THE CITY'S ADVOCATE,  
IN THIS CASE OR Question of Honour and Arms; Whether Apprenticeship extinguisheth Gentry?  
Containing a clear Refutation of the pernicious common error affirming it, swallowed by Erasmus of Rotterdam, Sir Thomas Smith in his Commonweal, Sir john Fern in his Blazon, Ralph Broke York Herald, and others.  
With the Copies or Transcripts of three Letters which gave occasion of this work.  Lam. jerem. cap. 3. ver. 27. Bonum est viro cum portaverit jugum ab adolescentia sua. 
LONDON, Printed for William Lee, at the Sign of the Turks Head next to the Mitre and Phoenix in Fleet street.   

Monsieur FLORENTIN de THIERRIAT, Escuyer, Seigneur de LOCHEPIERRE, LONOVET, SAINCT NAVOIR, RAON AV. BOYS, &c.  De la Noblesse de Race, Num. 99. En matiere de Noblesse il faut obseruer la Coustume du lieu, et les moeurs des peuples; dautant que les uns estiment une chose honneste et Noble que les autres tiennent pour sordide et dishonneste. Num. 118. Les choses que derogent a la Noblesse, qu'il faut tousiours mesurer, sur les Coustumes des lieux, parce qu'un peuple approuue souuent un exercice pour honneste, qu'un autre defend et prohibe comme sordide, et vicieux au Gentilhomme.  

HONORATISSIMO SENATVI POPULO QVE, AUGUSTAE VRBIS LONDINENSIS.  
  

RIGHT HONOURABLE:  
THe Author of this work, styling himself according to the nature of his part therein THE CITY'S ADVOCATE, after ten, or twelve years' space from the first date of the accomplishment, resolving at last to permit the edition, doth reverently here advance and present to the honourable good acceptance of your Lordship, of all the Lords, and other the worthy persons, to whom, in the quality of the cause, the consideration reacheth; The clear refutation of that pestilent error, which having some authority for it, and many injurious partakers, lays upon the hopeful, and honest estate of APPRENTICESHIP in LONDON, the odious note of bondage, and the barbarous penalty of loss of Gentry: to the great reproach of our Kingdom's policy, and to the manifold damage of the public. In this one act of his, the Advocate therefore doth not only seem to be the Patron or defender of birthrights, and of the rights of fortunes, but the Champion also of civil Arts, & of flourishing Industry among you: the sinews, and life itself of Commonweal. The occasion which induced him to enter the lists single against a multitude, in this good quarrel, was private, as appears by the Letters at the end of the work, but the cause, is absolutely such (according to his best understanding) as he should not refuse to abett & second with his sword, the strokes of his pen, to that purpose. For, though the Schools, and Camp, are most proper for Honour and Arms, yet the ancient wisdom, and the like ancient bounty of our Sages, did ever leave the gates of Honour open to City-Arts, and to the mysteries of honest gain, as fundamental in Commonweal, and susceptive of external splendour: according to the most laudable examples of rising Rome, under her first Dictator's, & Consuls. By which their such moderation and judgement, they happily avoided two opposite rocks; tyrannical appropriation of Gentry to some certain old families, as in Germany, and the confusion of allowing hereditary Nobleness, of Gentry, to none at all, as under the Sultan, in Turkey. With how true and entire a good will this free service is performed by the Author may easily be gathered from hence, that he willingly gives the oblivion of his own name into the merit; conscience of the fact, sufficing. Now, for him to inform your Lordships and the rest (out of the title de origine iuris, in Caesarean Laws) how the noble people of oldest Rome accepted the book which Gnaeus Flavius dedicated to their name, and uses, what were it else, but inofficiously to dictate your part, and not humbly to offer his own; which nevertheless here he most officiously doth, being truly able to say, upon his own behalf, that he hath purloined no man's labours (as that Flavius did) but is through all the true and proper owner.  
The Author is your humble servant. Valete in Christo jesu. XI. Cal. November. MCICXXVIII.   

To the Gentlemen of ENGLAND in general.  
BE not displeased with this bold enterprise, as if it were in favour of the evil manners of a multitude, who pass under the title of APPRENTICES. For neither the incorrigibly vicious, who are pestilent to moral and civil virtue; nor the incorrigibly forgetful of their betters, whom insolency maketh odious, have any part herein at all. For first, it wholly belongs to such, among masters, or Citizens, as are generously disposed, & worthily qualifide, men who say with Publius Syrus, Damnum appellandum est cum mala fama lucrum; and then to such among Apprentices, as resemble Putiphars chaste joseph, or Saint Paul's converted Onesimus; youngmen, who say (with Statius Caecilius, in his Plotius)  
Libere seruimus, salua urbe, atque arce, meaning by the City, and the Citadel, the body and the head of man.  
Valete.   

To the happy Masters of Laudable Apprentices in LONDON.  
RIght worthy Citizens, you shall not for this work find your honest servants the less serviceable, but the more. For, in good bloods, and good natures, praise, and honour prevail above rigour and blows. And because yourselves, for the most part, were Apprentices once, you may therefore behold herein, with comfort, the honesty of your estate when you were such, and the splendour of what you are now in right. The unthankful (if any such should happen to rankle among you) may be warned; that the juice of Ingratitude doth forfeit liberty, and that they are truly bondmen; if not according to the letter, nor in their proper condition, yet according to the figurative sense, and in their improper baseness.  
VALETE.   

TO THE MODEST Apprentices of LONDON, Scholars, and Disciples in Citie-Arts, during their seven or more years' Noviceship.  
THe principal objection against publishing either this or any other book of like argument, hath always been grounded (by the most wise and noble) upon a fear, that the insolences of the youth, and irregular fry of the City, would thereby take increase: which having heretofore been intolerable (in common policy) and in no little measure scandalous to the Kingdom, were hateful to cherish, or to give the least way unto. But it hath already been elsewhere answered; that those Apprentices are of the dreggs, and bran of the vulgar: fellows void of worthy blood, and worthy breeding, and (to speak with fit freedom) no better then merely rascal; the ordinary balls, played (by the hand of justice) into the Bridewells, in or about the City: yea perhaps, not Apprentices at all, but forlorn companions, masterless men, tradelesse, and the like, who preying for mischief, and longing to do it, are indeed the very Authors of all that is vile; discourteous to honourable (all travelling strangers ought to be generally used as such) rude towards Natives, seditious among their own, and villainous everywhere. But you (none of that caitive and untrusty number) are the parties, for whom this labour hath been undergone, whose behaviours (full of gentleness, and of bounden duty to superiors) commend you to the present times, and maintain in you that stock of good hope, out of which are in due time elected those successions of the whole, which make the political body or state of a City immortal. Think therefore with yourselves, that by how much this most friendly office tends to your more defence, and praise, by so much you are the more bound to bear yourselves honestly, and humbly. In your so doing, the City of London, which (before Rome itself was built) was rocked in a Trojan Cradle, by the founder, and Father thereof (as the most ancient extant monuments, setting all late fancies aside, bear witness) heroic Brute, or Brytus; under Claudius Caesar, the Metropolis of the Trinobants; under other Caesars afterwards, Augusta, or the majestical City; which, for hugeness, concourse, navigation, trade, and populosity, very hardly giving place to any one in Europe, doth absolutely excel all the Cities of the world for good government, or at least doth match and equal them; that very London so venerable for the antiquity, so honourable for the customs, so profitable for life, noble in renown, even beyond the names both of our Country itself, and of our nation, the birthplace of Constantine the Great, and inmost recess, or chamber of her Kings, that very City, that very London whether your local parent, or loving foster-mother, shall not grace, or honour you more, than you shall grace, and honour her, and England also.  
VALETE.   

From Sir WILLIAM SEGAR Knight, GARTER, principal King of Arms of ENGLAND, a special Letter to the Author, concerning the present work.  
Sir:  
I Have viewed and reviewed your book with good deliberation, and find, that you have done the office of a very worthy Advocate to plead so well for so famous a Client as the City of London in her generality, which as I gratulate unto her, and to all interessed parties, so I shall much more gratulate to her, and you, the honour and use of so fair a labour, if I may once see that public: And for my part, considering that you define nothing, but lie only upon the defensive, and affirmative, against assailers, and deniers, with due submission for the judicial part to the proper Court of Honour, the illustrious high I see no cause why your learned work, may not receive the glory of public light, and that most renowned City the benefit of honour's increase, for encouragement of enriching endustrie; And so with my hearty respects I rest.  
Your very loving friend WILLIAM SEGAR Garter.   

THE TRUE COPIES OF the Letters mentioned after the Book.  

The first letter, from the Citizen in the behalf and cause of his eldest son, to a special friend, of whose love, and learning he rested confident.  
Right Worthy Sir,  
IF having been at no small charge, and some care, to breed my son up in Gentleman like qualities, with purpose the rather to enable him for the service of God, his Prince, and Country, I am very curious to remove from him as a Father, all occasions, which might either make him less esteemed of others, or abate the least part of his edge; I say, not towards the honesty of life only, but towards the splendour thereof, and worship also, my hope is, that I shall not in your worthy judgement, seem either insolent, or vain glorious.  
Truth and justice are the only motives of my stirring at this present. For, as I mortally hate that my Son should bear himself, above himself so should I disclaim my part in him, if being unjustly sought to be embased, he sillily lost any inch of his due. He hath been disgraced as no Gentleman borne, when yet not he but I his Father was the Apprentice, thanks be to God for it. They cannot object to him want of fashion; they cannot object to him the common vices, badges rather of reprobates then of Gentlemen: They cannot object to him cowardice, for it is well known that he dares defend himself: nor any thing else unworthy of his name, which is neither new, nor ignoble: But me his poor father they object unto him, because I was once an Apprentice.  
Wise Sir Thomas Moor teacheth us, under the names, and persons of his Eutopians, that victories, and achievements of wit are applauded, far above those of forces: and seeing reverence to God, & to our Prince, commandeth us, (as his Majesty's book of Duels doth affirm (not to take the office of justice from Magistrates, by private rash revenges, I have compelled my son, upon God's blessing, and mine, to forbear the sword till by my care he may be found not to be in the wrong. For if it be true, that by Apprenticeship we forfeit our titles to native Gentry: God forbid that my son should usurp it. And if it be not true, then shall be have a just ground to defend himself, and his adversaries shall stand convicted of ignorance, if not of envy also.  
These are therefore very earnestly to pray you, to clear this question. For, in the City of London there are at this present many hundreds of gentlemen's children Apprentices, infinite others have been, and infinite will be: and all the parts of England are full of families, either originally raised to the dignity of Gentlemen out of this one most famous place: or so restored, and enriched as may well seem to amount to an original raising. And albeit I am very confident, that by having once been an Apprentice in London, I have not lost to be a Gentleman of birth, nor my son, yet shall I ever wish, and pray rather to resemble an heroic Walworth, a noble Philpot, an happy Capel, that learned Sheriff of London Mr. Fabian, or any other famous Worthies of this royal City, out of any whatsoever obscurest parentage, then that being descended of great Nobles, to fall by vice far beneath the rank of poorest Prentices.  
In requital of your care in this point, you shall shortly receive (if I can obtain my desire) out of the records & monuments of London, a Roll of the names, and Arms of such principal friends as have been advanced to Honour, and Worship, throughout the Realm of England, from the degree of Citizens. A warrantable design, by the example of the Lord chief justice Cook, who hath bestowed upon the world (in some one or other of his books of reports) a short Catalogue of such as have been eminently beholding to the Common Laws, and if I should fail in that, yet do I promise you a list or Alphabet of Apprentices names, who by their enrolments will appear upon good Record, to have been sons of Gentlemen from all the parts of England.  
Neither let your approved virtue doubt, but that in the mean time you shall find us very ready to show our free, and honest minds, in all commendable, and disenuious emulations, with the best Gentlemen whosoever. Which disposition measure not by the few Angels you receive in this Letter. For what are twenty in such a case?  
If this my suit, and request, carry the less regard, because it comes but from a private Citizen, be pleased I pray to understand, that in me, though being but one man, multitudes speak, and that out of a private pen, a public cause propounds itself. And yet I come not single. For with this Letter of mine, I send you two other. The one from a worshipful friend, and kinsman of mine, written to me, and the other of my Cousin his second son, much what of one nature with this of mine. And so with my love, and best respects remembered, I commit you to God's holy keeping, and rest, etc.   

The true Copies of those two other Letters, whereof in the former there is mention.  

The Father's Letter.  
Cousin, I pray peruse the enclosed, which troubleth me as much as it doth my son, and seek satisfaction of such as are skilful indeed. I care not for charge, for look whatsoever it costs I will bear it. In the mean while comfort my child, for if it be so as he writes, he shall not stay in London, though it cost me five hundred Pounds. And so in great hast I leave you to our Lord Christ, etc.   

The Apprentices Letter to his Father.  
MOst dear, and most loving Father, my most humble duty remembered unto you. These are to give you to understand, that my body is in good health, praised he God, but my mind, and spirits are not, for they are very much troubled. For, so it is Sir, that albeit my Master be a very worthy, and an honest Citizen, and that myself, doing as an Apprentice ought (which I do willingly, not refusing any thing, as remembering St. Peter's precept, Serui, subditi estote in timore Domini) am as well used in this house, as if I were with you; yet by reading certain books, at spare hours, and conferring with some who take upon them to be very well skilled in Heraldry, I am brought to believe, that by being a Prentice, I lose my birth right, and the right of my blood both by father, and mother, which is to be a Gentlemen, which I had rather dye, then to endure. This is my grief, and this the cause why my mind is so troubled, as I cannot eat, nor sleep in quiet: Tears hinder me from writing more, and therefore most humbly craving pardon, and your most fatherly blessing, I commit you to God, etc.  
From London, etc.     

THE CITY'S ADVOCATE, In a question of Honour, and Arms.  
Whether Apprenticeship extinguisheth Gentry.  


The Contents of this first part.  
1 THe present question very important for many great causes. Two Crowned Queens of England, & much of the Nobility parties to it. Bullen & Calthorpe L. Majors of London; their interesses in royal blood. What Quaestio status, and what the least capitis diminutio is. Only the base neglect it. Honour a fair Star. Disparagement odious. Prevention of mischiefs by determining this question. Proud Citie-races unworthy of the City.  
2 The City's Honours in Arms proved out of ancient Monuments. The L. Fitz Walter, Standard-bearer of London. Claurie and Biallie two terms in old blazon.  
3 The transcendent power of opinion. To derogate from the splendour of birth, reputed a wrong. Whence comes the present question of Apprenticeship.  
4 The main reason why some do hold, that Apprenticeship extinguisheth Gentry. Apprenticeship no bondage either in truth, or at all. The case truly propounded. The skill of honest gettings a precious mystery. What kind of contract that seems to be, which is between Master and Apprentice.  
5 An objection that Apprenticeship is a kind of bondage. The fine folly of Erasmus in his Etymology of an Apprentice. The comparison between Seruus among Civilians, and Apprentices among Englishmen, holds not. What the word Apprentice means. Sir Thomas smith's error in confounding servitude and discipline.  
6. 7. 8. Particular points touching Seruus. Sanctuary at the Prince's image. Manumission, and Recaptivitie by Law. None of those points concern Apprentices more than Soldiers, Scholars, or religious novices.  
9 10. The final cause denominates the action, and proves Apprenticeship not to be base. The contrary opinion pernicious to manners, and to good Commonweal among us, chiefly now. The different face of both opinions in daily experience.    

The First Part.  
THE present question, Whether Apprenticeship extinguisheth Gentry being now not so much a paradox, as grown in secret to be of late a common opinion, I am bold to call a weighty and important question unjustly grounded upon the learned folly of Erasmus of Rotterdam, and the incircumspection of Sir Thomas Smith Knight, in his book de Republica Anglorum, and out of certain wand'ring conceits hatched among trees & tillage, as shall appear hereafter. Weighty and important I am bold to call it, and it is so. Because in looking out upon the concern of the case, I find that prospect so spacious, that within the compass thereof, as well the greater as the lesser Nobility of England are very notably, and very inexplicably enwrapped. What do I say of the subalternal Nobility, when the Royal name itself (with all humble reverence be it spoken) was deeply interessed in the proposition? For Queen Elizabeth, though a free Monarch, and chief of the English in her turn, was a party of the cause, which she ingenuously, and openly acknowledged, calling Sir Martin Calthorpe, kinsman, (as indeed he was) being at that time Knight, and Lord Mayor of London: Yea Sir Godfrey Bullen (Knight also and Lord Mayor of London) was lineal Ancestor to Queen Anne her mother (saith Camden in his Annals) no longer before then in the reign of Henry the sixth King of England. Both which Knights (being also Gentlemen borne, & of right Worshipful Families) ascended by due degrees from the condition of Apprentices to the greatest annual honour of this Kingdom. It is weighty and important, because without much impropriety of speech, it may be called quaestio status, which in the ancient phrase of the Emperor justinian, is as much to say as a trial, whether one is to be adjudged bond, or free, servile, or ingenuous, and implieth that odious, and unnatural sequel, which by Textuists hath to name, Capitis diminutio: whereof though the Roman laws make a threefold division, yet in this our question, if but only the third and lowest degree were incurred, which happeneth, cum qui sui juris fuerunt, coeperunt alieno iuri subiecti esse, that alone should keep us from neglect. It is weighty and important, and can appear none other, because it directly tends to darken, and as it were to intercloud the luminous body of that beauteous planet HONOUR, with not only foul but lasting spots. For what can lightly be a more disparagement, then for the free to become a kind of bondmen, or to be come of such? Nay, there is nothing without us, which can be of so great disparagement. Finally, it is weighty, and important for very many other reasons, and particularly because it is not only fit that states of opinions should be rectified in this kind, as breeding bad affections among people of the same nation (from whence great mischiefs often rise, even to hatred, quarrels, and homicides) but that such also, as through vanity, or other sickness of the wit, or judgement, disdain to seem either City-born, or Citie-bred, or to owe any thing of their worship, or estate, either to the City, or to Citizens, may understand their own place, and true condition, lest they be convinced to be among them, who are unworthy of so honest either original or accession as the City yieldeth.  
But let us first behold the City's Honour in Arms, as it stands displayed in ancient Heraldry, and as it is commented upon out of authentic Monuments in that worthily well commended Survey of LONDON, composed by that diligent Chronologer, and virtuous Citizen M. john Stowe; The present figure with the same words as here they stand, is a copy of that which an old imperfect larger volume at the Office of Arms containeth.  
〈◊〉 BADGES LONDON  
OF THE CITY OF LONDON THE LORD FITZ-WALTER BANNERER  
There needs no greater demonstration of the Cities ancient honour, and of her people's free quality, than this, that a principal Baron of the Realm of England was by tenure her Standard-bearer. The figure of St. Paul (titularie patron of London) advanced itself in the Standard, and upon the shield those famous well-known Armouries of the Cross, and Weapon. The like picture of which Apostle was also embroidered in the comparisons of that horse of war, which for the purpose of the City's service he received of gift at the hands of the Lord Maior. Upon the Standard-bearers coat armour are painted the hereditary ensigns of his own illustrious Family, that is to say, Or, a Fez between two Cheverns Gules. Which kind of field the ancients called Claurie, perhaps à claritate, because such fields as were all of one colour made their charges the more clearly seen, and perspicuous. And as they gave to that species of blazon a peculiar name for the dignity, so did they also assign to this manner of bearing two Cheverns, the term Biallie, or a coat Biallie, a numero binario. In which brave times had that noble Gentleman, but slightly, and far off suspected, that he displayed that banner, for a kind of bondmen, or as for their service, his great heroic spirit would rather have trodden such an office under foot. In good assurance therefore of this common causes justice, we proceed.  
Sound opinion (meaning doctrine) is the anchor of the world, and opinion (meaning a worthy conceit of this or that person) is the principal ingredient which makes words, or actions relish well, and all the Graces are, without it, little worth. To take the fame from any man that he is a Gentleman-borne is a kind of disenablement, and prejudice, at leastwise among the weak (who consider no further then seem) that is to say among almost all. Consequently a wrong. And if a wrong then due to be redressed. To find injury, we must first inquire  
Whether Apprenticeship extinguisheth Gentry.  
4 The main reason, certainly the most general, used to prove, that it doth, is, That Apprenticeship is a kind of bondage, and bondage specially voluntary (in which case the Imperial law-rule, non officit natalibus in seruitute fuisse, may be perhaps defective) extinguisheth native Gentry. But I deny that Apprenticeship is either vera seruitus, or omnino servitus.  
For explication of this difficulty, I will set before your eyes the case as it is. A Gentleman hath a son, whom he means to breed up in an Art of thrift, not rising merely out of a stock of wit, or learning, but out of a stock of money, and credit, managed according to that Art; and for this cause he brings his child at 15. or 16. years old, more, or less, to the City of London, provides him a Master, and the youth, by his father's counsel, willingly becomes an Apprentice, that is to say, interchangeably seals a written contract with his Master by an indented instrument. That he, for his certain years true and faithful service, shall learn that precious mystery of how to gain honestly, and to raise himself. Let the legal and ordinary form of that instrument (extant in west's Precedents, and familiar every where) be duly pondered, and it will appear a mere civil contract, which as all the world knows, a bondman is uncapable of. If you would know under what kind, or species of contract that doth fall; I answer: That it seems to be a contract of permutation, or interchange: In which mutual obligation, or convention, the act of binding is no more, but that (as reason and justice would) the Master might be determinately for the time, and sufficiently for the manner, sure to enjoy his Apprentice. Apprenticeship being therefore, but an effect of a civil contract, occasioned, and caused by that prudent respect which the Contrahents mutually have to their lawful and honest commodity, and such only as are freeborn, being capable to make this contract with effect, Apprenticeship doth not extinguish Gentry.  
On the contrary, it is urged: That although Apprenticeship be not a true bondage to all constructions, and purposes, yet, that it is a temporary bondage, and equal (for the time it lasteth) to very servitude. In which opinion Erasmus is, making his Etymology of our Prentices to be, for that they are like to such as are bought with money, pares emptitijs, which conceit, as it is more literate, then happy, so, if it were set to sale, would find few Chapmen, but to laugh at it. For Erasmus is aswell proved to be errans mus in obscurorum virorum Epistolis, as Apprentices in England to be pares emptitijs. But we absolutely deny that Apprenticeship is in any sort a kind of bondage. For notwithstanding that to prove it be so, they make a parallel between the ancient Roman servitude, and the London apprenticeship, yet will these comparata, be found disparata, if not disparatissima. For seruus among the old Romans, was so called of seruando of preserving or saving, and not of seruiendo, of serving, saith the Lawmaker himself, the Emperor justinian. But the word Apprentice cometh of Aprenti, the French word, a raw soldier, or young learner, Tyro, rudis discipulus; or of the French verben, which signifies to learn, or of the Latin word apprehendo, or apprendo, which properly is to lay hold of, and translatively to learn, which derivations are consonant to the thing, and true howsoever Sir Thomas Smith in his books the Republica Anglorum, not remembering to distinguish between servitude and discipline, bondage, and regular breeding, injuriously defined them to be a kind of bondmen (meaning mere slaves, and not as in some places of England, bondsmen are taken for such as are in bonds for actionable causes) and such bondmen as differ only thus from very bondmen (whose like words for signification are those foulest ones, slaves and villains) that Apprentices be but for a time certain. An oversight which I could have wished far off from so grave and learned a Gentleman, as that Knight, who was of privy Counsel, in the place of Secretary, to Queen Elizabeth.  
Again, that which did constitute a bondman among the old Romans, was such a power and right, vested in the Lord, over the very body of his bondman, or slave, as descending to him under some received title, or other iure gentium, was maintained to him, iure civili Romanorum. By virtue whereof he became proprietary in the person of his bondman, as in the body of his ox, horse, or any other beast he had, which proprietariship was indeterminable, but only by manumission, and that act merely depended upon the will of his Lord, without any endentment, or condition on behalf of the slave, which a right Roman would never endure to hear of from his bondman. Finally (which in the quality of that servitude was most base,) seruus among them, nullum caput habuit, had no head in law, and neither was in censu, nor in lustro condito; as much to say, that they were out of the number of men, their names being neither put, as among such as had wherewith to pay, in the Rolls of their Exchequer, or tables of their Capitol, nor, as bodies wherewith to serve in the general musters of their Commonweal, but (to be brief) were reputed civilitèr mortui, dead in Law, death, and bondage being alike among them, without any more reputation of being members in the body politic, than brute cattle, for bondmen were reputed no body, serui pro nullis habiti.  
And albeit the authority of the commonweal upon this good ground of State, interest reipublicae ne quis re sua male utatur, and the Majesty of Sovereign Princes, merely as in honour, and as moved with commiseration of humane miseries, did sometime interpose itself upon just causes; as, where the Lord did immeasurably tyrannize, or the bondman took Sanctuary at the Emperor's statue, and image, or, at the altar of some one or other of their gods (an example whereof is in Plautus) yet the bondman after manumission, continued in such relation to his late Lord, that in certain cases, (as ingratitude) he who was once enfranchised was adjudged back to his patron, and condemned again to a far more miserable servitude then ever.  
These things considered, and nothing being like in Apprenticeship, who lives so careless of the honour of the English name, as to bring the disciples of honest Arts, and Scholars of mysteries in civil trade, and commerce for virtuous causes, all called by the fair title of Apprentices, into the state or quality of bondmen? Fair I call it, because that title is common to them with the Inns of Court, where Apprentices at Law, are not the meanest Gentlemen. Apprenticeship therefore is no voluntary bondage, because it is no bondage at all, but a title only of politic or civil discipline. Apprenticeship therefore doth not extinguish Gentry. So then, Apprentices, whether Gentlemen of birth or others, whatsoever their Indentures do purport, and howsoever they seem conditional servants, are in truth not bound to do, or to suffer things more grievous than young soldiers in armies, or scholars in rigorous schools, or novices in noviceships: each of whom in their kind usually do, and suffer things as base and vile in their own quality, simply, & in themselves considered, without respect to the final scope, or aim of the first institution, as perhaps the very meanest of five thousand Apprentices in London.  
The final cause therefore of every ordination qualifies the course, and the end denominates the means and actions tending to it. For if that be noble, no work is base prescribed in ordine, or as in the way to that end. Though abstracting from that consideration, the work wrought, in the proper nature of it, be servile. As, for a soldier to dig or carry earth to a rampire, or for a student to go bareheaded to a fellow of the house within the College, as far off as he can see him, omitting the more deformed necessity, of suffering private, or public disciplines: or for a novice in a noviceship to wash dishes, or the like seeming-base works, as by report, is usual. If then the general scope, or final reason of Apprenticeship be honest, and worthy of a Gentleman (as will appear hereafter that it is) what can be clearer than that Apprenticeship doth not extinguish Gentry?  
I am the more fervent in this case; because this one false conceit (at all times hurtful, but chiefly in these latter times, in which the means of easy maintenance are infinitely straitened) that for a Gentleman borne, or one that would aspire to be a Gentleman, for him to be an Apprentice to a Citizen, or Burgensis, is a thing unbeseeming him, hath filled our England with more vices, and sacrificed more serviceable bodies to odious ends, and more souls to sinful life, than perhaps any one other uncivil opinion whatsoever. For they who hold it better to rob by land, or sea, then to beg, or labour, do daily see, and feel, that out of Apprentices rise such, as sit upon them, standing out for their lives as malefactors, when they (a shame, and sorrow to their kindred) undergo a fortune too unworthy, even of the basest, of honest bondmen.   


The Contents of this second part.  
1 Apprenticeship a laudable policy of discipline, not a bondage. The contrary opinion over throws one main pillar of Commonweal Severity of discipline more needful to be recalled, then relaxed.  
2 The adversary's conceits brand our founders. Mechanical qualities Gods special gifts.  
3 Of Tubal-Cain, and the dignity, and necessity of crafts. Hiram, the brass founder. S. Paul's handy Art, and the cause showed out of the Rabbins. Of other ennoblements touching them.  
4 The wisdom of instituting Apprenticeship defended by the argument a minori ad maius.  
5 London the palace of thriving Arts. Concerning Hebrew bondmen. The quality of Master's power over Apprentices. Masters nos Lords, but Guardians and Teachers rather.  
6 The adversaries manifest folly. Of corruption in blood the only means of extinction, and disenablement to Gentry. Of bondmen, or villains in England.    

The Second Part.  
THese things considered, how should it fall into the mind of any good, or wise discouser, That Apprentices are a kind of bondmen, and consequently, That Apprenticeship extinguisheth native Gentry, and disenableth to acquisitive? For, if that opinion be not guilty of impiety to our Mother Country, where that laudable policy of Apprenticeship necessary for our nation, is exercised as a point of severe discipline, warrantable in Christianity; certainly it hath in it a great deal of injurious temereity, and inconfiderance; and why not impiety also, if they wilfully wrong the wisdom of England, their natural common parent, whose children are freeborn? Surely, notorious inconsiderance is apparent, because there are but two main pillars of Commonweal, PRAEMIUM & PAENA, Reward and Punishment. Of which, in civil rewards, Honour is highest, according to that of the most eloquent Tully in his perished works, de republica, (as S. Augustine citeth them) as that thing with which he would his Prince should be fed, and nourished; and in his Philosophy hath uttered that famous sentence concerning the same, Honos alit arts, omnesque accenduntur ad studia gloria. Among us therefore coats of Arms, and titles of Gentlemen (which point the Knight beforesaid, howsoever erring in Apprentices estate, hath truly noted to be commodious for the Prince) being the most familiar part of Honour, they rip up, and overturn the principal of those two pillars of commonweal, from the very basis. A strange oversight, specially of professors of skill in the Arts of public government, unless perhaps they speak it because they would have things reform, or changed in this particular of Apprenticeship. But we do not remember, that either Sir Thomas Eliot in his Governor, or Sir Thomas Chaloner, (Leaguer Ambassador for Queen Elizabeth in Spain) in his books of Latin Hexameters the rep. Anglorum instaurandâ, (published with the verses of the Lord Treasurer Burghley's before it) or any other Author rightly understanding our England, and her generous people, did ever once tax our Country's policy in this point. Yea, some make it a quaere, whether the City's discipline had not more need to be reduced nearer to the ancient severity thereof, considering with what vices London flows, and overflows, then that it should be abduced, though but a little, from it.  
Now then let any one but rightly weigh with what conscience, or common sense, the first institutors, or propagators of the English form of government could lay upon Industry, and civil Virtue (whose subject are the lawful things of this life, and whose nearest object is honour, and honest wealth) so foul a note as the brand of bondage, or any the least disparagement at all? whereas to quicken, & inflame affections in that kind, all wise Masters in the most noble civil Art government, and all founders of Empire, and States, have bend their counsels, and courses, to cherish such as are virtuously industrious, yea, God himself, (the only best pattern of governors) hath made it known, that even Mechanical qualities are his special gifts, and his infused, as it were charismata.  
3 For Moses having put into eternal monuments, that jabel was pater pastorum (the most an-Art of increase) and that jubal was pater canentium (the first of which inventions was for necessary provisions of food, and raiment, & the second to glorify God, and honestly to solace men, towards sweetening the bitter curse which Adam drew upon humane life,) it is thirdly under added in accomplishment of the three main heads to which mortals use to refer all their worldly endeavours (necessity, profit, & pleasure) that Tubal Cain was Malleator, and faber ferrarius, an hammersmith, or worker in iron, that being one of those Arch-mysteries, sine quibus non aedificatur civitas, as the words are in Ecclesiasticus, Nay, there belonged in Gods own judgement so great praise to the particular excellency of some artificers, as that, in the building of Salomon's Temple, they are registered to all posterities in Scripture; and their skill is not only made immortally famous, but a more curious mention is put down of their parentage, and birth place, then of many great Princes, as in hiram's case, not he the King, but the brasse-founder. And in the new Testament, S. Paul, (being a Gentlemen borne of a noble family, as the Ancients write) had the manual Art of Scoenopoea, commonly englished, Tentmaking: upon which place of St. Paul's trade (whereof in his Epistles he doth often glory) it is declared to us out of the Rabbins, that S. Paul (who himself tells King Agrippa that he had lived a Pharisee; according to the most certain way of jewism) was brought up so, by a traditional precept, binding such a would study sacred letters, to learn some one or other mystery in the Mechanics. And at this present among other things which the Turks retain of the jewish rites, this seems one, when even the Sultan himself, or Grand Signior (as all his progenitors) is said to exercise a manual trade, little, or much, commonly once a day. And in fresh memory Rodulphus the Emperor had singular skill in making Dial's, Watches, and the like fine works of Smith-craft, as also a late great Baron of England, which they practised.  
4 If than such honour be done by God (as beforesaid) not only to those which are necessary handicrafts, but to those also which are but the handmaids of magnificence, and outward splendour, as engravers, founders, and the like; he shall be very hardy who shall embase honest Industry with disgraceful censures; and too unjust, who shall not cherish, or encourage it with praise and worship, as the ancient excellent policy of England did, and doth, in constituting corporations, & adorning Companies with banners of Arms and special men with notes of Noblesse.  
5 And, as of all commendable Arts all worthy Commonweals have their use, so, in London they have as it were their palace. But into the body of the City none generally are encorporated, but such only as through the straight gates of Apprenticeship aspire to the dignity and state of Citizens. That Hebrew bondmen were not, in MOSES law, among themselves, like to our Apprentices (howsoever the seventh year agrees in time with the ordinary time of our Apprentices obligation) is evident both in the books of Exodus, and Deuteronomie. For, first, their title to their bondmen grew to their Lords by a contract of bargain, and sale, which was indeed a kind of servitude. For, when the seventh year, in which the bondage was to determine, and expire, if then he resolved not to continue a bondman for ever, he was compelled to leave his wife (if married in his Lord's house during bondage) together with his children, borne in that marriage behind him, though himself departed free, but withal rewarded also. So that voluntary bondage is not only de iure gentium (as the Roman laws import, by which a man might sell himself, ad participandum precium) but also the iure divino positivo. By which notwithstanding it doth not appear, that such a bondage was any disparagement, or disenablement in jewish blood among the jews, because in Exodus we read of a provision made for the Hebrew bondwoman, whom her Lord might take in marriage to himself, or bestow her upon his son, if he so thought good, but might not violate her chastity, as if he had ius in corpus. But the condition of an Apprentice of London resembleth the condition of no persons estate in either of the laws, Divine or Imperial; For he directly contracteth with his Master to learn his mystery, or Art of honest living, neither hath his Master (who therefore is but a Master, & not a Lord) Despoticum imperium over his Apprentice (that is, such a power as a Lord hath over slave) but quasi curaturam, or a Guardianship, and is in very truth a mere Discipliner, or Teacher, with authority of using moderate correction as a Father, not as a Tyrant, or otherwise. Immoderate correction whosoever doth use, is (by a gracious statute of the fifth of Queen Elizabeth) subject to be punished with the loss of the Apprentice, by absolutely taking him away.  
6 Which things, so often as I deeply ponder, I cannot but hold it as lose, and as wand'ring a conceit, and as uncivil a proposition in civil matters as any: That Apprenticeship should be imagined either to extinguish, or to extenuate the right of native Gentry, or to disable any worthy, or fit person to acquisitive Armouries. For how can it in God's name work that effect, unless it be criminal to be an Apprentice? Because no man loseth his right to bear Arms, or to write Gentleman, unless he be attainted in Law for such a cause, the conviction whereof doth immediately procure corruption in blood, which as in this case no man yet hath dreamt of.  
Again, when by the old common Law of England there are only two sorts of bondmen, that is to say, villains in gross, and villains regardant to a Manor, and it is most certain, that our Apprentice, or Scholar in Citie-mysteries, is neither one nor other of them, what ignorance then, or offence was mother at first of this, not paradox, but palpable absurdity, that Apprenticeship extinguisheth Gentry, or that Apprentices are as with us a kind of bondmen?   


The Contents of this third part.  
1. 2. FOr clearer understanding the question, the service of an Apprentice described.  
3 The four main points of the Indenture discussed, the service, the time, the contract, the condition.  
4 The case of Laban, and jacob weighed.  
5 Of the mutual bond between Master and Apprentice.  
6 An Apprentice proved to be in no respect a bondman. Of the right of blood in Gentry, and of the right of wearing gold-rings among the Romans.  
7 The Master's power over the Apprentices body, objected and solued. Aristotle's error about bondmen. Of young Gentlemen, Wards in England. Of University Students, and of Soldiers, in respect of their bodies.  
8 Apprenticeship a degree in commonweal.  
9 Of the tokens, or ensigns of that degree, the flat round cap, and other.  
10 Unwisely discontinued.  
11 Resumption of Apprenticeships marks, or habits, rather wished then hoped.  
12 The injurious great absurdity of the Adversary's opinion, and the excellency of London.    

The third Part.  
1 THough in the premises we seem to ourselves, to have said enough for establishing our Negation in this important question, that is to say, That Apprenticeship is not a kind of bondage, consequently, that it cannot work any such effects as is before supposed, yet to leave no tolerable curiosity unsatisfied, we will set before us, as in a table, the whole condition of an Apprentice. Meaning chiefly such an Apprentice as being the son of a Gentleman, is bound to a Master, who exerciseth the worthier Arts of Citizens, as Merchants by sea, Assurers, Whole-sale-men, & some such few others which may more specially stand in the first class of the most generous mysteries, as those in which the wit or mind hath a far greater part then bodily labour.  
2 Such an Apprentice therefore when first he comes to his Master is commonly but of those years which are every where subject to correction. His ordinary services these. He goes bareheaded, stands bareheaded, waits bareheaded, before his Master and Mistress, and, while as yet he is the youngest Apprentice, he doth perhaps (for discipline sake) make old leather overnight shine with blacking for the morning, brusheth a garment, runs of errands, keeps silence till he have leave to speak, follows his Master, or ushereth his Mistress, and sometime my young Mistresses their daughters (among whom some one, or other of them doth not rarely prove the Apprentices wife) walks not far out but with permission, and now, and then (as offences happen) he may chance to be terribly chidden, or menaced, or (which sometime must be) worthily corrected; though all this but only in ordine, and in the way to Mastership, or to the estate of a Citizen, which last worst part of this Apprentices condition continues peradventure for a year, or two, and while he is commonly but at the age of a boy, or at the most but of a lad, or stripling. And, take things at the very worst, he doth nothing as an Apprentice under his Master, which, when himself comes to be a Master his Apprentices shall not do, or suffer under him. Such or the like is the bitterest part of an Apprentices happy estate in this world, being honestly provided, at his Master's charge of all things necessary, and decent. The Master in the meanwhile serving his Apprentices turn with instruction, and universal conformation, or moulding of him to his Art, as the Apprentice serves his Master's turn with obedience, faith, and industry.  
3 Here have we a representation of an Apprentices being, or rather the well-being of a child under his father, who hath right of correction. Upon view whereof we demand, why it should be supposed That Apprenticeship extinguisheth Gentry? For if an Apprentice in London (since to have Apprentices is a power not derived to corporations out of prerogative, and royal privilege, but out of common Law) be in their conceits a kind of bondman, it must either be, ratione generis obsequij, or ratione temporis adiecti, or contractus, or conditionis, or for all together; a fifth cause being hard to be either assigned, or imagined.  
For the first point (which is in regard of the kind of service) that is but an effect of the contract, or bargain, and consequently depends thereon, or participates in nature with it; which not importing any kind of bondage, neither can the service itself, due by that agreement, be the service of a bondman. So that as on the one side we grant, that Apprentices, as Apprentices, do some things, which Gentlemen would not do, that lived sui iuris, specially upon a necessity to obey, yet on the other side we constantly deny, that they do any of them, either as servile, or as servilely, but propter finem nobilem, that is, to learn an honest mystery to enable them for the service of God and their Country, in the station, place, or calling of a Citizen.  
For the second (which is in respect of a certain time (as of seven years at least) added and limited in the contract, that is merely but a circumstance of the agreement, and per consequens cannot alter the substance of the question. For if Apprentices are not a kind of bondmen, abstracting from the time which they are bound to serve, the addition of time, addeth nothing to the quality of the contract, to make it servile.  
For the third (which is in regard of the contract, as it raiseth a relation, or the titles between two, of Master, and servant) if the very act of binding to performance, be a sufficient reason to make Apprentices a kind of bondmen, and so to disenable them to Gentry, either derivative, or acquisitive, the Masters themselves are also a kind of bondmen, because, suo genere they aswell are bound as the Apprentices.  
For the fourth (which is in respect of the condition either vocally expressed, or virtually implied in the contract) there is in it no proof of bondage, but the contrary. For in that the obligation is mutual, it proves the Apprentice free as from bondage, though (for the Apprentices own good) not free from subjection to discipline. Because only free men can make contracts, and challenge the benefit of them. The verb, not, seruire, but the verb, deseruire (which is of far less weight) comprised in the instrument, or Indenture, and containing the whole force of the obligation, hath only in that place the sense of obsequi, & facere, to obey, and do as an Apprentice, and not according to the ancient sense, which it had among the Romans. This ought not to seem a paradox. For the word dominari, to which seruire is a relative, and the word dominus, have in tract of time been so softened, and familiarised, as they are grown to be words of singular humanity. And what so common among the noble as to profess to serve? But the relation constituted in this case, is peculiar, and proper, the odious word dominus is not there at all, nor seruus, no nor famulus; the relation constituted is directly named between Master, and Apprentice: a clear case that all injuries to blood, and nature, are of purpose avoided in those conventions; and conventiones they are called in the interchangeably sealed instrument itself. So clear a case, that in the Oath which all freemen make in the Chamber of London at their first admission, this clause among many others, is sworn unto by them, That they shall take None Apprentice, but if he be Free borne, that is to say, no Bondman's son: which are the very words of the oath. Thus carefully open was the eye of institution in this noble point of the City's policy, to prevent that no stain, no blemish, nor indignity should wrong the splendour thereof. A thing which could not but follow inevitably, if they who provided against admission of bondmen's issue, into the estate of apprenticeship, should themselves by making apprentices, make bondmen; or should in any sort embase their blood, whose Masters they were to be, as to the purpose of coming to be Citizens in time. They never meant to make any man bond, who would have none but the sons of freeborn persons bound apprentices. It shall be wilful ignorance or malice from hence forth to maintain the contrary.  
4. A most memorable example in Scripture to the purpose of the present question is that of jacob and Laban in the nine and twentieth Chapter of Genesis, where the time (seven years) yea, & the very word (seruire) are plain in that contract which was made between the uncle, and the nephew: yet who did ever say that jacob was for this a kind of bondman? The reason why he was not, rises from consideration of the final cause, or intention of the contract, which is recorded to have been honourable; the obtaining of a worthy wife, and of an estate to maintain her with. Neither, when he was no longer defrauded of Rahel then seven days after his first seven years, and when in the fruition of Rahel he served also other seven years, was he a kind of bondman, by as it were a relapse, or as by a cessation of expecting his reward, which he enjoyed in enjoying her. Out of which it followeth, that as jacob was no kind of bondman though he served, and served out all his time twice over, so neither are Apprentices. And from this place of the Bible it is unanswerablie proved that bodily service, is a laudable means to achieve any good, or honourable purpose; a means truly worthy of a Gentleman.  
5 Hereunto we finally add, and repeat, that as an Apprentice ties himself to his Master in the word deseruire, that is, to obey, and do, restrictively to the ancient reason, and traditional discipline of Apprenticeship in London, so the Master ties himself to his Apprentice in the word docere, in lieu of his honest service, to teach him his Art to the utmost. Which Masters part is grown to such estimation as that Apprentices now come commonly like wines with portions to their Masters. If then Apprenticeship be a kind of servitude, it is either a pleasing bondage, or a strange madness to purchase it with money.  
6 An Apprentice therefore, as an Apprentice, being neither ratione obsequij, temporis, contractus, nor conditionis in any kind a bondman, is in no respect a bondman: and hath therefore no more lost his title, and right to Gentry, than he hath done to any goods, chattels, lands, royalties, or any thing else, which, if he had never been an Apprentice, either had, might, or aught to have come unto him. Nay, much less can Gentry be lost in this case, then right to lands, and goods, how much more inherent the rights of blood are then the rights of fortune. For, according to the law-rule, iura sanguinum nullo iure civili dirimi possunt; whereas those other may be dissolved. And, that Gentry is a right of blood may appear by this, that no man can truly alienate the same, or vest another in it, though legally he may, in case of Adoption, which is but an humane invention in imitation of nature, and therefore, in rei veritate, no alienation at all, but a fiction, or an acception in law as if it were such. So that none can any more pass away his gentry, to make another a Gentleman thereby, who was not a Gentleman before, than he can pass away any habit, or quality of the mind, as virtue, or learning, to make another honest, or learned, who was unlearned, or dishonest before. For Gentry is a quality of blood, or name, as virtue, and learning are of the mind. Upon which reason that rule of law is grounded, which teacheth us, that annulus signatorius ornamenti appellatione non continetur.  
7 To all this if it be replied: That Apprenticeship is a kind of bondage, for that if an Apprentice abandon his Master's service; his Master may both fetch him back, as Lord for the time over his servant's body, and compel him also to live under obedience. We answer thus. That such a power over the body of an Apprentice is not sufficient to constitute a bondman, though the service of the Apprentice belongs to the Master, God's partin him, and the Commonweals being first deducted.  
Aristotle held, that only the Grecians were free, and all the barbarous, that is to say, all not Grecians, were bond. Some among us seem Aristototelians in this point, who as he gloriously overvalued his Countrymen, so these overvalue their paragon-Gentry, and repute none worthy of Arms, and Honour but themselves, we supposing on their behalf, that they are indeed not vaine-pretenders only, but true descendants from the most unquestionable noble races, howsoever troubled perhaps with some little of the spirit of vanity, and of too too much scorn of others. But as the Italians in our time, notwithstanding they think meanly of all who are not Italians, calling them (in Aristotle's humour) Tramontani, and in that word implying them to be barbarous, do commit an error, aswell as that great Philosopher, so those Gentlemen (how eminently noble soever) will be likewise found to live in error, for that others also may be truly Gentlemen, for any thing which as yet is spoken in the former Sophism: videlicet; The Master hath power over his Apprentices body: Ergo, Apprentices are a kind of bondmen. Because if such a power be enough to constitute a bondman, we will say nothing of those freeborn persons being in minority, whose bodies their Guardians, may not only by a right in law, fetch back after escape, or flight, but give away also in marriage. Nay, if for that reason Apprentices, borne Gentlemen, shall be thought to have forfeited their Gentry, in what estate are all the sons, and children of good houses in England, whose bodies their parents by a right of nature, may fetch back after flight, & exercise their pleasure, or displeasure upon them, even to disinherison? Nay, in what case are soldiers (to whom most properly, and most immediately the Honour of Arms doth belong) who for withdrawing themselves from their banner, or Captain without leave, may not only be forced back to serve, but (according to the usual discipline of war) may be martial Law be hanged up, or shot at the next tree, or wheresoever, deprived of breath at once, and of brave reputation together? So absurd it is to dispute, that the power of a Master, by the title of a contract over the body of an Apprentice, in case of discipline, doth convince a servility of condition in the sufferer. For if the right to exercise corporal coerction should absolutely constitute a state of bondage in the subject, the injury of that untrue assertion would reach to persons of far higher mark than City-prentises, as is most plainly proved. And therefore they must allege somewhat else besides subjection of body to draw the estate of Apprenticeship into that degree of reproach, which as they cannot do, we having prevented those objections, so must they leave it clear from taint, or scandal.  
8 We lay it down therefore out of all the antecedences for a clear conclusion: That Apprentices are so far from being a kind of bondmen, as that in our Commonweal they than first begin habere caput, and to be aliqui: to be of account, and some body. For Apprenticeship in London is a degree, or order of good regular subjects, out of whose as it were Noviceships, or Colleges, Citizens are supplied. We call them Colleges according to the old Roman Law-phrase, or fellowships of men, for so indeed they are, comprehended within several corporations, or bodies of free persons, intended to be consociated for commerce, according to conscience, and justice, and named Companies, each of them severally bearing the title of their several worthy Monopolies, as Drapers, Salters, Clothworkers, and so forth. We say as before, that Apprentices in the reputation of our Commonweal, when first they come to be Apprentices then first begin to be some body, and that Apprenticeship is a degree, to which out of youth, and young men, who have no vocation in the world, they are advanced and that out of Apprentices, by other ascents or steps, as donari civitate, to come to be free of London, or Citizens, from thence to be of their companies Livery, the governors of Companies, as Wardens, and Masters, and governors in the City, as Common-counsel-men, Aldermens-deputies, Sheriffs, and Aldermen; and lastly the principal governor, or head of the City, the Lord Maior; yea sometimes also Counsellors of Estate to the Prince (whereof Master Stowe hath examples) are very orderly elected; and the whole policy disposed after as excellent a form as most at this day under heaven.  
9 True it is, that Apprenticeship, as it is a degree, so is it the lowest degree, or class of men in London. Lowest we say, that it may come to the highest, according to that of S. Augustine, and of common sense, that those buildings rise highest, and stand fasteth, whose foundations are deepest. And as Apprentipish is the first in order, & meanest in dignity, so can that be no title to embase the vocation, because there must be a first in all things. Of this degree the flat round Cap, hair close-cut, narrow falling-band, course side-coat, close-hose, cloth stockings, and the rest of that severe habit was in antiquity, not more for thrift, and usefulness, then for distinction, and grace, and were originally arguments, or tokens of vocation, or calling, which point of ancient discipline the Cato's of England, grave common Lawyers, to their high commendation therein, retain in their profession, and professors at this present, even to the partie-coulored coats of serving men at Sergeants Feasts. An object, far more ridiculous among the new-shapes of our time (enemy of rigour, and discipline) then that of Apprentices. At which retained signs, and distinctive notes among Lawyers, though younglings, and frivolous novices, may somewhat wonder, till the cause be understood, yet is the thing itself so far in itself from deserving contempt, as that they who should offer it, would themselves be laughed at. For the late Lord Coke, in the preface of his third book of Reports, hath affirmed for the dignity of the word Apprentice, that an Apprentice at Law is a double reader, whose degree is next to that of a Sergeant at Law, who is only inferior to a judge, and to no other degree of Lawyers.  
10 Here now let me be bold to say, that Apprentices seem to have drunk and sacrificed too deeply to their new Goddess, Saint Fashion▪ An Idol which was always noted fatal to the English. As at the periods, or universal concussions of Empire in our portion of great Britain, may in old Writers be observed. This they do not without wrong in our opinions to the honesty of their degree, at leastwise in so far abandoning their proper ornament, the Cap (anciently a note of liberty among the Romans) as not to have one day at least in the year, wherein to celebrate the feast of their Apprenticeship in the peculiar garb thereof, which they should do well and wisely to frequent for downe-bearing of contumely, and scorn, by making profession in this wise, that they glory in the ensigns of their honest calling.  
11 For revocation of which into use though we see no manner of hope, yet are those late Magistrates of the City who laboured to reduce Apprenticeship to practise this laudable point of outward conformity, not the less to be commended: and it were to be wished perhaps, that instead of scattering Libels, and of discovering inclinations to tumult, Apprentices had rather submitted their understandings, and resigned their wills in this particular to their loving superiors, making humble, and wise obedience the glory of their persons, much rather than apparel in the fashion. For they who are not ashamed of their profession, ought not to be ashamed of the ensigns, and tokens of their profession, or degree. They indeed are out of fashion who are not in that fashion which is proper to their quality. The flat round Cap, in itself considered as a Geometrical figure, is far more worthy than the square, according to that ground in the Mathematics, figurarum spaerica est optima, and in Hieroglyphickes, is a symbol of eternity, and perfection, & a resemblance of the world's rotundity. But I will make no encomium for caps. This I say, that as the square cap is retained not only in the Universities, but also abroad among us, as well by Ecclesiastical persons in high places, as by judges of the Land, so the round cap being but a note in London, of Apprentices, and Citizens of London, as it is of Students, Barresters, Benchers, and Readers, in the Inns of Court, so the wearing thereof by Londoners cannot be a reproach, but an ornament. But communis error facit ius, and how freely soever these thoughts come from me out of abundant love to the preservation of virtue in that most honourable City, which civil discipline is ablest to do, yet as much piety as it is to wish the best, so great is the vanity to think to stop the general stream of predominant custom by private wishes. Apprentices moreover, and Citizens, because they are always conversant in the light of action, and concourse, and not shut up in Colleges for studies sake, may think by this contrary way the more to honour their City, and to enjoy themselues.  
12 Well may they in the mean time blush at their temereity, who by teaching that Apprentices are called Apprentices, as if they were pares emptitijs, do dishonour and highly wrong the excellent old policy of this land. For they (as much as lieth in the credit of their words) most dangerously discourage flourishing Industry, who cast such an aspersion upon any civil profession, and order of men (assembled to uphold a kingdom by commerce, according to justice) as the least conceit of so hateful a note as bondage. And if it be temereity to cast it upon any renowned, or other corporation unjustly, it is singular iniquity (let it not be called madness) to lay it upon London, which shines among all Cities within the Empire of Britain. 
— velut inter ignes;  
Luna minores—    


The Contents of this fourth part.  
1 THe Author means not to erect a new Babylon by confounding degrees. Horace's monster. The common law's distinction.  
2 Citizens as Citizens not Gentlemen, but a particular species. The Gentleman the natural subject of all Nobility. The Author's meaning explained. Encouragement of honest Industry. Ius annulorum, that among the Romans, which bearing of Arms among us. The causes compared. The distinction of a mere Citizen. Disparagement of Wards how to be understood in this case. King Edward the first his displeasure an efficient of what effects. Armouries to symbolise with the first bearers quality. Antiquities sacred care in point of ennoblements.  
3 The Author's Apostrophe to Fathers, whether they be Gentlemen borne, or not. No cause why the Great should be ashamed of City-beginnings. Martial virtue principal owner of Armouries. The Chamber of the King.  
4 Kings of England ennoble the Companies of London with their persons, by a singular favour. Henry the seventh his admirable sociabilitie, or configuration of himself to popular forms. Clothworkers his late Majesty's brotherhood.  
5 London-Companies denominated of their Monopolies, but not embased thereby. Of Circensian-games and colours. Plinius his complaint. gentlemen's means if properly entitled are as mean as London-Mysteries. Nor, in that respect, any great disparilitie between Country, and Citie-Gentlemen.  
6 The Ecclipticke line of London's Zodiac. The mind, and not names is essential to qualifications.  
7 The Authors second Apology for his meaning in this case. His scope to beat down injurious vanity, not to wrong vocations. London Companies best so called as they are. The first Roman Consul, not being a Patrician, free of Butchers. Where Majesty is, there can be no baseness. The glory of wit, and arms due to London.  
8 All honest nature's love glory, and no glory good but as subordained to God.    

The fourth Part.  
THough thus I have been the Advocate, and Defender of the credit of the City, yet desire I not to be mistaken. For it is very far from my thoughts, by this Apology, or patronisation, to confound degrees in commonweal, so to set up as it were a new Babylon of mine own. I am not ignorant therefore, that Citizens, as Citizens, are not Gentlemen, but Cizens; To hold otherwise were to take one order, or degree of men out of the Realm, or like Horace's monster (a man's head, and a birds body) to create a thing which had half one, and half another, and our laws give a proper name both to the tenure, and person, calling the tenure of Citizens in Cities, Burgages, and their persons, Burgenses, among whom the more eminent of them in London had of old not only the honour of the title of Citizens, or Burgesses, but of Barons also.  
2 The ordinary Citizen therefore, is of a degree beneath the mere Gentlemen, as the Gentleman is among us in the lowest degree, or class of Nobility in England. And all Citizens as Citizens, yea, the Lord Maior himself, simply as a Citizen, is not a Gentleman, but Burgenfis. As the greatest Princes, and Despots that ever were, or ever shall be in the world, considered in their first natural condition, are at most but Ingenui, or freeborn, in which respect all are equal, for omnes natura aequales, and their first civil degree, or general state, which either comprehends all the orders of Nobility, or is capable of them, is among us the Gentleman. In which respect he who shall say, That this or that King, or Emperor is a Gentleman, speaks rightly, and as the thing is. For Gentleman is the title, about which all other titles, as they concern honour, and convey no jurisdiction, are put as robes and ornaments. This therefore is my meaning; That some Citizens may be a Citizen, and yet truly a Gentleman, as one, and the same man may in several respects be both a Lord and Tenant. Citizen in regard of his incorporation in London, Gentleman in regard of birth, or of Armouries assigned for encouragement of Industry, to ennoble his honest riches and titles of honour, or worship, in that City, whereof he is a qualified member. Neither is the communication of rewards, which consist of painted distinctions, composed according to the received rules of Heraldry, injurious to ancient Gentry any more than the promiscuous permission of wearing gold-rings on their fingers alike to freedmen, as to freemen, granted by the Emperor in the authentics: the reason of gold-rings among Romans, and of Armouries among us being the same. Nor is it a new thing in our Commonweal, that special Citizens, not borne to armouries, but the sons of yeomen, or not of Gentlemen, should have arms assigned them. For there is perhaps scarce any record of Arms granted in England more ancient than testimonies in the Halles of London, that special Citizens have been honoured with particular bearings. And these are advanced upon the Lord Mayor's day by the speare-men of that company of which his Lordship is a member, not all of them specially given of old, but some undoubtedly borne by right of blood, as descendants of Gentlemen, but other again as undoubtedly assigned for excellency in City-Arts. Of which number there are at this day not a few, whose seri nepotes whose great-grand-childrens' children are reputed among the oldest and best families of their Shires, without any relation to London, which notwithstanding raised them. Hence it follows, that as an Apprentice being a Gentleman-borne remaineth a Gentleman, which addition of splendour, and title, as God blesseth his labours, so a worthy Citizen is capable of honour and Arms, notwithstanding his Apprenticeship. And by this distinction made between a Citizen merely as a Citizen, and of a Citizen, as he may also be a Gentleman, that objection which some bring out of a Statute enacted under one of our Kings, which forbidding the disparagement offered by the Guardian to marry the Ward borne gentle, to a Burgensis, may easily be salved and answered. For in that Statute the word Burgensis is spoken in the native, and more narrow sense thereof, that is of one who is simply Burgensis, without any consideration of him as he may otherwise be a Gentleman, Esquire, or Knight, which in some places happens, as in the famous corporation of Droit Wiche in Worcestershire. But howsoever, cerainely Burgensis hear nothing concerns Citizens of London, who by an excellency of their calling had the honour in antiquity to bear the name of Barons, and were styled so; and weighing that, the Citizen is a distinct degree from Burgensis, and above it; and therefore that law concerns them not. For the proof of their title to the appellation of Barons, by way of Hexoche (as artists in eloquence call it) most famous is that place in the Histories of Matthew Paris, where speaking of the Londoners of his time, under King Henry the third, these words are eminent in him: Londonienses quos propter civitatis dignitatem, & civium antiquitatem, Barones consuevimus appellare. As for the distinct degree of a Citizen from a Burgensis, that appears in this, that the City of London doth not send Burgesses to the Parliament, but Knights, or Citizens; and the enumeration of the ranks is clear in a Statute of King Richard the second, enacted the fifth year of his reign, and the fourth Chapter of the same, where they are, Count, Baron, Banneret, Chevalier de Count, Citizen de City, Burgeiss de Burgh. The Princes before that time, but specially the Princes following (as the worthiness of Citizens invited) did ennoble them exceedingly, and continue more and more so to do. Yet, in conferring Arms, and arguments of honour upon Cizens, not borne Gentlemen, reason requireth that they should not have coats of the fairest bearing assigned to them, but such as either in Canton, Chief, Border, or otherwise might carry some testimony, mark, or sign to show the Art by which they were advanced, as Merchant-Aduenturers to bear Anchors, Grocer's Cloves, Clothworkers a Tezel, Merchantaylors a robe, and so forth; which those Gentlemen ought in honesty, and thankfulness to choose, and not only to accept; and rather strive to match the best in goodness, and worth of spirit then in the silent tokens of it. Posterity thriving, there may then some change be also made in the coat for the better. Specially considering what pretty riddance hath been in our times made of surcharges in armouries granted about the end of King Henry the eight; what encroachments upon old gentlemen's rights, by new ones, because their names only have been the same; and many other inventions to blanche or beautify newness. According to which notion and dictamen, coats of Arms have been delivered from their original deformities, surfeits, and surcharges, by their proper Physician, the provincial King of Arms; So Sir Thomas Kitsons of Suffolk, whose Chief, now simply gold, was heretofore overladen with three ogresses, and they with an Anchor (the badge or argument of the original) and two Lions rampant argent; as at this hour is publicly extant to be seen in Trinity Hall at Cambridge, whereunto he was a benefactor: and besides that Gentleman's, the coat armours of some of the Peers of this land, and of others also, not a few: very many more needing the like relief, or remedy. The rule of proportion seems diligently observed in antiquity among us, where the principal, and most noble charges, and forms of Armouries were not appropriated but to analogical competencies of honourable quality.  
3 Such therefore being the nature of Apprenticeship, and such the condition of Citizen's estate, as to the purposes of honour, and arms, let Fathers who are Gentleman put their children, who are not rather inclining to Arms, or letters, to Apprenticeship, that is to say, to the discipline, and Art of honest gain, giving them a title of being somewhat in our Country. For it is a vocation simply honest, and may prove a stay to posterity, and give credit to their names, when licentious and corrupted eldest sons have sold their birthrights away. For albeit many Citizens thrive not, but break, yet those fathers, or such who are in place of Fathers, work more probably, who put their children, or Orphans into a certain method of life, then others who leave them at large. And as some riotous, foolish, or unfortunate Citizens miscarry, so ten to one more younger brethren in the Country. And fathers, such of you are not gentlemen, put your children to be Apprentices, that so as God may bless their just, true, and virtuous industry, they may found a new family, and both raise themselves and theirs to the precious and glittering title of Gentlemen bearing Arms lawfully. For which cause no Lord, nor Peer of this Land, who may perchance owe his worldly estate, and as well the completive, as the fundamental greatness, or amplitude of means, to such as have been Citizens of London; nor those other, whose originals were from chivalry, and martial service (the most pure, and proper Noblesse of all, as to the purpose of bearing Arms) and yet since have been mixed with Citie-races, aught to think it the least disparagement to own their benefactors and ancestors, Citizens of London. On the other part it will worthily well become them, freely and thankfully to acknowledge so honest originals, and accession to originals, as all this Realm from thence is filled with. Because among them the virtues of commutative justice, and of commendable industry flourish, and, the sinews of war, and peace, abundance of treasure, are stored up, as in the Chamber of the King.  
4 Which acknowledgement, besides that it is in the laws of honour, an act of bounden duty, they may the rather take it for a glory, because our Princes have vouchsafed to be incorporated; as members of several Companies in the City, coming thereby as it were under that banner. Nor only so, but Henry the seventh (whom all of us will easily confess to have well enough understood what he did) is credibly said to have been in person, at the election of Master & Wardens, and himself to have sitten openly among them in a gown of crimson velvet, Citie-fashion, with a Citizen's hood of velvet on his shoulders a la mode de Londres, upon their solemn feast-day, in the common hall of his Company, Merchantailers. Moreover, his grandchild, Queen Elizabeth (no way inferior to her ancestor in high policy) was free of Mercers. Lastlie (which is more to our present purpose) our late dread Sovereign himself King james more learned than they both (though learning hath been a Royal ability in our ancient Princes, & so flourishing in Sebert, King of East-England, that our venerable countryman BEDE, affirms him to have been, per omnia doctissimus) encorporated himself into one the most important society of this kingdom Clothworkers, as men dealing in the principal and noblest Staplewares' of all these Lands; wool, and cloth.  
5 Nor let the names of Companies, because they seem not to sound honourably enough as appellations of degrees in Gentry, and Nobility, avert the mind from them as things ignoble and unworthy the dignity of generous dispositions, a thing erroneously holden in Fernes Blazon of Gentry. For all renowned Cities ever had in them urbana nobilitas, and yet their citizens could not but be distributed into orders, tribes, or titles of professions, yea sometimes also in their games, For the Circensian companies in Rome, called factiones, that is to say, companies, and denominated from the several colours of their several clothings, White, blue, green, and red, to which Domitian added two other, purple, and gold, were the special delights and exercises of Prince & people; which grew to such excess, no longer after then in Traian's time, that Plinius secundus held it a matter worthy of his complaint, and censure, as in one of his Epistles is extant, where he saith nunc panno favent, nunc pannum amant. Again, such of the Gentry, who live not in the city, and do most of all elevate themselves with contempt of others in respect of the Arts, and ways of maintenance, were they but incorporated under the true titles of their means, in which we will not speak of the prodigious eating up of whole houses, towns, and people, by a thousand wicked devices proper to the mystery of depopulation (against whose consuming works so many statutes of this land have long time warred in vain) the names of those citie-brotherhoods, or Companies would easily sound, in a most curious ear, full out as fair, and well. Corn, Cattle, Butter, Cheese, Hay, Wood, Wool, Coals, and the like, the materials of their maintenance, all of them inseparable to Countrey-Commonweales, and without which they can no more subsist then Drapers, as Drapers without cloth, Glodsmiths, as Goldsmiths without jewels, or plate, and so forth. Neither doth it create any great odds in this point touching honour between parties in this dispute, that Gentlemen, by their officers, as Bailiffs, Reeves, or the like, do order their affairs for their more ease, & dignities. For beside, that the wisest among them exercise that superintendency in their own persons, so herein the worthy Citizen is no way behind, dispatching his businesses by Factors, journeymen, or expert Apprentices, reserving only to himself the overuiew, and control all their doings. Citie-noblesse so apparent, that the Knights or Gentlemen of Rome, professing Merchandise, and others among them that way bend, had their Hall, or seat of their College, or company upon Mount Capitoline itself, dedicated to their patron Deity, or tutelary Godhead, Mercury. Other encorporated societies there also were, as Goldsmiths, and the rest, who lived so far from being excluded out of the power of commonweal, or from honours, and signs of nobleness, that they had right in some cases even to overtop the Lords, and out of their own body to choose not only Consuls, but even Dictator's also, their super-soveraigne & most absolute Magistrate before their Emperor's times. Yea so mighty were they grown in respect of elections and negative authority, that Clodius to be revenged upon Cicero, left his own rank of Patritians, and Lords, and turned Commoner.  
6 To conclude, such Gentlemen are much deceived, which no sooner hear one named to be of this, or that Society, or College of trade in London, as of Grocers, Haberdashers, Fishmongers, or of any other of the twelve principal Monopolies (the Zodiac of the city, in whose Ecliptic line their Lord Mayor must ever run his year's course) but they forthwith entertain a low conceit of the party's quality, as too too much beneath their own rank, and order, without further examination; when it often happens, that he who is titularlie of this, or that Fraternity, never was bred up in it, nor understands any more what it means then the remotest Gentleman, their Masters themselves having been Merchants, or of other profession of life divers from their title, under which they are marshaled, the law of the city imposing an absolute necessity that all who are free of the city should carry the name of some one, or other of their brotherhoods. Again, what do the constellations of heaven shine the worse, or the less, because they carry the names of Ramm, of a Water-bearer, of Fishes, and so forth? Or how many the fewer are their several lights for that? Answerably to which I say, that if the party's mind be adorned with the starre-lights of virtue and honour, what baseness is it for him to be marshaled under any of the names comprehending one, or other of the honest Arts of worldly life?  
7 In disputing thus, let me not be thought to set up an envious comparison between these two worshipful degrees, or qualifications of men. That is very far from me. For it must ever be granted, to the authority of general opinion founded upon custom among us, that the true Countrey-Esquire caeteris paribus, is in his proper place before the Citie-Esquire, which with the perpetual clause beforesaid of caeteris paribus holds also, throughout the other degrees of the inferior Noblesse in England. I reason here, as reason bids, not against the right, or dignities of persons either as in parallel, or as in disparagement, but against the vanity, and offences rising out of causeless elation, and arrogance, and against their errors, who not understanding the things of their own country, are indeed mere Meteoroscopers, and hover in the cloudy region of admiration upon rude, and unlearned fancies, for which cause as minds needing to be healed, so would I sincerely that they were healed. Such are theirs, who would perhaps think the Companies, or Monopolies of the city more worthy of their acknowledgement, if where now they are denominated of some particular ware, or craft, they were named of Eagles, Vultures, Lions, Bears, Panthers, Tigers, or so forth, as the several orders of the Noble in Mexico (which josephus Acosta writes) under their Emperor: yet much better, because more truly, these fellowships of London carry the names of men as they have vocations in professions, which only men can execute. Or they would peradventure think more nobly of them, if those societies were denominated of Eyes, ears, hands, feet, or of other members, as Philostratus, in the life of that impostor Apollonius Tianaeus, saith, the officers, and instruments of a Philosophical King in India were. But as those were called of their King his eyes, ears, and so forth, so have these mysteries some one, or other professor in each among them, from the higher trade to the lowest eminently designed out with the addition of King, as the King's Mercer, the King's Draper, and so forth. Again, how much more worthy the whole is then the parts, because the parts are in the whole, so by that argument it is more honourable to be marshaled as a man among societies of civil men, then to be distinguished by allusions to particular members. At leastwise, those singular Gentlemen might certainin their most contempt of the City remember that of Plato, Nemo Rex non ex seruis, nemo non seruus ex Regibus; and that also rare and real worth may be in the persons of Citizens themselves, seeing Terentius (Consul of old Rome, with that noble Paulus Aemilius) was free of the Butcher's company, and our Walworth Lord Mayor of old London was free of the Fishmongers. And they were not only the Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen of Rome, who had voice in election of their principal yearly Magistrates, but even handycraftsmen▪ and Artificers, as is most manifest by that place of Sallust in his jugurthine war, where Marius was chosen Consul, by the special affection of that sort of Roman Citizens, who (saith he) sua necessaria post illius honorem ducebant, preferred his election by their voices, before the trades by which they earned their livings. Finally, they may remember, that in the posterity of Citizens many right noble, and worthy Gentlemen are often found, and that, besides the universal mixture with Citie-races thorough the Kingdom, it may not be denied that true nobless shineth often very bright among them. For they are Companies of free Citizens, in which, sovereign Majesty itself is incorporated, making them at once to be sacred as it were, and certainly magnificent. For even as where the Sun is, there is no darkness, so where sovereign Princes are interressed parties, there is no baseness. And as the Philosopher's Medicine purgeth vilest metals, turning all to gold, so the operation of Prince's intention to ennoble Societies with his personal presence, transmetalls the subject, and clearly takes away all ignobility. Which things as they are most true in London, so, for that, the Emperor Constantinus magnus (if our ancient Fitz Stephan reports the right) Henry King of England, son of king Henry the second, and that brave great Prince Edward the first, and whosoever else, were borne in the City, they give to it the glory of Arms: and jeffrey Chaucer, Sir Thomas Moor knight, with others borne in London, communicate thereunto the glory of wits and letters. To nourish up both which most excellent titles to real nobility in the City, the Artillery-yard, and Gressam College were instituted.  
8 Thus this question of Honour, and Arms, undertaken at the instance of interessed parties, but more for love to that great City, and her children, being by God's assistance, and, as we hope, sufficiently discussed, the end of all is this, that albeit the love of humane praise, and of outward splendour in the marks, and testimonies of it, are very vehement fires in all worthiest natures, yet have they no beatitude, nor (so to say) felicitation, but only as with referment to this of the blessed Apostle,    
Soli Deo Honour, & Gloria.  
Amen.  

I have viewed this book, and perused the same, and find nothing therein dissonant to reason, or contrary to the Law of Honour or Arms.  
William Segar Garter princip. King of Arms.   

Errata.  
In the Epistle to the Masters.  
For juice of ingratitude, read vice of ingratitude.  
In the Epistle to the Prentices.  
For preying, read prying.  
For honourable (all, read honourable strangers (all.  
Page 5 For larger volume, read leger volume.  
17. For discouser, read discourser.  
19 For civil Art government, read civil Art of government. ●ad For most an- Art of increase, read most ancient Art of increase.  
20. For a would, read as would.  
23. For over-slave, read over his slave.  
38. For fasteth, read fastest.  
51. For you are read you as are.  
55. For control all read control of all.  
57 For Ram, read a Ram.  
58. For certain, read certainly.