NERO CAESAR or Monarchy depraved. An Historical work. Dedicated with leave, To the Duke of BVCKiNGhAM, lord Admiral. A.D. MDCXXiii.    

NERO CAESAR, OR MONARCHY DEPRAVED. AN HISTORICAL WORK.  
Dedicated, with leave, to the DUKE of BUCKINGHAM, LORD ADMIRAL.  
By the Translator of LUCIUS FLORUS.  
LONDON: Printed by T. S. for Thomas Walkley, at Britain's Burse. 1624.   
SENECA AD NERONEM. Apud CORNELIUM TACITUM, Annal. XIV. Ego quid aliud MVNIFICENTIae adhibere potui, quam STUDIA, ut sic dixerim, in VMBRA educata? è quibus CLARITUDO vevit—  

TO MY LORD, THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM, LORD ADMIRAL.  
Most noble, my gracious Lôrd,  
THe Office of an Historian is not more worthy than it is hard. But the hardness, as it riseth from the greater necessity of truth, then of eloquence, is recompensed with an advantage above all other sorts of humane learning. For each of those is but for certain natures; whereas History is a common study for all. The nobility of the gift (for it is a gift from heaven, and a great one) is manifest by the excellencies of persons who have laboured therein: Saints, Emperors, Kings, Gownsmen, Swordmen; and whatsoever else is best, or for the best. The difficulties grow out of the abstruse condition of causes, counsels, facts, and their circumstances. And howsoever lights may fail, yet truth is the supreme aim of every right narrationer. In this historical work of NERO CaeSAR, I have so regarded verity, that in the same alone I have placed my whole dignity.   


CHAP. XIII. NERO'S munificences, and liberalities.  
CHAP. XIIII. OF OCTAVIA, NERO'S first wife, and of some other women, within his first five years.  
CHAP. XV. THe death of AGRIPPINA AUGUSTA. 

§. I. The causes for which NERO resolved to destroy Agrippina, his own mother. Page 24.  
§. II. Means thought, and agreed upon, for the secret destruction of AGRIPPINA. Page 26.  
§. III. The time and place for execution of the deed, with a partil description of the trap-galley. Page 28.  
§. FOUR AGRIPPINA feasted by NERO at BAIAE, and put aboard the trap-galley upon her return. Pag. 31.  
§. V. The trap in the galley miscarrying, AGRIPPINA regains the shore; her two chief attendants diversly slain. Pag. 34.  
§. VI Doubts, touching AGRIPPINA'S escape, not to be cleared out of TACITUS, SVETONIUS, or DIO, attempted to be cleared otherwise. Pag. 36.  
§. VII. NERO, after the news of Agrippina's escape, gives present order for her death, in hope to make it seem her proper act. Pag. 38.  
§. VIII. The manner of Agrippina's murder exactly described. Pag. 39  
§. IX. NERO'S behaviour, and words in private, upon the view of Agrippina's corpse; where the same of their incest is likewise scanned. Pag. 43.  
§. X. A short speculation touching Agrippina's pedigree, and death. Pag. 46.  
§. XI. The people's inward judgement of NERO'S heinous fact against his mother, in what sort outwardly expressed. Pag. 48.  
§. XII. Of Agrippina's colony, and commentaries; and of her burial. Pag. 49.    
CHAP. XVI. AN eclipse of the Sun; and the day of Agrippina's death observed.  
CHAP. XVII. NERO'S part after his mother's end, towards the close of his first five years.  
CHAP. XVIII. COnsiderations touching the premises, and commonweal.  
CHAP. XIX. THe ghost of Agrippina, and other apparitions afflicting Nero.  
CHAP. XX. OF the five yearly Plays, and Prizes instituted at Rome by Nero: and of his studies.  
CHAP. XXI. OF the Counsel of History for the worse part of Nero's reign, after his first Quinquennium.  
CHAP. XXII. AN address of speech to my Lord, touching that which follows in Nero's reign.  

CHAP. XXIII. THe principal wonder of Nero's time, and of Princedoome.  
THE END OF THE FIRST FIVE years of NERO, his most commended time.   
CHAP. XXIIII. THe revolt in BRITAIN, and other troubles of war. 

§. I. An introductory sum of affairs in Britain from the Romans first entrance under julius Caesar, till the present revolt under Nero. Pag. 72.  
§. II. The Britanns at bloody odds among themselves, upon julius Caesar's invasion. Pag. 74.  
§. III. The effects of Caesar's two invasions, and of his final return out of Britain. Pag. 75.  
§. FOUR The Britanns, and the things of Britain, a part of Caesar's triumph over the Galls. Pag. 78.  
§. V. Of the Britanns, and the British chariot of Maecenas under Augustus. Pag. 79.  
§. VI Of the peace of Britain, and of other rarest matters there, under Tiberius. Pag. 81.  
§. VII. Britain menaced by Caligula. A touch of his follies, and tower. Pag. 83.  
§. VIII. The conquest of Britain under Claudius Caesar. A rare coin of his, concerning the state thereof. Pag. 85.    
CHAP. XXV. THe intermitted narration of the revolt of Britain under Nero prosecuted. 

§. I. The title of the Romans to their conquests. Pag. 91.  
§. II. The estate of the Roman-Britanns immediately before the revolt. Pag. 92.  
§. III. The causes of the grand revolt. Boadicia's quarrel the chief. Pag. 97.  
§. FOUR The person, and quality of Boadicia, the warlike widow, curiously described. Pag. 101.  
§. V. Of Suetonius paulinus, Nero's lieutenant general in Britain: and of his design against Anglesey. Pag. 102.  
§. VI Suetonius being absent upon the conquest of Anglesey, what Roman forces, and friends resided behind for a stay, and where. Pag. 104.  
§. VII. Main observations touching Cogidunus, a king at this time in Britain. Pag. 106.  
§. VIII. Boadicia, and the Britanns meet in great secrecy, and resolve to rise in arms. Pag. 109.  
§. IX. The Druids of Britain, parties in this grand revolt. Pag. 110.  
§. X. Wonders fore-show the over-hanging evils. Pag. 112.  
§. XI. Boadicia's musters, and attire; and of the place of the rendezvous. Pag. 113.  
§. XII. Boadicia's oration to her army, affording a most forceable point to inflame the Britanns, by opposing their manners to the Romans. Pag. 115.  
§. XIII. The motions, and actions of this mighty body of rebellion. And first concerning the Roman colony at Camalodunum, and the castles on the borders. Pag. 119.  
§. XIIII. The Roman colony at Camalodunum destroyed by Boadicia. Pag. 122.  
§. XV. Petilius Cerealis, coming tardy to the rescue, is encountered upon the way by Boadicia, and put to flight. Pag. 125.  
§. XVI. Catus Decianus, Nero's procurator, leaves Britain without leave. Pag. 127.  
§. XVII. Suetonius paulinus, upon the news of Boadicia's rebellion, came in haste from Mona to London. Pag. 129.  
§. XVIII. Of Nero's London before Suetonius paulinus was driven by Boadicia to abandon it: and first, whither it were once a Roman colony, or no. Pag. 131.  
§. XIX. The quality and estate of London immediately before the burning. Pag. 132.  
§. XX. NERO'S lieutenant in Britain abandons London to the rebels. Pag. 139.  
§. XXI. London entered, sacked, and set on fire, by Boadicia. Pag. 144.  
§. XXII. Verulam sacked, and destroyed by Boadicia. An essential difference between the persons of a Municipium, and a Colony. Pag. 148.  
§. XXIII. The most savage behaviour of the Boadicians in the use of their victories throughout. Pag. 151.  
§. XXIIII. The course which Suetonius paulinus held in his retreat from London, and of his constraint to resolve for fight. Pag. 154.  
§. XXV. The number, and quality of the Roman forces, provided for fight. Pag. 155.  
§. XXVI. Of julius Agricola, (the father in law of Cornelius Tacitus) at this service. Pag. 157.  
§. XXVII. The number of men in Boadicia's army, their nations, qualities, and arms. Pag. 158.  
§. XXVIII. Of the place of the battle, and season of the year. Pag. 161.  
§. XXIX. The order of the Roman battle. Pag. 162.  
§. XXX. The order of the Britanns' battle. Pag. 169.  
§. XXXI. The battle, overthrow, and death of Boadicia. Pag. 174.  
§. XXXII. Of the place of Boadicia's burial. Pag. 181.  
§. XXXIII. A recapitulation of the premises touching the affairs of Britain hitherto. Pag. 184.  
§. XXXIIII. Free thoughts, and notes upon the whole matter of Boadicia's actions, as by way of public counsel. Pag. 187.    
CHAP. XXVI. ONe of the Praetors in Rome guilty of an heinous libel against Nero. Free touches, upon that occasion, concerning libels, and their authors.  
CHAP. XXVII. THe worthy carriage of Domitius Corbulo, against the Parthians.  
CHAP. XXVIII. NERO'S first coming upon the common stage.  
CHAP. XXIX. THe burning of Rome by Nero. 

§. I. Of the hugeness, and goodliness of Nero's old Rome. Pag. 207.  
§. II. The fire; and Nero's triumph over it in song. Pag. 209.  
§. III. The work of the fire in spoil. Pag. 216.  
§. FOUR Nero's use of the burnings, or destructions of old Rome. Pag. 219.  
§. V. Nero's new Palace, or Golden House. Pag. 222.    
CHAP. XXX. THe Christians persecuted by Nero, as the burners of Rome.  
CHAP. XXXI. PIso's conspiracy against NERO.  
CHAP. XXXII. OF Seneca, and Lucan, two of the conspirators.  
CHAP. XXXIII. MOre touching PISO'S conspiracy.  
CHAP. XXXIIII. OF tyrants and treason, by occasion of this conspiracy against NERO.  
CHAP. XXXV. THe death of Poppaea Sabina, the mistress, and second wife of Nero: which occasions the rehearsal of Octavia's Tragedy.  
CHAP. XXXVI. OF the East-Indian trade in Nero's time.  
CHAP. XXXVII. SOme Roman antiquities examined, seeming to give divinity to Nero. Honourable words of Poppaea Sabina by Flavius josephus.  
CHAP. XXXVIII. THe coming of Tiridates to Rome.  
CHAP. XXXIX. OF Publius' Petus Thrasea, whom Tacitus calleth Virtue's self: and of Demetrius, his Cynic.  
CHAP. XL. THe general credit, and use of Stage-poetry, and of acting upon Stages in Nero's time.  
CHAP. XLI. NERO resolves for his voyage into Greece; but not as a right Roman.  
CHAP. XLII. THe provisions of Nero for assuring Rome to himself, in his absence.  
CHAP. XLIII. NERO in Greece. His hatred to the Senate of Rome, and other his doings, touching the main of his errand.  
CHAP. XLIIII. NERO'S attempt for cutting through the Corinthian Isthmus.  
CHAP. XLV. THe end of heroic Corbulo; and the employment of Vespasian against the rebellious jews.  
CHAP. XLVI. NERO'S success at the Temple of Apollo.  
CHAP. XLVII. THe choice antiquities, and all the prime monuments of the greeks culled, and carried away for Rome by Nero's authority.  
CHAP. XLVIII. NERO'S return.  
CHAP. XLIX. NERO'S doings after his return.  
CHAP. L. THe last act of Nero's persecution of Christians.  
CHAP. LI. HOly men the invisible stays of the world.  
CHAP. LII. NERO destituted.  
CHAP. LIII. OF Nero's end; and of Epaphroditus.  
CHAP. LIIII. A Free speculation on behalf of Commonweal, upon the deposure, and death of Nero.  
CHAP. LV. THe line of the Caesars ended.   
SOLI DEO GLORIA:   

Ancient short INSCRIPTIONS, vouched in this HISTORICAL Work, exhibited at length.  
PAG. I. 
NEro Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Pontifex Maximus Tribunitia Potestate Imperator Pater Patriae.  PAG. VI 
Nero Claudius Caesar Drusus Germanicus Princeps Iwentutis.  PAG. XV. 
Nero Claudius Drusus Germanicus Imperator. Senatus Consulto.  PAG. XIX. 
Congij Dati Populo. Senatus Consulto.  PAG. XXII. 
Nero Claudius Caesar Imperator Et Octavia Augusta Pia.  PAG. LX. 
Certamina Quinquennalia Romae Constituta. Senatus Consulto.  PAG. LXXX. 
Marcus Cocceius Nerua Triumuir. Asia Europa Africa. Senatus Populus Que Romanus.  PAG. CXXXIV. 
.......... OΥ BPEΤANNIKOΣ METPOΠOΛEΣ ETIMINAIOV BAΛO.  PAG. CLXIV. 
Legio Decima Quarta.  PAG. CC. 
Pontifex Maximus Tribunitia Potestate Imperator Pater Patriae.  PAG. CCII 
Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Pontifex Maximus Imperator Pater Patriae.  PAG. CCXX. 
Macellum Augusti. Senatus Consulto.  PAG. CCXXX. 
Neroni Claudio Caesari Augusto Pontifici Maximo Ob Provinciam Latronibus Et His Qui Novam Generi Humano Superstitionem inculcabant Purgatam.  PAG. CCXLVII 
ΠOΠΠAIAΣ ...... ΣEBAΣTHΣ.  PAG. CCLIX. 
Pace Populo Romani Vbique Parta janum Clusit. Senatus Consulto.  PAG. CCLXXXII. 
Castalius Innocentius Audax Viri Clarissimi Praefecti Vrbis Vice Sacra judicans, etc.    

Errata. The first number is for the page, the other is for the line of that page.  
2.2. after wrought, deal comma. 5. lin. penult. for might, league would. 20.24. for therein, league therefore. 27. lin. antepenult. for scandal, lege scandal, other. 41.4. deal who. 52.6. for eliciently, league sufficiently. 59.17. for provided, league providing. 66.21. for others, lege other. 77.7. for relate, lege rebate. ibid. 14. for acts, lege arts. 105.32. for VESPASIANS, lege NERO'S. 140.14. deal also. 143.31. for officers, lege offices. 150.25. for image, lege imagine. 165.26. for but three, league but of three. 168.10. for cause, lege case. 195.34. for corapped, league wrapped. 203.13. insere else, between whatsoever, and my. 214.25. for September, lege Sextember. 226.16. for some, lego same. 260.20. deal him. 267.10. insere own, between his and aversion. 268.26. the parenthesis to end after also) 273.20. for deduction, lege reduction. ibid. 17. insere in sense, between such, and as. 276. l. penult. for to league of.   

NERO CLAUDIUS CAESAR AUGUSTUS GERMANICUS.  

I. NERO'S FIRST COMING TO THE EMPIRE.  
NERO CLAUDIUS, the adopted son of TIBERIUS CLAUDIUS the late deceased Emperor, in the seventeenth year of his age, obtains that sovereign power, by virtue whereof the Consuls, Senators, Tribunes, Captains, and all other the officers, and active verues of state, did execute their several charges, there being now no fountain of motion but in princedoome only. For CAESAR had of old so wrought himself into the commonweal, that the one (saith SENECA) could never be deduced from the other without the destruction of both: for as the prince needs forces so the people needs an head. Nature had ordained another for the place, but heinous devices interuerted the proper course of succession, and so BRITANICUS, the matrimonial issue of CLAUDIUS AUGUSTUS and of VALERIA MESSALINA, was wronged, and ruinated. ONUPHRIUS in his description of the city of ROME, mentions a golden statue erected to this BRITANNICUS in the tenth region thereof, a monument of NERO'S tyranny (if NERO did erect it) rather than any amends for loss of his life, and empire. The principal agent in that injury of disenherison, was violent AGRIPPINA, her incentive ambition, her instument that lordly freedman PALLAS; the means, incest, adultery, paricidial poison, and murder.   

II. OF NERO BEFORE HE WAS EMPEROR OR ADOPTED.  
THE omen, and sequel were conform to the worst of these. NERO came into the world an agrippa, or borne with his feet forward (his own mother left it written of him so in her commentaries) and turned the world upside down before he went out of it, which is every where known to be written. But that preposterous nativity foreboded nothing, in PLINY'S conceit (who notes that all agrippae were unfortunate) but the party's disaster. Horror, & terror to the public were in that which follows. When the Chaldaeans pronounced, according to their art, that he should reign, but murder his mother; she submitted herself to that destiny, and in the fury of her pride fatally said aloud, and let him kill me so as that proves true. Acceptance, and consent are dangerous points, in the point of drawing-on foretold events. Neither are the sudden conceits of parents concerning their children, whither to the better, or the worse part, always vain: for DOMITIUS ANEOBARBUS, NERO'S own father, unpremeditately answered his congratulating friends, that nothing could possibly come of AGRIPPINA, and him, but cursed stuff, ordained to undo the world, or words to such effect. An heavy doom, which DIO more probably reports in milder terms. Father's are naturally judges, & oftentimes prophets also; and aswell their blessings, as their maledictions weighty. DOMITIUS meant not to read his child's fortune when he uttered that conceit, but there is ever more somewhat for the speakers to beware, and for children to fear, in the whatsoever words of their parents. During his childhood ANICETUS had the elementary teaching of him, the same who was afterwards employed to murder AGIPPINA, and falsely to accuse OCTAVIA; his pupillage, or minority was governed by ASCONIUS LABEO, concerning whom we find to NERO'S praise, that he thanckfully procured consulary ornaments for him; and one BERYLLUS (saith FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS) trained him up in the rudiments of the Greek tongue, but LUCIUS ANNAEUS SENECA, under the most honourable title, and in the most useful employment, was the master of his manners. And they in reason could not have proved so vile, if his mother had not averted his affections from the study of all philosophy, as a thing unfit for a Sovereign.   

III. THE FAMOUS ERROR OF HIS EDUCATION.  
AN opinion worthy of a graceless woman, and originally the most certain cause of his overthrow. For his nature most vnboundedly affecting immortality of fame (which was truly princely, & truly ROMAN in him) by this abducement from the knowledge of honesty, and worth (the only true grounds of glory) he pursued shows, and seem, and sought not (saith that excellent philosopher DIO CHRYSOTOMUS speaking of NERO) for that which makes men good, or wise, but for that which might enable him to win crowns of leaves, or garlands, for singing, fiddling, piping, acting on stages, and the like ignobler trials, which nevertheless through the error of his breeding, appeared to him such transcendently heavenly gifts, that in their perfection he constituted chief felieitie.   

FOUR THE MIND OF AGRIPPINA.  
ON the other side, to reign over the world seemed to his mother AGRIPPINA, a thing so dazzling and divine, that all things else stood far to her on the hither side thereof. Therefore in making her way, she never distinguished either of methods, or efficients, for want of knowing that which is a much greater thing then to rule the whole world, the overruling of herself for higher ends. The study of true philosophy (for some philosophies are neither fit for kings nor subjects being falsely called wisdom) would have taught her to consider, how much more glorious it is, to affect honest things rather than great, or to compass great things honestly. For there can be no pleasure in the fruition of bravery and power, which in the least degree, can be worthy of an evil conscience, end, and fame. She approved good precepts in SENECA, the more securely to practise her own bad ones. Domination was her desire, and she for that contemned all the laws of god, & man. Nor is SENECA without a part in the blame, who kept him from solid eloquence proper to the ancient orators, to hold him the longer in admiration of himself, Who taught him how to answer ready, who much more profitably might have taught him how to think deeply.   

V. OF NERO, AS THE ADOPTIVE SON OF CLAUDIUS.  
NERO had in marriage the sister of BRITANICUS, OCTAVIA, the root of his fortunes, and in the life-time of CLAUDIUS, their father, was courted, and served as heir apparent to the empire. According to which highest hope, the most flourishing title PRINCE OF THE YOUTH, or CAPTAIN OF THE YOUNG LORDS, which regularly imported heir-apparencie, was assigned to him alone. Old extant coigns, and inscriptions (in whose precious remains the most certain marks of facts survive) make it evident.  
CLAUDIUS adopted him for his eldest son, because BRITANNICUS (formerly called GERMANICUS) was two years younger: so much it disaduantaged him with a feeble father, to have been born but only so much short. In the year of that unlucky adoption, which was when CORNELIUS ORFITUS was Consul with CLAUDIUS CAESAR, three suns appeared, as if the heavens, privy to impendent effects, had by their mystical character reveled what a prodigy was in breeding.   

VI OF NERO'S FIRST FIVE YFARES.  
SENECA, chief for learning, & power (saith historical PLINY) and AFRANIUS BURRHUS (the more solidly honest man of the two) captain of NERO'S guards, were deep of counsel in the edition of this prince, who though he was in his birth the object of dire presages, and afterwards in court the creature of darkest practices, yet by the apposition of SENECA, like a benign star among many malignant, he came notwithstanding to be presented to ROME in the shape of such an hope, as a fair fresh morning brings of a correspondent sunn-set. But to mingle nothing in history, by the perplexing of times, or the forestall of judgements, this is confessed, that the first five years of this young AUGUSTUS were generally such, as TRAIANUS himself is said to have admired, if they were not rather the reign of his governors SENECA, and BURRHUS then, porperly his. Yet the inofficious entrance pleaseth not: for he preoccupated goodwill to himself by his adopters disgrace, as may without enforcement be conceived.   

VII. SENECA INOFFICIOUS TO CLAUDIUS, CONTRARY TO THE MORAL GOOD OF NERO.  
TWo orations pennd to his hand by SENECA, and openly pronounced by NERO, do both of them carry the marks of their inwardly offended author, though they were improper to the argument. For SENECA did not only not love CLAUDIUS, but in a libel persecuted his memory also. The first oration of the two, pretended by all sorts of praises to make him seem worthy the title of a god, which together with all divine honours was accordingly decreed unto him: yet this had some such passages in it, as publicly moved the hearers to laugh, and so he went out ridiculous deity. The second speech (summd by TACITUS) while it gave them an idea of what should be otherwise under him, and better than before, did abatingly insinuate the wants of his predecessor. These beginnings therefore thus understood, do seem to have conferred somewhat towards the weakening of pious respects in NERO, who leavened with the scoffings of his Master (for even LIPSIUS notes that evil spirit in SENECA) did show himself afterwards no undexterous disciple, breaking sundry bitter jests (remembered by SVETONIUS) upon his dead adoptive father, the creator of his undeserved fortunes.   

VIII. A WORD OR TWO TOUCHING THE INSTITUTION OF A MONARCH, BY OCCASION OF NERO'S INSTITUTION.  
TO utter briefly somewhat, by way of frank speech, upon this just occasion, in the most cheerful, and most careful province of the world, the institution of a sovereign prince, whose good, or evil is the commonweals, there is nothing in it which can be little, or of little moment, I do not say of that which is directly ill (for that admits no doubt) but of that which leads, though but indirectly, towards it. Because great evils may grow out of the smallest causes. But it was never a little matter, by all means, and at all times, to maintain, and strengthen natural piety, and ingenuous thankfulness, which after some sort are all in all. Prince's otherwise minded undo themselves. For seeing imperial majesty doth subsist by the veneration which is owing thereunto, for the reason of fatherly, and lordly power, they do make examples to their own harms who being hereditary, or beneficiary princes minister the least suspicion of irreverent affections towards their proper parents, or founders. The most bottomly stone which can be laid for all future felicity is digged out of none other quarry than piety, and whatsoever superedifide is not of like nature, will fall to ground, and in the fall thereof will carry itself, and with itself all the rest, either into oblivion, or infamy. To constitute CLAUDIUS divine, and to deride him, was absurd in itself, as being against both their religion, and the clearness of their reason. And let the insinuations of his disgrace be never so just, yet they could not justly seem to spring from any other fountain of affections then that which traitorously took away his life. And whither did not licence carry levity when that very fact which was absolutely worthy of all detestation, and punishment, was become the heinous subject of SENECA'S, and NERO'S jests? Therefore, howsoever I heartily love what SENECA'S writings have good in them, and do admire what is excellent either for wisdom, eloquence, or conceit, yet I do freely profess to hate that, as all men certainly do, who esteem the conscience of moral, and civil duties, above the flashes of ambitious wit.   

IX. THE SENATES USE OF SENECA'S OFFICES, AT NERO'S ENTRANCE.  
But the Senate discovered no such judgement of this course, for it greatly conduced to their ends, as men who affected censureship over their princes, & to remain the arbiters of things. SENECA therefore, not without some suspicion of vanity on his part (as TACITUS observeth) had the glory of wit, and eloquence, in the grace of his scholars utterance, and their lordships enacted, that the last oration, because it contained the picture of the NERONIAN commonweal as there it was described, should be cut in a column of silver, for everlasting remembrance, and yearly be read in full court, upon the Kalends of JANVARIE, when the new Consuls took their oaths. And this was done (saith DIO in effect) that NERO who gave them the hope, should give them the fulfilling also. A provision worthy of their wisdom, the commodity whereof being put into their hands by SENECA, did causefully ennoble, & endear him to the public. And though NERO afterwards spoilt all, by his incredible excesses, yet the oration remained still, an evidence of his engagement, a touchstone of his actions, and by the disparity of premises, and sequels, did draw the greater foulness upon his deformities. NERO'S fair overtures for winning goodwill at first, remain estreated in that most steady author, CORNELIUS TACITUS, though the oration itself (for what monuments will not massy silver betray?) be quite consumed. The general notion of the speeches fabric was, to give hope, that all those things should be avoided which had been offensive before. Of this point the ITALIAN author of the famous RAGVALIAS of PARNASSUS makes unfriendly use, in the imaginary inauguration of CORNELIUS TACITUS, to the feigned kingdom of LESBOS, smally to the honour of TACITUS, whom he makes thrown out again for affectation of tyranny.   

X. THE POISONING OF BRITANNICUS.  
But the eminent fame of NERO'S first five years is only to be understood, as they were profitable to commonweal in the orderly correction, and administration of the policy, by the special care of SENECA, and the service of worthy patriots. For his own manners otherwise did soon begin to putrify. His delights, some of them, not honest in any man, as wild maskings, and riotous wanton women; and some of them, though not dishonest, yet being pursued as chief employments were utterly unseemly in a prince. This connivent permission of him to himself (worthily reproved by DIO) as it increased SENECA'S power, so it inflamed NERO'S vices. Therefore almost every year of the five was stained with some notable fowl fact or other: for which notwithstanding, because there might be some defence in the reason of his imperial rights, or personal safety, they would have been commiserated in him as piacularie infelicities, rather than urged as criminal impieties, had the world felt a continuance of common profit, or he not bewrayed his natural immanity. Within the very first twelve month of his government he spotted, and deflowered the maiden candour of his fortunes by poisoning BRITANNICUS, who was his cousin german, his adoptive brother, and testamentary partner in the empire, one so incapable of malicious crimes, that he was then but at the fourteenth year of his age. This fact, considered in itself, though it directly violated the main foundations of the world laid deep by god in natural piety, yet some other appellation would have been invented for avoiding the proper of parricide (as I have said before) had not the carriage of his part in it, and the horror of the circumstances made it wholly his own For he curiously beheld the poison confected, & boiled to a speeding height, saw it experimented, and caused it to be secretly ministered in his own presence at supper, in the presence of his wife, OCTAVIA (sister of BRITANNICUS) and of AGRIPPINA; who notwithstanding all other her nocencies, was innocent of this treachery, though not innocent of the impulsives to it; for her absoluteness being crossed by SENECA, and BURRHUS, she durst threaten to set up him as the righter heir, and thereby dubbed him the object of fear, and danger. And when the poor prince fell immediately down dead, NERO slighted it off, as but a fit of his falling sickness, and after a short pause renewed the feast, the carcase removed away. But neither his authority nor his art could hinder the discovery of the crime, for the body at the funeral fire was so throughly washed with sudden showers, that the lime and whiting which were used (saith ZONARA'S) to blanche it, for hiding the badges of poison, being from heaven dissolved, rendered the homicide visible. The tame taking of it abroad fleshed his savage nature, and made him unfortunately understand, that he might do more of that kind when he would. Howbeit some few civil restraincts (the outwearing ties of decaying habits) kept him a while from yielding utmost scope to his licentious, and furious will. But the conscience of this murder was costly unto him. For he shared houses, lands, & lordships among his friends, as a booty, to counterweigh all constructions, and assure his party; nor do I doubt but that SENECA, as a chief sharer, did now obtain no small proportion of his huge estate; for the circumlocution which TACITUS useth at this place may well be thought to name him without naming.   

XI. NERO'S FORTUNE IN THE VIRTUE OF CORBULO.  
THE following first scenes of his reign like a balm to cure his fame, brought also forth a decree of the Senate, commanding triumphal arches, and statuas to be reared for his honour and memory of that famous service which DOMITIUS CORBULO had performed in ARMENIA against TIRIDATES the brother of the PARTHIAN king, endevoiring to pluck ARMENIA from the ROMANS▪ But the coigns of that time have better preserved both the testimony of that decree, and the image of those magnificent works, than the marble of which they consisted.  
Seeing therefore that coigns are so vital to memory, and that nothing under heaven is so dear to a great, and noble mind, as to be remembered with honour, I may much wonder why sovereign princes (who do hold of glory in chief) make either very little, or no historical use at all, no not of their copper monies. The present BATAVIANS (who live in a form of government most unlike to monarchy) are brave and heroic in this, and do worthily put the world in mind of the ancient greeks and ROMANS. I wish we had a current PAX JACOBI, as there was a PAX AUGUSTI; a BRITANNIA REDUX, as there was a ROMA RESURGENS; a SALUS OCCIDENTIS, as there was a SALUS ORBIS; a FIDES REGUM, as there was a FIDES EXERCITWM. Arguments of coigns, and indices of effects, among infinite other most honourable, which having no relation to sides (the special scandal of the LATIN world) are indeed most worthy a mint royal, and do all of them belong, by his own right, to our most sacred SOVEREIGN.   

XII. NERO VAINLY DEVISTEH WITH HIMSELF HOW TO GO BEYOND ALL EXAMPLES, IN MAKING MANKIND BEHOLDING UNTO HIM.  
AFter this high achievement in ARMENIA, where CORBULO had burnt to ground the headcitie thereof ARTAXATA, NERO CAESAR lay hover for some brave colour, or occasion of raising himself to such a glory as might surmount all others glories, and which (without owing for it to another's merit) he might properly call his own. A mind (to speak the truth) most worthy of a prince, and a show of such a mind most necessary for him. For though it be most probable, that the reflections of CORBVLO'S fame had inflamed him with a desire of everlasting honour, and SVETONIUS TRANQVILLUS absolutely puts the love of immortal renown into NERO'S character, yet did it otherwise also concern him to affect popularity. For having cruelly poisoned his brother BRITANNICUS, and discovered in his night-walkes, the most lascivious, and ruffianly faults of his nature, intending likewise to murder his own mother (most heinous handsels of more heinous sequels) he might easily believe, that without some notable further sacrifice for expiation of what had passed vile (the same also to be as a fine for licence of future worse) it was not possible to make the multitude (whom he served as his idol) sure unto him. Neither was it long before the disorders of the time had furnished him for that purpose with wished opportunity. CORNELIUS TACITUS hath gone before me in the enarration, & I may not ouerpasse it here, though it be in a most tender case, if between prince, and people any other. The ROMANS, who for many years (saith TACITUS) had paid such moneys as were ratably assessed upon the portages, or sales of wares, without any their reproofs, or repine, could nevertheless not endure their extortions who farmed, or gathered them. This matter of general complaint being most just, NERO was often, and openly called upon with a common voice to afford redress; which would alone both have satisfied the duty of a prince towards his people, and have acquieted the people in their utmost expectations. But NERO, who thirsted for a more glorious occasion, did not hold it enough to remove the abuse, unless withal he took away the subject itself, by remitting all those payments for ever. Which being intended as a divine benefit, would have proved no less, could the commonweal have borne it. But the ripe, and wise made it apparent to NERO, that he did not therein discharge a burden, but ruin the world. For those payments were among the sinews of the state, and it was no more possible for ROME to have subsisted, had those returns of supply been withdrawn, then for a good husband to hold all together, where receipts do infinitely undergo expenses. In TACITUS another worse pestilence is observed, that tributes (the maine stays of the state) would also have been cried upon to be forgiven, if those usual contributions should have ceased, whose antiquity, and necessity, even while the tribes of the people did most hotly predominate by their fiery tribunes, had made them so familiar, that they were neither in truth, nor in estimation, any grievance. For like innumerable small pipes, or quills of succour, they did incessantly help to replenish the public store, and though they rose in contemptible quantities considered in parcels, yet they did not ammount to contemptible heaps when met in gross, but abundantly served both for the uses of majesty, and of martial affairs. Therefore NERO'S offer at glory was unfortunate herein. The same nevertheless was praised by the opposers, to the height of his ambition, though his will and performances admitted a qualification, in which consisted his truest glory. According whereunto he contented himself with reforming the abuses of collectors, & other mischievous enormities. A part of the good whereof, by virtue of his provisions, extended itself in the effects, even to the times in which CORNELIUS TACITUS did chronicle this. Vast designs have sudden fails. Man's mind, like the regions of the air, hath somewhat in it at times which seems to answer the nature of meteors. This puff of intention, and windy caprouch of NERO'S, was a kind of mental typhon, or at best a mere image of vapour. Otherwise also, it can create no envy to an orderly prince that NERO propounded somewhat to himself incomparable. For denominations, and judgements of men are not made out of single facts, but constant habits. That ROME took no harm, but reaped special good thereby, shows her fortunes ancient friendship towards her, and her better children's discretions, much more than NERO'S merit. The purpose notwithstanding considered in itself, which pretended common good, was well worthy to have been the precious stone of his first five years golden circle, which by reason of his disproportionated carriage stands for nothing now but the vanishing gloss of a fucus, or various flitting bubble.   

XIII. NERO'S MUNIFICENCES, AND LIBERALITIES.  
But this most light, and most youthful Emperor to make up otherwise the full pomp of his popular insinuations, was so manifold, and so extraordinary in his public liberalities, that his coigns stamped by decree of the Senate, retain their endless memory.  
These two figures signify that kind of largesse which was called a congiary, not altogether unlike a lottery, or a compendious way of delivering the contents of a public dole. For the things, distributed of free cost, not being all of them such that dispersions, or musses could be made of them, little balls comprehending the lot did issue, and were ample warrants for the receipt of the gift. The fortunate did not only become hereby the masters of ordinary things in NERO'S congiaries, as measures of corn (and of the ROMAN measure CONGIUS, the whole act was denominated) birds, beasts, all sorts of household provision, apparel, bondslaves, and the like, but quantities of silver, gold, and pearl, & at last also whole houses, ships, and estates in land. Of these free lotteries at the most solemn games, SVETONIUS tells us there were a thousand several parcels flung abroad every day, during the whole festivity. And seeing the coyness of brevity will not permit, that things of one kind should be handled more than once, I will pluck back into this common place of his munificence, that most honourable shame, though declared sundry years after the famous five, when SENECA offered to quit his fortunes, as a secret mean to secure his life. NERO therein having acknowledged his immortal debt for the benefit of his instructions (the gardenings, and waterings of the mind) was so far from coveting his master's offered riches, or thinking them great, that he openly answered, He had cause to blush, that he who for the reason of his learned merits was of all men dearest unto him, was not by his means in so long time become the richest also. A memorable saying, though discredited by contrary effects.   

XIIII. OF OCTAVIA, NERO'S FIRST WIFE, AND OF SOME OTHER womans, WITHIN HIS FIRST FIVE YEARS.  
HIs givings therefore being such as if he meant to alter the nature of his tenure, and not any longer to hold of adoption, for his title to the empire, but of bounty, he the rather presumed to neglect OCTAVIA. The honest and safe delight of marriage was corrupted in him by unworthy change, for the love of his enfranchised bondwoman, ACT, upon whom his dotage was so great, that he suborned a pedigree, to derive her from that magnificent ATTALUS, who dying childless in ASIA (where he was a king, and she was borne and bought) ordained the PEOPLE OF ROME his heir. This fiction in heraldry, devised to enworthy her, could not but strengthen AGRIPPINA'S jealousy, that NERO intended to marry her. OCTAVIA less unhappy had she encountered no other than this concubine, who by the misery of her fortunes was injurious to nuptial benevolence, but not pernicious to her interest in majesty, and much less to the safety of her life. He was of another mind towards OCTAVIA when he published her for his CYNTHIA, and himself for her SUN, as in this coin he did.  
But in respect of original right to power, his splendours proceeded from her. Afterwards by superinduction of that nobly borne, and beauteous Lady POPPAEA SABINA, he first eclipsed her matrimonial light, and then extinguished her vital, as will elsewhere appear in the due place. The wanton prince did at this time begin to be so fast chained in affection to this POPPAEA, and she so perilous in her workings, that both OCTAVIA, his imperial wife, and AGRIPPINA, his imperious mother, were desolated and destroyed thereby. No pleasures are more agreeable to health in youth, and height in fortune, then female society, though many be more warrantable: but that fond prince who sails by such uncertain stars, hazards his estate, and doth more than hazard his glory. ACT was secure in her lowly condition, and loved NERO when his fortunes, and his life were ended.   

XV. THE DEATH OF AGRIPPINA AUGUSTA.  
THe great reason which TIBERIUS CAESAR might have to depress, and extinguish AGRIPPINA GERMANICI, may well be gathered by the qualities of AGRIPPINA AUGUSTA, her own true daughter for ambition. She was a mother (as VIND EX speaks in PHILOSTRATUS) whom it was no shame for a son to skill, that son being NERO; and she herself affirmed at her death no less. But the reason of that speech may be almost assigned, because herself was rather an infernal fury than a matron, who with such waste of all conscience, and of all common honesty, affected supreme command. If one wickedness therefore might authorize another, none could condemn him as impious, for killing that woman, who merely for proud ends did most alluringly offer her body to the lustful embraces of him who scarcely twenty years before was bred therein? This one curse was wanting to the fullness of her other impieties, having formerly traded herself in manifold incests with CALIGULA CAESAR her brother, & with her uncle CLAUDIUS. Violation of natural reverence between the mother, and the son was equal; AGRIPPINA'S by prostitution of herself, NERO'S by destroying her. As for the manner of her end, that busy APOLLONIUS of TIANA (whom PHILOSTRATUS would fain belie into somewhat more excellent than humane) misstook the story, where he saith, she was drowned by an artificial ship wrack. For she escaped the waves, and oars, and died at her son's commandment by the swords of immissive soldiers.  

§. I. The causes for which Nero resolved to destroy his Mother.  
But the whole wide world from the time in which it first did rise out of nothing till this instant, affording perhaps no such case as hers, I should deal amiss to wrap the narration up in the like brevity as the rest, or not to unfold the parts, that my readers may have her last act entire, as that example of celestial justice, which evened all scores with wickedness, and left no tally unstrucken. The chief impulsives therefore which moved the son to hate and persecute to death the author of his life, and empire (concubinary love grown far more potent in him then filial piety) were securely to bring about his marriage with POPPAEA SABINA, whereunto she was a constant enemy, in favour of his present wife OCTAVIA, and then (as the lesser care) to assure to himself the ROMAN sceptre, which he feared lest AGRIPPINA in her fury and offence would seek to wrest away. A Lady, not unlikely to effect it, considering her spirit, friends, and blood, the daughter of GERMANICUS, & heir general, by her mother, to AUGUSTUS CAESAR She had threatened it, and for but threatening it, and that but only in an expostulatory passion, she had been formerly accused to her son, but she brought herself off from the danger, with the mischief and ruin of her accusers, by her parental privileges stoutly urged, and such mitigations as SENECA, and BURRHUS tempered together on her behalf. Yet the impression, which that accusation left, was not totally wiped out with her apologies. For a cowardly mind is evermore credulous to the worse, and imagination multiplies fears when vitiated with such suspicions as the malice of others will not suffer to be withdrawn. The art of POPPAEA; who pretending care for NERO'S safety, plied him upon the weak side with terrifying suggestions, and never gave over till their deadly arrows (being holpen home to their mark with her amorous enchantments) had driven all regard to natural duties quite away, and left her with him in the state of a most abhorred enemy. On the other side AGRIPPINA did rise, and swell most violently against all bars to that sole tutorship which she affected over her son. For SENECA himself, though a man of her own choice and placing about him, was grown such an eyesore unto her, upon envy at his authority, that she forbore not to upbraid him with his professorian tongue, as a comparatorie abatement. Which unreverent and foolish contumely sorted well with the rest of her behaviours, and her former contempt of wisdom. POPPAEA therefore could want no colour to continue the pretences of her care for his persons preservation. And hereupon he finally determined to cut a mother off, to please a stranger in blood, and I would add, not only a stranger, but an adulterous lewd dame, saving as that is a circumstance which cannot aggravate the fact, considering AGRIPPINA worse. Nor was this determination made (some think) without SENECA'S connivency, if not also with his consent and impulsion, which TACITUS affirmeth not (as things to him uncertain all of them) but DIO CASSIUS doth.   

§. II. Means thought, and agreed-upon for the secret destruction of Agrippina.  
THe execution was undertaken by ANICETUS, who having been a bondman, & put about NERO to teach him GREEK, was afterwards manumitted by him, and created Admiral of the ROMAN navy at MISENUM. The plague of planting servile natures about young Lords, and noble persons, to form their first educations (a thing most worthily noted by QVINCTILIAN, in his conference of Orators, as a pestilent error) fell upon the empress AGRIPPINA not unjustly. That execution nevertheless was not needing to be by him undertaken, till three several attempts to poison her, had first miscarried; her provisions, and discoveries more active, than their practices available. Open force was with one consent condemned as improper, and dangerous. From thence it grew that drugs were employed about the work, and when they returned vain, their utmost consultations could propound nothing for the purpose, but if there might be somewhat devised which should resemble, or imitate a casualty. There were therefore who in her own house contrived a loose or hanging roof, which falling in a moment should pash, and oppress her in her bed. A most villainous device, but having chinks to come out at, she escaped. After this, and while invention stuck, it happened, that among the shows, and amphitheatral pageants, a kind of ship-work, or naval frame was presented to the people (who were courted by their princes, and greatest magistrates with such like toys) so cunningly joincted, that the hold or body thereof suddenly flying open, did put forth certain wild beasts alive, at the discretion of their master, and readily closed again. This original produced upon dry land, was reputed a pattern most fit to be translated to their uses at sea, for effecting, and colouring the accidental drowning of AGRIPPINA. For it might well pass (the secret being kept smothered among themselves) without any probable scandal, then only that which the common fortune of that unstable element would both handsomely bear, and answer. And now there wanted nothing but convenient time, and place, to conspire for their ends with the use of this pernicious engine.   

§. III. The time, and place for execution of the deed, with a partil description of the trap-galley.  
AGRIPPINA, being out with her son, and he with her, was then upon refreshment, and recollection of herself at ANTIUM, a pleasant sea-towne in old LATIUM, and a ROMAN colony, about thirty small ITALIAN miles from ROME, famous for sumptuous buildings, and for a goodly temple dedicated to equestrall FORTUNE, the tutelary goddess of the place, and of the chivalry of ROME, but specially affected for delicious retirements: where NERO himself was borne: but that being no part of ANTIUMS' glory was thus far profitable thereunto, that having no good port, nor road for ships, NERO (to his birthplace indulgent, but to her who bore him unherbarous) caused an haven to be forced by hand at an huge charge. For what he did in that kind was rather excessive, than not magnificent. At the same time, he remained at BAIAE; another, but a more voluptuarie seat, situated also upon the sea, though sheltered in the bottom of a bay, from the open rage of winds, and waves, about fourscore miles from ANTIUM, where he meant to welcome the spring of the year, and to keep those famous feasts of MINERVA, which for that they lasted five days were styled QVINQVATRUS, or QVINQVATRIA. These considerations offering themselves to be examined, it was agreed upon, that all of them served their turn, if AGRIPPINA could be but won to come. A task not hard for NERO to perform, who was a much greater master at malicious counterfeiting (an inseparable property of base, and dangerous natures) then ever he took himself to be at music. Therefore with most officious letters he inviteth her from ANTIUM thither, as to an entire atonement, to be sealed and ceremoniated at the joyous celebration of those sacred solemnities, over-guilding his hooks with religion. Meanwhile the trap-galley was prepared for the service with such outward pomp, and bravery as became the majesties of the host, and guest, he CAESAR AUGUSTUS, and she AUGUSTA dowager. The form of a galley, or row-barge may appear in this coin, stamped in the name of the GENIUS of the PEOPLE OF ROME, for gratulation of NERO'S coming home, and that cabin or chamber hereof which is toward the stern, was the place in AGRIPPINA'S galley where the trap was set. There her sumptuous couch was provided. The bales, and supports were so fitted (for the whole room itself was nothing else but a trap) that upon a sign given (they giving way) the roof should suddenly fall, together with that end of the vessel, perpendicularly down into the sea. And that the roof, when it fell, might both sink itself, & all the enginous part, a vast weight of lead was secretly spread, and sheeted over upon the convex top of the tilted cabin. So that when the bolts, or pins were upon the warning strucken out, she must either of necessity be brained (as they conceived) with the unexpected ruin, or her body be devoured in the deeps, or both. Nor in this consultation was it any part of their care, what should become of the other people aboard, for a greater number would have been sacrificed to the service without any remorse in NERO, and they who could swim might so be safe, whatsoever became of the galley. This treacherous device learned at first as a sport, but practised here to do mischief, was afterwards used to a magnificent, and more innocent purpose. For XIPHILINE out of DIO writes, that seven hundred wild beasts were enclosed in a like fabric, raised upon the sandy floor of the amphitheatre at ROME, which were put forth out of the opening sides of the ship, at the pleasure of the keepers. Some have written that the Emperor SEVERUS, (for it was in his days) did perhaps represent the ARK OF NOAH herein. That a ship, or other vessel, may so be built by the direction of an enginéer, as upon a sudden to part in sunder, and shut again, is apparent.   

§. FOUR Agrippina feasted by Nero at Baiae, and put aboard the trap-galley upon her return.  
But such was NERO'S impatience against his mother's life, that he could not stay for an offered opportunity to deprive her of it, but must consult how to hasten it; and his envy against her contentment was so great, that although he was well pleased with her solitary courses, yet because he found it was a solace to her, he must of force entice her to perish by his practices, under show of infinite good affection. His letters therefore, falser than the galley (as having a more hollow secretary to indite them, than this had cunning shipwrights to fashion it) coming quickly to her hands, did not difficultly allure her out of ANTIUM; glad, poor woman, of favour, and either crediting his fair words (which seemed to breathe nothing upon her but the flowers of delight and love) or as thinking it best to pretend credulity. Withal, in his ordinary discourses, NERO gave it out (as if he were turned good child) that the displeasure of parents ought to be born, & their minds appeased with obsequious behaviours; to beget, and raise a rumour thereby that all was well again between them, so to quash the contrary fame, of which the world was full. Himself, upon notice of her approach, met her in person upon the shore, and waited upon her to BAULI, with all the shows of honour, and dear regards: and while this face of amity lasted, went with her (saith DIO) in the deceitful vessel itself, to benumb her all over with security. Nor did he pause long upon the execution of his plot: for that very night she was invited from her repose at BAULI, to the fatal supper at BAIAE. But she, unfortunate Lady, having secret intelligence that certain destruction lay quoild aboard (as a snake in flowers) in that pompous preparation, resolved not to go to court by sea, but commanding a chair to be mounted, avoided the voyage, and was carried thither so. BAULI (as PLINY describes it) was seated between BAIAE, and lake LUCRINUS▪ and TACITUS contradicts him not, as placing it between cape MISENUM, and the bay of BAIAE, where he saith the sea winding inward doth wash the foot thereof. ORTELIUS, and MERCATOR do both of them understand it so, and accordingly assign it in their maps between the inmost point of the port of AUGUSTUS, where the ROMAN navy road at anchor, & the bottom of the BAIAE. Which either TACITUS also saith, or he is not understood of me where he writes, that AGRIPPINA, in herescape from drowning, was carried into lake LUCRINUS, & so to her manor. Upon her coming to court, she found such exquisite welcomes, such cheer, and che●refulnesse, in refutation of forewarnings (which NERO would have her think were malignantly instilled) that all her jealousies were charmed fast a sleep by degrees, and she received down deep into her as an infallible truth, that nothing at all was meant towards her but good, and fair. And they verily who were not within the conscience of the secret, but lived so safe, and happy as to sit spectators only, would easily have sworn that all was gold in those shows of love which were so double-guilded. But her cunning enemies (NERO their chief) having observed with what distrust of the water she came to BAIAE, to make it sure she should return in the trap-galley, he commanded the master of her own LIBURNICA, or private barge, to bruise, and boulge it (saith SVETONIUS) as by some mischance, that the same being thereby made unserviceable, he might in stead thereof obtrude that unsound, and false-bottomed boat at her departure. And having fooled her into full belief of his sincereness with viler dissimulations than his treacheries were prodigious, he held her among meats, and cups with varieties of entertainments till somewhat late in the night. When now yet at last there was a kind of necessity to part, he most officiously ushered her to her boats side, where ANICETUS (her assured foe) with all humble reverence, took her in under his charge, without any other of her people, but only CREPEREIUS GALLUS, and ACERRONIA POLLA. But neither the sea (saith DIO) was willing to concur to such an artificial parricide; for the water proved wondrous calm at the time (a circumstance which no wit of man could master) nor the heavens to conceal it; for the sky was awake with store of starlight (saith TACITUS) as to convince the fact.   

§. V. The trap in the galley miscarrying, Agrippina regains the shore; her two chief attendants diversely slain.  
BEhold the success. The galley now had not long been off at sea, nor far from shore, but the deadly sign was given. At which the engine immediately flew off, and had performed the effects for which it was ordained, but that the props, and stays of the forepart being by chance more stubborn then to yield to the crush (the life itself of the wicked mystery) AGRIPPINA, and her woman of honour, remained untouched. Their postures were the cause, for the empress lying at length upon a pallet, & ACERRONIA leaning backward at her feet, the timbers over head fell not low enough to reach her; to the sad disadvantage of her easier end. An heavy hap surprised CREPEREIUS GALLUS, who standing upright, not far from the stern, was instantly strucken dead with the hinder end of the falling roof; it drove of itself so violently down. ANICETUS beholding the fraud thus accidentally defeated, did nevertheless without remorse, obstinately pursue his cruel purpose, and so both she, and ACERRONIA were howsoever tumbled out into the sea, by overturning the galley, but somewhat leasurably, as in a tumult where the most part being vninstructed for the drift, hindered the forwardness of guilty parties. AGRIPPINA is now in the sea, I cannot say the waves, for there were in it none other at all then those which the motion of the galley, and the tragical uproar caused. And who would imagine that her life's defence had not been a part of the special constant care of heavenly providence, who had seen the deliverance of her out of so dreadful danger? But it soon appeared by the undelayed sequel, that her unwomanly vices merited she should perish more tormentedly, and more examplarly. The instant escape notwithstanding was worthily to be admired. For she being full of wine (saith DIO CASSIUS) as returning from a most imperial feast (her last) consequently more apt to speak, yet nothing but silence in swimming preserved her alive for the present, and she at last got to shore, from out of the tempest of strokes, and blows aimed at her head erroneously. She the rather escaped by the change of the air, which suddenly thickened at that moment. An accident which they must grant, who would not make DIO unnecessarily encounter TACITUS. ACERRONIA was beaten to death with poles, and oars, and with what other ship-tooles came to hand, while crying out for help, as if herself had been the emperor's mother, she ignorantly did her last best service for her lady, by giving her opportunity to slide away, using that name for a protection, which was the mark itself of mortal hatred. Neither did AGRIPPINA pass free from harm, for she had a wound inflicted upon her shoulder, the certain badge, and earnest of her final, and forthwith-ensuing murder. The darker parts of this matchless story I have had a special care to enlighten, not without encumbrance; because the text of the CORNELIAN ANNALS is at this place holden somewhat depraved, and other credible monuments are not to be sung at first sight within agreement to TACITUS.   

§. VI Main doubts, touching Agrippina's escape, not to be cleared out of Tacitus, Suetonius, or Dio, attempted to be cleared otherwise.  
IN this water-scene of AGRIPPINA'S tragedy, nothing did ever trouble me so much, with the show of improbabilite, as to conceive, how so tender, and delicate a lady should save herself by swimming, from among so many deadly enemies, till the skiffs, or wherries, came to the rescue, though the shore (saith TACITUS) was near at hand. For I never heard that the ladies of ROME did practise swimming since CLAELIAS' time. This speculation moved one TARCAGNOTA, an ITALIAN, to write in his histories, that she saved herself, upon a piece of wood. Nor was that a wooden or poor device had he named some other warrant for it, beside his own. I myself could think upon other ways also, how to remove the scruple, but that it is not all one to pen a history, as to write a poem; where all things are permitted to fancy, and where nothing. JULIUS CAESAR saith excellently well, that the immortal gods (to speak his own words) have an hand or stroke in all things, but specially in those which cannot be carried by reason. Which seems to be verified in this strange escape, for I cannot answer to myself this doubt of her swimming by any thing which remains in TACITUS, and do therefore the rather incline to follow a poet's authority of those times, who in my opinion is not a poet in that particular. The tragedy of OCTAVIA (NERO'S wife) passing among those of SENECA'S, affirms unto us, that when AGRIPPINA was whelmed out of the galley into the water, she sunk, and rose again, paddling with her hands to keep herself aloft. In that estate some cheered her up in her faintings with their voices, and held her up in her sinkings with their officious hands, till (as that tragedian writes) she met with assured succours by such of her servants who for her sake despised death and danger. Her marvellous escape was enough a lone to make her seem doubly venerable, both as AUGUSTA, and as preserved by the special favour of the immortal gods, the peculiar friends (as TACITUS saith elsewhere) of the CLAUDIAN family; whose lineal offspring by the fathets side she was. Another greater point, not less dim, or misty than the former (for any thing which TACITUS hath registered for clearing it) was the fortune of the galley itself, which though by his narrations it doth well appear not to have been dissolved (at leastwise not upon the sudden) yet DIO CASSIUS most credibly reports, that it was dissolved, and the same ancient tragic poet (who was contemporanie to the fact, whither he was SENECA or no) describes the foundering of the vessel, and a face of manifest shipwreck, some upon planks, and rafters, others plying their arms in stead of oars, these escaping, and others drowning. Nor could it in reason be otherwise, even by that which TACITUS himself tells us, of oversetting the galley, so to turn AGRIPPINA out into the deeps, whereby ANICETUS, and his complices being forced to provide for their proper safeties, she was the more free to escape, under the protection of night, which came somewhat soon, because the vernal aequinox was as then but newly passed.   

§. VII. Nero, after the news of Aggippina's escape, gives present order for her death, in hope to make it seem her proper act.  
AFter this sort therefore she came safe to land, where she provides by surgery for the wound received on her shoulder, and betakes herself for ease, and refreshment to her chamber, from whence she forthwith sends her trusty freed-seruant, LUCIUS AGERINUS, with a gratulatory message to her son at BAIAE, to signify her happy escape. For she durst not seem to suspect any thing in it, save mere mischance. But NERO CAESAR, whom expectation, and terror of conscience kept awake, was fully informed by ANICETUS, (long before AGERINUS could arrive) concerning the whole adventure, and had already authorised him, as sheriff, or supervisor of the execution. He took with him HERCULEUS (the master of the broken galley) and OLOARITUS (a sea-captain) as his slaughtermen, or executioners, strengthened with troops of mariners in arms, (for he durst not trust his soldiers) directly to accomplish by force what no fineness could effect. That employment the servile ANICETUS, as in loyal zeal to his Lord, and patron, did not less fervently undertake, then as if it had been a thing most certain, that either she, or NERO must absolutely perish. And to this most savage act SENECA, and BURRHUS (I grieve to speak it) were not only privy, and consenting, but SENECA the author also, upon the same supposition of necessity. Meanwhile, as if luck did favour the design, AGERINUS entering to deliver his message, ANICETUS impudently drops a naked sword between his legs, and presently apprehends him, as transmitted by her with that sword to murder CAESAR. So the poor fellow was immediately created a property to countenance his ladies killing, and was executed ANICETUS, thus instructed, and fitted, sets forward with all possible diligence, & where he found such people in the way as had flocked to the shore in great numbers from the parts about, with lights, or torches, clambering the rocks, & cliffs, & pestering the shores, to gaze at the wonder, he drives them home, & left all places solitary, saving where he went himself. And here it must not be forgotten that notwithstanding any power permitted by NERO to this instrument of ruin, and his brace of inhuman butchers, yet was it very far from his intention to avow the fact, but to have it blazed, and believed among the vulgar, that his ambitious mother, conspiring to usurp the empire, sent AGERINUS to murder him, & that upon his apprehension she finding her drifts discovered slew herself, to avoid the shame of a public conviction for so capital, and so unnatural a treason. Whatsoever therefore we read afterwards touching ANICETUS, and his carriage, must all of it be interpreted by that chief intention. So there is no greatness of power, when it would extremely abuse itself, which is not glad to think of means how to avoid the note of wickedness. An illustrious proof of the hateful deformities which are naturally seen in doing evil, and of the honourable beauties, and graces which do as naturally shine in the contrary.   

§. VIII. The manner of Agrippina's murder exactly described.  
ANICETUS therefore coming to the house, besets it round with part of his entrusted forces, to prevent all evasions either of persons, or reports, which might endanger, or publish the business till it was done. Finding the gates of the palace shut, he breaks them open, enters, lays hold on such of the house as he meets, and stops not, till by way of surprise he rusheth up to the very doors of her private lodgings, which the ROMANS (for the majesty of such a person) reputed sacred, and inviolable. There he only finds a few of her night-watch, and those, as it seemed, not armed (for NERO had taken away her guards of GERMANS before) the rest being fled for fear. In all which passages, ANICETUS seems to have intended nothing more than only to hinder AGRIPPINA from hearing of his approach, who mutually hating him, was known to her now to be her mortal enemy. She who till this instant lay deeply musing with herself, and grew more and more solicitous, that neither any messenger came from her son, no nor that even AGERINUS, her own messenger, did return, suddenly heard all silent about abroad, which happened, because ANICETUS had frighted the people home, and then soon after molested her with this tumult, whereof as the reasons were to her unknown, so they were the certain signs of some extreme calamity at hand. In her chamber there was not any light at all but a small one, which thing did even itself, make a show of somewhat in it like a funeral gloominess, nor was any of all her people about her but one maid-servant only, and she (of whom there was no reason to look for more fortitude than her men had discovered) being beckoned out, did likewise forsake the room, though her mistress had said unto her; And thou wilt also leave me. But the just cause of her departure immediately appeared, for AGRIPPINA, casting her eye back, sees ANICETUS enter with HERCULEUS, and OLOARITUS. Their merciless minds, everywhere transparent in the fact, were not slightly foretold by their silence, for it is not remembered that any of one them spoke a word. This ghastly dumb show, which was provided for perdition, not for parlea, did not for all that make her speechless, but like a great lady continuing mindful aswel of the empress, as of the mother in her person, demanded the cause of their so rude, and unseasonable entrance, saying by way of preocupation, If their errand was to visit her from her son, they might return, and tell him the joyful news that she was well amended, if to commit the heinous deed, she did believe nothing bad, or hard of him, and was sure he never signed their warrant for her murder. But nothing moved herewith they cast themselves about her; HERCULEUS with a short club (who notwithstanding the affinity of name had nothing in him of heroic HERCULES) marshalled himself at the bed's head (as I conceive it) the other two at the sides, for more are not named to have entered. OLOARITUS, without further preface, beginning to unsheathe his sword, it is not found that she either shrickt, or wept, or vainly begged for favour, but in retractation of her pretended better opinion, laid her bare belly open, and challenged him to strike that, as deserving it, for having brought forth monster NERO. Which while it gave perhaps some little pause, or stop to the hand of OLOARITUS, troubled with the horror of such a voice, and action, herself at the same time (for what time else more agreeable?) stepping suddenly (saith DIO) out of her bed, HERCULEUS steyd her, by discharging a blow upon her head with his churlish bat, and stonisht her, and the sword then finished the work with many foines She made what wards, or fence she could; for otherwise she needed not to have endured so many wounds as she did, before she died. And it sorted properly with the matchless majesty of her blood, and the fierceness of her fiery spirit, to die as unwillingly as she could, being it was that she could not die revenged. Her death's wound was in her breast, if the author of the tragedy of OCTAVIA doth not therein use his professions privilege.   

§. VIII. Nero's behaviour, and words in private, upon the view of Agriprina's corpse; where the fame of their incest is likewise scanned.  
THe murder thus committed, the body was left where the breath departed, and NERO (waiting upon the event) had present word thereof. Many in those times, and they not uncertain authors, saith SVETONIUS (who doth often covertly encounter with the judgements, & inclinations of TACITUS) that he came in person to the place where the corpse lay, and (as if the rest of his doings had else been little, or nothing) beheld it crowner-like all over, praising this part, and dispraising that, as if he had been to censure a statue. Which SEVERINUS BOETIUS in his book of consolation, worthily marshals at the foot of NERO'S inhumanities', as the greatest. And that he did not only distinctly view, but both handle her limbs, and also tell her wounds, is testified by ZONARAS. There goes a rumour also that he saw her body opened, to behold the place of his conception. For which notwithstanding there is no authentic testimony that I can find; nor other ground of conjecture (if that may be a ground) than a mere supposition, that she was embowelled before her burning. Sure I am, that no credible author hath avouched it concerning AGRIPPINA, whose funeral, & confusion were so near conjoygnd, as left small place and lesser use for such a ritual office. They say moreover, that while he was thus profanely employed he grew thirsty, and in sight of that piteous object, quenched his drought with drink, who should rather have done it with his tears, & at the end of this unnatural survey he gave out such an odd farewell as was viler (saith DIO) than the murder itself, for thus he impenitently said, that He did not suppose he had had so fair a mother. The sentence nevertheless doth in part acquit him from her incestuous familiarity. For how was it strange to him that his mother should be so handsome, if she had been his concubine? CLWIUS RUFUS, a consulary man, always at NERO'S elbow, & in a most nocent court a most innocent courier, was likely enough both to know what he writ, and to write what he knew, and he hath assured us, that NERO was upon the point of yielding to his mother's profane allurements, had not SENECA found means to terrify him from it. How it happened, that his action not concurring with his will, the rumour of the crime should hold, other worthy authors have certifide. For into his college of concubines he had received a common courtesan, only because she was reputed to be as like AGRIPPINA as like might be, and thereupon he would boast himself to his companions, that he had been with his mother▪ How far in true case of conscience it was differing from actual commission is not difficult to decide, being every where esteemed within a small degree equivalent. Those other particulars, touching the inspection, are not therefore incredible because incomparably barbarous, or because some writers (whom TACITUS had seen) deny it; for other noble authors, and constant fame condemn him, nor doth the cruel curiosity hereof ablude from the rest of his. A man who grew by degrees so infinitely wicked, that nothing can be fathered so horrible upon him, which his suitable manners would not render credible. Though he was not therefore to be slandered, for our common proverb, A sin to belie the devil, is none of the worst. But his usage of young BRITANNICUS in the very first bud of his empire, when he most affected, and most had need to seem good, his usage afterwards also of the detrunked heads of his innocent wife, OCTAVIA, and of CORNELIUS SCYLLA (to speak of nothing else) are as so many arguments to tell us, that our authors do not probably wrong him in these most infamous reports concerning his behaviour over his murdered mother. The case of BRITANNICUS a most competent parallel. AGRIPPINA was by nature NERO'S mother; BRITANNICUS by nature his cousin german, and by adoption his brother: AGRIPPINA by her practices procured the empire for NERO; BRITANNICUS ought to have had it as immediate heir: AGRIPPINA was murdered in the fifth year of NERO'S reign; BRITANNICUS in the very first. Compare the good man to himself in both these examples. It was not enough for him to poison this prince, but to make sure he should be irremediablie sped, himself would see the hag LOCUSTA, boil the stuff in his own sight, and when the operation of the first confection was not found swift enough, he buffeted her with his own hand, for presuming to excuse it, as in favour of his honour had it been made to work to presently, adding words, in refutation of her vanity, nothing inferior in their horror to those which were used over AGRIPPINA, for thus he replied, I am afraid belike of the julian Law, meaning the law enacted by JULIUS CAESAR against poisoning. But to assure us, that he even wantonly affected the height itself of all damnable deeds, we are to understand, that upon a second boiling, and trial of the liquor, when LOCUSTA now had fully pleased him, because it was immediately the bane of that beast to which they had given it, then lo, he far outwent the licentious allegation of his privileged impunity with other words, and actions. For he did not only not punish her (therein after a manner just, because himself was the author to her of the preparations) but highly extolled her, as a special instrument of his uses; yea more, he enfeoft her in lands, and lordships, and to provide that the art might not perish, caused her to profess, and assigned scholars. Look upon this precursorie drama of BRITANNICUS, and then doubt of the truth of his behaviour, and words, over mangled AGRIPPINA.   

§. VII. A short speculation touching Agrippina's pedigree, and death.  
THis was the end of JULIA AGRIPPINA, the greatest, and most nobly borne lady under heaven, united by consanguinity to all the emperor's, from her kinsman JULIUS CAESAR downward: AUGUSTUS her great grandfather by the mother, TIBERIUS her great uncle by the father, CALIGULA her brother by the whole blood, CLAUDIUS so near of kin unto her, that he ought not to have been her husband, NERO her son, an emperor of her own creation, & which makes most for the glory of her authority, able to dedicate her incestuous uncle a god; but this went beyond all for endearing her to the people, that she was the lawful daughter of GERMANICUS, who saving only as he was not consecrated divine, stood otherwise adored in memory for the opinion of his worth, and pity of his fortune. O height, then from which never any lady fell lower! O depth, then into which never any fell more headlong! of filial impiety the most horrible example; of motherly dignity the most terrible precipice! Her estate at her death most comfortless, for having measured the degrees of felicity by no other scale then the degrees of worldly fortune, and contemning every other point in the sphere of things but the vertical, was suddenly thus bereft of all together, without so much as an honest ethnic conscience, which might be supposed to usher her to the fields of bliss, ordained even in their belief, for a lasting reward to the virtuous. Everyway therefore most unhappy, even in this also, that by not being drowned, her name lost those altars, rites, and temples, which her son had destinated to her memory, not so much for her honour, as to hide his proper crime; but most of all because her soul was not of the nature of an accident, whose separation is extinction, nor like the snuff of a taper, to die with her body, but to remain immortal. The truth whereof NERO felt, being continually haunted with her ghost, which no incantations, nor sacrifices could appease till his own descended: for among his last words, when he was to leave this life for a worse, he cried out in a sad Greek verse, That his mother, wife, and father willed him die. A most famous warning to do as justice would, and not to think dully of God.   

§. XI. The people's inward judgement of Nero's heinous fact against his mother in what sort outwardly expressed.  
But whereas NERO calumniously intended to fasten upon his mother the fame of her own kill, it found so small belief, that the fear of his power, rather than the effects of his arts, prevailed for his safety. The secret friends therefore of AGRIPPINA (for who else rather?) and if not they, yet even the common quarrel of nature against such exquisite wickedness, found out partakers on behalf of the world, to protest his guiltiness, and to vex his fame with the covert exercise of freedom. For about the neck of one of NERO'S statuas a leathern sack was hung, to upbraid his parricide, the punishment whereof (in the ancient laws of ROME) was to be trussed into such a male, with a cock, a dog, and a viper, and so to be thrown all four together quick into Tiber. Another exposed an infant in the marketplace, with a scroll about the neck, like the mott of an heroical device, or instructive moral, which said thus much, that the parent would not foster it, for fear it should kill the mother. And when his other evil deserts were come to such a swollen excess, that the people forlornly bemoaned the fortune of their city, as if the time were at that instant come, in which it was to be desolated, according to certain blind prophecies which being masked under the venerable title of the Sibyls (though even the verses themselves pointed expressly to the nine hundredth year from ROME built, which was above fourscore years off) NERO proclaimed, that in the Sibylls oracles there was no such line, & therefore it was a bastard; then they (as if sorrow had inspired them) universally celebrated another verse, as truly one of Sibylls (nor any one of hers proved truer) the fatal argument whereof was this: That the last of AENEAS line to reign in ROME, should be his mother's murderer.   

§. XII. Of Agrippina's colony, and commentaries; and of her burial.  
ANd though she was, in all other respects, most unfortunate, yet in one point she sacrificed luckily to felicity. For it was her act, during her ful-saild fortunes, to deduce a colony of ROMAN Citizens to plant them among the VBII, upon the RHINE, which, being called of her name, The colony of AGRIPPINA, because it was her birthplace, while her father GERMANICUS served in those parts, General of the ROMAN armies, doth at this day freshly flourish; the chair, and princely seat of the principal clergieman in GERMANY, and first elector. As for her learned commentaries which she left written touching the fortunes of her house, they are almost utterly lost, saving only as PLINY the older, and CORNELIUS TACITUS have cited out of them a fragment, or two, which are their only remains, (our misfortune more than hers) for any thing known to me to the contrary. The very same night of her murder (such was the odious haste) she was laid forth on a banqueting bed, and funerally burned, without other hearse, or greater solemnity. So the old text of the twelve tables, wherein it was commanded, that no man should plain, or polish the wood used for the burning of bodies, seems not in her case infringed. Neither, during all NERO'S days, was the earth which had been broken-up to make her funeral fire-pitt, cast in again, or the ground itself either railed about, or otherwise enclozed. After his death, her houshold-people bestowed a simple sepulchre upon her, in the place where TACITUS hath described it, near the way to MISENUM, and the high-seated house of the dictator CAESAR, overlooking the bay of BAIAE. That very sepulchre, at this day extant, and called AGRIPPINA'S, is figured on the roof, and sides with sphinxes, and griphons, but greatly sullied with the smoke of torches, and lights borne in by such as enter. GEORGE SANDYS, as an eyewitness testifies it, in his generous travails. Those figures seem to have been the badges, or symbols of her ancestry. For AUGUSTUS CAESAR (saith PLINY, & SVETONIUS) used the sphinx in his signet, or seal of arms; and ANTONIUS AUGUSTINUS (whom some have styled the prince of antiquaries) hath published out of his treasury a coin with a sphinx, as one of that emperor's coigns, who was her maternal ancestor.  
To declare what the griphons signify, some OEDIPUS, or oracle must be found; unless perhaps they were the tesseras, or tokens of honour, belonging to the CLAUDII, her paternal progenitors, as the sphinxes were of her mothers kindered. If any would rather have them stand for AGRIPPINA'S invectives against POPPAEA SABINA, as a most fair, but a most cruel beast, and against NERO himself, as a most griping biformed monster, or to lock up under them some other allusive, or moral sense, I will not dispute the matter. The Sun to whom they were anciently sacred must give that more certain light. My first divination pleaseth myself best, as that which I repute most probable And here the marvelous story of AGRIPPINA AUGUSTA endeth, which I have with alike faithfulness as care, drawn out of the most authentic testimonies, and the clearest lights which the reason and nature of the things themselves would eliciently bear.    

CAAP. XVI. AN ECLIPSE OF THE SUN, AND THE DAY OF AGRIPPANA'S DEATH OBSERVED.  
THis happened when VIPSANIUS, and FONTEIUS were Consuls, in the very year of that grand eclipse of the Sun which XIPHILINE saith was such, that the very stars of heaven appeared. That solemn feast, QVINQVATRUS, in honour of MINERVA, to the celebration whereof she was most officiously invited by her son, with purpose to have her dispatched out of the world, was upon the fifth day after the Ides of March (including the Ides, according to the Gruterian Fragments of ROMAN inscriptions) & her plotted shipwreck was upon the very night of that feast. Her tragadie therefore, by this computation, fell upon the twentieth of March▪ but constituting the QVINQVATRUS (as some more warrantably do) upon the thirteenth Kalends of April, it was then the one and twentieth of March. A greater argument of divine wake over the doings of men, that afterwards upon the very same day of the month, upon which this mighty empress perished, the news of the revolt of GALLIA, which drew on NERO'S destruction, came first of all to NERO'S knowledge. This eclipse, and other signs, all of them declarations of a just offence taken in heaven at a fact which far outwent all aery monsters, & common prodigies, gave occasion to noble TACITUS to break forth into anger, at the long patience of his Gods, who suffered NERO to continue in life, and villainy, rather showing therein his sense of the indignity, then to insinuate a carelessness in powers divine. Howbeit, his words sound not well, and LIPSIUS, aswell as SAVILE, notes to us an Epicurean faith in them. Otherwise, what are a few years permitted to malefactors for repentance, or to render them inexcusable at the iudgement-day, compared to that eternity which shall punish them? Nor could gods forbearance of NERO seem too long, for a thousand years are short, & the vengeance which overtook him late to TACITUS, overtook him soon to the truth; the weight of the vengeance considered. When the senate, and people sacrificed at his coming to ROME, for joy of his preservation (for that was the name which office found out to divert the note of crime) that grand eclipse of the Sun, seen (saith PLINY) in ITALY between seven & eight, in ARMENIA between ten and eleven, showed an horror at their offerings. Nor that the unaptest divination, for never were men so sold over to baseness of flattery, and irreligious simulations as at this time they, to content, & assure their NERO. XIPHILINE, out of DIO, befriends the Sun, in saying the whole face of his light was darkened in that obscuration (which JOSEPH SCALIGER, and reason denies) for that part was unhappy which was unhidden, nor did this actual eclipse portend these deeds, but mourn their doings, for it happened, according to MARCIANUS, upon the eleventh Kalends of May, or the one and twentieth day of April, the very month-day itself after AGRIPPINA'S death. The constant rule which foreshows eclipses led the learned to expect some dismal event, none more unnatural than this mother-slaughter. He was then in the fifth year of his empire, and so far within the fifth, as from within October, till the aforesaid day of March.   

CHAP. XVII. NERO'S PART AFTER HIS MOTHER'S END, TOWARDS THE CLOSE OF HIS FIRST FIVE YEARS.  
But the crime of NERO did not determine in the kill of her. For the charging her as with highest treason when she was dead, and her life being taken away without defence, or notice, upon that supposition, by the prompter authority of SENECA then of BURRHUS, added calumniation to parricide. Though this was no improbable rumour, considering both her mind, and her menaces. But SENECA from the very first entrance of NERO, strongly concurred to bar her from swaying in empire, and it was he, and his party in court which first outed PALLAS, her principal instrument, and finally ejected her. And therein he was not thought to have deserved amiss of mankind, or of the ROMAN name, her nature being bloody, fiery, and busy, as altogether became the root of such an offspring. But the fact once committed, and a wide passage set open for the introduction of his dearest POPPAEA, through the deadly wounds of AGRIPPINA, there rose a new care how to satisfy the world. A knot more hard to untie, than the unstringing of her life. At the last yet, among all the salves, and remedies thought upon in a case so scandalous, a letter was divised by SENECA in NERO'S name to the conscript Fathers, wherein with much preface of sorrow, having declared his own certain danger, and the wonder of his narrow escape from being murdered by her procurement, he also used these passionate words, as QVINCTILIAN cities them, I do not as yet either believe I am safe, or care whether I am or no. As if saith TACITUS (probably reflecting upon the same sentence) the man had been angry that himself had not rather perished. And though it was held a mere dissimulation▪ yet could he say no less, & nature might return with such a compungent quickness after his mind grew clearer (which always happens) that not only the sense of those words, but his weep for her might be also true. His gripes in conscience, and affrights in his senses are everywhere confessed. The success of NERO'S epistle left a grievous taxation upon the secretary who indicted it, because while he went about to show the reason, and necessity of the fact, he confessed the doing, which was contrary to the resolution in counsel, certainly to the intended quality of the fame, for that (saith SVETONIUS) was diuulged as if she had vountarily slain herself to avoid an open condemnation.   

CHAP. XVIII. CONSIDERATIONS TOUCHING THE PREMISES, AND COMMONWEAL.  
THese two terrible examples in the persons of BRITANNICUS, and AGRIPPINA, gave all the world to understand, that there was now no hold, nor assurance in his nature, for any dearness, or title, which could afford defence either against his fear, or hate. And while the factions of a divided palace countermined each the other, POPPAEA growing no less pernicious, then AGRIPPINA had been turbulent, NERO got loose from all the modest ties of his breeding, & SENECA found his authority shaken at the very bottom. For without a woman there was no paramount working with NERO, after once he turned absolute, as now he began to do. Therefore though SENECA was able by obsequious ACT to pluck him from his mother's dire embraces, he could not use the poor wench to any such purpose against the predominant POPPAEA. By those occasions a new side was erected, consisting of such as had but little other hope then in CAESAR'S vices, nor any other like scope as the serving of themselves. As for the Senate and people, they had very small care, or feeling in general what the prince did unjust for his own satisfaction, in some few particulars, upon what grounds soever, so long as it went well with themselves. Though by the words in TACITUS of such as detracted from the glory of PoeTVS THRASEA, in the case of the SYRACUSAN plays, many points of estate might have been better ordered than they were, even within the commended five years And though wicked deeds should not be done at all, yet when they were done by him whom they could not punish, even good men were glad to make the best of that which neither could be recalled, nor holpen. A patriots, and a wiseman's office.   

CHAP. XIX. THE GHOST OF AGRIPPINA, AND OTHER APPARITIONS AFFLICTING NERO.  
THe death of his mother in the spring of the year, brought forth a fresher spring of popular delights, and as if her life, like an unseasonable bar, had hitherto hindered the fullness of such benefit, the blessings of a golden age immediately seemed to follow. Banished persons were recalled, other acts of clemency exercised, & plays upon plays, for entertainment of general affections, set forth, and celebrated. Her relics in the mean while remained honourless. Another scandal of NERO'S reign. But though her name, & memory was thus of purpose over-borne, yet, as if that fellnesse of spirit which she had alive, were grown more violent since she died, her appearing ghost, & the furies of hell, with whips, and firebrands, by his own confession haunted him at times, and tormented him ever after. For avoiding of which infernal vexations, he consulted, and practised with magicians, to come to her speech, and entreat her forgiveness. A vain attempt, when it was his conscience which formed his imagination, and acted in his senses; neither had SIMON Magus whom he specially favoured, but SIMON PETRUS, the proper receipt of quieting souls, had he sought it. Guiltiness is the immortal fiend of grievous crimes, and converts the conscience to an hell on earth; nor is there cause for the wise or sober to repine at the seeming felicities of evil princes, because their minds are uncessantly tormented. Nothing can afford sound peace but only innocence. This is the first, and only mention of NERO'S use for magic, to which (saith PLINY) he was extremely addicted. DIO adds, that he presented to the people most magnificent shows, & plays to the honour of his mother's memory, soon after her murder. But far beyond all his princely doings in this jolly, and jovial kind (if I may use those lighter epithets) was the ordaining of his five-yearely plays, and prizes at ROME, in emulation of those other, the most famous of Greece, and of all the world, called of their place OLYMPIAN, and with universal confluence celebrated in ELIS, a province of PELOPONESUS. His blossoming youth, & light opinions most easily carried him to things pleasant, and in appearance glorious.   

CAAP. XX. OF THE FIVE-YEARLY PLAYS, AND PRIZES INSTITUTED AT ROME BY NERO, AND OF HIS STUDIES.  
He had accomplished five years of empire, and as much more as from October till january, when he entered his fourth Consulship, having for his fellow in office CORNELIUS COSSUS LENTULUS. In perpetual remembrance of which space of years complete, he ordained Prizes, and Plays, which of his own name were styled by him NERONIA, provided that upon every fifth year's end they should for ever be kept & solemnised. The compass of time between the OLYMPIAN agons comprehended only four years full, and was termed on OLYMPIAD: these other Agons (for that is the proper word) contained the finished revolution of five years, which the ROMANS called Lustrum. Excepting that diversity, of computation, the rest of the institution agreed with the Greek rule. NERO'S Prizes, or Agons have three several titles, Music, Activity, and Horse-races; and in the word Music those trials of wit which were made in prose, and verse, and are mentioned in TACITUS, were undoubtedly understood. This imitation cannot be discredited, because he was the author; for it boasted noblensse in an high degree, and that also gloriously acknowledged by decree of the Senate in this present coin.  
NERO himself had the honour of eloquence in these first agons at ROME: an honour worthy for a prince to affect, specially, where not only the advancement of language, and civil letters, but of wisdom, and virtue, and of the common good are arguments, or final causes of that affectation. His principal end in this foundation was the glory of his name. The garland belonging to the victory of playing on the harp was his highest ambition. ZOSIMUS divides the agons of this festivity into only two sorts, scenicke and gymnicke, leaving out the horseraces. Stageplays certainly had now also their places here, but not the pantomime, or mute actor, who by speaking gestures, and change of postures did silently express what either the poet expressed in words, or the music in notes. Wrestle, run, driving of chariots, Circensian races, and the like, took up the remainder of the time. Succeeding princes upheld this institution, and when it was outworn with neglect and time, GORDIANUS the younger revived it, and by his best means, endeavoured to make the five-yearly custom everlasting; it was so pleasing to the multitude. Bread, and plays (saith IWENAL) the only care of the common sort at ROME, nor doth TACITUS in his history speak otherwise of them in NERO'S time. For the service of this magnificent foundation he finished upon the next ensuing year his Thermae, and Gymnasium, which (as PHILOSTRATUS saith) were most admirable works. DEMETRITS the CYNIC (when CAESAR, the Lords, & people, kept the first feast of the dedication of those buildings with all sorts of joy, and sacrifices) had almost incurred a capital mischief, by openly reproving the use of Thermae, or warm baths, because it did soften manhood, and led to luxury. His reasons were rather untimely, then untrue. The ancient GREEK Gymnasium was divided into three chief spaces, or activitie-yards, fitted with buildings, and beautified with images in a stately manner, those courts or fields severally named the Xystus, the Plethrium, and the Maltho, and to them belonged the Hierus and Tetragonon, two other courts, or places. These were as the schools of such manly masteries, for which at the OLYMPIAN games, there was either place, or prize. The judges, called Hellanodiki, were reputed sacred, and so were likewise the trials themselves. The estimation of a victory was great above all belief, when CICERO (nor that overreachingly) hath left it written in one of his orations, that to have been declared best, though but at leaping, wrestling, or the like exercises of manhood in those public and general trials, was held a matter of as much glory, as it was at ROME to ride in triumph. A thing never granted there but for subduing kings, and nations in set battle with the slaughter of at least five thousand armed enemies. Neither came they to be received into the cities of whence they were but with admirable preparations and celebrities upon their return, as it well appears in VITRWIUS, but infinitely better in the prince of lyric poets PINDARUS. The judges (whose authority was most religiously reverenced) did after the agone award the garland. The party's name was ceremoniously delivered to the Kerykes, or as it might be among us to the heralds, and officers of honour, to proclaim it with sound of trumpet in the full, and open theatre. The garland itself at the OLYMPIAN prizes was of Olive, and the honours, and privileges of the victor incredible. EUTYMIUS, one of them, attained in remote antiquity, to the opinion of a demigod. PAUSANIAS hath the strange story how he outwrestled the devil▪ such a champion he was reputed. To the honour perhaps of this EUTYMIUS, for the more countenance (as I take it) and grace of the NERONIA, was that gallant, and flourishing coin, stamped at NERO'S commandment. His victory was on foot, but NERO (as it seems) hath mounted him in his money to a triumphal chariot.  
CONSTANTIUS LANDUS (Earl of Complana in Italy) explicates this pompous figure otherwise; the person in it to stand for the emperor NERO, & the name EUTYMIUS to signify secure; as if it were not EUTYMIUS in the coin (which after that manner of writing signifieth (as I think) nothing at all) but EUTHYMUS, the name of that demigodded champion in PAUSANIAS. That noble gentleman's easy conjecture▪ I infringe not, for without reproof of the coigns inscription I cannot make good mine own, no more than he can his. But I do assure myself, and others, that coignes were published with historical matter, and titles, to revive the memory of ancient stories for their more venerations sake: and nothing can be truer than that false writing is sometimes found in marbles, coignes, and other monuments. The common fault of un ouerlookt artificers. This princely money minted by NERO in reviuall of the rape of the SABIN women under ROMULUS, may abundantly witness that custom which I mention on behalf of my conjecture.  
The study of NERO was versification, which TACITUS thinks he borrowed, having no gift therein at all. But SVETONIUS (who in more things than this disagrees with TACITUS though un-named) both proves he had, and proves it well. It was one of his exercises to translate Greek tragedies into Latin, who made true tragedies in blood, such as even the greeks never feigned. But whatsoever his talon was that way, his admiration of it well deserved that he should have made prerogative verses, according to his fortunes. His own persuasion aswell of ability, as of his long wind, was so magnificent, that he meant to write in verse the affairs, and stories of the ROMANS, in four hundred books. Such a reckoning as would have been much more conscionable, had APOLLO, or the MUSES made it. ANNAEUS CORNUTUS (whom he intended to use as a principal master in that faculty) durst say they were to many, & when some one or other urged against him the example of CHRYSIPPUS, who composed as great a number of books, CORNUTUS reioignd, and said, that the works of CHRYSIPPIUS, containing wise discourse, were profitable. This distinction had almost extinguished the speaker; for NERO'S surrejoinder was a sentence which sent CORNUTUS into banishment. The truth is, he had a vain in verse, and SENECA in his Natural Questions cities him upon occasion, and highly praiseth one of his lines; which is indeed a dainty one. In PLINY the argument of one of his poems appears to have been the praise of his POPPAEA. And MARTIAL (who seems to favour him) insinuates, that he wrote like a learned wanton. So there is no doubt to be made at all of his poëticall Genius, though it pleased LUCAN (in CASAUBONS' SVETONIUS) unmannerly to repeat an halfe-verse of his to the tune of a loud report backward, where their goddess CLOACINA was served. There seems not a grain of good salt in all his writings, but admirations, & defixions of the soul upon beauteous outsides. A wit of the middle region, which only served to sweeten his sensualities. The arts he delighted-in declare as much, for though they were noble, yet far beneath the majesty of a prince's mind. No man discommends the true fingring, or delicate touches of a master, upon a well-strung instrument, nor the strokes of a skilful pencil in painting, nor the art of graving. These were his. But a prince ought to mount higher, & think better. This objection was mot-with. Therefore, after supper it was his custom to admit to his ear, and presence, such as TACITUS, (speaking compass) calls Doctors of Wisdom, to avoid the word Philosophers, as not being Latin enough. They were admitted so far. But his hearing (as it seems) dealt enviously with his understanding, for their sayings sunk not in. Yet neither did they want gravity, nor he liberality. Those studies the chief title which SENECA had to gather all his riches, as he himself acknowledged to NERO. The riotous youths of these our times universally more studious of witty then discreet, of odd conceits then solid. No title to access, and copious cherishments with princes, more worthy than the study of wisdom, and where it languisheth manners are evermore degenerous. A prince, according to NERO'S garb (take him as he was popular, and not as a tyrant) would sort rarely well with them, who do either not know, or not enough regard, that with all his waist of wealth, and forms of vanity, he made to himself none other friends but the vicious vulgar, and such lewd ignoble persons as lived upon the times impurities, as TACITUS most gravely hath observed in his histories. Witty flashes do condimentally well; but, if that were their best use, the gift of poesy were with little reason styled divine. There are who lay other● studies in the bottom to balasse the fiërie levities' of conceit, and only they do honour the Muses with their manners. Those other while they unlearnedly, and miserably mistake licence for freedom, are oftentimes pleasant company, but never good.   

CHAP. XXI. OF THE COUNSEL OF HISTORY FOR THE WORSE PART OF NERO'S REIGN, AFTER HIS FIRST Quinquennium.  
Such was NERO, according to the brief I have given of him, during his first five years; and weather the worst of that which follows should at all be remembered, were a point to be argued, if the whole truth were not of the necessity of history. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS nevertheless draws a curtain over his personal, and public exorbitancies, & leaves them undisplaid. For I hold it far better (saith he) to bury their description in silence, then to make known, in what measure out of measure he abused his power, through over great prosperity, and riches, because I think it will be troublous, and offensive. The same reverence makes me also willingly say, and think the same. So much the rather, because all books are full fraught with particulars which declare the great reason, why the name of NERO signifies now, by his deserts, a tyrant in the excellency, who supposing all the world ordained for his peculiar ends, regards nothing but the satisfaction of his own irregular appetites, without respect to God, or man. And what monster was he not, who though he made away the nearest of his friends, and the best of his people, yet perpetrated such other things, as in parallel with which, those actions though more than barbarous, do not seem intolerable?   

CHAP. XXII. IN ADDRESS OF SPEECH TO MY LORD, TOUCHING THAT WHICH FOLLOWS IN NERO'S REIGN.  
SOme of the lesser matters shall not be unworthy my hand, or your Lordship's ear and view, which accustomed to most honourable objects shall avoid hereby the horror, and offence which may rise by the contrary. For neither can the modesty of your most noble nature delight in shameful wonders, nor stands it with the dignity of those most royal infusions which fashion your heroic habits, to suffer such vices to approach within sight, which in their proper station are far beyond the kenn of common villainies. Therefore men of tender feelings in conscience had rather believe them to be feigned, then done indeed. JOSEPHUS (a most discreet and credible author) professively affirms, that the evil will of some writers hath painted NERO much more prodigious in his life and reign, than truth would bear, but withal confesseth him so bad, that there needed no falsehoods to make him seem worse. There were also who wrote highly in his favour, as the same JOSEPHUS saith. CALIGVLA'S incest, with all his three sisters was abominable, but the way of their use not unnatural, but what NERO did in his male wife, SPORUS, or suffered by his titulary husband, PYTHAGORAS (SVETONIUS calls him DORYPHORUS) are shameful wonders, and likely, if any other else, to be of those whom JOSEPHUS singly thought were impudent untruths, or (to use his own rough roundness) lies. But the best chain to be used in the evolution of facts is composed of the links of time, in order as they were done; To antedate, or postdate may be equally unequal. As for them who delight in strange matters, they shall know what seems to me the greatest marvel of NERO'S reign, seeing we are upon entrance into the worst thereof.   

CHAP. XXIII. THE PRINCIPAL WONDER OF NERO'S TIME, AND OF PRINCEDOM.  
THat sacred monarckie could preserve the people of ROME from final ruin, notwithstanding all the profanations, blasphemies, & scandals of tyrannous excesses, wherewith NERO defiled & defamed it, is the wonder which no other form of government could perform, and is the principal both of his time, and of princedom itself. A wonder of imperial majesty within the wonder of most extreme unworthynesse. But the joints, and compactures of the empire's fabric under an head, were so supple, and solid that what SENECA worthily praised in general, as the prerogative of monarckie, is exemplified true in this. Neither is it baseness, or madness (saith that famous Sage) for thousands to take weapon in hand for the defence of one person, or with many deaths to redeem the single life of an old perhaps, and feeble man, for they tender their proper safeguard, while they fight for their princes, in whose weal, or woe their own is comprehended. To this purpose he, with a great deal more. But whereas the sentence points upon CLAUDIUS, who was that old, and feeble man, it holds good not only to old, and feeble, but to all sorts of princes persons, whether old, or young, tame or violent, civil, or savage. The truth whereof appeared before in CALIGULA, now in NERO, & afterwards in other wicked rulers. Therefore it was possible, that the empire should be kept together for the uses of the people of ROME, by permitting all power to one, though it was to that inhuman SCYLLA, who first of mortals taught his country to feel (saith Halicarnassian DIONYSIUS) that the Dictatorship was a tyranny; it had not otherwise been possible. And if NERO, (in whom alone all the corruptions which had been engendered in ROME, from the birth of ROME till his own days, seemed drawn together into one apostem, or bile) could not putrify those strengths which princedom gave more unto the state, then either the commons, or the nobles when they ruled all, who can enough admire, or reverence that sacred institution which virtue crownes, and vice cannot dissolve? The excellencies of it speak their author: for so divine a good as the fast connection of mankind together in one under one, could be the gift of only God, who in his government of heaven, and earth, doth use none other form; himself a King and monarch.  
THE END OF THE FIRST FIVE YEARS OF NERO, HIS MOST COMMENDED TIME.   

CHAP. XXIIII. THE REVOLT IN BRITAIN AND OTHER TROUBLE'S OF WAR.  
IN ROME there was nothing all the while but songs, and dances, and all sorts of public shows, and jollities, some of them most desperately lascivious, and impudent (NERO their author, and example) without much cause of fear, or sadness to any but the good. But these were suddenly either soured, or marred for the time, with the news, and cumber of the main revolt in BRITAIN. To show how the ROMANS came to be in the way of so terrible a blow as they received now, I will give a brief rehearsal of their first arrival, till the Consulships of CAESONIUS PAETUS, and PETRONIUS TURPILIANUS, under NERO, the year and time of this furious defection. And if I shall seem somewhat more copious in recapitulation then for the occasion, it is nevertheless within use and decorum, because it will compendiously serve for all that was ROMAN in our Island.  

§. I. An introductory sum of affairs in Britain from the Romans first entrance under julius Caesar, till the present revolt under Nero.  
ONe hundred and ten years therefore were now outrun, from the Consulships of CNAEUS POMPEIUS and MARCUS LICINIUS CRASSUS, since CAIUS JULIUS CAESAR, in the name of the Senate and people of ROME, transported certain legions, for glories sake, and for the more quiet possession of his conquests in GALLIA, to invade, and conquer BRITAIN. A thing which never any ROMAN had attempted, and SCIPIO did at most but harken-after. If that at leastwise be the meaning of PYTHEAS, the frivolous MASSILIAN in STRABO. To impeach this lofty purpose, the state of the VENETI (that chief commonweal of GALLIA ARMORICA) had made a puissant league arming out to sea above two hundred sail of men of war to fight with CAESAR, because BRITAIN (saith STRABO) was their principal mart; of which his conquest would bereave them. It was the refuge also of the calamitous people of the continent; who sought to be safe and free from the power of the ROMANS, against whom the BRITANNS evermore relieved, and supported the GALLS. Upon which strict assistence CAESAR chiefly grounded the pretence of his invasion, truly persuading himself that he could not hold GALLIA firm, unless withal he subdued BRITAIN. But the VENETI were solicitous for their neighbours, and allies in vain. For their noble combination proved tragically pernicious to their fortunes, lives, and liberties. CAESAR therefore unresistably goes on. For the spirit of conquest, which moved thus forceably in him, is a most vehement spirit, and stirs not at all, but for the higher ends of the world's supreme commander; as to bring back commonweals to monarckies; to alter kingdoms from one family, and people to another; to make one kingdom of many; to humble the insolent; to new mould and fashion the barbarous; to blend and mingle nations; to confound, and extirpate others; or the like; at his celestial pleasure. If it were otherwise, why should there be at one time a CYRUS, long after him an ALEXANDER, or now a JULIUS CAESAR, rather than at another?   

§. II. The Britanns at bloody odds among themselves, upon julius Caesar's invasion.  
THe island than was full of civil wars, aswell because it was full of petty kings, as for other perplexive respects, growing out of the distinction of originals among the most early, or most ancient races, and the later ones, CASSIBELINE in BRITAIN, head of the one, and, of the other, DIVITIACUS in GALLIA, to whom king GALBA succeeded. Contrary to that preceptive oracle of HOMER, let there be but one king; for more than one do not well. The best of APOLLO'S oracles no truer. In this estate of things the weaker states of BRITAIN could not otherwise preserve themselves then by the counterpoise of leagues; till the endless iniquities of disagreeing princes enforced parties to fly under foreign guards as to avoid oppressions at home. This the tragical case of that poor distressed prince MANDUBRATIUS, whose father (late king of the TRINOBANTS) was slain by CASSIBELINE. MANDUBRATIUS himself (whom domestic monuments call by another name) compelled to quit his country, did not therefore quit his claim. So notable an opportunity of the islanders intestine divisions (though not acknowledged by CAESAR, as a motive of his attempt) could not but be a special hand to because him over, and bring him in.   

§. III. The effects of Caesar's two invasions, and his final return out of Britain.  
CAESAR'S first invasion with only two legions did rather knock at entrance then six a title. The second with eight hundred sail, and aboard of them above thirty thousand ROMAN foot, and two thousand horse, in five whole legions (a body of force somewhat proportionable to the enterprises quality) was principally dedicated to the recovery of his shine of honour, endangered to the darkening notes of rashness, and infelicity in the year next before; from which the death of JULIA his only child, the wife of POMPEY, which happened (saith SENECA) during these BRITAIN affairs, was not able to withdraw him; though a matter of such infinite importance, that it dissolved the bar which kept their emulations from encountering, and drew up the floodgate itself, through the which whole diluges of humane blood shortly after rushing in, did overflow the ROMAN world. In that most jealous point of reputation CAESAR competently satisfied himself by those performances of his armies which the compass of one summer saw effected, and his own incomparable commentaries specify. Where nothing sounds more honourable or shows more conspicuous than the restoring of MANDUBRATIUS to his father's throne upon the petition of the TRINOBANTS. Touching the general effects of his labours, STRABO speaks the truth, that divine JULIUS CAESAR did no great thing in BRITAIN, though (whatsoever CICERO sportingly saith to the contrary) he returned enriched with many captives, and store of spoils. It is withal most true, that it was not an act of ordinary magnanimity, or felicity, to show the way over the separating sea into such a most mighty and most populous Island. And yet he did somewhat more than only show the way over. For the testimonial arguments of conquests (hostages, and some yearly payments) were first by him ordained here in part; and CASSIBELINES hands were tied fast (in the articles of his render) from molesting MANDUBRATIUS. One only particular of all the spoils remains remembered, a breastplate embroidered, or set with British pearls, which CAESAR consecrated to mother VENUS, as to the most friendly patroness of his fortunes, and the original of his family, in token whereof he ware a seal (saith DIO) with an armed VENUS in it. Pearls nothing clear nor ponderous, but dusky, & small (saith PLINE) and therefore altogether unworthy of such a goddess. But as they were the fruits of our OCEAN, and the purchase of CAESAR, they had a greatness of value, and a brightness of lustre which might easily make them exceed Oriental unions of the clearest water. As for the BRITAIN captives, CICERO is pleased to write, that he feared none would be found among them either musicians or scholars, whereby to advance their master's benefit by their sales in markets. A scorn to the rudeness of the people's breeding. No man of note taken prisoner, but LUGOTORIX, whom gloriously enough CAESAR calls a noble captain. But the Druids, Bards, and Eubages, (the three orders in AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS of the old BRITISH Academs) founded by OSTHANES the second (as PLINY, me thinks insinuates) may sufficiently relate, & blunt that scoff of TULLY'S. To be subdued by the more polite, and noble is no infelicity to the barbarous, so as corporal servitude, & real injuries be forborn. For that wild freedom, or rangeing humour which is but merely natural, how sweet and precious soever it be, the same, without the fillings of liberal acts, and file of honourable manners, which constitute and accomplish a worthy man, is but merely brute, and savage. Things thus ordered, CAESAR presently retired into GALLIA and left nothing behind him to uphold his fresh achievements here but the awful majesty of the names of ROME, and CAESAR. Neither did he greatly need more, seeing his harvest of glory was not such as to deserve his professive, and particular ascription, for among those his five famous triumphs, recorded in VELLEIUS PATERCULUS, the BRITAIN by special name was not any.   

§. FOUR The Britan's, and the things of Britain, a part of Caesar's triumph over the Galls.  
But CAESAR who inserted our matters into his commentaries, would not wholly leave them out in his gallic triumph. For I do not otherwise understand that place in LUCAN, where he complains how much CAESAR lost in glory, by conquering more than GALLIA, then that the captive BRITAN'S were mixed with the captive GALLS at this show: consequently, the things, or particulars of BRITAIN, with the things of GALLIA, aswell as their persons. Therefore the image of the overpassed Ocean; of the ile itself on a rock, the cliffs, and downs of Kent (celebrated by QVINCTUS in an Epistle to his brother CICERO) father THAMESIS; those chariots of war out of which (saith DIODORUS SICULUS) the BRITAN'S fought like the old heroës of TROY, and which by a proper word were called Esseda, CASSIBELINES forrest-campe, or fastness (misnamed a town) the breastplate, or cuirass embroidered with BRITISH pearls, and such other portable small pageants (which by a proper word were called fercula, of being carried, or borne about in that manner) could not be ungrateful spectacles, or not singularly condimentall at ROME, already glutted and tired with beholding the figures of eight hundred several towns as PLUTARCH reckons) forceably taken by CAESAR in GALLIA, during there his ten years' wars, and in one day all presented.   

§. V. Of the Britan's, and the British chariot of Moecenae under AUGUSTUS CAESAR.  
HIs next successor OCTAVIUS, who, in the consulary registers of the Capitol, is CAIUS JULIUS CAESAR OCTAVIANUS, second Emperor, and first AUGUSTUS, had somewhat else to thinke-of, at his entrance into the empire, than the affairs of BRITAIN. But when the ROMAN world, recovering out of those civil miseries, into which the murder of JULIUS CAESAR had headlong plunged it, began to flourish a fresh, by the benefit of monarchy (the only confessed remedy) then came he down in person as far as into GALLIA, with a purpose to re-assail our Island, so to force upon it the keeping of covenants (as DIO CASSIUS insinuates) about eight, or nine and twenty years from his predecessors invasions. At this HORACE pointeth in his Odes. Some princes therefore of BRITAIN beholding the near approach of so black a tempest, sent special ambassadors to deprecate the effects, and (for such reasons as STRABO commemorates) prevailed. JULIUS CAESAR assessed upon the BRITAN'S of CASSIBELINES party, a certain yearly payment (three thousand pounds, saith GALFRIDUS A●turius) and it pleased AUGUSTUS to content himself with such petty performances as did rather serve for tokens of subjection, or acknowledgements of tenure, then meriting to carry the weight, or name of tribute, being customs, or tolls upon ivory ornaments for bridles, carcanets, or chains of amber, vessels of glass, and other toys, which passed for merchandise between the GALLS, and BRITAN'S. But why CILNIUS MOECAENAS (that most ingenuous favourite of AUGUSTUS, and everlastingly renowned friend of free studies) did ride in a British chariot, it appeareth not. The thing is mentioned in PROPERTIUS, and shows somewhat of a triumphal right, or glory, that HORACE may not vainly seem to have cast upon AGUSTUS the annexing of the BRITAN'S to the rest of ROMAN subjects, nor the Senate and people of ROME to have unwarrantably boasted of all the three parts of the then known world under his dominion (as in their coigns they did) if BRITAIN (so famous a limb of EUROPE) were not within his triple pretence, three worlds combined in one.  
A submission of those potentates of BRITAIN (I call them potentates whom CAESAR would have styled kings, and STRABO aptly termeth Dynasts) is evident out of the premises. Evident also their acceptance into special protection, or socíetie; for thereupon they consecrated their inscribed gifts, 〈◊〉 presents, in the Capitol, with tender of their fealty. And the example of MOECENAE seems to convince, that AUGUSTUS, in gratulation to himself of so fair a felicity, permitted the use of special honours to special friends. A custom which following times frequented. If MOECENAE (as he was conceitful) took it not up only for a fashion, as others afterwards did so fast, that PLINY complains of the cost bestowed on BRITISH chariots, and CALIGVLA'S friends used no other to attend him, over his admirable bridge, in SVETONIUS. All this while the island was not yoked down with garrisons. Not a ROMAN soldier in it. And AUGUSTUS was so indulgent to the state thereof, or so provident for his own, in having kings for instruments of their proper servitude, that he bred up (as the BRITISH story saith) king KYMBELINE (the third from CASSIBELINE) and the same with CUNOBELINE whom GREEKS and ROMANS celebrate.   

celebrate VI Of the peace of Britain, and of other rarest matters there, under TIBERIUS CAESAR.  
TO divine AUGUSTUS (for that was the style of the time) TIBERIUS JULIUS CAESAR (according to the title of his changed name) was surrogated by adoption who having both the lively example of his adoptive father, & his posthumous warrant under his own hand-writing also, to justify his forbearance to enlarge the ROMAN empire (a thing agreeable to his proper judgement) attempted nothing which might disturb our island. Whereupon, together with the privacy of situation, it securely enjoyed the blessing of quietness under him. For the averrment of VELLEIUS PATERCULUS, that the peace of TIBERIUS AUGUSTUS diffused itself into the west, and into all the angles of the earth, doth undoubtedly reach to BRITAIN, if it doth not by circumlocution name it also. During that deep calm, the most heavenly light of Christian verity shone over hither (saith GILDAS, the BRITAIN Sage) soon after the passion, which happened under TIBERIUS. His former cares (recorded in PLINY, and TERTULLIAN) for clearing GALL, and AFRICA from inhuman superstitious, could not but accidentally prepare the BRITAN'S (among whom the Druids flourished) for a more holy character. In the life which I have diligently written of TIBERIUS there is more. Meanwhile, such was he to us during his almost three and twenty years.   

§. VII. Britain menaced by Caligula Caesar. A touch of his follies, and tower.  
CALIGULA affected to seem terrible to BRITAIN, and there might be somewhat in his head to that purpose, when it was his pleasure that his troops of friends should wait upon him (mounted as beforesayd) over the semicircular bay of BAIAE. But there was indeed just reason why he should both seem, and be terrible also, when his army on this side the Alps contained, as some report in DIO, two hundred and fifty thousand fight men. A multitude so huge, as was alone enough to make him have nothing to do but within himself. For which part of the world durst profess enemy to such a ROMAN force? While he lay hover on the coast, eager of glory, and yet withal (as if the ROMAN eagle had been transformed into a cowardly kite, or buzzard) unwilling enough to find out just matter for it, our island vomited forth ADMINIUS (some would have him written ARMINIUS) the rebellious son of CUNOBELINE a BRITAN king, with a thin company of his fellow runaways. A more foiled, and refuse ware then the shells which his soldiers afterwards gathered. But his ends were abundantly served. For, upon taking the submission of those fugitives, he boasted himself (saith SVETONIUS) as if the whole island had yielded itself. But for a complete conquest, as well over sea, as land, he embatteld his huge army upon the shores, and bend his warlike engines against NEPTUNE, and his TRITONS, while he, & his selected friends launched out in their galleys, as far perhàps as to be sea-sick, and then returned such a victor over the BRITAIN Oetan, as he had been over the BRITAIN island. For upon a charge sounded (that part of the ridiculous story is commonly known) the soldiers, at his command, gathered the shelfish they found, and stored up the shells as the spoils of the Ocean, due to the Capitol, and Palace. Which they could not do but upon an ebb. A time chosen out (& that a circumstance, in which the whole salt of the stratagem lay) as if the trembling element had retired itself not of course, but for fear of him; the noise of his artillery, arms, and trumpets able to out-clamour and deafen, not only a quiet, or murmuring sea, but a fierce and raging one. There followed upon the service a real largesse in money, and the galleys were carried for a great part of the way, over land, to ROME, as sacred monuments. CALIGULA nevertheless did not fulfil a triumph, though his wife CAESONIA (as PERSIUS satirically noteth) ordered the preparations for it. But that the memory of such an exploit might never perish, he built upon the place an exceeding high tower, the same to be also a sea-mark, with fire on the top by night, as if he meant to match the Pharus itself of ALEXANDRIA. Most contend, that this was at Brittenhuis in HOLLAND; but LAEVINUS TORRENTIUS (a worthy man) admonisheth us, that others hold it to have been at KERBURG, or CHERBURG in NORMANDY. Somewhat verily of KAISARS, or CAESAR'S name seems to remain alive in the name of the place. Others suspect, that the tower, called by the Dutch, and us, the old man of BOLEIN, by the French, tour d' order, at this day standing very high upon the port of BOLEIN, is either it, or out of it. The inhabitants entitle the same to JULIUS CAESAR as the author; which doth not hinder, but that he may well be CALIGULA. For in the rolls of the Capitol, CALIGULA is expressly entered CAIUS JULIUS CAESAR AUGUSTUS GERMANICUS. Thus, of so notorious a piece of masonry, the very seat is doubtful. The works of foolish princes as their counsels, come to nothing. The fame of their folly is immortal, and that alone. Caliligula came to the Ocean as to war in Britain. The words of DIO, and XIPHILINE out of DIO. And they compared with his intention, seem to carry his encampment and towering structure, far enough of from HOLLAND. For as mad as he was he could not but know, by JULIUS CAESAR'S example, there were nearer cuts over hither then so. BRITAIN in the mean while, sat firm upon her rocky foundations, as vnshaken with the bravado, as with billows. Not a ROMAN soldier in it.   

§. VIII. The conquest of Britain under CLADIUS CAESAR. A rare coin of his concerning the state thereof.  
But CLAUDIUS CAESAR, who in the fasti of the Capitol (that noble monument) is TIBERIUS CLAUDIUS CAESAR AUGUSTUS GERMANICUS, about twenty years before this grand revolt of the BRITAN'S under NERO, professively revived the example of his divine predecessor, JULIUS CAESAR, and with all sorts of warlike provisions, made a voyage over in person: The vulgar BRITISH history (in which neither is all unlikely, nor untrue) assigns the occasion which CLAUDIUS took for his coming, to be the denial of the tribute by the son of KYMBELINE, who (if he was the same with that royal person whom the GREEK, and ROMAN authors call CUNOBELINE) was dead before. DIO CASSIUS for the time of his death affirms no less. There was also a tumult in the i'll, because (saith SVETONIUS) the fugitives were not sent back. ADMINIUS (as I suppose) and his adherents. So the detention of tribute seems to have been in reprisal, to force their restitution. And here the part of that BERICUS comes aptly in, who (as DIO saith) was expulsed out of BRITAN, for sedition. The cause not hard to find, considering the premises, if BERICUS may be thought one of the ADMINIAN faction. But of these things let others reason. Here certainly our island first began to feel indeed the weight of conquest. CAESAR had a MANDRUBATIUS to induce, and train him on, and CLADIUS a banished BERICUS. The computation of force in AUGUSTUS' time, fit to hold BRITAIN in obedience (according to STRABO'S account) was extremely under the mark. One legion and some horse. CAMDEN (the king of our antiquaries, and not of arms only) reckons up three whole legions, the second, the ninth, and the fourteenth, imposed by CLAUDIUS to retain his martial purchase. Sure I am, that when the BRITAN'S fell from NERO, there was another called the twentieth; all four of them mentioned in TACITUS, where he chronicles the defection, and all four few enough. Yet NERO was so far from augmenting the ROMAN forces here, with extraordinaries, that but for very shame (as SVETONIUS saith) he had even revoked the ligiers. Howbeit STRABO'S estimate, supposing equity, and AUGUSTUS, might be a full proportion. For the odds are not small in the several natures of times, which extremely alter the states of power. A few, under a wise and venerable prince, are virtually as many as thrice their number under a vain, or violent. With injury no force is not weak; with justice no fewness is not strong. Sentences verifide under NERO in BRITAIN; under whom even the deity of CLAUDIUS was made a greater burden to the BRITAN'S (as appears by that of which themselves complain in TACITUS) then CLAUDIUS himself was when alive. Among those precious coignes which the treasury of ANTONIUS AUGUSTINUS hath afforded to the world, I find one of CLAUDIUS concerning BRITAIN peaceable, omitted by all men who have of purpose handled our affairs.  
What the left hand of the image held, unluckily appears not, in that fair printed copy, with which it pleased a great, and generous Earl to befriend me. It might be a garland, a cornucopia, a little winged victory, or the like, but I could think it was some round figure, the sign of tribute-money. The whole may signify, that CLAUDIUS, the conqueror of BRITAIN, civilised the subdued BRITAN'S. The persons gowned habit a manifest token of it, who is otherwise wont to be represented martial, and unclothed. And though the rudder, or helm of a ship, which here BRITANNIA holds downward in her right hand as a rest, doth ordinarily signify nothing else, in ancient ROMAN coigns, but that the country whose figure appears upon the metal, is an island, whereunto there is no access but by water, yet here perhàps it further noteth, that not only, the navigation of BRITAIN flourished by his means, but that tillage, formerly neglected, did also set up now, & prosper, if that which coucheth behind, be not the half part of a ship, but the hinder end of an antique plough. A coin put forth into the world after the Southern BRITAN'S were provinciated, and the ROMAN government fully settled here. Nor improbably when the colony of old soldiers was drawn, and planted at CAMALODUNUM, in the twelfth year of CLAUDIUS. For that was precisely the time, as that most modest, and ancient good friend of mine, WILLIAM CAMDEN Clarenceux, hath happily, and learnedly observed out of another of CLAUDIUS medals. CAMALODUNUM the place, upon which the raging tempest of rebellion did first discharge the force of itself, as the insolences of that colony were among the heinous sparks which fired the wronged natives. This in general was the case, and state of BRITAIN, so far as the ROMANS intermeddled, from the first entrance of JULIUS CAESAR thereinto, who what he could not materially annex to the main-land, attempted to fasten vertuallie to the empire, as an outwork.    

CHAP. XXV. THE INTERMITTED NARRATION OF THE REVOLT OF BRITAIN UNDER NERO, PROSECUTED.  
AFter the death of consecrated CLAUDIUS, BRITAIN, with the rest of the ROMAN world, coming under the sceptre of NERO, it was now of his reign the seventh year, CAESONIUS, and PETRONIUS Consuls, when the incensed BRITANNS, led by a woman and a widow, revengefullie writ her quarrel in the blood of thousands of enemies. For such they esteemed all who were either free of ROME, or of the ROMAN party. The causes of which sudden fury, with the bitter effects, the estate of things foregoing, and following (as affording great lessons) deserve a narration suitable to the majesty, though not to the length of the introduction. And first of all (that we may admiringlie know how large a place the evil shakes) it must not be forgotten, that presently before the terrible blow, all the countries, now comprehended under the noble names of ENGLAND, and WALES (excepting only the I'll of MONA or ANGLESEY) were either immediately ROMAN, as provincial, or indirectly, and upon the by, as seeming social. A goodly scope of habitable element, one thousand miles in circuit, and itself the best and greatest part of BRITAIN, full of brave people, and of native commodities; which the ancient equity of the ROMANS should have kept, and cherished more carefully.  
For the straightened Ocëan which separates it from the continent, doth not separate it from the benefits, and blessings of the continent. And if the aër of our i'll be not always the most pure, and transparent, yet is it certainly the most temperate. But without all other commodities (and the names of ours would fill a long inventary) it was alone enough for an attractive to the ROMANS, that not only the inferior sorts of oar, but silver also, and gold itself lay couched in the mines of BRITAIN, which their diligence would draw forth into light, and use; the veins of mineral coals a treasure left for us, whose improvident wastes of wood hath made them as precious as metal. The BRITANNS themselves, who by the right of their first coming hither were natural Lords of the soil, a people easily fashionable to the noblest arts, and not to that mean one of making cheese, the ignorance whereof stands upon some of them in STRABO, as a special note of barbarism. Neither were the Romans now in any such numbers here, that insolency might thereupon securely rest itself. For to defend their own share they at most employed but four legions, with their ordinary aids, consisting partly of GALLS, and GERMANS, and partly of the islanders themselves, the legions of none but ROMANS only. All which together could not very much surmount forty thousand, according to common proportions. An handful of men if compared to the natives. But of this more properly elsewhere.  

§. I. Of the title of the Romans to their conquests.  
ANd here it seems good, once for all, to make it understood, upon what points in doctrine, and persuasions in conscience, the old moral ROMANS justified to themselves their universal conquests. This I cannot better do then in the words of DUBIUS AVITUS, a ROMAN captain in GERMANY under NERO, before this revolt. The forlorn nation of the ANSIBARIANS (among whom BOIOCALUS was a chief) for necessary sustentation of their lives, would have possessed certain border-grounds, or wastes upon the ROMAN pale in GERMANY, but for some reason in state were denied. BOIOCALUS, (a faithful old servant of the ROMANS) becomes their advocate, and pleads in TACITUS, among other things; That the heavens were for the gods, the earth for men; and whatsoever had not an owner, was every man's. AVITUS hereunto answered. That the commandment of betters was to be obeyed. And it was the pleasure of those gods whom BOIOCALUS appealed, that the ROMANS should be Lords of the world, to award, or judge a way what they thought good, without brooking any umpires but themselves alone. A most high pretence, and as full of natural piety, as majesty. Nor had their title to empire any point so excellent unto which to refer itself, as to the will of Almighty God, who in this great game, and chess-play of the world disposeth of power at his pleasure. So CYRUS was called his. And this title doth not seem more transcendently noble, then honestly true in the case of those old moral ROMANS, though they most grossly erred in the object of their worship. For they, of all other people upon earth (saith that matchless Historian, CRISPUS SALUSTIUS) were the most devout, and religious. Nor doth the apostata, JULIANUS CAESAR, in S. CYRILS' works, ascribe the raising of the ROMAN empire to any other immediate author but divine. This opinion therefore which confessed a celestial providence, a goodness also in that providence towards them who depend thereupon, and a necessity of such dependency, merits veneration simply in itself, to the just confusion of the godless. Thus flew the ROMANS aloft over the heads of other mortals, and prospered in worldly power beyond all example. If they swerved from the rule of such a belief, the correction cost them dear; as in the massacre of VARUS and his legions under AUGUSTUS; and now by this Virago under NERO.   

§. II. The estate of the Roman-Britanns immediately before the revolt.  
THe ROMAN-BRITANNS, on the other side, though overlaid with that power, which by having subdued the rest of the world, removed the reproach of being overcome, were nevertheless only conquered to obey, and not to be servile base. Which greatly to their honour TACITUS testifies for them in his AGRICOLA. They therefore suffered their people (whom CLAUDIUS, and OSTORIUS SCAPULA his lievetenant-general, had upon the conquest disarmed for fear of rebellion) to be orderly pressed out at their musters, for the service of the ROMAN empire, in the nature and name of aids. This kept up martial spirit among them, though it exhausted the able bodies of the province, when they were not farthest off from the spirit of civility. The ROMANS their examples for both. For their honourable, grave, and most decent fashions in peace worthily wann the BRITANNS (a noble, and imitating people) to translate them to their proper use. The chief men's children, who were wont to be traind-up in the blundring, and heinous schools of the DRVIDSS, had now the life of the LATIN tongue, and the shine of liberal knowledges. For the ROMANS conceived an higher opinion of the wits of the BRITANNS for study, than they did of the GALLS. So, they who before could not endure the conquerors language, did now both willingly use it, and were also ambitious of becoming excellent therein. CLAUDIA RUFINA, that chaste, and learned BRITANN Lady (very young in these days) demonstrates the wits of the men, when she a woman could deserve the commendatory verses of so rare a ROMAN wit as MARSHALS. But they soon grew too much Romanised, by frequenting warm baths, costly banquets, and the like, which passing under the title of fashion, were fetters indeed, and a bondage: For there is not a worse mistress to serve, than voluptuarie waste, and vanity. Old rudeness a friend of freedom. New forms while they pretend to polish parts, do oftentimes file even manhood itself away. Old rudeness notwithstanding is happily changed for fair humanity. The golden mean alone can take up the matter so, that freedom may subsist by the force of a generous spirit, and yet smooth arts retain their taste and lustre. This I write of the tamer BRITANNS in these days, by the warrant of that which AGRICOLA, not many years after, persuaded to the fiercer in his own. For if he thought civility the way to assure the wild; the ROMANS for the same purpose had undoubtedly induced it upon such as were already humbled. Manifest in the former coign of CLAUDIUS. The inhabitants of cities and towns, (the softest part of every nation) lived willingly obedient. For they remained secure, and rich by the exercise of civil mysteries, though charged with sundry duties. From which common burden as they could not possibly be freed under their own Princes, or under any other form of commonweal, so neither could they have been so well in lieu defended, had not fond security charmed asleep all the eyes of ROMAN circumspection. As for the people of the country; they also had their reason of content, men for the more part indifferent whom they serve, but as the conditions are divers. They therefore by the familiar rent-seruices of plowghing, and grazeing (employments marked out in scorn by the warlike Queen in DIO) or otherwise in paying their tithes (the usual proportion of tribute) did generally earn protection, and sustenance. The ROMANS never took all the land away from the natives whom they had conquered, but left them part. The nobler sort, such of them as were stripped or disseised either of estates, or authority, underwent therein the chance of war, and such unequal laws, as liked their new Lords best. These wrecks, and waifs of fortune, were the proper fuel of combustion, or rather the fire itself, always prompt, and always putting for trouble. But from the yearly payment of poll, or head-money, which throughout the ROMAN world was modest, and tolerable (the value of a teston, or some such toy) neither were the living nor the dead exempt. For that very year wherein any one of them died was answered. NERO himself did neither urge, nor enlarge grievances, but rather sought redresses. For his constitutions in TACITUS, the one against overcharging the provinces with portage of corn to the public granaries, the other to make ships tribute-free, were both of them of that nature, and aught to have reached over hither, as to a famous member of the empire, abounding with corn and merchants. The ordinary government of the ROMANS was far from barbarous, therefore the warlike widow forecastes in DIO, that they had won upon many with fair persuasions. If their favours were unequal, that tended to nourish their party. But before this unlucky revolt, the TRINOBANTS, and some other of the BRITAN'S stood possessed of so rare a felicity, as to enjoy the peace of ROME, without any ROMAN judges among them. For the ROMANS meddled not, but left them over to be wholly ruled by their natural magistrates, and peculiar laws. TACITUS witnesseth it, and the GREEK historians (speaking of their condition before the rebellion) do call them their own men, and free. Neither did the ROMANS envy the immunities, and honours of their city to persons who could not enjoy them by any right of birth; most magnanimously forgetting what they had at any time done hurtfullie as enemies, and receiving them, both into her embraces, as bosome-friends; and also into her lap as children. CLAUDIUS so earnestly desirous to bestow the franchise of the sovereign city upon the RRITANNS whom he had conquered, that SENECA (in his irreligious sports upon that emperor) upbraids it. ROME imperial a gracious common mother of mankind, and not a mistress only. Therefore the fall of ROME, as Queen of the earth, was the common sorrow of the earth, even in scripture itself. To the stubborn; sharp, and stern: against adversaries; fierce, and brave. And if the subjects in the provinces were unworthily violated, or villainously entreated, it was not because the law allowed it. For the greatest Magistrate, during his whole time abroad, might receive nothing of gift, but hay, four beds, and wood for firing, towards his provisions; and CICERO glories, that he took not all them neither, when he was proconsul in CILICIA. There never was any common weal which more diligently provided against wrongs, and rapines than the ROMAN, or which more severely punished them. The times, even of TIBERIUS, rarely happy for the provinces herein. PHILO (who himself was an eyewitness, and a partaker of the benefit) doth excellently note it in his AVILLIUS FLACCUS. But the quiet estate of the ROMAN-BRITANNS, and the thriving condition of their arts, and trades under NERO, was suddenly blasted by the scandalous, and wretched iniquity of some of the predominant (as it almost every where happens) to the so great hazard of the whole, that TRANQVILLUS speaks of BRITANN, as lost for the time.   

§. III. The causes of the grand revolt. Boadicia's quarrel the chief.  
THe reasons which drew the BRITANNS to rise, and attempt the massacre of the ROMANS were great and many. Profound contempt of NERO was the first. For that did chiefly embolden the ROMANS to do wrong, and drove the sufferers to despair of an orderly redress. To govern with the opinion of justice, keeps officers from presuming, and the rest of subjects from ruin by rising. DIO (a man of a most honourable place, and a like mind) assigns two principal causes which prepared the BRITANNS for an open hostility. The confiscation of goods, and (I blush to write it) Seneca's cruel usuries. For whereas CLAUDIUS CAESAR (which concerns the first point of the two) had graciously forgiven such forfeitures and seizures as belonged to him in right of his conquering sword (NENNIUS, the ancient BRITANN, writes, that they were the tributes themselves) or had otherwise bestowed large sums upon the chief among them; and for that, as for an act of celestial bounty; was honoured as a god, while as yet alive, CATUS DECIANUS, NERO'S Procurator in BRITANN, contended, that extremity ought to be pursued, notwithstanding any show of discharge, or plea of pardon, and notwithstanding good CLAUDIUS had caused a Decree of the SENATE to pass for strengthening the favours he had done: thereby to invite the more to yield themselves. A solemn wise custom of the ROMANS, to win upon the first with favour, and humanity, as they did of old in GALLIA, where they styled the AEDVI, their fellows, cousins, and brothers. On the other side ANNAEUS SENECA (NERO'S chief counsellor) having a stock going here at use, of about two hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling, suddenly calls in his monies, (the loan whereof had been thrust upon the BRITANNS, whether they would or no) where a rebellion would sooner discharge debts, then exhausted means could. Yet this is he (o strange) who cried out, when he was at richest; How unknown a good is poverty! But DIO is suspected by some of the most noble clarks of our age, as somewhat too unequal to the honour, and memory of famous SENECA, the sharpest wit of ROME. There are other injuries named, which concerned the commons, and the rest in general; which touched by TACITUS in his AGRICOLA, did principally consist in the abusive assignation of rates, and the carriage of corn for the armies. But if one only injury had been forborn, the common grievances (now the blathers of rebellion, and evermore used to be blowne-out with words to their uttermost wideness, when the discontented meet) might perhaps have sighed-out themselves without any Champion, to wage a war on their behalf. But in the person of a Prince all the nation is strucken; and wrongs done to a chief are interpreted by friends and followers as their own. Among all the BRITANNS there was not any of this time so eminent as the Dowager of PRASUTAGUS, late king of the ICENI. Her name in antiquity is very variouslie written. One and the same woman being in TACITUS, BOODICIA, BOUDICEA, and VOADICA, who is in DIO, BOUNDVICA, and perhaps in CAMDEN'S BRITISH moneys, BODVO. Her husband while he lived, remained in amity with the ROMANS, as a social king: and having first devised his kingdom jointly to NERO, and his daughters, he deceased. The BRITANNS excluded neither sex from the crown, and it was the testators meaning, that his daughters, having CAESAR for their guardian, and he for his favour having a child's part, should either be Queens of their own shares, or in coparcenerie after their mother. For both by her own words in her oration in TACITUS, it seems that she reputed the kingdom hers, and in DIO it is expressly said, that she governed in chief as sovereign, at the time of her taking the field; and (as far as can be gathered by all the marks of her spirit) even then also when the king her husband lived. But the daughters (poor silly ladies) found a sorry partner-ship, where the lion was to make the partition For NERO'S captains, and officers, exercised intolerable licence; the palace of PRASUTAGUS their father, as also his riches (which were great and long in gathering) together with his whole realm, not received into custody for the good of the orphans, nor NERO'S part laid out as a bequest or legacy, but that which was theirs ransacked and spoilt as booty. They also of the blood royal, the kinsmen of the king, were no better accounted of then as prisoners taken in war, in the nature of bondmen, or slaves. A most grievous point, and yet still worler was feared. Princes (by the fortuné of their sovereign function) do oftentimes bear the name of the crimes which others commit. These foul ones pressing for the first place, were outgone by other more villainous. For the princely sisters (whether by force or fraud) were irreparablie dishonoured in their bodies, and BOADICIA herself (their most unfortunate mother) full of most just grief, and wrath, and full of all the tempestuous passions which nobility embased, or nature violated can suggest, did bleed & smart underwhips, and cutting lashes. This the CORNELIAN ANNALS signify; worthy of belief against the writer's nation. But DIO (who is thought but to have paraphrased upon TACITUS in this story) hath no such particular, neither touching the Dowager, nor her daughters. GILDAS certainly who was himself a BRITANN, and lived in BRITAIN when his miserable countrymen had reason to wish the ROMANS here again, is highly displeased, calling her (for of BOODICIA he is thought to mean) a crafty deceitful lioness, guilty of the murder of those who were left to govern her. She herself in her speech to her army complains, that even old age was not free from the lust of the lascivious ROMANS; as if herself had been that way wronged also. But she would not have concealed it; and in DIO she doth not appear old, or decayed, but a strong and perfect woman. Her picture hangs up there in such words as show the person of some martial Boss, or AMAZONIAN Giantess.   

§. FOUR The person and quality of the warlike widow curiously described.  
BOADICIA'S body (that I may advance her image to the life in the top of this history) was big, and burly, or rather huge: which some (translating the GREEK into LATIN) not thinking to be a fit parcel in the bill of a lady's praise, have turned tall. Her face naturally good, and full of dignity, was of purpose set to the quality of the present service, after a most severe and serious manner. Which moved famous DIO to hang [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] an epithet of such an ambiguous sense upon her countenance, as like a double picture represents her diversly to a divers understanding; excellently comely, or incomparably terrible. Her complexion very fair. Which who will wonder at in a Lady borne in BRITAIN? Her copious tresses dangling in compass far beneath her waste, were of a most bright yellow. And though by her colour her constitution might seem to be cold, yet her doings declared, that choler had the mastery in her, even unto deceit and adustion. Her looks most eager, sharp, and piercing. An argument perhaps that her eyes were disproportionablie small; and that was a sign (if artists err not) of fraud and cruelty. They exemplify in the fox, and bear. Nature finally to make the consort of her properties complete, furnished her with an alarum-bell for the country, and a deadly knell for thousands; a tongue as harsh, and rolling as herself was high and great. Her husband a potent king. Her progenitors kings in BRITAIN. Nor among them any one more likely to be hers, then mighty CASSIBELINE himself. Certainly she derives (in XIPHILINES' sum) to the expulsion of JULIUS CAESAR, as to a fact and glory, descended hers. The ROMANS inexcusable to themselves, while in contempt of her sex they couple to the pride of oppression, the dull, and blind absurdity of keeping no watch upon her.   

§. V. Of Suetonius paulinus, Nero's Lieutenant in Britain: and of his design against Anglesey.  
IN the mean while SVETONIUS PAULLINUS, who commanded in chief over all the ROMAN forces in BRITAIN as lieutenant for NERO, was far off in the ile of MONA, or ANGLESEY, upon a most earnest desire to annex it to the rest of the empire. Which ministered to the BRITANNS both an occasion and means of revenge, and was to the widow an advantage divers ways. For besides that some part of the army did necessarily attend him in that service (which must needs leave the province somewhat the weaker) his person was not only absent, but those things also without the which even his presence had been to little purpose. Attention, circumspection, the awe of sovereign authority, and whatsoever else are restraincts in common sense upon the unsure, and fickle, and which should also have been in his deputies to the purpose of ruling the subjects, were no less away with him than he himself. This great ROMAN Senator (for after BOADICEA, it is reason to speak of him, her adversary vanquisher) was a soldier of so victorious eminency, as well in AFRICA as in ALBION, that he commonly went reported as a match for martial worth to NERO'S kinsman, CORBULO; between whom in their times the globe of warlike glory seemed to move. None of the safest commendations under such a feeble prince, whose ignoble life was the clearer seen thereby. PAULLINUS so able in observation, and so wakeful in study, that PLINY (who afterwards saw him Consul) doth cite him as a worthy author. So far from rash, that he was naturally a prolonger. Arrogant nevertheless, and sour, in his own case (as TACITUS notes him in his AGRICOLA) when once he had gotten the upper hand. Which vices of mind, are familiar to armed might, and are as rarely found several from deeply musing and tardy natures. The servants of glory do not always see the moral helps they need. Nothing could prevent those blemishes but temperance. Two years' time he had already spent in BRITAIN with prosperous success. But because the ile of MONA, by the common benefit of such a situation, was a kind of natural fortress, as well to the natives, as to those other of the enemies who fled, he resolved to make it the chief work of that summer to conquer it, that common liberty might have no refuge any where. An enterprise full of difficulty, both in respect of the mighty bars which high and craggy mountains laid in the way, and of the salt narrow channel of MENAI, which made that shire an island. But the love of glory smoothed all with him to his hand. For, according to the usual saying; nothing seems hard to the willing.   

§. VI Suetonius being absent upon the conquest of Anglesey, what Roman forces, and friends resided behind for a stay, and where.  
But least the desire of renown might appear to be blind ambition rather than wise courage, he left both the province, and borders full of legionary soldiers, and of their aids. For he is no discreet commander, whose looks are only forward, and not like a bi-fronts, both ways. Three men are named to have remained behind with command. CATUS DECIANUS principal, as being the steward, attorney, or auditor general of CAESAR'S profits in BRITAIN. The ROMANS called such a man procurator. NERO'S vast riots needed unconscionable supplies. And CATUS, to gratify those ends at his proper envy, instrumentally converted the ICENIAN kingdom to a provincial demesn of the CAESARS. For to their imperial part all the countries where ROMAN armies were in warfare, did by a most politic provision of AUGUSTUS, appertain. CATUS therefore was among the ICENI, and with a force. Hence it was, that the colony at CAMALODUNUM, upon notice of their danger, sent to him for help: PETILIUS CEREALIS commanded over the ninth legion, and quartered nearest to the colony; for he was the first who made up towards the rescue. And where else should we think his abode was but in those very camps about BANNAVENNA, which CAMDEN points out unto us, at GILDSBROUGH, and daintry, in his ICENI? PAENIUS POSTHUMUS, campmaster of the second legion (surnamed AUGUSTA) lodged upon the neck of the SILURES. And these two seats of legions, OSTORIUS SCAPULA ordained when he was General under CLAUDIUS here. TACITUS signifies it where he mentions the rivers SABRINA, and AUFONA. The twentieth legion (in some opinions) was not transported hither till after NERO'S days. But because I find in TACITUS, that the vexillaries, or the old soldiers of that legion, or as some read the place, the vicesimarians themselves, that is to say, they of the twentieth legion itself, were with SVETONIUS at the battle, it is plain to me, that the camp, or winter-seat of the twentieth, was already begun at DEVA, to bridle the ORDOVICES. As for the fourteenth legion (of all other in BRITAIN the most renowned) there is not the least word concerning it till the battle with BOADICIA. No warrant for HOLINSHEAD to fain that it came over sea for the purpose of that fight. For, as touching the number, king AGRIPPA is my witness in JOSEPHUS, that four legions were the proportion allotted for the custody of this island even in VESPASIANS days; and the former argument satisfies, that the fourteenth had residence here before the battle. The countries themselves were very full of ROMAN castles, holds, and forts, full of inhabitants, full of dwellings all over, and not at CAMALODUNUM, LONDON, and VERULAM only, though only they are named for their singular misfortunes. Thus we see that the absence of SVETONIUS entrusted itself for safety till his return, to at least thirty thousand foot of all sorts, besides horse, bestowed diversly: which in a land where all things seemed quiet, seemed more than needed. Other stays, and affiances he also had, and those not founded in armed power, but in amity. For the ROMANS were too wise to repose themselves where they came, upon their own strengths wholly; and for that cause made all the friends they could. Among us therefore, the TRINOBANTS, and the rest of the nations within the TRINOBANTISH union (which was as ancient as from JULIUS CAESAR'S days) were lovingly theirs (till BOADICIA secretly withdrew them) COGIDUNUS specially, who could never be withdrawn.   

§. VII. Main observations touching Cogidunus, a king at this time in Britain.  
THis COGIDUNUS was a king in BRITAIN, to whom, under CLAUDIUS CAESAR, the ROMANS about eighteen years before, had given sundry countries for enlargement of his dominions, which they themselves could not handsomely keep upon their first conquests. In requital whereof, he continued a most constant and faithful friend, and could not but stand them in great good stead in this most perilous moment. For there is no doubt but he was now alive, because TACITUS who was himself at this time not above six or seven years old (as being borne but either in the first of NERO or in the last of CLAUDIUS) hath left it written that COGIDUNUS was so within his memory, as he took notice of his vnshaken faithfulness. For even kings themselves were so among the instruments of servitude. The seat of his kingdom might be in middle-ENGLAND; and the nations, which the ROMANS united to his crown, the DOBUNI, and CATTIEUCHLANI. For they lay next north from the THAMES, and therefore the less fit for the donours; who did at first provinciate no parts of BRITAIN, but such as that river, and the BRITISH sea (now of the resemblance called the Sleeve) did southward bound. The place, when CLAUDIUS reigned, where VESPASIAN in thirty several battles, and fights (some of them also very perilous) wann twenty strong towns, and the ile of WIGHT by special name, having at that time the second legion under his command. His scholars prise for the empire; whereunto he came in conclusion. By the benefit of this friendship with immutable COGIDUNUS, the ROMANS, while they were in action against the SILURES, and ORDOVICES, had him ready for all occasions. And by his authority these midland parts do seem to have been so tempered, that SVETONIUS, after BOADICIA was up, passed safe from ANGLESEY to LONDON, though the people on every side were enemies (for so TACITUS expressly saith) which otherwise then by some such means (the BRITANNS being then victorious) could not possibly have happened, without surprise, or blows. No common risings, or tumults there at all. The BRIGANTS, and other northerly nations carried a face of amity, but were unsound at the kores, by reason of the late bloody strife about CARTISMANDVA, their abandoned Queen, whom the ROMANS relieved against them, as CAESAR'S friend. The ICENI were the top itself of danger, and as well they as the TRINOBANTS (their nearest neighbours) dwelled eastward from COGIDUNUS as far off as the GERMANE OCEAN would permit. These considerations are all of them such, and so important, that without them our knowledge of the whole must needs be very imperfect. Right history deals in particulars, and handles limb by limb. Generalities are for summists. The odds full out as great, as between a glimmering twilight, and a bright noonday; or as between a bare nomination of parts, and their precise dissection. My diligence upon a ground never heretofore beaten by any, will in others quicken greater. SVETONIUS therefore, by this account, might carry with him about ten thousand to the enterprise of MONA. And these provisions for retaining possessed purchase had without all doubt been abundantly sufficient, if BOADICIA would have rested quiet. For the BRITANNS very willingly obeyed when they were not abused. But here we behold (not without much horror at the giddy condition of humane affairs) what a mighty body of men & matter one woman's wrath was able to stir: or rather that usual sentence, patience too much moved, turns into rage, made good to the world by a most terrible instance.   

§. VIII. Boadicia, and the Britanns meet in great secrecy, and resolve to rise in arms.  
But all the care which PAULLINUS took could not make up the want of his personal presence. In the worth of some one man alone there is sometime so much weight. This absence therefore of the ROMAN General was interpreted by BOADICIA and the BRITANNS, as a benefit sent from heaven, because it removed the difficulty of assembling: the first degree always of a rebellion, next after the inward matter is inclinable. Therefore at their meeting, the prime thing which they gratulated to themselves was, that they met, though it were in greatest secrecy as their estate, and cause required. And to quicken their dare to an headlong, and desperate extremity, they upbraided to themselves in detestation, as if they were men who could do any thing rather than dye for their country. A notion, or common place of incitement most apt to fire the blood; In which sense TACITUS hath it, and SAVILE; who was another TACITUS for gravity and judgement. Some have turned the keen edge of that sentence by turning it quite contrary thus; as if they were men who knew not to do any thing else but only to die for their country. The wrongs, and dishonours, which the most noble authors sustain oftentimes by many translators, are infinite and intolerable. Scarce one book among one hundred honestly done, and not one of one hundred exactly. But to our present task. The forwardness of the Dowager Queen unlocked all hearts and tongues among themselves; and while each one lays open his griefs (which in telling kindle) or would for companies sake seem to have cause (as in such cases it evermore happens) they all agree together to rise in arms with her. As for the sworn covenants between the ROMANS, and the BRITANNS (which DIO calls their Symbasies) as also the Senate's decree for their confirmation, by virtue whereof they had title to a lawful redress, they were all broken-through as cobwebs. The sword their judge and umpire. Right, and common liberty the names of their quarrel: confusion, spoil, and thirst of blood the sequel. Instincted thus, and embude by BOADICIA, the countrey-TRINOBANTS came in to the plot, and so the rest. Most cunning and unavoidable, while the cold aër of fear (like a counter-circumstance of qualities) kept together the heat of counsel. In CAMALODUNUM itself they had their close correspondents among their countrymen inhabiters.   

§. IX. The Druids of Britain, parties in this revolt.  
THe head and members of this black agreement were fastened together in a most bloody knot with special rites, and ceremonies. For a mystery so deep and dark was never sealed up without most solemn vows, touched at by TACITUS in the word pepigerant. Nor need we doubt that they were as horrible as could be devised, considering the DRVIDSS were the solemnisers, who besides the general barbarousness of their superstition, had a special tooth against the ROMANS. For if they prevailed, their profession must needs go down, because that wise and civil people abhorred it as hellish. SVETONIUS therefore, after his victory, felled their groves distained with savage rites. The DRVIDSS interest a most inward cause of troubles. And how much they thought it concerned them to beat off the ROMANS, who had forbidden their sect in ROME and GALLIA, did well appear in their bedlam doings at MONA. Upon their altars they used to offer in fire the blood of men; and that was their sacrifice: to know what should happen, they did cut up an enemy quick; and that was their sooth-say. They opened therefore some ROMAN or other alive, to read in his heartstrings, how they should speed, and intercepted his blood to offer to their goddess, ANDATE. Blood was the seal of this coniuratorie secret, and this a season of all other the most likely for the wives, and daughters in law of the wild and ruder BRITANNS (of which sort BOADICIA'S forces did principally consist) to celebrate those rites in which PLINY saith they were wont to go naked, their bodies coloured over with oad. A grisly ceremony for a ghastly purpose.   

§. X. Wonders fore-show the over-hanging evils.  
TO the everlasting confusion of the impious, all times afford clear proofs in facts, that there is one universal mind of things, whose foreknowledge is seen in forewarnings, and whose goodness is declared in giving them. God, who is that mind, and from whom alone all good things come, in his ordinary, and general care over all, and not over the elect alone, sends signs, and wonders. Out of this fountain of pity towards his creatures, it proceeded, that many great marvels forwent the sudden change; and not without particular respect to some in BRITAIN (for CHRISTIANITY even here had friends as then) and never but for his own more glory. DIO, (himself an ETHNIC) ascribes the same to God. The OCEAN between BRITAIN, and GALL, at the full tide did overflow, of a bloody colour, and at a low water the prints of men's bodies were seen upon the bare, and not the dead bodies themselves, which the englished ANNALS of TACITUS mistakingly say. The similitudes also of the broken, and shattered houses of a colony were seen under water in the mouth of the THAMES. These in that element. Upon the land; the image of victory in the temple of CLAUDIUS, without any known cause, fell down with the back upwards, as if it gave way to the enemy; women rapt with a sudden fury, sung near destruction, or Woe and alas at hand. Moreover, in the common court-hall of CAMALODUNUM, there was heard a strange hollow noise or murmur as of the barbarous, by night (which DIOS Greek text notes) with much loud laughter, and in the theatre (the place of sports) a dreadful lumber, mixed with a sound, at the same time, as if multitudes of spectators were weeping and howling together therein, when there was not a man in either. Wonderful things and to wonderful ends. Causes of greatest dread to the ROMANS, and of like encouragement to the BRITANNS. In these descriptions I have holpen myself by comparing TACITUS, and XIPHILINES' DIO together, and with the most corrected readings in best Critics, which I thought meet to admonish, not for boast of industry, but to keep blame off, where I shall be found to differ from the vulgar. Though the subject be such as well deserves greatest diligence.   

§. XI. Boadicia's musters, and attire, and of the place of the rendezvous.  
ONe hundred and twenty thousand men appeared now for war at BOADICIA'S musters. An admirable effect of a close and sudden conspiracy. Those numbers not drawn to an head out of the ICENI, and TRINOBANTS alone, but also out of what other BRITISH nations soever. Some other else there were. TACITUS notes it in general words even at this first assembly. For the earth of the ICENI (according to worthy CAMDEN) was spread no farther than the compass of four shires, nor they the greatest, and the same at this day inhabited with fewer than fifteen hundred parishes; the country of the TRINOBANTS (the gem and flower of BRITAIN) with less than ten above six hundred; and itself but two shires now. Impossible therefore that so huge a force should rise on a sudden within so narrow a circuit, as six of our present shires; specially, where very many thousands held loyal to the death, and where so many impediments of free assemblies interposed themselves in the ROMAN forts, and garrisons about. BUNDUCA, the head, and life of these revolted BRITANNS, came forth in state, attended with the peers, and chiefs. Her body clothed in a deep, and full gathered garment, embroidered with diverse colours all over; about her neck a chain of great wreathed links of gold; her shoulders sustained upon them a military cloak, or a thick wrought mantle, buttoned before, her goodly tresses flowing in length down her back, served for a cover, or a golden veil to all. Thus she went always attired. But now more; she held with the one hand in the lap of her gown, a leveret or hare for a mystery; and in the other, a lance for terror. HOLINSHEAD in her printed picture sets a crown of gold upon her as a final ornament; and it displeaseth not; though authority wants. An helm with a coronet, and a plume of feathers more proper, and they also Romanesco, as her cloak, and somewhat else. In this wise fitted, and adorned, she takes her stand upon a square hillock of turfs, rising up about with sundry steps of the same, altogether after the fashion of a ROMAN tribunal in field. And by that quality which is assigned to the materials of this military throne, it may be well suspected, that the place itself of this camp was some where in Marshland, or the ile of Elie, as a place among all other the ICENIAN countries, one of greatest safety. For those turfs were cut up out of plashie, or fennie grounds, and she herself also assigns in her speech a refuge to be had in the like, if the worst should happen. That the very word Elie, only aspirated in the first letter, is used by DIO, is not much to the purpose; because HELOS doth not signify there the proper name of a place, but is only appellative of a marsh, or moorish soil: though some there be (saith CAMDEN) who derive the name of that i'll out of the GREEK, for the probable significations sake. Herself in her own person most conspicuous, had her natural tallness so holpen out with the notable advantage of this earthen stage, mounted upon the levelly flatness of the open land, that she easily overlookt all their heads, as they had their eyes on her.   

§. XII. Bunduca's oration to her army, affording a most forceable point to inflame the Britanns by opposing their manners to the Romans.  
Here DIO CASSIUS NICAEUS puts into her mouth a long oration, well worthy of his eloquence, and the wit of a GREEK, who was so greatly delighted with the wonder, and worth of this argument (the world hath not a rarer) that he seems to have made the exquisite handling thereof, his masterpiece. For there is not any thing of that bright author extant, upon which he can be thought to have dealt with greater care, or endeavour, then upon his BVNDVCA'S story, which (by the special good fortune of our famous island) wrought so well in the mind of XIPHILINE, that he seems not to abridge, but to insert it entire. That oration I will not draw in hither, both in regard that HOLINSHEAD partly hath it already, and I have showed the causes of this revolt in a special chapter before, (the principal matter of the speech) and also for that it is not my purpose to translate, but to make all mine own. That which next is most of force, and in the oration may be called a counter-comparison, or a confronting of contraries (the received word in art is antithesis,) shall not escape my diligence, the particulars extracted after my way, and couched pillar-wise in table, for the reader's clearer comprehension, without exceeding my written warranties. An excellent glass of the ROMAN, and the revolted BRITANNS manners.  

BUNDUCA saith:  
The ROMANS are few, and strangers. The BRITANNS many, and at home.  
The ROMANS have their helmets, and cuirasses, which load them with their brazen weight▪ and render them unapt to pursue. The BRITANNS have neither helmets, nor cuirasses, but swords, bucklers, and darts, which are not burdensome.  
The ROMANS trust to their trenches, walls, and parapets, which consisting of oaken stakes, one fretted, and wreathed into another, do show them as shut up in boxes. The BRITANNS have their tents in the open field, and for their defences their marshes, bogs, and mountains.  
The ROMANS must have their shady bowers, houses over head, bread of ground corn, wine, and oil, or they cannot hold out. The BRITANNS brook hunger, thirst, cold, and heat. Any herb, or root serves then for food; water will quench their drought, and every tree is to them a roof, or canopy.  
The ROMANS sow corn, & are handicraftsmen. The BRITANNS have learned nothing but to fight.  
The ROMANS must have their warm baths, their boys, their dainty fare, and their bodies suppled with oil. The BRITANNS use none of these, but have their wives, and all other things in common, and count all children their own, which makes the females as valiant as the men.  
The ROMANS are insolent, insatiable, unjust, and worthy to be the slaves of a BUNGLING FIDDLER. The BRITANNS, by such as these, are wronged, and over-borne.  
The ROMANS, who so long have endured the yoke of their lady, and mistress, Madam NERO (for who can think him a man?) deserve to continue slaves still. The BRITANNS had heretofore been free, and though others should be so base as to spend their days in vassal villainage under a DOMITIA, or NERONIA (fitter names for him then any of the masculine gender) it is certainly her last resolution, either to live free, or die.  
The ROMANS are foxes, and hares. The BRITANNS are wolves, and greyhounds.   
At this (as at a cu in a player's part) she for luck sake suffers the hare to slip out, which all the while before lay wrapped in the folds of her skirts. The hare among the BRITANNS a creature unlawful to be tasted; and now (as if some thing sacred were in it) the subject itself of omen. That proving lucky (the point of fortune being in the way it took) all the soldiers spent their mouths in an universal shout, crying a BUNDUCA. She accepts the lucky sign, and after her thanks given to ANDATE (the goddess to whom she was chiefly devoted, and the same which Victoria was among the ROMANS) most affectionately recommends her cause to her special protection. Her orisons, and all other rites finished, she forth with riseth, and leads them most fiercely on to extirpate all that was ROMAN in BRITAIN, with sword, and fire, and with all the extremes of war. Against which for the present, there was no sufficient stop, the tide was in such sort out at unawares. CAMALODUNUM felt the first great mischief of the tempest, and perished under it.   

§. XIII. The motions and actions of this mighty body of rebellion; and first concerning the Roman colony at Camalodunum, and the castles on the borders.  
IN this famous place, CLAUDIUS CAESAR had planted that colony of old soldiers (as an help for curbing the rebellious, and a mean to inform, and fashion others in the duties of laws) whereof there is mention before. But this intention, by the faulr of the new inhabitants, fell out quite otherwise. For being but lately brought thither, they did not only thrust the natives out of their own permitted dwellings, and dispossessed them of other lands then such as upon survey had already been allotted by the public officers to every soldier in particular, (according to the custom) but sharpened these wrongs with revile, terming them captives, and slaves. Wherein they foully mistook. For the BRITANNS were conquered to yield, and not to be trod upon. Force had mastered their strengths, but natural indignation remained. STRABO therefore foretold the truth, that if violence were used to the BRITANNS, there would be danger. In the mean while, look how many the old soldiers, so many new Lords there were. For the younger sort (of whom there was for a kind of garrison, a slender band) partly through likeness of manners, and partly in hope of the same licentiousness, did sooth, and uphold the older in their madness. This bred so deep an hatred in the hearts of the natural CAMALODUNIANS, and of their countrymen, the TRINOBANTS about, as it secretly drew them to side with BOADICIA; so much the rather, because they saw it was not a short bondage which they were likely to undergo, but in the purpose of the ROMANS a perpetual. For whither the word which TACITUS useth in this case, were an altar, or an earnest of tyranny, whither ara, or else arrha, or (as VALENS ACIDALUS reads it) arx, that is to say, a capital fort, or keep of oppression, the TRINOBANTS could never cast their eyes upon the temple of CLAUDIUS erected among them, but as upon a dedication of their servitude to perpetuity. CAMALODUNUM, the standing court or palace-roiall of their kings, while CUNOBELINE lived, was now become the centre of pleasant retirements for the ROMANS, not the rendezvous of their power. And though it stood as far removed from all open enemies as the eastern sea would suffer, yet did that temple, under the colour of ceremonies, suck and engorge the riches of the BRITANNS, not as a temple, but as if it had been a gulf, or indraught of the neighbour OCEAN. The only worship of such a kind of deity as CLAUDIUS, the principal cause to ripen the wrath of God, and to hasten fearful vengeance. The outward state of the town seemed nevertheless very flourishing. For, besides the old palace, and other the buildings of the BRITANNS (for the ROMANS (saith SIGONIUS) did not use to destroy the buildings they found) it had a senate-house for consultations, a theatre for plays, that goodly temple of CLAUDIUS, and as well they, as the rest, undoubtedly answerable in some measure to the ROMAN magnificence. But the BRITAN'S of the town, whom the insolences of that colony had utterly lost, holding close correspondence (as is noted before) with those in BOADICIA'S camp, for the hope and desire of revenge, did notably further it, and as otherwise also, so specially by dissuading the ROMANS to fortify. For the colony lay open on all sides, the better to enjoy free walks, and aër about, though it had not always done so. For this was the town which CLAUDIUS assaulted, and took, and whose image he represented in a mock-fight at ROME. TRANQVILLUS cannot be thought to mean it of any other. The old ditches therefore filled with the ramparts thrown in, and all the fortifications razed after it was won, yet safety was not altogether neglected, though pleasure was rather sought than strength. It had no trench, no palisado, nor other defence about itself, but it had the majesty of the ROMAN name (a reputed wall of brass) the awe of a fresh conquest, and sundry strengths (though many miles off) in the marches, or pale of the province (evident in the AGRICOLA of TACITUS) where the ROMAN garrisons watched, and warded in castles, sconces, and other presidiary places. These together with the small force of soldiers mentioned before, were the hopes upon which the colony relied against all sudden inroads or commotions, as the hope of those soldiers consisted in the strength of the temple. Which though at other times they might have been competent, yet now were vain. For BUNDUCA suddenly assailing such other of the ROMAN soldiers as lay scattered here and there upon the frontiers in forts, and castles, and forcing the garrisons, rushed over them with such violence into the bosom of the country, as the sea at a breach, making up with all speed to the colony itself, the object of their greatest spite.   

§. XIIII. The Roman colony at Camalodunum destroyed by Boadicia.  
THe dark and thick cloud of war, full charged with the lightnings and thunders of revenge, was scarce any sooner before CAMALODUNUM (where their correspondents expected them) but it was also within it. The ROMAN party there, upon the first appearings of danger, had sent to CATUS DECIANUS for some assistance, but he (as so bad a man must needs) misdoubting his own case, only spared two hundred soldiers, and those not fully armed. The colony itself, with their wives, children, servants, all sorts of tradesmen (as in a great flourishing corporation) and their families, could not amount to so few in all as ten, or twenty thousand; though it was a colony of but about ten years standing. CAMDEN saith it was that brave, and noble legion, the fourteenth, surnamed Gemina Martia Victrix, which CLAUDIUS planted here, and of the word Victrix styled the whole colony Victricensian. This may be so; for though we find a fourteenth legion in the field with SVETONIUS PAULLINUS at the overthrow of BOADICIA, yet might the numbers be new, though the name continued. For by suffection, or supply, they lengthened out the names of fortunate legions, not only far beyond the age of a man, but of many ages also; as a ship, which though by new trim, and frequent reparations, it be not the same in stuff, yet is the very same in opinion, by reason of the name remaining. And this kind of entire plantation was suitable with the ancient custom of the ROMANS, which (as TACITUS notes, and commends) was of whole legions, with their captains, and officers. Every ROMAN colony an image of ROME their mother. CLAUDIUS ambitious to imitate the best and oldest. But the colony (how populous so ever) was manifestly weak in all respects; for these ancient warriors had abandoned the use of arms, and being over-mellow with ease and pleasure, held it enough to walk up and down with warders, or truncheons in their hands. A fashion of honour (saith LIPSIUS) which was common to them by special privilege with captains, to whom alone it did regularly belong. Old, and young, the feeble and the able, men, and women, as in a time of deep peace, mingled together. The BRITANNS who were natives of the city (for colonies were reputed cities) always covert enemies, and overt now, join to their party The soldiers seeing no hope left for a common defence, quit the streets, and marketplace, and thronged themselves up within the great temple, neither safe in the veneration of CLAUDIUS, as a sanctuary (though the temples of the CAESARS were sanctuaries) nor in their small forces. The name of NERO, the present emperor, void of honour. Their only affiance this: that if they could maintain the gates, and battlements, till PETILIUS CEREALIS came in with his legion, they might perhaps escape. No third course could be devised (for the enemy would not parlea) and this was frivolous. For BOADICIA becoming mistress of all the town at an instant, did suddenly sack, or fire whatsoever lay without the walls of the temple. The assault whereof was never intermitted till it was won; which happened upon the second day of the siege. All went to wrack therein, as in the rest. Sword, fury, and fire concurred in the execution. There was nothing ROMAN, which force took not away, or revenge devoured not. CAMALODUNUM, unfortunate in her kings, and colony, though very fortunate in the blessings of a seat, was thus betrayed, and destroyed together. Nevertheless the commodity of situation gave it life again very soon after: for even in PLINY'S time it was a town of special note. In our days, the ancient name is not shorter by the syllables which MALDON wants thereof, than the place itself is short of the former glory; though it otherwise be a fair, and a famous borough.   

§. XV. Petilius Cerealis coming tardy to the rescue, is encountered upon the way by Boadicia, and put to flight.  
THe BRITANNS were so fleshed with this bloody handsel, that BOADICIA, hearing how PETILIUS CEREALIS, and the ninth legion, over which he commanded, were marching up for the deliverance of the colony, they could not but have cause to deride his too late approach for bringing succour to his fellows; and to gratulate to themselves, that he sought for a mischief too soon. Therefore while they greedily catcht at revenge, as if they would forelay, or take it before hand up, they gladly set forward to his interception. A rashness in CEREALIS, with so great a disproportion of numbers to encounter the first heats of an huge incensed multitude, and censured for such by his General, PAULLINUS. Neither was BOADICIA deceived in her hopes. For all the probable means of information being cut off from CEREALIS together with the colony, she meets him upon much the more advantage, giving in upon his squadrons with so round and home a charge, that utterly unable to resist, he was beaten from his ground, and compelled to fly away upon the spur, with only his troops of horse. The infantry of the legion, thus left naked, and immediately overlaid, was driven to the earth, and cut in pieces, not any one taken to mercy. That all the ROMAN footmen which were then in the field, lost their lives is evident, but that they were more than two thousand may be doubted; because the very same number (two thousand just) was soon after sent over hither by NERO, to fill up the breach of that unlucky legion. They of the same who were not in the field with CEREALIS, served to man the camp, and to see to things behind. So necessary a point of providence, that otherwise they had perished all. For it will easily be thought that the BRITANNS pursued close. But he riding for his life, got within the trenches, and by their help was safe. Which kind of speaking in TACITUS, satisfies me, that CEREALIS was not a day's journey from his camp, and that the BRITANNS attempted to enter upon the luckier remains of the legion, but prevailed not. Hither also is the reason of BOADICIA'S change of course to be drawn. For to linger about the winning of forts, and hard places (which as yet was vain) being found to be loss, the counsel altars. In stead whereof, as a more compendious way to their purposes, they fall upon such other places as had the fattest booties, and least defences. Men (as they are described in TACITUS) greedy, and glad of pillage, but of all other long toils of war impatient. Lo here the natural spirit of the tumultuous multitude, whose proper scope is to grow by robbery, and not to restore common freedom. For of that noble desire they generally have no feeling, because their more part hath no honesty.   

§. XVI. Catus Decianus Nero's procurator, leaves Britain without leave.  
THis overthrow of CEREALIS, and the deserved hatred of the ICENI against CATUS DECIANUS, among whom he had exercised his covetousness, and cruelty, struck such an affright, as he durst not abide any longer, but sped over-sea into GALLIA. There is nothing so bad, or base, which understood to be spoken of a covetous wretch or coward, will not readily be believed by others. Therefore it is not hard to persuade, that he was the cause of all those molestations which SVETONIUS PAULLINUS afterwards suffered by the means of JULIUS CLASSICIANUS. For CATUS (to whom CLASSICIAN succeeded in office) poisoning the credit of PAULLINUS, with all the ill reports he could, his own vile deserts might the rather escape unseen, as in a troubled water. And if CORNELIUS TACITUS were to be thought a man apt to believe at large, and that in some of those particulars which he rehearseth up among the causes of the BRITANNS' revolt (as the stripes of BOADICIA) he might perhaps be abused, there is not any thing which would sooner offer itself to me as the occasion of misleading him, than the conceit, that it was his fortune to light upon CLASSICIANS accusations of SVETONIUS PAULLINUS. BOADICIA also, by way of stratagem, might tell the BRITANNS, that her body was scourged, and a thousand such other things, to create the more hatred against the ROMANS, though not one of them were true; which as CLASSICIAN might urge in writing to disgrace the times of PAULLINUS, so might TACITUS find. DIO did not think her words in those points credible: for he could not then have omitted them without blame. That TACITUS should only tell of the scourge, and not specify the cause is strange. But he doth little other in the case of king TIGRANES, who was put to death under TIBERIUS. That so vehement a lover of popular party as he, could have so reverend a conceit of royal majesty as to think that no cause was sufficient to justify the violation even of underling princes (such as TIGRANES, and BOADICIA) and that he might therefore forbear to insert the reason, is by no means credible. All that occurs to me as the most likely cause why the centurions, and other the ravenous, and outrageous officers of NERO, laid violent hands upon her, is merely this, that it was an effect of their quick, or captious sense of her words, upon expostulations in her palace, and kingdom, when they oppressed her. Among which words, if there were but the same, or the like, which she afterwards used in her army (a matter not improbable) the admiration is at an end. For they were so full of most just scorn, and open contempt of NERO'S person, as could not but minister that advantage which their covetousness, and cruel iniquity desired. Yea, so far forth, as to make it seem a favour, that they punished her no more severely than so: the blemishing of majesty, high treason among the ROMANS. The story of TACITUS in that point failing us; our best persuasion must be, that his writings are in those places imperfect, as LIPSIUS and other think they are in very many, and without doubt do therein think most truly. CATUS DECIANUS was glad he got whole away. That he fled alone, or that great numbers did not follow his example, is not probable. The THAMES, and sea were open.   

§. XVII. Suetonius paulinus, upon the news of Boadicia's rebellion, came in haste from Mona to London.  
WHile these things were in doing at the one side of BRITAIN, SVETONIUS PAULLINUS, the ROMAN General, was busied at the opposite other. As that master of a family, who while he seeks a far off to enlarge the seat of his abode with more outhouses, beholds his main dwellings on a blaze in their remotest parts. He had therefore scarce finished the conquest of the ile of MONA, and let light in throughout the same, by felling the bloody groves of the DRVIDSS, when the news of this grand revolt violently plucked the fruit of his fresh victories out of his hands. Other labours ask his attendance now, and other cares. But they not such as to make him wholly negligent of MONA, upon which he placed garrisons. Great ones undoubtedly, considering the remoteness of place, the difficulty of relieving, the ways almost impassable; enemies round about, who though but very lately overcome, yet were strongly re-encouraged by the example of BOADICIA. That he afterwards withdrew those presidiary forces (the iron yoke of war) is very apparent. For TACITUS elsewhere saith, that PAULLINUS was recalled from the possession of MONA, by the news of the BRITANNS rising: and possession is not otherwise to be understood to be kept in such a case, but by maintaining forces upon the conquered land. His danger also did shortly need that he should call unto him all the help he could. Lastlie, JULIUS AGRICOLA using the counsel and service of some of the auxiliary BRITANNS themselves, did about ten years following, bring that island back unto obedience, and therefore it had gotten loose again, what course soever PAULLINUS took, or the rulers between. From MONA to LONDON (about two hundred miles divided) the way was for a great part sharp, and rugged, and every where else either the length of the march, or the perils of the passage made the smoothest of it rough enough. To LONDON notwithstanding it mainly concerned him to come. Holpen therefore by the faithfulness of COGIDUNUS (according to my former grounds) he held on his journey with admirable constancy, among swarms of enemies, and got safe through.   

§. XVIII. Of Nero's LONDON before Suetonius paulinus was driven by Boadicia to abandon it: and first whither it were once a Roman colony, or no.  
Here the name of LONDON is first found in ancient authentic writings, and that for the calamities sake which at this time it suffered most extreme. But that violence which could abate, and desolate happiness for the time, advanced the name thereof to immortal remembrance by CORNELIUS TACITUS, her principal historian, and witness. Tragical effects the most natural matter of renown. Prosperous successes vanish in the warmth of their own fruition. His memory therefore deserves a special honour there. And if ever the most civil, pompous, and thankful uses of the magnificent arts of statuary, founding, mowlding, musive, and graving, prevail to come up here, as among the GREEKS and ROMANS, both he and others shall undoubtedly enjoy it. London (saith he) is a town, which though it was not ennobled with the surname of a colony, yet was it most notable for multitude of merchants, and multitudinous passages; that is to say; for great resort, or flocking to and again by sea. But if the CORNELIAN word, Commeatuum, here, be called upon to bear a less proper sense, then are we for these englishes to substitute, a town abounding with all sorts of victuals, or provisions. Though voyages, fleets, embarkments, and passages usually made, do necessarily imply an overflowing plenty in the station. Both interpretations true. But there are two several translations each of them in print, who out of that very place of TACITUS would make LONDON seem a colony. If there be any hope that he could have such a meaning; it must shine from out of other words in his AGRICOLA, where summing the hurts, and mischiefs of BOADICIA'S dare he speaks plurally, as if colonies were destroyed, and not one colony alone. That reading of the place being literally urged, LONDON then may best put in for that title, with CAMALODUNUM. But some of the most learned neither read the LATIN word as in the number of multitude, and there is also another commodious answer; figure of speech; which not rarely admits a plural for a singular, as a graceful excess. LONDON was never said to be a colony. The honour so much the more, that having no such potent support, it should grow so superlatively eminent. These are some few among the infinite innovations of translators. Description of places is an express office of history; as the clearing of doubts a necessary right of description.   

§. XIX. The quality and estate of London immediately before the burning.  
THe seat of LONDON, one of the best of the world for local gifts, and majesty, was more anciently inhabited than ROME it self, according to some. Which may also well be true according to reason; though CAESAR'S commentaries, and such as follow him in them may seem to infer the contrary; as if none of the BRITANNS had any other towns, but woods or thickets, ditcht, and banckt about. The clearing of which savage deformity, by competent proofs, and reasons, would be an office of honour well bestowed upon the most noble of islands. Nor should day be taken for the task but for avoiding to discontinue the line of narration. It is therefore most of use for the present, and most certain for the story, that the estate, and quality of LONDON, immediately before the burning under NERO, was most flourishing; at leastwise comparatively with all other places of BRITAIN, for the points of trade, resort, and plenty. And those few words of CORNELIUS TACITUS formerly cited, confess somewhat either of a wrong, or wonder; that LONDON being worthy indeed to enjoy the title, and privileges of a colony, it was left notwithstanding under the inferior reputation of but only a town among the ROMANS. A city among the BRITANNS and their principal. The very last joincts in the composition of the name LONDINUM (if nothing else) would prove it well. For the word Dinas in ancient BRITISH, signifies (as they say) a city. Among CAMDEN'S ROMAN copper coigns, touching our country, there is one in honour of BRITANNICUS, the son of CLAUDIUS CAESAR, which hath nothing legible upon it, but METROPOLIS ETIMINII BASILIUS. that BASILIUS. (in short writing) standing for BASILEOS', or KING, THE CHIEF CITY OF KING ETIMINIUS. the name of the city fretted out, and quite worn away with age.  Camden's BRITANNICUS. 
But OCTAVIUS STRADA, a gentleman of knightly degree, under the emperor RODOLPHUS the second, with the honourable title of being his ANTIQVARIE, hath published one of those invaluable medals much more entire.  Stradas BRITANNICUS. 
A most fortunate jewel to BRITAIN, better worth being but copper, then obrize gold, or paragon stones; nor simply a single piece of money, but itself an entire treasure. For without the least alteration of characters, METROPOLIS ETIMINII BALO being the visible remain of the circumferential inscription upon the reverse, a most easy distinction (by supply of points decayed) reads, METROPOLIS ETIMINAEI BALO that is to say, METROPOLIS ETIMINAEI BASILEOS' LONDINUM.  
For in the very letter L. and much more in the syllable LO, all men (though but slightly conversant in antiquities) will readily confess, that after the name of the king, the name of the place in BRITAIN did commence.  THE mother-city, or PRINCIPAL CHIEF TOWN OF KING ETIMINIUS, LONDON. 
Now if great JOSEPH SCALIGER, wittily straining, or (as most think) directly corrupting SENECA'S play of CLAUDIUS, to bring forth his Scoto-Brigantes, could not contain himself from breaking out into a glorious joy, that he was now the man to whom the noble SCOTTISH nation stood obliged for such a testimony of their antientie in BRITAIN, then might I also (who endanger no man's writings, but deal sincerely) gratulate to myself this discovery. And, if nothing shall hereafter infirm it, Great BRITAIN must no longer incur the barbarous note of being citie-lesse in CAESAR'S days; and then also must LONDON undoubtedly owe the best proof, and clearest light, as well for dignity as antiquity, that hath hitherto been seen among us, unto me; who first of mortals have duly asserted the honourable name thereof into the title of a civil Metropolis, till this present hour overwhelmed in the rubbish of BRITAIN'S ruin. For though OCTAVIUS STRADA (to whose memory immortal thanks are due) hath afforded the medalia, he hath not meddled with the life of the thing, the meaning▪ that is only mine. Special history depends upon the rare argument of the coign; for both the which one act of exposition shall serve in their more proper place, and time. And that LO being the initial letters of the name, should in STRADAS coin signify LONDON, cannot seem strange either to the learned, or the ignorant, when in other coigns concerning BRITAIN, the mere single L itself imports as much. Nor will it be the fortune of any man to find a town in BRITAIN, whose name beginning with those letters, can be fit to bear the stately title of a metropolis, but this alone.  
London to say the truth (say those famous ANNALS) was not ennobled with the surname of a colony. The ROMANS therefore who had settled their households in LONDON (for as wise SENECA observes, they made their country every place where they overcame) were so many, that nothing wanted to erect it into a colony, but an act of the SENATE of ROME to authorize the title, and rights; their numbers appearing to be already sufficient for support of the charge, and dignity. They therefore and their fellows, the natural BRITANNS, together with the ordinary sequels of their persons, and professions, who dwelled therein, ammounted to an extraordinary multitude, which made the place not more populous than full of houses. For the proportion of habitations answers the proportion of inhabitants. How many the LONDONERS were of either kind, is a matter less known, then how far every way the buildings went, which neither could be narrow, nor ignoble; but large as forcopious merchants, & magnificent as for magnificoe's. For, as the most learned CAROLUS SIGONIUS observes out of CICERO, the gentlemen, and knights of ROME, dealt in merchandise at home, and abroad, and were members of the college of Mercury, whose stately seat was upon mount CAPITOLINE itself, and whose limbs, and parts were spread through the ROMAN world. One of the suburbs of NERO'S LONDON abutted upon the fields which are at this day termed of the neighbour spital, as NERO'S coigns, and the coigns of other emperor's digged up there, among the monuments of the dead, do abundantly witness. The very bigness of LONDON a cause why PAULLINUS forsook it the rather, as having not men enough to keep it. So ancient a city of the BRITANNS, the same in like sort so new a seat of the civil ROMANS, could neither want temples, bains, aqueducts, courts of counsel, and justice, nor other public works to render it complete in itself, and a far-off worth the beholding. The river full of ships (for merchants and ships do always suppose one the other) the rivage full of seafaring men, the inns full of strangers. Here was the staple of trade, and the capital mart of BRITAIN, the bower of the noble (for they had no where else to be so furnished,) the bliss of the thrifty (for they had no where else to be so enriched) the delight of all. Here also, or no where rather, the public storehouses, granaries, and magazines; the safest stowage of got spoils, the soldiers packs, and baggage, the hostages of the BRITISH states, the public records, (as at SAMAROBRIVA under JULIUS CAESAR, in GALL-BELGICK) and whatsoever stuff, or provisions SVETONIUS PAULLINUS in his aspiring spirit, might design for a triumphal, or an ovant show at ROME. His care to reach to LONDON before the cruel rebels, an argument of the premises, and of this also, that it was the top itself of all the ROMAN interest in BRITAIN. His purpose moreover to erect the same into the seat of war, makes it credible, that it was not without a wall even then, but every way defensible; had it met with a season more favourable, or with a captain as firm as the faith of the people. Within it the splendour of arms, and the furnitures of peace, which till the most fierce BOADICIA struck up for battle, was every where most deep, and still. And whereas the place of store had evermore a strong guard within it, as at SAMAROBRIVA before said, where a legion lay in defence, so here (if my divinations fail me not) either the valorous fourteenth kept, or some large portion thereof, as in the main stay, or seat of the empire's part in BRITAIN, itself also the key or gate of the province, which lay beyond the river from SVRREY-side towards CORNWALL. An argument hereof, that though LONDON for the territory was Trinobantish, yet for the jurisdiction was Cantian; at leastwise, in PTOLOMEAS days under ADRIAN. And the infrequencie of soldiers which is alleged in TACITUS for a cause why SVETONIUS did dislodge from thence, was the infrequencie (if conjecture hits right) of that brave bold legion, whose bands and troops were not full as then, by reason of absences upon leave, or far dispersion of the parts, which all came in before the battle, though wanting at the musters. Thus rich, thus populous, thus great, thus strong, thus goodly, and thus abounding with all the necessaries, and pleasures of life, SVETONIUS PAULLINUS possessed LONDON at his return from MONA, for the service of CAESAR, and of CAESAR'S ROMAN-BRITAIN.   

§. XX. Nero's lieutenant in Britain abandons London to the rebels.  
NOr did the place seem of less importance to SVETONIUS PAULLINUS himself, who (all other business set apart) underwent so much pain, and peril, to reach and keep it. But LIPSIUS not without cause complains of the many wants and imperfections of narration in this noble piece of the CORNELIAN Annals; the blame whereof he principally casts (as commonly elsewhere) upon transcribers, who while they should have given us true copies, have otherwise used their pleasures in them, contrary to faith, and office. For in a matter which had somewhat in it of a wonder, to tell us nothing but the name of the virtue by which PAULLINUS wrought, to bring himself from MONA to LONDON, yields slender satisfaction. But if some part of his adventures; and some particulars of his carriage had been withal unfolded, the competent reader (whose properly the judgement is) could of himself have gathered out of them, whither it was constancy, or rashness in the ROMAN General, to march through the middle of his enemies. Which heroic action, as now it stands declared, may rather seem of one who had gotten a ring, or receipt, to qualify him with a gliding invisibility, than his who followed right reason, the only true guide of valour. Moreover also, it would not have been impertinent, but very satisfactory, and useful, to have revealed what kinds of soldiers, and how many went with him in guard along; where they rested upon the way; and among what several nations; as XENOPHON in his excellent books of CYRUS his Ascense hath done. But the law of ANNALS, requires no such exactness, being properly nothing else but summaries, or narrow registers. I for my part am glad to behold so many points, and glimmerings of facts remaining in TACITUS for accomplishing our countries' history in this most memorable parcel. In him therefore we find the subject matter of PAULLINUS his main deliberation at LONDON; his doubtfulness what to resolve; his general musters there; his scantness of numbers; the capital motive of his wariness; his final determination, and execution thereof. The question in counsel was; whither he should choose and use London for the seat of war or otherwise abandon it. Before the proposure whereof it must necessarily precede, that he resolved with himself, not to issue out to fight with Boadicia; And both these points were principally grounded upon the knowledge of weakness in the ROMAN party, discovered after his entrance at the musters. To persuade a stay, the reasons were great and many. The preservation of so famous a place; the honour of the Roman name; the certainty of aid from Nero; the danger of a retreat; the necessity of giving a stop to Boadicia's fury. But without some competent proportions of forces, he was warned by the fresh disaster of PETILIUS CEREALIS not to hazard battle. To authorize a departure there wanted not arguments, and those most weighty. For, whereas SVETONIUS PAULLINUS had here appointed the general assembly of his side, now upon a view taken, his troops and companies were not found full, but infrequent, and thin. The main prop therefore of resistance failed, which whither it were by CATUS DECIANUS his example, fraud, or baseness, or otherwise, did howsoever happen. A more compulsory cause was want of corn, which DIO notes. For neither without store of men could so great a city be defended; nor men be kept alive without food. The fortune of LONDON thus hanging in balance, and swaying mainly downwards for the present, the news of BOADICIA'S terrible approach, drane them whither they would or no, to a round, and present resolution. That seeing LONDON could not be made good against the prevailing rebels, who were now in their ruff and utmost bravery, the excellency of the place could be no colour why they should wilfully perish with it. The honour of the Roman name was doublie safe, both by the monstrous odds now against them, and by a mere necessity. Besides that, whensoever they got the upperhand again, honour would acknowledge old clients, and willingly return with advantage. And though aid would certainly arrive to relieve them besieged, it would be more acceptable at Rome so to order things here in Britain as not to need relief: and if there should be need, Nero's succours would not come less contentedly to find their fellows in an open field, then shut up within ditches, and fortifications, as in a kind of dishonourable pinfold. The danger of a retreat nothing comparable to the mischief of a stay. And London was not lost gratis, but did a service worth itself, if the riches, and pleasures thereof could perform that for the present, which their armed powers were unable to do. The stop of Boadicia's fury much better to be made with only the fortunes of a place, then besides the loss of the best town with the remains also of all the Roman-Britann powers together in one. Nor could any goods perish, which were but sacked, or pillaged, and not quite destroyed: for one victory would recover both all their own things, and their enemies. It was therefore a loan or licence, rather than a desperate debt, or shipwreck, to permit the rebels to make spoil, and booty; and merely a stale, or golden ball, such as Atalanta stooped unto. Therefore, while the greedy Boadicians spent their time in sharing among themselves the wealth of the most famous merchant-towne of Britain, the Roman party should have opportunity to gather head elsewhere, without the shame of an open flight, and with the certainty of making a secure retreat. Nor though Boadicia, perceiving the scope, should be willing to suspend the sackage, and ply the pursuit, yet would she not dare to urge it, because the cardinal mystery of her greatness was licence to rob and steal This benefit among the rest not the least, that even time itself would abate the edge, and quantity of the present mischief, nothing violent being permanent; ways would also be found, how to sunder the combined, thereby to weaken the mighty knot▪ and if nothing else yet this would undoubtedly happen, that every one as he had gotten most, would most affect to be gone, each to enjoy his purchase, the end and fruit of their partake; nor should Boadicia be always able to hold them together. And to imagine the very lest, yet the commodity, to assemble, and enable the Roman party, would undoubtedly follow; whereby the necessity to fight should bring no necessity upon them of being overcome in fight, but a juster hope of prevailing by the means of more provisions. Thus was LONDON heavily condemned to be left for the time to the lusts, or mercy of the rebels. In execution of which sad sentence, the ROMAN General caused it to be proclaimed through the city, that he must rise and leave the place, though not the people; for whosoever would depart and partake with him the fortune of war under the ROMAN name, and standard, should be received, the rest upon this warning were otherwise to provide for themselves so well as they could, either by abode, or absence. The LONDONERS, the comfort of whose lives, and hopes relied upon the issue of this counsel of war, took desperation in at the same ear at which these news did enter. The woeful estate, and face of a people and things, after such a proclamation, cannot easily be imagined. And in historical narrations of calamities it is unlawful to fain at all, or to make any other description then of only that which was actually, and properly theirs of whom the speech is instituted. Officers of invention, and imagination, are the proper of other MUSES; those of reason, and consequent discourse the only ones of history. This we find in textual authority, that upon this dismal Oyez, Orators in the name of the whole corporation besought the General with tears, and cries, not to forsake them. But in vain; for against all batteries of passionate gestures, vows, and adjurations, he continued inexorablie firm to his own decree. Of them therefore who were at this instant time of LONDON, some resolved to stay behind; being persons whom either weakness of age, or sex made unable to fly, or such other as the sweets, and dearness of the most beloved place, confirmed in a desire to stand, or perish with it. The residue being fitted as well as the misery, and shortness of the time would possibly suffer, increased (as CAMDEN observes) the forces of PAULLINUS, and were received after the signal of departure, into part of his host, or convoy: The river undoubtedly, though straightly beset, at leastwise upon London-side; befriended many by affording means to escape. The ROMANS had a navy upon the coasts, as appears in TACITUS at the end of the BRITISH affairs, where TURPILIAN succeeds in the charge.   

§. XXI. London entered, sacked, and set on fire by Boadicia.  
SVETONIUS' PAULLINUS, having absolutely thus quit the place; there are some reasons to persuade, that they who remained behind, attempted to defend themselves, without dying wholly unrevenged. For they besought not PAULLINUS of his stay, but of his help; and in the life of AGRICOLA there is mention, after the burning of the ROMAN colony, that BOADICIA forced a great fortified ground, or castra, whereby whatsoever TACITUS means, whether a camp, according to the nature of the word, or (contrary to the propriety of his speaking, and of the Latin language in those days) some mighty castles, or citadels; to look for such a thing any otherwhere rather than here, is improbable: finally; the same gravest author writes, that they who remained, were over-laid by the enemy; which argues a resistance; and DIO expressly professeth, that BUNDUCA did assail and take two cities by force. But of the fort of LONDON, commonly known all in present by the nobler part thereof, the Tower; and of DIANA'S temple (where the cathedral church of Saint PAUL doth thrust the head thereof into the clouds) which as the temple of CLAUDIUS in CAMALODUNUM did, might serve as a castle for the time; as of whatsoever else may in most likelihood concern this point of defence, there may be opportunity to speak elsewhere more at large. BOADICIA, succeeding to PAULLINUS with a most different affection, was now become absolute mistress of LONDON, and of all therein. The wild uplandish crews of her beggarly kern, and savages, with the rest of that rabble, spared nothing quick, or dead. Thirst of revenge in her, and rapine in them banished all humanity. The streets and houses, and all the corners were filled with miserable murders; the goods felt other ruder owners than the right ones; nor did they content themselves with a simple massacre; and when they had glutted their barbarous appetites with all sorts of licentiousness, and outrage, they fired the spacious town, as if in the smoke of the burnings the note of their carriage should vapour away. A most horrible effect of the pretended recovery of liberty. But while they consumed what things or persons it pleased them, they withal consumed time, to their undoing, and fatally cockered themselves up with the hope of continual felicity: the cause why they finally miscarried. GALGACUS wisely afterwards observed it in a speech, to his Caledonian BRITANNS. This destruction was particularly foretold among the former wonders, by the images of shattered houses under water; which being seen in the river of THAMES, belonged not in the quality of the presage, to CAMALODUNUM, but to LONDON. Of those fourscore thousand ROMANS, & ROMAN-BRITANNS, which were slain by the BOADICIANS in this vast revolt (as DIO gives the account) fewer than forty thousand could not perish here, according to the least proportion. That such was now the fortune of the place, cannot be colourably doubted; both because TACITUS in general words hath testified, that fire was among the common instruments of BOADICIA'S revenge, and PAULLINUS himself is my witness in DIO, that here it wrought particularly, though he names not LONDON otherwise then by circumstance. For of those two chief towns destroyed in this dreadful rebellion by firing them, the one (saith he) was betrayed; evidently CAMALODUNUM: the other was abandoned; the special case of LONDON. The faithful town sitting utterly desolate in cinders, and ashes, among the dead trunks, and bloodless bodies of the late children and inhabitants thereof, had no other comfort but the honourable conscience of constant loyalty; and the noble hope to rise again more happy, and majestical; which afterwards proved so true, that for the greater dignity it came to be entitled AUGUSTA. The nature of the merit immortal in the fame, and the imitation perpetual to the people. Nor doth any thing threaten the glory thereof so much, as the halfe-brutish manners of the rascal multitude (the bran, and scurf of all societies) who darken the deserts of the worthy, by confounding their quality in common estimation abroad. Or rather not they, but some disguised limbs of such crews as swarm forlorn, and desperate, about the city, without profession of life, and who contrive for disorder. Full amendment the proper and continual care of the magistrate; the wishes of that amendment common with myself to all who love the honour of the realm therein, & LONDON.   

§. XXII. VERULAM sacked, and destroyed by BOADICIA. An essential difference between the persons of a municipium, and a colony.  
THe same miserable fortune there was of the town called VERULAM (a municipium, or a free-borough of the ROMANS) as there was of LONDON itself. And though in CORNELIUS TACITUS it be the last of the three famous places in the order of naming, which were entered upon at this time, yet whither it were also such in the order or suffering, may be doubted. For how doth that reason hold good which SVETONIUS rendered as the final cause of his quitting LONDON, By the loss of one town to save the whole residue, if VERULAM was overwhelmed after? But being it is clear for the disorder of the fact, the strife, or doubt concerning the order of the time, may very well cease, and we may follow what we find. CAMDEN probably supposeth this town to have been the very same which JULIUS CAESAR won by assault from king CASSIBELINE, Captaine-generall of the league of BRITAIN. VERULAM therefore is now but a part of the common calamity which was then the only all. Nor did any thing more unmask the covetous, corrupt, and inwardly most vicious intents of the BOADICIANS, than the injury done hereunto. For in CAMALODUNUM the main body and stock of the people were ROMANS, and LONDON likewise was full of them, which ministered some colour for merciless carriage; but why they should deal in that manner with VERULAM, the magistrates, and commonalty whereof were BRITANNS, no tolerable cause can be well assigned. True it is they had the dignity and benefit to be free of ROME, but were not otherwise ROMAN. A principal difference between the persons of a colony, and those of a municipium, this; that in a colony they were evermore drawn out of the corporation itself of the people of ROME, as members before; but in the other, they were not any part of that imperial body till favourably received by municipial privilege into the freedom; men generally foreign else, and but by admission capable. The VERULANIANS therefore were BRITANNS, though now they smarted as ROMANS, & found their riches to be their undoing. It might be supposed (if histories were places for supposals) that king COGIDUNUS (of whom there is already sufficient spoken) was Lord of the soil about, which being upon the frontier of the revolted TRINOBANTS, the town for that cause suffered mischief, in hatred, and despite of his constant friendship to his great benefactors the ROMANS. And here among many other the like, in the CORNELIAN Annals, the infelicity of the text, corrupted by transcription, breeds confusion. Nor doth the surgery of Critics so heal it, but that new galls and blisters may still arise. What TACITUS would principally say is not obscure: For he hath told us; that the Britanns, omitting castles, and garrisons, as tedious and troublesome to conquer, ranged lose about, and made booty or havoc of that which was most of worth abroad; And although a very commodious sense seems to lurk under the disordered shufflings of the vulgar text, which is, that the Boadicians carried their pillage, and robberies into places of safety (whither woods or bogs, or whatsoever else) and full of gladness for their chevisance, did then come again to fetch more (which every man will repute reasonable to suppose) yet those learned master's frame other conjectures; best to be seen in their own writings. The most judicious of them agree in this to be the sense; that the Boadicians sought for that which was most gainful to themselves, and withal unsafe for the owners to defend; a people forward to boot-hale, and consume, but backward to the duties of war. A censure they well deserved, and extends to all others, who propounding to themselves no laborious, nor honest means of life, long for civil confusions, that they might have what to lavish, though for but never so short a while, and with whatsoever lasting misery of the innocent and industrious. Natiôns mark it well. The ruins of VERULAM (soon afterwards re-ëmpeopled, and reflourishing) a wall of flints and bricks, eaten down into the earth with age and weather, and deep double trenches about, which remain at this day, look sadly with an overgrown face upon the town of Saint ALBAN, and retain the ancient name. That the syllable VER, the first in the word, should be somewhat sounding honourable in the BRITISH tongue, because VER-GOBRET was the name of a chief magistracy among the GALLS (whose language was the same with the BRITANNS) and their most heroic champion, was called VER-CINGETORIX, is more easy to image, then to prove. But that it signified the same with Mawr, is probable, if the sense of Ver, or VAWR, in some BRITISH dialect, be likewise equivalent to Great in English, as MAWR is. Great an apt addition in these particulars. HUMPHREY LHVID, one of the most learned late antiquaries of the BRITANNS, will have it, that the pretty stream which runs thereby was denominative of the place, and VERLAM to have been Werlhan, the fane, or temple upon the water Werr, he supposing that to be the name thereof; the same town also afterwards called CAER- municip, by occasion of the ROMAN franchise. It is no great matter whither of the opinions be truer, or if neither. Here also sword, and fire (the instruments of wrath & fury) devoured what rapine left: nor fewer thousands then ten of those eighty, which the BOADICIANS slew in all, could probably perish therein.   

§. XXIII. The most savage behaviours of the Boadicians in the use of their victories throughout.  
THus far the motions, and actions of that mighty body of enemies assembled together under a most glorious title, the recovery of common liberty, and commanded in chief by BOADICIA, prospered after their manner. The same being now at the utmost height aswell for success as wickedness, fell suddenly to ground. No wonder at all; considering how hateful they had made themselves in the sight of God and man, by abusing their power, and fortunes: quite blotting out all the splendours of their favourable cause, with the foulness of their carriage. There was no taking to mercy (saith TACITUS,) no quarter allowed, no hope of ransom, nor any trade of terms, as in other wars; but blades, halters, fire, gallows, and utter vengeance to all that was ROMAN, or towards it; the Boadician BRITANNS not only striving to be even with their oppressors, for the wrongs they had done, but also to get beforehand with them, by worse, and greater. But not to accuse this course too far, because their purpose was absolutely to root out all that was ROMAN; the unkindly kinds of their savage practice in the works of revenge, and extirpation, are hardly credible. BOADICIA, a most martial, bold, and mighty Lady, but not woman enough; for led by infernal superstitions, or no less than infernal passions, her BRITANNS took the most noble, and honourable dames among their enemies, stripped them naked, sliced away their paps, stitched them to their mouths as to make them seem feeding, and finally staked their bodies through in length. Villainies at which barbarity itself would blush, and which in themselves most horrible, DIO'S credit makes credible. The men whom they far more cruelly saved, than they could have simply slain, had their bellies ripped open alive (saith SVETONIUS PAULLINUS in XIPHILINE) their boweles cut out: some gored upon burning stakes, and others boiled to death in seething water. Man is to man a devil at times; no where rather verifide then here. The forms and pains of these murders not to be outgone for their invention, and execution, savage wit found how to aggravate by religious impiety, and irreligious contumely. For it being not absurd to think, that they might aslo eat what thus was dressed (the inference familiar from the shambles to the kitchen) these certainly whether sacrifices, or games, were most spitefully presented, while they offered in their temples, or reveld at their feasts, but specially in the grove of their goddess ANDATE, the patroness of their proceedings, as ANDRASTA, or ADRASTE was their deity of revenge. For DIO, and XIPHILINE, in BVNDVCA'S oration, distinctly speak of them as of two several; if our copies be sincere. Their great sacrifice of all, which CAESAR, and STRABO describe, is rather not remembered here in particular, then likely to have been forborn. The DRVIDSS who dealt in blood, the authors, & actors of all; upon this one ground of doctrine in their schools, that the wrath of the Gods could not be appeased in a case of life, but with the life of man. And their inhuman divinations had not any other reason for their mystery. They composed a colossus of woven osyars, or a monstrous big giant of wicker, which stuffed with men, was set on a fiery blaze, and burned all. STRABO writes that they had an huge image of hay, under which not only men, (shot first with arrows, or fixr upright upon rafters) but cattle, and all sorts of beasts were packed and consumed together. The general words in TACITUS, and the particular in DIO, exclude not these figures of death from the acts of this tragic vengeance, though they express them not. And a thing so solemn with the Druids of GALL (whose mother-schools were in BRITAIN) which might answer in quantity to a GREEK hecatomb, and was in very deed an holocaust, was not probably omitted now, in such plenty of humane bodies, and so great wantonness of inhuman butcheries. But this augments not the opinion of their cruelties, though it adds a strange one to the forms. There is more then enough already said, to show how justly the BOADICIANS perished. To fall into the hands of the wild and vicious, is a wretched, and a dreadful thing.   

§. XXIIII. The course which Suetonius paulinus held in his retreat from London, and of his constraint to resolve for fight.  
But while BOADICIA, and her people grew ripe for ruin, the ROMAN-generall, after he had abandoned LONDON, maintained retreat, partly to gather more strength, but specially to shun for the time the fury of a prosperous hatred. For DIO plainly tells us, that he feared the encounter. Such were the heats and dare of the victorious enemy. The way which SVETONIUS took, after his departure, was in mine opinion toward SEVERN, where PAENIUS POSTHUMUS, encamped with the second legion, among the SILURES. A great accession of strength in such an addition of number. Nevertheless it failed. For when SVETONIUS commanded them to draw themselves up to his quarter, PAENIUS POSTHUMUS, master of the camp, and of the company, utterly refused to come, contrary to the duty of his place, and discipline of war. Of him BOADICIA undoubtedly meant, where she glories in her speech before the fight, that of those ROMANS who had escaped her sword, some covered themselves within their camp, and the rest (SVETONIUS, and his powers then present in the field) did but cast about which way to fly. But in his march towards that second legion, the General, by crossing the THAMES at LONDON, could not but far away provide best for his own more safety, and his people's most sustentation. For in keeping the river upon his right hand still, the water was both a deep bar against the pursuing enemy, and between the same and the British OCEAN, the province, which ran all along, was ROMAN. Thus hoverd he aloof, in obedience to his nature, which being slow, and weighty, preferred safe courses with reason, above great good luck by chance. But when he beheld the intolerable bravery of the woman, in maintaining a personal chase upon him (for it was not long before she followed close, and quick) it was high time to redeem his fame, or die in the quarrel. Away go all linger therefore; evermore pernicious, when things are no longer to be debated, but done. The necessity of action often begets felicity in action: and a state of fear is a state of guard. Vain confidence destroyed the other.   

§. XXV. The number and quality of the Roman forces, provided for fight.  
COncerning the power which SVETONIUS PAULLINUS had in readiness at this great extremity; TACITUS is universally so understood, that the whole number is not taken to have amounted to fully ten thousand, horse, and foot of all sorts in arms. A dreadful disproportion against three and twenty times as many. They are named in the CORNELIAN ANNALS, the fourteenth legion, with the rereguard, or triarij, of the twentieth, as some do point the readings, and aids, of the nearest at hand, drawn out as upon a violent need in haste: but, as others do place the points, they are reckoned the fourteenth legion with the Triarij, or rear of the same, and the vicesimarians, or soldiers of the twentieth, together with aids as before-said. The word for that company is in the text vexillarij, which some have translated standard-bearers. But any thing (as it seems) is good enough in their conceits, for the common swallow. Some expunctory volumes of such abuses would do well. The number of these choice old soldiers (for they were veterans) the last hope of every battle, was upon certainty six hundred, and never either more, or fewer in complete legions, whose rear they always made; and in later times, for their ancient name triarij, they came to be styled vexillarij, because they fought under one vexillum, flag, or banner. They who would see more of this, may satisfy themselves out of CLAUDIUS SALMASIUS, the SELDEN of GALLIA, if without creating envy to my learned friend, john Selden, I may compare them so. As for that common understanding of TACITUS there, concerning the numbers, though no man supposeth any corruption of the text, yet may it well receive a traverse in common sense. For it will easily be credited that SVETONIUS brought some proportion of soldiers with him from the ile of MONA, if but for his necessary guard, unless he may be thought to have ridden post from thence to LONDON, where there also was an assembly of others, as is plain, because the view of their thinness moved him to quit the station. Besides, he took into a part of his troup all the voluntaries of LONDON, and each legion had store of aids appertaining to itself. The fourteenth (whose fame is greatest) had belonging to it eight cohorts of BATAVIANS, brave fellows all, & were, if full, about four thousand, who would groan out in their graves if they should be put from their share in the glory of this day. And if no part could belong to them herein, the fourteenth alone which seems to have come entire; had six or seven thousand beside the pressed aids, and the vicesimarians. All which that they should not make ten thousand together, is strange. Therefore if the number be true, the words of TACITUS may thus be understood, that to those forces with which SVETONIUS parted from LONDON, there came now in the end and in all, such, and so many more as ammounted to almost ten thousand. If the number be not sincere, than the numeral word in the ANNALS, hath had a main limb lopped away. And if it were nine above ten, the wonder of the victory would seem great enough even with nineteen thousand.   

§. XXVI. Of julius Agricola, the father in law of Cornelius Tacitus.  
NEither was it the least honour of SVETONIUS PAULLINUS, that JULIUS AGRICOLA, (whose life his son in law CORNELIUS TACITUS (doubtfully whither with more piety, or eloquence) hath commended to all posterity) that he had his breeding for war in his school, where he carried the honourable title of a tribune, and exercised all the duties of his place. On the other side, it was the special good fortune of AGRICOLA that he had PAULLINUS for his master, whose familiar friend he lived, and as well his companion in arms, as his camerado. Here therefore did that noble gentleman learn, how to command by having obeyed, and what the wars of BRITAIN required, before he came (as he afterwards did) to be General himself in BRITAIN.   

§. XXVII. The number of men in Boadicia's army, their nations, qualities, and arms.  
BOADICIA, whose people had handled the quarrel of their country infinitely worse than the sorest enemies which ever their country had, drew hastily up to the fatal ground, upon which SVETONIUS necessarily resolved to ride out the final fortune of a day while any hope remained. Her two deflowered daughters are the only persons particularly remembered to have attended in the service, and yet even their names are lost. So inglorious are all whom the light of letters retains not aloft in sight. Her numbers covered the region over. Two hundred and thirty thousand fight men in field. Success, and spoil most effectual means to multiply partakers. The ICENI, & the TRINOBANTS were chief in the action, as authors. There were also the CORITANI, and other Marshmen (BOADICIA shows it in DIO, where she speaks of fens and bogs for hiding themselves, if overthrown) there were the ORDOVICES (for who else had such mountains to shelter them as they?) and whosoever else of the BRITANNS, the BRIGANTS certainly were not absent. TACITUS expressly names them. And why the greatest Critics should be so troubled thereat, as to substitute any other word for that, seems to me a great marvel. For the speaker in that place is GALGACUS, the rough Caledonian Prince, who under the one name of BRIGANTS (being among his nearest neighbours, and therefore most known to him) doth seem to understand, and comprise all the more southerly BRITANNS, who were at this time out in arms, upon this one woman's leading. To GALGACUS therefore all were indifferently BRIGANTS, who were not his. And besides the authority of TACITUS, the very description of the manners of some of the Boadicians in XIPHILINE, doth plainly convince, that the rudest nations were at this work, and consequently the BRIGANTS, as neither the most polite, nor most remote, and certainly not least populous. Wherefore the CORNELIAN text is sincere, and decent. For GALGACUS is speaker, and not TACITUS. Nor can DIO'S text be justified without this senses admission. For he was evidently too much in the thought of the MAEATS, and CALEDONIANS, such as his own times saw them under the emperor SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, when he recorded his BVNDVCA'S oration, if he meant the barbarous manners, which that oration boasteth to be common to all the BRITANNS who were in that martial auditory. For nothing can be more untrue: because, even in JULIUS CAESAR'S times some of them were much more courteous than others, and the civility of many of the BRITANNS, now under NERO, is confessed as a disadvantage. There is no doubt, nor cause of doubt why the BRIGANTS should not be helps to BOADICIA as complices; upon whom soon after the whole weight of war did fall; nor improbablie for this partaking. For the ROMANS prosecuted the contagion of assistance as they did the main opposition itself. Their enemy's succours, properly enemies. The most wild, and barbarous therefore of the qualities which are deciphered in her oration, are only to be understood of a part of the BRITANNS, & not of all; or of the more Southerly. But amongst her strengths at this time, we must not reckon the flocks of British wives and women, who were brought to sit spectators of the expected utter ruin of PAULLINUS (the cause and hope of their journey) though the versifier in his Albion's England, pleasantly encroaching upon the poet, doth furnish this Queen-mother, and her martial daughters, with six thousand armed Ladies, out of his Homerical hearsayes. A licence of wit not unbeseeming the music of rhymes, but incompetent for the gravity of story, which admits no fables. And though the CORNELIAN writings mention not the nature of the Boadician arms, and weapons at this field, but repute them as naked men, and do elsewhere before, deny, that the ORDOVICES (hardy BRITANNS) had the use either of murrions, or brest-plates, yet DIO, and XIPHILINE make it clear that she not only had soldiers completely armed, and light both horse and foot, but chariots also of war, such as JULIUS CAESAR, in penning the British affairs, doth greatly celebrate, though of all these there is not the least inkling, or touch in CORNELIUS TACITUS.   

§. XXVIII. Of the place of the battle, and season of the year.  
THe level, or plot of ground upon which the army of BOADICIA, by the ROMANS forestallment, came to be embatteld, was certainly upon a plain, of at least five, or six miles over in breadth, between two woods; at either end of the open field one. The quantity of the space shall be made apparent by the same infallible demonstration in the Tactics, by which POLYBIUS' disproved calisthenes, erroneously describing the field between ALEXANDER, and DARIUS; as that point also of the two woods, by the best books compared. But whereabout in these parts of BRITAIN, that very place was, unless it were upon SALISBURY plain, where there is a black-heath, and scope enough, is not for me to imagine. Edmund Spencer, who was in his time, the most learned poet of ENGLAND, lays it to have been further off; for he names besides SEVERN. But without praying in aid of his poems, I seem to myself to have made it vehemently probable, that the field was hereabout, by having showed that PAULLINUS was marched hitherwards. And somewhat perhaps it will fortify the conjecture, that upon the brim, or skirts of this most spacious plain, nor far from Stonage, there survive at this hour three memorable arguments of ancient camps, the greatest of which being over against WILLY, is doubly environed with depth of ditch, and by the form (saith CAMDEN) appears to have been a ROMAN work, the other singly; none of them far asunder, and all of them distinguished, by the common people, with the several names of Yanesburie castle, Dunshot, and Woldsburie. And admitting that VESPASIAN was the author of Yanesburie under CLAUDIUS (as some do well divine) that cannot hinder why SVETONIUS PAULLINUS should not the rather make use thereof at this time under NERO, both as a strength ready wrought, and fortunately hanseld by the luck of so brave a commander. Concerning the time of the year; it was manifestly in the stoop thereof, as declining towards the winter-quarter; which many signs, extant in TACITUS, seem to discover: the expedition of MONA abruptly ended; the mention of winter-campes; and the BRITANNS trusting for corn to the ROMAN store or harvest, which they presumed should be theirs. So it may be thought to have been at sometime or other in September, when these two GENERALS, more opposite in affections then divers in sex, encountered.   

§. XXIX. The order of the Roman battle.  
THe ROMAN General, in marshalling his little army, did principally labour, to keep all his enemies before him, that their unreasonable numbers might not enclose, nor over-lay him. And in that one point the main mystery of his final hopes consisted. Therefore he selected a place with a wood at his back, to serve with the help of art as a wall, or bulwark behind: from whence forthright, and before the entrance into the open wowlds or plains, the whole plot of ground between cheek, and cheek, but specially at the very mouth itself, was narrow, and yet withal wide enough to contain his people, as being half a mile broad, or so; the sides themselves secure, by whatsoever thickets, waters, cliffs, or moors, or other advantages of nature, or provisions of skill, by trenches, or barricadoes, with his carriages and the like, in which the ROMANS were excellently ready masters. A ground well chosen for fight is not a little onwards to a victory: and these straits, having the even country for a prospect, and therefore true against ambush, were to the ROMANS as a very camp or fortress. PAULLINUS having thus devised for the best, and forestalled the choice of the field, he drew out his soldiers, now throughly refreshed, and furnished. They were Legionaries, freemen of ROME, and auxiliaries, their fellows in arms, and not otherwise ROMANS; and these of all sorts, horse and foot, and as well heavy, as light armed men. His principal hope, and strengths resided in the fourteenth legion, which was there entire. The victorious standard, and ensigns whereof, thought to be worthy of a particular memorial, were advanced in such form as this coin in LIPSIUS specifies.  
The method of his proceedings was this. He divided the body of his force within these straits, into three wards, or battalia's (for that is evident in DIO) that he might the better keep himself from the mortal mischief of circumvention, and oppression, and also by possessing the whole plot, fight at once and in front quite through. And hereunto he was necessarily driven; because the enemies, as to daunt him with the ostentation of their multitudes, which threatened a most certain surcharge, took up in front five, or six miles at least, as where their order of battle comes to be displayed will appear. The legionaries how many thousands is uncertain. Fewer then six they were not. Of them (upon whom the bloody sum, and weight of the work did rest) the middle ward, or main consisted, commonly armed with helmets, raised higher with plumes of feathers, and substantial breastplates, each of them balancing two or three piles, or darting javelinings in their hands. A terrible weapon. For being about seven foot long, and plated with iron half way from the massive head downward, the head itself either round, and broad, or more usually four square, the staff alone a pretty gripe about, they could in hurling deliver it with such a violence, as to strike through a corslet, yea, through the man himself sometimes, and armour together. For the use of combat, each had a covering target, either oval round, or square and hollow, in manner of a roofe-tile, about thirty inches thwart, and above fifty long, with a broad Spanish sword, which hung somewhat off behind, with the pommel towards the right hand, not much above two foot long in blade, of an excellent temper, fine and thin, to lop off limbs, but passing strong at the point to maintain a thrust, or foin. Nor doth CORNELIUS TACITUS mention any other sort of legionaries in the infantry at this field. On either hand of this martial phalanx stood the battles of the aids, with spears and greater swords, and though they might have the titles, or properties of vann and rear, yet it is clear enough in XIPHILINE, that they made all but one front with the legionaries, from whom they were distinguished with certain spaces competent. The troops of horse stood ready in wings. And they (in mine opinion) were extraordinary many, because TACITUS, who makes but one battle of the steadfast infantry in all, casting off the light-armed into clusters, and plumps about, supplies the sides with cavalry. The ordinary proportion of horse to a legion was but three hundred, which they divided into two main bodies, and subdivided by thirty into cornets, which would make but poor weak wings, or rather not wings, but according to the phrase of the CORNELIAN Annals, the two other battalions for supply of vann, and rear, in regard that all the three divisions of the army, in DIO, seemed after a sort to be put into one, by placing them in one and the self same line of longitude. Their great use also at this great service doth alone demonstrate, that the numbers of the horse were unusually many, nor unlikely to be either all, or, the most part of the cavalry which belonged to all the ROMAN legions in BRITAIN. I for my part have suspected and thought, that PAULLINUS came from ANGLESEY to LONDON, with none but horse, and those, them of the twentieth legion. And there is no cause for us to think, why PETILIUS CEREALIS might not spare his horse-troups hither, himself being shut up within his fortifications. So that let PAENIUS POSTHUMUS enjoy his own fears, and withhold his concurrence at this field, yet (as we see here) SVETONIUS PAULLINUS might be otherwise furnished with extraordinary horse-troupes. What use or station the old soldiers, or the rear of the twentieth legion had in this field, there is no particular mention any where, I wish that there had been, because they seem to have done very nobly, as well because their presence is singularly specified, as a very choice member of the ROMAN forces here, as for that they won much honour to their proper company, or legion. But because their special placings are not remembered, it seems most likely, that they fought not apart, but were sorted among other the ribs, & sinews of the legionary forces. The forlorn hopes of foot, or light nimble shot, of all sorts (DIO names archers in particular) whose part was to take off the edge of the encounter, were cast off before the squadrons, in careless and scattered companies. All the soldiers who expected in battle-ray, but specially the legionaries were upon the least distance one from another, which the use of their weapons would permit, that fight all close together, they might at once be bothimpenetrable, & invincible. The breadth and depth of their battalias, because the true measure of the ground is unknown, cannot be certain; but supposing all the men were but well-near ten thousand, the length of the whole front of all the three battles might contain, at three foot space between man and man, about four, or five hundred, and in file about seaventeen, or eighteen, leaving intervals between battalia and battalia, for retreats and other uses, and room for the horse-troopes upon the outsides. All which might together take up about that half a mile over, in the mouth of the straits, which is mentioned before. The ouer-plus of the soldiers (for upon the point of eight thousand would do all this) may be thought to be in reserve for accidents, and other the sudden exigents of war. And this conjecture of about four or five hundred in rank, is somewhat supported out of TACITUS himself, where after the end of the battle, he writes, that near upon four hundred were slain of the ROMAN side, and not many more hurt or wounded. Which seems as much as if he had said, that the fortune of the two first ranks dispatched the day. And this might well be true according to the axiom of PAULLINUS, in the CORNELIAN ANNALS, putting his people in mind, that even where many legions fought, a few hands did the deed. But as for the numbers in the ROMAN party at this battle, I have elsewhere before tendered some reasons, which lead me to believe they were rather twice ten thousand then only the moiety of twenty. Thus while the General was busied, and as he passed from company to company, he inspired them with courage, by the life of his presence, and power of his words, calling them sometime by the glorious name of Romans, and otherwhile by the more familiar title of companions in arms and fellow soldiers. He sets before their eyes the cruelties, and horrid dealings of their enemies, their own and their countries' honour, and their common danger in the most absolute necessity of doing, or dying nobly. No hope but in victory; no refuge for runaways. Pure Manhood, and the favour of their cause with powers divine, who use to incline to the sufferers of wrong (such as he in DIO declares their cause to be) the only means of safety to themselves, and of recovering Britain to the empire, which was otherwise now in manifest peril to be utterly torn away. He sows withal every where about him, most certain hopes of good success, by remembering their former valours, and prosperities against these very enemies, whom he named contemptibly, as men both unskilful, and unarmed; mingling for a special ingredient towards the achievement of the victory, this precept or rule of fight; that after they had most forceably thrown their piles home, they should all then rush forth together in a run, and with their drawn swords, and the bosses of their targets, press in round and close, and never give over till they prevailed. His conclusion: that if the worst should happen, yet he and they, by dying honourably on the place, should keep possession of Britain, were it but with their dead bodies only. In these, and the like exercises of speech and action, PAULLINUS spent the whole time till the very instant itself of joining. Nor fell his words, like burning sparkles upon dank and unprepared matter, but upon dry, tindry spirits, such as were most ready to take, and kindle: which their countenances, and gestures testified. The duty of a Chief towards the point of peril (saith the greatest Captain of the world in his invaluable commentaries) is to work upon that forward and stirring humour, which being naturally in all men, is apt to be inflamed with a desire of battle; accordingly to augment that eagerness, and heat, upon the instant of encounter: but never to repress, or check it back in any degree. The fatal error of POMPEY at PHARSALIA. But not of PAULLINUS here. For that rule of war was enured by him to the proof; who the more to assure his fierce soldiers, affirmed, that not only their forefathers, but they themselves also had often overcome many more enemies at a time then these. A thing which otherwise then by the figure of excess can hardly have any defence: for TACITUS, and the truth are clear, that the Britanns were never before in so great numbers, unless it be admitted (which PAULLINUS also saith) that the women at this field were more than the warlike youth. But that was also another extreme of speech; another (as they call it) hyperbole. And thus both he, and his, provided either for a grave or garland.   

§. XXX. The order of the Britanns' battle.  
ON the other side, Queen BOADICIA, full of present spirits, and martial vigour, leads up her two hundred and thirty thousand men, and forgetting the softness of her sex, performs in person all the duties of a most vigilant and diligent Chief. For mounted in an open chariot, with her two orphan daughters before her in the same, as the objects of compassion, and the motives of wrath and revenge, she rides about the plain, and marshals them to the last man. The nations of BRITAIN, assistants at this need, as they were many and diverse, so each of them was arranged by itself in a several battalion, which TACITUS doth not obscurely declare, where he mentions her access to every of them apart; and ARIOVISTUS, in his array of battle against JULIUS CAESAR used the same method. So it seems to have been a custom in these parts, for the apparent benefit which comes by distinctions of worth, from whence degrees of courage do manifestly spring. The noble ground of armouries. And these were the routs and troops, who being ordered in several, are mentioned in TACITUS to have everywhere vaunted themselves in the face of the ROMANS with so great scorn and jollity, because of a few smiles of mutable fortune. And surely all sudden prosperity is for the more part a drunken thing; much harder to carry well then either adveruersity, or a doubtful state. Happier they whom it it overturnes not, than whom it raiseth. It was the BRITANNS' bane. The front of her battle extended itself to five or six miles out, at the least. For eight or nine thousand only, with the smallest allowances of distance, take up alone in one rank so much ground; not accounting the intervals between nation, and nation, by which they were disparted, and designed. This proportion of extension is fully proved out of DIO, who writes in plain terms, that SVETONIUS PAULLINUS had not so many in his army, as placed man against man, could equal the length in battle-ray, nor the very first rank of the BRITANNS. Nor seems it doubtful, that the form of her battle was semicircular; the dilatation being to affright the ROMANS, and the form to enclose them. But that speech of DIO'S, if taken precisely, and according to the rigour of the letter, is either a confirmation, against my former arguments, that the ROMANS had ten thousand in the field; or that the BRITANNS had above that number in front. These nations had all of them their several banners, or marks of conduct. For POMPONIUS MELA writes, that the BRITANNS imitated the Gallicke fashion in arms; and CAESAR in his immortal books doth say, that CONSIDIUS partly discovered by their ensigns, that the GALLS were masters of an hill of advantage. The GALLS had ensigns therefore. But reason, much better than testimonies, convinceth, that this was so among the BRITANNS; because it must of force be so. For where order is, there is also a necessity of directive signs; impossible otherwise to be preserved. What their stuff, or arguments were, is unknown. They had their paintings, and lineamentall purfles as is observed in the Elements of Armouries. To say, that the figures of a wolf, and greyhound were among the symbolical notes of the BRITANNS, because BOADICIA, in her auspicatory oration, may seem to allude to their bearings, is but to say it only. And yet the conjecture dislikes me not the more, that King HENRY the Seaventh, who descended of these ancient BRITANNS by the father's side, did advance the greyhound in supporture. Before the head of this huge, and wide-spred battle of the BRITANNS, the chariots of war were planted, which (as MELA depourtrayes them) had sharp scythes standing out, wherewith to mow down enemies. Among them the nimblest & the lightest of her people were scattered at adventure: the horse upon either hand. Against the main body, or strength of the ROMAN battalias, BOADICIA did set her corslet-men, or such as were whole armed. DIO witnesseth their use at this service; and their means of furniture came in all probability from the spoils of the legionaries, who rashly carried on by PETILIUS CEREALIS, were (as we have heard before) defeated all of them, and slain, in the beginnings of this revolt. Behind, she placed the carriages, walling the back of her battles with wagons, veins, and carts, where the wives and women of the BRITANNS stood lookers-on. And lest those impediments might not prove bar enough to their then unthought-of flight, there grew a wood also next beyond. Thus while upon vain assurance they provided to create a spectacle for their women, they emparkt themselves for slaughter; the game, and surfeit of the ROMANS; little dreaming that they should become their own show. But overmuch boldness is rarely any other than the common for-runner of a downfall. ARIOVISTUS, General of the GERMANE league, against JULIUS CAESAR, had the same kind of theatre, and spectators, and because it was also with the like ill success, the BOADICIANS lacked not the poor comfort of having an example, and parallel; themselves not the first, nor the only unlucky that were. Obstinacy on both sides fixed with trabal nails of necessity; the BRITANNS to maintain what they had begun; the ROMANS to master their peril, or to die. No possibility to hang the quarrel even upon the weighing beam of justice and peace. BOADICIA therefore was not more wanting to her people's encouragements, then to their disposure for fight. Yet, by some words in the CORNELIAN Annals, it may well be gathered, (notwithstanding all her great care and pains in placing them) order was not kept so precisely, as their dangerous estate required: for as well the cavalry, as the foot, vaunted themselves everywhere in the face of the enemy, flaunting, and braving about in heaps, and troops. BOADICIA herself deeply tainted with that self-flattering pestilence: for from thence it was she told her army; the Romans would never stand the echoing shouts of so many scores of thousands, or the bare rustle of their arms, much less endure their shock, and strokes: thereupon also she boasted the defeat of PETILIUS CEREALIS, as a pattern of their warlike workmanship, and the earnest of their lasting good fortune; gloriously affirming; fear did so benumb their enemies, that they of them who were absent, cooped themselves up within camps, and sconces, not daring once to peer out (a thing not untrue with PAENIUS POSTHUMUS) and that these very men, whom they had at last with so much trouble and travail found out and overtaken, did not meditate fight, but flight, and how to run safest away. Evident in her opinion, by the sheltering themselves within those straits; the lodgings and denns of the timorous; not forecasting, that it might in them be nothing else but a point of warre-craft, to nourish foulest overweenings by the greatest show of fear. Her person, conspicuity, and postures in speaking, added greatly to the life of her words. For riding about from one embattelld nation to another, she turned herself on all sides in her open chariot, royally appointed; presenting her fortunes, and the fortunes of her princely children, who sat with her in sight there, as the most lively means for stirring up extremest indignation, and revenge. Malignant humours thus being throughly stirred, and the clouds of defiance impatiently striving to empty themselves in a tempest of blows, BOADICIA at an instant struck of all the locks of restraint on her side, by giving the word, and without God to friend, permits her cause to brute trial.   

§. XXXI. The battle, overthrow, and death of Boadicia.  
IMmediately hereupon, the BRITANNS raise universal shouts, and cries, to affright the ROMANS, and vainly chanted out aloud their warlike odes, or ditties; which devised by their Bards, or by each of themselves as his boisterous wit would serve him, were filled with glorious braves, and ireful threats. At the same time also they advance their battalias, and continuing their songs, and clamours, make the wide plains tremble with the stress, and strength of a general violent motion; men, horses, chariots, and all sorts of arms & weapons stirring at once, render the noise as of a rough and angry sea. A stately LACEDAEMONIAN march towards the onset (as SYLBURGIUS translates the place in DIO) & not an headlong furious; only somewhat full, and round at the instant itself of charging. The first assault therefore was with shrill sounds, and voices; quickly to be dampt, and alaid with the groans and shrieks of the dying. On the contrary, SVETONIUS PAULLINUS, perceiving his people fiery prompt, hoist up aloft at a spears end the public sign of battle, which was commonly the General's purple fur-coat, in the nature of a bloody banner. And first of all, the ROMAN legionaries, (throughly taught to contemn loud clamours, as a terrible toy) kept close together within the narrow outlet of their ground, aswell to increase their enemy's presumption, as to prevent oppression and circumvention. But when the BRITANNS had delivered their roving shot, and were advanced within the reach of mischief, the ROMANS (till that instant hushed, and silent, and observing fair regularity) all on a sudden join together in a martial shout at a sign, and most forceably flinging their heavy piles into the thick of their coming enemies, they presently drew their swords, and clashing them hard upon their shields, sally out at once with all the force they could, and dealt their strokes and thrusts to great advantage. The CORNELIAN Annals, where they speak of the fourteenth legion at this field, do not mean by these words, velut cuneo erupit, any thing else but a close and joinct squadron, not the form of battle, called pointed, and which bursting forth with an unexpected force, had the operation, not the figure of a wedge, or of a long three square, with an obtuse angle forward. All authority is against it. Nor only in this place of the best authors is the Latin word cuneus interpreted, and understood so; for TITUS LIVIUS himself doth Latin the M●●●●●ONIAN Phalaux by the same. At the same time they encountered every where all over. Out flew the auxiliaries (among whom, according to CAMDEN, bands of LONDONERS were) and with no less bravery of courage, and with as great violence as the legionaries, charged their cruel adversary's home; the archers undertaken the chariotéers, & their cavalry attacked the other. The bloody confusion of this tumult is well set forth by DIO and XIPHILINE: The violent giving in of the ROMANS upon the BOADICIANS at their sudden rushing forth, did easily rout, and disorder their ranks, though their files could not choose but be very deep in regard of their necessity to contract their length for fight narrow, which made their vast multitudes rather mischievous to themselves, and cumbersome, then useful. A main reason of BOADICIA'S overthrow. For the weight and work of the day was brought hereby to rest but upon a few; and the ROMANS, (in regard of their discipline, skill, and experience) had extremely the odds while they only dealt upon the even. Nor had she patience to watch them, nor art to draw them out of their fortified ground. Venerable Moderâtion, thy coolings how necessary for the over-boylings of prosperity! That defect a common cause of greater fierceness then good fortune. And in the case of my dearest country, during this whole war, there was nothing from first to last so unfortunately absent. The victory of the ROMANS (as much as out of TACITUS may be gathered) seems to have begun at the cornets of horse, who with their armed staffs, or lances, charged in flank, and front, and every where as their enemies came to hand, or were strongest. The fight nevertheless continued hot, and doubtful till the evening, nor was the face thereof simple or uniform, but diverse. The light-armed of the one side, lay fiercely at the light-armed of the other; the well-armed oppose their likes; horse encounter horse; the Roman archers let fly at the chariots of the Britanns; they again drive headlong upon the Romans, and tumble them over. But for want of armour, wherewith to mock the shot, they are enforced with the storms of Roman arrows to fall off again. The foot trampled underfoot by the horse; and the horse beaten back by the foot. Many close together make up with a joinct force against the wagons of war; they on the other side bear many down before them, and compel others to fly. Here the Archers advancing over-forwardly, beyond the protection of their cavalry, are glad to save themselves by flat running away: there, other keep aloof for fear of the piercing arrows. These things while they were not acted in one place only, but in three at once (according to the triple distinction of the Roman host in DIO) the conflict was long maintained on both parts with equal boldness, and bravery. This is the table of the battle, or main medley between the BRITANNS and the ROMANS, as it stands drawn with immortal words among the greeks; which singularly help to open the most weighty chronicle of TACITUS; where the acts of this great and bloody business are all of them trussed up together in a lesser room, than the short contents of a chapter. Briefs in heroical arguments, as they are the injurious eclipse of mighty actions, so in all other kinds of learning where they are insisted upon by truants as principal, they prove to be the very bane itself of wits, and studies: On the contrary, whatsoever in narrations is for the size thereof above the just length, doth justly hear tedious; and whatsoever for the nature of it is petty and poor, and beneath the majesty of story, is worthily base and odious. In this famous conflict (where the natural liberty of BRITAIN, and the title of the empire lay at stake) the ROMANS, by dashing in with the whole breadth of their battalia so violently as they did upon the enemies, though they drove innumerable of them down to the earth, tore their ranks in pieces, and struck those other with amazement, and dismay, whom their weapons could not reach, yet they plunged themselves so far off withal from their ground, or stand of advantage, into the depths of the surmounting multitudes, as they were after a sort enclosed, and compelled to fight all. In the end notwithstanding (though so late first, that it was at least upon the setting of the Sun) the ROMANS were every where, throughout the field, victorious, while the barbarous sins of the BRITANNS, committed in the time of their prosperity, fought not less against the guilty than the armed foe. There is no regard, nor heed to be taken in this place what our domestic poets fain, in favour of Queen BOADICIA and her side; as if they were overcome by the treason of some BRITANN Captains who revolted to PAULLINUS; or the like goodly, or honourable excusals. For they have no warranty in unexceptionable monuments. But after the BRITANNS, in the head of their battle, began to shrink, and turn, that alone was a blow to all behind, who being many scores of thousands, remained untouched, during the fight, because they could never come up to handie-stroakes, for want of room, in the narrowing of the field. So they who first did fall to running away, were among their own fellows as unresistable as enemies, while they fearfully sought to open passages for their own escape, bringing a strong necessity for all to disband, and scatter, and wholly to rely on flight for present safety. The Lady General, constrained to obey the authority of her disaster, got free out, and fled. But the ROMAN party most bold in attempting, was also now most nimble in pursuit, making execution of the overtaken flyers, and slaughter of the very labouring beasts, and carthorse. Yea, such was their hatred, and heat of revenge, that their swords made no difference between sex and sex, but slew even the women, who were seated aloft upon the wanes, and carts, as upon scaffolds, at the back of their army, to give their applause. A most certain sign of the wrath of God for the punishment of insolency, and pride, that the council which the BOADICIANS followed for a supposed triumph, was converted to the piteous increase of their misery. For the carriages thus planted and possessed, were like a wall against evasion. A vulgar writer, describing the effect of this obstacle, hath pretty smooth verses, wherein he saith; that the women, who were mounted in that manner to behold who bore himself stoutly, and to control the coward; did now call in vain upon their sons and husbands to turn the head, for they themselves, together with their sons and husbands were mercilessly slain. This, and the dead bodies of cattle, did mightily augment the heaps of carcases. They who got past the doleful barricado of the cars, were furiously followed into the wood (which by DIO'S description grew beyond) and in no small number perished. Here it is apparent, that the place of the field was betwixt two woods, according to my assertion elsewhere; the one at the back of PAULLINUS, the other behind the BRITANNS' carriages. Unless perhaps some would rather have it understood, that the BRITANNS, thus put to the sword among the trees, were of those who had run up in the rage of charge past the ROMAN squadrons, within their strengths, and so were followed through. Many notwithstanding were saved alive after there was a glut of blood, and victory assured. Multitudes also escaped away, either by their speed, their early running, or by the benefit of night. These did prepare to reinforce their troops, and to put for another day. A lamentable fell of men; almost fourscore thousand cut down into their graves with the sharpe-edged axe of war. There are some (saith TACITUS) who have delivered it for truth (and they were but some) that of the Romans there died not full out four hundred, and, (as once before hath been occasionally mentioned) not many more than such a number hurt. For which cause this victory was marked up among the famous ones of old, and most worthily might be so; for, besides the glory of the day, it brought back BRITAIN to CAESAR, and fixed it to endure for sundry ages after. They who avoided the violence of this misfortune, while they were in preparation for a new trial, lost their sovereign lady and mistress, BOADICIA. Our ENGLISH poets present her, killing herself; one of them by falling on her lance, as the most gallant form in his conceit, another without naming the way, but all with admiration, as of one of the most noble Shee-worthies of the world. TACITUS saith she finished her life by poison, and DIO and XIPHILINE, by sickness; which admit a reconciliation; she dying by a sickness of poison. With her departing soul (as if it had been the soul of the opposition) the flame of war went out by degrees, and the BOADICIANS, as confessing themselves to be then quite vanquished, and never before, shifted each for himself and fled. Her death was vehemently lamented of her surviving friends, who honoured her funeral with stately rites, and buried her remains ambitiously brave.   

§. XXXII. Of the place of Boadicia's burial.  
THis most great, and noble lady (the stay and last anchor of her party) thus deceasing, the fortune of the miserable princesses, her daughters, lies utterly unknown. That they also ended their lives, together with their hopes, about the same time, remains therefore probable, because there is not the least inkling left in the world, what afterwards became of them. Concerning the place of her enterrment, it will easily be collected out of the premises, unto what opinion my conjectures do incline. For without averring any thing precisely, no other tomb seems to me so likely to be hers, as the admirable monument of the stones upon SALISBURY plain. The dumbness of it (unless the letters be worn quite away) speaks; that it was not any work of the ROMANS. For they were wont to make stones vocal by inscriptions. The common opinion, touching that trophea, or whatsoever else it may be called, would have it believed, that their structure was contrived in memory of the BRITAIN Lords, perfidiously murdered by the SAXONS here, upon an interview. Of that heinous assassinate, NENNIUS hath a touch, but assigns not the place. GEFFREY Arthur, or Monmouth, is the man, who fetcheth these marvelous stones (reported by him to be medicinal) from out of IRELAND, for the pupose of a memorial, by MERLIN'S counsel, and force of arms. That STONAGE was a work of the BRITANNS, the rudeness itself persuades. And if that plate of mixed metal (mentioned by CAMDEN) which found about fourscore years since near to that monument, and inscribed with such characters as were not legible to the learned of that time, did appertain to stonehenge, or (as it is more commonly named) STONAGE, then may it easily be credited to have been some old BRITISH inscription, dedicated to the immortal fame of some or other great Worthy, nor of any rather then in my conceit of the most mighty BUNDUCA. To strengthen which divination, the clear testimony of DIO, that the BRITANNS interred her pompously, or with much magnificence, cannot be better verified then by assigning these orderly irregular, and formless uniform heaps of massive marble, to her everlasting remembrance. The name of the dance of giants, by which it is styled in MONMOUTH, hath nothing allusive, no not so much as to the tale he tells us. CAMDEN himself doth bewray, that his judgement was unsatisfied touching the reason of that monuments erection, notwithstanding all he could find. The story of BUNDUCA (than which neither our own noble country, nor the whole globe of earth hath a rarer) was so little understood of MONMOUTH, as it doth not appear at all, that ever the bare sound thereof arrived within his hearing. But had the precious volumes of the CORNELIAN Annals, and DIO CASSIUS, and JOHN XIPHILINE, (where her heroic deeds are upon record to all posterities) been within the sphere of his studies, not AURELIUS AMBROSE, nor those four hundred and threescore noblemen of BRITAIN, murdered in VORTIGERS reign, should perhaps have carried away with him the fame of this material wonder, but her magnanimous self. Higher then to her no books do reach, with any probability of a person more capable of such a testimony than she, and the profound oblivion which covers the author, and the first intention of rearing them, where now they still defy the weather, doth strongly fortify my suspicion, that the stones were consecrated to the glory of BUNDUCA, and of her captains slain in her quarrel, so long time since as NERO CAESAR'S days, much above fifteen hundred years. And surely such a calm, and patience of state, followed under PETRONIUS TURPILIANUS, who the next year after was sent to take charge of the ROMAN army in BRITAIN, as successor of SVETONIUS PAULLINUS, that might well permit such an office to the BRITANNS in her honour, or if those would not, yet other ensuing seasons might; her name for ever glorious among them. The ruins of that old fortress which surviving not far from Stonage, are thought by some, whomsoever, to have been a ROMAN work, afford no cipher for spelling out the founders of this stony marvel. To grant, that it might be a common monument of the murdered lords, and that AURELIUS AMBROSE, or AMBROSE AURELIANUS, the almost only BRITANN Prince (saith venerable BEDE) of ROMAN race then left alive, and other BRITISH kings do slumber there in their ashes, till the resurrection-day, is no hindrance why it might not at first have been erected in honour of that most heroical championess of BRITAIN, BOADICIA; since DIO and XIPHILINE affirm, they funerally interred her with much magnificence. The bones of men digged up at times near this place under little banks, convince it to have been sepulchral; but armours of a large and antique fashion, upon which the spade, or pickaxe are sometimes said to hit, do clear the owners from having been in the number of those BRITANNS, whom pagan HENGIST wickedly slew: for they came not armed, but weaponless. They are not the friends of honour, who carry not a reverence to the memorial of the noble dead; or contemn antiquities, the rewards, and records of virtue. My jealousy touching the cause of STONAGE, concludes not others freedom to censure what they please.   

§. XXXIII. A recapitulation of the premises touching the affairs of Britain hitherto.  
BEfore JULIUS CAESAR the ROMANS knew us not, and he came twice over hither in arms, with unlike successes; made MANDUBRATIUS king of the TRINOBANTS, or of LONDON-land, as his father was; but left not a ROMAN behind. AUGUSTUS' remained exorable to the peace of BRITAIN. TIBERIUS was no way troublesome. CALIGULA would have been. CLAUDIUS made it his chief business, arrived, conquered part, and planted ROMANS, and civility. NERO CAESAR hazarded all for want of justice. The BRITANNS generally discontented, and BUNDUCA (the dowager Queen of king PRASUTAGUS) shamefully wronged, she becomes their captain, and wrought many wonders, while SVETONIUS PAULLINUS, (CAESAR'S lieutenant) was busy to win the isle of MONA for the uses of the ROMAN Empire. Down went the ROMANS, at CAMALODUNUM; down went CAMALODUNUM itself; down went the infantry of the legion which PETILIUS CEREALIS led up against her; and SVETONIUS PAULLINUS was himself so terrified after his return from MONA, that he left LONDON to the spoil, which she sacked, and fired, and took VERULAMIUM; destroying in these three places upon the point of fourscore thousand, with a most firm resolution to leave nothing ROMAN in BRITAIN, that (according to her words in DIO, to her army) the example might with the terror of it, secure succession. And while as yet the tide of her gallantry was up, she pursued SVETONIUS himself, as the capital object of her quarrel, upon whom the defence of the ROMAN cause relied here. But the wanton, and bloody abuse of her fortune, plucked infelicity upon her; for while in confidence of a continual happiness, by reason of her excessive numbers, she was overforward to fight, she encountered him in a set battle (upon terms of great disadvantage, in regard of the place) was discomfited, fled and died. BRITAIN hereupon (like a recovered sick body relapsing) came back to former sufferings, and to worse far, till NERO (therein pitiful) removed SVETONIUS, whose implacability (in regard he took it as his injury, that the rebellion happened during his lievetenancie in BRITAIN) endangered the province to a new insurrection: as it was suggested by his enemies at court. With the death and burial of BOADICIA, DIO CASSIUS concludes, and seals up the warlike troubles, and all other the businesses of our BRITAIN, under NERO; and so do also I. There cannot be a fitter stop, nor a fuller. For the hither parts of our island were never afterwards able to come into the like hope of freeing themselves (if merely to change lords be to be free) because their sinews, by so dreadful a defeat, were utterly dissolved. A most weighty point, which XIPHILINE out of DIO truly notes. My recapitulation of premises (to which service this chapter is singled forth) hath together both example and authority in LUCIUS FLORUS, and manifold uses in itself; because it is equally good for remembrance, and manuduction, and those volatile spirits who covet all in a word, need look no further than so. Nevertheless, the true children of historical knowledge, who enjoy the bliss of studious leisure, they certainly, by comparing the riches of narrations, delivered in a just length, with the beggary of abridgements, will clearly behold the notable odds between the one and the other. For the spoil, and loss of things left out, or nakedly told, can be no way counteruaild with the carcases, and stubbs of facts preserved standing in narratorie monuments. Lastly, though now and then, and throughout this whole historical web of NERO, there are sundry doctrines, judgements, and other lights sparingly woven-in of set purpose, which some would shoulder out into marginal spaces, or blanks at the end; yet this is the way of that excellent master, and pattern of Historians, POLYBIUS, who speaks interposively, and in his own person often. A skill, or cunning, in the noble craft of writing, which most effectually conveys the profit of directions with the delight of narrations into the sober reader; and the better withal provides for the lasting of what is good.   

§. XXXIIII. Free thoughts and notes upon the whole matter of BOADICIA'S action, by way of public counsel.  
Such was the issue and event of that great evil which the deep contempt of NERO primarely caused, as hath already been fully described. A lesson for sovereign princes; by justice, and other the virtues of that supper excellent function, to sustain themselves from sudden slidings beneath their proper values. On the other side (to take the whole matter into consideration) without measuring BOADICIA'S enterprise by final success (for that were not to measure, but to deprave the same) it may worthily appear, that feminine impotency of mind was chief therein, from the beginning to the ending. For, transported with the desires of revenge, and sovereignty, she never indifferently weighed the quality, and power of the empire, against which she undertook. A grand, and ruinous error. The ROMANS at this time, had the lordship of the world by the special purpose, and provision of God. For (as the noble, and eloquent king, AGRIPPA, speaks in JOSEPHUS) it had otherwise been impossible. The special devotion of their monarchs most remarkable. AUGUSTUS' CAESAR so religiously reverend towards that deity, which was adored in the temple of JERUSALEM, that he commanded the first fruits should be sent from all the parts of his dominions, where the JEWS abode. Nay more; he founded in that place itself, for a daily sacrifice in fire, the perpetual constant allowance of a bull, and two lambs, honouring their synagogues, as the schools of justice and temperance. Ask admired PHILO an account for what is written here. The same pious institution was not only continued by his dowager, the empress LIVIA, but by her son, TIBERIUS, and even in NERO'S days. For the rejection of that customary holocaust, by the seditious of JERUSALEM, was among the causes of the war which ruin'd it. So the ROMAN empire did after a sort hold of true God in chief, by a kind of special rend service, and acknowledgement: and as all honour, glory, and power do properly belong to our Lord, JESUS CHRIST, so even TIBERIUS CAESAR (under whom it pleased him to suffer) was most forward for his adoration (apparent in TERTULLIAN) that nothing (having the name of God) might among the ROMANS remain neglected, for fear to endanger their empire, by offending any power divine. But no man, sound in his brain, will exact such a transcendent consideration at BOADICIA'S hands. Things subject to sense shall try her. The state of the empire, as it was in NERO'S time, king AGRIPPA hath described, in that rarest oration of his, which for the natural piety, wisdom, and weighty worth thereof, deserves to be written in a table of gold, or rather in the hearts of all men, who would not forget their reason, while they pretend for liberty. Nineteen legions, and above four and twenty cohorts, besides the guards of the prince, and the standing watch of ROME, (both which together contained about fifteen thousand,) and besides all other forces in ITALY itself, and at sea, are particularly there found bestowed in the provinces. These, with their ordinary aids, did not amount to so few as two hundred thousand in continual pay and readiness. Of which number eight legions full, and their auxiliaries lay near at hand upon the RHINE. Of these, certainly, BOADICIA was bound to take knowledge, before she ran such an hazard of herself, and country. And if her knowledge might excusablie have bounded itself within the walls of BRITANN (as king AGRIPPA terms our Ocean) yet the experience of former times would have informed her enough, concerning the ROMANS. But even that knowledge was manifestly corrupted in her, when in her first oration to her army, she doth not obscurely vaunt, that the valour of her ancestors had made our seas terrible to JULIUS CAESAR, and CALIGULA, and yet CLAUDIUS, in her own fresh remembrance, had passed them in person, and prevailed. But the carriage of some of the ROMANS could not be endured: and it is most honest, just, and noble to dye for common good. Therefore MARCUS CICERO (of all the gowned ROMANS one of the best patriots that ever ROME Ethnic could boast) oraculously pronounced, that no worthy man did ever forego his freedom, but together with his life. For what other thing is life itself, but a most fettered condition of humane being, and after a manner void of use, or motion, when it only hangs upon a tyrants will? In such a case, the choice of dying free upon defence, is sweeter than to remain in life a slave. Hence came her arms, and hopes: which propounded to themselves the making of such an example, as should for ever secure the island from invasion, and encourage the rest of the world to follow. Most lofty propositions, and which failing, it must needs be nevertheless confessed that she went upon highest dare. On the other side, no action can ever attain true renown, whereunto reason is foreign. For nothing is so peculiar to barbarousness as to be over-indulgent to passions. And to be so deceived with the name, or sound of freedom, (the ordinary misery of the common sort) as but merely to prove instrumental to particular ends, or revenges, and not to obtain relief, is fit for none of the wise. Then, then should the JEWS have concurred with one consent to defend their liberties by manhood, when POMPEY first assailed them. So disputes king AGRIPPA. The BRITANNS in like sort should have done their utmost to keep off the ROMANS, and to impeach their settle. For, until then, that was just resistance, which seemed afterwards plain rebellion. The same noble prince (a creature, I confess, and client of the CAESARS) could find no hope of remedy for his wronged countrymen by the sword, no nor by complaining of their oppressor while he was among them with power. His counsel therefore was, to expect his remove upon course, and then to accuse him. The admission, and administration of which most sound advice would have preserved their city and temple entire, whereas the refusal (a manifest operation of the curse of God upon them for the death of his only son, our Saviour) destroyed them both. BOADICIA had no course so secure as that, if either she herself meant to survive, or would not cast her country into an absolute captivity, while she went about to ease it of a partial. For, with two or three hundred thousand bodies of men, and they of them who were armed, and trained, being neither for discipline, art, or weapons, comparable to the victorious ROMANS, to defy, and assail the whole empire, was a plain effect of a womanish fury. EGYPT alone, having at once within it under NERO, seven millions of people (easily known by their poll-money) besides the inhabitants of the goodly city of ALEXANDRIA (which gathered ten miles in compass) was nevetthelesse yoked down with only two ROMAN legions. Yea, the three hundred and fifteen several nations of GALLS (next neighbours to our island) under this very emperor were all kept in obedience, with poor twelve hundred soldiers; being almost fewer men, than they themselves had cities. Therefore it was not a work of number, for BOADICIA to deliver the BRITANNS, from NERO, that she might subdue them to herself (for that was the end) but of virtue, skill and felicity. Her stout stomach disdained, or despaired to seek redress; which if SVETONIUS PAULLINUS would not have afforded, his next successors might. To conclude: had that lady extended her wrath to none but to the nocent, and rested then upon her guard, till NERO (who manifestly favoured the quiet of BRITAIN) had been advertised of the causes of her arms, that very middle course itself (though middle courses are evermore misliked by the violent) was not without hope, nor reason. For when the FRISIANS in GERMANY ran to their swords, for resisting the rapines, and cruelties of OLENNIUS (such another wretch among them, as CATUS DECIANUS was here) without exceeding the right of a natural defence, TIBERIUS CAESAR stirred not against them at all, but silently permitted them to enjoy their own satisfaction, as if in secret favour of justice, and as a sharp lesson of modesty to others; though TACITUS assigns another abstruser reason. NERO very likely to have embraced such an example; if but for his own more leisure to sing and play. BOADICIA went upon higher strains, resolving either for death, or domination. The people in the mean time, do howsoever everywhere smart for the folly of their princes, and their own. Accordingly, they support her quarrel, without being first sure how themselves should afterwards stand better, when the ROMANS were off; and it was most certain, that upon their miscarrying, they must all of them lie at the victor's mercy, without so much as the right of an unattainted subject, the privilege to complain, whatsoever they suffer more extreme. The case of her ICENI worthily harder than ordinary, because they had formerly taken arms against OSTORIUS SCAPULA under CLAUDIUS, after that first they had voluntarily entered into the league, and amity of the ROMANS. Let me speak out clear, as by way of counsel for the best, and in a common cause. Without some very special feelings, or ends of their own, few or none of the mighty lead onward to the remove of an evil for common relief. Therefore, after BOADICIA was once enraged, other causes were diligently sought, to draw and increase a side, for enabling her particular revenge: The names of liberty, and reformation are the usual masks of faction; and liberty itself, after a short while is rarely anywhere less then under the new lords rule. Things, fit for all times, and nations to consider, lest too late they find true; The▪ uniustest peace is to be preferred before the justest war. BOADICIA notwithstanding lives a name of glory among the fewest, for the great nobility of her pretences, and the most royal quality of her undertake, such as never any lady waged higher.    

CHAP. XXVI. ONE OF THE PRAETORS IN ROME GVILTY OF An Heinous Libel AGAINST NERO. FREE TOUCHES UPON THAT OCCASION, CONCERNING Libels, AND THEIR Authors.  
OTher sicknesses of the time brought forth a case at ROME, the next year after the troubles in BRITAIN, which for that it hath most near affinity with the rank, and odious licentiousness of some in our own age, deserves in a prime degree to be exemplified. ANTISTIUS SOSIANUS, who for his birth might have had better manners, and for his place ought (as being a magistrate of honour, and a senator) composed in his own house a railing invective against NERO, and divulged it in another's. For at a famous supper with OSTORIUS SCAPULA (the generous son of that great OSTORIUS SCAPULA, who died in BRITAIN) the intemperate gallant, among his bits, and cups, did openly read the defamatory verses. But the auditory was not staunch enough: for the fame soaking through, arrived soon at CAESAR'S ears. The senate was hereupon acquainted with the man and matter, as the proper avengers' of their prince's injury. This ANTISTIUS (take him as he was in himself) had nothing of a discreet or honest man; which fully qualified him for the writing of libels. It is worth the labour to scan him all over. He was therefore in his first times, a factious friend of immodest, and idle quarrels; even so far forth as to engage his magistracies power for their maintenance. For whereas VIBULLIUS, a grave and honourable officer of state, in the second CONSULS of NERO, by virtue of his praetorship, had cast certain persons into prison, for seditious partake about common players (the matter oftentimes of much offence) ANTISTIUS attempted to free them by authority of his countermand, as he was a tribune of the people of ROME. But VIBULLIUS carried the cause, and the other the blame, by the voice of the Senate. Afterwards, when himself came to be a praetor, and increase of dignity should have increased his gravity, he despising his proper happiness, and station, and madly supposing that neither any argument, time, nor person was exempted from the licence of his wit (a frenzy of false glory) undid himself, and endangered others. A most headlong meddler, apt for mischief, and of an injurious spirit. For the Prince (though being NERO'S self) was neither at the worst, nor had in particular given him any cause of spleen: and CAESAR'S reformation could not any way belong to him, who was himself so far out of all good order. They who are clear aught to be spare in reprovals; but the foul should evermore be silent. The sentence (that I mean which was executed upon him for this fact) took his honour, estate, and liberty away. And of this milder doom, PAETUS THRASEA (the wonder of his time for moral life) was the leading author. For others would have also had him put to death after the most smarting and ignominious manner. But whom prosperity made unreverent to her blessings, adversity perhaps recovered to soundness and himself. Nothing less. For in his banishment (that was a branch of the censure) he bewrayed the truth of a libellours nature; playing parts (when he thought they would serve his turn) most abject, false, and base. CORNELIUS TACITUS (with a pen which prints deeper than the hottest fearing-yrons) hath branded them in upon him for ever: nor doth that ponderous author temper himself from calling him vile. Among two-footed beasts, it is hard to say, whither a delator, or a libellour be worst. And it is not an ordinary infelicity to be in company where such mis-behaviours happen. OSTORIUS SCAPULA therefore (the master of that unlucky feast) willing all he could to preserve that sacred oblivion, under which fair conversation locks up tabletalk, gave in for evidence, that he heard nothing. And most happy had it been for that magnanimous, and valiant gentleman, if in the voider the memory of those heinous lines had been also corapped-up. For the libellour should then have afterwards missed the means to ruin him, and others; by counterfeit friendship, treacherous interception of doubtful secrets, mischievous pilfery of papers, and their poisonous enforcements. Of all which as ANTISTIUS was most guilty, so it did consummate his shame. For to the rest of his bad qualities it added the foulest, and the sum of all, that he was ingrateful. Thus much for the person of ANTISTIUS, in whom we undoubtedly behold the image of his fellow-libellours, or privy true speakers of scandalous things against majesty, with treasonable ends; and not in sorrow for the public, or as a friend of virtue. The office of a sovereign is sacred, his person for his offices sake: and though his vices be not more exempted from hatred then from view, yet even the worst would have them hidden. This accordingly was the endeavour and desire of NERO, who when he was afterwards most infamous, did hope notwithstanding, that what he did shameful in the night, the darkness of night, in favour of the proper works of itself, would fully cover. Therefore, when he found by the codicils of PETRONIUS, that his lascivious secrets, (which he till then did suppose lay hidden) were detected; SOSIA was banished, as the pipe by which they were conveyed from CAESAR'S chamber thither. Nor could it but add to the crime of ANTISTIUS, that the severe PAETUS THRASEA spoke very much honour of NERO, before he delivered his opinion in abatement of the libellours punishment, and styled NERO a right worthy Prince; for all this while was SENECA about him. It is good for the world, that there should be some sharp declamers against vices in abstract, or in general. The defamatory noting of persons is not to be permitted, but only to the magistrate. Take mutual reverence away; and you lift the world from off the hinges. And it was no new provision which the emperor's VALENTINIAN, and VALENS ordained, but the interpretation of an old, when they signified by their rescript, that not only to compose, and divulge a defamatory libel, against any honest subject of the empire, but merely to publish the contents, though they destroyed the original, was by them declared felony. And truly, if honour be worthily more precious than life (the touch whereof, whether true, or false, is the common ground of bloody duels) can there any thing be thought more unjust, then that a scandalous tongue, or style, should pass with applause against whomsoever, not first condemned by law? The same emperor's notwithstanding made it free, by their explanation, for any one who did subscribe his name, and at the peril of his head (for that was the penalty) stood to maintain what his tongue and hand had published, should both be secure, and receive, with thancks, reward. If therefore the honour of subjects was so tender, what value can be assessed upon that of sovereign princes? Yet the Christian moderation of the noble emperor's, THEODOSIUS, ARCADIUS, and HONORIUS, is the example of our sacred SOVEREIGN, whose judgements in their own case was divinely high. For thus they said in effect: That if any blasphemed them (the Apostle useth that word in matter of majesty) being led thereunto, either by levity, or madness, and not of malice, it was their pleasures that such a delinquent should not suffer. Reserving always to themselves the judgement of the spirit. ANTISTIUS, among all other his bad deserts, most justly odious, for that by his unseasonoble over-boylings against NERO, the pestiferous extensions of the law of majesty (so pernicious formerly to all affiance in conversation, and so calamitous to the noble) began upon this occasion to be raised out of the grave again, to the bane of many worthy Peers. An act of highest magnanimity, for a Prince to sit far above all maledictions, unmoved, and not upon every revenge slightly to uncollar indignation. The fault notwithstanding is not the less for being left unpunished; and DAVID forgot not SEMEI. ANTISTIUS a miserable man during life: for as his wild wit overthrew him, so his treachery stood him in little stead. For having exceeded the limits of his banishment, and the SENATE misliking it, MUCIANUS (in VESPASIANS days) to appease their lordships, did shut him up again within his isle; their angry curse upon him. Such was ANTISTIUS in his manners, and fortunes. His likes deserve to have a NERO for their prince, and not a most mild king JAMES.   

CHAP. XXVII. THE WORTHY CARRIAGE OF DOMITIUS CORBULO, AGAINST THE PARTHIANS.  
THe general body of the ROMAN power moved everywhere substantially strong, not only in the western world under SVETOFIUS PAULLINUS, but in a leading eminency under CORBULO against the PARTHIANS, in the quarrel of ARMENIA, the possession of which country was alike by both affected. NERO'S greatest courage was only to think or talk of making a voyage in person to the CASPIAN passages (a natural gate in the crown of mountains which separate the PARTHIAN, and ARMENIAN territories) but CORBULO (a severe commander, and such as the work needed) redeemed the ROMAN name from dishonour, which SVETONIUS, the historian, reports to have been much greater than it was; for he absolutely saith, the legions escaped by forking. The PARTHIANS had not that advantage, or used it not, for TACITUS affirms it was only a fame, and it was no more. THEODOSIUS (out of the perished parts of DIO) hath the particular, which though full enough of disparagement, did nevertheless not amount to such a CAUDIAN infamy. Thus it was. LUCIUS CAESENIUS PAETUS, straightened in RHANDAEA, sought conditions of peace for fear of VOLOGESUS (the PARTHIAN king) and accepted such as were agreed upon, thereby to save himself, and soldiers. The chief points in the composition were: that the ROMANS should quit ARMENIA, and NERO should crown TERIDATES (the brother of VOLOGESUS) king thereof. For performance of which (saith THEODOSIUS) oath was given. But the valour, wisdom, and singular diligence of CORBULO repairing all by due degrees, brought great VOLOGESUS himself to yielding terms, and his brother TIRIDATES (whom PLINY notes for mastership in magic) to adore the ROMAN ensigns, and deposit his diadem.   

CHAP. XXVIII. NERO'S FIRST COMING UPON THE COMMON STAGE.  
THese services of his Lieutenants general abroad, and in parts so oppositely distant as east, and west, and in the utmost bounds of the ROMAN empire, towards both those coasts of heaven, gave NERO boldness to despise all reports of what he did vile, or beneath the majesty of CAESAR, among his own at home. It was now the tenth year of his reign when first he came upon the open stage, nor that at ROME first, but at NAPLES, meditating a new kind of triumph, not over armed enemies, but over rhymers, players, minstrels, and the like. As if, to accomplish the glory of the ROMAN name, any thing was wanting which NERO could supply. His ambition was so vehement, and strange in this kind (as for an honour which he in his ignorance held to be worthy of the lord of the world) that his coigns represent him in the habit of a cytharist, or (if our word reach the fullness of the sense) an harper.  
Till now, all his proofs, and essays of himself were only in his palaces, or gardens, but, after long practice, presuming he might worthily go out master, he aspired to public auditories. These were stronger means to precipitate the People of ROME into old decrepit age, than all the cruelties, and rages of the former times, for they properly tended to effemination, or rather were effeminacies self. S. AUGUSTINE notes, that whosoever affects superiority, and loves not glory, goes beyond beasts both in cruelty, and riot; and he brings for illustration the example of this NERO; whose manners were so corrupt, that none (saith that holy Father) would ever surmise that any manly matter was to be feared or expected at his hands, and yet his acts were so tyrannically stern, that they who knew him not, would never believe there was any thing womanish in him. In this unprincely ambition his fingers were not so movable, and swift upon the strings of the lyra, as the gripe of his depraved power was heavy upon many, whose greater parts he maliced. This, among his priuadoes in court, was known to be so certain a way of doing mischief, that they shot therewith even at SENECA himself when his partner in authority, AFRANIUS BURRHUS, was now lately dead. For than they accused him in their secret whispers, that he had a disloyal desire to excel in eloquence, and poesy; and therefore more often addicted himself to the composure of verses, after once he found that CAESAR took delight in them, then at any time ever before. The vanity, and weakness of all created power in court, not more apparent, then miserable; when the foundations thereof are in any the least degree subject to be sapped, and eaten through with so 〈…〉 feeble suggestions, where the prince hath neither forehead, heart, nor brain. NERO unwillingly brooked any man, who might be thought to stand in the same line of honour for those faculties, or did not adoringly admire his; esteeming it as his most special glory, and felicity, that some way or other he could securely destroy emulators. His seal, where these imaginations are not obscurely professed, GVILLAUME du CHOUL (counsellor of estate to some of the late French kings) did find in ancient sculpture, and caused it to be cut and printed. GABRIEL SYMEONI also, an Italian author, formerly published the same. Out of whose extant work it is derived hither into mine. A strange invention for an imperial signet. And my memory fails me, if it be not also in the printed collections of ROMAN seals, imitated out of sundry rings, as they were severally set with cornelians, agates, onycles, and other the cheaper sort of precious stones, engraven for the use of signature.  
The argument of this cachet (so the French call it) is the famous fable of MARSYAS, who was flayed alive, for presuming to challenge the harp of APOLLO into a trial, against the music of his pipe. What NERO meant by assuming it, or in what cases he was accustomed to seal therewith, is merely matter of conjecture, not of certainty. For whether it were to terrify those who durst compare, or contend in skill with him; or to justify his most high veneration of musical agons, in regard they were the peculiar glory of so great a deity as APOLLO, or whither it were that he arrogantly usurped a resemblance, or whatsoever my part is sufficiently discharged in having delivered not what I may devose, but what I find true.  
To please the meaner sort of people was the poor chief point of his policy. For in their affections he reposed his safety, and in their applause his glory. Therefore, to entertain all their senses with their proper delights, (there being no other way so sure of winning them) he lays hold of their ears with songs and tunes; of their eyes, with public games, and shows; and finally of the residue of the five, with the most voluptuous, and impudent permissions of all sorts of gluttonous and venereous excesses in public. That banquet, or Bacchanal, which SOPHONIUS TIGELLINUS provided in the pool of AGRIPPA, or (as DIO hath the place) in the amphitheatre, where nothing was chaste, nothing frugal, nothing honest, hath the fame of the maddest and most wild of all that ever were in his days. Lascivious naked women, immeasurable cheer, wine, words, and nothing barred, but abstinence or modesty, which though it was the cause why the meeting ended in quarrels, blows and blood, yet this was freedom in their estimation, being indeed nothing else but an overflow of authorised corruptions and villainies. But some few days after the feast, there succeeded an act more prodigious; the coupling of NERO to PYTHAGORAS Doryphorus, as an husband. CARDAN excuseth him upon those flatterers, who while they did put him into a frolic for the honour of the goddess ISIS, persuaded a sacrilege in stead of a ceremony, and so deceived him. A fiction, and a toy, but not amiss for the scope of CARDAN'S writing, to vent a witty wonder of his own devising, as if NERO were a Worthy. That most inherent fire of lust, which all religion, and all good laws strive to quench in the hurtful heats thereof, by making adulteries, rapes, and unnatural violations capital, and other licentious intemperance shamefully criminal, NERO inflames and enrageth with example & leave. The destroyer of health and happiness, nor in any thing so mischievous to manners as in this his most loathsome, soul, and monstrous practice.   

CHAP. XXIX. THE BURNING OF ROME BY NERO.  
THe city of ROME, filled, and polluted thus, with his incredible vices; behold, as if to purge the same, it suddenly conceived fire, and vehemently prospered towards an universal blaze. That NERO was the author of it seems branded upon him for a truth, though CORNELIUS TACITUS (whose historical justice is admired) reports it as a matter uncertain, because his authors differ among themselves, some affirming, some denying it: and he himself doth elsewhere profess, to deliver nothing for undoubted verity, without common consent of good books. A rule of narration much more tender, severe, and scrupulous, then that often times of his censures. His inward judgement notwithstanding doth not obscurely incline to the affirmation. I for my part will forbear to derive up this most depraved affection of NERO so high, as to his first times; though, among his public entertainments of the people, he presented one of the gowned plays of AFRANIUS (or such an one whose argument, and dramatical persons were ROMANS) entitled The fire, giving leave to the actors, when (according to the plot) the house of the stage was on a flame, to share the gorgeous furnitures among themselves as booty. And howsoever perhaps he did not as then reflect upon the burning of ROME, yet might it afterwards very well seem a presage thereof, or a model. Envy to mankind, wantonness of will, and the absurd desire of glory, his most inward incentives to a fact so strange. He pronounced king PRIAMUS an happy man (saith XIPHILINE) because he beheld the end of his kingdom and country together. And when in ordinary discourse one chanced to utter in his hearing, a tragic Greek verse, importing, when I am dead, let the fire take all, or, let the earth and fire be confounded together, he presently replied, not when I am dead (quoth he) but while as yet I am alive. Voices, hard to say, out of which of the hels inspired. And here, his desire of converting ROME into embers, doth first of all seem to have kindled. About which work he nevertheless went not so closely, that his guiltiness did not glimmer through. He abode within his birthplace, ANTIUM. From thence he slily lets slip into divers parts of ROME, a few odd fellows, counterfeiting drunken (saith DIO) and would do some other mischief, who began the consuming evil. Yea some of NERO'S own chamber (as it is in the CAESARS of credible SVETONIUS) were seen to carry course flax, or toa, and torches about, the means of fiery mischief, and yet most of those great, and consulary lords, into whose grounds they came, never laid hand upon them. He wanted a city on fire, over which to sing the burning of TROY. Thus he had it. And there is abundantly enough, even in the CORNELIAN Annals, to convince NERO'S conscience of the deed, though their noble author (pursuing his rule of uncertainty) even interprets those very reasons with a temper. Many threatened thick at such as would have quenched the flames; others openly hurled firebrands, crying, they knew what they did, or, there was one who would bear them out. Besides, he himself did not set forward from ANTIUM to ROME, till the fire had laid hold of that part of his house which ioignd the palace and the gardens of MAECENAS. Finally, no art, nor bounty of his, could induce the commons to believe in NERO'S innocence. For, do what he could, the general persuasion went, that he commanded ROME to be set on fire. These, and sundry other the like things the CORNELIAN Annals affirm. Alone sufficient to prove NERO the principal party, though all other testimonies (which nevertheless speak plainly, and come home to the question) were everlastingly silent.  

§. I. Of the hugeness, and goodliness of NERO'S Rome.  
MArble ROME (such as AUGUSTUS left it, and specially boasted of) was comprehended within a wall of almost fourteen miles in circuit, enlarged afterwards to fifty, under the Emperor AURELIAN, when stone was reputed a part of the empire's strength. But, that spacious body, and the suburban limbs thereof, might together rather seem an whole country superedified, then only a city. For the buildings ran out above thirty miles one way, and from the milliarie pillar, fixed in the crown of the ROMAN forum, as a centre of measure, a line of seventy thousand paces would not draw the praetorian camp and the furthermost houses in. PLINY therefore in his contemplations of the hugeness of ROME, may worthily conclude (as he doth) that no city under heaven could be compared thereunto, the height of the buildings considered with their multitude. ITALY, (saith the same PLINY) the foster-child of all other countries, and the same their mother also, selected by powers divine to make the heavens themselves shine brighter, to unite dispersed commonwealths, to soften their manners, to draw the differing and harsh-sounding languages of so many nations, to a familiar conversation by the interchange of speech, to bestow humanity upon human-kinde, and in a word, to make one common country for all the people of the world; and sovereign ROME, a face most fair, and worthy to be set on a neck so lovely. Her increases of habitations so manifold, that the seven and thirty gates thereof could not let in more; and ROME, for want of room, did shut out additions in suburbs, which answered in quantity to so many several cities. For to OSTIA (the port of ROME, and mouth of TIBER) the banks were covered with buildings, twelve miles outright one way. And all but needful, considering, that by the proportions of LIPSIUS, ROME harboured not fewer than four or five millions of people. This moved one of the ancient to write (as MARLIANUS voucheth him) that he supposed all ITALY would in time be builded over, and the bounds of the city of ROME be the shores of the sea. But the wonder of the seat did not grow from the greatness only, but from the innumerable ornaments of public, and private works, erected for use, delight, and glory, dispersed over all the fourteen wards, or regions thereof. Temples, Forums, Libraries, Therms, Aquaducts, theatres, Amphitheatres, Circi, Porticus, Arches, Columns, Statuas, Palaces, and the rest, whose bare names scarce remaining, do fill up volumes with their inventaries. Yet their young master, NERO, thought not such a ROME, either good enough, or brave enough for his abode. For he was manifestly displeased with the fashion of tenements, as not competently magnificent, nor less with the narrowness and irregular angles of streets, and lanes, such as they rose at adventure after the first burning of ROME by the GALLS. His own imperial court within the walls of ROME, the most goodly part of the whole, did likewise seem too mean and narrow. No remedy therefore but all must down; which purpose of his, nor daring to profess, he meant to father it upon the casualty of fire, whereunto it was so often subject, though nothing so mischievously as now. For such a course was held, as if there should need no more burnings; one burning to stand for all; and ROME to be her own no more.   

§. II. The fire, and NERO'S triumph over it.  
THat the firing of the city throughly was throughly studied, may in part appear by the very place itself of the mischiefs original; which was thickest builded, and upon the lowest ground. For in old times before, it had been so surrounded with the watery excursions of TIBER, that it converted the soil into a rotten moor, good only for sallowes, and canes to grow upon: neither was there any ordinary passage over it to mount AVENTINE, but by ferry. This whole large bottom, or valley, enclosing the PALATINE hill upon two sides, towards the west, and south, and called the Velabrum, being won in time to be firm, was everywhere now inhabited. Among all the magnificent works which adorned it, the principal Circus, or Race-yard was one, being about half a mile in length, of an oval form, with rows of seats one above the other, competently capable of all the people of ROME (as IWENAL over-reacheth in his Satyrs) but even, as sober men write, of at least one hundred, and fifty thousand spectators, without uncivil shoulderings. Of this Circus the whole quarter where it stood was denominated, and in that corner thereof which abutted upon the PALATINE, and CAELIAN hills, where the oile-men, and druggers dwelled, the first flames rose, which sailing with no slack wind, fed upon the buildings so fast, as if they had been sensible of CAESAR'S allowance. The fiery streams breaking further forth in the aër, ran speedily through the scaffolds, and timbers of that most goodly work, full of the unresistable fury which they found out among those fat and gummy trades. From this level or plain, the combustion mounts with ease, and scales the hills. NERO'S own house, called The transitory, (by reason of the passage over the valley from mount to mount, through a gallery raised between, upon arches, and pillars) was in the way of the fire; which he willingly suffered to perish, that his losses being mixed with the common, the losses of private citizens might appear the more tolerable, and his malice escape, the rather without marking. From those hills the flames strike down again, upon the inferior tops of houses, and rage without control. For least common help should prevail against any single invasion, the burning blaze was kindled in sundry precincts, and streets at once, making the work manifold. So while they laboured to quench and stop destruction in one place, new eruptions of fire and flame took them off from thence, and did everywhere frustrate endeavours. Nor was there any surer sign that NERO was come from ANTIUM, than the open assistance given towards the consuming of ROME. Other effect his presence had not. Whereas gentle CLAUDIUS CAESAR (when in his time a mighty fire threatened the city) issued out in person, brought forth his treasure, and both with voice and bounty encouraged all men to the extinction. AULUS VITELLIUS, afterwards emperor, a capital instrument of NERO'S in this burning: for his enemies before they murdered him, among all other whatsoever their reproaches and revile, added the title of incendiary, which well became his interest in NERO'S favour. But, over and above all underhand kindlers, and boutefeus, the night-watch of the city, whose duty most immediately it was, to have subdued the calamity by quenching, or pulling down of houses, did openly cherish it. Nor they alone but the praetorian guards also. For I cannot conceive how DIO should mean any other than the praetorian, where he speaks of other soldiers besides the night-watch. A certain sign indeed that NERO was come. The city seemed now (saith XIPHILINE) like a mighty winter-campe, when it is all-over full with fires, to warm the army. But the descriptions which PINDARUS, & VERGIL make of AETNA, are in comparison but as of a great chimney on fire. For what was that one barren hill of SICILIA to the most wealthy seven of ROME? The fourteen wards or regions thereof, were not simply as members of a division, but as if the same number of great cities had been joined to constitute one: which while they are not all of them on fire at once, and yet all of them in open danger, the crackling fate of parts did represent to men's minds the burning of the whole. One of the least mountains was scarce fully covered with buildings by her founders at first, but the powerful growth of above eight hundred years had not only taken the other six hills in, and hidden them with edificatures, but the lowest parts had so overtopped them also with magnificent spires, as they could not easily be distinguished, till this fire deformed the imperial face thereof, and office afterwards freed the lamentable prospect from rubbish. The wind sitting southerly, and southwesterly, conspired at this time with NERO, and converting temples, and tenements into the likeness of glowing furnaces, carried the loud flame over from the PALATINE hill to mount AESQVILINE. The fall of stones, timber, walls, roofs, and whole palaces, assailed and embraced with the fire, not able with their noise to bury the cry and shrieks of women and children. Nothing to be seen but flashes bursting forth out of clouds of smoke, as it were out of ambuscado's. One and the same raging fire becoming funeral and final to the lives, and fortunes of innumerable thousands. Stealth, force, and rapine the practice of the desperate NERONIANS. Which when it was generally perceived, and that after many days, and night's opposition of the evil, the work was grown too hot, and too great to be mastered, few men remained any longer careful for their particular estate in goods, but lamented the doleful waste, and downfall of their common country. Only NERO was not dismayed, nor troubled, but highly pleased For, delighted (as he said) with the goodliness of the blaze, he insulted over the public woe. Attired therefore in his theatral habit, with his harp in his hand, he ascends (saith SVETONIUS) to the top of MAECENAS Tower, upon mount ESQVILINE, whose stately fabric (as HORACE describes it) was a near neighbour to the lofty clouds, or, to speak in the language of conversation, ouerlookt the most part of ROME. BOISSARDUS writes; that it is at this day called Fronton di Nerone, a goodly frontispiece. There he feeds himself with the sight of infinite burnings, and sings to his harp the destruction of TROY, or rather of ROME (as it was plainly there to be seen, saith DIO) and not of TROY. Some think it was not any thing of HOMER'S or VERGILS' which he sung, but a poem of his own, because SERVIUS HONORATUS, and, before his time, JUNIUS IWENALIS are witnesses, that NERO dealt in verse upon that argument. For nothing under heaven could be more agreeable to his disposition, then that he should not only set all ROME on fire, but even the whole world itself, for giving the life of expression to his conceits, if his power over the one had been equally much as over the other. It is not one city, but all mankind which is in danger, when a NERO sways. That humane nature (howsoever corrupted, or depraved) should possibly have in it such a thing as he, is fearful to consider. Therefore it cannot be less than miserable, for any one to be absolutely left to himself, but chiefly for young princes. In this example nevertheless, it doth comfortably well appear, what excellent service, religion, and all wise laws perform to man, by whose restraincts the generation of humane monsters is hindered, or their malice qualified. The moral of the fable of ORPHEUS, and of his brute auditory reacheth to that observation. Every one hath a tyrant in himself: and in most people the unreasonable part predominates. The contemplation of this fire hath endangered me to a flowed of discourse. CARDAN feebly defends the innocence of NERO in this fact, by the huge charge he was at, in the renovation and repair of buildings. The raging evil contained it self within the walls, which turned the city's seat out again into fields, and country; not so fresh as at the first. Her ancient rudeness much better than vastity in cinders. ROME, the common home of mankind; the storehouse of conquests and spoils; the habitation of the gods of the world; the confluent of arts and nature's choice; the supreme court where the pleas of all the earth were held without appeal; the centre of nations; the head and heart of empire; the seat of peace and war; the mother and type of all civil majesty; in her own dwelling, and by her own son, was frighted thus out of her sacred abode, and scorched, and miserably maimed. The secret name of ROME, VALENTIA, to the custody whereof, (as it is in SOLINUS) the silent goddess, Angerona, was destinated, scarce needed evocation by enemies with spells, and charms, as being almost ready to reveal itself in this agony, and so to have dissolved empire. Most remarkable of all; that this fire began upon the same day, upon which the GALLI SENONES, many ages before, had sacked, and fired it. CORNELIUS TACITUS assigns the time to have been as upon the nineteenth day of our julie, or the foureteenth Kalends of August, or so to say, September. A manifest error in chronology (saith JOSEPH SCALIGER) for it was the sixteenth of those Kalends, or the one and twentieth day of july. Somewhat more for us to admire, that there should be a concurrence of like infelicities upon like days. So FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS notes, that JERUSALEM was taken by TITUS upon the very self same day, in which anciently it was captivated by the king of BABYLON. The stop of this flaming desolation was procured after six days continual waste, not by quenching, but by casting to the earth a great number of houses, over whose breach the flames could not stride to the abrupt. The place upon which those demolished buildings stood, was afterwards consecrated; as the confessed means for preservation of the residue. That most memorable inscription is partly alive in LIPSIUS, and SCALIGER, and wholly in JANUS GRUTERUS, out of MAZOCHIUS. The same is now in ENGLISH also fully here.  THIS FLOOR, WHICH IS CLOSED WITHIN THIS BOUNDER OF LITTLE HILLS, OBELISKS, AND THE ALTAR SOMEWHAT BENEATH, IS DEDICATED, IN ACCOMPLISHMENT OF A VOW, WHICH BEING UNDERTAKEN BY OCCASION OF FIRE, When the city burnt for nine days in NERO'S times, WAS FOR ALONG WHILE NEGLECTED, AND NOT PERFORMED, AND IS DEDICATED UPON THIS PROVISO, THAT NO MAN PRESUME TO BUILD AN HOUSE WITHIN THESE LIMITS, OR REMAINS, BARGAIN, OR PLANT A TREE, OR SOW ANY THING, AND THAT THE Praetor, TO WHOSE LOT THE GOVERNMENT OF THIS REGION SHALL HAPPEN, AND EVERY OTHER MAGISTRATE MAY KNOW, THEY ARE EVERY YEAR TO SACRIFICE UPON THE FEAST OF Vulcan, BEING THE TENTH KALENDS OF SEPTEMBER, WITH A calf, AND A tame boar. 
This undisputable evidence testifies unto us, that the fire lasted nine days; and not only six (though only six were enough to devour a mighty city) as CORNELIUS TACITUS reconciliably reckons. For a second fire, which seems to have held so long as to make the six days nine, immediately rose out of the Aemilian gardens, belonging to TIGELLINUS SOPHONIUS. Greatly to the increase of NERO'S infamy. For this was he, who, with the advantage of his masters bad propensions, had prevailed in NERO, against all the honest infusions of SENECA, and had utterly driven out all his precepts. The corrupter, and depravator now, and afterwards the betrayer, and abandoners of his Sovereign. A crime, among some few other, most inexpiable.   

§. III. The work of the fire in spoil.  
TAke now a proportion of the harm done here. Of all the fourteen wards or regions of ROME, only four remained entire, three burned to ground, and the other seven most foully defaced, and half converted into embers and ashes. Mount PALATINE, one of the fourteen, and the plot itself where king ROMULUS auspicated the empire of the world, was laid bare, and waste all over. If therefore any such fatal mystery had couched upon the place of omen, that the desolation thereof must have wrought the dissolution of the fortune of ROME, (as in the surreption of the Palladium of TROY) the dissolution had undoubtedly followed. For Roma Quadrata, and Sedes Imperij were in those very words religiously worshipped there, and the temple of Felicity itself escaped not the infelicity of burning. This region, notwithstanding it was the least of all saving one, contained above two miles in compass: which being but a third part of the consume, and but a tenth of the deformations and marrings, what an image and face of destruction, and solitude must needs rise out of the whole together? But that hurt could not be worth the doing for NERO, whereof there could either be a valuation, or an inventary. The particulars innumerable; the damage inestimable. For giving the ruin of structures in to the heap as a surplus (because he never meant they should stand) and the utter waste of riches in plate, coin, utensils, and other goods (because they were both valuable and suppliable) there perished such other things which could neither be restored nor prized. TO CORNELIUS TACITUS, SVETONIUS, DIO, and the rest of the old ROMANS, the temples of their gods, excellent maister-pieces, and monuments of their triumphal Worthies, were of that kind, but that which did not concern ROME only, nor those times alone, but all people, and ages, and which for ever perished in this baleful fire, were ancient and uncorrupted volumes stored up in public, and private libraries. In those other things it was either profound antiquity, or reputed sanctity, which did set upon them their highest or utmost value, but in the abolition of the works of wit, immortality itself did suffer, and seems to have turned mortal. This was indeed to destroy old ROME, and the empire also. For while those noble cabanets, and treasures of memory remained, the ROMAN Worthies, and their actions would for ever have been above ground, and survived. The soul, the body, the fortunes, and all things of man, or belonging to him, have severally their shares in such a privation, as the books consumed did severally in their arguments concern them. And albeit those innumerable thousands, whom either smoke did smother, the weight of ruins crushed, flames burnt to dust, villains slew, or who desperately threw themselves into the fire, as if the end of all were come, (which DIO testifies many did) and voluntarily perished, were for the present more mist than whatsoever else, yet nothing concerned all men and times but those books alone. For which and other his famous deeds, the common justice of the world hath crowned NERO with the proper reward of their merit. His name the everlasting trampling-stocke, and hatred of mankind. These things happened, CAIUS LECANIUS, and MARCUS LICINIUS, Consuls, in the year from ROME built eight hundred and seventeen. Howbeit the minds and tongues of the people (as if the computation were falsified) ran wholly upon a prophecy in SIBYL, which threatened a general perdition upon the year nine hundred. Concerning which I have long before said sufficiently in AGRIPPINA'S murder.   

§. FOUR NERO'S use of the burnings, and destructions of old ROME.  
IN firing ROME he burned in himself with a far worse fire; the absurd desire of a name. His madness greater to hope for glory by the doing, than his wickedness was in the fact. He was therefore so impatiently desirous to see that new town, & palace, actually rise, according to that idea of them which he had drawn to himself within his own imagination, as he could not brook the orderly taking down of the old. The top of his ambition, to be thought worthy for such an instauration, to carry the name. ROME no longer to be called ROME, but NEROPOLIS, or NERO'S city. And truly he did so much in that respect, by making fair wide streets, and building in right lines, with galleries and tarrales before the houses, that SENECAS TIMAGINES, had he lived now, as under AUGUSTUS, would have had just cause of new envy. For nothing vexed him when ROME fell on fire (as often times it did) but that the decays re-edified rose ever much more beauteous, and brave then before their burning. But so far is HIEROME CARDAN from the right, in coigning to us an opinion, by way of trifling, as if the money which defrayed the charge of these magnificent reparations, had issued out of NERO'S coffers, that in SVETONIUS TRANQVILLUS the contrary is manifestly true. And PAULUS ORESIUS testifies, that he taxed upon the Senate a yearly payment of ten millions of sestertium towards the expense. A sum, which, reduced to our account, is hardly comprehensible within numeration, when every such million makes up five and twenty millions of crowns English. But howsoever that was; his gripes, and drawings for money were so strange, and universal, as if he had set ROME on fire for a colour to gather the wealth of the world together, by public and private robberies. This notwithstanding (as also some other base and horrible acts, which pass for NERO'S) might properly belong to that traitorous caitiff, TIGELLINUS, who durst do something in his master's name, which his master NERO never either authorised, or knew. The CORNELIAN histories aver it clearly. O faîth, at all times needful, and ever honourable, but in the near servants of sovereign princes so absolutely requisite, that where it is wanting, they are not servants but subverters, & are accordingly to be left over to the hangman's mercy. NERO, for certain, was so little an admirer of money, that he held there was no other use thereof but profusion. TIGELLINUS and his complices, aught in my belief to undergo the infamy of these extortive courses. This coin of NERO'S, in the judgement of that excellent and famous Spanish Praelate, ANTONIUS AUGUTSTINUS, concerns the house, or palace which NERO CAESAR raised upon the ruins of his chief city. Therefore he reads not MAC. for Macellum (which doth not only signify a flesh-market, or butchery, but a place where all sorts of food are sold, as PLUTARCH and others do assure us) but MAG. for Magna, in allusion to this new palace. Howbeit, (saved my reverence to his learning) DIO forceth me to descent, who in express words writes, that NERO reared a market-sted, and, for our surer satisfaction, gives us in Greek characters, the Latin name, and calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Besides that, the mansion which NERO erected, is no where signally called Magna, but Aurea, not the Great, but the Golden one. Sufficient to show, this coin was ordained by commandment of the Senate (as the single capitals upon it, S. and C. do signify) to acknowledge him the author of such a munificence. The memorial thereof belongs to the city, not to CAESAR'S peculiar dwelling; and the word meant by that literal note, is not Magna, but Macellum. But how much soever NERO added to the outward majesty, and beauty of ROME, it was thought that in the heats it was far less healthy than before; because the Sun had more power upon it, by reason of the greater breadth and directness of the streets. Nor did he obtain to have ROME called NEROPOLIS as he is said to have affected.   

§. V. NERO'S new palace, or GOLDEN HOUSE.  
Having thus destroyed old ROME by burning, he destroyed it again (which you will wonder at) by building. For making use of the soil, upon which so many magnificent and goodly fabrics (publicly consecrated either to religious rites, or to the eternal memory of noble deeds) where also so many thousands of isles, and other messages lately stood (the harbours of private citizens) he constituted in the roomth of them all, one main abode for himself. The extraordinary compass of this place met with such wits as answerably flew out of all compass, the more fully to figure the same. That libel therefore in verse, which SVETONIUS hath registered in his common places of the CAESAR'S lives (for so they rather are, then properly histories, whose method is natural, and continuous, not broken into dischronicall species) tells us; all the city of ROME was now become no more but one house only. Yea PLINY also is more pleased with dainty, and general notions, then with the solemnity and particular propriety of historical phrase, in describing this monster of a towne-seat. Therefore he freshly plays the young man again, and no way inferior to that epigrammatist in excess of speech, writes; that all ROME was set within NERO'S house, and that all the lands of some of the old Roman Worthies were not so capacious, and large, as here the cellars only. Forms of expression which become a poem singularly well, or a flourishing orator. Their over common pursuit is in our own times grown the error, and vice of wits; among whom nothing now hath taste, but (as they are called) fine conceits: The bane of all solid elequence, and more of solid studies. NERO loathed his former palace. The transitory, as too small and mean, and therefore founded this other, which comprehended that as a parcel, naming it, altogether, The golden house. The hugeness better to be conceived by the rule of proportion in the art of building (as the stature of HERCULES was found by the measure of his foot) then by imaginative hyperboles, which leave no certainty, nor draw any lines of truth within the understanding. Every just part discovers the just total. This court imperial therefore, had a porch, or entrance, so exceedingly wide, and receiptfull, that the more than giantlike image of NERO, one hundred and twenty foot high, was elevated within it. And SVETONIUS further specifies unto us, for the clearer declaration of the spaciousness, that it had porticus triplices milliarias. By which words, though no man (whom I can find) doth directly know what is meant, yet they represent to the mind a wonderful argenes. I could suppose their sense to be, that three parts or sides of a square, from the porch to the first front, or from the house backward, were decked with walks or galleries, having in all a thousand pillars. These, together with their equal distances, which could not be less in art then the length of their own shafts, must needs take up a mighty compass. This image of NERO, made by ZENODORUS, in emulation of the Colossus of the Sun, at RHODES, between whose overstriding legs ships entered the port, seems also to have admitted under it all sorts of things and people here. A particular story belongs to this wonder of statuary work. For afterwards when NERO'S vile deeds were publicly damned, the head was removed, and in place thereof (saith PUBLIUS VICTOR) the head of the Sun, with a glory of seven golden beams about it, every beam seven foot and an half in length, some say above twenty foot (which is more probable, because more proportionable) was fixed and dedicated. The like COLOSSUS painted upon linen cloth (an invention till then unknown) resembling NERO at the proportion of one hundred and twenty foot long, when it was now finished in the LAMIAN gardens, both the monstrous picture, & the gardens themselves were consumed (saith PLINY) with lightning But the marvel of NERO'S house consisted not in the magnitude only, but in the materials, appurtenances, & workmanship. Nor principally in them. For ivory, pearl & gold, were grown stale, because they were common ornaments. But the chief wonder of the invention sprung merely from desolation. For he laid rogether great depopulated places; turning them into woods, gardens, wildernesses, lakes, fields, and vineyards, most curiously adorned with architecture. Things of much more need, and value there then metal and gems. No man therefore ought extremely to admire, that the epigram in SVETONIUS cries out, that CAESAR did thrust so much of ROME forth of the native seat thereof, as if the inhabitants must have been enforced to remove to the VEII, almost twenty miles off, and every way round as far. Wild ways of description, which in right history are little better than odious, they are so wand'ring and so general, creating no constant or circumscriptible image in the mind of the reader. The real course of giving satisfaction, would have told us in plain terms, what quantity of ground the golden house and habitation took, and what was the frame and face thereof in the most singular parts. I may briefly afford some more certain light to this admirable argument. The PALATINE, and AESQVILINE hills, which lay towards the north of the world, were the only places of which he made most use for his new affected abode. Mount PALATINE (the X. ward or region of ROME) comprehended (according to ONUPHRIUS and others) XI. M.DC. foot about. In which there were VII. main streets; XXVI. temples and chapels, great and small; ancient guilds, or common halls, FOUR the PALATINE baths; private baines XV.ii. public libraries; corne-mills XII. garners XVI. palaces, or princely, and great men's houses, CXIC. (among which, was that of SENECA'S) and MDC. isles; or messages (for that is here meant by isles) which touched not one the other: besides BACCHUS meadow; the grove of the fairies; open places; colosses; arches triumphal; altars; and many other most famous things. Officers in ordinary for government of the ward: masters, XXVIII. curators, and beadles (or denunciators) a like number, of each a pair. Mount AESQVILINE (or the V. ward or region of ROME) together with the tower of MAECENAS, and VIMINAL bill, was bounded within the measure of XV. M.DCCCCL. foot; contained XV. main streets; the temple of all the gods (PANTHEON) and about XXX. other temples, and chapels great and small; VIII. consecrated groves; II. fields; the Praetorian camp; great hot baths, II. private baines, LXXV. curious fountains, and conducts above CXXC. garners, XXIII. corne-mills XXII. palaces, or renowned men's houses, CLXXX. and in them the poet VERGILS'; isles, MMDCCCL. beside an amphitheatre; a circus; a park; most famous gardens; and besides alother memorable objects of sight. Officers in ordinary: master's LX. overseeers or curators, II. beadles, or denunciators, as many. Here also, VII. cohorts, or MMM. and D. soldiers, part of the cities watch, had their quarter, or station. This table will at once set before our eyes both the fiery spoil, and the scope reserved by NERO. His fancies accomplished; he came to warm or dedicate his golden house (though DIO PRUSIAS thinks his own native tenement truly golden, and NERO'S but only in name) and upon beholding it at full, approved the some thus far, that now at last he began to dwell like a man. A noble speech for certain; and which might well have come from CAESAR; the speaker not considered. To assure the continuance, he vainly included the temple of FORTUNE, which builded all of a transparent stone, called phengit, was internally as bright as day by selfe-reflections. Howbeit he did not so finish his golden mansion, but that the very first bill which OTHO Caesar afterwards signed, was a warrant to the treasurer to issue out a eleven hundred and fifty thousand crowns for ending it. The true space of this usurped habitation is certainly misreported; the flashes of hyperboles abusing our senses. It was not a mile forthright, in the opinion of that right learned, and worthy man, LAEVINUS TORRENTIUS. For my part, I could think the same, considering what VALERIUS MARTIALIS testifies of some particulars, so short a while after, as in DOMITIAN'S days, who had his turn of empire within thirteen or fourteen years from NERO. And yet that maister-poet runs on in the vain of the rest, as if in the whole city there stood but one house: the figure of amplification was generally so rife. In it appears, that where NERO'S pool or pond was, which (by the report of SVETONIUS) being like a sea for the bigness, and environed with buildings like cities (O vast excess of words) DOMITIAN had made firm ground, and raised his amphitheatre upon it. Out of this I am satisfied that the water which is in SVETONIUS as great as a sea, might be about some hundred and fifty yards over. The epigram is extant, and toucheth many other points of this argument, but this one above all, that DOMITIAN undid what NERO wrought, and laid open his injurious encroachments, restoring ROME to herself, and one man's delights to all men's benefits. Wisdom builds sure, because it chooseth the heart of man for a foundation; but what a NERO raiseth, a DOMITIAN overthrows, and one malignant tyrant, destroys the others doings; as when the plague removes a fever. Nothing stands bold which hath not virtue for the basis, but in stead thereof, vainglory and wrong. The burning of ROME, and NERO'S buildings, are subjects of speech so full of amazement, and admirable oddness, as may worthily warrant my plenty, seeing they well deserve a great deal more.    

CHAP. XXX. THE CHRISTIANS PERSECUTED BY NERO, AS THE BURNERS OF ROME.  
NERO having thus played with the ruins of the sacred seat, and with the evils of his nation, and in the practice of such tragical revels, going far beyond the malice, and dare of enemies, he nevertheless invented a way how to excel even himself in wickedness, by raising the first great Persecution against CHRISTIANS, as incendiaries. For when he found, that neither his innumerable offices, or diligent offers at affording comforts, could deliver him from the suspicion of the fact; in the necessity of accusing some, he apprehended those innocent men, as guilty, whose free confession of their faith was interpreted a full conviction of the objected crime. Such preiudices reigned then against religion. There was at that present a flourishing Church of Christians in ROME, even before Saint PAUL'S arrival. NERO'S own court was secretly garnished, and enriched with some of those diamonds, whose salutations the Apostle remembers in his epistle to the PHILIPPIANS. The bad man therefore wanted no matter for his savage fraud to work upon, which he fulfilled so industriously, that they who abhorred Christians for their religion, commiserated their punishments as undeserved; and NERO, while with their blood he sought to quench and cover his infamy, heaped upon himself new envy. Some (saith TACITUS) being cased in the skins of wild beasts, were worried to death with dogs, some were crucified, and others burnt in public, to furnish the evening with bonfires. The martyr, like the staff of a torch, was packed up within papers, stiffened in molten wax, and other kindling stuff, with a coat of cerecloth about his body bound upright to an axletree: which being altogether pitched in a sandy furrow, wereso set on fire at the bottom with bavins, or dry sear twigs, (which the LATINS call Sarmenta) to maintain light for NERO'S night-sports in his gardens, upon which occasion CHRISTIANS were bynamed Sarmentarians. Some of them were gored in length upon stakes (saith IWENAL, for of them he means) the one end fastened in the earth, the other coming forth at the mouth. Here those new combats, crowns and triumphs were dedicated by the tyrant, which prevailed to eternity, and mounted in time the cross of CHRIST above all the arches, and tropheas of the empire. Nor did this Persecution rage in ROME alone. For OROSIUS saith it was general. The credit of which affirmation is singularly upholden by a most notable inscription, found among certain ruins in PORTUGAL, and extant in GRUTERUS, which pretendeth thankfulness to NERO; first for purging the province from strong thiefs, and then again (as he was Chief Priest) from those other who sought to inculcate to mankind A NEW SUPERSTITION. None will doubt those words to be meant of CHRISTIANITY, who are but meanly acquainted with the style of those times among the ETHNICS; that being the phrase itself of TACITUS, and TRANQVILLUS. The famous inscription followeth.  
NERONI. CL. CAIS. AUG. PONT. MAX.  
OB. PROVINC. LATRONIB. ET. HIS. QVI. NOVAM. GENERI. HUM. SUPERSTITION. INCULCAB.  
PURGATAM.  
This monument is doubly glorious to the Saints of that age, because it both couples robbers, and them together (for unjust contumely increaseth dignity) and because of the evidence which it gives of a more than particular agone. Most happy, O, and most heavenly souls, whom divine election marshaled in the front of that battle, and the like grace enabled to reach to the garlands which shall never vade, and to wear them triumphant in glory, the stars themselves far under. It could be no ordinary goodness (saith acute TERTULLIAN) which NERO condemned, and we glory on behalf of our sufferings, that they had such a dedicator as he. This was the first great Persecution, which like a blast did spread the religion it blew. No excellency hath foundation in delicacy, whatsoever is soft and tender, never attains to depth, or diuturnity. Rough, and manly are the only fit beginnings of things ordained to endure. The original power of the ROMANS had no other sovereign properties but these: for such was their founder, ROMULUS.   

CHAP. XXXI. PISO'S CONSPIRACY AGAINST NERO.  
GOd and all good men offended, the many years' patience of ROME at NERO'S licence, turned itself at length (as it commonly happeneth) into cogitations how to free the world from so profane, and dire an evil. PISO, a most popular great lord, was the top in this work, as designed by the conspirators to succeed, when NERO was deposed and killed. Yet PISO, having him open under PISO'S own roof, and power thereby to destroy him at pleasure, pretended a religious horror against it: as if the breach of the laws of private hospitality had been fouler, than the breach of faith, and loyalty. A colourable scruple. For the truth was, their numbers were so great who were ignorant of the treason, and would hold the murder of a prince (how wicked soever) a detestable fact (saith TACITUS) that he dreaded least LUCIUS SILANUS (one more great than PISO) making use of their forces, would invade the empire, and frustrate his hopes, had the plot been executed at the BAIAE, as the rest of the conspirators desired, whither NERO came upon trust (laying state aside) to feast, and revel in private. Look upon the motives of this knot, as TACITUS himself hath assigned them, and particular aims will be found the principal ingredient, how much soever the public good was pretended: as in such cases when is it not? He lives not in the world, who wisheth well to mankind, and would have a NERO live: and he on the other side is passionately transported, who looks more upon change, than scope; and what they would move from, and not whither they would move. This conspiracy should be unremembered here, because it was only a prevented purpose, not an act, had it not swallowed up ANNAEUS SENECA (NERO'S master) and ANNAEUS LUCANUS, the poet (SENECA'S brothers son) two, above all other of their times, the most renowned in their several ways of learning. LUCAN was so far guiltitie as privity, approval, and vehement encouragements in private (as it is in CASAUBONS SVETONIUS) but SENECA (saith DIO) was a principal, and PISO (saith TACITUS) was only used (as it was thought) for a stale: the Philosopher himself the man intended for the succession. Happy ROME if the change had been for that! There had been a jealous eye cast upon that PISO, some two or three years before; and SENECA, even then, was accused of society with him: which so united their cases, that SENECA professed, his safety depended upon PISOS. The CORNELIAN Annals are clear for the age of this plot; and PLINY left it written, that PISO (for framing a title to the empire) should have married ANTONIA, the daughter of CLAUDIUS CAESAR. But this was the way, by which SENECA provided as for his own safety against his danger by NERO; and for declaring himself innocent of his scholars iniquities.   

CHAP. XXXII. OF SENECA, AND LUCAN, TWO OF THE CONSPIRATORS.  
DIO CASSIUS (in CASAUBONS' opinion the most accurate Historian) is suspected of partiality against SENECA, by LIPSIUS, and DELRIO. On the other side, it is not impossible but that as he was of a most honourable degree in commonweal, having been companion in Consulship with his own emperor, so also, that like a learned, wise, and honest man, sincerely delighting in the harmony, which words, and deeds produce when they agree, and detesting the contrary, he forbore not corruptly, in favour of excellent wit, or of excellently witty seem, to utter what he found of SENECA'S manners, and carriage, as in duty, and allegiance to the Muse and law of history, though it derogated never so much from the credit of SENECA. Actions of life (to whose description an historians pen is iniunctively tied) are of all other in the world, the most apparently legible, and transparently intelligible book, in which to behold any person, according to the truth of his qualities, distinctly, and dispersonated. And although it may concern mankind, that the good which comes by the writings of any great author, should not be impaired by the contradiction of his deeds, yet there belongs no such privilege to words, that for their sakes the report of facts should be falsified, or (which amounts to a forgery) that a part of the truth should be withdrawn, or smothered. The sacred condition of sovereign majesty cannot exempt either kings or Caesars from the display of their vices of life, or errors of rule, when they come under an account for them at the tribunal of history. Now, that the majesty of those noble studies which can give immortality of fame among mortals, should confer a more exemption upon their professors, is not reasonable. DIO chargeth him with many points in practice of things contradictory to his doctrines, as with avarice, with incontinency, with flattery. That in only the first four years under NERO, he had gathered an estate of money of fifteen hundred thousand pounds sterling, is neirher an argument that he was covetous, nor a matter of wonder in itself, considering his place; and it were to be wished that all the money of the world were at wise men's dispose. And NERO'S reply to SENECA, when he offered to quit his fortunes, was full of most princely sense; for in stead of accepting that offer, he professed to be so far from repining at his riches, that he was ashamed to see some freedmen more wealthy than his master. As for incontinency, for which he was both accused under CLAUDIUS, by PUBLIUS SVILIUS, and banished also, the same SVILIUS affirmed under NERO, that SENECA was most justly sentenced for defiling the house of the CAESARS, meaning the person of the lady JULIA, the daughter of GERMANICUS, and SVILIUS (not without SENEGA'S envy) was therefore sent under NERO into exile, in extreme old age, as a calumniator. As for flattery, it is plain that DIO doth not wrong him, for he courted AGRIPPINA'S favour, and the favour of freedmen, and streamed so far out in the praises of POLYBIUS', one of the freedmen of CLAUDIUS, that LIPSIUS is himself ashamed of it, and plainly confesseth, that he was an enemy of SENECA'S glory, who published that Consolation to POLYBIUS'. Which sounds, as if LIPSIUS would have SENECA'S honour remain entire, though it were against that wholeness of truth which the laws of history do exact, no less against the best wits, then against the greatest kings. That noble DIO (for he only reports what he found, and is not found to have feigned any thing) hath written how SENECA'S usuries in BRITAIN, were a cause of the terrible rebellion there, by calling in his monies too suddenly, is a particular which wants not ground of credit by that which SVILIUS urgeth in TACITUS against SENECA. Of his have, there is most ample testimony; of his givings none at all. Some have reputed him a Christian, but TERTULLIAN hath all in a word, HE IS OFTEN OURS. They are in an error (as DELRIO truly thinks) who father more goodness upon him then so. His extant writings make TERTULLIANS' censure of him true, and his last words (repeated by TACITUS) ending in a frivolous ceremony to JUPITER, conclude on behalf of paganism. Saint AUGUSTINE saith no more, but that SENECA was perhaps a friend to Christianity. They therefore, who with LUDOVICUS Viues would have SENECA'S labouring to NERO for leave of withdrawing himself from ROME, upon the Persecution (as he seriously did) to be a sign of more than so, go too far. And if other arguments were wanting, this one alone might serve in stead of a multitude, that he had not the right spirit, who (besides the doctrine of self-murder, by him commended) would meddle in the violent deposing of his sovereign Lord. A certain sign that he profited little in his supposed familiarity with Saint PAUL, who in these very times of NERO, and to these very ROMANS taught quite the contrary, as also blessed PETER. As for LUCAN (the other of those two famous writers) whose mortal quarrel to his prince was nothing else but an indignity, forsooth, offered about verses, he stirred not so hotly among the complices for incensing hatred, as he coldly sunk at his arrest, into ignoble feebleness. For it wrought so far upon him, that in unworthy hope to make amends for not disclosing the treason sooner, and to win compassion from a paricidiall prince by endeavouring to imitate his impiety, the miserable man appeached apace, and among all others his innocent mother, ATTILLA. This shrillest trumpet of popular parity, and the boldest decryër of monarckie, brought to test in his own person, quails in courage, as if at last he felt in soul the horror of under-valuing princely majesty, in whomsoever resiant, and therefore touched with the sense of sacrilege, he ceased to maintain any stiffness against the conscience of it. Wit and manners are over-often divided. Most happy they when joined. To be an excellent master in any kind, and a worthy constant man are two. Nor is this any secret, or scandalous wonder at all, considering how grace and nature (the fountains of those diversities) are frequently found several. Enough it is, that NERO reaps no benefit by LUCAN'S immoderate praises, in the address of his PHARSALIA. For NERO'S fame is not the fairer thereby, and the verses (full of their makers admirable fire) shall warm the understanding reader, while LATIN, and the world endures. LUCAN, otherwise a blab by descent; for his father before him, ANNAEUS MELLA, bewrayed a conspiracy against CALIGULA (saith TACITUS) and was therefore himself the less pitied when he fell under NERO. I return to the conspiracy.   

CHAP. XXXIII. MORE, TOUCHING PISO'S CONSPIRACY.  
THe conspirators with PISO were many, and many of prime quality, FENNIUS RUFUS (Perfect of the Praetorium, jointly with TIGELLINUS) and the unthankful PLAUTIUS LATERANUS, NERO'S bounden beneficiary, the designed Consul, two of them. But SENECA alone was a mighty part of NERO'S danger, who besides his private riches in lands, and treasure, and besides his Praeture, had the honour also of Consulship, which he bore in extraordinary, and suffectively, together with TREBELLIUS MAXIMUS, as MARTINUS DELRIO authentically proves. Add to this the matchless fame of his wit, and worth, and the taste he had given of the felicities, which the common weal enjoyed, during his sway in Court. The meeting of the conspirators, to prepare for the action, was in an old Temple of the Sun; therefore when the business was accidentally detected, the first honour in the public thanks, was ascribed to his golden godhead. After detection, and condemnation, SENECA (the uncle of LUCAN, by the father's side) died first of the two. But while CORNELIUS TACITUS unfortunately neglected to preserve the last divine dictates of that expiring Worthy, because they were in every man's hands, they are irrecoverably lost; and supposititiously to revive them were no common insolency. LUCAN expired in the rehearsal of some of his own verses, which what they were, LIPSIUS better notes than VERTRANIUS. The manner of death was the same to both: for they opened their veins, and bled themselves dry in warm water. Multitudes perished by occasion of this treason, but PISO (the chief therein) nothing bravely; nor did any one of the conscious speak near to the height of such a daring as the kill of a tyrant, but only SUBRIUS FLAVIUS, a tribune of Praetorian soldiers, and SULPICIUS AFER, a centurion: for when NERO demanded of the tribune, why contrary to his oath, and duty, he made one against him, his answer was: Because (quoth he) I hated thee: and yet there was not one in thine armies more loyal than myself, all the while thou didst deserve love, but after thou hadst murdered thy mother, and wife, and hadst turned chariotéer, stage-player, and boutefeu, I could no longer endure thee. SULPICIUS the second example of constancy (as TACITUS calls him) to the like question, returned this blunt satisfaction; Because (quoth he) there was no other way to help thee, but to rid thee out of the world. SVETONIUS, and XIPHILINE out of DIO, celebrate these rough fellows as well as TACITUS, who to show, that both sexes concurred to NERO'S destruction, tells us, that EPICHARIS, a mean woman, but a main embroiler, equalled the popular glory of those words, by saying nothing; for tortures could worm no secrets out of her, and to make sure from being conquered with further pain, she found means by strangling herself, to stop the passage of vocal discoveries. NERO, for justification of his proceedings against the conspirators, called a SENATE, and in a speech to the Conscript Fathers, laid open the cause. To leave the people satisfied, he also published an edict, annexing thereunto the testimonies of witnesses, and the confessions of the condemned persons. A truth of that nature was not hard to prove, for the design of his deposure, and death was evident, and all laws warranted his right revenge. But his amendment which had been the greater satisfaction, and the surest way to his future safety, was so little meditated on his part, that he could not think it needful. The attempt had pernicious effects: for from hence his jealousy and hatred of the SENATE (as the secret well-willers of his ruin) sprung; and he himself never after spared to spill any blood, the countenance of this one real plot, so served his turn to warrant him against the innocent. The fruit and use to him of his escape. Neither was this all; for when in prevention of his possible danger, he had topped the prime eminencies of the empire, his wariness (rising out of this discovered danger) made him inaccessible to the like, no man being suffered to approach his person, either weaponed, or unsearched.   

CHAP. XXXIIII. OF TYRANTS, AND TREASON, BY OCCASION OF THIS CONSPIRACY AGAINST NERO.  
THey may be thought insensible of common, and natural freedom (the life itself of all honesty and nobleness) who should but think towards the impunity of such a man as NERO; and it sounds both harsh and dull to propose the counsel of such a patience. For it will undoubtedly be asked, what shall become of legal liberty, and acts of goodness, if, according to all the old schools of the ETHNICS, it shall not be held a most fair, and honourable deed to take away the life of a tyrant? To this I answer; they know not what liberty, and goodness mean, who think those habits are subject to outward force: for none are free but the wise, and none are wise but the good. As for the general weal of the world (the highest and most considerable point upon the whole matter) the author of all power, will certainly provide, that the abuse of fiduciary power (and there is none other upon earth) shall never pass unpunished. Neither doth it; for every Tyrant lives tormented within himself, under the scourge, and knife of his inward feelings, and outward fears; which no man better describes than TACITUS. A man so zealous for Tyrannicides, that he calls it a most goodly and most honourable mind in SUBRIUS FLAVIUS, when he was stirred up within himself to assassinate NERO; and speaks of it as of a thing excellently glorious. But wherefore this? For when was it seen, that the heavy hand of God did not finally infelicitate a tyrant? For CORNELIUS SCYLLA (who durst enstyle himself, THE HAPPY) died miserably of the Lowzies. Even the sweet Muses themselves were most luckily preserved by the fall of two such professors as SENECA, and LUCAN, from the odious brand of being bloudely dangerous in state. For what hath the dignity of measure, or the innocence of liberal letters to do with active mischiefs? There is in all generous natures a rising against great men's violences, and who is he that can resist the first heats, and boilings of indignation, or would not wish revenge? But they who account it liberty to obey such uncorrected rulers, do serve but unruly masters, and rarely sit down without repentance, if perhaps they perish not before. For what else made NERO himself miserable, but the wild, and undistinguished pursuit of appetites? Or what turned him out of a prince, into a tyrant, but captivity to passions? No man becomes miserable but by such subjection. Tyrants, (and what a kind of creature a tyrant is, I have touched before) are the worst of all wild broods. Wolves, and bears, in regard of them, are meek and tractable. They therefore are the special beasts of chase for celestial vengeance, in the forest of the world; and when they fall, it is a favour from above; if worse come not after. The pertense of all conspiracy, is the remove of a tyrant, as an intolerable evil to the public, but the life even of a good Prince, is thereby vnassured. For he whomsoever conspirators kill, shall as well be published a Tyrant, or Unapt, as the worst of the NERO'S. The safeguard of one good, and profitable Sovereign is so to be tendered, that for him alone many bad ones are to be permitted to stand, at the peril of their own account to God, and fame.   

CHAP. XXXV. THE DEATH OF POPPAEA SABINA, THE MISTRESS AND SECOND WIFE OF NERO: WHICH OCCASIONS THE REHEARSAL OF OCTAVIA'S TRAGEDY.  
THe death of her who had been his mistress, and was now his consort in marriage, POPPAEA SABINA, grieved NERO more than all his sins. To enjoy her he the rather murdered his own mother at her instigation; and at her like instigation, first expelled his wife, OCTAVIA, the daughter of CLAUDIUS CAESAR, then banished her into the uncomfortable island, PANDATARIA, and finally slew her, though her portion was the ROMAN empire (which honest AFRANIUS BURRHUS durst urge) and herself in the flower of her youth; as being destroyed in her twentieth year. Yet to effect a disorderly act orderly, his first objection to induce a nullity, was barrenness; which foundering in the passage, as seeming insufficient, adultery was laid to her charge. PYTHIAS, one of her women, being wrung upon the torture to force a confession (for the crime was first laid against OCTAVIA, and proofs were sought for afterwards) to the injury of her imperial lady, gave this memorable example of loyal service. TIGEL LINUS (who had NERO'S sword, saith XIPHILINE, and was to NERO as an evil Genius, and to men, & things as the handle of the scourge of the world) sitting in commission at the rack, demanded some immodest questions touching OCTAVIA; but PYTHIAS being raised above fear or pain by honest courage, did spit in the commissioners face, telling him that her lady was honester in her woman's parts then his mouth. And albeit the truth was unable to preserve OCTAVIA'S life, yet her honour thereby remains entire. SENECA had urged in vain her births prerogatives, and the virtues of her life, for a stop to his precipitations, but the values which he did set upon the strumpet's outward excellencies, and her plesancies of conversation over-weighd in him (who never beheld, or believed virtue) both his proper conscience, and the others greater worthiness. More vain for hindering the wrong was the people's unarmed fury, which broke hereupon, and dragged into the dirt the images of POPPAEA, preparing to fire even NERO himself out of his palace, if he took not OCTAVIA again. But he easily withstood them by his guards, and tamed their distempers with blows. This tragedy of OCTAVIA happened in the eighth year of NERO, proving all those public vows and sacrifices vain, which not long before were made in the Capitol by SULPICIUS CAMERINUS, master of the College of the Aruall Brethren, for the weal of NERO, and of OCTAVIA. But the small success needs the less wonder, when the gods are understood to whom they offered. For her Father CLAUDIUS was one (as the inscribed marble testifies) who had most reason to hear them, unless he now found (as a God) that OCTAVIA was not his daughter indeed, but the daughter of an Egyptian Piper, and of her mother the Empress Messalina. POPPAEA durst suggest it to NERO behind OCTAVIA'S back. So much it hurts the most innocent child to have a lascivious mother; and so much it concerns worthy mothers to live in good fame; because the blemish descends, and somewhat preiudicates the descendants undeservedly. To this bloody violence was added such an indignity as doubled the cause of commiseration. OCTAVIA'S head was brought to SABINA for a solace. But to come into the secure fruition of this one bewitching woman, it was not enough for him, that with the lives of his mother, and wife, he had removed from himself all sound advice, as well as all respect to civil, or natural obligations, unless he had also reached one hand to MASSILIA in the west of the world for the head of CORNELIUS SCYLLA (the descendent of SCYLLA the Dictator) and the other to ASIA in the East, for the head of RUBELLIUS PLAUTUS, who by the mother's side was a branch of the imperial famlie, to fortify his iniquities with prevention of rebellion. These two chief peers, his chief fears, being thus dispatched, she was brought to NERO'S bed as his bride. Let us now behold the end. In the fourth year after OCTAVIA'S divorce POPPEA'S turn is come. She was noble for birth, but by beauty more: for her mother, having the reputation to be the fairest lady of her time, she kept that glory alive in her person, augmented with the felicity of hereditary fairness; so bewitching a seat had pride, craft, cruelty, lust, and all high vices obtained, the more easily to deceive, and damnify the world by her. TACITUS describes her, gracious of speech, nor without rare cunning how to seem modest in company, but playing in private the lascivious wanton, always shifting her appetites, and applications whither her chief ends led. She was in marriage with a fit, and worthy husband RUFUS CRISPINUS, a worthy knight of ROME, and was by him the unhappy mother of a son, whom NERO commanded to be drowned a child, because among the pretty sports thereof, it would play (as one translates the place in SVETONIUS) for dukedoms, and empires. But for the love of MARCUS SALVIUS OTHO (afterwards an usurper Caesar) she abandoned that husband, and fitting the uses of OTHO, and NERO by turns, till all her own turns were served, she finally abandoned OTHO also, for NERO, whose fruition was the height of her wishes, to become thereby the top of womankind in wickedness, no less then in majesty of place. Thus far at least a fury of hell, in the shape of a Venus: for there was no privilege of natural gifts, nor purchase of artificial, which she either wanted, or would want, wherewith to work upon the captive emperor. OTHO was at first NERO'S pandar, than his wittol, and had been a sacrifice (because he still claimed partnership in SABINA'S society) had not SENECA (as PLUTARCK saith) preserved him, by suggesting an employment for him into LUSITANIA, where OTHO remained with much honour, till GALBA rose. In the tragedy of OCTAVIA, NERO pleads her praises, as of a lady most worthy of his love, for her incomparable beauty, form, and graces, leaving nothing out, but the relish of all praises, and that which TACITUS most truly notes, was wanting in her, an honest mind. She was with child by NERO when OCTAVIA was put away. Her curiosities, and delicacies about the care of her person are so famous, that the finest dames, and ladies may derive up to her, as their chief, in all their polishing mysteries. Her mules had bridles, and furnitures of gold, and were commonly shod with silver, yea some of them (as PLINY saith) with gold. But what was that in so vast a fortune? Therefore that which EUTROPIUS and his Metaphrast PAEANIUS note, among the chief arguments of NERO'S riot, that he fished with nets of gold, drawn with cords of purple, rather seems such a vain singularity as this, than a wonder of waste. Her five hundred female asses, in whose milk she bathed, were evermore about her court. For the care of her skin was such, that she rather wished death then the decay thereof. The Satirist celebrates a fragrant paste, of her invention, denominated Poppaeanum of her. But one verse of that author mistaken, hath moved some erroneously to write, for increase of the wonder, that her asinine dairy went with her into banishment; whereas she was never in banishment, though himself, having first hung CAESAR fast at the lines of her eyes, most cunningly threatened, if she might not be his wife, then to leave him, and to wander over the world as a banished person. This hastened AGRIPPINA'S ruin, there being no mean among such rivals. But the evil fortune of ROME denied the remove of such a dainty pestilence as SABINA. She was woven now into all the secrets, and sways of empire among the same threads by which she was wrought into her lords affections. Therefore she sat with him in his counsel of blood, upon the head of SENECA, none present but they, and TIGELLINUS. Coignes represent that lady in this unattired dress, and posture.  
They who have seen the marble heads of POPPAEA, remaining at ROME, can best judge how near the stone, and metal agree together in her picture. To me there seems not in the coin such an admirable loveliness of face, as might carry the force of so strong and strange enchantment. NERO, in his amorous songs, called her tresses amber. A translation which seemed to PLINY so ambitious, and improper, as he marshaled it among NERO'S monsters: the same trope of speech reputed in our doting age, but a weak, and cheap commendation, among beauty's devoted adorers. Celestial providence confessed, that it now concerned the glory of itself to give an example in POPPAEA, what a painted dunghill dishonest beauty is. Upon the wedding-night itself, she saw in a fearful dream the horrible foulness of her ways, and had a fair warning (for I do not think this particular in the tragedy of OCTAVIA to be poetical) that NERO the author of her advancement, should be the minister of deserved vengeance. It seemed to her, that the matrons of ROME with discheveld hair, weepingly mourned at her marriage: that NERO'S murdered mother, sprinkled with the blood of NERO, rushed forth at the terrible sound of trumpets, brandished a flaming firebrand, and that POPPAEA for fear did follow at a beck. Immediately the ground cleft, into the open hollowness whereof her marriagebed, and SABINA herself were suddenly hurried together. There while she musingly reposed her weary body, behold, her former husband, RUFUS CRISPINUS, with her drowned son, and heir, and a throng of others entered: CRISPINUS offers to renew intermitted embracements; when NERO in an affright breaks into the room, and forceth his bright drawn sword into her throat. This was the inauspitious dream. The end whereof fell out accordingly touching the actor, though it varied in the way. For NERO coming late one evening from his chariot-sports, POPPAEA, then great with child, and as in such cases sickly, upon confidence in the natural and customary privileges of such a condition, and of her predominant power, pertly prattled at him for being so long abroad, nor forbore with reproaches, and taunts to incense that fierce and savage lord so far, that with a kick of his heel on her belly, abortion followed, and she herself died of the cruel blow. The vengeance therefore forewarned to her, and ever to be expected of her likes, was thus paid throughly home. My heart in the mean time is at good peace within itself to behold the honour of heavenly justice thus fully cleared and settled. But the dead body of POPPAEA was not burnt according to the custom of the noble ROMANS, but emboweld, and embalmed like a foreign Queen, or Majesty. PLINY therefore (who wrote the life of NERO) cannot be meant to speak of her funeral cou'rfeu (if I may so term it) but either of her consecration, or of some other ritual magnificence, where he in his Natural Histories, hath left it seriously written, that one whole years crop of all the cinnamon, and casia, which Arabia afforded, amounted not to so much as was alone consumed in solemn fires and flames upon her final ceremonies. Though this was no common madness, yet, as he did most firmly affect her while she lived (notwithstanding the sudden frenzy in which he accidentally slew her) so, not contenting himself to give her the rites of an Empress only, or AUGUSTA, he procured her to be installed a GODDESS also. Which in the frontispiece of this volume is expressed by a deificatorie hearse, or throne; the peacock being the same thing in signification there at the defication of a woman, which an eagle was at a man's. Therefore his vast provisions to raise her by her name, and picture, to his imaginary heaven was a bed of spices, and odours, like the figurative nest of the Phoenix. Her adoration was hereupon obtruded with such earnestness, that the honest, and genrous dislike thereof was criminally objected to PAETUS THRASEA; that famous Senator, whom TACITUS admires for his virtue. And this accusation ranked by his enemies among the quarrels picked against him, did help to bring him to his end. CALIGULA had led to his cousin NERO in this kind. For he had formerly consecrated DRUSILLA, his sister and concubine, as NERO did POPPAEA. But NERO impatient of her loss, to uphold his sensible solace, by force of imagination, sought to convert pretty SPORUS, a delicate youth, into a girl, because he nearly resembled her. And there wanted not those (saith DIO Chrysostomus) who for reward durst undertake it. So that even her deity was mischievous. For it first cost SPORUS his sex; and when his lord was dead, it cost him his life also, by his own hand reft under VITELLIUS Caesar.   

CHAP. XXXVI. OF THE EAST-INDIAN TRADE IN NERO'S TIME.  
THis furious wilful waste of such precious wares, consumed by whole ship-loades at once, in honour of humane carcases, which they offered to their gods by crumbs, and drams, leads PLINY, as a patriot, into such a speculation, and complaint, as is worthy for other times to know. The EAST-INDIAN Trade, a terrible drain of treasure even in those days. For PLINY, by occasion of the aromatickes, and spices, which being used about POPPAEA'S hearse, were imported commodities, speaking also of fishings for pearls in the INDIAN Ocean, and of other vain riches, seriously affirms, that the traffic thither did annually convey out of ROME in ready coin so much, as by our standard amounts to more than three hundred thousand pounds sterling. One little slender neck (saith TERTULLIAN) supports whole forests, and islands, and SENECA writes, that patrominies dangled in file by two's and threes, at the tips of lady's ears: his own wife one of them. Nor was this any wonder, when some one union was sold (saith PLINY) for above a million of gold. These mad valuations worthily incited merchants to travail up the river of NILE, and from thence by caravans or convoys over land (as PLINY describes their shortest way) to the Red Sea, and so to the INDIAN Ocean. The ordinary returns, in December, or januarie, year by year (as he rates the profit) yielded in clear gain an hundred for one. Prodigious excesses at ROME being the reason of carrying such heaps of treasure abroad, were found, and felt to be over-burthenous, and diseaseful even to ROME itself, though the riches of all the world lay packed and piled there together. Those Oriental nations did always (as it seems) understand the use and value of our mints, and were so happy in the follies of the West, that while they sat in quiet at home, they were sought unto from the farthest coasts by sea and land, through all sorts of perils, to receive for their shadowy superfluities our substantial payments; and for wares either merely ornamental, and voluptuarie, or not needful but in a moderate measure, to emburse ready gold and silver, the material sinews of commerce, and the best staple-ware of commonweal. But if profusion might be tolerable in ROMANS, who had the mines of SPAIN (famous even in the MACCABEAS) and all the means of the world to maintain the stock of bullion, and to augment it, those other noble nations will undoubtedly beware betimes, which want the like. For they intent not to return to such a condition as CICERO speaks of, where he writes, there was not in all BRITAIN so much as a scrap of silver. The translator of PLINY'S Natural Histories, hath rendered the original in such words, as if the place were not to be meant of treasure conveyed away for trade, but only laid out to furnish a voyage. For what reason I know not. Clear it is, that PLINY speaks of money not expended, but exhausted.   

CHAP. XXXVII. SOME ROMAN ANTIQVITIES EXAMINED, SEEMING TO GIVE divinity TO NERO. HONOURABLE WORDS OF POPPAEA SABINA BY FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.  
BEing in the argument of ROMAN deifications, the place doth conveniently admit a GRUTERIAN inscription, which in the hundred and sixteenth page of that goodly volume, seems to call NERO, Diws, or a God. For there we find: 
D. NERONIS.  
QVINQVENNALIB.   
The coignes also of OCTAVIUS STRADA have one of copper with this sentence upon it; 
AGRIPPINA AUG.  
DIVI CLAUDII NERONIS MATER.   
But NERO is no where found to have usurped, or accepted divinity: in that alone he used modesty. In JANUS GRUTERUS therefore, it should (as I think) be D. D. that is to say, dedicated: the rest of the words also in the monument, favour that interpretation. As for that coin in OCTAVIUS STRADA, the inscription doth infallibly belong to the piety of CLAUDIUS CAESAR. For he was consecrated a Diws, and did likewise ordain, in memory of his mother AGRIPPINA, the wife of GERMANICUS CAESAR (put to death by her husband's uncle, TIBERIUS) that her chariot of honour should be led in the CIRCUS upon the days of show, herself named Augusta. This solues the doubt so, that NERO can have no interest in the words, who was never either called, or written, CLAUDIUS NERO, but NERO CLAUDIUS, nor was at any time named Diws, or Divine. CEREALIS ANICIUS indeed (as the register, or commentaries of the acts of the Senate witnessed) moved openly for a temple to be erected to NERO as a God, at the common charge, when the PISONIAN knot of conspiracy was cut in pieces. But that sacrilegious flattery never passed current; and was itself reckoned afterwards among the signs of NERO'S fall at hand; because that highest worship was reserved for the dead departed. The immortality of the soul every where convinced to be certain, out of the universal love and care which is in humane nature, for the immortality of a name. The true formal cause of all the old wonders in Towers, Mausolaeums, Pyramids, and the like, and at this present the supreme ambition of the most wise CHINESES. But notwithstanding the ROMANS never solemnised any deification, apotheosis, or enrollurent of Worthies among the Gods, till the funerals; yet both AUGUSTUS, TIBERIUS, and CLAUDIUS were honoured alive with temples. Or rather not they, but either their Genij simply, and solely; or some other of their adored objects, as goddess ROME, or the like, jointly and together with the Genius of CAESAR. Therefore, though no man was properly called Diws till he was dead; yet sacrifices, and celestial rites were usual in this other kind to the living. Nor could it justly seem any usurpation in NERO, who according to the value at which heaven went in his cousin CALIGVLA'S days, did as exquisitely earn the same for himself, and his adored POPPAEA, by wicked deeds, as ever the mad CALIGULA did for his concubine sister, DRUSILLA. POPPAEA SABINA much more worthy then NERO. For she was not otherwise without praise: at leastwise, when once she stood possessed of her ambitious ends. For FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS (whom JOSEPH SCALIGER is not afraid to commend for his diligence, and love of truth, above all the greeks and ROMANS, and in those respects more safely to be trusted, even in their own affairs, than they themselves) calls her a good lady, or pious woman, and frankly celebrates her bounty, clemency, and promptness to relieve the oppressed. Which though, as towards her, it might partly seem thankfulness in him (being indeed her bounden beneficiary) yet would not he, for particular obligation, abuse public faith with any officious falsehood; chiefly, when she herself had now been dead many years before. For our JOSEPHUS was that noble ingenuous person, to whom his royal countryman, king AGRIPPA, writ above threescore several letters, all of them testimonies of his truth in story; whose writings also in that respect TITUS CAESAR honoured with his own princely signature. And that his worthy studies might neither want dignity, nor ease, the frugal emperor VESPASIAN gave him fair lands; and his second son DOMITIAN (otherwise most unlike to father, and brother) did make those Manors, which JOSEPHUS held of VESPASIANS gift, free from all manner of public charge, and payments. An honour which JOSEPHUS himself doth esteem paramount to all the rest. Such was the candour and favour as well of the gentle, as tyrannical, towards the sober learned: neither was his most opposite religion any bar to their enjoyment. My reverence towards his merits hath gladly laid hold upon this occasion to celebrate his memory. POPPAEA (for a certain) was somewhat, most delightful; because OTHO Caesar, when he came to the empire, both restored her statuas, & published Greek coin of his own, with her image and name upon it, not as Diva, but Augusta; though she had abandoned him, for NERO; that is to say, for empire. OCTAVIUS STRADA hath the coin in print. Her most glory is our not unreasonable hope, that she might secretly favour Christianity, because NERO came from their martyrdoms, at such time as by chiding him she kindled his fury, and thereby drew upon herself her own destruction.   

CHAP. XXXVIII. THE COMING OF TIRIDATES TO ROME.  
Soon after POPPAEA'S deification, TIRIDATES, brother to the PERSIAN, or PARTHIAN monarch, VOLOGESUS (for PERSIAN, and PARTHIAN were now indifferently meant each of other among the ROMANS) and the same also a principal master in his countries Magics, came safe to ROME. His errand was to receive back there at NERO'S own hands, the diadem of ARMENIA, which he was wrought by CORBULO to deposit before the ROMAN ensigns, upon condition to reassume it so. An action of incredible cost, and glory. And not to rob NERO'S time of the rights thereof, his slothfulness had the felicity, by other men's labours, to recover public losses, as formerly in our island by the valour of SVETONIUS PAULINUS, and finally now in the Orient, by his kinsman, DOMITIUS CORBULO. This did cost dear. For this one homager was allowed after the rate of twenty thousand crowns the day, from his first setting forth towards ROME, till his entrance there. He had in his company for hostages to NERO, not his own children only, but the children also of his brother (that great king VOLOGESUS) of PACORUS, and of MONOBASUS, and in his train three thousand PARTHIAN horsemen, with store of ROMANS. A ready mean to consume so great a sum; the travail being wholly by land. For it was against the rites of his mysteries to come otherwise, lest he should violate nature and them, with vomits at sea. But those two most goodly horses of marble, which at this day remain in ROME, among the principal wonders of sculpture there (the reputed workmanship of PHIDIAS, and PRAXITILES) were conveyed at this time by ship, by the provision of TIRIDATES (if drowsy BOISSARDUS be not deceived) as a most acceptable and royal present. And, that BOISSARDUS is much deceived, I am led to believe; because in the ONUPHRIAN descriptions, the two horses of TIRIDATES are placed under that title, in the seaventh region of ROME, and their stuff is not of stone but of brass. Other two of marble are of ALEXANDER Magnus, backing Bucephalus, situated in High-street-Ward, or in the sixth ROMAN region. Besides the former expense, NERO in one days space, & in part of entertainment, guilded POMPEY'S theatre over. The greatness whereof TERTULLIAN excellently expresseth, where he saith, that POMPEY was only not great when compared with that Theatre. Proportionably to these beginnings he bore all other charges, and at departure, rewarded his new vassal with an hundred thousand sestertium, which, according to the rates of our exchange, rise to about seven times as many pounds; all, to set out the majesty of the ROMAN empire to strangers, in the seat of the empire. A great and princely conceit. By these matchless magnificences (for NERO in his gifts was not of a narrow heart) he so enshrined himself in the minds of the PARTHIANS, that twenty years after NERO was dead, his only name was so gracious, that a counterfeit usurping it, they were hardly won to render him, or from not affording their utmost assistance in his quarrel. The receipt of TIRIDATES was universally applauded. NERO therefore, who was so averse to all martial expeditions, that but for shame he had drawn the ROMAN legions out of BRITAIN, and so timorous of weapons, that TIRIDATES riveted his sword to the sheath thereof, for his assurance (because he would not unknightly yield to go ungirt, though it were upon condition, to receive the diadem of ARMENIA) was now notwithstanding, with as shrill, and joyous shouts acclamated Imperator, as if in person he had conquered ARMENIA by the sword. This was the outside of things. But NERO had other, and those more inward ends, in his so ambitious invitation, and pompous entertainment of the PARTHIAN prince. For thinking it little, to be but a god among the gods, his mind sored to command by magic over them all. Then this one fancy he never had in PLINY'S conceit any more generous, nor could possibly mount higher. His mother's ghost continuing troublesome, there is no where else any probability that he laboured to call her up to a parlea, and to appease her, rather than now, though also now in vain. Somewhat of magic practices seems to be insinuated unto us, in the little image, or puppet of a girl, which NERO so superstitiously adored, as likewise in the serpent's slough, found about the bolster of his bed, when as yet he was a babe, or infant. Of both those sorcerous toys there is mention in SVETONIUS. But though NERO was initiated by king TIRIDATES into the order of magicians at their magic suppers, and to the gift of the kingdom of ARMENIA had bestowed as much in entertainment as was worth another kingdom, yet the art would not come. No surer sign in PLINY'S opinion that the whole mystery was a mockage, when NERO could not purchase it. But the friends thereof excused the fail: for that the gods would not appear to a body which was pimply, and unclean. Such was NERO'S, as SVETONIUS saith. But those goblins who were averted with foul skins, and not with foul sins, were worthy of NERO'S orisons, and PLINY'S scorns. To this far extended glory of crowning TIRIDATES, NERO added another greater. For there neither being war, nor remains of war within the ROMAN world, he closed the gates of JANUS, in sign of universal peace. This coin was dedicated to the memory thereof, and gives us the ancient plain figure of that famous temple.  
By EUSEBIUS it may well appear, that it was about this time also that NERO used the glorious prerogative of enlarging the bounds of the city of ROME, because he had provinciated the kingdoms of PONTUS Polemoniac, & of the COTTIAN Alps, and enlarged thereby the territory of the empire's demesn. A thing recorded as the principal honour of AUGUSTUS, and of other the greatest ROMANS.   

CHAP. XXXIX. OF PUBLIUS PAETUS THRASEA, WHOM TACITUS CALLETH Virtue's self. AND OF DEMETRIUS, HIS Cynic.  
THese public joys were not pure, but mixed with sorrows; as all in NERO'S days. As if his meaning had been, while the world was diverted upon delightful objects, to take his advantage, and time, for committing some such notable cruelty, as might rather be overwhelmd, then justified. Such was now the extinction of PAETUS THRASEA, whose reputed virtue made him seem the times chief wonder, the parallel of MARCUS CATO. That BAREA SORANUS, the designed Consul, was coupled with him in the calamity, added to the opinion of BAREA'S worth, but took from him his fame: the others carrying most eyes, and voices after it. The points of his indictment, and the deadly poincted inferences which his accusers drew for his destruction, as against one who was too good to live, are summed where they are likely to continue longest, in the CORNELIAN ANNALS. Moral virtue is formidable to abused power. This noble ETHNIC was most unhappy to have no better a counsellor at his last wants then that DEMETRIUS, whom TACITUS calls a Doctor of the Cynic rule, or schools. That sentence of his, which SENECA cities with praise, will speak that description aloud. The words of the ignorant (quoth DEMETRIUS) are in the same account with me as wind which the belly vents: for what are the odds, when such fellows make a noise, whither they make it upward or downward? Golden sense in an uncleanly resemblance, and worthy a Cynics use, if for such a man as SENECA to commend. And there is scarce another whom SENECA doth equally honour, wheresoever he hath cause to induce, or mention him. Cynics were cheap acquaintance, costing little. But this ghostly Doctor was the only help which dying THRACIA used to inform himself what to think of the Soul of man, and of the Souls dissociation from the body. A corruptor of THRASEA, and of all his other disciples, by breeding contumacy in them towards superiors. If at leastwise this be that DEMETRIUS whom VESPASIAN the emperor, called a Cur, for barking or grumbling out somewhat against him, without vouchsafing either to rise up, or otherwise to reverence him, being then AUGUSTUS CAESAR, and a prince, indeed borne to refound, and restore the ROMAN empire. SENECA by his so much admiring this wise man, (and according to his institution he was excellently such) doth therein well enough show, that himself was far from CHRISTIAN.   

CHAP. XL. THE GENERAL CREDIT, AND USE OF Stage-poëtrie, AND OF ACTING IN PLAYS, IN NERO'S TIME.  
But this very PAETUS THRASEA, as well as PISO, the head of the conspiracy, could act a part in a tragedy, and did it in public. See what great examples can persuade! After NERO began to delight in verses, SENECA more addicted himself to their making, then ever before; and when SENECA (the most famous professor of moral wisdom) wrote tragedies, NERO, and the lords, might with less reproof be actors, or bear a person. For at PADVA, the place of his birth, PAETUS THRASEA openly sung (that was the proper word of art for tragedians, as to dance was the like for comedians) in a tragic habit, at the plays anciently ordained there by ANTENOR the Trojan. OEDIPUS, HERCULES furious, and THYESTES', are three of SENECA'S tragedies. And among those in which NERO was an actor, those names of tragedies are in DIO'S catalogue. THYESTES' the chief of SENECA'S. The parties themselves whom those actors personated were never so pompous in their lives, as their counterfects and imitators were upon the ROMAN stage: for NERO studded their golden sceptres, staffs, and visards, with oriental unions, & pearls of the most caracts. Himself beheld the public sword-playes in a spectacle, or mirror of emerald, perhaps to help his eyesight, which was orherwise imperfect, & poring.   

CHAP. XL. NERO RESOLVES FOR HIS VOYAGE INTO GREECE, BUT NOT AS A RIGHT ROMAN.  
THe sad and heavy clouds which sat upon the face of the city for the loss of her best citizens being wiped away by the cheerfulness, and splendour of the late entertainment, NERO effectually meditated a triumph, of which never any ROMAN thought before, most worthy of his crotchets, and of his inglorious way to glory. To gain from GREECE in GREECE, the fame of the best singer, the best cytharist, the best player, the best chariotéer, was the conquest he affected. A vain man, among vain people, and they his vassals also, might well rest assured of all the garlands which either OLYMPUS, or other places of trial could afford. There was a time when he bravely debated of marching in person with an avengefull army, one while into the CASPIAN entries, another while into AETHIOPIA, whither, for his information, he employed a tribune and certain companies of praetorian soldiers, as to prepare, and accommodate his enterprise. But these propositions proved embryos of vanity, for he never proceeded further than to the discourse, and show of preparations, though the matter was proper to his calling, and those other not. For the prince of LATIN poesy in enumeration of the arts which belonged to a right ROMAN, omits fiddling, and feigning, and excellently teacheth, that to give laws to the world, and to rule paramount in peace and war, according to justice; to spare the dutiful; and beat down the rebellious; were properly theirs. High towering thoughts did not sort with NERO'S soul. His poor one fluttered among the lower flyers.   

CHAP. XLII. THE PROVISIONS OF NERO FOR ASSURING ROME TO HIMSELF, IN HIS ABSENCE.  
THe lives of worthy persons were sacrificed in preparative for his safe departure out of ITALY, and to secure his abode in GREECE. Once before this time, when he was in a mind to have sailed into EGYPT, but did not, he chiefly promised two things by his proclamation; first, that his absence should not be long, and next, that his provisions for the public should be such, that all things should remain immoveable, and prosperous till his return. By the order taken now, the course at that time may be conjectured. For without regard to the majesty of the ROMAN name, he left ITALY, in mere tenderness to his peculiar, under the command of HELIUS CAESARIANUS, an enfranchised bondman, enfranchised by CLAUDIUS. As if imperial ITALY were now become but some country-farm, or grange, which needed nothing else but only a servile bailif. At the same time, and undoubtedly with a purpose to prevent rebellion in the very seed thereof during his absence, he published an edict (mentioned in PHILOSTRATUS) to the special credit of philosophy, by which he commanded all doctors, or masters of that profession to depart out of ROME, and ITALY. That part of philosophy which concerneth moral wisdom, was deeply had in jealousy, specially the Stoics, if not for SENECA'S sake, certainly, (as TIGELLINUS speaks in TACITUS) because their opinions bred them arrogant, turbulent, and affecting to be in action. And COSSUTIANUS (the son in law of TIGELLINUS) objects the like against PAETUS THRASEA, defending his aversion from those studies by authority of the old common weal. Words put, with good advantage to that sect, into the mouth of such hateful men as TIGELLINUS, and he. But PHILOSTRATUS hath done what he can to justify their wits who were the authors to NERO of that edict. For while he vauntingly makes his admired APOLLONIUS, the oracle of all the chief rebellions in his time, particularly of VINDEX, and GALBA against NERO, he shows withal that NERO'S counsel of state foresaw the danger. Those doctors were perilous to empire, under the pretext of freedom: CHRISTIANS were not, who knew a better freedom. Things howsoever settled at ROME, he setteth sail for GREECE, with such multitudes of people, and provisions for achieving that conquest (by which (saith HERODIAN) he made himself a ridiculous spectacle) as might very well have sufficed for the number, and quantities to subdue it, if it had not been very long before subdued to his hand. And this was done with such damage to the country, as it is a doubtful case with APOLLONIUS of TIANA whether XERXES did more harm by setting GREECE on fire, or NERO by singing in it.   

CHAP. XLIII. NERO IN GREECE: HIS HATRED THERE TO THE SENATE OF ROME. OTHER HIS DOINGS, TOUCHING THE MAIN OF HIS ERRAND.  
THis voyage into ACHAIA (for that province of GREECE had him most) afforded many adventures, besides those of his frivolous trials; whose garlands how fresh, and green soever in their leaves, were dry, and sere to glory, the mystery of his errand. His meditations to destroy the SENATE (if that be not among the scandalous fables of which JOSEPHUS on his behalf gives a general caveat) began to ripen there. That most noble order of men most wisely situated by ROMULUS, like a kind of starry firmament, between the fires of majesty, and the unsteadfast waters of the commonalty, to attemper the heats of the one, and the inundations of the other, a crystal screen, or sphere in the midst of absolute power, and absolute obedience, the same which first drove kings out of ROME, and soon after oppressed the people (as being itself subject to corruption, as all other humane institutions) had so far incurred the inward dislike of NERO, that he is charged to have given no slender signs of a purpose to have abolished that degree. VATINIUS, to whom he was over-indulgent, a fellow of a more mischievous nature, than his original was base (which nevertheless was not more noble (saith TACITUS) than a shoemaker's shop had bred it) in his rude buffonries would openly say; CAESAR, I hate thee as thou art a Senator; and for that hatreds sake (as if it were freedom) was easily in special grace. This aversion of NERO, how great or little soever, was none other than the child of fear, begotten in him by the late conspiracy of PISO. And of that conspiracy that was the worst effect. But the mischief which he revengefully meant against the SENATE, whatsoever it was, aborted; himself shortly dying. Meanwhile his delights (according to their custom) moved in the lowest regions of popularity. Nor was he fortunate in them. For the best judgements held it true, that he was rather any thing then a good singer to the harp (saith VINDEX in PHILOSTRATUS) and yet rather that then a prince. So poor an ambition, and not to prevail therein, was piteous. He thought otherwise of himself. And that beggarly tragedian in SPAIN who disdained to stoop to a comparison in his art with NERO, was luckily poor: for no riches could have protected such an insolency. His bribing conquests were interpreted by him, and his courtiers, so gloriously, that posts were dispatched over the ROMAN world to signify the same; that public sacrifices might be made for gratulation. But APOLLONIUS excellently taught what others were to think of NERO'S skill, and what NERO should have thought; when being questioned (as to entrap him) what he conceived of it, fearelessely answered the bloody TIGELLINUS, I think (said APOLLONIUS) better far than you, for you repute him worthy to sing, but I to hold his peace. And so it plainly was. For by all confessions it appears, that his voice was weak, and hollow. The formal words of allotting the prize at the tourney of arts, and which he himself (exercising the office of the common crier) pronounced in public, after every bout, or act, are in DIONS' Epitome these: NERO CAESAR, victorious in this trial, crownes the People of Rome, and his own world with this garland. After this, or the like manner he obtained in GREECE, during his abode there, one thousand and eight hundred green crowns, but none of them such as incomparable PINDARUS did celebrate, whose unreachable MUSE, HORACE worthily admires. That which the Apostle observed (in his epistles to the CORINTHIANS) touching their preparatory abstinence, and sufferings, who were to contend for one of those glorious rewards, doth marvelously suit with NERO, who practised in private, and in public, under all the severest laws of those exercises. PLINY notes two special points of his patience, for conservation of his voice: to lie on his back with a leaden plate on his breast, and to fast certain days in every month, with nothing else but oil, and syves, and not so much as a bit of bread. There wanted nothing but prayer to have cast out that devil of vanity. The Apostle useth the proper word of those PRIZES, Agons; and CORINTH itself (where he preached, and taught) and (as JOSEPH SCALIGER noteth out of DIONYSIUS, the Areopagite) not only he, but PETER also stood upon that isthmus, or neck of land, where the games in honour of NEPTUNE were celebrated. So the place and practice were neither unknown, nor probably unseen of that heavenly man. But he never noted more industry in the champions, and adventurers, for gaining the customary reward, than NERO Augustus used in his own person, being the first of men who most dishonested sacred majesty with improper masteries; yea, and that also, mischievously, and to compass vading ornaments, not immortal.   

CHAP. XLIIII. NERO'S ATTEMPT FOR CUTTING THROUGH THE CORINTHIAN Isthmus.  
ONe great work he entered upon during his abode in ACHAIA, which seemed worthy of an emperor. For it was the enterprise of digging through the isthmus, or neck of land, which like a natural bridge ioinged the main of GREECE to the most renowned penile thereof, PELOPENNESUS. The least breadth of the straicts, from the two opposite havens, LECHEAE, & CHENCHREAE, was by PLINY'S commensuration five miles: and to convey merchandise about by sea, from but one side of that bar to the other, took up in navigation above five hundred. PHILOSTRATUS accounts the circuit exactly, six thousand, and twenty stades, eight of those stades one mile of ours, which (admitting that scale) produceth another, a far greater sum of miles than PLINY'S. Therefore many princes had thought of making a navigable channel between sea, and sea. But king DEMETRIUS being one of them abandoned it, because the skilful (PHILOSTRATUS saith they were EGYPTIAN philosophers) informed him, that the sea in the one bay was so much higher than the sea in the other, that if the partition were removed, all the near islands, upon the lower level would be surrounded; and (which seems to me the most probable objection of all) that the cut itself would be of no use, the current, or waterfall, would be so impetuous, swift, and strong. Reasons which preserved those two huge peniles of AMERICA (naturally combined at the creation of the world, by a far broader neck of earth then that which annexed PELOPONNESUS to GREECE) from being sundered by the pickaxe, and spade; though that neck alone is the cause of fetching a circuit from Nombre de Dios to PANAMA, many thousands of miles about. So mighty a space there is between at sea. JULIUS CAESAR thought of this disunion: CALIGULA went somewhat further; for he sent to survey the ground: but NERO made it a serious business, & for auspication, and example, he himself played the pioner in person at the sound of a trumpet (which gave signal to the Praetorian Guards for their general falling to work) and digging up the first of the soil with his own hands, carried it off in a basket upon his shoulders. So infinite was the desire he had to get immortality of fame howsoever. Here MUSONIUS (the BABYLONIAN Sage, and second in fame to APOLLONIUS for philosophy) was found with his shovel, or spade among NERO'S labourers, condemned (as it seems) to the work, and was so far from being troubled, or ashamed, either of his bonds or obedience, that he most civilly asked of his fellow Philosopher, DEMETRIUS (who took him in the manner) what if he should find him fingering an harp, and singing as NERO did? DEMETRIUS himself reported this of MUSONIUS. And what there was in it for PHILOSTRATUS to mislike, but CAESAR'S barbarousness, I cannot see. For it seems to me an example of a wise, and manly patience unenforced. For if he could have approved NERO'S courses, the words import that he should not have needed to dig in the Isthmus. PAUSANIAS saith, that those princes died violently, who formerly attempted it; and DIO tells us what wonders happened at this action, for a terror to NERO, who proceeded in contempt the rather. Blood gushed forth of the wounded earth, hollow groans, and horrible noise were heard, and many sprights, or wand'ring ghosts appeared. Presages of some extreme infelicity. But the reason which PAUSANIAS brings, to show the offence of such an attempt is wise, and pious, and more worth than all those wonders: It is hard (saith he) for man to force the works of God; which is as much in effect as to say, had God almighty, the most wise creator of the world, seen it good, he would have made it otherwise at first. But neither these reasons, nor examples, weighed so much afterward with that most magnificent HEROD of ATHENS, the famous Sophist, but that he both thought the work a thing of immortal renown, and wished also for the leave of doing. Which nevertheless he feared to ask, though it was in far better times than NERO'S. The labourers meddled not with the stony entrails of the Isthmus, and having therefore only pared away the crust, or mould aloft, the place at this present maintains the ancient, and original situation, not to be changed. PHILOSTRATUS saith, that the trench was cut half a mile up into the land, from the haven LECHAEUM, when the work was abandoned. NERO conquered the GREEKS by his bribes, and power, in their OLYMPIAN, and PYTHIAN exercises, but himself was conquered by the Isthmus, which remained inexpugnable. It is a princely thing for princes to desire to excel all men in doing nobly, as they excel all men in sublimity of place: but to err (as this prince did) in the object of endeavours, and in the means of achievement is miserable, and unlearned.   

CHAP. XLV. THE END OF HEROICK CORBULO; AND THE EMPLOYMENT OF VESPASIAN, AGAINST THE REBELLIOUS JEWS.  
ALl extraordinary eminencies in subjects, by an old axiom as well of single, as of popular tyranny, are fearfully beheld as dangers, and cautelously prevented as imminent, though never any tyrant was able to kill his successor. Here therefore, while NERO demurred about his undecent victories, DOMITIUS CORBULO perished. He had deserved most excellently at NERO'S hands, and for that cause was by him entitled his benefactor, and father. But jealousy prevailing now above the memory of his deserts, he was sent for into GREECE after the most honourable manner, but being arrived, and waiting for admission to his presence, it was denied, and word sent out that he must dye, without any cause remembered in histories to have been assigned, but only the will of NERO. His great heart, full of indignation readily yielded, using none other words but these, I am well enough served, and so ran himself upon his sword. But it was not long before the ungrateful prince stood in need of such another magnanimous leader. For while NERO was yet in ACHAIA, there arrived the terrible news of the revolt of the JEWISH nation, and of the flights and defeats of his armies, which had been led in vain against JERULEM by GESSIUS FLORUS the CLAZOMENIAN, and afterward by CESTIUS GALLUS, the Precedent of SYRIA. CAESAR, to seem a right CAESAR, appeared vnshaken at the relation, but remained inwardly afflicted. VESPASIAN, then in ACHAIA with him, was persuaded with many sweet words, and promises to bear the stress of that service, God almighty beginning even then to make some new purveyance (saith FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS) for the relief, and better estate of the commonweal of ROME. For the forces which were necessarily entrusted to this captain, for deduction of the rebels to obedience, gave him means in time to attain the empire, which his wisdom, and natural piety restored. From ITALY also his lieutenant, or viceroy, HELIUS CAESARIANUS, whom he trusted above all the free Peers of the ROMAN world, as holding himself most assured of faith, and service there, interrupts the solaces of his patron with frequent packets, calling upon him to return; the state of public affairs requiring it. For HELIUS (who lorded it intolerably) felt the ground of committed power tremble under him, and the more stirring spirits, whom he improperly backed, grow perilous. That majestical seat was not for a servant to possess subordinately, nor long inordinately for his ill-advised master. But when letters, and messages were unable to pluck him from off the vanities of his glorious quest (for he wrote in answer, that he had not as yet done enough to make him return worthy of himself) HELIUS sped to him with such admirable celerity in person, that he might rather seem to have flown, then only to have plied the switch, or sail. The cause of such haste was the just fear of a new, and great conspiracy.   

CHAP. XLVI. NERO'S SUCCESS AT THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO.  
NERO, in the mean time made that journey to the oracle of APOLLO at DELPHI, where he liked his entertainment so ill, that (as DIO writes) he seized into his hands the whole CIRRAEAN Hundred, which anciently belonged to the Temple of APOLLO, as part of the land allotted in mortmain for sustentation of the priests, sharing it as an escheat among his impious soldiers; nor resting there, profaned the place itself, out of which the oracles issued, by butchering men upon the mouth of the vent, or cave. What the usage was which could kindle NERO'S anger, and disdain against his own most honoured APOLLO, whose name, & effigies himself usurped so confidently, that he stamped it in his coigns, DIO professeth not to know certainly. I partly think that I have found it out. He came in pomp to visit the Delphian deity, his head crowned with a garland (the reward, and ensign of his victory) his body attired in a long flowing garment, such as parties at the music prise accustomed to wear in their agone, with an harp in his hands. His welcome notwithstanding was so cold, because he was promiscuously cruel, and had a mind immusicall, and base, that the god of wisdom (saith THEMISTIUS in his fifth Oration) would by no means brook his sight, but trussed up his locks in an effeminate hair-lace, & decrowned him at his exit: for he seemed unto him (saith that renowned Greek Orator) not as LYCURGUS did at his coming, a God in humane shape, but a wild bruit beast under the semblant of a man. And this it was which probably enraged NERO: and this the disgrace, to which JULIANUS Augustus (for so Saint HIEROME calls him, who could have called him the Apostata) alludes in the person of APOLLO, at the Satirical banquet of the CAESARS. JULIANUS own words there are such as these. Then NERO enters next, with an harp in his hands, and a garland of laurel upon his head. Here SILENUS, looking aside at APOLLO, said: This is the man who would needs be thought to be thy fellow. It is so (answered King PHOEBUS) but I shall soon deprive him of his crown of bays: for neither did he make me his example in all, and even in those things in which he attempted to be my parallel, he was no true imitator. At this word, COCYTUS plucked his crown from his head, and drew him headlong to hell. Thus far that emperor. But APOLLO was otherwise quit with NERO, by his old deceitful way of riddles. For NERO enquiring after his final fortune, the mocking spirit had advised him thus, BEWARE OF THE THREESCORE AND THIRTEENTH YEAR, which he (as SVETONIUS saith) understood to be meant of his own age's date, but it proved GALBA'S, who dethroned him. So security disarmed his person, and the wrong end of the double text ran through him. Superstition is worthily fed with illusion, and irreligion as worthily punished with credulity.   

CHAP. XLVII. THE CHOICE ANTIQVITIES, AND ALL THE PRIME MONUMENTS OF THE GREEKS, CVLLED, AND CARRIED AWAY FOR ROME, BY NERO'S AUTHORITY.  
THe defacings of GREECE (that temple of civil glory) and of Greekish countries, by selection, and transportation of their monimentall rarities, chiefly upon occasion of NERO'S voyage, which gave him means to behold them, and cause to covet their possession, were most offensive. For, besides the murders, ravishments, extortions, and other the evils of such a tempest, as NERO'S emulous presence, they were every where robbed of their principal pieces of art. Invaluable all, because they belonged to the immortality of memory (their civil felicity) irreparable also, because their individual antientnesse could not be supplied, if their artificial excellencies might. Their temples, sanctuaries, Therms, Hyppodroms, and all other their public, and private buildings, OLYMPIA in ELIS, and DELPHI in BOEOTIA, the capital seat of APOLLO himself, were subject to his general pillage, only RHODES excepted. A fortune, not of the situation, which disioigned it from the Continent of ASIA, but to charter-favour. For CRATON, or ACRATUS (as TACITUS calls him) who had NERO'S commission, could not meddle there, because that noble Sea-state living free to her own laws, by permission of the ROMANS, was by special words exempted. In thankfulness of which privilege (grounded upon their former good hap to have had him their patron under CLAUDIUS) it may well be that this RHODIAN coign was published.  
It represents a victory, to flatter NERO perhaps, when they, as the rest of the empire, concurred in the applause of his Olympian revels. DIO PRUSIAS (surnamed of his golden eloquence, CHRYSOSTOMUS) though otherwise a stranger at RHODES, (saving only as every country was a philosopher's home, and philosophers would be thought the common doctors, and supervisors of mankind) made a famous free oration there, in TRAIAN'S time, to rectify the decaying opinions, and practise of honour among them. A most noble argument, and as nobly handled. The RHODIANS, who abounded in brazen statuas, standing consecrated to the everlasting names of their represented Worthies, were injuriously grown, for sparing cost, to raze out old inscriptions to gratify new deserts. Against this bad encroaching custom DION bend his engines of reason, and speech, and objected NERO'S privilege. That College of Honour, for which your Lordship in your excellently honest zeal to our country, openly moved, meets every where with aids, and supports of authority, and reason; and DIOS oration alone were able to introduce that sacred nursery of brave encouragements; diuturnity of remembrance for public merit, by statuary, plasticke, fusorie, and other the arts of magnificence. A secret, little understood, but never to be too soon enured among the noble. It was for such a mind as NERO'S (which envied immortality of good renown to others, and was deficient to his own) to violate the wonders of workmanship, & the greater wonder of deserving such memorial. Images to life, and the names of Worthies in arts, and arms, should be advanced in the most conspicuous civil places. For there is no use to be instituted of them, but civil, and for civil causes only. If any will contend, that these injuries to the depressed GREEKS were not all of them done by NERO'S authority at this present, I will not strive, but turn about from hence, with a short stop, to his returning home.   

CHAP. XLVIII. NERO'S RETURNE.  
HELIUS, being arrived where CAESAR was, prevailed so far that he suddenly returned in such tempestuous weather, as it gave just hope, that the seas would take to heart the cause of the land, and devour him with waves whom waters could not wash white, nor deserved a grave-roome on earth. The train-sent of a conspiracy which HELIUS did beat upon, seems to have been the fatal purpose of that rebellion in GALLIA, the force whereof shouldered NERO, before it was long, out of his imperial seat. For as the seas move of themselves with a kind of horror, before some terrible tempest, and as certain signs do always forego every great sickness in humane bodies, so, main mutations are never in the world without their sensible tokens, effects of heavenly providence. It happened so now in GALLIA before the deadly stroke of change. And herein I do not mean of those prodigies only, which PLINY commemorates as forerunners of downfall, and whereof himself was a witness. Such were rivers flowing back to their springs; olive-gardens, and meadows, in the lands of VECTIUS MARCELLUS (NERO'S attorney general) transported over the highway between, and settling themselves on the further side; the decay of that cypress tree which had lasted from the days of ROMULUS till then; the pair of hermaphrodite mares (foaled in GALLIA, among the TREVIRI) which served to draw NERO'S coach, or the like reputed wonders; But I also mean those prëambulatorie notes, by which it may suspiciously appear, that some mighty business is in hand, when secret murmurs, and other marks of approaching mischief discover somewhat, even to an half open-eye, and when common bodings mis-give.   

CHAP. XLIX. NERO'S DOINGS AFTER HIS RETURN.  
IN the mean space (as if nothing else were needful) the unwise prince doth wholly tend to enter ROME in a fiddling triumph, by breaking down her walls (no contemptible omen of his own dismantlings) as he had done before at NAPLES, ANTIUM, & ALBANUM, according to the custom of the Hieronickes, or sacred victories. For with that adjunct the GREEKS adorned their deserts who returned victors from their general prizes.   

CHAP. L. THE LAST ACT OF NERO'S PERSECUTION OF CHRISTIANS.  
But whosoever triumphed in sport, the champions of eternal verity triumphed in blood. For, after NERO'S return, the two principal lights of the Christian name, were by his commandment led to their martyrdom, both upon one day, both with one glory of profession, though in a diverse kind of suffering, the one by crucifixion reversed, the other by decollation. So the fire of persecution which had unequally flamed over the world, after about four years from the first rising thereof, went forth in two most shining blazes, as dying lamps expire with enlarged flames. The sum of Christianity being their care, & their deaths being the sum of iniquity, EUSEBIUS' dates the Persecution, not where it began, but where it gave the sorest blow. Which if some had well considered, they might have spared the reproof of EUSEBIUS, as if he had misplaced the time.   

CHAP. LI. HOLY MEN THE INVISIBLE STAYS OF THE WORLD.  
ANd though the Persecutor observed it not, yet did he thereby cut away at once the two main anchors, at which the ship of empire, and the last hope of his safety did invisibly ride. Their prayers, and their presences mightily preserved the estate of peace, according as they also did (in the opinion of PAULUS OROSIUS) under CLAUDIUS AUGUSTUS, that indulgent father of the world. The persons of Saints are like secret pledges of common quiet, apparently seen in the case of the five cities, for which ABRAM interceded, and their meditations are as shields for the earth against the wrath of heaven. God taught his most potent office of prayer in persecution, for preservation of the civil estate, by his prophet JEREMY to the jews, in their captivity at BABYLON, and these blessed Apostles, enured it in their writings, and examples, during their corporal abode in ROME. These cables, and stays being thus cut off, NERO could not but be overwhelmed with the vengeance due to his crimes, among which the greatest was the wilful effusion of Christians blood, under injurious, & calumnious titles. For JOSEPH SCALIGER voucheth an old pagan scholiast, affirming, that they suffered as sorcerers, or magicians, and to say the truth, what could it appear to NERO (who knew not things divine) but an effect of some notable enchantment, that women who in his days were invited, and authorised to all sorts of lewdness, should be won to the quite contrary? The sacred annals assign devout chastity as a cause among the causes of that Persecution. His own persuasion was firm in this (saith SVETONIUS) that there was no such virtue; for he himself was defiled all over; and had deflowered the Vestal virgin, RUBRIA. He could not therefore but be much the readier to ascribe so strange a conversion to witchcraft. Again, the famous case, and bloody downfall of Simon Magus (that most blasphemous impostor) in the fight of ROME, and of NERO (as in SVETONIUS under the fabulous name of an ICARUS) procured by the prayers, and adjuration of the Apostle (as in DAMASUS, HIEROME, AUGUSTINE, EPIPHANIUS, ARNOBIUS, and others) had the rather sealed an opinion of magic arts in Christians, according to the malice, and ignorance of the times. JANUS GRUTERUS (to whose diligence the commonweal of civil letters is not a little indebted) in his useful volumn of Inscriptions hath a testimony touching a place in ROME called The Simon Magus, where that memorial which was (whatsoever it was) being taken away by the barbarous, the same was restored by CASTALIUS INNOCENTIUS, Audax, at that time judge in sacred causes. The Inscription transcribed hither, follows here. CASTALIUS. INNOCENTIUS. AUDAX. V.C. PRAEF. VRBIS. VICE. SACRA. JUDICANS. BARBARICA INCVRSIONE SUBLATA RESTITVIT. But NERO CAESAR persuaded himself, that this sacrifice which he made of their captains as he was High Priest (for that function was also his) would settle his own domination by his Auerruncan deities. But he committed such an offence therein, as did consummate all his infelicities.   

CHAP. LII. NERO DESTITUTED.  
THe ETHNIC story (which I profess to prosecute) proceeds, and further saith, that the ulcer of his misgovernment, bred, and fed in ROME, by the odious flatteries of the degenerous Senate, who without their least freedom of reproof, held up his spirit, in the conscience of all his grand murders, in which his brother, mother, and his nearest friends perished, was first begun to be lanced by JULIUS VINDEX in GALLIA. The kore of that foul apostem (for his times saith AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS, were the collwion, or sink of the world) was in himself, which himself was driven to incise. All friends suddenly forsook him, and in that just destitution he was glad to fly barefooted, and muffled, upon as sorry a jade (saith XIPHILINE) as his coat was base, with only four left unto him, of so many scores of thousands. I take delight to recount their names who retained faith towards their lord in his last necessities. Which was piety in them, whatsoever his impiety was. They were his freedmen; PHAON, to whose farmhouse he fled, and EPAPHRODITUS, Master of Requests, SPORUS his male concubine (called POPPAEA SABINA, and not RHODOGUN, saith DIO PRUSIAS) and another whom SVETONIUS nameth not, but EUTROPIUS, and SAVILE (out of him) calls NEOPHYTUS. When NERO therefore approached the village, in many fears and affrights, he was enforced, for avoiding note (after all other difficulties, and miseries, for getting up to the next wall of the place among underwoods, & briers, or through the path of a queachie reed-plot) to creep like a beast on all four. Whereby God's justice did cast his body into that abject posture, which most resembled the state of his unthankful, and savage mind. But thus he made shift at last to come unseen where he was to hide himself, in such extreme want of all things, that for quenching his thirst, he was driven to lad water with his hand out of the next plash, saying, This is NERO'S beverege. He meant thereby that drink of his own devising, which PLINY celebrates as a most witty invention. It was only fair water boiled, and that being put into a glass, was set in snow, whereby he enjoyed the coolness wthhout the contagion. Sodden liquor (saith he) is more wholesome, then raw; and water once heated, and cooled again, is by so much the colder.   

CHAP. LIII. OF NERO'S END, AND OF EPAPHRODITUS.  
THe Senate in the mean space neglected not to concur to his speedy depression, proclaiming GALBA, Emperor, and him the public enemy. But those cornets of horse which they sent upon the spur for his apprehension, were outstripped by swifter means, which warned him of the nearness, & inevitable certainty of his danger, besides the horribleness of the death to which he was adjudged: for their sentence was, that he should suffer after the ancient manner. In that most severe, and shameful execution; the body of the condemned person was to be stripped stark naked, his hands fast bound behind him, his head stocked under a fork, and himself in open view beaten to death with rods. Or (to speak that more explicately, which SVETONIUS speaks congestedly) to be beaten first with rods by the lictor, and then his head to be cut off with an axe by the common hangman. For that was truly MORE MAIORUM in this case. Nor doth NERO seem to have understood it otherwise, when he was so earnest that his body might be funerally burned entire, the head remaining on. NERO hereupon, after many fearful delays, and abject lamentations, puts a poniard to his throat, which EPAPHRODITUS did help to drive home, lest his capital enemies should seize on him alive. This EPAPHRODITUS was indeed a very worthy man, a great friend, & advancer of honest studies. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS honours him with highest praises, as the person to whose patronage he dedicated those his immortal volumes of the JEWS Antiquities. And it must not stand among the least of his good fortunes, & commendations, that EPICTETUS (the most grave, & renowned Stoic of the world) was his servant in household; a man more free than his master. But DOMITIAN (a portion of NERO for cruelty, saith TERTULLIAN) as in more provision for his own security, by the terror of such a retrospection, commanded this noble freedman to die, because his hand had howsoever assisted to NERO'S self-murder. Though it was no-otherwise then as only to confer a benefit. The act had in it the show of good, and SVETONIUS commends it for such But whither he was well overcome by his zeal, and pity, may seem a proper subject for a controversy among rhetorical declamers. Thus was NERO'S voice, and fingering marred, & these were among his last words; O what an artist I die, or thus, O jupiter, what a master I am in singing to the harp, and yet perish! For DIO, and MANASSES in his chronicle, do fill up that sentence in SVETONIUS so. Yet was he not such an artist, as he was an example of terror to wicked rulers, who make music to themselves out of the miseries of the public. To add to the sacred titles of Augustus, of Highpriest, of Tribunitial power, and of the Father of his country, which adoption, and the common-weal bestowed, and he defiled, that one most vain new title of PERIODONICK (by which he meant his victories in the Arts obtained from the GREEKS in all their chief national games, and places of trial visited in circuit) seemed to him a thing most glorious, and divine. A plain effect of a most defective breeding.   

CHAP. LIIII. SPECULATIONS, On Behalf of Commonweal, UPON THE DEPOSURE AND DEATH OF NERO.  
HEre nevertheless, if the freedom, & serenity of discourse, & censure might have their full allowance, it would easily be found, by view of events, that the People of ROME had been far better perhaps to have attended NERO'S amendment, or what else soever of him, being so young (for he died not two and thirty years of age) then to suffer a NYMPHIDIUS, a GALBA, an OTHO, a VITELLIUS, and all the bloody confusions inseparable to sidings for the imperial garland, which happened, all of them, within the compass of only one year, and two & twenty days. DIO exactly notes that quantity of interim from NERO'S end till VESPASIANS entrance. Within so narrow a circle those infinite evils were enwrapped, which immediately ensued, and which brought forth some more filthy monsters than NERO'S self; nothing being tolerable, during that whole space of time, but only the shortness of it. Nay, it imported the Senate, and People of ROME to have kept this sacred secret from ever going abroad, That a CAESAR (who was also none of the CAESARS) might be elsewhere made then at ROME, and among the swordmen in the provinces, no less religiously than they kept either their fatal shield, or SIBYL'S verses, or as it did concern those other of old to have preserved the image of MINERVA, at TROY. For at this breach the empires fall first entered. For the election of emperor's being translated thereby after seven successions, from a certain family, became the meed of most voices in the armies, and they the vendible ware of popularity, donatives, and congiaries. Add, that the very sinews, and shot-anchor of humane provisions was volently dissolved, when the soldiers (contrary to honesty and discipline) were taught to despise their allegiance, and gownmen to concur in like perjury with the soldiers. And what shall conserve the life of the most innocent, and most meritorious prince, if the pillar of fealty be removed? Or what must not that state suffer hazardous, whose principal ties shall suddenly be dissundered, before new can possibly be so provided as withal to be timely fastened? Monarckie is like the pole of the world, where all the meridians meet, and cannot be dislocated in the person vested therewith, but universal perturbations must follow. CAPITO COSSUTIANUS, though a very bad man, said very well; That to overthrow sovereignty, liberty was cried up, but if sovereignty was thereby overthrown, then would liberty itself be set upon. MAURICUS (in PLUTARCKS GALBA) was both a wise man, and a worthy Senator, who beholding the wild way which NYMPHIDIUS SABINUS ambitiously gave to the people's licentious revenges, and cruelties, immediately after NERO'S end, spoke it openly. That he feared lest they would wish for NERO. Yea TACITUS himself, howsoever affected with the allowance of change, as in honest detestation of tyranny, was nevertheless so touched with the mischiefs, and miseries which forthwith followed thick, that he breaks out upon that meditation, into words which the best of his friends can hardly excuse from impotent impiety (borrowed in the probable opinion of JUSTUS LIPSIUS) out of round and flagrant LUCAN.   

CHAP. LV. THE LINE OF THE CAESARS ENDED.  
IN NERO the majestical tree of the CAESARS withered, in him their channel of power dried up, the last of their line, and house. For MARCUS AGRIPPA (by JULIA the daughter of AUGUSTUS CAESAR, had issue) AGRIPPINA, the wife of GERMANICUS CAESAR, the parents of AGRIPPINA AUGUSTA, the mother of this unhappy man. All other the branches, and hopes of the JULIAN family, were at several times between, and upon several occasions detrencht, or otherwise decayed, and dead, their rights combined in his blood, going all of them out in NERO CAESAR, as a tedious lamp with an evil odour.   
FINIS.