsoever the King and Tissaphernes could work them. Being therefore freed from that danger they slept and took their rest with great content. Assoon, as it was day, they might discern beyond the River Armed horse, that seemed ready to hinder their passage, and Footmen ordered upon the banks above the Horse to stop their entry into Armenia. 
The Chaldeans.  These were Armenians, Mygdonians, and Chaldeans Mercenaries to Orontes, and Artuchus. The Chaldeans were said to be a free Nation and warlike. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Their Arms were long wicker Targets and Spears. The banks, upon which they were embattelled, were distant some three or four Plethers from the River; 
A Plether 100 Foot.  and no way over but one could be discerned, which led up to the higher ground, and seemed to be made with hand. The Grecians sought to pass that way. But making trial, and finding the water to reach up above their breasts, and the River rough with many great, and slippery stones, and perceiving, that they could not hold their Arms in the River, which by reason of the swiftness, and violence of the stream, would force them out of their hands, and in case a man carried them on his head, he should remain naked against the enemies missive weapons, they returned and encamped near the River. The place, where they rested the night before, they might easily see to be full of Armed Carduchans. It caused great melancholy amongst them, both because they saw the hard passage of the River, and the enemy opposing against their passage, and also the Carduchans pressed to fall upon their Rear. Remaining therefore in great anguish of spirit, this day, and the night following, they spent in the place. Xenophon is the mean time dreamt, that he was bound in fetters, 
Xenophons' dream.  and that they broke and fell off of their own accord, so that being loose, he was at liberty, to go where he list. Early in the morning he went to Cherisophus, and told him, he hoped all should be well, and communicated his dream with him, who was much delighted therewith; and as day appeared, all the Colonels assembled, and offered sacrifice, and at the very first the sacrifice promised good success; and the Colonels and Captains departing to their quarters commanded the Soldiers to dine. Whilst Xenophon was at dinner, there came running unto him two young men (for every man knew, they might have free access unto him both at dinner and supper, and that they might in sleep awake him, and impart any thing, that should seem to tend to the good of the march) and told him they chanced to be a gathering sticks for firing, and that amongst the Rocks, on the other side the River, they espied an old man, and a woman, and young maids laying up (as it were) bundles of Clothes tied together in a hollow Cave of the Rock. Which when they saw, and conceived withal, there was no danger in the passage, considering the enemy's Horse could not by any means come there, they pulled off their Clothes, and taking their drawn Daggers in their hands, they entered into the River in purpose to swim over, if they could not otherwise pass. But going on they found themselves over, before they had wet their privities; so that taking with them the garments which were hidden they returned, and came safe to this side back again. Xenophon hearing this, drank a health, and commanded the Cup should be filled to the two young men, and to pray to the gods (who had revealed the dream and passage) to finish the remnant of all, that should appertain to the good of the journey. Assoon as the health was ended, he led the young men to Cherisophus, and declared unto him the news, which they brought. Who hearing these things, drunk also a health; after which commanding the Soldiers to truss up their baggage, and calling the Colonels together, they advised about the best means of passage, and of repulsing them, that opposed the Front, 
The passage of a River.  and of avoiding the danger of those, that were like to fall upon the Rear. The resolution was, that Cherisophus should lead the Vant, & pass over first with half the Army; the other half should remain behind with Xenophon, and the carriage, and unarmed multitude, should be conveied in the midst. When these things were thus determined, they began to march. The young men led the way having the river on their left hand. The way which tended to the Ford, 
Half a mile.  was about four Furlongs in length. As they marched forward on one side, the enemy's Horsemen embattelled marched against them on the other. After they were come to the Ford, and banks of the river, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  they laid down their arms; and first Cherisophus crowning himself, and stripping off his apparel, took up his arms and commanded the rest to do the like; and directed the Captains every one to cast their companies into a file, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  & to march some on his right, some on his left hand. The South saier offered sacrifice at the river's side; and the enemy, albeit they plied us with bows & slings, yet could they not reach over unto us. The sacrifice was fair, & the Grecians sang the Paean, & gave a shout. The women also shouted, for there were many whores in the camp. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  So Cherisophus passed over, and they with him. Then Xenophon taking to him the lightest of the Rear, ran back again with all speed to the passage, which led to the Ascent of the Armenian Mountains, making countenance, as if he meant to pass over there, & cut betwixt the horse, that guarded the banks, & the rest of their companions. But the enemy seeing Cherisophus his forces easily wade thorough the River, 
Half the army over.  and Xenophon with his Soldiers speedily returning back, fearing to be shut in betwixt both, fled, as fast as they could, from the river to the way, that led upward; & as soon as they came there, held on toward the mountain. Lucius, that commanded the horse, & Aeschines, that led the targeteers about Cherisophus, when they saw them so cowardly run, followed hard, and gave chase. The Soldiers cried out to them not to give over, but to ascend the mountain together with the enemy. After Cherisophus had gained the passage, he followed not the horse, but presently upon the banks side led against the foot, that held the higher places; who being above on the higher ground, and seeing their horse flying, and the armed Grecians making head against them, forsook also their ground, by the river's side. When Xenophon perceived now all things on the other side of the river, to be in good plight, he returned speedily to the forces, that were passing over. For the Carduchans were seen by this time to descend the mountains, and to come into the Plain, as though they purposed to charge the Rear. By this time had Cherisophus taken the higher ground, and Lucius following the chase with a few, won the carriages of the Rear of the enemy, and withal rich apparel, and much plate. The carriage and unarmed multitude of the Grecians passed over the river with all diligence. 
There were 4 Enomoties in every company. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  And Xenophon turning toward the Carduchans opposed his armed against them; and directed his Captains every one to order his Company into Enomoties, and to face to the left hand, and to lead up and to join the Enomoties together in front; and that the Captains and Enomotarchs' should make head against the Carduchans, 

When they ordered then companies into E●o●oties, this was the manner, they doubled the front to the left hand, every Enomotarch leading up his Enomot●e, & joining to the other in front; so that the battle was 25 deep, and the Enomotarchs' stood all in front.  
Light armed in the river to fauou● the passage of the followers.   the bringers up be behind next to the river; The Carduchans, when they saw the Rear left by the unarmed multitude, and making show but of few, singing certain songs after their country manner, fell on, and charged. In the mean time Cherisophus, having set his own affairs in safety, sent the Peltasts, and Slingers, and Archers over to Xenophon, willing them to do, what he commanded. When Xenophon perceived, they passed the river, he dispatched a message to stay them, where they were, till they saw him and his troops enter into the water, and then to meet him on both sides, and make as though they purposed to return over again, the Darters with their fingers in the thongs of their darts, the Archers with their arrows nocked; yet should they not come much further, than they were in the river. And he gave order to his own people, that as soon, as they were within the reach of slings, and had beaten with their pikes upon their targets, to sing the Paean, and run forth against the enemy. And when the enemy was put to flight, and the trumpet sounded a charge from the river, the bringers up, facing about to the pike, should lead, and the rest follow, and with all speed get the passage, every one in the order he held, to the intent they hindered not one another; And added he would account him the best Soldier, that first could gain the other bank. The Carduchans' seeing but a few now left behind (for many appointed for the Rear were shifted away, some being careful of the carriage-beasts, some of the baggage, some of their whores) fell on boldly, and began to sling and shoot. But when the Grecians singing the Paean ran out against them, they forsook their ground. For they were armed, as the mountain fashion is, 
Armour for a steadfast fight.  sufficiently to skip up and down, and run away, but not to come to hands in a steadfast fight. The trumpet now gave the sign, which made the enemy fly the faster, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Facing about.  and the Grecians facing about to the contrary side hasted, all they could, to pass the river; which some of the enemies seeing, came running again to the river, and hurt a few with their arrows; but the most of them might be discerned to continue their flight, a good while after the Grecians had gained the other bank. Some of our people, that first charged the enemy, and being too valiant, 
Following the chase too ho●ly  & following on further, than at that time was fit, got over a good while after the other, that were with Xenophon; and some of them also were wounded. The Grecians, being all passed over about noontide, put themselves in order and marched thorough Armenia no less than five Parasangs, 
18 miles and 3 quarters in the afternoon.  the country being all plain, and arising sometimes in little hillocks. There was no village near the river, by reason of the wars against the Carduchans. The first village, they came to, was both great, 
The calamity of war.  and had also in it a royal Palace for the Viceroy of the country; and the houses, for the most part were built with Turrets, and were stored with plenty of provision. 
18 miles and 3 quarters in a day.  From thence they iourneied forward ten Parasangs in two encamp, till they came over the springs of the river Tigris. From thence they continued marching 15 Parasangs in 3 encamp, 
As much a day.  as far as the river Teleboas, 
Teleboas a river.  which is a fair river, but not large. About this river are many villages; and the place is called West Armenia. Teribazus the King's favourite was governor of this country; 
Terib●zus governor of Armenia,  who, if he were present, no man else might set the King on horseback but he. This man came riding forth unto us, having horsemen about him, and sending an interpreter before signified, 
Desires' parley.  that he desired to parley with the Commanders: The Colonels resolved to hear, what he would say. So they came and met him, and being within hearing, they asked, what he would have with them. He said his desire was to make truce with the Grecians, to the end, 
Maketh truce with the Grecians.  that neither he should wrong them, nor yet they burn the houses of the country, but only take such victual, as they needed in their march. The Colonels agreed hereunto, and so the truce was concluded. From thence they marched thorough the plain country 15 Parasangs in 3 encamp. 
18 mile three quarters a day.  Teribazus followed with his forces, keeping aloof about ten furlongs. 
A mile and a quarter.  They came to a Palace, which had many villages about it full of large provision. While they encamped there, fell abundance of snow by night. It was therefore decreed in the morning, 
Snow causeth quartering in villages.  that the Companies and Colonels should quarter in the villages. For they neither saw enemy, and it seemed to be good and safe against the snow. Here they had all things fit for use, namely sacrifice, wheat, old wine of excellent sauo●r, raisins, and all kind of pulse. Some, that wandered from the Camp, 
The plentifulness of Armenia.  reported they saw an army, and many fires kindled in the night. Therefore it seemed good to the Colonels not to suffer the soldiers to lie here & there dispersed, but to bring them together again into one camp. 
Quartering when an enemy is feared.  So they came together again, and thought it best to lie in the field. Whilst they held this course, the snow fell so vehemently in the night, that both arms and men were covered with it. The cariage-beasts also seemed, as though they had been fettered with the snow and had much ado to arise; 
Inconveniences of Snow.  and the Soldiers, that lay upon the ground, upon whom the Snow fell, and slid not off, became miserably distressed. Now when Xenophon arising up unarmed began to cleave wood, straight ways one, and then another stood up, and taking the hatchet from him, fell a cleaving likewise. Hereupon other in semblable manner arising kindled the fire, and anointed themselves. For they found much matter of ointment there, which they used in stead of Oil Olive, as namely, Hog's grease, Oils of Sesamin, of bitter Almonds, and of Turpentine. There was found also sweet ointments made of the same stuff. After this it seemed best and most convenient to quarter again in villages under the roof of houses; and the Soldiers with cheerful cries and great delight entered into the houses, and there took their provision; only those, that at the last dislodging out of houses had set them on fire, were punished with lying abroad in hutts, 
Disorder in Soldiers punished.  and with such other ill lodging. From hence Democrates the Temenite, having Soldiers with him, was by night sent out to the mountains, 
Scouts to discover.  where the stragglers reported they saw fires. For in former employments he was thought to bring certain news concerning things discoverable, either that they were, or were not. He going forth and returning said, he could descry no fires, but he brought in a prisoner having a Persian bow, and a quiver, and a weapon called S●garis, such as the Amazons bear. 

A kind of weapon headed like a hatchet.  
Teribazus his falseness.   This prisoner being demanded, what countryman he was, said, he was a Persian, and came from Teribazus his Camp to seek provision. Being asked again, how great the Army was, and why assembled; he answered, that Teribazus was there in person with his own Army, and with the mercenary Ghalibians and Taochans, and was determined to set upon the Grecians in the straits, that were on the mountain tops, where there was but one way. The Colonels hearing these things found it good to assemble their troops, and leaving sufficient guards for the Camp, 
Prevention of danger by seeking the enemy first.  and Sophonaetus to be their commander, they forthwith marched on, taking the prisoner for their guide. They had now passed the mountain, when the Peltasts advancing first, and discovering the enemy, gave a shout, and ran in upon their Camp, not staying for the armed. The Barbarians hearing the noise, forsook the place wherein they were, and ●led immediately; 
The enemy defeated.  notwithstanding some of them were slain, and 20 horses taken; and withal the Tent of Teribazus, in which were beds with silver feet, and plate, and some that said, they were Bakers, and Butlers. These things being so happily achieved, the Colonels held it best to return with all speed unto the Camp, lest perhaps some enterprise might be made upon those, that were left behind, 
Diligence in avoiding danger.  and forthwith by trumpet giving a sign of retreat, they dismarched, and came to the Camp the same day. The next day they thought it good to proceed with all celerity, before the enemy's Army could again be rallied, and possess the straits. Therefore they trussed up their baggage, & having many guides, marched forth thorough deep Snow, and the same day getting over the tops, where Teribazus purposed to have charged them, they set down and encamped. From thence in three encamp in the wilderness they reached to the river Euphrates, which they waded thorough not wetting themselves further than the Navel. 

The Grecians wade over Euphrates.  
18 mile and more a day.   The fountains of this river were reported not to be far off. From thence they proceeded 15 Parasangs in three encamp through much Snow, which covered the plain country. The third encamping was laborious and hard, the north wind blowing stiff against us, and scorching and befreezing the limbs of the Soldiers: whereupon one of the Soothsayers said, 
Miserable idolatry.  he would offer sacrifice to the wind to appease it, which being accordingly performed, there was no man, but held opinion, that the fury of the storm was much stilled and abated. The Snow was in this place a fathom deep; 
Snow a fathom deep.  so that many carriage beasts, and slaves were lost, and as good as 30 Soldiers. They maintained fires the whole night, by reason that there was great quantity of wood in the place, where they encamped; and yet they, that were benighted found no wood; neither would those that first were quartered, give the late comer's access to the fires, unless in recompense they imparted unto them wheat, or some other victual, such as they had. So was there amongst them a mutual communication of their commodities. After the Snow was melted, there appeared great pits upon the earth, where the fire was made, by which a man might easily judge of the depth of the Snow. From thence they marched through Snow the whole next day, and many of the Soldiers were taken with the disease called Boulimia. Xenophon bringing up the Rear, and raising those Soldiers, that lay upon the ground, was ignorant what the disease meant, till one, who had experience, told him, that it was a plain Oxe-hunger, 
Oxe-hunger, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  and that they would immediately stand up, if they had any thing to eat. Therefore going to the cariage-beasts, if he saw any drink, or victuals, he distributed it either by himself, or by such as were able to run about, to those that were pinched with hunger, and they had no sooner eaten, but they stood up, and marched. In this march Cherisophus about twilight came to a Village, where he found women and maids drawing, and carrying water before a Fort. The Interpreter told them in the Persian tongue, that they came to the Viceroy from the King. They answered, the Viceroy was not there, but about a Parasang from thence. 
Three mile & three quarters.  Cherisophus, because it was late, entered with the water-bearers into the Fort unto the Governor, where he, and as many as the place was capable of, quartered that night. The rest of the Soldiers, that could not reach to the journey's end, lodged that night without meat or fire, so that some of them perished there. There were of the enemy, that gathered head, and followed the Rear, and taking the cariage-beasts, 
Distress of the Grecian soldiers.  such as were unable to travel, fell foul together about the division of them. Some also of the Soldiers, whose sight was perished with the Snow, or had their toes rotten off with the cold, were left behind. 
Remedy against Snow ●or sight. For the feet.  The remedy against the Snow for the eyes was the wearing some black thing before them, while they marched: for the feet, continual moving and resting no where; and in the night time putting off their shoes from their feet. As many as slept shod, the strings of their shoes were imprinted in their feet, and their shoes fast frozen to them. For there were some, that after they had worn out their old shoes, made themselves country shoes of raw hides newly drawn from the Ox. Some therefore of the Soldiers were left behind enforced by such necessities; who casting their eyes upon a piece of ground that was black, by reason the Snow was gone, they imagined it was melted there. And it was indeed melted by a Spring, that sent out vapours in a woody valley not far from thence. Thither they turned, and said they would march no further. 
The soldiers unable to march. Their danger.  As soon as Xenophon, that had the Rear, perceived it, he prayed them, and used all art and endeavour to persuade them not to remain behind, alleging that the enemy being assembled in great number followed at their heels. At the last, when he profited nothing, he began to be angry; they bid him kill them, if he would; for they were able to go no further. Hereupon it was thought best, to put a fear, if it might be, into the enemy that followed. The darkness was now come, and the enemy approached with much tumult and controversy amongst themselves about the prey they had taken. There they of the Rear, as many as were in health, rising up, ran upon the enemy: the other, that were weary, shouting as entirely as they could, beat their pikes upon their targets. 
The enemy scared.  Wherewith the enemy being affrighted cast himself into this Valley thorough the Snow, and thence forward was not so much as a word heard from any of them the whole night. Xenophon and the Soldiers with him marched on, and he told them that were weary, that he would send some to visit them the next day. They had not gone four furlongs, but they happened upon other Soldiers, that rested in the way upon the Snow, being also covered with it, and had put out no watch or guard. He made them stand up, and they gave him to understand, that the Vaunt moved no further forward. Himself therefore passing by, and sending the ablest of the Peltasts to the Vaunt, willed them to bring word, what the impediment was. They brought word, that the whole Army rested in the same manner. Therefore they that were about Xenophon, setting out such guards as they could, lodged that night without fire or supper. When it was toward day, Xenophon sent the youngest Soldiers about him unto the sick, commanding to raise them from the ground, and to compel them to march on. In the mean space were certain men dispatched away by Cherisophus, to inquire how it was with the Rear; who saw them gladly, and delivered the sick men unto them to be conveyed to the Campe. Themselves marched on, and after 20 furlongs march came to the Village, 
Two mile and a half.  where Cherisophus quartered; and all being come together, they resolved they might safely quarter in the Villages thereabout. Cherisophus remained where he was. The other casting lots for the Villages they saw, 
Lots for quartering.  every one went and took possession of his own. Polycrates an Athenian Captain asked leave to go before, and taking with him the lightarmed, and hasting to the Village, that fell to Xenophons' lot, found within it all the inhabitants, and the Comarch, or chief Ruler of the Village, and 17 Colts, that were fed as a tribute for the King, and the daughter of the Governor, who had been married some nine days before, whose husband was then absent hunting the Hare, and so came not to be taken in any of the Villages. The houses were under ground, 
Houses under ground.  and the door of them like the mouth of a Well, but broad and large beneath. The entry for carriage beasts was digged, men ascended by ladders. In the houses were goats, sheep, oxen, and birds with their young ones by them. 
Plenty of provision in them.  All the beasts were fed within doors with fodder. There was besides wheat and barley, and pulse, and wine (in great vessels) made of barley. 
Beer, or rather Ale.  The barley filled the vessels to the very top, and there lay upon it Reeds without knots, some great, some little. If a man were thirsty, these Reeds were to be taken into the mouth and sucked; and it was a strong drink, if unmingled with water, and very pleasant to them that were acquainted with it. Xenophon took the Comarch unto him, and that night set him at his own table, and willed him to be of good cheer, 
Xenophons' courtesy to the Comarch.  assuring him he should not lose his children, and that if he would show himself a friend to the Grecians in leading and directing their Army, till they came to another Country, he would at his departing fill his house with all things fit for use. The Comarch promised he would, and in token of love, showed the place where wine was stored under the earth. So the Soldiers being thus lodged, passed the night in abundance of all things they could desire, having the Comarch in their custody, and his children before their eyes. 
Banqueting of the Grecians.  The next day Xenophon taking the Comarch with him went to Cherisophus, and passing thorough the Villages in his way, visited them that were lodged there, and found them banqueting and merry in every place; neither would they suffer him to depart, until they had set dinner before him; and in all houses the tables were furnished with lamb, kid, pork, veal, fowl, and with much bread, some made of wheat, some of barley. If any man of courtesy would drink to another, he drew him to the vessel, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  to which he was to stoop, and drink supping like an Ox. They gave the Comarch leave to take what he list, yet took he nothing, unless he espied by chance any of his kinsmen, whom he carried away with him. When they came to Cherisophus, they found all the Soldiers in the houses crowned with hay garlands, and Armenian boys clad in Barbarian apparel waiting upon them; to whom, when they would have any thing done, they were fain to make signs, as to deaf men. After Cherisophus and Xenophon had been merry together, they asked the Comarch by an Interpreter, what the Country was. He answered it was Armenia. Again they asked him, for whom those horses were bred and kept; 
Horse bred up for the King.  he answered, they were the King's tribute. The next Country, he said, was the Chalybians country, and showed them the way that led thither. After this Xenophon brought him home to his house, and the old horse (which he had taken) he gave him to be reserved for a sacrifice. For he heard, that he was consecrated to the Sun, and feared he would die, 

The Persians sacrificed horses to the Sun.  
The horse of Armenia.   because he fainted in the journey. He himself took to him one of the Colts, and distributed the rest to the other Colonels and Captains. The horse of that Country are less than the Persian horse, but much more deedy, and full of metal. The Comarch also taught them, 
Remedy for beasts that travel, against the Snow.  as often as their horse or cariage-beasts were to be driven thorough the Snow, to bind little bags about their feet; for without these bags, they fell up to the belly in Snow. When the eight day was come, Xenophon delivered the Comarch to Cherisophus to be their guide, but left all his household to him, except only one of his sons, who was lately come to man's estate. Him he delivered to Episthenes the Amphipolitan to be kept upon condition, that if he guided the Army well, he might take his son home with him at his return. Besides they conveyed into his house as many things as they could, and so rising with their whole Camp, they marched forward. The Comarch guided them vnbound, because of the Snow: and now they were in the third encamping, 
The error of Cherisophus about the Guide.  when Cherisophus waxed angry with the Guide, because he conducted them to no Villages. He answered, that there were none thereabout. Cherisophus beat him, but bound him not, by reason whereof he shifted away by night, leaving his son behind him. This was the only difference and distaste betwixt Cherisophus and Xenophon during this whole journey. For the Guide was ill entreated, and yet not looked unto, nor made fast. Episthenes was in love with the boy, and carrying him home into Greece, found him always after exceeding faithful and trusty. After this they marched forward seven encamp; five Parasangs every day, even as far as the river Phasis, which is a plether broad. 
18 mile and more a day. 100 foot. 18 mile and more a day.  From thence they marched 10 Parasangs in two encamp. The Chalybians, Taochans, and Phasians showed themselves on the top of a hill, from whence the descent into the Plain lay. Cherisophus after he perceived the enemy on the height of the hill, made Alt about thirty furlongs off, 

Three ●ile and three quarters. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In a march how to bring the troops to a Phalange.  
A counsel how to dislodge the en●●y from a mountain.   being loath to approach them with his army led in a wing, & he gave the word, that the following Companies should sleeve up by the first, to the end the army might be form into a Phalange, or broad fronted battle. When the Rear was come up, immediately he called a Court of Colonels and Captains; and spoke thus: ●he enemy, as you see, hath taken the top of the mountain; It is time for us to advise, how we shall most commodiously come to fight with them. Mine opinion is, therefore, that we first command the Soldiers to dine, and then in the mean space consult, whether it be best to pass over the mountain to day or to morrow. And mine opinion is, said Cleanor, that after dinner we presently arm, and with all celerity go against them. For if we linger this day, the enemy, that beholds us now, will wax bolder, and other animated with their boldness, will join unto them. After him Xenophon spoke, and said: I conceive thus; that if we must needs fight, we are to prepare ourselves to fight with the greatest advantage, we are able. But if we desire to pass the hill with least trouble, we ought to consider, how to receive fewest wounds, and lose fewest men. The hill, which we see, is more than 60 furlongs in length, 
7 miles and more.  and men no where appear to hinder us, but only upon the way, of our march. It is better therefore to endeavour privily, to steal, if we can, and to lay bold of, and, as it were, 
A double disadvantage.  to snatch away by prevention a piece of the void mountain, than to fight both against a strong place, and against men ready, and resolved to try their fortune. For it is much more easy to mount a steep passage without fight, than to traverse a Plain beset on every side with enemies; and a man not fight shall by night better discern any thing before his feet, than by day, if he be in fight; and rough places are more even to his feet, that fighteth not, than plain ground to him, whose head is in danger. And it seemeth to me not impossible to steal some part or other of the hill, in regard, that we have both the benefit of the night not to be seen, and m●y use such circuit in ascending, that the enemy shall never perceive us; 
A show different from our intent.  and if we make a show, as though we meant to pass the way, we are in, we shall find the rest of the mountain more clear and void of resistance, because it is likely, he will make good the place, which he holdeth, with all his forces. But what do I talk of theft before you Cherisophus. For I hear that you Lacedæmonians, as many of you, as are of the equals, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  meditate from your childhood how to steal; & that it is no shame, but a praiseworthy thing to steal such things, as the law forbiddeth not to steal, & to the intent, you steal and conceal your theft with more cunning, the law ordaineth, that if you be taken with the manner, you shall be well whipped for your pains. Now therefore it is a fit time for you to show your education, and to beware that in stealing the mountain we be not taken with the manner, lest we be beaten with many stripes. Cherisophus replied: And I likewise hear, that you Athenians steal the riches of your State most artificially, albeit it be no small danger for him that stealeth; and that the best of you, if the best desire to bear rule in the State, are guilty of this crime. So that it is good time for you also to show your education. ay, quoth Xenophon, am ready after we have supped, to go with the Rear, and seize upon the top of the mountain; Guides I am provided of. For our lightarmed took some of the thieves that followed to surprise us; and I hear, that the mountain is not unpassable, but is fed with Goats and Neat. So that if we take any part thereof, we shall find also a way for our cariage-beasts; and I hope, the enemy after we have once gained the height, and are in even ground with them, will no longer maintain the place, the rather because they have no great mind to descend now unto us into the Plain. Yea, but what need you go, quoth Cherisophus, and leave the Rear. Rather, if no man be willing to go of himself, let us make choice of some one or other. Hereupon Aristonymus the Methydrian came up, and presented himself with armed foot, and Aristaeus the Chian with lightarmed, and Nicomachus the Oetaean likewise with lightarmed; 
The sign.  and the sign was agreed upon, namely, to make fires, after the top was taken. All things being thus concluded, they dined. Then Cherisophus led the Army forward toward the enemy some 10 furlongs, 
A mile and a quarter.  as though he had a purpose to continue his march that way. When they had supped, and it was night, those that were appointed proceeded on, and took the top of the mountain; the rest of the Army remained in the place, where they were. The enemy perceiving that the top of the mountain was taken, watched and made fires all the night. By break of day Cherisophus offered sacrifice, and led the Army in the way, they marched before, and they, that had won the hill, and the height thereof, made head against the enemy, who in greatest number remained upon the ordinary way that lay toward the top, 
The Grecians beat the enemy.  but a part of them advanced against the Grecians, that had gained the height, who came to hands, before the whole Army joined; in which conflict the Grecians had the better, and followed the chase upon the enemy. In this mean time the Peltasts of the Grecians that were in the Plain, ran up the hill to their companions, that had the victory. 
Haste without disorder.  Cherisophus with the armed followed as fast as he could, without disordering their troops. The enemy, that lay upon the way, when they saw their companions beaten on the height of the hill, abandoned the place, and fled. Many of them were slain: and they left behind many wicker targets, which the Grecians cutting in pieces with their swords made for ever after unprofitable, and of no use. When they came to the top of the mountain, they offered sacrifice, and erecting a Trophy descended into the Plain, 
A Trophy is a monument of victory.  and into Villages stored with plenty of all things. After this they marched toward the Taochans, 30 Parasangs in five encamp. Their victuals here began to wax scant, because the Taochans inhabited strong holds, 
22 mile and a half a day.  into which they had conveyed all their useful provision: they crept into a Hold, that had neither city, nor house in it, and in it men, and women, and many beasts were gathered together. Cherisophus presently marched against it, and so disposed his troops, that when the first was weary, 
The order of an assault.  another straight succeeded, and then another. For they could not with their whole forces beset the place round, because it was prerupt in all the circuit. When Xenophon came up with the Rear both Peltasts and armed, Cherisophus told him he was welcome. For the place, said he, must needs be forced, because henceforth we shall have no provision for the Army, if we omit this Hold. Hereupon they advised in common; and when Xenophon asked what impediment there was, why it might not be entered, Cherisophus answered: There is no other way, but this one, that you see; and when any man proffereth to ascend, they tumble down stones from the high rock hanging over, and upon whomsoever the stones light, thus is he served; and withal showed many Soldiers that had their legs and sides crushed, and broken a pieces. But when the stones are spent, quoth Xenophon, what other impediment shall we have? For we see but these few oppose against us, and of them but two or three armed men. And the space, which is so dangerous, is not above three half Plethers; 
150 foot. 100 foot.  and thereof about a Plether is beset with a thicket of great Pine trees, after which the Soldiers standing, what hurt can they have, either from stones thrown, or tumbled down? There remaineth then but half a Plether, 
50 foot.  which must be passed running in the time, whilst the stones cease. But, quoth Cherisophus, we can no sooner move toward the thicket, but the stones come rolling down in abundance. So should it be, quoth Xenophon; for so they will the sooner be spent. But let us, if we can, haste thither, from whence least way remains afterward to run, and from whence, if we be disposed, we may retire with most ease. Then Cherisophus and Xenopho●, and Callimachus the Parrhasian Captain (for he had the leading of the Captains of the Rear that day) began to advance. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  The rest of the Captains remained in safety in the place where they were. 
Turns of Captains in marching.  Then about 70 Soldiers got to the trees, not thronging together but one by one, each of them heedful to avoid the danger, as he could. Agasias the Stymphalian, and Aristonymus the Methydrian, who were also Captains in the Rear, and some other stood behind the trees; for it was not safe for more than a Company to shelter themselves there. 
A 100 men.  Here Callimachus put in practise a device of his own. He ran two or three steps from the tree, behind which he stood, and when the stones came rolling down, he quickly retired. Upon every stepping forth of his, were spent more than ten wagons of stones. When Agasias saw, what Callimachus did, and that it was in the sight of the army, fearing he would be the first, that should enter the hold, neither signifying any thing to Aristonymus, that stood next him, nor yet to Eurylochus the Lusian (who were both his Companions) nor to any other, he put forward, and outwent all the rest. Callimachus seeing him pass by caught hold of the circumference of his Target. In the mean time Aristonymus the Methydrian, and Eurylochus the Lucian came by (for all these were at contention and strife amongst themselves, which of them should be esteemed the most valiant) & in this emulation they entered the place. 
An honest and worthy emulation.  No sooner had one of them entered, but the tumbling down of sto●es was stayed. A grievous spectacle was thenceforth there to be beheld. The women, after they had cast down their children from the Rock, threw themselves after; and so did the men. There also Aeneas the Stymphalian Captain seeing one, that had on a fair garment, running to cast himself down, laid hold upon him to save him. But the other drawing him on, both tumbled headlong down together, and immediately died of the fall. In this place were few men, but multitudes of Oxen, Asses, and Sheep taken. From thence they marched thorough the Chalybia●s Country 50 Parasangs in seven encamp. 
28 mile and more the day. The Chalybians. Their valour. Their arms.  That Nation was the valiantest of all, that the Grecians passed thorough, and such as durst come to handy blows with them. They bore Linen Cuirasses, that reached down to their bellies, and in stead of wings had thick ropes wound and fastened together. They had beside Greaves and Head-pieces, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and on their Girdle a short Sword like a Lacedaemonian Cemiterie, wherewith they slay them, whom they overcome; and cutting off their heads return to their friends singing and dancing, especially if it be in the enemy's sight. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  They have furthermore a Pike of about fifteen Cubits long, armed at one end with a head of Iron. They remained in Towns, and when the Grecians passed by, they followed them still skirmishing. Afterward they removed into strong places, and conveyed their provision thither. So that the Grecians could get nothing there, but were fain to feed upon the cariage-beasts, which they took from the Tacchans. From thence they departed to the River Harpasus, 

Harpasus a river.  
400 foot. 18 mile and mor● a day. The S●ythinians.   a River of four Plethers breadth; and then thorough the Scythinians Country 20 Parasangs in four encamp. It was a plain Country, and in it they found villages, in which they remained three days making provision of Corne. From thence they proceeded in four encamp 20 Parasangs, 

18 mile & more a day.  
Gymnias a city.   and came to a great, wealthy, and well inhabited City named Gymnias. The Lieutenant of the Country sent the Grecians a guide to lead them thorough the enemy's Country. Himself coming unto them told them, that he in person would within five days bring them to a place, from whence they should see the Sea; if not, he refused not to be put to death. When he was come into his enemy's Country, he willed them to burn and destroy the Land. Whereby appeared, that no good affection, he bore them, but the loss of the enemy was the only cause, he came unto the Grecians. The fifth day they came to the holy Mountain, which was called Theches. 
Theches the holy Mount. The Grecians see the Sea.  Assoon as they first came to the top of the Mountain and saw the Sea, there was much shouting and hollowing. Xenophon and the Rear hearing it, imagined that some enemy gave upon the Vant. For there were, that followed them out of the Country, which they had fired, and of them some were taken, others slain, by the Rear, which laid an ambush for them, and they got beside 20 wicker Targets covered with raw and hairy hides of Oxen. When the cry grew more and more, and those, that came after, still ran with all speed to the other, that cried in the Vant, and as more trooped together, the cry the more increased; Xenophon conceived it was not without great cause. Therefore getting to horsbacke, and taking with him Lucius and the Horse, he sped on to succour. They heard straight way the voices of Soldiers comforting one another, & crying, The Sea, the Sea; whereupon they ran all forward, both they, that came in the Rear, and also the cariage-beasts, and Horses. When all were come to the top of the Mountain, they fell to embracing both of one another, and also of the Colonels and Captains, and that not without tears, and presently, it is not known by whose commandment, the Soldiers carried together stones, and raised up a great heap, and laid thereon a number of Targets covered with raw Ox hides, and of staffs and of wicker targets taken from the enemy. The guide himself cut asunder the wicker targets, & persuaded the rest to do the like. After this the Grecians sent away their guide having given him a Horse, a silver bowl, a Persian suit of apparel, & 10 Daricks. Above all other things he desired the rings, 
6. li.- 10. s.  they wore, & had a great many given him by the Soldiers. And so showing them a village, wherein they might lodge, and the way, that led to the Macrons, as soon as the evening approached he departed, holding on his journey by night. From thence the Grecians marched forward thorough the Macrons Country 10 Parasangs in three encamp. 
12 mile & more a day.  The next day they came as far, as the river, that divideth the territories of the Macrons, & of the Scythinians; on their right hand they had a very steep mountain hard to ascend, on their left another river, into which the river, that divideth the countries, did run; and thorough that river they must needs pass. It was beset with thick trees, albeit not standing very closely together. 
Passing over a river.  These trees the Grecians cut down, when they came to the river side, making as great diligence, as they could, to rid themselves out of the Country. 
Macrons.  The Macrons. armed with wicker targets, with pikes and coats made of hair, stood imbattelled on the adverse side of the river, encouraging one another, and casting stones into the river, which notwithstanding reached not the Grecians, nor hurt any man. There one of the targeteers came to Xenophon, and told him, that he had served as a slave in Athens, & added, that he seemed to know the language of the enemy, & I think, quoth he, that this is mine own country; and, if you think good, I would fain speak with them. You may do it freely, quoth Xenophon, if you lift; and know of them first, what people they are. They answered, they were Macrons. Ask them again, quoth he, why they oppose against us in arms, & desire to be our enemies. They answered, because you go about to invade our country. The Colonels willed the interpreter to say, they came not to offer wrong, but having made war against the king, they returned into Greece, and would fain come to the Sea. The Macrons asked the Grecians again, whether they would give assurance of that, 
Assurance of a Truce.  they said; Who answered, they were ready to give, & take assurance. Hereupon the Macrons gave to the Grecians a Barbarian spear, and the Grecians a Grecian spear to them. For they said, that this was the manner of assurance amongst them. But both parties called the gods to witness. After assurance given the Macrons helped the Grecians to cut down trees, & leveled the way to further our passage, & came and conversed with the Grecians furnishing out such a market, as they were able, and led them forward three day's journey, till they had set them upon the Colchan mountains. 
The Colchan Mountains.  There was in that country a high Mountain, but yet passable, upon which the Colchans had ranged themselves in battle. At the first the Grecians ordered their troops against them in a Phalange, as if they purposed to invade the Mountain in that form. 
The manner of ascending a mountain. Companies drawn into one File apiece.  Xenophon advised them, that laying aside the form of a Phalange, the best course would be to put themselves into single Companies drawn out in File. For a Phalange, said he, will soon be broken by reason of the inequality of way, which in some part of the Mountain will be easy enough, in other parts hard to ascend. And it will quickly discourage the Soldiers, to see the Phalange disordered, in which they march. Furthermore if we advance in a large Front, the enemy, that exceedeth us in number, will over-front us, and use his multitude to most advantage; if in a narrow Front, it will be no marvel to see our Phalange cut in pieces with the number of missive weapons and with multitude of men, that will fall upon it; which coming to pass in any part, the whole Phalange will be distressed. Therefore, as I said, I hold it best to order ourselves in companies stretched out in file or depth, every company having such distance from other, 

The distance betwixt company and company.  
Ouerfronting the enemy.   that the out-most companies may over-front, and be without the points of the enemy's wings. So shall we both gain the advantage of over-fronting their army, & marching on the companies being in file, our best men shall first give on upon the enemy. And let every company make choice of the fittest way for ascent. Now for the spaces betwixt each company it will not be easy for the enemy to enter them, the companies flancking every space, nor yet to cut off a company advancing in such depth. And if any company chance to be distressed, the next company is to succour it. And in case any one of the companies attain the top of the Hill, assure yourselves no enemy will keep his ground. The advice was approved by all, and they drew their companies every one into a File. Xenophon going from the right wing to the left, said to the Soldiers; These, o Soldiers, whom you see, are the only hindrance of our passage thither, whither we hast with so great desire. If it be possible, we must devour them raw. When every man was in his place, and every company in File, the companies of the armed amounted to about 80 in number, and every company contained well-near 100 men. 
8000 Armed. Ordering of the lightarmed.  The Targeteers and Archers were divided into three parts. One part marched without the left Wing, another without the right, the third in the midst. Then the Colonels commanded the Soldiers to pray. When they had prayed, they sang the P●an, and so advanced forward; and the enemy made head against them. Cherisophus, and Xenophon, and the Targeteers with them, being without the points of the enemy's battle marched on. The enemy perceiving it, sought to meet them, and some of them drawing to the right, some to the left hand, they rend their Phalange asunder, and left much void space in the midst. When the Arcadian Peltasts, whose Captain Aeschines the Acarnan was, saw them distracted, and severed, they imagined they fled, and ran on with as much speed, as they could. They were the first, that gained the Mountain. The armed Arcadians commanded by Cleanor the Orchomenian followed at their heels. The enemy stood firm in no place, after they saw them come running on, but fled, some one way, some another. 
The Grecians win the Hill.  So the Grecians ascending the Mountain quartered in many Villages replenished with all things necessary. In other things there was no cause of marvel, only there were many Bee-hives, the Honeycombs whereof whosoever eat, they became every man mad, 
Strange honey.  and scoured upward and downward, and none was able to stand upon their feet. They that eat but a little were like drunken, that eat much like mad, and some like dead men; and there lay so many upon the ground, that a man would have thought an overthrow had been received from an enemy: which caused much discouragement amongst the Troops. The next day there was no man found dead, and they came to their right sense about the same hour, they fell into their malady. The third & fourth day after they arose, as if they had received some medicine. From thence they marched seven Parasangs in two encamp, & came to the sea side to Trapezond a Grecian city well inhabited, which is situate upon the Euxine Sea, being a Colony of the Sinopeans planted in the Colchan Country. They remained about 30 days in the Colchan country spoiling & preying it. The Trapezuntines exhibited a Market to the Camp, and gave the Grecians gifts of hospitality, viz. Oxen, Meal, and Wine, entertaining them kindly. They transacted likewise for the next neighbour Colchans, especially for those, that inhabited the Plain, from whom also were sent gifts of hospitality, which were for the most part Oxen. Here the Army prepared the sacrifice, which they had vowed (for a sufficient number of Oxen was sent unto them) to jupiter the saviour, & to Hercules, 
Superstitious, but yet zealous minds.  who had so well guided and protected them in their whole journey. They prayed likewise to other gods. Besides they ordained Games of exercise in the Mountain, where they encamped, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Games.  & chose Dracontius the Lacedaemonian (who being yet a boy fled his Country for killing another boy with the stroke of a Cimitery against his will) to order the running, and to be precedent of the Games. When the sacrifice was ended, they gave the beasts skins to Dracontius, & willed him to lead to the place which he had appointed for the race. He showed them the place, where they stood, saying: This Hill is the fittest place to run in, choose what part thereof you will. They replied: Who can wrestle in so rough and woody a ground? The more, quoth he, will be his pain, that taketh the fall. The boys, that were prisoners, did for the most part run the Furlong. More than 60 Cretans, 

A race of a furlong.  
A race of 24 furlongs, or three mile: some say of 12 furlongs. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, consisting of 

1. P●gillatto.  
2. Cu●sus.  
3. Saltus.  
4. Discus.  
5. Lucta.     ran the race called Dolichon. Other wrestled, and fought with fists, and used the Quinquertian exercise; so that it was a pleasant sight to behold them. For many put themselves into the Exercise, and much emulation arose by reason their companions looked on. The horses also ran, and they were appointed to gallop down the steep hill to the Sea with high speed, and again to return up to the altar. So many of them tumbled from the height downward one upon another; and when they were to return upward, they had much ado, though never so leisurely, to raise themselves against the huge steepness of the place. Here you might hear great cries, laughter, and encouragements of one to another.  
Finis Libri Quarti.   

THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF XENOPHON, TOUCHING THE Ascent of CYRUS the younger, out of Asia the Less, into the Higher COUNTRIES.  
IT is formerly discoursed, what the Grecians did in ascending with Cyrus up to the higher Countries, and in their return as far as the Euxine Sea, and how they came down to Trapezond a Grecian City, and sacrificed (according to their Vows made for their safe return) as soon as they came to a Country that was friend. Afterward meeting together, they consulted about the remnant of their march homeward. Antileon the Thurian was the first that stood up, and he spoke in this manner: I, my companions, have hitherto wearied myself in trussing up baggage, in going and running and bearing Arms, and keeping order in marching, in guarding, and in fight. Now, seeing we are come to the Sea, my desire is, laying these travels aside, to sail forth the remnant of my journey, and as Ulysses did, lying down, and stretching my limbs out at full length, to sleep till we come into Greece. 
Their resolution to go by Sea.  The Soldiers hearing his words gave an applause, as if he had spoken well; and afterwards another, and almost all, that were present, repeated the same words in general. Then Cherisophus stood up and said: Anaxibius, that hath the command of the Navy, is my very good friend. Wherefore, 
The Lacedaemonian Admiral.  if you send me to him, I shall return, as I conceive, with Galleys and Ships sufficient for your transportation; yourselves, since you are resolved to go by Sea, stay here, till you hear of me again. I will return as soon as I can. The Soldiers hearing this, were exceeding joyful, and decreed that he should presently take his journey. After him Xenophon stood up, and spoke to this effect: Cherisophus is sent away, and we must remain here till he returneth. I will therefore advise with you, what will be our best course, 
Safe foraging.  till he returns. For neither is our market plentiful enough, nor yet have we wherewith to buy, excepting only a few, and the Country is enemy, and we in danger to lose many Soldiers, if to bring in provision, we straggle out of our Camp carelessly, and without guard. Therefore mine opinion is, that it will be expedient for us to make incursions into the Country, to the end to furnish ourselves with things needful, but not to wander abroad negligently, left you come in danger; and these things I would have left unto our care. It was so decreed. You may, if you please, hear beside, what I am further to say: Some of you, no doubt, will go out to bring in prey. I hold it therefore best, 
Notice whither.  that whosoever is disposed to issue forth, signify so much unto us, and withal whither he purposeth to go, that we may see both how many issue out, and how many remain at home, & also make ourselves ready for all events, and that if it be needful to give aid, we may know, whither to address ourselves. And that if any, that have no great experience, undertake an enterprise, the matter be referred to our deliberation, to the end we may inquire, of what power and strength they are, 
In what place.  against whom the enterprise is intended. These things also were so decreed. I pray think upon this likewise, quoth he, that because we have taken away the enemies riches, they also will do, what they can, to pray upon us, and upon any fit occasion lie in wait, and seek to entrap us; 
Sentinels about the Campe.  I think it therefore meet to put out Sentinels round about our Campe. For if we divide ourselves into small parties, and so guard and scout, it will not be so easy for them to hunt us. Furthermore, consideration must be had of this: If we were assured, that Cherisophus would return, bringing sufficient shipping with him, it would be needless to speak that, which I am about to speak; but seeing his return is uncertain, I am of opinion, that we ought here also to make provision of shipping. 
Provision of shipping.  For if he return, and there chance here to be more ships, than we need, we shall sail away with greater ease. But if he bring none, then may we use them, which we have provided here. For I see ships often times passing by. If then requesting long ships of the Trapezuntines, we take these passengers, and keep them, laying aside their Ruthers, till the number arise great enough for our purpose, it may be, we shall not fail of such a transportation, as we desire. These things were also decreed. You may be pleased also to consider, whether it be not reason upon common cost to maintain such, as we shall find in the ships, so long, as they shall remain here through our occasion, and to give them wages, that as they profit us, so also they may profit themselves by us. This was in like manner decreed. I conceive further, quoth he, if shipping sufficient fail, it will be expedient for us, to command the Cities of the Sea-coast to make the ways, by which we are to pass, plain and even, (for they are reported to be rough, 
Reparation of Ways.  and hard to march in) and I make no question, but they will easily assent, both because they are in fear, as also because they would gladly be rid of us. Here the Soldiers cried out, that there was no cause to speak of preparing the ways. Xenophon marking their indiscretion, made no decree hereof, but persuaded the neighbour Cities to make the passages ready, alleging they would sooner be gone, if the ways were prepared. They had also a ship of fifty owers from the Trapezuntians, over which they appointed Captain Dexippus, who dwelled not far from Lacedaemon. 
Dexippus a runaway.  He not much regarding the provision of shipping, sailed away, and fled out of Pontus with the ship. Afterward, notwithstanding he suffered just punishment, being put to death by Nicander the Lacedaemonian, for seeking to raise a commotion in Thrace against Seuthes. They had beside a ship of thirty owers over which they made Captain Polycrates the Athenian. Who when he took any ships, brought them to the Camp, where the merchandise was taken out, and keepers set to preserve it safe for the owners. The ships themselves were retained for the journey. Whilst these things were doing, the Grecians went abroad to seek the prey of the Country, and some of them sped, other some miss of their purpose. 
Miscarrying of careless foragers.  Cle●netus leading forth his own and another Company to a place rough and dangerous, was slain himself, and many other with him. When there was no more provision to be got within such a distance, as that the Soldiers going out a foraging, might return to the Camp the same day, Xenophon taking guides from the Trapezuntians, led out half the army, into the Country of the Drylans, the other half he left to guard the Campe. 
The Drylans.  For the Colchans, being driven from their own houses, were many in number, and sat down on the top of the hills. The Trapez●●tians guided them not to the place, where provision might easily be made, because that part of the Country was their friends; but against the Drylans, from whom they had suffered hostility, against a mountainous country, & hard to pass thorough, the inhabitants whereof are accounted the most warlike people of all, that live in Pontus. After the Grecians were come into the high country, the Drylans setting afire all the holds, that seemed easy to be forced, went their ways; neither was any thing found in the country, but a hog, or an ox, or some such other cattle, as escaped the fire. There was a Fort, that was called their mother City, or Metropolis, 
A Fort of the Drylans.  whither they all fled. Round about it was a hollow bottom strongly deep, and the access to the Fort was hard. The Peltasts speeding on some five or six furlongs before the armed, passing the bottom, and espying there many sheep and other riches, went on against the Fort; and were seconded by many Spearemen, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that followed to make provision for the Camp; So that the number of those that passed over the bottom, was more, than two thousand men. When they could not force the place (for there was a deep di●ch cast about it, and sharp stakes fixed on the ascent of the rampire, and many wooden Towers raised) they began to make their retreat, and the enemy fell out upon them. Now when they could not well retire (for the descent from the Fort to the bottom, 
Rashness to advance further than a man may well come off.  was capable of no more than of one man at once) they sent to Xenophon, who led the Targeteers. The messenger said, that the Fort was replenished with much riches, but they could neither take it, by reason of the strength thereof, nor yet come off without danger, because the enemy was fallen out, and fought with them, and the place, thorough which they were to come off, was narrow. Xenophon, when he heard this, leading on to the brink of the hollow bottom, commanded the armed to lay down their arms: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Himself passing over with the Captains, advised, whether it were better to bring off those, that were already in the Fort, or to pass over the armed also, which he led, to try if the Fort might be won: For the Captains held, that the retreat could not be made without the loss of many, and that the Fort was not impregnable; to whose opinion Xenophon assented, the rather because of the sacrifice. For the soothsayers signified, that they must undergo a fight, but the issue would be good, and such as was to be desired. Therefore he sent back the Captains to bring over the armed; himself remained behind, and gathering together the Peltasts suffered none to send a missive weapon at the enemy. After the armed were come up, he willed the Captains to order their Companies, every one, as they thought fittest for fight. For the Captains stood near together, betwixt whom there was always an emulation about manhood and service. The Captains did accordingly; and Xenophon gave commandment to all the Peltasts to go with their fingers inserted into the thongs of their darts, and the Archers with their arrows nocked, and the lightarmed, 
Commandment is nothing without execution.  with their leather bags full of stones, that they might be ready when a sign was given; and he chose out fit men to see these things executed. When all were in readiness, and the Captains, and Lieutenants, and they, that accounted themselves nothing inferior to them, had taken their places, and looked one upon another (for it was a gallant sight, to behold the army standing so imbattelled in the field) they began the Paan, the trumpet sounded, the army gave a shout, and the armed ran on with all speed. Now the missive weapons began to fly at all hands, darts, arrows, bullets and stones out of slings, and many stones from hands. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  There were also that threw fire. The enemy oppressed with multitude of missive weapons, forsook both the Rampire and the Towers; so that Agasias the Stymphalian, and Philoxenus the Pelenian, laying down their weapons, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  ascended the Rampire in their coats alone, and one drawing and helping up another, and many entering the Fort seemed now to be taken, and the Peltasts and lightarmed ranging up and down, fell a spoiling all they could. Xenophon stood at the gate keeping out the armed. For there appeared other enemies upon some strong heights of the mountains. Not long after a cry arose within, and the Grecians fled, some with things taken in the Fort, some being wounded, and the throng about the gate was great. Those, that ran out of the gates, being asked what the matter was, said, There was a Citadel within, and a multitude of enemies which fell out, and charged the lightarmed, and Peltasts. Whereupon Xenophon proclaimed by T●lmides the crier, that whosoever would have his part in the prey of the Fort, should enter. Many therefore entered, and beat back those, that sallied out, and again shut up the enemy into the Citadel. The Grecians spoiled and carried away all, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Act. c. 9 v. 40.  that was found without the Citadel. But the armed laid down their arms partly by the Rampire, partly at the way that led to the Citadel. Xenophon and the Captains in the mean time cast their eyes about to resolve, whether the Citadel were possible to be taken, or not. For so all should be safe, otherwise the retreat must needs be full of danger. After they had viewed it, they held it impregnable. 
The manner of the retreat.  Thereupon they put themselves in order for retreat, and every man pulled up the stakes of the Rampire as they came in his way. The unserviceable were sent out with the prey, and most of the Armed, every Captain retaining only such, as he trusted. Assoon as they began to retreat a multitude of enemies armed with wicker Targets, and Spears, and Greeues and Paphlagonian head-pieces sallied out of the Citadel. 
Fight in a street.  Many other climbed up on the Houses which stood on either side the street, that led to the Citadel; whereby it grew dangerous to give chase toward the Gates of the Citadel. For they threw down mighty Timber logs from above, and made it unsafe either to stand still, or go off; and the night approaching brought terror with it. Fight in this sort, and irresolued what to do, some God gave a means of safety. For suddenly a House on the right hand, it was unknown by whose kindling, burst out into a flame. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Fire to favour a retreat.  The House no sooner fell, but the enemies, that were gotten up to the Houses on the right hand shifted away. When Xenophon saw this work of Fortune, he commanded the Houses on the left hand to be likewise fired; which being made of Wood caught fire quickly, whereby the enemy forsook the Houses on that side also, and the Army was annoyed only by those in Front, who, doubtless were like to fall upon the Rear, in their retreat and departure. Here Xenophon gave order, that all, 
A means to retreat.  who were without the reach of missive weapons, should bring Wood, and lay it betwixt the enemy and them, and when the store was sufficient, it was set on fire. The Houses were also fired, that stood next the Rampire of the Town ditch, that the enemy might be busied on all sides. So by the help of fire betwixt the enemy, and them, they made a hard retreat. With this fire were consumed the whole City, the Houses, Turrets, Rampire, and all things else, except the Citadel. The next day the Grecians having gained sufficient provision retired toward their Camp: but because they feared the way, that led toward Trapezond, as being steep and narrow, they laid a false ambush. There was in the Camp a Mysian by nation and name, 
A false ambush.  who taking unto him four or five Cretans remained in a woody plat of ground, making semblance to the enemy, as though he meant to hide himself. Their Targets being of Brass cast glimmering light here and there thorough the Wood, which the enemy descrying feared as much, as if it had been a true ambush. In the mean time the Army was descended into good ground, and the Mysian, thinking they had now gained way enough, gave the word to his companions every man to shift away amain, and immediately he & his consorts fled. The Cretans forsaking the ordinary way (for they said the enemy might outrun them and take them prisoners) and conveying themselves into Woods, and tumbling down thorough steep and rough Forests, came safe to the Army: but the Mysian flying in the ordinary way, cried out for succour. He was rescued & brought away wounded, and the Soldiers, that rescued him, retired by little and little, casting Darts, having also amongst them a few Cretans, who shot at the enemy. So they came all safe to the Campe. When neither Cherisophus returned, and no more provision was to be found for the Camp, they decreed to proceed on their journey, 
They continue their journey by Land.  and put on shipboard the sick, and those that were above forty years of age, and children, and women, and vessels unnecessary for the journey; and shipping likewise Philesius and Sophonetus the eldest of the Colonels, they committed the charge of all to them. The rest went on by Land. The way was prepared and made plain and even; and in three days march they reached as far as Cerasunt a Grecian City standing upon the Sea, being a Colony of the Sinopeans situate in the Colchian Country. Here they remained ten days, and took a muster of Arms and of the number of their people, and found 8600 men. So many were left of the 10000 or thereabouts, that ascended with Cyrus into Persia; the rest were consumed by the enemy's hand and by Snow, and some by sickness. Here also they divided the money, that arose out of the sale of Captives, 
Tithes among the Gentiles.  and the Colonels took into their hands the tenth part, which was severed as an offering to be made to Apollo, and Diana of Ephesus▪ every one keeping and preserving a share for the gods. Neon the Asinean was appointed to receive the portion, which should have been delivered to Cherisophus. 
Xenophon careful to discharge the trust reposed in him.  Xenophon therefore making ready the offering for Apollo, bestowed and hallowed it in the treasury of the Athenians at Delphos, and inscribed thereon both his own name, and the name of Proxenus the Baeotian, who was put to death with Clearchus. For Proxenus was Xenophons' Host. The offering for Diana of Ephesus, because himself was like to incur hazard at such time, as he departed out of Asia toward Boeotia with Agesila●s; 
For this departure, see Xenop. in vita Agesilai. 657. & Hist. Graec. lib. 4.513. B.  he left with Megabyzus Diana's Priest, and willed him in case himself escaped the danger, to make restitution to his own hands; if he miscarried, to consecrate it to Diana, and bestow it in such sort, as in his opinion should be most acceptable to the goddess. But afterwards, when Xenophon was banished his country, and dwelled now at Scylunt, 
Scylunt.  which Town was built by the Lacedæmonians near to Olympia, Megabyzus came to Olympia to see the Games, and restored to Xenophon the money left in his custody: and Xenophon receiving it bought a portion of Land for the goddess in a place designed by Apollo, thorough which the River Sellenus runneth. At Ephesus also there runneth a River Sellenus hard by Diana's Temple, and either of these Rivers nourisheth both other fish, 
The land consecrated to Diana.  & fish with shells. But in the Scyluntine portion of Land there are beasts of all sorts fit to be hunted. He built a temple also, and an altar with the consecrated money; and from thenceforth gathering always the tenth of the fruits growing on the land, he offered sacrifice to Diana; and all the Citizens and neere-dwellers, as well men, as women, are partakers of the feast. The goddess alloweth them that come, meal, bread, wine, and junkets, and a portion of the flesh of those beasts, which are either taken from the consecrated ground, and sacrificed, or else killed in hunting. The sons of Xenopho●, and of other Citizens exercise the hunting against the time of the feast; and other men also hunt with them, such as are desirous of the sport. There are taken partly out of the Holy-land, partly out of Phaloe, wild Boars, Goats, and Red-deer. The place lieth in the way, as you go from Lacedaemon to Olympia, distant about twenty Furlongs from the Temple of Olympian jupiter. There are in the consecrated ground, groves and mountains stored with trees sufficient to nourish hogs, and goats, and sheep, and horses; so that the carriage-beasts of such, as come to the feast, are largely provided for. About the Temple itself there is a grove of fruit-trees of all kinds, that are fit to be eaten, after they wax ripe. The Temple itself, as much, as a little one may resemble a great, is like to the Ephesian Temple, and the Image made of Cypress, like to the golden Image at Ephesus. By the Temple is a pillar erected & inscribed with these words: The ground consecrated to Diana. He that hath the possession and use of it, let him pay the tenth of every years increase, and with the ouer-plus repair and maintain the Temple. In case he neglect this, the goddess will take order for her own. From Cerasunt they, that were before shipped, held on their course by Sea, the rest made forward by land. When they were come to the borders of the Mosynecans, they sent unto them Timosithe●s a Trapez●●t●●e (who was their guest) to demand, 
The Mosynecans.  whether they should pass thorough their country, as friends, or as enemies. They trusting to the strength of their country, answered; It would be all one to them, which they did. Timositheos' after this answer returned, gave the Grecians to understand, that there were other Mosynecans dwelling further off, that were enemies to those, whereupon it was thought good to send unto them to see, if they would enter into fellowship of war with the Grecians. Timositheos' being sent, returned, bringing with him the chief Magistrates. After their arrival, 
Aide against a common enemy.  they and the Grecian Colonels assembled together, & Xenophon began in this manner, Timositheos' being his Interpreter. We, o Mosynecans, because we want shipping, are desirous to pass into Greece on foot. They who hinder us, as we understand, are your enemies. You have now an opportunity presented unto you, if you lift to embrace it, by entering into society of war with us, to be revenged of them for all the wrong, they have any time heretofore done you, and to make them henceforth your vassals. If you at this present let us pass by without taking the opportunity, consider with yourselves if ever hereafter, you are like to have the like forces join with you in league. The chief Magistrate of the Mosyn●cans answered▪ he was desirous to effect the proposition, and to join in society of war with the Greci●●●. Go to then, quoth Xenophon, wherein will yo● employ us, if we become your confederates? and you, what aid can you give us to further our passage? They replied, We are of strength enough to enter our common enemy's country on the further side, and to send you shipping and men, both to assist you in the field, and to be guides of your journey. Upon this taking and giving assurance they departed. The next day they came with 300 boats, every boat made of one piece of wood. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  In each boat were three men, of whom two landing laid down their arms in order, one remained behind in the boat; And they which remained in the boats sailed away straightways, the other stayed behind, and embattelled themselves in this manner: They stood a hundred deep, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The order and arms of the Mosynecans.  like as the stage-dancers are wont, filing themselves one opposite to the other, having all Wicker Targets covered with white hairy oxe-hydes, the Targets in form like to an ivy leaf. In the right hand each man held a dart of about six cubits long, armed with a head before, the steel being round. They had coats, that covered their knees, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  & were as thick as a hempen cord, that you bind a coverlet withal. Upon their heads they had leather head-pieces like to them, which the Paphlagonians wear, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  in the midst whereof ariseth a Cone resembling the form of a Tiara. They bore iron hatchets beside. After this one of them beginning, all the rest sung and marched forward by measure, and passing through the ranks and arms of the Grecians, forthwith advanced against the enemy toward a Fort, which seemed easy to be won. It lay before the City, which is called the Metropolis, or mother City, and is held in chief estimation amongst the Mosynecans, and for it they warred one against another. For they, who enjoyed it, had their feet upon the necks of the other Mosynecans. They said, that the present possessors had no right nor lawful possession, but being common to all, they had done wrong in entering & detaining it to themselves alone. Some of the Grecians also followed them, not by order or appointment of the Colonels, but in greediness of pillage. The enemy held himself coy a while, but when he saw them near the Fort, he sallied out, and putting them to flight killed a great number of the Barbarians, and some of the Grecians, thatascended with them; and followed the chase, till he might see the army of the Grecians ready to come to rescue. Then turning about he retired; and cutting off the heads of those, that were slain, showed them to the Grecians, and to their enemies, and withal danced, singing a kind of measure. The Grecians were much grieved, that by this action the enemy was emboldened, and that the Grecians in good number were seen to fly, which they never did before in all this journey. But Xenophon calling the Soldiers together, spoke unto them in this sort: Be not dismayed, (O Soldiers) with that, which is happened. The good of it is as great, as the evil. For first of all you now know certainly, that those, that shall be our guides, are enemies to them, unto whom of necessity we must be enemies. Then those Grecians, that seemed to contemn our order▪ and thinking themselves to be able to ●o as much with the Barbarians▪ as with us, feel the smart of their own folly, & will hardly hereafter be brought to leave our company. But you must prepare yourselves to show the Barbarians your friends, that you are better men, than they, and to let the enemy know, that they have at this present to do with another sort of people, than with those, who fought disorderly with them of late. This day therefore they rested. The next day after they had sacrificed, and the sacrifice portended good fortune, they dined, and ordering their companies in file, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and placing the Barbarians on the left hand, they advanced against the enemy, having the Archers betwixt the companies▪ that were in file, somewhat more backward than the front of the armed. For some of the lightarmed of the enemy ran forth, and cast stones; which quickly were repressed by our Archers & Peltasts. The rest advanced leisurely first toward the Fort, from which the day before the Barbarians and Grecians were put to flight. For there the enemy stood embattelled, and made head against the Grecians. And first they fought and made good the place against the Peltasts, but when the armed approached, immediately they turned their backs. The Peltasts followed with speed, giving chase upward toward the mother City or Metropolis, the armed moved forward in order. When they were come up to the houses of the Metropolis, the enemies joined and fought all together, and threw darts: and having thick and long pikes, such as a man could hardly wield, with those they endeavoured to defend themselves hand to hand. When the Grecians gave no ground, but jointly pushed forward, the Barbarians fled, and all of them forsook the Fort. 
The Fort taken.  Their King that was in a wooden Tower built in the Citadel (whom in common they nourish, as long as he remaineth there, and guardeth the place) sought not to escape away, nor they that were in the Fort before taken in, but were burnt together with the wooden houses. The Grecians rifling and spoiling the place, 
Bread a year old.  found in the houses treasures of bread heaped and hoarded up, as the Mosynecans reported, the last year, according to the manner of the country. The new corn with the straw lay by itself, the most part whereof was eared. There was found also pieces of Dolphins salted, and laid up in vessels, and also the fat of Dolphins, 
Fat of Dolphin's Chestnuts.  which the Mosynecans use as the Grecians do oil, and many and great chestnuts in garrets, which have no manner of cleft in them. They boil these, and use them in stead of bread. Wine was found likewise, which being unmingled seemed sharp by reason of the sourness, being mingled it had a good savour, and was pleasant in taste. The Grecians having dined here marched forward delivering up the City to the Mosynecans their confederates. Of other Forts belonging to the enemy, which they passed by, some of the weaker sort were forsaken, other some willingly yielded, and gave themselves into the Grecians hands. The most part of them are of this kind. 
10 English mile.  They stand distant one from another 80 furlongs more or less. When the country people cry out one to another, they hear it from City to City by reason of the height and hollowness of the country. After they were come to the borders of their confederate Mosynecans, they showed them boys (rich men's children) that were fed and fatted with sodden Chestnuts, which boys were exceeding tender and white, and not much less in breadth than in length, having their backs various, and all the foreparts razed and marked with diverse forms of flowers. They sought also openly to use the whores, which the Grecians brought with them: For that is their manner. All both men and women are white of complexion. 
The barbarousness of the Mosynaecans.  They that were in this journey, held the country more barbarous, and more differing from the Grecian rites of living, than all the rest they passed thorough. For they do openly and before a multitude, that which other men do, and dare not do but in private; and being alone they demean themselves, as if they were in company. They speak to themselves, laugh to themselves, and dance, wheresoever they become, as though they sought to please other men's eyes. Thorough this country both friend and enemy the Grecians marched in eight encamp, and came to the Chalybes. These are a people but few in number, and in subjection to the Mosynecans, and live the most part of them upon iron works. 
The Tibarenes.  From thence they passed to the Tibarenes, whose country is more champain, and hath Forts situate by the Sea side, that are not very strong. The Colonels resolved to fall upon this country, to the end to gain some riches for the Army. Therefore they took not the hospital gifts which the Tibarens sent, but bade them stay till they had taken counsel by the sacrifice which they offered. After they had offered many, at last all the Soothsayers told them plain, that the gods allowed not of the war. Therefore they accepted the gifts of hospitality, and marching as thorough a country, that was friend, they came to Cotyora, a Grecian City, a colony of the Synopaeans, situate in the Tibaren territory. Thus far the Army marched on foot. 
The retreat of the Grecians was 1352 mile and a half to Cotyora.  The length of the descent of the way from the place in the Babylonian territory, where the battle was fought, to Cotyora, was 122 encamp, 620 Parasangs, 10820 furlongs: of the time eight months. They stayed at Cotyora 45 days. During this abode they first sacrificed to the gods, and then made shows every one according to the manner of his country, and proposed games of exercise, and took their provision partly out of Paphlagonia, partly out of the territory of the Cotyorites. For they neither exhibited a market, nor received the sick within their gates. About this time came Ambassadors from the Sinopaeans, fearing the danger that might befall the Cotyorites, both in regard of their City (for it was theirs, and paid them tribute) and of their territory, which as they heard was spoiled; and coming into the Camp, 
Embassage of the Sinopaeans.  they spoke thus by the mouth of Hecatonymus, who was their Spokesman, and reputed a good Orator. The City of Sinopis (o Soldiers) hath sent us unto you, partly commending you, that being Grecians you have overcome the Barbarians, partly to congratulate with you, 
Accuseth the Grecians of wrong.  that you are returned safe out of so many perils and dangers, as we are informed you have been in: But we that are Grecians desire of you, that are also Grecians, that your coming may be profitable and not prejudicial unto us, considering to this day we never did you any wrong. These Cotyorites are our Colony, and we are the men that conquered their Territory from the Barbarians, and gave it to them to inhabit and manure. For which cause they pay us a tribute imposed upon them, as do likewise the Cerasuntians and Trapezuntians; so that what wrong soever you do them, we imagine we suffer it ourselves. We hear then, that entering into the City by force some of you quarter in the houses, other take what they think good, out of the Country against the owner's wills. If you hold on this course, we shall be forced to crave aid of Corylas and the Paphlagonians against you, and of any else that we can make our friends. 
The defence of Xenophon.  Here Xenophon standing up spoke thus in the behalf of the Soldiers: We (o Sinopaeans) are come into these quarters joyful and glad, that out of so many perils we have preserved our lives and arms. For to bring away spoil enriching ourselves, and withal to fight with the enemy, was impossible. And now after we came to Grecian Cities, in Trapezund, we bought such things, as we stood in need of (for they gave us a Market) and whereas they honoured us, and sent us gifts of hospitality, we did our best to honour them, and not only abstained from the Barbarians, that were their friends, but also harried and wasted to the uttermost of our power, those Barbarians, against whom they led us. They whom the City sent in friendship with us, as Guides, are present here, ask them, I pray, how we behaved ourselves toward them. But whithersoever we come, and have no Market either in the Territory of Barbarians or Grecians, we take things necessary, not out of insolency, but forced by necessity. We accounted the Carduchans, Chaldeans, and Taochans enemies (albeit no Subjects to the King, and yet men to be feared) because they gave us no Market, and we could not want needful provision. The Macrons, albeit Barbarians, in regard they furnished us such a Market, as they could, we dealt friendly with, and took nothing from them by force. If the Cotyorites, who you say are yours, have not the like friendship, they may thank themselves: For they behaved themselves not as friends unto us, but shutting their gates, neither received us into their City, nor yet gave us a Market without. The cause hereof they lay upon your Governor. But where you say, that we entered, and now lodge in the City by force, the truth is, we requested them to receive our sick men into their houses. When they opened not the Gates, we, offering no other violence, entered there, where they would have kept us out. The sick men lodge indeed in their houses, but yet they live of their own without charging their Hosts a penny. And we set guards upon the Gates, left our sick men should haply be at the mercy of your Governors, and not in our power to take to us, when we are disposed. The rest of us, as you see, are orderly encamped in the Field, ready to gratify thos● that deserve well at our hands, and to defend ourselves against such, a● offer us injury. But where you threatened, that you would make Corylas and the Paphlagonians your friends to join with you against us, Know, that if we must needs▪ we care not to war against you bot● (for we have already ●ought with ●umbers far exceeding yours) but, if we list, we can as well gain the friendship of Corylas and the Paphlagonians, as you. For ●e are given to understand, that he would fain become owner of your City, and of the Fortresses joining to the Sea. We can then by furthering his desire, make him our friend. After these words the fellow Ambassadors of Hecatonymus declared, that they were thoroughly aggrieved, with that, which Hecatonymus had spoken, and one of them stepping forth said: We come not to denounce war, but to show, we are your friends; and we will honour you with gifts of hospitality, if you please to come to the Sinopaean City. For the present we will enjoin our people here to furnish you with what they are able, because we see, all is true, which you have spoken. After this the Cotyorites sent gifts of hospitality, 
Cotyora a City.  and the Grecian Colonels entertained the Sinopaean Ambassadors with feasts and banquets, and they conferred about many things with all friendship and good liking; and sought to inform themselves in other things, but principally in the remainder of their journey, and in such matter, as concerned them both. This was the end of that day. The next day the Colonels called the Soldiers together, 
Consultation about the remainder of then journey.  and it was thought expedient to consult in the presence of the Si●opaeans about the rest of the way into Greece. For if they were to set forward on foot, the Sinopaeans seemed to be good guides (for they had much experience of Paphlagonia) if by Sea, they might stand them in stead, seeming alone able to furnish out shipping enough for the whole Army. Calling therefore the Ambassadors unto them, they consulted together and prayed them being Grecians to assist them being also Grecians with their best affections, and advice. Then Hecatonymus standing up = excused himself in that, he spoke concerning the making of the Paphlagonian friend, and added it was not his meaning to make war against the Grecians, but albeit it were in their power to enter into friendship with the Barbarians, yet would they in love prefer, and much more esteem the respect of the Grecians. When he was required to deliver his opinion, after he had made his prayer to the gods, he begun in this sort: If I shall advise you that, which my mind persuadeth me to be best and fittest for you, I pray the gods I may have many good and prosperous fortunes: If otherwise, let the contrary befall me. For I take this, if any other, to be of that kind of counsel, which is accounted holy: and if I shall now give you good advice, many of you will love and commend me; if ill, as many will detest and curse me. This than I am assured of, if you journey by Sea, the trouble will be ours, in regard that we must furnish you out shipping. If you hold on by Land, you yourselves are the men, that must make way with your Swords. I will notwithstanding deliver those things, which lie in my knowledge. For I am well acquainted with the Country of Paphlago●ia, and w●th their Forces. Both this and that Country have large Plains and high Mountains, and I know the way which you must of necessity hold, and to say truth there is no other way then to pass along, where the Mountains on both hands lift up themselves with huge and exceeding lo●tie hor●es▪ which a few men having taken and possessed▪ may ●●●ily maintain, neither is there any multitude so great, that can dislodge them, or gain the passage. This will I make manifest to any, whomsoever you shall be pleased to send with me. From hence there follow large Champaign's, and the inhabitants are furnished with such a power of Horse, as the Barbarians themselves esteem to be better, than all that serve the King: and albeit the King sent for them, yet they absolutely refused to go, their Governor carrying too lofty a mind to be under any other man's command. But admit you can by stealth and prevention gain the Mountains, and likewise beat their Horse and Foot, which are in number above twelve Myriad, yet are you to pass over Rivers: 
120000.  First Thermod●●● a River of three Plethers in breadth, 
3●0 Foot.  which I conceive you will hardly get over, especially a multitude of enemies opposing against you on the further side, and many likewise pursuing you behind. The second Iris of three Plethers of breadth likewise. 
300 Foot.  The third Halis two Furlongs broad, which cannot be passed without shipping, 
1200 Foot.  and who will furnish you with Ships? I may say the same of Parthenius, to which you must come, after you are over Halis. For my part therefore, I say not, that the journey will be hard, but I say, it will be altogether impossible. But if you take yourselves to Sea, you may without difficulty sail hence to Sinope, and from thence to Heraclea. From Heraclea you may go on easily enough either by Land or Sea. For there is sufficient shipping at Heraclea. After he had thus discoursed, some suspected, that his speech tended to gratify and retain the friendship of Corylas (for he was his Guest) other, that he did it in hope to gain reward for his counsel; some other, that he so discoursed, because he feared lest the Sinopaean Country should sustain loss and spoil, if the Army continued their march by Land. The Grecians decreed to hold on their journey by Sea. 
Resolution to go by Sea.  This conclusion being made, Xenophon said: You see (o Sinopaeans) that the Army is ready to hold the way, which you advice them to Yet must you understand thus much, that we are so determined to take Sea, if we shall find such sufficiency of shipping, that not one of us shall need to be left behind. But in case some of us be to sail, other to remain here, assure yourselves, we will not go, nor stir a foot from hence. For this we all know, wheresoever we shall be the stronger, we shall be both able to save ourselves from danger, and to command such things as shall be needful for us. Where we are found the weaker, our condition will be no better, then if we were Slaves. When the Ambassadors heard this, they advised them to send Ambassadors to the Sinopaean●; and they sent Call●machus the Arcadian, Aristo the Athenian, and Samolas the Achaean. So they took their journey. Now at this time, when Xanophon considered 〈◊〉 himself, and saw, that there were present in Pontus many armed Grecians, many Peltasts, many Archers and Slingers, and Horse, all of them very sufficient, by reason of their long use in arms, and that the like power could not be raised with a small expense▪ 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Intention of planting a Colony.  he esteemed it a thing honourable to add so much territory and power unto Greece, by pl●●ting a Colony there. The Colony he imagined would be great, when he weighed in his mind, their own multitude, and the number of the inhabitants of Pontus round about. Hereupon calling to him Silanus the Ambraciote, who had been Cyrus his Diviner, he asked counsel of the gods by sacrifice, before he acquainted the Soldiers with the matter. Silanus fearing the sequel hereof, and that the army might happily remain there, spread abroad in the army, that Xenophon had in purpose to stay them, and to build a City, and to purchase himself a name, and great power and government. Silanus himself was desirous to return into Greece with all speed. For he kept by him unspent the 3000 Daricks, 
A Daricke, a piece of money with Darius' image upon it: the value of the piece 13. s. A slight of those of the contrary opinion.  which Cyrus gave him, when sacrificing he foretold the ten days, before the end of which no battle should be offered by the King. When the Soldiers heard hereof, some were of opinion, it was good to stay, other of the contrary. Timasion the Dardanian, and Thorax the Baeotian told certain Heraclean and Sinopaean Merchants, which were in the Camp, that unless they gave pay to the Soldiers, to provide things necessary for Navigation, it would be danger, lest so great forces should remain in Pontus. For this is Xenophons' advice, quoth they, and he exhorteth us as soon, as shipping comes, to say to the army out of hand: We see you now (o Soldiers) destitute both of means to provide for Navigation, and also to buy and carry with you, any thing to gratify your friends at home. But if it please you to make choice to inhabit some part of the country, that lieth here round about in Pontus, and give free liberty to any man, that is disposed, either to depart to his own country, or to remain here, shipping is ready now, and at your devotion, and you may on the sudden fall upon what part you are resolved. The Merchants hearing this, made report to their Cities. Timasion the Dardanian dispatched away with them, Erimachus the Dardanian, & Thorax the Boeotian, to signify as much by word of mouth. As soon as the message was delivered, the Sinopaeans and Heracleots sent immediately to Timasion to spare for no money, but at what price soever to bring to pass, that the army might ship itself and sail away from thence. He willingly heard their answer, and after spoke thus in the assembly of the Soldiers. 
Timasions speech, that desired to go to his own country.  There is no reason (fellow Soldiers) to hearken to any stay here, nor to prefer any thing before your return into Greece. I understand, there are some, that ask counsel of the gods about this business, and yet never make you acquainted with it. But if you will hear me, and after the new Moon be pleased to sail away from hence, I promise to give every one of you a Cyzicene the month, and will bring you to Troas, 
A Cyzicen● is 18. s.  from whence I am banished; and my country will, no question, give you good entertainment, being glad of my return; and I will bring you thither, where you shall have good store of spoil; For I know Ae●is, and Phrigia, and Troas, and all Pharnabazus his government; the last, because it is the place of my birth; the other, because I have served there under Clearchus and Dorcyllidas. Then Thorax the Baotian (who ever contended with Xenophon about the Colonels place) stood up presently, and said: That if they were disposed to go out of Pontu●, they might 〈◊〉 in Chero●esus, a fair and rich country; in which he that would, 
Thorax the Bo●otian.  might stay and inhabit, he that was otherwise minded might return home. But it was ridiculous, seeing there was land enough and plentiful to be had in Greece, to seek to nestle and plant themselves amongst the Barbarians. And in the mean time, while you come there, ay, quoth he, as Timasion hath done, do promise you pay. Thus he spoke, not being ignorant, what had passed betwixt Timasion and the Heracleots and Sinop●ans concerning taking ship, and sailing out of the Country. All this while Xenophon held his peace. Then two Achaeans, Philesius and Lyc● standing up, said: It was not to be suffered, that Xenophon had both privately persuaded the army to stay there, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and without their knowledge asked counsel of the gods about their stay, and now, when the matter came in public question, was mute, and would say nothing. Hereupon Xenophon was enforced to stand up, and speak thus; 
Xenophons' speech.  I for my part (O Soldiers) as you see, ask counsel of the gods as often, as I can, both concerning you, and concerning myself, that I may speak, advice, and do that, which may be most for your and mine own honour and profit. And now I have sacrificed about this very business, to know, whether it would prove better for me to speak to you, and to enter into it, or altogether to forbear, and not meddle withal. Silanus the soothsayer answered me, that the inwards, which is the matter of most importance, were fair (for he knew, that by reason of my continual usance to be at sacrifice, I myself was not unskilful therein:) But he added, that a deceit and ambush against me, might well be discovered in the sacrifice: for he knew very well his own resolution to accuse me to you. And he gave out in the Camp, that I advised with myself to effect these things without your consent. For my part, if I saw you in want, the scope of my thoughts should be, to bring to pass, that after you had taken one City or other, he that was disposed might presently sail away, he that was otherwise minded might remain here, till he had provided some matter of profit for his friends. But now since the Heracleots & Sinopaeans will both send you shipping, & there are, that have promised you pay after the new Moon, I hold it a thing of no small moment, that you have means to bring you in safety to the place you desire, and withal to receive pay for your journey. And not only I myself desist from my former opinion, but also tell them, who come to me otherwise-minded, it will be better, if they also change theirs. For being many together, as now we are, you will be both honoured and esteemed of all, and beside want no furniture of things needful; because in your strength will be included power also of possessing the riches of him, that is weaker than yourselves. But if you divide yourselves, you will neither be able to make provision of victual, nor yet depart hence in the safety you desire. So that I am of your opinion to continue our journey toward Greece. And in case any man remain behind, or forsake the Army before it be wholly in safety, I hold him worthy to be punished as an offender. Whosoever is of this opinion, let him lift up his hand. All held up their hands. Silanus hereupon cried out, and went about to persuade, that every man of right aught to have liberty to depart at his pleasure. But the Soldiers would not hear him, nay they threatened, if he were taken shifting away, he should pay for it sound. Afterward, when the Heracleots understood that the Army was resolved to sail away, and that Xenophon had agreed thereto, they sent shipping, but the money that they promised to Timasion and Thorax for pay, they sent not. From that time forward, they who promised this money, were much perplexed, and began to stand in fear of the Army. And taking to them the other Colonels, in the number of whom were all, but Neo the Asinite, Cherisophus his Lieutenant (for Cherisophus was absent) and communicating with them, what they had negotiated, they came to Xenophon, and told him they repented of their former opinion, and now they thought it best for the Army to sail to Phasis, and to take into their hands the Phasian territory. The son of Aeetas reigned over the Phasians at that time. Xenophon answered, he would propound no such thing to the Army: you, if you please, may call an assembly, and make the motion yourselves. Timasion the Dardanian delivered then his opinion, which was not to call an assembly of the Army, but every Colonel to deal with his Captains, and to seek to persuade them severally to be of that opinion. So they parted, and laboured to put this resolution in practice. In the mean time it came to the Soldier's ears, and Neo gave out, that Xenophon having drawn the other Colonels to his party, plotted how to deceive the Army, and bring them back again to Phasis. The Soldiers took it in very ill part, & gathered together, and stood in rounds, and it was to be feared, they would do as they did before to the messengers of the Cholcans', and to them that had the overseeing of the provision of the Market, of whom they stoned all, that escaped not to the Sea. When Xenophon perceived it, he thought it fit to warn a public meeting with all speed, and not to suffer them to come together of themselves; and he commanded the Crier to summon the assembly. No sooner heard they the Crier, but they came together with all speed. Here Xenophon accused not the Colonels in that they came unto him, but spoke in this manner: I hear (O Soldiers) that there is a man who accuseth me, and giveth out, that I seek to deceive you, and bring you back again to Phasis. Hear me therefore for God's sake; and if I shall seem to wrong you, myself will hold myself unworthy to depart hence, before I suffer punishment for my deserts. But if you find them, that slander me, to be in the wrong, use them I pray you, as you shall think they deserve. You know, I make no question, in what quarter of heaven the Sun ariseth, and where he setteth, and that in case a man were to go into Greece, he is to journey Westward; if back again to the Barbarians, toward the East. Can any man than deceive you, as though the Sun should arise and set in a contrary quarter of heaven? Besides, we see that the North wind carrieth us out of Pontus into Greece, the South inward toward Phasis. And it is a common speech amongst you: The North wind bloweth, we have now a fair passage into Greece. If then a man sought to deceive you, he were to put you a board, when the wind bloweth South. Yea but I mean to ship you, when it is calm. Well then, shall not I sail in one ship, you in a hundred at least? How can I then either compel you against your will, or lead you on by deceiving you? But say you were beguiled and bewitched by me, and so brought to Phasis. We shall then land there, and you will easily perceive, that you are not in Greece, and I shall be but one man, that deceived you, you near 10000 that are deceived, and all in Arms. How then can any one man cast himself into more certain danger, then by such counsel about himself and about you? But these are the speeches of ●oolish men, and of such as envy me, because I am honoured by you. And yet they envy me without cause. For which of them do I hinder either to speak, if he can, that which is for your good, or to fight for you, if he be disposed, or to watch and be careful for your safety? Do I oppose against any man in the election of Commanders? Nay, I give way to all; on God's name command he that will; only let him do that which shall tend to your good. I have spoken enough concerning these things. If any of you think, that either himself or other are deceived by these words of mine, let him come forth, and show wherein. Now because you have heard enough hereof, depart not hence, I pray, till you be partakers of a matter, which I see is begun in the Army already, and i● it creep further, and shall be found such, as is reported, it will be time for us to take advice concerning ourselves, that we seem not the vilest and most execrable creatures that ever were, both towards the gods, and towards men, and towards our confederates, and towards our enemies, and at last grow into an universal contempt of all men. The Soldiers hearing this, wondered what it might be, and bid him tell it out plainly. Then he began again: You remember that in the Barbarian mountains there were certain Villages allied in friendship with the Cerasuntians, from which mountains there were that descended, and sold us beasts for sacrifice, and such other things as they had. I think some of you also went to the nearest of those Villages to buy necessaries, and afterward returned to the Campe. Clearatur● a Captain of ours, understanding that one of the Villages was small, and unguarded, because it was reputed to be comprehended within our League, acquainting none of us with his p●●pose, went against it in the night, thinking to make boot of it. His resolution was, in case he surprised the Village, no more to return to the Army, but entering the ship, in which his companions ran along the shore, and putting into it, what he had rifled, to sail away and get him out of Pontus. His companions and he, as I now understand, were resolved vpo● this point. Assembling therefore such, as he had brought to his lure, he led them against the Village. The day prevented his march, and the inhabitants flocking together, and sending missive weapons, & striking and wounding from the higher ground, slew Clearatus, and many other. Some of the Soldiers got to Cerasunt. These things fell out the same day we marched hither on foot. Some of those, that came in the ship, were yet at Cerasunt, not joined with their companions. After this, as the Cerasuntines report, there came from the same Village three ancient men, which desired to have access to us in general. When they found us not there, they told the Cerasuntines, they wondered much what we meant, to come in that manner against them. The Cerasuntines answered, it was not the fact of the whole Army. They were glad thereof, and said they would come to us by ship, and inform us how things were carried, and give liberty to such as would, to bury the dead. Some of the Grecians, that saved themselves by flight, were yet at Cerasunt, and perceiving whither the Barbarians intended to go, were so bold, as not only to cast stones at them themselves, but incited other to do the like. So the men died, being three in number, Ambassadors stoned to death. After this fact the Cerasuntines came unto us, and certified us of all that had happened; and we the Colonels hearing it, were much grieved, and advised with the Cerasuntines, how the dead bodies of the Grecians might be buried; and sitting without the place of Arms, we heard upon the sudden a great uproar and cry, Strike, strike, throw, throw; and by and by we might see a great number running together, some having stones in their hands, other some stooping to take up stones. The Cerasuntines, which saw what was done in their City, for fear fled to their ships. There were also amongst us, which were not without fear. I went out and asked, what the matter meant. Some knew nothing, and yet had stones in their hands. At last I hit upon one that knew, who told me that the Commissaries for victual had infinitely abused the Army. In this mean time one had spied Zelarchus, a Commissary, going toward the Sea, and presently cast out a great cry. The other as soon as they heard it, ran against him, as if a wild Boar, or Hart had presented himself. The Cerasuntines, when they saw them run, imagining they were bend against them, took themselves to their heels and tumbled into the Sea. Many Grecians did the like, and as many as could not swim, were drowned. Now what think you of these men? None of them committed any offence, but feared that a madness had fallen upon us, as it useth upon dogs. If therefore these things shall be so carried, see in what case our Army will be. First, the whole body will not be Masters to make war or peace with whom they think meet, but every private man that will, may lead an Army whither and against whom he list. Then in case Ambassadors come to us for peace, or for aught else, they that will, may by killing them, debar you from hearing what message they bring. Besides, what respect can your Commanders have amongst you, when whosoever chooseth himself Colonel, and list to say, Throw▪ throw, shall be able to put to death, whom he pleaseth, Commanders or private men, and that uncondemned, especially having followers to execute his commands, as it now came to pass? Further consider, I pray, what these Colonels of their own choice have done for you. Zelarchus the Commissary, if he have wronged you, is by shipping escaped without punishment; if he have not wronged you, he is fled from the Army fearing he should suffer death injuriously, and without sentence or judgement. And the stoners of the Ambassadors what have they done? Forsooth they have brought to pass, that you alone of all Grecians can have no safe being at Cerasunt, unless you come thither by force. As for the dead bodies, which heretofore were offered to burial by those that slew them, now we cannot safely bury them with a Herald. For who will go as a Herald, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that hath himself been murderer of Ambassadors? Yet have we desired the Cerasuntines to have a care of their burial. You yourselves be judges, whether these things be sufferable or no, lest in the midst of these villainies every man be driven to provide a guard for his own security, and seek to seat his tent in high and safe places. But if you conceive that such facts, are the facts of wild beasts, and not of men, take into your consideration, how they may be remedied. Otherwise how shall we with a good heart sacrifice to the gods, when we commit such impieties? or fight with our enemies, when we kill ourselves? or what City, as friend, will receive us, when they see such lewdness in our conversation? or who dares furnish us with provision, when we are found in such horrible crimes? If we hope for praise, who will praise us, that carry ourselves in this manner? This I am assured of, if any other should run into the like behaviour, you yourselves would be the first, that should condemn them as wicked and detestable men. After this all standing up said with one consent, that the authors of these facts were to be punished, and that order was to be taken to prevent the like offences in future time, and whosoever committed them, was to be adjudged to death; and that the Colonels should appoint judges, who should have authority to call in question all offences since the death of Cyrus. The Captains were chosen to be judges. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  The Army also was hallowed by the admonition of Xenophon, and by the advice of the Soothsayers. It was further decreed, that the Colonels might be called to account for the time past; and being called to account, Philesius and Xanticles were condemned, for purloining twenty pound of the money arising out o● the custom of sh●ps: Sophenetus, because being chosen to that office, he refused to execute it, was condemned in ten pound: Some charged Xenophon that he had beaten them, and brought as it were an action of injury against him. Xenophon standing up bid the first accuser tell, where he was beaten. He answered, there, where we almost died for cold, and where there was abundance of Snow. Xenophon said, if the Winter were such, as you affirm, and victuals ●ailed & wine was so scant, that we could not refresh ourselves so much as with the smell thereof, and many fainted under their travel, & the enemy was at our heels, if in such a season I injuried you, I confess, I was more wanton than an Ass, who, as they say, by reason of their wantonness are never weary. Yet, I pray tell me, upon what occasion were you beaten? whether did I ask you any thing, and because you gave it not, did I beat you, or required I again any thing of mine own, that you had? or fought with you about love matters? or did I abuse you, when I was in Wine? None of all these, quoth he. Xenophon asked again whether he were one of the Armed. No, quoth he. Are you one of the Peltasts? Neither, quoth he, but being a freeman borne, I drove a Mule by the appointment of my Comrades. Xenophon here remembered him and said: Are you he, that carried the sick man? The same, quoth he, for you forced me to do it, and to cast away the baggage of my Comrades. This casting away, quoth Xenophon, was in this manner. I gave it to other to carry, and after to restore it to me; and receiving it safe, as soon as you showed me the sick man, I restored it to you again. Hear, I pray, how the matter stood, for it is worth the hearing. There was a Soldier left behind, being not able to continue his march: I knowing the man to be of our company, compelled you to carry him, lest he should perish. For, as I remember, the enemy followed us close; He confessed all this to be true. Therefore when I sent you before, coming up with the Rear, did I not find you digging of a pit, as though you meant to bury the man? and did not I commend you therefore? But when the Soldier bowed his leg in all our presences, did not all cry out, He lives? and when you spoke at your pleasure, and flatly denied to carry him, I beat you, I confess; for it appeared, you knew, he was not dead. What then, quoth he, did he not die▪ after I showed him to you? For we must all die, quoth Xenophon, must we therefore be thrown into a hole alive? Here the whole assembly cried, that the man was not beaten enough. Then he desired some other to stand up and declare the cause, why he was beaten. When no man arose, Xenophon spoke thus: I confess (o Soldiers) I struck many for forsaking their Ranks. It may suffice them, that they owe their safety to you, who always marched, and when need was, fought in order. They forsooth would be in better case than you, and leaving their place run before to harry and spoil at their pleasure. If all had done the like, we had all been lost and cast away long ere this. I must confess, I once beat one and forced him to march, who for sloth would not stand up, but would needs betray himself to the enemy. For on a time after I myself had in the extremity of Winter a good while set me down on the ground▪ staying for some, that had not trussed up their baggage, I found myself scarce able to rise, scarce able to stretch out my legs. Taking therefore herein experience of myself, I no sooner perceived other men to squat down, and give themselves to sloth, but I forced them to arise, and to march on. For I perceived, that motion and manly stirring engendered war●●h, and nimbleness in the joints, where sitting still on the other side, and quietness congealed the blood, and endangered the toes to rot off, which many of you know to be true by experience in yourselves. Another that res●●d on the ground and loitered behind, and both hindered you of the V●●●, and us of the Rear to march on, I struck with my fist, l●●t the enerve should have strooken him with his Spear. Now they are in sa●et●e they may call me to answer for any thing, wherein I have wronged them. But if they had fallen into the enemy's hands, what remedy could they have had of their sufferings, were they never so grievous? My speech is simple. For if I have punished any for his own good, I desire to undergo the same sentence, that Fathers should for their Children, Masters for their Scholars. Physician's also both burn, and cut, for the health of their Patients. But if you conceive, that all these things proceeded from me out of a wanton humour, consider, I pray, that, by the help of the gods, I dare do more now than at that time, and that I drink more Wine now, than I did then. For I see, you are now in fair weather; but when there is a storm, and the Sea goeth high, mark you not that the Master of the Ship in the Prow, the steersman in the Poop are angry with the passengers for the lest stirring in the world? For small errors at that time overthrow all. But yourselves also deemed, that in beating these men, I swerved not from right. For you stood not with Beanes, but with weapons in your hands, 
Beanes they used for voices to absolve or condemn in many Cities.  and it was in you to have succoured them, if you had thought good. But you neither succoured, nor with me punished any man for forsaking his Rank, and by suffering them to be disobedient, you gave the greater power to their misdemeanours. For I think, if you shall be pleased to make a true estimate, you shall find the same men to have been then the most disorderly, and now the most debauched. Boiscus the Baeotian wrestler strived then, all he could, under pretence of sickness, not to carry his Target: Now, as I understand, he hath robbed many of the Cotyorites. Therefore, if you be wise, you will deal with him after another manner, than they do with Dogs. Dogs, that are cursed, men use to tie up in the day, and let loose in the night: Him it were not amiss to let loose in the day, and to shut up in the night. But, that which I most wonder at, is, that you remember and pass not over with silence any thing be it never so small, wherein I seem to have given you offence. If I have succoured any man against cold, or saved him from the enemy, or relieved him in sickness, or in want, no man once remembreth it. And if I have commended any man for a thing well done, or according to my ability honoured him for his valour, neither do you remember that. And yet it is honest and just, and holy, and pleasant, that remembrance be had rather of that which is good, than of the bad. After this the assembly broke up, and repeated in mind, what had passed, and all things came to a fair end.  
Finis Libri Quinti.   

THE six BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF XENOPHON, TOUCHING THE Ascent of CYRUS the younger, out of Asia the Less, into the Higher COUNTRIES.  
FRom henceforth during their abode there, some eat and lived of things, that were brought to the Market, other of the spoil they purchased out of Paphlagonia. The Paphlagonians likewise sought tricks and advantages against the stragglers, and by night attempted to entrap and molest them, who lodged any distance from the Campe. By reason whereof they grew into greater enmity one against another. But Corylas, who at that time had the rule of Paphlagonia sent to the Grecians Ambassadors, who were furnished with fair Horse and brave apparel. They delivered, that Corylas neither desired to wrong the Grecians, nor yet to be wronged by them. The Colonels answered, they would propound the matter to the assembly, but they feasted them, and invited such as they thought fit to bear them company; and sacrificing some of the Oxen taken in prey, and other beasts, they made them a plentiful banquet sitting upon Carpets, and drinking out of horne-Cups, which they found in the Country. After the healths were drunk and the Paean sung, the Thracians first arose and danced in Arms to the Flute, and capred aloft & nimbly, 
The Thracian dance.  and used Swords. At the last one struck another in such sort, that one of them fell, and every man conceived, that he was deadly wounded. But the stroke was artificially given, at which notwithstanding the Paphlagonians cried out, as men are wont to do in fear. After he that struck the other taking the spoil of his Arms, departed singing a Thracian Song, which they call Sitalca. Other Thracians taking the body of him, that fell, carried it out, as if he had been dead, whereas indeed he had no manner of harm. 
The Ae●ian and M●●netian dance. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Next after them the Aenians and Magnetians arose and danced the dance, commonly called the Seed-dance, in their arms. The manner of the dance is this: One of them laying by his arms soweth the land, and driveth on his Oxen in the plough, looking often back, as though he were afraid. The thief approacheth. The other as soon as he seeth him, snatcheth up his arms, and fighteth with him before the Blow. All this is performed in measure to the Flute. At the last the thief bindeth the Ploughman, and driveth away the Oxen; and sometime the Ploughman bindeth the thief and fasteneth him to the Oxen, his hands tied behind him, 
The Mysian dance.  and so driveth away. After this a Mysian came in, bearing in each hand a Target, and sometimes he danced, making semblance, as if he opposed against two, sometime he used the Targets, as it were against one man, sometimes he whirled about in a circle, and tumbled over his head, holding the Targets still in his hands: So that it was a pleasant sight to behold him. Lastly, he danced the Persian dance, clapping his Targets together one against another; 
The Persian dance.  and kneeled down, and straightways stood up again; and all this he did by measure to the sound of the Flute. 
The Mantinaean dance.  Then the Mantinaeans, and some other Arcadians stood up armed as seemingly, as they could, and moved in measure, the Flute sounding a point of war, and sung the Paean, and danced, as the manner is in supplications to the gods. The Paphlagonians seeing this, wondered that all dances were performed in arms: The Mysian, to increase their wonder, after he had gotten the assent of an Arcadian, that had a dancing woman, in his possession, brought her in, arming her as gorgeously, as he might, with a light Target in her hand. She danced the dance called Pyrrhice with great agility and nimbleness. Hereupon there arose a great clapping of hands, 
The Pyrrhice. It was a Lacedaemonian dance in arms, invented by one Pyrrhicus a Lacedaemonian. Athenaeus 630. E.  and the Paphlagonians asked whether women also were their companions in fight. To whom answer was made, that the women were they, who beat the King of Persia out of the Grecian Campe. This was the end of that night's sport. The next day they brought the Ambassadors to the Army: and the Soldiers decreed, that the Paphlagonians should do them no wrong, nor they any to the Paphlagonians: So the Ambassadors departed. The Grecians, when they imagined they had sufficient store of shipping gathered together, 
The Grecians take ship.  went aboard, and sailing forward that day and night with a fair gale, they left Paphlagonia on their left hand, and the next day they came as far as Sinope, and cast anchor before Harmene, a Port of the Sinopaeans. 
Sinope.  The Sinopaeans inhabit a part of Paphlagania, and are a Colony of Milesians. They sent hospital gifts to the Grecians, 3000 Medimnes of meal, 
A M●dimne is about a bushel. ●mph●ra, a measure of 30 gallons, or thereabouts.  of wine 1500 Amphores. Thither came Cherisophus with some galleys, which he had provided. The Soldiers expected him, and were in hope, that when he came, he would bring them some good ●idings. He brought them only news, that Anaxibius the Admiral, and the rest commended them much, and that Anaxibius promised they should have ready pay, if they would come out of Pontus. The army remained at Harmene five days. The nearer they seemed to come to Greece, the more careful they were to get, and to furnish themselves with something before they came home. They were of opinion therefore, that if they did choose one General, 
One General▪  that that one should have a more uniform, and a more absolute command over the Army, both by night and by day, than if the command were in many hands. And if any thing were to be kept secret, it might be better concealed; if to be prevented, it should receive the less hindrance. For there needed no conference, and the resolution of one might quickly be put in execution, whereas heretofore all things passed by plurality of voices of the Colonels. Being in this conceit, they turned to Xenophon, 
The affection of the Army to Xenophon.  and the Captains coming to him, told what the affection of the Army was, and every of them, out of their love, persuaded him to take upon him the command. Xenophon himself was desirous of the place, thinking that both his honour might hereby grow greater, and his name more esteemed both with his friends, and City; and it might fall out that he might be occasion of some good to the Army. These thoughts lifted him up to desire the Generalship. But when he weighed in his mind, that no man fore-knew the event of things to come, and that hereby he might hazard his former reputation, he began to be in doubt; and being not able to resolve, it seemed best to counsel with the gods. He called therefore to him two Priests, and sacrificed to jupiter, the King of gods, 
jupiter.  who by the Oracle of Delphos was appointed his Counsellor in matters to come; and he believed that the dream, which he saw, when he first was chosen Colonel of the Army, proceeded from jupiter. And he remembered, that when he went out of Ephesus to follow Cyrus, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Birdgazers.  an Eagle croaked at his right hand sitting on the ground, which the soothsayer, that accompanied him at that time, said to be a great augury portending more, than the estate of a private man, and that it was illustrious, but yet notwithstanding laborious. For birds use not to molest the Eagle by falling upon her, save only when she sitteth on the ground. Further, that no great profit was signified by the token; because the Eagle taketh her prey rather, when she is on wing. The god therefore, when he sacrificed, foretold apparently, that he was neither to seek after the General's place, nor yet to accept of it, if it were offered him. This was the issue of that business. Now the Army being assembled, it was the opinion of all, that one General was to be chosen, and their choice inclined to Xenophon; who when he saw, if they went to the election, their resolution would be to give him the place, he stood up, and spoke thus: 
jupiters' answer. Xenophon refuseth to be General.  I (o Soldiers) if I be a man, have cause to be glad of this honour, which you offer unto me, and to give you thanks, and to pray to God, that any occasion may be ministered, whereby I may be able to do you service. But to choose me your General, a Lacedaemonian being present, seemeth neither for your, nor yet for mine own avail; in as much as, if hereafter you shall happen to stand in need of them, you will be disappointed of your hopes that way. Besides, I think it not safe for myself to enter into that course; for I do see, that they never gave over the war against my Country, until they made the whole City confess, that the Lacedæmonians were also their Commanders; after which confession, they laid down their Arms, and proceeded no further in besieging the City. If then these things being so, I shall seem, as much as in me lieth, to weaken their authority, I cannot be ignorant, how quickly I shall be brought to acknowledge mine error. And whereas you are of opinion, that less sedition and disobedience will grow out of the command of one, than of many, understand from me, that whomsoever you choose you shall not find me discontent or disobedient. For I hold it for a general maxim in war, that whosoever he be, which behaveth himself seditiously against his Commander, behaveth himself seditiously against his own safety. But in case you choose me, I shall not marvel, if a discontent arise in some minds both against you, and against myself. After Xenophon had ended his speech, many more arose, and said, that he ought not to refuse the General's place; And Agasias the Stymphalian replied, that it was a thing ridiculous, that the Lacedæmonians should not as well be angry, if at a Feast another than a Lacedaemonian were by the Guests chosen for their Governor. For if things run in this course, quoth he, it shall be unlawful for us to be Captains, because we are Arcadians. Here a murmur arose thorough the whole assembly approving the speech of Agasias. Xenophon perceiving, that more was to be said, added thus much: That you may (o Soldiers) understand the depth of this business, I swear unto you by all the gods and goddesses, that after I was informed of your minds and inclination, I by sacrifice enquired, whether it would be behooveful for you to bestow upon me, and me to accept this command, or otherwise; and the gods so answered in the sacrifice, that it might easily appear even to a man of small skill, that I was not to take the place upon me. So they chose Cherisophus. Cherisophus being chosen proceeded into the midst and spoke thus: You know (o Soldiers) that, albeit you had chosen another, you should have found no opposition in me. But it falleth out well for Xenophon, that he is not chosen. For Dexippus accused him not long since to Anaxibius, all he could, myself being present and stopping his mouth. He said, he thought, that Xenophon had rather be joined in command with Timasion, who was a Dardanian, and one of Clearchus his Soldiers, than with him, who was a Lacedaemonian. But since you have made choice of me, quoth he, I also will endeavour to do you all the service I can. And you against the morning every man so order his affairs, that he may be ready to sail away, if the wind be fair. Our journey shall be to Heraclea; and being there we will advise, what is further to be done. The next day they set sail with a fair wind, and ran along the Coast by the space of two days following. In sailing they came by jasons' shore, where the Ship Argo is said to have anchored, and by the mouths of these Rivers; 
Peninsula that is joined to the continent with a neck of Land only.  First of Therm●don, then of Halys, lastly of Parthenius, by which after they had passed, they arrived at Heraclea a Grecian City, and a Colony of the Megaraeans, situate in the territory of the Maryande●s, and came to anchor near the Acherousian Cherronesus. There Hercules is reported to have descended to the dog Cerberus, of which descent the marks are yet shown, the depth of the place being more than two Furlongs. 
A Medimne is about one of our bushels. Amphora was a vessel that contained thirty gallons and a half. 200. Foot.  Hither the Heracleans sent hospital gifts to the Grecians, to wit, 3000. Medimnes of barley meal, 2000 Amphors of wine, 20 oxen, and an hundred sheep. The river called Lycus, having two Plethers in breadth, conveyeth his stream thorough this Territory. Here the Soldiers assembled together, consulting about the remainder of their journey, and whether it were better to proceed out of Pontus by land or by sea; and Lycon the Achaean stood up and said: I wonder (o Soldiers) at the Colonels, that they go not about to make provision of victual for the Army. For the hospital gifts will not serve us above three days, neither is there any place, whither we may go out, and furnish ourselves. Therefore it seemeth good to me, that you demand no less, than 3000. Cyzicens' of the Heracleans. Another said, that a months pay (no less than 10000 Cyzicens') was to be demanded, 
A Cyzicen was in value about 18. s.  and that while we sat in counsel to know their answer, Ambassadors were forthwith to be dispatched to the City, and thereupon further advice to be taken. Hereupon they first propounded Cherisophus for an Ambassador, because he was their General; some also named Xenophon. They both opposed strongly, and were of opinion, that no extortion was to be used to force any thing from a Grecian City, being also their friend. Therefore when they seemed unwilling, the Army sent Lycon the Achaean, Callimachus the Parrhasian, and Agasias the Stymphaliaen, who going to the City delivered the decree of the Army; and Lycon is reported to have used threatening words, if things were not performed according to the desire of the Army. The Heracleans hearing the propositions, answered, they would consider; and presently they gathered their goods out of the fields, and appointed a market within the City, and the gates were shut, and arms seen upon the walls. The authors of these troubles accused the Colonels, as though they were cause of the ill success. Their words were, that it was a shame, that one Athenian should have command over the Peloponesians and Lacedæmonians, 
Sedition of the Arcadians and Achaeans.  especially such a one, as had brought no forces to the Army. That they had the pains, and other the profit; and even till this present were the workers of the common safety. For the Arcadians and Achaeans were those that bore the burden, 
Their number was 4500.  the rest of the Army was nothing (and in truth the Arcadians and Achaeans were more than half the Army:) If they were wise therefore, standing close to themselves, and choosing Commanders out of their own people, they should go forward in the journey apart, and endeavour to enrich themselves by some means or other. 

The Army divided. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Every one had 450 under his command.   This was decreed; and those Arcadians and Achaeans, that were under the command of Cherisophus, forsaking him and Xenophon, associated themselves to the rest, and they all chose ten Colonels out of their own body, and decreed, that whatsoever the plurality of voices of these ten should resolve upon, it should stand good and effectual, and be put in execution. The Generalship therefore of Cherisophus was dissolved within six or seven days, after he was chosen. Xenophon notwithstanding would have proceeded in the journey with them, thinking it more safe so to do, than to travel every man by himself alone: But Neon understanding by Cherisophus, that Cleander, the Governor of Byzantium, was determined with his Galleys to make over to the Haven of Calpe, persuaded him to keep his own forces by him, and to journey apart; and further, counselled him to conceal it from the rest, to the end, that they and their Soldiers alone might be transported in the Galleys; and Cherisophus partly discontented with that, which had passed, and partly out of a hatred against the Army, gave him liberty to do, as he thought best. From that time forward Xenophon sought to sail away, 
Xenophons' zeal without knowledge.  and to depart from the Army. But sacrificing to Hercules the Guide, and ask of him counsel, whether it should be better for him to follow the war with the remnant of Soldiers under his command, or to depart, the god signified by the sacrifice, that he should continue his command, and not depart. So the Army was divided into three parts. The Arcadians and Achaeans being more than 4500. all heavy armed; Cherisophus having 1300. armed, and 700. Peltasts, who were the Thracians, that followed Clearchus: Xenophon 1700. armed, and 300. Peltasts, and he alone had horse amounting to the number of forty. The Arcadians getting shipping of the Heracleans, sailed away first, of purpose, that falling suddenly upon the Bithinians, they might prevent the rest, and make the greatest prey. They landed at the Haven Calpe, 
The Haven Calpe.  which lieth in a manner in the midst of Thrace. Cherisophus marched on foot thorough the Country, beginning at Heraclea, and as soon as he entered into Thrace, he led along by the Sea-coast, for he was now sick. Xenophon taking shipping, landed in the confines of Thrace, and of the Heraclean Country, and marched thorough the midst of the Land. Thus therefore have we declared, in what manner the command of Cherisophus was wholly dissolved, & the army of the Grecians distracted into parcels. 

The several marches of the army being severed.  
Of the Arcadians.   The course, that every one held was this. The Arcadians after they had landed by night at the Haven of Calpe, advanced forthwith to the next villages situate about fifty Furlongs from the Sea: When daylight appeared, every Colonel led his Division or Regiment to a village. If the village seemed any thing great, the Colonels allotted two Divisions to it. They agreed also upon a hill, to which they were all to retire, and because they fell upon the Country suddenly, they took many prisoners, and brought in many sheep. The Thracians, that escaped, assembled together, and many being taken prisoners shifted out of the Grecians hands, because they were Peltasts, the Grecians armed; and being now gathered together in good number, they first charged the Division of Smicretes, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  one of the Arcadian Colonels, as he was retiring to the place appointed, being heavy laden with prey. The Grecians both marched, and fought at the same time, till they came to a hollow banked brook, where in their passage they were put to flight by the Barbarians, Smicretes, and his whole band were slain. Another regiment of one of the ten Colonels, whose name was Hegesa●der, had but 8. only left alive by the Barbarians, which 8. were saved, with Hegesander himself. The rest of the Captains came to the hill, some with much ado, some easily. The Thracians encouraged with this good hand sell, made outcries one to another, & flocked together in multitudes by night, & as soon as it was day, they ordered many horse and Pel●asts in a circle about the hill, where the Grecians encamped; and still more and more came running together, and without danger to themselves, charged the Grecian armed (for the Grecians had neither Archer, nor Darter, 
The Thracians besiege the A●cadians.  nor Horse) but the Thracians running forth, and spurring their horse close up to the Grecians, cast darts at them, and being charged retired and easily saved themselves by flight, and some of them gave on in one place, some in another, so that many of the Grecians were wounded, no one of the enemy's hurt. Being thus not able to move out of the place, where they stood, they were also at last debarred from water by the Thracians, and reduced to that extremity, that they were fain to sue for composition. In the treaty all other things were easily agreed upon, but the Thracians would give no pledges, as the Grecians required, which was the stay of further proceeding. In this plight were the affairs of the Arcadians. Cherisophus marching forward along the Sea coast without danger, 
Of Cherisophus.  was by this time come to the Haven of Calpe. 
Of Xenophon.  But Xenophon held on thorough the midst of the Country, and as he marched his Horsemen scouting before chanced upon Ambassadors going, it was not known whither; who being brought to Xenophon, he asked them, whether they could tell him tidings of any Grecian Army elsewhere. They related unto him all that had happened, and that at this instant they were assaulted, 
X●nophon hath news of the distress of the Arcadians.  and hardly laid unto upon the hill, and that all the Thracians of the country had encompassed them round. The Ambassadors were put in safe custody, to the end to use them for Guides, when need required. Afterward setting out 10 Scouts, he called the Soldiers together, and thus spoke unto them: The Arcadians (O Soldiers) are some of them slain, 
His counsel for their relief.  the rest being retired to a hill, besieged and assaulted. For my part, I am of opinion, if they perish, we can find no safety, the enemy being so many, and so much encouraged with the happiness of this success. It is therefore best to give them aid with all speed, that if they be alive, we may join with them in fight against the enemy, and not be left to run the danger alone. And for the present, let us march on till supper time, and then set down with our Campe. And while we march let Timasion with the horse scout before, casting an eye toward us always, and giving advertisement of all occurrence, that we be ignorant of nothing that may concern us. He sent out likewise some of the best footmen of his lightarmed toward the flanks of the Army, and the tops of the hills, willing them to give intelligence of what they saw. He commanded also to set fire upon all, that was apt to take fire. For, quoth he, we cannot escape any way, the distance back again to Heraclea being great, and the march forward to Chrysopolis great, and the enemy near at hand. The way is shortest to the Haven of Calpe, whither we imagine that Cherisophus is come, at least if he be in safety. And yet are we not to hope for any shipping to carry us from thence, and resting there we shall not find so much as a day's provision. Now in case those, that are besieged were lost, it would be more dangerous for us to hazard with Cherisophus his Soldiers alone. But if they be succoured, and freed from this danger, and all of us assembled together, we shall in common dispute our safety the better. You are therefore to march on with resolution, either now honourably to die, or else to perform a most noble act, and worthy of eternal memory, namely, to save so great a number of Grecians, that are in jeopardy to be cast away. And it may be, that God hath so disposed of this business, to humble these highminded men, wise in their own conceits, and to honour us, who in all our actions take our beginnings from the gods. You are then to follow your Leaders, and to give heed to that which is commanded you. Having said thus much he led on. The horsemen dispersing themselves as much as was convenient, 
Furning the enemy's country to make show of a great Army.  put all in a flame, as they went forward: and the Pel●asts having gained the tops of the Hills, burned all that would take fire, as did the Army also, where they found any thing left unburnt. So the whole country seemed to be on a light fire, and the Army to be great. When it was time, they ascended up to a hill, and quartered there. From thence they might discern the enemy's fires (for they were not distant above 40 furlongs) and themselves kindled as many fires as they could. 
Five mile.  When they had supped, the word was given to quench and put out all the fires, and having placed their guards, they gave themselves to sleep. By break of day they made their prayers to the gods, and ordering their troops for fight, marched forward with all speed. Timasion and the horsemen having with them the Guides, and spurring on, were, before they were aware, upon the hill, where the Grecians were besieged, but neither saw friends nor enemies forces (whereof they advertised Xenophon and the Army) only they found a few old women, and men, and some sheep and oxen left behind. And first, that which happened, seemed a marvel: Afterward they understood from them that were left, that the Thracians departed away in the evening, the Grecians as soon as it was day; 
The siege raised.  but whither they were gone, no man knew. Xenophon upon these tidings dined, and trussing up his baggage marched away with intent in all haste possible to join with those that were at the Haven of Calpe. In their march they might perceive the tract of footing of the Arcadia●s and Achaeans in the way which led to Calpe, 
Xenophon overtaketh the Arcadians.  and meeting together they gladly saw one another, and saluted as brethren. The Arcadians asked Xenophons' soldiers, why they put out their fires. For we thought, said they, at the first, when we saw no fires, that you marched against the enemy by night, and the enemy, as we conceived, fearing the same, arose with their Campe. For i● was about that time, that they departed. But when you came not forward, 
They join in marching.  and the time was now past, we imagined, that hearing our distress, you hasted all you could to the Sea side for fear. We therefore thought it good not to leave you, and thereupon came also hither. So this day they encamped upon the Sea shore near the Haven. The place, which they call the Haven of Calpe, lieth in that Thrace, which is in Asia. 

There are two Thrace's, one in Europ●, the other in Asia. In European Thrace standeth Constantinople, in the other was the Haven of Calpe.  
The barbarous cruelty of the Thra●tans.  
A description of Calpe.   Thrace itself beginneth from the mouth of Pontus, and stretcheth to Heraclea on the right hand as a man saileth to Pontus. The distance betwixt Byz●●tium and Heraclea is as much, as a Galley can fetch up with oars in a very long day. In the way there is no friend or Grecian City, but Thracians or Bithynians alone, who, if they lay hands upon any Grecian either cas● ashore by shipwreck, or coming thither by other occasion, are reported to use them with all despite and villainy. The Haven of Calpe lieth in the midway to them that sail from Heraclea to Byzantium, or chose from Byzantium to Her●clea. The land beareth out into the Sea; and that part, which stretcheth into the Sea, is a craggy rock, o● the height (where it is least) of 20 fathoms. The neck of land, that joineth to the Continent, 
40 yards.  is at least four plethers in breadth, 
400 foot.  and the space of land within the neck sufficient to give habitation to 10000 men. The Haven lieth under the rock, having the shore trending to the West. 
The Haven.  Within it there is a plentiful fountain of sweet water running along the Sea, but so that the place may command it, and it bringeth forth both much other timber hard by the Sea, and besides much that is fit for the building of ships. As for the mountain that overshadoweth the Haven, as it runneth 20 furlongs into the midland, it is pure earth without stones, but toward the Sea, more than 20 furlongs, 
Two mile and a half.  it is rough with many and all kind of great trees. The rest of the Land is beautiful and large, and there are many Villages in it, and well inhabited. The country bringeth forth barley, and wheat, and pulse-corne of all sorts, and Buck, and Sesamum, and figs sufficiently, and many Vines pleasant in taste, and all other kinds of fruit, excepting only Olives. This is the nature of the Soil. The Army encamped by the Seaside. In the Town they would not quarter, being of opinion, they were fraudulently brought thither by some, that had an intention to plant a Colony there. For the most part of the Soldiers sailed out of Greece to follow this war, not for want of means to live by, but hearing of the bounty of Cyrus, some brought to his service men that had consumed their estates, 
The quality of the Grecians that followed this war.  some other run away from their fathers and mothers, and some left behind them their children, as minding to enrich them at their return. For they heard, that all that followed Cyrus gathered mountains of wealth. Being people of this condition, they desired to return into Greece in safety. When the day of assembly of the Army for this purpose was now come, Xenophon sacrificed about the issuing of it out of the Camp, because they must needs be led out to make provision. His purpose was also to bury their dead. The sacrifice being favourable, the Arcadians also followed, and they buried the most part of the dead, every man where he fell; for it was now the fifth day since they were slain, so that there was no possibility to convey them from thence. And bringing some together out of the highways, they buried them according to their means, as decently, as they could; and for those, they found not, they raised a great empty monument, and kindled a Funeral fire, and laid upon the monument Crowns of flowers. Having performed these Rites, they returned to the Camp, and after Supper gave themselves to rest. The next day the Soldiers assembled. Captain Agasias the Stymphalian, and Captain jeronymus the Elian, and other the eldest of the Arcadians were the cause of this assembly. 
A decree not to separate their Forces hereafter.  They made a Decree, that if any man hereafter propounded to separate and divide the Army, he should be punished with death; and that the Army should depart out of the Country in the manner it was wont, and that the former Colonels should command. 
The death of Cherisophus.  Cherisophus was already dead by drinking a medicine in his ague, and Neon the Asinite was substituted in his place. After this Xenophon stood up and said: It seemeth (fellow Soldiers) that the rest of our journey is to be performed by Land, in regard we have no shipping; and having likewise no provision, necessity forceth us to be ready to march. We therefore the Colonels will offer sacrifice; As for you, you are, if ever heretofore, to prepare yourselves to fight, inasmuch as the enemy hath gathered courage. So the Colonels sacrificed taking to them Arexion the Arcadian Southsaier. For Silanus the Ambraciote had stolen away in a Ship of Heraclea, which he hired. They sacrificed about their departure, but the entrailes of the sacrifice were not fair. They stayed therefore that day. There were some, that durst give out, that Xenophon intending to plant in that place, had persuaded the Southsaier to say, that the sacrifice allowed not of their departure. Hereupon Xenophon caused Proclamation to be made, 
A means to still suspicion.  that the next morning every one that list might be present at the sacrifice, and if there were any Southsaier amongst them, he commanded him to come and view the entrailes, and so sacrificed in the presence of many. When they had now thrice sacrificed about their departure, the entrailes assented not. The Soldiers were ill paid herewith. For their provision which they brought with them, failed, and there was no Market to be had. Hereupon, when they again assembled, Xenophon spoke thus: The sacrifices, as yourselves are eie-witnesses, are not favourable to our departure, and I see you are destitute of victual, wherefore I hold it necessary to ask counsel by sacrifice about this matter alone. Then one of them arising, said: It is not without cause, that the sacrifice crosseth our departure. For, as I heard of one, that by chance came by Ship hither yesterday, Cleander the Governor of Byzantium, is about to cross over to us with Ships and Galleys. Hereupon it seemed good to all to remain in the place. But yet they were forced by necessity to fall out into the Country for victual and provision for the Camp, and sacrifice was offered hereabout three times, which notwithstanding opposed their going out. They came then to the Tent of Xenophon and told him of their wants. I may not, quoth he, lead you out, unless the sacrifice be favourable. The next day they sacrificed again, and because they were perplexed, and the business touched all, well-nigh the whole Army encircled the sacrifice. And now there was no more sacrifice left. The Colonels therefore, albeit they led not out the Army, yet did they call an assembly; and Xenophon said: It may be the enemy is gathered together, and we shall be driven to fight by necessity. If therefore leaving our baggage in this place of strength, we issue out prepared for fight, and then offer sacrifice, perhaps the sacrifice will give better allowance. The Soldiers hearing this cried out, that there was no need of leading them out, but willed them to renew the sacrifice with all speed. There were now no Sheep to be had, and they were fain to buy Oxen out of the Wain to offer in sacrifice. And Xenophon desired Cleanor the Arcadian to gather up his spirits and be in a readiness, if the sacrifice portended any good: but this sacrifice was also cross. Neon was Colonel of that part of the Army, which Cherisophus commanded. He, when he saw the Soldiers discontented with their wants, desirous to gratify them, finding an Heraclean, who affirmed that he knew Villages at hand, from whence provision might be had, made proclamation, that every one, that would, might go abroad for provision, 
Neons rashness.  & proffered himself to be their Leader. There issued therefore out of the Camp to the number of two thousand, with Darts, Bladders, Bags, and other Vessels. After they came into the Villages, and were dispersed in rifling, 
And ill success.  the Horsemen of Pharnabazus fell upon them (for they gave aid to the Bithynians, 
Pharnabazus Lieutenant in Phrygia to the King of Persia.  desirous with the Bithynians to hinder the Grecians from entering into Phrygia, if they could) These Horsemen killed no less, than five hundred Grecians, the rest fled up into a Mountain, and one of them, that fled, brought news hereof to the Campe. Xenophon because the sacrifice was not agreeable that day, taking an Ox out of the Wain (for there was no other to kill) offered it, and went to the rescous, 
A difference of age in Soldiers.  taking with him all the Soldiers under fifty years of age; and bringing those off, that were left alive, returned to the Camp about Sunset, and sat down to Supper, being full of grief and sorrow for that, which had happened. Upon the sudden some of the Bithynians, 
The enemy beats in the Grecian guards.  thorough the thickets falling upon the outguards, killed a few of the Grecians, and chased the rest to the Camp, and a great cry being raised, the whole Army ran to Arms. It seemed not safe to pursue the enemy, or to move the Army by night, the Country being full of thickets. They watched therefore that night in Arms, putting forth Guards sufficient to fight with the enemy, if need were. So was the night spent. In the morning the Colonels led into a stronger place, and the Soldiers followed with their Arms and baggage, and before it was Dinner time they cast a Trench all along the Face of the Camp, which led into the Country, 
Fortification of the Campe.  and strengthened all the Rampire with Palisades, leaving only three Gates to pass in and out the Campe. In the mean time came a Ship from Heraclea fraughted with Barley-meal, and with beasts for sacrifice, & with Wine. Xenophon rising early in the morning, sacrificed about issuing out of the Camp, and the entrailes of the first beast offered were fair. The sacrifice being ended, Arexion the Parrhasian southsaier espied an eagle of good fortune, and willed Xenophon to lead out the army; and the Colonels passing over the trench, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  laid down their Arms, and made Proclamation, that the Soldiers should first dine, and then issue out of the camp with their Arms, leaving the many, and the Captives behind. All the rest issued, 
The Grecians issue out of the Campe.  except Neon. For it was thought best to leave him Commander of those, that remained in the Campe. His Regiment being left behind by the Colonels and Captains, were ashamed to stay, seeing the rest marched out, and putting the guard of the Camp into the hands of the Soldiers, that were 45 years of age, they followed after the Army. So these remaining behind, the other marched forward. They had not gone 15 Furlongs, when they happened upon the dead, lately slain under the command of Neon, 
They bury the dead. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and staying the Rear of their Wing by the first dead, that they lighted upon, they buried all, that lay next by the wing. When they had buried the first, they moved forward, and staying again the Rear against the first, that were unburied, they after the same sort buried as many, as the Army had lying by it. But after they came to the way, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that led from the villages, where they lay in heaps, they gathered them together, & so buried them. And being now past midday, they advanced and took what provision every man saw without the villages, and conveied it within the Phalange; when suddenly they might discern the enemy, being many Horse and Foot upon the mountains over against the Army, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  ordered in a Phalange. For Spithridates and Rathines were come thither with forces sent from Pharnabazus. When the enemy espied the Grecians, 
Two mile well-near.  they made Alt about 15 Furlongs off: Hereupon Arexion the soothsayer of the Grecians sacrificed, and the entrailes were fair at the very first. Then said Xenophon: I think it best (o Colonels) to choose out certain Companies, and to order them in the Rear of the Phalange for seconds, 
Seconds.  that, if need be, there may be some to give aid to the Phalange, and that the enemy being disordered, may fall upon them standing in order, and ready for fight. All yielded to this opinion. You then, quoth he, lead on against the enemy, that we make no stay after we see, and are seen of them. If you think good, I will go & take some of the Rear Companies, and separate them for this service. 
Ordering of the seconds. 100 Foot, that is, 20 paces Geometrical.  Hereupon they marched on leisurely: But Xenophon taking three Companies of 200. apiece from the Rear, sent one to follow the Phalange on the right hand, about a Plethers distance, Samolas the Ach●●● was the leader thereof, another he separated to follow in the midst, the command whereof Pyrias the Arcadian had, the third on the left hand, under the command of Phrasias the Athenian. As they marched, they chanced upon a great Forest and hardly passable, 
A doubt to enter a wood.  where they made Alt, being ignorant, whether they might get thorough it or no; and the word was given for the Colonels and Captains to come up to the Front. Xenophon marvelling at the s●ay of the march, and hearing the word, that was given, galloped up to the Front with all speed. When they were come together, Sopho●etus, the eldest of the Colonels said, he thought not fit, that such a Forest as that should be traversed thorough. Xenophon quickly answering him, spoke thus: My companions, you know, 
Xenophons' resolution.  as I think, that I never willingly brought you into any danger. For I see, that you need no glory, that may be purchased with valour, but rather stand in need of safety alone. The case now standeth thus, that we cannot depart hence without fight. For if we go not against the enemy, he will follow and charge us in our retreat. Consider then, which of the two is the better, to go against them with arms in our hands, or facing about, to see them fall upon our Rear. You cannot be ignorant, that to dismarch from an enemy, was ever held dishonourable by a man of valour; as chose, that to pursue, giveth courage even to a coward. For my part, I had rather follow with half the number, we have, than dismarch with twice so many. I know also, that there is none of you feareth, they will stand our first charge, if we seek them: Whereas no man is ignorant, that they dare and will be ready to follow upon us, if we retire. If any man conceive it a matter of danger, to have the Forest behind us in our fight, I hold it rather an advantage to be sought for. To the enemies I could wish, that all places might seem easy to shift away, that they may have occasion to turn their backs. For you, you ought to learn of the place itself, that there is no safety, but in victory. But I should not a little marvel, if any of you could once imagine, that this Forest is more fearful for us to traverse, than other places, which we have already passed. For how could we have gone thorough the plain country, if we had not overcome the enemy's Horse; or over the mountains, if so many Peltasts had pressed us? Admit now we come safe to the Sea, how great a Forest is the Sea? Where if we remain, we shall find neither shipping to transport us, nor victual to nourish us. And we shall no sooner arrive there, but we must immediately issue out of our Camp to seek provision. Is it not therefore better to fight with the enemy now we have dined, than to morrow fasting? The sacrifice is fair, and the presage of the event fortunate, and the entrailes of the beasts portend good luck. Let us march against them, and since we are come into their sight, let us not give them leave either to sup with content, or to sleep, where themselves are disposed. Hereupon the Captains willed him to lead on, and no man gainsaid it. Leading on, 
Passing a Wood  he gave the word, that every man should pass the Forest in the very place, where he was. For he conceived, that the Army should more easily pass singling themselves, as the way fell out, than if they clustered and thronged at a Bridge, which might be in the Forest. When all were thorough, he rid along the Phalange, and said: Remember (o Soldiers) what battles you have, by the help of the gods, gained together against your enemies, and what they have suffered, that fled from the enemy, and withal call to mind, that you are at the gates of Greece. Follow Hercules your guide, and exhort one another by name. It will be a pleasure for him, that doth or speaketh any thing worthy of a brave mind, to leave a memory of his worth in any place, where he will. These words he spoke riding in haste along the Front; 
The Grecians move against the enemy.  and withal led on the Phalange, and ordered the Peltasts on either wing thereof, and so went against the enemy. He also commanded them to carry their pikes on their right shoulders, till he gave a sign with the trumpet; then charging them to follow leisurely, 

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The demeaning of their pikes.  
Their Peltasts repulsed.   and no man to give chase running. Then was the word given, jupiter the saviour and Hercules the guide. The enemy kept his ground, trusting to the strength of the place. When they came near one to another the Grecian Peltasts giving a shout, ran forth against the enemy without command, and were encountered and put to flight by the Bithynian horse and foot. But when the Phalange of the armed marching speedily came up, and the trumpet sounded, and they sang the Paean, and afterward gave a shout, and charged their pikes, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A charge.  the enemy forsook the place and fled; and Timasian with his horse, which were not many in number, killed as many as he could. So the left wing of the enemy, upon which the Grecian horsemen followed, was quickly dispersed; but the right being not so mu●h pressed in the chase, stood still upon a hill. Whom when the Grecians saw remaining in the field, 
A second charge.  they thought they might safely charge them, and without all danger. Singing therefore the Paean, they advanced against them. But the enemy presently took themselves to their feet. The Peltasts gave chase, 
Chace given by the Peltasts.  till that wing was also scattered. Few of them were slain, because of the multitude of the enemy's horse, who put the Peltasts in fear of following too far. The horsemen of Phar●abazi● stood yet united together, to whom the Bithynian horsemen gathered, and from a hill beheld, what was done in the field. Which when the Grecians saw, albeit they were sore traveled, notwithstanding they thought it convenient to seek them, as they could, lest haply taking heart, they might be again emboldened. Therefore embattelling themselves, they led against them. The enemy seeing them coming cast themselves down the steep places no otherwise, than if horsemen had followed them in chase. A Forrest received them that fled, which the Grecians were not acquainted with. Wherefore night drawing on, they returned, and when they came to the place where the battles first joined, they erected a Trophy, and so about Sunset retired to the Sea; for the Camp was about 60 furlongs off. Henceforward the enemies began to look to themselves, 
7 mile and a half.  and removed as far from thence as they could, as well the inhabitants, as their goods and substance. The Grecians lay still expecting Cleander, and the Galleys, and Ships, which they thought would come. And going forth every day without fear, having with them their cariage-beasts and slaves, they brought in wheat, barley, wine, pulse-corne, buck, and figs. For the Territory bore all fruit plentifully, Olives only excepted. And as long as the Army kept within the Camp, any man might go forth to spoil, and detain that he found for his private use. But a decree was made, that when the whole Army went abroad, whatsoever was taken by any man going apart, it should be to the use of the generality. Now was there plenty of all things. For provision came from the graecian Cities on every hand, and they that arrived there by ship, came willingly on shore, because they understood a City was there planting, and that it was a good Haven; and many of the enemies being near borderers sent to Xenophon (for they heard that he was the planter) demanding upon what conditions they might be received into his friendship; whom Xenophon showed to the Soldiers. 
Cleander Governor of Byzance, now Constantinople.  About this time Cleander came with two Galleys, but with never a ship. It fell out so, that at his arrival the Army was abroad, and some gone into the plain country to prey, other to the mountains, and had gotten together many sheep; and fearing they would be taken away, they spoke to Dexippus (who stole the ship of 50 o●res from the Army, when it lay at Trapezond) and prayed him to keep them, and to retain part for himself, 
Dexippus his fraud and wrong.  and restore the rest to them. He presently beat away the Soldiers that stood thereabout, albeit they told him, that the prey pertained to the generality, and immediately went to Cleander, and informed him that they sought to steal the sheep. Cleander commanded, that whosoever he was that went about to take them away, should be brought unto him. Dexippus laid hold upon one, and began to lead him toward Cleander, 

He layeth hold upon a Soldier.  
Rescous of the Soldier.   whom Agasias by chance coming that way, rescued, because he was one of his company. The rest of the Soldiers, that were present, cast stones at Dexippus, calling him Traitor. Many Mariners of the Galleys, being affrighted, ran to the Sea; and Cleander himself shifted away. 
Cleander's fear and threatening.  Xenophon and the other Colonels pacified the Soldiers, and told Cleander, it was no matter of danger, and that the decree of the Army was cause of that, that happened. Cleander incensed by Dexippus, and of himself discontented, because it might be perceived, that he was in fear, said, he would sail away, and cause proclamation to be made, that no Grecian City should receive them, as being common enemies to all; for at that time the Lacedæmonians commanded all Greece. This seemed a hard and dangerous thing to the Grecians, and they desired him not to do so. He said, he would relent upon no other condition, than that the caster of the first stone, and the party that made the rescous, should be delivered into his hands. 
Agasias.  Agasias was the man he sought, who had been a friend to Xenophon even to the last; which was the cause that Dexippus accused him. The Commanders knowing not what to do, called an assembly of the Army. Many made small account of Cleander: Xenophon thought the business to be of no mean consequence, and arising spoke thus: Fellow Soldiers, 

The Soldiers contemn Cleander.  
Xenophons' speech to the contrary.   if Cleander departing hence, carry that mind toward us, which he professeth, I take it to be a matter not to be contemned. For now the Grecian Cities are at hand, and the Lacedæmonians are rulers of Greece; and every Lacedaemonian of power sufficient to work any City to what he list. If therefore he first shut us out of Byzantium, and signify to the rest of the Governors not to receive us into their Cities, as being disobedient to the Lacedæmonians, and notto be governed, this rumour will come to the ears of Anaxibius the Admiral, so that it will be hard for us either to stay here, or to sail away. For at this time the Lacedæmonians have the Sovereignty of Greece, both by Sea and Land. It is not fit therefore, that for one or two men's sakes, we the rest be debarred from Greece, but we are rather to obey, whatsoever they command. For our Cities, from whence every one of us is, are under their subjection. I therefore (for I understand that Dexippus informeth Cleander, that Agasias would not have done this, unless I had bid him) I, I say, clear both you, and Agasias of this fault, if Agasias will say, that I am the cause thereof, and I condemn myself, and will willingly undergo all extremity of punishment, if it may appear that I were the beginner either of casting of stones, or of any other violence. I say further, if any man else be accused by Cleander, he ought, whosoever he be, to yield himself to Cleander's judgement. So shall you be free from all fault. But as matters go now, it will be hard, if thinking to receive praise and honour in Greece, we in stead thereof shall not be in the case that other are, but be excluded out of all Grecian Cities. After this Agasias stood up and said: I (o Soldiers) swear by the gods and goddesses, that neither Xenophon, nor any other willed me to take away the man; but when I saw an honest and worthy Soldier of mine led away by Dexippus, whose traitorous dealing toward you, you well know, I thought it a matter not to be suffered. And albeit, I confess, that I rescued him, yet would I not, that you should deliver me up. I myself, as Xenophon adviseth, will yield myself into the hands of Cleander, to use me at his discretion. Neither would I for this cause have you make war with the Lacedæmonians, nor have any man impeached to save himself, where he list. Only I desire you to make choice of some of yourselves to send with me to Cleander, who in case I omit any thing, may speak and do, what they think available in my behalf. The Army gave him leave to choose whom he thought good, 
The Soldier rescued, and the rescuer yielded up to Cleander.  and he chose the Colonels. So Agasias and the Colonels, and the man that was rescued went together toward Cleander; to whom the Colonels used this speech: The Army (O Cleander) hath sent us unto you, and desire you, if you think them all guilty, to use your own judgement in punishing all: if one or two, they are willing to put them into your hands to be judged by you. If therefore you lay the fault upon any of us, we here present ourselves unto you; if upon any man else, we desire you to name him. For no man shall be withheld from you, that will acknowledge our command. Then Agasias stepped forth and said: 
Agasias in his own defence.  I am the man, Cleander, which took this Soldier from Dexippus, who was leading him away, and willed stones to be cast at Dexippus. For I knew this man to be a worthy Soldier, and that Dexippus being by the Army chosen Captain of a Galley of 50 oars, which we craved from the Trapezuntians to gather other ships to save ourselves in, both run away from us, and also betrayed the Army, with which himself was saved. 
Exceptions against Dexippus.  And by his means we not only defrauded the Trapezuntians of their ship, but incurred the imputation of unjust men, and as much as lay in him we all perished. For he heard as well as we, how impossible it was marching on foot to pass over the rivers that lay in our way, and to come in safety into Gre●ce. He therefore being such a one, I took the Soldier from him. But if you, Cleander, or any about you, that was no runaway from us, had apprehended him, you may well conceive, I would have forborn to do, as I did. And I would have you think, if you take away my life, you shall put an honest man to death for a cowards and a scundrels sake. Cleander hearing this said: I commend not Dexippus, if he behaved himself, as you have related; 
Violence not to be used.  notwithstanding admit Dexippus were never so vile, yet violence was not to be offered unto him, but he was to be brought to judgement, as you are at this time. Now therefore you the Colonels may depart, leaving this man behind you, and when I give you notice, return to assist the Court in judgement concerning these offences; and I have neither cause to accuse the Army, nor any other man in private, in as much as himself confesseth, that it was he, that made the rescous. Then he that was rescued, spoke thus: Lest you should think (Cleander) that I was apprehended as an offender, I neither struck any man, nor threw stone; I said only that the sheep appertained to the generality. For it was decreed, that when the Army went abroad, all boot taken in private should be delivered up to the use of the generality. This was all I spoke, and for this Dexippus laid hands on me, and would have carried me away, that all men's mouths being stopped, he might have had his part, and preserved the rest for those, that contrary to the decree went about to deceive the Army. Hereunto Cleander answered: Seeing you are so acute and witty, stay you here also, that we may advise what to do with you. So went Cleander to dinner; but Xenophon assembling the Army, counselled them to send to Cleander, and to make intercession for the prisoners. Hereupon they decreed, that the Colonels, and Captains, and Dracontius the Lacedaemonian, and other that were fit, 
Intercession of the Army for the prisoners.  should go to Cleander, and by all means entreat for their delivery. Xenophon therefore being come to Cleander spoke thus: You have (O Cleander) in safe keeping the men, you desired, and the Army hath referred unto you, not only to dispose of the prisoners, as you please, but also of themselves in general. Now they desire and entreat you, to bestow the men upon them, and not to put them to death, because in former times they have done good service to the Army. Obtaining this favour at your hands, they promise in regard thereof, if it shall please you to accept the command over them, to make manifest, how modest they are, and how dutiful to their General, and (the gods being propitious) how fearless of the enemy. Further they are humble suitors, that you would be pleased to come unto them, and to make proof of Dexippus, and of them, and of other, whether shall be most respective and dutiful to their Commanders: Cleander hearing this, said he would streightways give them answer; and I release unto you, quoth he, the men that are in durance, 
Cleander releaseth the prisoners.  and will myself come unto you, and conduct you into Greece, if the gods permit. The reports which are spread abroad of you, are much differing from that, which I myself now hear, namely, that the Army should be in mind to revolt from the Lacedæmonians. The Colonels much extolled him for his bounty, 
Accepteth the place of General.  and departed, having the prisoners restored unto them. Cleander offered sacrifice about the journey, and used Xenophon with all kindness, and contracted hospitality with him, and when he saw the Army orderly do what was commanded, he much rather desired to be their General. 
The sacrifice gain say it.  But when he had sacrificed three days, and the sacrifice assented not, he called the Colonels together, and said: The sacrifices allow not, that I should be your General. Yet be not you therefore out of comfort. For, as it seemeth, you are the men that are appointed to lead the Army home. Go forward. When you come where we have to do, we will entertain you in the best manner we can. Hereupon the Soldiers offered him the sheep that pertained to the generality, which he received and gave back again. So he sailed away. But the Soldiers dividing amongst themselves the corn, and other things, which they had gathered together, marched on thorough the country of Bythinia. And when they found nothing in their right way (for they held on as if the country had been friend) it seemed good to return back a day and night's journey. Doing this they took many slaves and sheep; and the eighth day came to Chrysopolis a City in the country of Chalcedon, and stayed there seven days selling their spoil.  
Finis Libri Sexti.   

THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF XENOPHON, TOUCHING THE Ascent of CYRUS the younger, out of Asia the Less, into the Higher COUNTRIES.  
WHat the Grecians did in their Ascent with Cyrus until the battle, and what, after Cyrus was slain, in their journey till they came into Pontus, and what marching on Foot, and sailing out of Pontus, till they had passed the mouth of Pontus, and came to Chrysopolis in Asia, is described in the former discourse. After this Pharnabazus fearing that the Army would invade his government sent to Anaxibius the Admiral (who then happened to be at Byzantium) and desired him to transport it out of Asia, 
Anaxibius the Lacedaemonian Admiral.  promising him in that respect to do, whatsoever he required at his hands. Anaxibius sent for the Colonels and Captains to Byzantium promising to give them pay, if they would come over to him. The other Colonels said, 
Draweth the Army over to Byzance.  they would advise, and return him answer. But Xenophon answered, that he purposed to leave the Army, and sail away. 
Xenophons' purpose to leave the Army.  Anaxibius commanded him first to come over with the Army, and gave him liberty to depart afterward at his pleasure; which Xenophon assented unto. In the mean time Seuthes the Thracian sent Medosades, 
Seuthes King of Thrace sendeth to Xenophon.  and desired Xenophon to be a means and furtherance to the transportation of the Army, adding he should not repent himself in so doing. Xenophon answered, that the Army without all question was to come over, and in regard thereof Seuthes need not give any thing either to him, or to any man else. After the transportation, quoth he, I am to depart. Let him therefore address himself in such sort, as he thinketh best, to those, that remain behind, and shall be most for his purpose. So all the Army came over to Byzantium. Anaxibius gave them not pay according to his promise, 
The Army at Byzance.  but made proclamation, 
Anaxibius seeketh to deceive the Army.  that taking their Arms and baggage, they should depart out of the City, as if he had a purpose to send them away, and to take muster of them. Hereupon the Soldier's we●● discontent, because they wanted money to make provision for their journey, and they made no great ha●●e in trussing up their baggage. Xe●●ph●● being become now a Guest to Cleander the Governor, went to him and saluted him, having in mind ●o take shipping presently. You shall not do so, ●oth he: If you do, you will be blamed: For already they lay the fault upon you, that the Army is so slow in departing the City. Yet am not I in fault, quoth Xenophon: For the Soldiers wanting victual and money for their journey, are in that regard loath to leave the City. Yet would I counsel you, quoth he, to go out, as though you meant to march with them, and when the Army is out of the Gates, to depart, whither you list. Let us go then to Anaxibius▪ quoth Xenophon, and take order accordingly. Coming to him they told, what they had resolved. He willed them so to do, and that the Soldiers should presently issue with their baggage; and further to signify, that whosoever appeared not at the musters, and view to be taken, should thank himself, if any thing fell out contrary to his expectation. 
The Army goeth out of Byzance.  Hereupon the Colonels first went out, and after them the rest; and now were all out but a few, and Ereo●●●s stood at the Gates ready to shut them and put in the bar, as soon as all were gone. Anaxibius calling then the Colonels and Captains to him, said: For provision, you may take it out of the Thracian Villages. There shall you find plenty of Barley, and of Whea●, and other victual. After you are furnished, march on to Cherronesus, where Cynisous shall give you your pay. Some of the Soldiers overheard these words, or else some of the Captains reported them to the Army. The Colonels asked Seuthes, 
The Army findeth the deceit of Anaxibius.  whether the Country were enemy, or friend, and whether they were to march over the holy Mountain, or in circle thorough the midst of Thrace. During this conference the Soldiers snatching up their Arms ran with full speed to the Gates, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  minding to enter within the Wals. Et●onicus and those with him, when they saw the armed come running, 
Returneth to Byzance discontented.  shut the Gates, and made fast the bar. The Soldiers beat at the Gates crying, they were extremely wronged, thus to be thrust out to the enemy, and threatened to break the Gates asunder, if they opened them not of their own accord. Other some ran along by the Sea side, and climbed up the wall by the great stones, that were laid betwixt the Sea and the wall, to break the violence of the waves. There were of the Soldiers, that remained yet within the City, who when they saw the stir about the Gates, 
Break open a gate.  cut asunder the bars with axes, and set the Gates wide open. Xenophon beholding what was done, fearing left the Army should fall to spoil, 
The fear of the City.  and work inestimable damage to the City, to him, and to themselves, ran amongst the rest, and in the crowd was carried within the Gates. As soon as the Byzantians perceived, that the Army had entered the City by force, they fled out of the marketplace, some toward the ships, some to their houses. They that were within the City fled out, and some put the Galleys afloat, hoping to find safety in them. All accounted themselves lost, none otherwise, than if the City had been taken by the enemy. Anaxibius fled to the Sea, taking a Fisherboat, and recovered the Castle, from whence out of hand he sent for succour to Chalcedon, thinking the Garrison of the Castle insufficient to make the place good against the Army. The Soldiers, when they saw Xenophon, said to him: Now (o Xenophon) it is in your own hands to make yourself a man; you have a City, you have Galleys, you have riches, you have so many men; now, if you please, you may do us good, and we will make you great. You say well, quoth Xenophon, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and I will follow your counsel; only if this be your desire, put yourselves in order of battle without delay. Both himself gave this command, and he willed the other Colonels to give direction to embattle the Soldiers, thereby to still and appease the uproar. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  They putting themselves in order, the armed stood in short time fifty deep, and the Peltasts run to both wings. The place was fit to embattle in, called Thracium, being void of houses, and an even plot of ground. After they had laid down their Arms, and were still, Xenophon called the army together, and made this speech unto them: I marvel not (o Soldiers) that you are angry, & think you have cause of discontent in regard of the deceit, that is used towards you. But if we give reins to our anger, and seek revenge upon the Lacedæmonians, that are present, and put the City, that is blameless, to sack, cast in your minds, what will be the issue. And what kind of war this will be, they may judge, that have seen, and remember the events of things lately passed. For we, the Athenians, entered into war against the Lacedæmonians, and their Allie●, being owners of no less, than four hundred Galleys, which were in part abroad, in part in our Arsenal. And albeit that the City had much riches, 
Xenophon stilleth the commotion.  and a yearly revenue arising from the Citizens, and from strangers, no less than 1000 talents, and beside was mistress of all the Lands, and possessed many Cities in Asia, many in Europe, and amongst the rest this Byzantium itself, where we now are, yet were we overcome, as you all know. Now than what can we expect to befall us, the Lacedæmonians and Achaeans being linked in society, and the Athenians and all their confederates, that then were, being of the party; Tissaphernes, and the other Barbarians on the other side of the Sea our enemies, and the great King most of all other, whose kingdom we sought to bereave him of, and to take his life, if we could. All these things being so, is any man so simple to conceive, that we sh●ll have the upper hand? For God's sake let us not be frantic, nor cast away ourselves shamefully in becoming enemy to our fathers, friends, and kinsfolk. For they live all in the Cities, which will make war against us. Which war will not want a just ground, considering we sought not to possess any Barbarian City, albeit we won them by force, and now we put to spoil the first Grecian City, to which we are arrived. For my part, I wish myself 1000 Fathoms under the ground, before I see so shameful an act committed by you; and I would counsel you, being Grecians, to seek things right and just not by force, but by obedience to them, that are rulers of the Grecians: which if you cannot obtain, yet is it not fit, that because we are wronged, we should therefore deprive ourselves of Greece. And now I am of opinion, that we are to signify to Anaxibius, that we come into the City, not to use any violence, but, if it might be, to obtain some friendship at his hands: If not, to show unto him, that we depart not being deceived, but obeying his command. 
Messengers to 〈◊〉.  These things were decreed, and they sent away Hieronymus the Elaean, and Eurylochus the Arcadian, and Philesius the Achaean to deliver the message. In the mean time, while they remained in the place, expecting their messengers return, came Cyrotades a Theban, who was no banished man from Greece, 
●●●otades offereth himself General.  but went from place to place desirous to have the command of an army, offering himself to any City or Nation, that needed a General. He then coming to the army, told them, he would lead them to that part of Thrace, which was called Delta, where they should enrich themselves with the spoil of the Country: and if they would accept him for their General, he would bountifully bestow meat and drink upon them. The Soldiers at the same time heard his proposition, and the message of Anaxibius, who returned answer, 
The army goeth out of the City and followeth him.  that they should never repent themselves of their obedience to him: for he said he would signify it to the Magistrates of his City, and be ready to gratify them to the uttermost of his power. Hereupon the Soldiers took Cyrotades for their General, and went out of the walls. Cyrotades appointed to be with the army, the next day bringing with him sacrifice, a soothsayer, and meat, and drink for the army. When they were departed the City, Anaxibius shut the gates, and made Proclamation, that whatsoever Soldier he found in the City, he would sell him as a slave. The next day Cyrotades came with sacrifice, and a soothsayer; 20. men followed him laden with barley meal, other twenty with wine, three with oil, one that bore as great a burden of Garlic as he could, another of Onions. Laying these things down, as it were to be divided amongst the soldiers, he sacrificed. Xenophon in the mean sending to Cleander, desired him to get leave for him to come within the walls, and to take shipping to sail from Byzantium. Cleander came unto him: With much ado, quoth he, I have obtained that which you desire. For Anaxibius said: it would not suit well, that Xenophon should be within the walls, and the Army without so near to the City; 
Xenophon departeth from the Army.  especially the byzantians being at division amongst themselves, and ill-minded one against another. Notwithstanding he willed you to come in, if you minded to sail away with him. Xenophon saluting and bidding the Soldier's farewell, entered the City with Cleander. Cyrotades found no good success in his sacrifice the first day, nor did he distribute any thing to the Soldiers. The next day he brought the beast to the Altar, and stood crowned, as though he meant to sacrifice. Timasion the Dardanian, and Neon the Asinaean, and Cleanor the Orchomenian told Cyrotades, it would be in vain to sacrifice in hope to be General of the Army, unless he gave provision to maintain them. He bid, that the provision should be divided amongst them; 

Cyrotades his provision too scant.  
He renounceth his command.  
The Colonels of diverse minds.   when he could not furnish out so much as would serve every Soldier for one days provision, he took his sacrifice with him, and renounced the General's place. Neon the Asinaean, and Phryniscus the Achaean, and Timasion the Dardanian remained with the Army, and leading it to the Thracian villages about Byzantium encamped there. The Colonels were divided amongst themselves, Cleanor and Phryniscus wishing to lead the Army to Seuthes (for he had won them, giving the one a horse, the other a woman) Neon to Cherronesus, imagining, if they were under the Lacedæmonians, he should be chief Commander. Timasion the Dardanian was desirous to pass it over again into Asia, hoping thereby to be restored to his country, which the Soldiers likewise desired. Much time being spent herein, many of the Soldiers selling their arms in the country thereabout forsook the Army, other dispersed themselves into the neighbour Cities. Anaxibius was filled with joy, hearing that the Army went to wrack. For that coming to pass, he conceived he should gratify Pharnabazus. Anaxibius now sailing from Byzantium encountered at Cyzicus Aristarchus the successor of Cleander governor of Byzantium. He told Anaxibius, that Polus, his successor in the Admiral's place, was only not arrived at Hellespont. Anaxibius willed Aristarchus, if he found any of Cyrus his Soldiers at Byzantium, he should sell them for slaves. Clearchus sold none; nay rather those that were sick, 
Cruelty of Anaxibius and Ar●starchus against the Soldiers. The faithlesness of Pharnabazus.  he in pity made much of, and compelled men to take them into their houses. But Aristarchus hasting to Byzantium, as soon as he came there, sold no less than 400 of them for slaves. Anaxibius sailed to Parium, and sent to Pharnabazus expecting an answer according to their composition. He, after he perceived, that Aristarchus was come Governor to Byzantium, and that Anaxibius was no more Admiral, regarded Anaxibius little, and practised the same with Aristarchus concerning Cyrus his Soldiers, that he had before concluded with Anaxibius. Hereupon Anaxibius calling Xenophon unto him, 
Anaxibius sendeth Xenophon to the Army again.  willed him with all his cunning to sail to the Army, and keep them together, and to gather as many as he could, of those that were dispersed, and leading them to Perinthus to transport them into Asia with all speed. He gave also a Galley, and a letter to Xenophon, and sent an express messenger to command the Perinthians to furnish Xenophon with horse, and send him with all speed unto the Army. So Xenophon sailing away came to the Army. The Soldiers entertained him with joy, and straightway followed him willingly, being in hope to pass over out of Thrace into Asia. Seuthes hearing that Xenophon was come, sent Medosades by Sea unto him, and entreated him to bring the Army into Thrace, promising whatsoever he thought would tempt him to give way unto his request. 
Seuthes desireth to have the service of the Army.  Xenophon answered it was impossible to be done. Medosades, after this answer was given, road away. When the Grecians were come to Perinthus, Neon separating his Regiment from the rest of the Army, encamped apart, having about 800 men. All the rest of the Army set down together hard by the walls of Perinthus. 
The Army at Perinthus a City in Thrace.  Xenophon in the mean time practised all he could, to get shipping for the speedy transportation of the Army into Asia. Whilst this was doing, Aristarchus the Governor, arriving from Byzantium with two Galleys at the persuasion of Pharnabazus, 
Aristarchus hindereth their passage into Asia.  commanded the Sailors not to receive so much as one Soldier aboard. And coming to the Army, forbade them to pass over into Asia. Xenophon told him, that it was the commandment of Anaxibius, and he sent him purposely about this business. Aristarchus replied, that Anaxibius was not Admiral, and I, quoth he, am Governor here; if I take any of you upon the Sea, I will sink you. Having said thus much, he entered within the walls of the City. The next day he sent for the Colonels and Captains of the Army. They being now near the walls, it was told Xenophon, that if he went into the City, 
Xenophons' danger.  he should be apprehended, and either suffer there, I wot not what, or else be delivered into the hands of Pharnabazus. He hearing this sent in the rest; for himself, he said, he would ask counsel of the gods by sacrifice; and departing he sacrificed, demanding whether the gods would be pleased, 
His sacrifice.  he should lead the Army unto Seuthes, or no. For he saw he could not safely pass over into Asia, especially since the man, that forbade the passage, had Galleys at command; and he liked not to be shut up in Cherronesus, and to have the Army brought to extreme want of all things. Besides, in the place where they were, they must obey the Governor, and yet be destitute of provision. About this business was Xenophon. The Colonels and Captains returning from Aristarchus, brought word, that he willed them now to depart, and come again in the evening. Hereupon the fraud seemed more apparent. Xenophon therefore, when he saw the sacrifice to be fair both for him and the Army to go to Seuthes without danger, taking Polycrates the Athenian Captain with him, 
He posteth into Thrace.  and a man from every the Colonels (except Neon) such a one as every one trusted most, road that night to the Camp of Seuthes, which was 50 furlongs distant; and coming up to the Camp, 
6 Mile and a quarter.  they found fires, and no man near them. And first they imagined, that Seuthes had removed his Camp, but when they heard a noise, and Seuthes his Soldier's calling one to another, they conceived, that Seuthes had caused the fires to be made before his night-guards, that in the dark the Sentinels might not be seen, 
Fires before the Guards.  and yet those, that had access to the Camp, might not be hidden, but plainly discovered by the light of the fires. Which when he perceived, he sent the Interpreter, which he brought with him, to signify to Seuthes, that Xenophon was there desirous to speak with him. They asked, whether it were Xenophon the Athenian, and whether he came from the Army? and when he answered, he was the same, they returned dancing. A little while after came about 200 Peltasts, and taking Xenophon and his company with them, they led them to Seuthes. He was in a Castle carefully guarded, and the horse round about the Castle were bridled. For in the day time he fed his horse, by night he had them in a readiness for fear. It is reported that Tereus one of his ancestors having a great Army in this country, lost many of his Soldiers, and was lighted of all his baggage by these men. They are the Thynes, 
The Thynes.  who are said to be the most warlike of all the Nation, especially by night. When they came to the Castle, Seuthes willed Xenophon to come in with any two he should choose. Being within they first saluted, and then according to the Thracian manner drunk horns of wine one to another. 
Xenophon with Seuthes.  Medosades was then present with Seuthes, whose service he used in all Emb●ssages. Xenophon began then to speak: You sent Medosades to me (O Seethes) first to Chalcedon, entreating me to be a means to transport the Army out of Asia, and promising, if I brought it to pass, to require my service, as this Medosades signified unto me. Speaking thus much, he asked Medosades, if it were not true. Medosades said, it was so. Then came Medosades to me the second time, after I came from P●rion to the Army, promising, if I brought the Army to you, that you would otherwise use me as a friend & brother, and also give me the Towns you possess by the Seaside. He asked Medosades, whether he spoke not this also. Yes, quoth he, I spoke it. Go to now; report what answer I made you at Chalcedon. First, 
His propositions to Seuthes.  you answered, quoth he, that the Army was to come over to Byzantium, and that in respect thereof there needed not any thing to be given to you or to any man else; and you said, you were to depart as soon as you came over; and it fell out as you said. But what answer made I at Selymbria? You said it was not possible to be done, because the Army was to march to Perinthus, and there to be transported into Asia. Now am I here, said Xenophon, and this Phryniscu● one of the Colonels, and this Polycrates one of the Captains, and without the Castle are the most trusty friends of all the other Colonels (except of Neon the Lacedaemonian) To give credit therefore unto our negotiation, it will be good, that you call for them to be present here within. And you Polycrates ●ell them from me, that I would have them leave their arms without, and you likewise leave your sword there, and so come in. Seuthes hearing this, said, he disinherited no Athenian: for he knew they were his kinsfolk, and he reckoned them in the number of his faithful and well-affected friends. When they that should, were come in, Xenophon asked Seuthes, wherein he purposed to use the service of the Army. Seuthes spoke thus: Mesades was my father, under whose government were the Mela●dop●ans, the Thynes, 
Why Seuthes desired the army.  and the Thranipsans. When the affairs of the Odryssians began to be troubled, my father being driven out of this country fell sick, and died, and I was brought up as an orphan by Med●ous, that now reigneth. After I grew to a few years, I could not endure to sit, and look upon another man's table. Wherefore being at his table, I humbly besought him to afford me such forces, as he could, that I might be revenged upon them, that had ejected us out of our patrimony, and not always live like a dog waiting at his table. Hereupon he gave me those men and horse, which you shall see as soon, as it is day. And now I spend the time with these spoiling and driving preys out of my father's country. But if you join with me, I hope (the gods being friends) easily to recover my kingdom. And this is the cause, wherefore I crave your aid. What then, quoth Xenophon, can you give the army, the Captains and the Colonels, if we come? Speak it, quoth he, before this company, that they may make report to the rest of the army. He promised to a common Soldier a Cyzicene, 
The offers of Seuthes to the army.  two to a Captain, four to a Colonel, and as much land, as he desired, and yokes of oxen, and a walled town situate by the Sea. But if endeavouring this, we bring it not to pass, and some fear arise from the Lacedæmonians, if any of us come unto you, will you receive him into your country? He answered: yea I will hold them as my brothers, and place them in seats, and make them partakers of all I shall possess. But to you, Xenophon, I will give my daughter, and if you have a daughter, I will buy her after the Thracian manner, and will give her Bisanthe lying upon the Sea-coast to dwell in, which is the goodliest country I have. Hearing these things, and giving and taking hands, they road away, and before day, came to the Camp, and every one returned answer to them, from whom he was sent. When it was day, Aristarchus called again the Colonels and Captains, who thought it not good to come at Aristarchus, 
Aristarchus sendeth for the Colonels, who refuse to come.  but to call an assembly of the army. All came together, except the Soldiers of Neon, who were about ten Furlongs from the rest. Being assembled, Xenophon arose, and spoke thus: We cannot (o Soldiers) sail over, whether we would, by reason that Aristarchus with his Galleys hindereth us; so that it is not safe for us to go aboard. He also commandeth us to make way thorough the Holy Mount by force, and so to come to Cherronesus: which if we do, he faith he will no more sell us for slaves, as he did in Byzantium, nor yet beguile us, but will surely give us our pay; nor shall we need to look about us, as we do now, being destitute of necessary provision. Seuthes promiseth, if you will come unto him to use you kindly. I would have you therefore to consider, whether you will stay here, and debate of these things, or march away to a place, where you may refresh yourselves with victuals. I am of opinion, seeing we neither have money to go to market, nor are suffered to take victual without money, that we were best to return to the villages which were allotted us, and having there such things, as we want, 
The army goeth to Seuthes.  to hear the propositions of such, as desire your service, and to choose that, which shall be most expedient for yourselves. You, that like hereof, hold up your hands. All held up their hands. Go then, quoth he, and presently truss up your baggage, and when you are commanded, follow your leaders. After this Xenophon led, and the army followed. And albeit Neon, and other from Aristarchus endeavoured to persuade them to return, yet they would give no ear. When they had now marched about thirty Furlongs, 
Seuthes meets the army.  Seuthes met them. Whom when Xenophon saw, he desired him to draw near, that in the hearing of the multitude they might confer about some things, which tended to the good of the army. Being come up, Xenophon said: We are now marching thither, where we may find food. There, after we have heard, what you, and this Lacedaemonian will say, we will resolve upon that, which shall seem best for us. If therefore you will lead us to a place, where we shall have plenty, we shall be the more beholding unto you, and think you make us your guests. I know, quoth Seuthes, where many villages stand not far asunder, which abound in store of provision, and are no further off, than we may well reach by dinner time. Led then, quoth Xenophon. They came to the villages in the afternoon, and the Soldiers assembling, Seuthes used this speech: I desire you (● Soldier's) to take entertainment of me. I promise every one of you a Cyzicene for his monthly pay, and to a Captain, and a Colonel as much, 
18 Shillings. Seuthes to the Army.  as is usually given. Meat and drink you shall have of the country, as you have now. Whatsoever is taken from the enemy, I will challenge, as mine own, that disposing of it, as I shall think best, I may make up your pay. We of ourselves shall be of force sufficient to give chase to the enemy, that flieth: with your help we shall easily overcome those that resist. Xenophon then asked him, how far from the Sea he desired the army should march. No further than seven day's journey, quoth he, and oftentimes self. After this it was permitted, that any man, that would, might speak. Many said, that Seuthes propounded things not to be contemned. For it was Winter, and no man, though he would never so fain, could get home by Sea, and wanting money to buy things necessary, 
Reason's why the Army should follow Seuthes.  they were not able to remain in a friend's country, and in the enemies it was safer to stay and be nourished in the company of Seuthes, than being alone, especially so many commodities offering themselves. Besides, to have pay was a thing found, ere it could be looked for. Xenophon added, if any man be of a contrary mind, let him speak; if not, let a decree be made hereof. When all were silent, they gave their consent, 
They agree to follow him.  and a decree was made accordingly. Xenophon therefore presently informed Seuthes, that the Soldiers would take entertainment of him. After this the rest quartered, every man, as the lot fell to his company, 
He inviteth the Colonels and Captains to supper.  but Seuthes called the Colonels and Captains to supper in a village hard by. Coming to the door, where they should sup, they found one Heraclides a Maronaea●; he insinuated himself to each of them, who, he thought, was able, and had to give Seuthes; and spoke first to certain Parians, that came to make a league with Medocus the King of Odryssians, bringing with them gifts for him, and for the Queen. He told them, 
Gifts to the King.  that Medocus lived in the country, that was twelve day's journey from the Sea, and that Seuthes with the help of that army would be master of the Sea, and being their neighbour, would be able both to pleasure, and hurt them. If you be wise therefore turn the gifts, which you bring, to Seuthes, and it will be better, than, if you presented them to Medocus, that dwelleth so far off. Thus he persuaded them. Then he came to Timasion the Dardanian (for he heard, he had cups and carpets taken from the Barbarians) and said: It was the manner, when Seuthes bid any to supper, that the guests invited, offered presents unto him. He, quoth Heraclydes, if he become great in this kingdom, will be able either to restore you to your country, or else to make you rich here. Thus admonished he every one, before they entered to supper. He came likewise to Xenophon and said: You are both of the greatest City, and of greatest name with Seuthes; and it may be, that Seuthes will think you worthy to possess cities and land in this country, as many of your countrymen have done heretofore. It is fit therefore for you to honour Seuthes with the richest presents. For I know, the royaller your presents be, the more gratuity you shall obtain at his hands. Xenophon hearing this was displeased in mind. For he brought no more out of Pari●● with him, than a boy, and money to defray his charges. When the greatest men of Thrace, th●t were then present, and the Colonels and Captains of the Grecians, and the Ambassadors sent from Cities, were entered into supper, they set down all in a ring. Then were threefooted kettles brought in for them all. 
The manner of sitting and service at supper.  They were about twenty in number, full of flesh cut in pieces, and of great loaves of leavened bread, pierced thorough and fastened to the flesh. The tables, as the custom is, were set nearest to the strangers. Seuthes first of all taking the loaves next him, broke them into small pieces, and the flesh likewise, and threw the pieces to whom he thought good, reserving to himself no more tha● a taste. The other, that had the tables standing by them, did the like. There was amongst the rest an Arcadian, Aristos by name, a notable eater. He not regarding that which was cast unto him, taking a loaf of the bigness well-nigh of a peck in one hand, and a piece of flesh on his knees, fell a eating. Horns of wine were carried about, and every man took them. Aristos, when he that filled the wine came, and offered it to him, seeing Xenophon forbear eating, go, give it him, quoth he, for he is at leisure, and I not. Seuthes hearing the voice, asked the filler of wine, what he said, who when he told him (for he could speak Greek) the whole company fell a laughing. The cups now walked thick about, and a Thracian upon a white horse came in, and taking a full horn, said: Seuthes, I drink to you, and give you this horse, whose back when you are upon, you may easily take, whomsoever you chase, and retiring, need not fear any enemy. Another brought in a boy, and drinking in the same sort, gave him to the King. Another, garments for his wife. Timasion drunk to him, and gave him a silver cup and a carpet worth ten pound. G●esippus the Athenian standing up, said, That it was an ancient and a very good custom, that they that had, should for honour's sake give to the King; and the King to them, that had not. So should I, quoth he, have wherewith to present and honour the King. Xenophon doubted with himself what to do. For he was honoured, sitting in the next seat to the King, and Heraclides willed the wine-filler to reach the Horn unto him. He was now well tippled, & therefore stood up boldly taking the Horn in his hand, and said: I (o Seuthes) give myself unto you, and all these my Companions, to be your faithful friends: and I give none of them against their wills, but all so minded, that every one will strive to do you more service, than myself. And now they are here wishing nothing more, than to beemploied, and to undergo peril for your sake; with the help of whom (if the gods will) you shall both recover and also enjoy your Father's Kingdom; and not only it, but many Horse, many men and fair women, whom you shall not need to spoil, and take from them, what they have, but of their own ●ree will they will bring gifts unto you. Seuthes standing up pledged him in a full Horn, and drunk it out, and he cast here and there the flesh that was before him. After this the Cerasuntines came in, who use Flutes and Trumpets made of the raw Hides of Oxen playing in measure, as the use is upon the Instrument called Magade. Seuthes himself stood up and casting forth a martial cry, 
See Iul Poll. pag. 187. lin. 12.  leapt forward nimbly, shunning, as it were, a dart, that seemed to be cast at him. jester's also came in. When the Sun was now ready to set, the Grecians arose from their seats, signifying, it was time to dispose the watch, and to give the word. 
The Watch.  They desired Seuthes to take order that no Thracian entered the Grecian quarter by night; because, said they, there are some Thracians, that are enemies, some, that are friends, both to you, and us. When they went out, Seuthes also stood up nothing less than like a drunken man; and coming abroad, he called the Colonels to him, and said: The enemy yet knoweth not, that you are entertained by me. 
Surprising the enemy.  If therefore we go against them, before they fear to be caught, or provide to defend themselves, we shall easily gain both prisoners and plenty of riches. The Colonels commended his advice, and willed him to lead on. He replied, that they should make themselves ready, and stay, where they were. When it is time, quoth he, I will come unto you, and taking you and the Peltasts with me, by the help of the gods, I will be your guide. Xenophon said: Consider, I pray, 
The order of matching in the night.  seeing we are to march by night, whether the Grecian manner be not best. In the day time the lightarmed, or Horse, according to the nature of the place, have the Vant of the Army; in the night the use of the Grecians is to give the leading to the slowest. For so the Army is easiliest kept together, and it is soon espied, if they break. But being severed, they often fall one upon another, and through ignorance do, and suffer hostility. Seuthes answered, You say well, and I will follow your order, and give you old men the most experienced in the Country for Guides, and myself bring up the Rear with the Horse. For I can soon be first, if need be. They gave for the Word Pallas, because of their kindred. After this was spoken, 
Pallas is in Greek Athenaea. From hence did Athens take the name, and Seuthes was of the blood of the Athenians by Progue, whom Tercus King of Thrace, one of Seuthes his ancestors married.  they took their rest. About midnight Seuthes came unto them with his Horsemen being Curaciers, and with the Peltasts in their Arms, and after he had given them Guides, the armed Foot marched first, the Peltasts followed, and the Horsemen came in the Rear. When it was day Seuthes galloped up to the Front, & much commended the Graecian manner. For I myself, quoth he, marching in the night, albeit but with a few, have oftentimes had my Horse distracted from my Foot. Now are we by break of day all together in one place, as it ought to be. But it is best, you stay here, and rest yourselves, I will scout abroad. Speaking thus much, he galloped along the Hill, following a way, that lead forward. When he came to much Snow, he began to look about, whether there were any footsteps of men coming forward or backward. When he could discern no tract, he strait returned and said: All will be well (o Soldiers) if God will: For we shall fall upon the enemy and take them at unawares. But I will go before with the Horse, to the end, that if I see any man, I may stay him, lest he scape from us, and give warning to the enemy. Follow you, and if you f●ll farr● behind, direct yourselves by the tract of the Horse. After we are over these Mountains, we shall come to Villages, that are many in number, and rich. Abou● noon he was upon the top of the Mountains, and discovering the Villages, he came upon the spur to the armed Foot, saying: I will send the Horse down into Champeigne, and the Peltasts into the Villages: follow you, as fast as you can, that, if any resistance be made, you may come in to succour. Xenophon hearing this, alighted from his Horse: When Seuthes asked him, why he alighted, when most haste was requisite; I know, quoth he, you shall not have need of me alone, and these armed will more willingly run, if I lead on foot. After this Timasion joined with him having forty Horse or thereabout. 
Choice of soldiers by the age 〈◊〉 speed.  Xenophon commanded them, that were 30 year old, taking with them their arms alone, to come out of the body unto him; with whom he posted on. Cleanor lead the rest of the Grecians. When they were come to the villages, Seuthes galloping up, said: It is as you said, Xenophon, we have caught the men. But my horse have left me, & given chase one one way, another another, and I am afraid, lest the enemy gathering together, make head, and work us some mischief. Some of us must stay in the Villages also. For they are full of men. But I, quoth Xenophon, will take the top of the mountain with those I have. Command you Cleanor to stretch out his Phalange along the champaign by the villages. When this was done, they gathered together into the champaign about 1000 slaves, 2000 oxen, and 10000 other cattle. 
The prey.  There they quartered that night. The next day Seuthes burning all the Villages, and leaving not so much as a house, to the end to strike a terror into other of that Nation, and to signify what they were to expect, if they yielded not, departed thence. And he sent Heraclides to sell the prey at Perinthus, thereby to raise pay for the Soldiers. He and the Grecians encamped in the Plains of the Thynes, who forsaking their houses fled to the mountains. The Snow was great, and the cold such, that the water froze, which was carried for supper, 
The cold of the Country.  and the wine likewise in the vessels; and the nostrils and ears of many of the Grecians were singed with the rigour thereof. And the cause was then perceived, why the Thracians wore fox-skins upon their heads and ea●●s, and (sitting on horseback) coats not only upon their breasts, but also upon their thighs, and put on gowns, that reach to their feet, and refuse the use of cloaks. Seuthes sending some of the prisoners to the mountains, gave them to understand, that unless they descended to inhabit their houses, and acknowledged him for their King, he would fire their Villages also, and their corn, and cause them die of hunger. Hereupon the women, and children, and old men came down; the younger sort quartered in the Villages at the foot of the mountains. Which when Seuthes had intelligence of, he commanded Xenophon to follow him with the youngest of the armed foot. And beginning to march in the night, they came to the Villages by break of day. The most part of the enemy escaped away, by reason that the mountain was near. 
Seuthes executeth his rebels.  As many as were taken Seuthes killed with darts. There was one Episthenes an Oly●thian, a lover of boys, who seeing a fair boy now first come to man's estate, that had a Target, and was ready to be executed, ran to Xenophon, and beseeched him to be a means to save the fair boy. Xenophon stepped to Seuthes, entreating him not to kill the boy, and told him withal the fashion of Episthenes, 
Episthenes.  and that he once raised a company with no other intent, than to see, if any were fair amongst them, that with them he might show himself a brave man. Seuthes asked: Episthenes will you die for him? He holding out his neck, Strike, quoth he, if the boy bid, and I will hold it for a favour. Seuthes asked the boy, whether Episthenes should be strucken in his stead. The boy would not suffer it, but humbly sued, that neither of them might be put to death. Then Episthenes taking the boy in his arms, Now, quoth he, Seuthes, you and I must have a pull about this boy: For I will never let him go. Seuthes smiling gave him leave to do what he list. He thought it best to encamp in that place, lest they of the mountains should be relieved with victual out of the Villages; and himself descending into the Plain, quartered there. Xenophon having with him his chosen Soldiers encamped in the uppermost Village near the mountains; and the rest of the Grecians not far off, in that part, which the Thracians call the mountainous country. Many days passed not, before the Thracians descending from the mountains practised with Seuthes about pledges and agreement; and Xenophon came unto Seuthes, and told him that the Camp was seated in dangerous places, and that the enemy was near at hand. I had rather, quoth he, encamp elsewhere, than in these straits, where all are in peril to be lost. Seuthes willed him to be of good cheer, showing him the pledges, which were brought unto him. Some also descending from the mountains, entreated Xenophon to be a means of peace. He was content, and bid them be of good comfort, and promised they should have no harm, as long as they would be obedient to Seuthes. All that they did, was to no other end, than to spy and discover, what was done in the Camps. So ended this day's work. 
Spies of the enemy.  The night following the Thynes descending from the mountains gave a Camisado. The householder of every house was the leader. 
A Camisado by the Thynes.  For otherwise it would have been hard to have found the houses of the Villages in the dark, which were set round about with great Palizadoes because of the cattle. When they were come to the doors of every house, some threw in darts, other some laid on with clubs, which they were said to carry to the end to break off the heads of the pikes, some fired the houses, and called Xenophon by name, willing him to come out, and die, unless he had rather be burnt. The fire was now seen upon the roofs of the houses, and Xenophons' heavy armed were yet within, ready notwithstanding with their Targets, Swords, and Head-pieces. And when Silanus the Macestian, who was 18 years of age, gave a sign with the Trumpet, presently they also, that were lodged in other houses, 
The Thracians Peltasts.  leapt forth with their drawn swords in their hands. The Thracians fled immediately, casting, as their manner is, their Targets at their backs; but whilst they climbed over the Palisades, some hung by the Targets, and were taken, some slain by mistaking the goings out. The Grecians followed the chase. Yet there were of the Thynes, which returning back in the dark, wounded with darts such as ran by a house that was on fire, aiming out of the dark against the light; and they wounded Hieronymus, Enodias, and Theagenes, all Captains, yet was no man slain. There were some that had their baggage burnt. Seuthes hasted to rescous, with the first seven horse he could recover, having a Thracian Trumpeter; & as soon as he perceived what was in hand, he caused the trumpet to sound all the way he came, which also struck a fear into the enemy's minds. When he came to the Grecians, he took them by the hands, and said, that he thought he should have found many more slain. Xenophon desired, that the Hostages might be delivered unto him; and that Seuthes would be pleased to go with him against the mountain, or else to give him leave to go with his own forces alone. The next day Seuthes delivered the Hostages to Xenophon being old men, and the best, as it was said, of the Mountainers; and joined his own forces to Xenophons'. Seuthes had now thrice as many folk, as he had before. For the Odrysans, hearing of his good success, came in numbers to serve him. The Thynes, when they saw from the mountains many armed, many Peltasts, and many horsemen, descended and humbly sued to compound, and promised to do, whatsoever they were commanded, and to put in good assurance. Seuthes calling Xenophon, told him what they said, and added, he would make no atonement, if Xenophon would be revenged of their Camisado. Xenophon answered, he had sufficient revenge, in that he saw them now slaves, which were before free. But he would counsel Seuthes hereafter, in taking Hostages, to take those that were able to do him most harm, 
Fit Hostages.  and to leave the old men at home. So all the Thracians of the country came under Seuthes his subjection. 
Constantinople which lieth in the European Thrace.  They marched from thence against the Thracians, that lie above Byzantium, and inhabit the Territory called Delta. This country was never subject to Mesades, but it had been under Tereus the Odrysian, that lived many years ago. Heraclides came hither having with him the price of the spoil, and Seuthes causing three pair of Mules (for there were no more, the rest being yokes of Oxen) to be brought forth, calling Xenophon, offered them unto him, the rest he parted amongst the Colonels and Captains. Xenophon made answer, that he would be content with that, which he should bestow upon him hereafter: now, quoth he, give to the Colonels and Captains, that follow you with me. So Ti●●si●● the Dardanian had one pair, Cleaner the Or●h●menian one, and Phryniscus the Achaya● one. The yo●es of Oxen he distributed amongst the Captains. The month was now out, and yet the Soldiers had no more than twenty days pay. 
Want of pay.  For Heraclydes said, he could sell the prey at no greater price. Xe●●ph●● therefore being discontent told Heraclides, that he seemed not to regard Seuthes so much, as he ought. For if you did, quoth he, you would have come with full pay, although you had taken it up at interest, and if not otherwise, even by selling your own clothes. Hereupon Heraclides grew angry, and feared to be turned out of Seuthes his friendship, and from that day forward sought to bring Xenoph●● in disgrace with Seuthes. The Soldiers also laid the fault upon Xe●●ph●●, that they wanted their pay; and Seuthes was displeased with him, because he was so earnest a suitor in the behalf of the Soldiers. And whereas he wont to say, that as soon as he came to the Seaside, he would deliver to Xe●●ph●●, Byza●the, and Gani●, and new castle, hence forward he never spoke word of any such thing. For Heraclides calumniated that also, 
Heraclides his calumniations.  alleging it was not safe to deliver such holds into the hands of one, that had an Army. In the mean time Xenophon advised with himself, what was best to be done in following Seethes in war against the upper countries. But Heraclides bringing in the other Colonels unto Seethes, counselled them to say, that if need were, they could lead the Army upon service as well as Xe●●pho●, and promised he would take ship, & within few days bring in two months pay; only he desired them to go forward in Seuthes his service. Timasion answered, if you would give me five months pay, I will not serve without Xenophon. Phryniscus and Cleanor said the like. Whereupon Seethes gave hard words to Heraclides, 
The credit of Xe●●phon with the Colonels.  for that he had not brought in X●nophon. So was Xenophon sent for alone. Xenophon perceiving the subtlety of Heraclides, and that it was to bring him into suspicion with the other Colonels, took unto him all the other Colonels and Captains, and went to Seethes. When all were agreed to proceed in the service, they marched forward thorough the country of the Thracians, that are called M●li●●ph●gi, as far as Salmydesson, leaving Pontus on their right hand. Here many ships sailing into Pontus are shaken and cast on shore, the place being shallow and muddy. The Thracians inhabiting that part, setting up marks and bounds along the Sea, take every man within his precinct the wreck of that which is cast on shore. Before they had parceled, and bounded out the ground, they are said to have killed one another striving about the prey. Many beds, many chests, many books are found there, and many such other things, as Sailors use to convey in wooden vessels. After these places were brought under Seuthes his government, the Army returned. Now had Seuthes a greater Army of his own, than the Grecians were. For many more of the Odrysians were come down unto him, and always as he subdued any country, the people of the country joined themselves to his service. They encamped in the Plain above Selybria, 
6 Mile and more.  about 50 Furlongs from the Sea, and no pay was yet seen to come. So the Soldiers were●ore offended with Xenophon, 

The Army displeased with X●n●phon about pay.  
The General of the Lacidemonians in Asia the less.  
The Army waged by the Lacedæmonians. 13. Shillings.   and Seuthes much estranged from him, and so much indeed, that when he came to speak with him, Seuthes would make, as though he had much business. About this time, two months being scarcely spent, came Charminus the Lacedaemonian, and Polinicus sent from Thymbro, and brought news that the Lacedæmonians were minded to make war upon T●ssaphernes▪ and that Thymbro had already taken ship to prosecute that war, and had need of this Army, and added that every Soldier should have a Daricke the month, every Captain two, every Colonel four. As soon as the Lacedæmonians were come, Heraclides hearing, that they addressed themselves to the army, straightways told Seuthes, that it came well about for his affairs. For the Lacedæmonians, quoth he, stand in need of the army, and you need it not. Seuthes hearing this, willed the messengers to be brought in. When they said, they came about the army, he answered, he willingly yielded it into their hands, and desired to be friend and confederate with the Lacedæmonians; He than invited them to be his guests, and feasted them royally. But he neither invited Xenophon, nor any other of the Colonels. When the Lacedæmonians enquired, what Xenophon was for a man, he answered, that in other things he was not ill, but he loved the Soldiers too much, 
Seuthes his opinion of Xenophon.  and for that cause fared the worse. They replied: But is he not one, that can sway the Soldiers, which way he thinketh best? Heraclides answered, Yes▪ Will he not then oppose against us, if we seek to lead the Soldiers away? If making small account of him, you call them together, quoth Heraclides, and promise them pay, they will not stay here, but haste away with you. How shall we then assemble them, quoth they? We, quoth Heraclides, will bring you unto them to morrow morning betimes; and I know, that as soon, as they see us, they will gather together willingly. This day so ended. The next day Seuthes and Heraclides brought the Lacedæmonians to the army, and the army assembled together. The Lacedæmonians said: Our City is resolved to make war upon Tissaphernes, who hath wronged you. If therefore you will go with us, you shall both revenge yourselves upon your enemy, and also have every one of you a Daricke the month for your pay, a Captain twice, a Colonel four times as much. 
13. Shillings.  The Soldiers gladly heard this news; and by and by there stood up an Arcadian accusing Xenophon. Seuthes remained there to hear what the issue would be, and he stood within hearing, having an Interpreter with him, albeit he also of himself understood the most part of that, which was spoken in Greek. Then the Arcadian said: We (o Lacedæmonians) had been with you long ago, if by Xenophons' persuasion we had not been brought hither, 
Xenophon accused for the pay due to the Soldiers.  where lying in the field this sore Winter, we neither night, nor day, have taken rest. He in the mean time hath the fruit of our labour. Seethes hath privately made him rich and defrauded us of our pay. So that if I, that speak first, If I, said he, might see him stoned to death, and punished, for leading us into this country, I should account myself satisfied of my pay, and not be grieved hereafter with any thing, that is past. After him stood up another, and then another. Hereupon Xenophon spoke thus: 
Xenophons' defence.  What may not a man expect, when I am accused by you of that, wherein my conscience witnesseth with me, that I have been most desirous to do you good. I was now returning home, when hearing, that it was not well with you, nay rather, that you were brought to all extremity, I returned to do you service, and to assist you in any thing, I could. After my coming, Seuthes sending many messengers unto me, and promising many things, in case I persuaded you to come unto him, you know, I refused and led you thither, from whence, I thought, you might with most facility be transported into Asia. For I held it the best course, and knew you most desired it. But when Aristarchus with his Galleys intercepted our passage, I thereupon called you together, as it was needful, to consult, what was to be done. You would not then hear Aristarchus, that commanded you to march into Cherronesus, but yielded to Seuthes, that desired to entertain you; and it was not one, but all of you, that desired to go with Seuthes, and all of you made the decree. Say then, wherein I have wronged you, having led you to the place, whither you all desired to go? But when Seuthes began to defraud you of your pay, if I than commended him, or allowed of his dealing, you have good cause to accuse & hate me. But if before that time I was most in his favour, and now furthest out, is it right, that preferring you, before him, you should accuse me for that, which is the cause, that he and I are at difference? But you will say, now I have gotten from Seuthes, that, which was yours, I may cast a fair colour before your eyes. Is it not then manifest, that if Seuthes have given me any thing, he hath so given it, that he meant not to lose it, and yet pay you your due? I should think, that in bestowing on me the less, his purpose was to hold the greater from you. If your opinion be such, you may if you please, make the negotiation betwixt him and me void, by demanding your pay. For it is plain, that if I have been bribed, he will demand the bribe again, in case, I perform not the contract. But my conscience telleth me, that I am far from intercepting any thing of yours. For I swear unto you by all the gods, and the goddesses, that Seuthes hath not performed to me, that he promised me for mine own particular. He is present, and hears, and knows whether I forswear myself or no. And, that you may marvel the more, I have not received so much as other Colonels, nor so much as some Captains. And why have I done this? Mine opinion was, the more I suffered poverty with him, the more he would be my friend, when his ability was greater. Now I both see him in prosperity, and know, what disposition he is of. Some will say: Shame you not to be so childishly deceived? Truly I should be ashamed, if I were overreached by an enemy. But it is more shame for a friend to deceive, than to be deceived. And if there be any caution to be used toward a friend, I know you all have carefully endeavoured, not to give occasion of withholding from you that, which he hath promised you. We have neither wronged him in any thing, nor fore-slowed his affairs, nor for fear left any thing undone, that he hath commanded. But you will say, assurance, that he should not deceive, though he would, was then to be taken. Hear, I pray you, that which I would never say against him, were not you too unjust and unthankful toward me. For you may remember, in what case you were, when I led you to Seuthes. If you were disposed to go into Perinthus, did not Aristarchus the Lacedaemonian shut the gates against you, and keep you out of the City? Encamped you not in the field? Was it not the midst of Winter? The market, you had, how was it furnished? What money had you wherewith to buy? You must remain in Thrace; for the Galleys lay at anchor forbidding your transport. Remaining there, you must be in the enemy's country, where there were many Horse and Peltasts. You had armed Foot indeed, with which approaching the village we might have seized upon corn, though not much; but chase we could not give, nor take slaves, nor cattle. For I was with you, and neither saw many Horse, nor Peltasts. In this necessity if I joined Seethes unto you, who had both Horse and Peltasts, when you wanted both, had I not deserved well, albeit I had procured you no pay? For after you were assisted with them, found you not more plenty of come in the villages, because the Thracians were driven to a speedy flight? And you failed not of captives and cattle; nor saw we an enemy, since we had Horse, whereas before he followed us boldly with Horse and Peltasts, and suffered us not to disperse in little troops, or to take provision in any quantity. If therefore he, that wrought this security for you, had added no pay unto it, this would have been the greatest wrong, you had suffered; and for this were he in your judgement unworthy to live? But now how depart you? Spent you not the Winter in plenty of all things? And for overplus, had you not that, which was given you by Seuthes? You have all this while lived upon the enemy, and neither seen any of the Army slain, nor miscarrying alive. Besides, if you have done any thing praiseworthy, against the Barbarians in Asia, you hold your reputation still, and have added a new praise by overcoming the Thracians, against whom you warred in Europe. Truly I affirm, you ought to give thanks to the gods, as for a benefit, for that, for which you are now angry with me. And this is the case, you stand in. Consider further how it is with me. I when I first departed for my country, departed from you with your good liking and commendation, and as one, that for your sake, had reputation amongst the rest of the Grecians. Besides, I was in credit with the Lacedæmonians. For otherwise they would not have sent me to you again. But now I go away accused by you to the Lacedæmonians, and for you am in hatred with Seuthes, whom, having followed with you, I hoped to have found a ready receiver of me and my children, when need should have been. And yet you, for whom I am hated of them, that are much more mighty, than myself, for whom I cease not, no not even now, to do all the good, I can, you I say, that are thus affected toward me, have me neither running away, nor forsaking you. But if you do that, which you threaten, know, that you shall put to death a man, that hath broken many a sleep for you, that hath done many exploits, and been in many perils with you, and both in part, and in the whole (by the help of the gods) hath erected with you many a Trophy against the Barbarians, and taken care, that no Grecians should hold you for enemies; so that now you may go without controlment, whither you lift either by Sea or Land. Howbeit because you have the world at will, and may fail whither you of late desired, and they, that are of most might, stand in need of you, and you are offered pay, and the Lacedæmonians the men, that now are esteemed most powerful, are come to be your leaders, you have found a time to take away my life. This was not your mind, when you were in distress; O you men, that are so kind rememberers of your well deservers. Then you called me father, and promised always to be mindful of me, as of your Benefactor. But yet you must not imagine, that these men, which are come for you, are destitute of reason and understanding. For, as I conceive, they will not think the better of you, seeing in what manner you behave yourselves toward me. After he had spoken thus much, he kept silence. Then Charminus the Lacedaemonian stood up and said: I see no just cause, 
Charminus excuseth X●nophon.  you have, to be angry with this man: myself can give him this testimony, that when I, and Polynicu● asked Seuthes, what Xenophon was for a man, he had nothing else to blame him in, but that he loved his Soldiers too well, for which cause he was in less esteem with the Lacedæmonians, and with him. Then Eurylochus the Lusatian borne in Arcadia standing up, said: I am of opinion (o Lacedæmonians) that you may do us much kindness, if you will be pleased to effect this first work of a General to procure our pay of Seuthes, will he, or nill he, & not to lead us away before we have it. Polycrates the Athenian stood up, and spoke for Xenophon: I see (o Soldiers) Heraclides here present, 
Heraclides the with-holder of the pay.  who taking the prey, which we got, and selling it, neither gave the price to Seuthes, nor to us; but stole it, and keepeth it himself. If we be wise therefore let us call him to an account. For he is no Thracian, but a Grecian, and hath wronged Grecians. Heraclides hearing this was put in a fear, and coming to Seuthes; If, quoth he, we love ourselves, let us be gone out of their fingers, and getting on Horsbacke they spurred to their Campe. After this Seuthes sent his Interpreter Ebozelmius to Xenophon entreating him to stay behind with 1000 Armed, 
Xenophon in danger from the Lacedæmonians. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and promised to deliver unto him both the Sea Forts, and also the other things, which he offered unto him, and willed the Interpreter to tell him in secret, that he heard of Polynicus, that if the Lacedæmonians once got him, he was sure to die by the hands of Thymbro. The same news was sent to Xenophon by many of his Hosts, and that he was accused, and was to take heed. He hearing this took two sacrifices, and offered to jupiter the King, demanding whether it should be better for him to remain and rest upon the conditions propounded by Seuthes, or to depart with the army. It was answered, he should depart. Afterward Seuthes removed his Camp further off. The Grecians quartered in Villages, wherein they might make their best provision to go to Sea, which Villages were given by Seuthes to Medosades. 
Medosades angry with the Grecians, complaineth.  When Medosades saw the goods of these Villages consumed by the Grecians, he grew displeased; and taking with him an Odrysian one of the chiefest of them, that came down to Seuthes, and about fifty Horsemen, he came and called Xenophon out of the Grecian Camp; who came forth accompanied with some of the Captains, and with other, such as he thought good. Then, quoth Medosades, You offer wrong (Xenophon) in wasting our Villages. Therefore we forewarn you, I from Seuthes, and this man, from Medocus, the King of the upper Country, to depart hence: otherwise you shall not carry it so. For if you harry the Country so, we are resolved to defend our Country, as against enemies. 
Xenophons' answer.  Xenophon, hearing these things, said: I would hardly answer your accusation, were it not for this young man's sake. We, before we were your friends, ranged this Country at our pleasure, wasting what we thought good, and burning what we thought good. And you, when you came Ambassador to us, rested in our Camp without fear of any enemy. Yourselves were not in the Country, and when you came into it at any time, you remained in your quarters with your Horse bridled, as in a Country of enemies, that were too strong for you. Afterwards you became friends to us, and by our means got the possession of the Country: and now you seek to chase us out of the Land, which by our furtherance you conquered by force (for as you know the enemy was not of strength sufficient to drive us out) and not only give us no gifts for our well deserving, but as much, as in you lieth, suffer us not to quarter here at our departure. And speaking these things you neither reverence the gods, nor this man, who seeth you now suddenly made rich, whereas, before the time you joined with us in friendship (as yourself confessed to me) you led your life in robbery. But why speak you these things to me? For I have no longer the command: You, men forsooth worthy to be admired, have delivered over the Army to the Lacedæmonians, not calling me to counsel, that as I offended them, in bringing it to you, so by rendering it up to them again, I might be reconciled, & win their favour. When the Odrysian heard these things, he said: The rehearsal of these passages (o Medosades) strike me under the earth; and had I known before hand, what your propositions would have been, I would never have followed you hither. For King Medocus will have no good opinion of me, if I should join with you in chasing away your benefactors. Then Medosades (for he was grieved to see the country spoiled) desired Xenophon to call the two Lacedæmonians. He taking with him such as he thought meet, went to Charminus and Polynicus, and said, Medosades would fain speak with you: and desire you (as he did me) to depart the country. Now I conceive, you may, if you please, be a meane●to recover the Armies pay, by telling him, that the Army besought you to procure it from Seuthes either with or ●gainst his will; and said, that when they had received 〈◊〉, they would willingly follow you, 
The two Lacedæmonians are means to recover the Soldiers pay.  and that they seemed to have good ●ight to that they demanded, and ●hat you promised them not to depart before they recovered their right. The Lacedæmonians answered, that they would speak, both what they were informed, and any thing else, which they thought to the purpose, and presently they went forth, taking such with them as they liked of Charminus coming where Medosades was, said: Have you any thing to say to us, Medosades? If not, we have to say to you. Medosades then very humbly, I, quoth he, and Seuthes desire this, that being friends we suffer no hostility at your hands. For what harm soever you do to these country folks, you do it to us, whose subjects they are. The Lacedæmonians answered, we are ready to depart, as soon as they, by whose means you enjoy the land, are satisfied for their pay. If no●, we come to assist them, and to punish such, as wrong them contrary to their oath. If you be the men, we will begin to do right upon you. Then said Xenophon: Are you content, Medosades, to give them in whose country you are, seeing you say they are your friends, authority to determine, whether you, or we, shall leave the country. He would not hear of that, but desired the two Lacedæmonians to go to Se●th●s about the pay, and thought that Seuthes would not deny it. If not, 
Xenophon sent to Seuthes about the pay.  to send Xenophon with him, and promised to set to his helping hand. Besides he desired forbearance of burning the Villages. Thereupon they dispatched Xenophon away, with such other men, as they thought convenient. When he came to Seuthes, he used this speech: 
His words to Seuthes.  I am come to you (o Seuthes) not as a suitor for any thing, but only to show, you have no cause to be angry with me, for that I laboured to obt●ine the Soldiers pay, which you cheerfully promised at their first coming to you. For I thought it was no less profitable for you to give it, than for them to take it; and I knew, that these men, next after the gods, were they that set you in so conspicuous a place, making you King of a large Territory, and of much people, that whether you do good or evil, it cannot be kept in secret. And I am of opinion, that it is a matter of great consequence in such a man, as you are, not to seem to send away your benefactors ingratefully, and without recompense, and of as great to be well spoken of by 6000 men; but the greatest is, not to derogate credit from your own word. For I see the word of false men wande●●th up and down vain, and weak, and void of honour. But such as are known to speak truth, obtain as much by request, as other men do by force, and in corrections their threatenings are as powerful, as other men's punishments, and in promises they are believed no less, than they that give assurance. You should do well also to call to mind, what you gave us, when you made us your confederates. I know you gave nothing; 
A Talon is valued at 175 li. sterling, and 50 Talents are 875● li. sterling.  but being believed to say true, you animated so many men to follow you, and to purchase you such a kingdom, as is worth not 50 talents (as much as is thought to be due to these men) but manifold times more. First therefore sell not for that little money, that is due to the Soldiers, your credit, whereby you have purchased this Kingdom. Then I would have you consider, how highly you esteemed the compassing of that, which you have obtained. I make no doubt if it were undone, you would wish it effected, rather than to possess much more riches than is demanded. For my part I hold it a greater affront and shame, now not to continue the possession, than at first not to have gained it, by how much it is harder for a rich man to endure poverty, than not to have been rich, and to fall from a Kingdom to a private estate, than at first, not to have reigned. Do you not know, that they, who are now your subjects, obey you at this time not for friendship, but for necessity? and that they would attempt their freedom again, were they not held in by fear. Whether then think you, they will more fear and respect you when they see these Soldiers ready to stay, if you desire them, or quickly return, if you need them, and that other besides hearing their good report of you, will attend your service, when you shall please to use them; or if they conceive, that other will refuse you, because they believe you not, and these now here bear a better opinion of them, than of you? Nay they were brought under your subjection, not because they were fewer in number than we, but for want of good Commanders. Therefore there is danger also in this, lest they choose some of them Commanders, who think they are wronged by you, or else the Lacedæmonians, who are of more power, to whom the Soldiers will doubtless be more zealous in service, if they compel you to render to them the arrearages of pay, and the Lacedæmonians will sooner consent, because they stand in need of the Army. This also is not obscure, that the Thracians brought under your subjection will more cheerfully take Arms against you, than with you. For if you prevail, they must become your slaves, as they must be free, if you be overcome. And accounting the Country your own, whether think you it will be better preserved from spoil if these Soldiers receiving their claim depart in peaceable manner, or if they stay here, as it were in an enemy's Territory, and force you to levy more, than they are, against them, which must also be fed upon the Country? Now for Money, whether imagine you, will be the greater expense to pay them that you owe, or this debt still remaining due, to wage other Soldiers by aid of whom you may overmaster these? But the debt seemeth a great sum to Heraclydes, as he told me himself. Whether then is it not much easier now to take it up and pay it, than it was to take up the tenth part of it before we came unto your service? For it is not the quantity, that maketh much or little, but the ability of him that gives, or receives; and your yearly revenue is now more, than the worth of all, you possessed before. These things did I forecast in mind, as your friend, that both you might seem worthy of that, which the gods have bestowed upon you, and I not lose my reputation with the Army. For you know well, that at this present I can neither harm an enemy, nor succour you hereafter, though I would never so fain: Such is the affection of the Army toward me. And I take yourself, and the gods, that know all things, to witness, that I have neither received any thing of you in regard of them, nor demanded aught of theirs to my private use, no nor any of those things, you promised me. And I swear further unto you, I would never have taken gift of yours, unless the Soldiers had received that, which is their own. For it would be a shame for me, having been so much honoured by them, to procure mine own advantage, and neglect theirs. But Heraclides esteemeth all things trifles, save only money, howsoever it is gotten. I chose (o Seuthes) think, that a man (especially a Ruler) can have no fairer possessions, than Virtue, justice, & Generosity. The possessor of these is enriched with many friends for the present, and enriched with other that hereafter will seek for his friendship; and in good fortune he hath them, that will rejoice with him; in ill, that will be ready to assist and help him. But if by my deeds you perceived not, that I was your friend from my heart, nor yet knew it by my words, remember notwithstanding the words of the Soldiers. For you were present and heard, what was spoken by them, that sought to bring me into hatred; who charged me to the Lacedæmonians that I made more account of you, than of the Lacedæmonians, and for themselves likewise, that I more regarded your welfare, than theirs. They said I had received gifts of you. And when they accused me of these gifts, do you think, they saw in me an ill affection toward you, or rather a desire to do you service? I am of this mind, that whosoever receiveth gifts, he ought to love and esteem of him, that is the giver. Before I came to your service, you entertained me kindly in countenance, and in words, and hospital gifts, & made no end of promises: now you have compassed your desire, and are as great, as I can make you, seeing the small estimation the Soldiers have me in, you dare contemn me. But I firmly believe, time will teach you, that this money is to be paid, and that you will give no cause of complaint to those, that have so well deserved at your hands. Only this is my desire, that when you pay it, you would have a care to restore me to the same place with the Soldiers, wherein you found me at the first. Seuthes hearing this, cursed him, that was the cause, why the Soldiers were not paid long before (every man imagined he meant Heraclides) For I, quoth Seuthes, will pay the arrearages▪ and never had in mind to defraud the Soldiers of the least part of their due. Then spoke Xenophon again: Seeing it is your pleasure to make payment, let me entreat you to do it by my hands, and not to see me in worse case with the Soldiers for your cause, than I was, when I came to your service. Seuthes answered: You shall not by my means. 
Seuth●s assenteth to pay the Soldiers.  But if you will stay with me and hold with you 1000 Armed, I will give you the Towns, and other things I promised you. Xenophon told him, It could not be, as matters stood. But I pray, quoth he, send us away. I know, quoth Seuthes, it will be safer for you to remain here, than to depart. Xenophon again replied: I thank you for your care of me, but I cannot stay. Howbeit wheresoever I become, the more estimation I have, it shall not be the worse for you. 
The pledges of the Thracians that gave the Camisado to Xenophon before.  Then, quoth Seuthes, I have no money, but a little, viz. one Talent, which I will deliver unto you, but you sh●ll have 600 Oxen, 4000 Sheep, and 120 Captives. Taking these, and the pledges of them, that wronged you, go your ways. Then Xenophon smiling, said: If these suffice not to make up the pay, whose Talon shall I say I have? But seeing I cannot depart hence without danger, is it not better to stay here, and take heed of stones? For you heard their threatenings. So he remained there. The next day Seuthes delivered that which he promised, and sent men to drive the cattle. The Soldiers in the mean time gave out, that Xenophon was gone to remain with Seuthes, and to receive the things which were promised him. But when they saw him come, 
The Army satisfied.  they rejoiced, and ran to meet him. Xenophon as soon as he saw Charminns and Polynicus, You, quoth he, are the men that have preserved these things for the Soldiers, and I deliver them into your hands, dispose you of the sale, and deliver the price to the Soldiers. They taking and appointing men to sell them, raised money for the Soldiers, 

Xenophon banished his country for following Cyrus, who was a friend to the Lacedæmonians.  
Lampsacus a City in Asia the less.   but not without imputation of much corruption. Xenophon came not near, but openly made ready to go to his country. For it was not yet signified unto him, that he was banished, but some especial men of the Army came unto him, desiring him not to depart, till he had conducted the Army, and delivered it unto Thymbro. From thence they sailed over to Lampsacus, where Euclydes the Phliasian Soothsayer, the son of Cleagoras, who painted the dreams in the Lycaum, met Xenophon. He was glad to see Xenophon in health, and asked him, how much gold he had. 
Xenophon not greedy of riches.  Who swore he had not enough to bring him home, unless he sold his horse, and other things, which were about him. Euclydes believed him not: but when the Lampsacens sent hospital gifts to Xenophon, and Xenophon offering sacrifice to Apollo, desired Euclydes to be at the sacrifice, Euclydes then looking upon the Sacrifice, said; he believed now that Xenophon had no money: and I know, quoth he, if hereafter you happen to get any, you will have an impediment, if no other, you will be an impediment to yourself. Xenophon confessed this to be true. Euclydes proceeded: 
An Epithet given to jupiter, signifying favourable or gentle.  jupiter Milichius, quoth he, will hinder you. He further asked him, whether he had sacrificed, as I, quoth he, am wont for you at home, and burn the whole beast. Xenophon said, he had not offered to that god all the time of his travel. Euclydes advised him therefore to sacrifice unto the god, & your affairs, said he, will prosper better. The next day Xenophon marching on to Ophrynium sacrificed, 
A City in the country Troas.  and burned whole Hogs, after his country manner. The same day came Bito● and Euclydes to pay the Army; and they were Xenophons' guests, and t●ey released and restored to Xenophon (refusing to take the price of the redemption) the horse, 
Xenophons' horse released, being pawned. 32 li. 10 s.  which he had pawned at L●mpsacus for 50 Daricks, suspecting he pawned him for need, because they heard that he delighted in him. Then marching thorough the Territory of Troy, and passing over Ide, they came first to Antandrum, and then held on along the Sea side of Lydia to the Plain of Thebes. From thence marching forward by Adramytti●m and Cert●nium (not far from Atarna) to the Plain of Caycus, they reached to Pergamus a City of Lydia. Here helas the wife of Gongylus the Eretrian, mother of Gorgy●● and Gongylus entertained Xenophon for her guest. She told him, that Asidates a Persian was in the Plain. If you go by night, quoth she, with 300 men, you may take him, his wife, and children, and much riches. She gave him for Guides her cousin german, and Daph●agoras a special friend of hers. Xenophon therefore having these with him offered sacrifice. Agasias the Elaean soothsayer being present, said, that the entrailes were fair, 
Xenophon upon an exploit.  and that Asidates might be taken prisoner. They went to supper, and after supper Xenophon taking the Captains to him, that were his best friends, and had always been faithful unto him, and therefore desiring to do them a kindness, proceeded on his journey▪ There went also with him, whether he would or no, other about 600 Soldiers. But the Captains posted away before to prevent them of partage, as though the money had been ready to their hands. Coming to the place about midnight, they suffered the slaves, that lay near the Castle, and many other things to slip away, their care being only to take Asidates and his company. When they could not take the Castle by assault (for it was high and great, and had many bulwarks & defendants expert in fight) they went about to sap the foot thereof. The wall was of the thickness of eight bricks. 
Sapping of a Castle.  By break of day it was pierced thorough, and when it was light one of the defendants struck him that stood next, thorough the thigh with an Oxe-goad, and further with their arrows they made it dangerous for any man to approach to the Tower, or come in sight. When those in the Castle made an outcry, and put out fire for a sign, Itabelius with his own forces, and with the Garrison of Co●ania, being armed foot, 
A sign for succour.  and with about 80 Hyrcanian horsemen (which were in the King's pay) and other Peltasts about 800 came to rescous. Other also out of Parthenion, other out of Apollonia, and the neighbour Cities, being horsemen. Now was it time to think, how our Retreat should be made. Therefore taking the Oxen and other cattle, and the captives, and couching them within a hollow square, they hasted away, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Xenophons' retreat.  not so much thinking upon the riches, as that (if they should depart, leaving that behind them, which they had gotten) their Retreat might seem a plain running away; besides that, that the enemy would grow into heart, and the Soldiers be discouraged. Now they retreated fight, as it were, for the prey. When Gongylus saw the Grecians so few, and the enemy, that pressed them, so many in number, he by compulsion of his mother issued out with his own forces to be partaker of the fray. And Procles out of Alisarna, and Teuthranias', who was descended from Demaratus, came likewise to rescous. Xenophons' soldiers being overlaid with arrows and Iling, casting themselves into a Ring, 
A Ring. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  to the end to oppose their arms against the arrows, with much ado passed over the river Caijcus, well-nigh half of them being wounded. Amongst the number of whom was Agasias the Stymphalian, who continued the fight against the enemy during the whole Retreat. Thus they came safe home, having 200 captives, and cattle sufficient for sacrifice. Xenophon sacrificing the next day, led out his Army by night, that he might go as far as he could into Lydia, and give no cause of fear to the enemy by being so near, but make him negligent upon his guard. Asidates hearing that Xenophon had the second time sacrificed about him, and that he was marching with all ●is Army, went out of his Castle, and lodged in the Villages not far from the City Parthenium. There Xenophons' soldiers lighted upon him, 
Assidates' taken prisoner.  and took him prisoner, and his wife, and his children, and his horse, and all that he had. So that the former sacrifice took effect now. Afterward they returned back again to Pergamus; and thenceforth Xenophon had no cause to complain of that god. For the Lacedæmonians also, and Captains, and Soldiers consented to give him an extraordinary share, 
Xenophon rewarded with a large portion.  of horse, and oxen, and other things; so that he was thereby able to gratify a friend. Not long after came Thymbro, and took the Army, and joining it to the rest of the Grecian forces made war against Tissaphernes.  
These were the Governors of the King's Provinces, that we journeyed thorough: Artymas of Lydia, Artacamas of Phrygia, Mithridates of Lycaonia and Cappadocia; of Cilicia, Synesis; of Phoenicia and Arabia, Dernes; of Syria and Assyria, Belesis; of Babylonia, Roparas; of Media, Arbacas; of the Phasians and Hesperites, T●ribazus: The Carduchans, Chalybes, Chaldaa●s, Macrons, Choicans, Mosynaecans, Coitans, and Tibarens, are people under no man's subjection. Paphlagonia is ruled by Corylas, the Bithynians by Pharnabazus, the European Thracians by Seuthes. The total number of the Ascent and Descent is 215 Encamp, 1150 Parasangs, 34255 Furlongs. 
4281 mile, and more.  The time of the Ascent and Descent one year and three months.  
FINIS.   

A COMPARISON OF THE ROMAN MANNER OF WAR, WITH THIS OF OUR TIME; OUT OF THE END OF THE FIFTH Book of JUSTUS LIPSIUS, De Militia Romana.  
WE have considered 5. things in the Roman warfare: their Musters, their Arms, their degrees & distribution of Bands, their Embattelling, and their Discipline. To make a true comparison betwixt our manner of war and theirs, we must weigh the one with the other in equal balance of all these generalities, and observe by the consequents and advantages, which of them is to be preferred before other.  
Therefore to speak first of Musters, 
Musters.  it is no doubt but that they used an excellent course in making choice of the best & most honest men. Which notwithstanding will hardly at this day be imitated by us, as our fashions and government are; unless happily it be in some Free-estate. But they amongst us are few, or else but weak. And the Venetian alone, which is of means and ability sufficient, for certain private regards debarreth her people for the most part from service: I except the service of the Sea. Kings and Princes will not be tied to this Roman form, and have their causes. It would be hard to rate their Soldiers after such a Subsidy or Assessment; and scarce safe to allow them the like liberty of Arms. But of things of this nature we have discoursed in our Politikes. Now I hold thus much, that every Prince may to his great commodity, device another course than is in use now adays in Musters. It is not unknown what the Turk doth in his janisars. I would have many or few Legions (according to ability or revenues of State) be levied of fit men, and bound and framed to service from their youth, till a prefixed time. There is an Art of handling of Arms, and the profession of the name, or the countenance or apparel changed, make not by and by a Soldier. But I refer you again to my Politikes, and the notes, which I purpose to set forth.  
The next thing is the degrees and division of Bands, after they are levied. 
Ordo.  O how good was this amongst the Romans in all respects? The distribution of the parts apt: the greater body of the Legions, the principal members the Cohorts, the Limbs, the Maniples themselves. Look into the placing of Leaders, and Captains, Ensigns, Lieutenants, there is nothing too much, nothing wanting, all for use, nothing ●or pomp or burden. Let that, which I have spoken, be considered of. Much may be borrowed from thence for the good of service in General, much also for the good of the Treasury.  

Arma.  Arms come in the third place. Here they say, We go by the worst. They make sport when we enter into speech of these matters; they tread down and spurn with their feet, Slings, Darts, Arrows, only in regard of these our Guns: and boldly give out that no Roman army had ever been able to endure these thunderbolts and cracks, especially if they had been beaten with the greater and more violent kind of Ordinance. These, and more than these are their vaunts, which a man skilful of Antiquities would not be to seek to answer and refute.  
First, where they so lightly esteem of all these flying weapons, I scarcely believe they well know their might. How much do Slings differ in effect and force (for their form is very different) from our small shot? this at the first hearing seemeth a thing worthy of laughter; but examine it with me. Both the bullets be of Lead: neither is there much diversity betwixt their greatness or shape; nor yet do the Slings much give place in power or violence. I must believe those, which have seen it, and which were in the ancient wars even then, when these Engines were managed with Art and use. They therefore write, that which may equal, if not prefer them before Guns.  
Concerning violence, it is so forceable in a Sling unladen with skill, that the very bullet hath been often molten with fire conceived in flying. This appeareth by the testimony of Lueretius, Ovid, Lucan, and Statius. Do you not happily credit Poets? Let the Philosopher come. Seneca affirmeth, that Motion doth extenuate the air, and extenuation inflame it: So doth a bullet thrown out of a Sling melt, and distilleth by the attrition of the air, as by fire.  
The like is found written in Aristotle: And yet it loseth not his force, but being so on fire pierceth the body. Virgil.  
With molten Led his Temples twain disparted stand,  
His limbs extended lie upon the yellow sand.  
It killeth with one blow. And I marvel not that David, being both young and a Slinger, did overthrow the monstrous Goliath with this weapon. And that you may at once, and fully know the virtue thereof, hear what Diodorus Siculus saith of the inhabitants of the Isles Baleares. They throw stones (for you know that these also, not only Led are delivered out of Slings) much greater than other Slingers, and with such stiffness and strength, that the blow seemeth to come from some Engine. You see he compareth it with an Engine. And he addeth further, that it pierceth Targets and Casks, and all defence of Armour. I deny that there can be greater force in small shot, and perhaps there is not so great, except in Muskets only. Now the Slings are much better in one respect, that they reach and hurt a great way further. Which of our small Pieces carrieth his force point blank, above 200. or 300. foot? It fainteth or strayeth from the mark, if you aim further off. But the bullet of a Sling hath carried his full strength 600. foot, as you may find it clearly expressed in Vegetius. The archers & slingers set up for a mark Besoms, that is, bundles of twigs, or grass, so that being 600. foot distant from the mark, they hit it with arrows and with ●tones thrown out of a Sling. He joineth it here with arrows, and giveth the distance, I spoke of, to either of them. But there are other, that prefer it before arrows, and hold that the sling-bullet outfli●th them. You shall read in Strabo: That a Sling carrieth further than a Bow: In Dio; The Slingers overreaching the Archers did hurt all, yea the armed men. This he reporteth in the expedition of Marcus Antonius against the Parthians; who notwithstanding, as all agree, were well armed, and special good Archers: and yet Slingers were too good for them. Which Xenophon also writeth plainly in the acts of his countrymen the Grecians. For the Rhodian Slingers, saith he, reached further than the Persian, and than many of the Archers. Therefore they reached far.  
But went they near the mark? All testify they did, especially the Islanders of the Baleares; and that they learned this certainty in throwing even from their Cradle.  
Also you may read in the Bible, that seven hundred or thereabouts, of the Inhabitants of Gabaa were so good marksmen with a Sling that they could hit you a hair. Enough of Slings.  
Some say that Guns do more terrify by reason of their sound. I grant it. But whom do they terrify? Birds? For I cannot think that true Soldiers will be moved with their sound or fiery sight; unless perhaps at the first. And truly I am of opinion, that if the Romans had joined battle with us, they would at the first have feared the show and reports of our Pieces: But at the first only. After they had discerned the truth they would have been the same, they were wont; especially so armed, they would by covering themselves with their Targets have weakened or made vain the stroke of the Bullet.  
And for great Ordinance I see no reason to repute it so terrible, in as much as those, that have had the experience, clearly confess, that they never saw battle broken by this kind of Artillery. A plain Hillock, or Rampire, or top of a Trench in the way breaketh the force of this so terrible Engine. These things are known to Soldiers; and excepting at the siege of Towns, this Engine serveth rather for a show, than to work great masteries in the wars. I omit the disadvantages which follow it, and forbear to oppose and bend against it the Roman Engines. This matter requireth a larger discourse, and is to be reserved for some other place.  
I come to Darts, which they likewise sport at. Yet have they this commodity, that they are fit for ready & speedy service, and at all times and places. It is not so in Guns, which have a time both to be charged and also discharged, and hindrance from rain and other casualties. And do not Darts outreach them? I observe that they are matched with Arrows by Homer, in whom Ulysses glorieth thus of himself: I cast a Dart as far, as other do an Arrow shoot.  
Although this attributed to Ulysses is not commonly true, and the Arrow flieth further of both. But how much? The proportion is expressed in Statius: As far as Arrows fly at thrice, and four times with a Dart you throw.  
He measureth out a Theatre for Plays and describeth it: And it was so much ground, saith he, as you can reach with casting a Dart four times, and shooting an Arrow thrice. Therefore an Arrow reached further than a Dart by a fourth part of distance. And if that flew six hundred foot, than this four hundred and above. So that I have good cause to smile at the asseveration of an Italian Writer, one yet skilful in these things, who constantly denieth that any Arm is of force sufficient to throw a Stone or other weapon forty Paces. Peace man, and believe a thing so common in all antiquity. And had these Darts any force? You have seen in the kind of Dart called Pilum: whereof I have entreated in my third Book. Will you hear of another kind?  

Tragula.  The Spaniards, Gauls and sometimes the Romans, used a Dart called Tragula. Of it doth, I know not what Writer report in Suidas: Cotta fought with a weapon, that is termed Tragula, which he threw so violently, that thorough Cuirass, and sides, he fastened to the earth, as with a nail, whomsoever he hit. A God's name what Arms were these? how grown in strength either by Nature, or by Skill gotten through exercise? 
Arrows.  I will say nothing of Arrows. Both they were in estimation within the memory of man, and peradventure they are now altogether given over not upon the best advice. I find in plutarch's Crassus, that the Parthian Arrows forced all kind of Armour: In Agathias the Historian, that Arrows shot by the hand of one Aligernus a Gothe, passed thorough a man's body, Target, Cuirass, and all. And that you will marvel at, if they fell upon a stone, or other hard thing not easy to be broken, they shivered it to fitters with the violence of the blow. Look yourself, if you please, in Procopius, what he writeth every where of the Archers of his age. I only take this out of him: That an Arrow was put off with that force, that neither Cuirass, nor Target, could make resistance. This may suffice for light-weapons, which notwithstanding are the principal in our wars. They try the whole encounter, and strait either gain or lose the Field. True and lasting fights are only now to be read of. I speak not all this because I hold the ancient weapons better, than those we now use, but only to show that they are not to be contemned, and that some of them are to be taken up at this day, and to be mingled with ours. This would be a gallant and profitable manner of service, if it were handled by men ripe in exercise, otherwise these weapons are not worth a pin.  
Now for the fashion of arming the Romans, what can be alleged, why it should not be the best of all other? 
Armour.   
A man was armed from head to foot, his legs not uncovered, and had a large Target, a principal defence both for Horse and Foot. 
The Target.  I affirm that there is no Armour of more use, than the Target. But our sloth, or rashness, hath cast it clean out of doors. Some neighbours yet retain it, as the Polish Horsemen, and Turks. We, as I said, have slothfully laid it down, or else carelessly; as though we were safe by contempt of things serving for our defence. Yet I urge it not, because I see such as have written of war, acknowledge this fault, and exhort to amendment. Surely the most of our men are unarmed, and what else, but to be compared to velitarie bands? open to hurts, and therefore fearful, because nature, careful of herself, compelleth to fear. I speak not of Pike-men, 
Pikes.  whom we arm according to the laudable custom of the Macedonians. And yet we have few of them, I mean we Netherlanders, or French. The Spaniards have, I confess, who also by a proverb do term the Pike Queen of weapons. The Swisses most of all, who in times past were famous in this kind of fight, and the true Phalangites. But now they begin to use them more sparingly, and to mingle other kinds of light weapons with them.  
And what is mine opinion? I deliver it not, because Polybius hath spoken sufficiently for me, where he compareth the Roman and Macedonian Arms of purpose. What can I bring more wise, or more sound, than is by him alleged? Notwithstanding this is my judgement: That the Romans good and pliable to imitate all good things used few Pikes, and in Marius and Caesar's time they gave over those, that the Triarij did bear. The cause was, for that it is no convenient weapon for a battle marshaled and distinguished into Maniples. It ought to be a large and coherent body, where Pikes are of force; being divided they are unprofitable. Further, but few Pikes serve to much purpose in a great body, seeing the first Ranks only can charge them, and the rest give no further help, than by thrusting on with their bodies. Moreover, such a battle unmoveable for the most part, & uniform, is strong only in Front: it can hardly turn upon the sudden and not break. Lastly, he that carrieth that weapon, hath almost no use of any other (yet the Macedonians had also a Hurling-staffe) and specially he cannot fitly bear or wield a great Target. The Romans considered these things, and perhaps more than these. And albeit they often endangered Phalanges, and sometimes with their own danger (as Paulus Aemilius is said to have quaked at the sight of a thick Phalange coming on with their Pikes charged) yet did they more esteem their own weapons, and judge them better for all kind of service. For they themselves were able to fight in all kinds, in Front, in Flank, and behind, and also were able all to serve, as occasion served. As in a body it is best, when all parts are active and every one fit for his office; so is it in a battle: for, as Livy saith, The Phalange is unmoveable and of one kind, the Roman battle consisting of many parts, easy to be divided, easy to be joined and knit together, if use require. Add that the Romans could range and unite themselves in rough and uneven grounds, the Phalange, which consisteth of thickness and depth, could not to any purpose. And therefore if a ditch, hill, hedge, or other thing came in the way, it was presently disjoined, and the manipular Battalion insinuated itself into the void spaces, and so overthrew the Phalange. And yet I deny not, that Pikes are of good use in our customs & fights, especially against horsemen, whose charge they notably sustain and repulse. But what need is of them in the Roman manner of arming? when the Velites for the most part gave the first charge in the Front, and made the horses stand off; if they could not, the legionary soldier with his Darts did easily stay, or put them to flight. This weapon was heavy and powerful, whereof every Soldier carried a couple; so that they might very well put the horse to retreat with defence of their great Targets, or else with threatening the point (as I conceive) of the other Dart, especially being knit together shoulder to shoulder and close. This I am sure of, that the Roman battle was seldom broken by the impression of the horsemen only, which is commonly seen at this day. What? will you say not by the Parthians? Yes. But mark that I spoke of impression. The Parthians did for the most p●rt overwhelm the Romans with their arrows afar off, and never came to the shock. Therefore they overthrew them not, but by little and little wounded and wasted them by coming on and retiring after their manner. The same would befall our Pikemen through the enemy's shot, were they not answered with like weapons, and with horsemen. Wherefore I thus resolve concerning Pikes, that they were not necessary for the Romans, and yet are profitable for us, and so would be, although we should take up the Roman armour in part. I have seen some that would have them mingled, and would have maniples armed partly with Swords and Targets, partly with Pikes. Let Commanders and men of experience consider thereof.  
The fourth thing is Embattailing, which if I should account perfect and sound at all hands in the Roman manner of ranging, 
Acies.  Reason would be on my side. In the Front were the Hastati, the weakest; next after them the Principes, more strong; then the Triarij, strongest of all, that the enemy might be weakened and spent by degrees. The horsemen were placed on the Flanks, to save the Battle from environing and encompassing: and if the enemy's horse charged the Romans front, than were the Roman horse to give on their flank. I need not repeat many things, I have discoursed before. But this is of greatest mark, and a principal matter for victory, that the Battalions have their spaces and intervals, and the Velites in them or before them. So that the statary Soldier serveth the Velites for retreat, that they may without danger entertain, or forsake the skirmish at their pleasure. Go to, say the whole Band of the Velites is defeated and of no use, what inconvenience is it? The Ranks stand entire, and the Velites being wisely kept unmixed and divided from them, the statary Soldier thinketh not that he hath lost any thing by the overthrow of the Velites. Therefore they enter the fight fresh and whole, and nothing impaired in body or mind, and to be short, with assuredness and certainty of retreat into the intervals. Consider you Commanders, this is a great secret, that your Soldier be bold and confident, fight with hope of victory, being compelled retreats without fear of ignominy or danger. So was it amongst the Romans by reason of their triple battle of their Hastati, Principes and Triarij, which last undertook the main danger with assurance of their own strength. There were the Commanders, there the Standard, there the old Soldier, and in sum there was Victory because Valour was there. Pack away you Turks with your janisars, which usurp a manner of resemblance, but a false resemblance of the ancient discipline. If it were a true one, we had not now been. For I rest out of doubt of this, if the ancient were joined to these our newfound Arms, and withal the true marshalling of Bands and kind of embattailing used, the old and new World would shortly be subject to one man. O secret truly heavenly, which men rather guess at than understand, and which governest this world with a wonderful temper, bridlest, or advancest the wicked, and liftest up or throwest down the good, even as they depart from or come to thee. I display not my wings nearer to this Sun, lest I melt, or be consumed; but I cry with a f●ee voice, He that will attain to Glory or Empire, let him turn to the ancient Discipline. For surely if our light Soldiers (so I call shot) were mixed between the Maniples and before the Maniples of the armed with intervals and distances for retreat, and that against the horse and armed foot; what battle durst assail, nay what battle could resist us? For in regard hereof our men should be always fit to charge, fit to retire for a second charge. All which notwithstanding is to be done with long use and exercise, lest they trouble us in the doing. I call you to witness, you Commanders, that I speak truth. Imitate it then in good faith, but against them that oppugn the Faith.  
There are many things in particular concerning ordering of Battles, whereof we might give a taste, but precepts we cannot now give; and these depend upon a wit truly martial, that is, fiery and high. He that can, let him conceive; he that cannot, let him yield and be beaten. Thus much I admonish, that herein may be found out a large field of Stratagems, and that no other means hath gained more victories or trophies. Whatsoever is unlooked for troubleth the enemy, provided that it disorder not thy own. Let that be a certain and infallible rule. For every small invention is not by and by to be embraced or of efficacy, but only such a one, as is squared out by circumspection and heed. He ought to be an Argus, that is a Commander, and to have eyes in his back, forehead, head, and feet. And yet all things are easy to be ordered, where this common good order hath his being. Give me Cohorts, give me Maniples so placed one to second another, so ordered, so wont to join, or disjoin, I will always undertake to have the body of a battle in readiness, such as yourself or occasion require.  

Discipline.  Discipline is the last. Alas of what should I make comparison? Would I could find any colour or show to begin. But howsoever the ancient Discipline be esteemed, at this day there is none at all; and so those that have been Soldiers will confess. O shame, o dishonour. The Barbarians and Scythians go beyond us herein, and have some ordinances, we none.  
What should I then compare? Should I praise, or exhort men to the Roman discipline? It is not only good, but the best of all, that have been, that shall be, given from heaven for an example. Let wise men meet, and sit in council, they cannot in conceit, in writing, comprehend a fuller, a better. Exhort I then to the use thereof? As our men and manners are I dare not. It is enough, if in general I induce any form of Discipline; without which there can be not only no perfection or success, but scarcely any name of service. Other are robberies, which men exercise without law, right, or measure. I would be loath to call ours by that name (neither indeed ought I, the cause being good) but in good sooth we touch not the line of the other. I have made three parts of Discipline; Duties, Exercise, and Laws. They are severally to be considered, and whether there be any good in them to serve our purposes.  
Duties extend to Guards, Ministeries, Works, and to those things whereof I have entreated at large. 
Duties.  For Guards, we have some show, and that not ill digested. 
Guards.  Yet do I believe, that in time passed there have been better or safer: as the Stations before the gates of the camp, the Guard-tallies, the continual Round, the relieving of Guards, the differences and division of hours, and such like, which an industrious General may mark and put in practice.  

Ministeries.  Ministeries are either out of date amongst us, or else voluntary and without law. Yet who can deny, but that such like may with comeliness be used towards the Colonels and Commanders without vexation of the Soldiers, being parted amongst them by turns?  
But Works are the chief and most profitable, 
Works.  yea the most necessary part, not only for victory, but also for safety. And yet why is entrenching of the Camp altogether cast off? We set down open and without any certain order, and when we will seem more circumspect, we enclose ourselves with our carriage, both an invention and term Barbarous. But see me the Roman Camp, so form, so quartered out; how beautiful is it in sight, apt for use, strong against all incursion and force of the enemy? How many of our own and stranger-armies have been cut in pieces, or put to flight by carelessness herein? And even of late those gallant Christian forces at the Donaw, whom the most cruel enemy surprised on the sudden. Say I beseech you if the Roman Camp and Guards had been there, would this have happened?  
But they like not, or rather are ashamed to be Labourers. Should a Soldier put his hand to the Spade? It is an ignominy. Away, hire them that list to fall to such drudgery. These be their words. But whose? You would think them of the blood Royal at the least, or else men of great riches. Yet look upon them, you shall perceive them most abject of all other, whom Need and Despair have compelled to service. My fellow, art thou ashamed to do that, which many excellent men, yea Senators have done? This petty conceit, wherewith they cover their sloth, will pack away with one only warning or Proclamation of a Prince. No man will hold that reproachful, which shall be done in common, which shall be done by the better sort, and sometimes by commanders themselves, for example sake: Polybius cometh to my mind; who writeth, that a man is counted Most wise of all living creatures, but he esteemeth him most foolish: Because other things if they once offend, take heed. The Fox will hardly be brought again to the snare, nor the Wolf to the pitfall, nor the Dog to the staff. Only man from age to age doth fail almost in the same things. Let me apply this to us and our affairs. What profit is more apparent, than of these Works? What more common in Writings and Books? Yet we neglect them, and had rather cast away ourselves, than our opinions.  
And concerning Works, how profitable are they without the Camp, being the only means and remedy, never deceiving against great Ordinance, and to make your approaches without peril to any City. Works are of wonderful effect to block up Towns, to defend yourself in them against the enemy; and with Works you may perform that, which otherwise is not to be done with great Bands of men. They have likewise their place in the battle, either to fortify yourself suddenly on any side against the enemy, or to train and draw him on, or else to make an orderly retreat. You shall read that trenches were cast by Sylla, against the sudden circumvention of Mithridates huge Army and infinite multitude of Horse. And that the like was done by Caesar upon another reason and occasion. What need words? The effect will prove the saying of Domitius Corbulo true, that An enemy is to be overcome with the spade, that is, with Works. Would God we had minds to try, and to lead the Soldier hither by little and little, and that one would not be faulty herein by the example of another.  

Exercise.  The second thing in Discipline is Exercise. That also is neglected of us. Where are our Field-teachers? Where is our daily meditation of Arms? And when no man professeth an Art, which he hath not learned, men think they perfect in war alone, as soon as they come to it. The Drum is struck, they run together, their names are entered in the muster-book, they disguise themselves in apparel, they look grim upon the matter, they play the Ruffians, and bouse it out in drink, straight way they are become Soldiers. Are these things to be laughed at, or pitied? Go, go, you that be wise to our forefathers, and by their example fashion your Soldiers in all manner and kinds of Arms. For neither the length of age (as Vegetius saith) nor number of years do teach the Art of War, but continual meditation of exercise. An unexercised Soldier is always raw, though he have served never so long.  

Laws.  The Laws are last. Come hither my Commanders, show me your Laws, that I may match them with the Roman Laws. Why are you so silent? Have you none, or few? Those that you have are they void, and without effect? Truly this is our life:  
Lust ruleth in stead of Law, and the Sword challengeth the place of Right. Who at this day punisheth Theft? Who Rapes? Nay who Murder? For Whoredom and Adultery are now counted brave exploits, and worthy to be rewarded with a Crown. If I speak of abstinence and frugality in Diet, I shall be scorned with the tongue out; of swearing or perjury, I shall be thrust out of doors by the head and shoulders. Shamefastness and honour, whither are you gone? How are you banished from the most part of our Europe-seruice. I protest again, my complaint and accusation is not against the good. I write against you, you spots and wems of noble Mars, which make the wars a refuge and sanctuary for your villainies. I have sufficiently declared, that the Romans held another course. There justice, Chastity, and Innocence, dwelled in Camp, and their Soldiers were in no place fierce and violent, but against the enemy. I rip not up those things, which I a while ago spoke of. But truly they are such, as albeit many will debase in speech, yet can they not but extol them in mind. And yet who is so haire-braind that dares control them? They do not so, but say that those times are gone; that this age requires other manners. O good and sweet conceits. As though men were other now, than they were wont, or another reason governed, and that which is just not just in all ages, and so that which is unjust. The matter is, they are hardly laid unto being enjoined to abstinence from outrage and vices, to turn their hands against Enemies, not Citizens, to reserve their strength for Mars, not for Venus; in sum not to consume their entertainment or pay in dicing, lewdness, and gluttony. Concerning which pay, it comes fitly to my mind to admonish, that the ancient warriors would be sure to take heed not to commit all to the Soldier's hands; but, as Vegesius saith; It was divinely ordained, that half should be sequestered to be laid up with the Ensign, and reserved there for the Soldiers, lest it might be consumed by their Cabin-mates in lavishness and idle expenses. O excellent, and as he termeth it, Divine Ordinance, carrying with it a double profit, and that most evident; namely, to make the Soldier more continent, and sparing, less given to wantonness, banqueting, and company, and to make him fight with greater courage in defence of the Ensign, According to man's nature (as the same Author noteth) which ever hath more care of that wherein he seeth his Wealth lie. Which thing I also observe to have been practised by a Grecian General, named Iphycrates. Polyenus writeth of him, that in paying his Soldiers, he withheld every month A fourth part, and retained it for a pledge, lest they should easily forsake the Army. And so he had both his Companies full, a●● his Soldiers rich. Who seeth not that this may or rather ought to be practised in our loose manners, seeing that otherwise our Soldiers being, as it were, gloriously prodigal, continue, though serving never so long, always poor and needy, and would be always ready to starve, if they had not liberty to spoil. These things, and the like, might easily be imitated by us, if we had a little higher minds, and as the Poet saith, our hearts seasoned with Noble honesty.  
Now it is known how Rewards and Punishment excite and bridle, which whole kind is omitted by us through carelessness and indulgence. 
Rewards. Punishment  If the rewards of Promotion were again brought to their right course, it would do much good, and that without any expense of the Treasury. I speak of this kind, as when a Soldier for his virtue ascendeth by degrees, and a difference is betwixt the Captains themselves. If some little advantage were adjoined to their places, how would it inflame the lower sort of Soldiers?  
Lastly Crowns, and Chains, and those other things particularised by me, together with public commendation and praise would transport ingenuous minds not only to danger, but to death itself. Notwithstanding I would not have punishment omitted. Virtue cannot rise, where Vice accompanieth it with equal pace. And Soldiers are to be held-in with a sharp and severe kind of chastisement.  
From whence are so many Rebellions and Mutinies, threatenings and Weapons bend against their own Commanders? From want of punishment, and from too much liberty. And albeit other causes be pretended, these are the true and inward causes. Let them be repressed with punishment, and a Soldier learn more to fear his General, than his Enemy.  
I have enough weighed these things in the true Balance of Comparison, especially being so unequal. I exhort again that they be put in practice.  
But whom do I exhort? I wish he, that hath interest, and whom I mark out with these eyes of my mind, were present, and had the hearing of all, that hath been discoursed. But that resteth in the Divine Providence: hear he, or hear he not, right and reason will hear, and approve the practice, revenge the slighting and contempt of them.  
FINIS.