ENQVIRIES TOUCHING THE DIVERSITY of LANGVAGES, and RELIGIONS through the chief parts of the world.  
WRITTEN By Edw. Brerewood lately professor of Astronomy in Gresham College in LONDON.  
LONDON Printed for JOHN BILL. 1614   

The CONTENTS of the CHAPTERS in this book.  
CHAP. 
PAGE.  1 Of the ancient largeness of the Greek tongue. 
1.  2 Of the Decaying of the ancient Greek tongue, & of the present vulgar Greek. 
8.  3 Of the ancient largeness of the Roman tongue in the time of the Roman Empire. 
13.  4 That the Roman tongue abolished not the vulgar languages, in the foreign provinces of the Roman Empire. 
20.  5 Of the beginning of the Italian, French and Spanish languages. 
30.  6 Objections touching the extent of the Latin tongue and the beginning of the mentioned Languages with their solutions, 
39  7 Of the ancient languages of Italy, Spain, France and afric. 
45.  8 Of the largeness of the Slavonish, Turkish, and Arabic languages. 
58.  9 Of the Syriaque and Hebrew tongues. 
62.  10 Of the sundry parts of the World inhabited by Christians. 
66.  11 Of the parts of the World possessed by Mahometans. 
79.  12 Of the sundry regions of the World inhabited by Idolaters. 
86.  13 Of the jews dispersed in several parts of the World. 
92.  14 Of the Quantity and proportion of the parts of the earth, possessed by the several sorts of the above mentioned religions. 
118.  15 Of the diverse sorts or sects of Christians in the world, and of their several Regions. And first of the Grecians. 
124.  16 Of the Syrians, or Melchites. 
129.  17 Of the Georgians, Circassians and Mengrellians. 
134.  18 Of the Muscovites and Russians. 
136.  19 Of the Nestorians. 
139.  20 Of the Indians or Christians of St. Tho. 
144.  21 Of the jacobites. 
151.  22 Of the Copthi or Christians of Egypt. 
155.  23 Of the Habassines. 
163.  24 Of the Armenians. 
170.  25 Of the Maronites. 
175.  26 Of the several Languages wherein the Liturgies of Christians in several parts of the World are celebrated. 
184.    

TO THE MOST REVEREND FATHER in God, the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace, Primate of all England, and Metropolitan, and one of his majesties most Honourable Privy COUNCIL.  
Most Reverend,  
THe argument of this discourse being religion, to whom could it be more fitly presented then to your Grace, having (under his most Excellent Majesty) worthily the chief care hereof. Besides, the Author of this work, whilst he lived, so much honoured your sincere and religious courses in managing the public affairs of your eminent place, that had he thought of the publishing thereof, no doubt but he would have presumed to gain some lustre unto it from your gracious Patronage. Succeeding him in his temporal blessings, I do endeavour to succeed him in his virtues, dutiful affection towards your grace, and prayers to the almighty, for the good of his Church, to increase daily your honours, and happiness.  
Your Graces in all humble observance to be commanded ROB. BREREWOOD.   

A PREFACE TO THE READER showing the occasions the Author had to write the ensuing Discourse, and briefly describing the general state of Protestants in Europe for a supply to the same work.  
SUCH as are delighted with profound speculations, and the diligent searching out of hidden verities, they have not all the same projects, but their various cogitations are usually fixed upon divers ends. Some (saith a devout Father) know that they may be known, and this is vanity: some know, only that they may know, and this is curiosity: others know to edify, and this is charity. How distasteful the vanity of the first sort was unto the learned, and judicious Author of this ensuing discourse, his private and retired course of life, his settled, and constant unwillingness, whilst he enjoyed his earthly tabernacle, to expose any of his accurate labours to the public view of the world, may sufficiently testify: and yet to avoid the fruitless curiosity of the second rank, he was ever most ready in private either by conference, or writing to instruct others repairing unto him, if they were desirous of his resolution in any doubtful points of learning within the ample circuit of his deep apprehension.  
From this his modest, and humble charity (virtues which rarely cohabit with the swelling windenesse of much knowledge) issued this spisse and dense, yet polished; this copious, yet concise; this concise yet clear and perspicuous Treatise of the variety of Languages and Religions through the chief regions of the world. 
a Praefac. in paraph. in Epist. ad Rom.  Erasmus giving the reason why S. Paul writeth to the Romans in the Greek, saith, it was the large extent then of this language, that his instructions might more generally be understood; to make the truth of Erasmus assertion more evident, he was entreated to point out particularly the ampleness, and multitude of such Regions, wherein this learned tongue was anciently most vulgar. 
b In Mithrid.  Gesner, and Vives affirming that the Spanish, 
c Commen● in●. 19 & civit. cap. 7.  Italian, and French tongues are but the latin depraved, and corrupted by the inundation of the Goths, 
d Euor●a in psal. 138 & Tractat. 7. in joan.  and Vandals over the Southern parts of Europe, and Saint Augustine intimating that the latin was commonly spoken in some parts of the skirts of Africa which border upon the Mediterrane sea; it was demanded of him, whether in the forenamed Countries about the more ancient times of the primitive Church, the latin was the common language, and whether the decay of it, was the original of the vulgar tongues used by their Inhabitants in after ages.  
And forasmuch as Guido Fabritius doth clearly demonstrate the vulgar tongue of jury in the days of our blessed saviours pilgrimage here upon earth to be the Syriac, which (saith 
e Prae. ad Sy●iacum Test.  Matius) grew out of the mixture of the ancient Chaldee, and Hebrew, and was so different from the later, 
f Prae●●, ad G●●m. ●yria  that the one could not be understood by the other: he was questioned in which of these languages the Hebrew or Syriac the public reading of the sacred Scriptures in those times were prformed.  
Last, whereas there are many Christians in Greece, Asia, Muscovia, Egypt, and Aethiopia, it was desired of him that he would more distinctly set down the Countries wherein they lived, their superiors to whom they are subject, and their differences from the Roman Church, that it might more manifestly appear, how idle are the common vaunts amongst the ignorant of her amplitude, as though all the Christian world save a few Protestants shut up in some obscure corner of Europe, professed the same faith she embraceth and were within the territories of her jurisdiction. The falsehood of which glorious boastings are in part most lively discovered in this learned Tractate, describing the divers conditions of Christians in the East, North and Southern Regions of the earth which have no subordination unto the Papal Hierarchy, but not in the West, where Protestants have chiefly their abode; and therefore to make it a more complete work, it will not be amiss compendiously to declare their multitudes, ampleness, and several habitations in this European world.  
To begin with the remotest parts hereof Eastward; in the kingdom of Polonia, as it is this present, confining on the West at the rivers of Warta, and Odera with the Marchesates of Silesia and Brandeburge, on the East at the rivers of Nieper and Bresnia with Moscovia, on the South at the River of Niester with Moldavia, at the 
g Ne commemorem dit●onis amplitudinem (inquit Erasmus de Regno Poloniae loquens) complectentis Russos etiam A●bos, & L●tuanos quibus omnibus latissimè imperat a vistula flumine ad Tauricam Cheron●sum, a mari Balthico ad Caparthum montem Sigismundus Rex. Eras epist ad Polo. Se●r tar. praefix expo in orat. do.  Caparthian mountains, with Hungary, on the North with the Baltic sea, having under its dominion Polonia, Lituania, Livonia, Podolia, Russia the less, Volhimia, Masovia, Prussia, which united as it were within one roundish enclosure, are in circuit about 2600. miles, and of no less space than Spain, and France laid together, in this so large and ample kingdom the Protestants in great numbers are diffused through all quarters thereof; having in every Province their public Churches, and congregations orderly severed and bounded with Dioceses, whence are sent some of the chiefest and most principal men of worth unto their General Synods, which within these few years they have frequently held with great celebrity, and with no less Christian prudence and piety.  
For whereas there are divers sorts of these Polonicke Protestants, some embracing the Waldensian, or the Bohemick, others the Augustane, and some the Helvetian confession, and so do differ in some outward circumstances of Discipline, and ceremony: yet knowing well that a kingdom divided cannot stand, and that the one God whom all of them worship in spirit is the God of peace and concord, they jointly meet at one General Synod, and their first Act always is, a religious and solemn profession of their unfeigned consent in the substantial points of Christian Faith, necessary to salvation. Thus in General Synods at 
a Anno. 1570.  Sendomire, 
b 1573.  Cracovia, 
c 1578.  Petricove, 
d 1●●3.  Wlodislave, 
e 1●95. See the Acts of the Synods themselves  Torune, (unto which resorted in great troops Christians of all Orders, States, and degrees, out of all Provinces of this most potent kingdom) they declared the Bohemicke, Helueticke and Augustane confessions severally received amongst them to agree in the principal heads of Faith, touching the holy Scripture, the sacred Trinity, the Person of the son of God, God and man, the providence of God, Sin, free-will, the Law, the Gospel, justification by Christ, Faith in his name, Regeneration, the catholic Church, and Supreme head thereof Christ, the Sacraments, their number and use, the state of souls after death, the resurrection & life eternal, they decreed, that whereas in the forenamed confessions there is some difference in phrases, and forms of speech concerning Christ's presence in his holy supper, which might breed dissension, all disputations touching the manner of Christ's presence should be cut off; seeing all of them do believe the presence itself, and that the Eucharistical elements are not naked and empty signs, but do truly perform to the faithful receiver that which they signify, and represent, and to prevent future occasions of violating this sacred consent, they ordained that no man should be called to the sacred ministry without subscription thereunto, and when any person shallbe excluded by excommunication from the congregation of one con●ession, that he may not be received by the congregation of another; Lastly, forasmuch as they accord in the substantial verity of Christian doctrine, they profess themselves content to tolerate diversity of ceremonies, according to the diverse practice of their particular Churches, and to remove the least suspicion of rebelling, and sedition, wherewith their malicious, and calumniating adversaries might blemish the Gospel, although they are subject unto many grievous pressures, from the adherents of Antichrist, yet they earnestly export one another to follow that worthy and Christian admonition of Lactantius: Defendenda Religio est, non occidendo, sed moriendo, non saevitia sed patientia, non scelere, sed fide, illa enim bonorum sunt, haec malorum.  
This is the state of the professors of the Gospel in the elective Monarchy of Polonia, who in the adjoining countries on the South Transiluania and Hungary, are also exceedingly multiplied. In the former by the favour Gabriel Bartorius now Prince of that Region, who not many years, since hath expulsed thence all such as are of the Papal faction, in a manner the whole body of the Inhabitants (except some few rotten and putrid limbs of Arrians, Antitrinnitarians, Ebionites, Socinians, Anabaptists, who here as also in Polonia, Lituania Borussia have some public Assemblies) are professed Protestants: in the later, a greater part, specially being compared only with such as are there addicted to the Romish superstition.  
But hence Eastward in the kingdom of Bohemia consisting of 32. thousand parishes, (now become in a manner hereditary to the house of Austria, as likewise the kingdom of Hungary) and its appurtenances, the Marchesates of Lusatia, Moravia, the Dukedom of Silesia, all which jointly in circuit contain 770. miles, the Protestants are esteemed two third parts; & in Austria itself, and the countries of Goritia, Tirolis, Cilia, the principalities of Suevia, Alsatia, Brisgoia, Constans, now annexed thereunto, the most part of the people, and especially of the 
a Nobiles fere omnes (qui in subditos su●s, et clientes judicia exercent, eorumque nonnulli vitae, et necis ●●●ent pot●sta●e ●●●mouarum opininum veneno inflecti sunt. Thesau. polit. Apot. 6.  Nobility are the same way affected, and are in regard of their number so potent, that they are fearful unto their malignant opposites. And almost they are of the same number, and strength in the neighbour countries of the Archduke of Gratzden (a branch of the house of Austria, namely in Stiria, Carinthia, Carniola, save since the year 1598. they have not had in these countries the public exercise of their Religion by the importunate and clandestine solicitations of the Jesuits: who notwithstanding in respect of the number, and▪ potency of the 
a Illustres domini Ordinarij, necnon provinciahum pars maxima nihil non agit, ut manner nobis (ministris Euangel●●) liceret sed jesuitam instigationes quam totius provinciae supplicationes plus poterant. Histo. persecute Grae. car●●s.  Nobility on the Protestant party even in Gratts the prime City of Styria, could not effect their desires, until in the year forementioned under pretence of conducting the archdukes sister into Spain to be wife unto the now Philip the third sundry Ambassadors from the Princes of Italy, the Pope, & the King of Spain attended with many soldiers had full possession of the city, and presently fourteen Ministers of the Gospel in one day were by force and violence thence ejected.  
But the condition of the Protestants residing amongst the Cantons of Helvetia, and their confederates the city of Geneva, the town of S. Gall, the Grisons, Valesians, or seven communities, under the Bishop of Sedune, is a great deal more happy, and settled; in so much that they are two third parts, having the public and free practice of Religion: for howsoever of the 13. Cantons, only these five, 
b Thesaur. Pol. Apot. 49.  Zuricke, Schaf●use, Glarona, Basile, Abatistella are entirely Protestant; yet these in strength, and ampleness of territory much exceed the other seven, and hence Zuricke the chief of the five, in all public meetings, and Embassages hath the first place.  
Already than we find the state of Orthodox professors of the Gospel to be such, that we need not complain of their paucity, and if we further proceed to view the many regions of the Empire, we shall have cause to magnify the goodness of God for their multitudes.  
The whole Empire, excluding Bohemia, and Austria (because the King of the one is rather an Arbiter in the election of the Emperor, than an Elector, in this sole case giving his voice when the other six Electors are equally divided, and the Archduke of the other hath only a kind of extraordinary place in the Diet amongst the Ecclesiastical Princes, as sometimes the Duke of Lorraine had) consisteth of three Orders, or States, the Prince's Ecclesiastical, the Prince's Temporal, and the free Cities. The last of these before some of them come to be possessed by the French, Polonian, Heluetians, and others were in number about 
a Liberae civitates quae non alium principem praeter Imperatorem agnoscunt, & suis utuntur quaeque legibus, olim erant 88 lamb vero pauc●o res sunt, aliis a Galliarun, & Poloniae Regibus, & aliis occupatis. Thes. polit. apot. 6.  88 and although in regard of this multitude, at this present they are much diminished; yet the remainders of them are so potent, that a few of them, termed the Hanse-Citties seated in the Northern part of Germany inclusively between Dantisck eastward, Hamburg westward, and joined in an offensive, and defensive league, have been able to make good their opposition against some mighty neighbour Princes infringing immunities.  
These with the rest of the 
b Protestantium partes sequuntur liberae Civitates, seculares Principes ferē omnes; Catholico●um à secularibus Principes pauci, v● 〈◊〉 Cl●●●nsis. Thesaur. Pol. Apot 6.  Free Cities (which are of some number, and strength) do all in a manner either in whole, or part (for in some of them as in Ratisbone, Argentine, Augusta, Spire, Worms, Francfort upon Moen both Papists and Protestants make public profession) embrace the sincere doctrine of the Gospel. And if we pass over the Ecclesiastical Princes, who (excepting the three elector Archbishops, of Colen Mentz, and Trivers, the Archbishops of Wer●zburg, and Saltsburg, and some elect Bishops or Administrators of bishoprics being lay-men, and of the reformed Religion) are of small power; all the Princes Temporal of the Empire (none of note excepted besides the Duke of Bavaria) are firmly Protestants. Now what the multitudes of subjects are professing the same faith with these Princes, we may guess by the ampleness of the dominions under the government of such only as for their commands are chief, and most eminent amongst them; As of the Prince Elector Palatine, the Duke of Saxony, the marquess of Brandeburge, the Duke of Wirtenburg, Landgrave of Hesse, marquess of Baden, Prince of Anhalt, Dukes of Brunswick, Holst, Luenburg, Meckleburge, Pomerane, Sweyburge, Nauburge▪ amongst whom the marquess of Brandeburge hath for his Dominion, not only the Marchasate itself containing in circuit about 520. miles, & furnished with fifty cities, and about threescore other walled Towns; but likewise part of Prussia, for which he is feudatary unto the king of Poland, the Region of Prignitz, the Dukedom of Crossen, the Signories of Sternberg, and Cotbus, the County of Rapine, and lately the three Dukedoms of Cleve, Gulick, and Berg, of which the two former have either of them in circuit 130. miles.  
Near adjoining unto these three last Dukedoms, are those Provinces of the low Countries governed by the States, namely Zutphen, Vtrech, Oberyssel, Groningham, Holland, Zealand, West-frizland, in which only Protestants have the public (for otherwise Arrians, Anabaptists, Socinians are here privately tolerated) and free exercise of their Religion, as also in the neighbour dominion of the Earl of East- Freezland.  
But to pass from these united Provinces under the States unto France; in this mighty kingdom, those (as they usually style them) of the Religion, besides the Castles, and forts that do belong in property unto the Duke of Bullen, the Duke of Rohan, Count of Laval, the Duke of Trimovile, Mounsieur chastilion, the marshal of Digners, the Duke of Sully, and others, are seized of above 70. Towns having Garrisons of soldiers governed by Nobles and Gentlemen of the Religion; they have 800. Ministers receiving pensions out of the public Finance, and are so dispersed through the chief provinces of the kingdom, that in the Principality of Orange, Poincton almost all the Inhabitants, in Gasconynie half; in Languedoc, Normandy, and other western Provinces, a strong party profess the evangelical truth. Which multitudes, although they are but small, and as it were an handful in comparison of all bearing the names of Papists throughout the spacious continent of France; yet in regard of such as are entirely Popish, they have some proportion.  
For to omit a great part of French Papists, who in heart believe the sincerity of the Gospel, but dare not make profession thereof for worldly respects, as to obtain great Offices, to avoid penalties, and injustice in their litigious suits; almost all the lawyers, 
a Vide instruct & Missin's des Roys Tres ch●s●●ns & ●eleurs Ambassadeu●s, concernant le Councile de Trent. Bor●ellum l. 4 de decret Ecclesiae Gallicae. ● ti. 21.22 Dua revam li. 2 de benefis cap. 10 11. ● 5 cap. 11.  and learned sort who no doubt have many adherents of less knowledge, hold, That the Bishop of Rome was anciently the first and chiefest Bishop according to the dignity of precedency, and order, not by any divine Institution, but because Rome was the chief City of the Empire; That he obtained his primacy over the Western Church by the gift and clemency of Pipine, Charles the great, and other Kings of France, and hath no power to dispose of Temporal things; That it belongeth to Christian Kings and Princes to call Ecclesiastical Synods, and to establish their decrees, to make Ecclesiastical laws for the good of the Church, reform the abuses therein, and to have the same power and authority over sacred persons in causes Ecclesiastical, as was exercised by josias, and Constantine the Great, who said he was a Bishop over the outward things of the Church; That the laws whereby their Church is to be governed are only the Canons of the more ancient Counsels, and their own national Decrees, and not the Decretals of the Bishops of Rome; That the Council of Constance assembled by Sigismond the Emperor, & with a concurrent consent of other Christian Princes, decreeing a General Synod to be superiors unto the Pope, and correcting many enormous abuses in the Roman Church which yet remain in practice, was a true ecumenical Council, and so likewise the Council of Basill; That the Assembly of Trent was no lawful Council, and the Canons thereof are rather to be esteemed the Decrees of the Popes who called and continued it, than the Decrees of the Council itself, because in this Assembly Bishops only (contrary to the practice of the Council of Basill) had decisive voices, and the greatest parts of Bishops were Italian the Pope's vassals; and beside, nothing was then determined that was not at Rome fore-determined by the Pope; That the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ought to be administered under both kinds, and at the least a great part of divine service is to be performed in their vulgar tongues; Thus are the greater number of Lawyers and learned men in France affected, and those who are thoroughly popish are for the most part men of the basest sort wholly leavened with the bitter slanders and calumniations of malicious Friars.  
Now if to all the forenamed kingdoms, Principalities, Dukedoms, States, Cities abounding with professors of the truth, we add the Monarchies of Great Britanny, Denmark, Sweden, wholly in a manner Protestant, we shall find them not much inferior in number and amplitude to the Romish party; especially if we consider that the very bulk and body hereof, Italy, and Spain, are by a kind of violence, and necessity, rather than out of any free choice and judgement detained in their superstition; namely by the jealousy, cruelty, and tyrannous vigilancy of the inquisition, and their own ignorance, being 
a Vide indicem libro. prohi. ed●t. jussu Clem. 8. Et Azou. lin. 8. Morel. Inset. cap. 26.  by Clement the 8. utterly debarred from all reading of the Sacred Scriptures, whereby they might come to the knowledge of the Truth.  
And if any shall except that the Protestants in diverse Countries before mentioned cannot be reputed as one body, and of one Church, by reason of many differences, and hot contentions amongst them, let such remember, that howsoever some private men in this holy society rather than of it, preferring their novel and passionate fancies, before the peace of the Church, purchased with Christ's precious blood, and the public weal of Christian Monarchies, unnatural toward their own dear Mother, rending that womb wherein they were new borne by the laver of Regeneration, forgetful of their heavenly embassage, which is not only to reconcile men unto God, but men with men, so far neglecting their own eternal salvation, as to be unmindful of that most undoubted truth, He that is not in charity, is in death, trampling under foot that glorious legacy of their Lord and Master, My peace I give unto you, my peace I leave with you, have in heat of contention, and bitterness of their souls strained and racked their weak understandings, to make differences between themselves, even in the main Articles of Faith, and branded one another with blasphemy, and heresy, yet these unchristian and uncharitable dissensions are not to be imputed to the whole sacred community of Orthodox Churches, whose harmony and agreement in necessary points of Faith, are only to be esteemed by their confessions which by public authority they have divulged unto the world.  
How many are the differences both in doctrine and discipline between the Proctors for the Papal faction, touching Discipline? some teach their cheefetaine the Pope may err, others that he cannot: some that he is subject unto a General Council, others that he is above it: some that all Ecclesiastical authority is immediately in the Prelates of the Church, others that it is only in the Pope, and from him derived unto inferior Bishops: some that he hath temporal authorities over Princes, others not; concerning doctrine, some at firm that predestination both by grace, and glory is merely from God's free pleasure, others from foreseen desert and merit, some that all the books or part of them belonging unto the old Testament which were not in the Canon of the jewish Church are Apocryphal, others canonical even in the matters of Faith: some that there is no original sin inherent in us, but only imputed, others that it is both inherent and imputed: some that we are most freely justified, by the means of Faith, Hope, etc. others by the value, and merit of these virtues: some that faith is only a general assent unto divine truths, others that it is a special persuasion touching the remission of our sins through Christ, some that we appear righteous in God's sight, partly through imputed, partly through inherent righteousness, others only by inherent: some that eternal life is due unto our works only by virtue of God's free and gracious promise, others through the merit of the work done: some that all the moral good works of Infidels, and Ethnics are sins, others that they are without sin; some that the B. Virgin was conceived without original sin, others the contrary, and that with such eagerness, that the one condemn the other of heresy: yet because these contentions are between private men, and they all (in Spain and Italy, but not in France, as hath been (hewed) accord in the chief points of doctrine publicly established in the Council of Trent, they boast much of their unity.  
Although then some private men unworthy to take the word of peace and reconciliation into their virulent and contentious mouths, led more by passion, and their own self-pleasing conceit, then by the sacred rules of truth, and piety, have laboured to sow the tars of dissension in the vineyard of the Lord, and hereby have made crooked some few branches cleaving unto them: yet the general societies of Orthodox Churches in the public confessions of their faith, do so agree, that there is a most sacred harmony between them in the more substantial points of Christian Religion necessary to salvation.  
This is manifest out of the confessions themselves, which are these, the Anglicane, the Scotianes, French, Heluctian former, and later, the Belgie, Polony, Argentine, Augustane, Saxonicke, Wirtenbergicke, Palatine, Bohemicke or Weldensian confession: for there is none of the Churches formerly pointed out in divers places of Europe which doth not embrace one of these confessions, and all of them harmoniously conspire in the principal Articles of Faith, and which nearest concern our eternal salvation; as in the infallible verity and full sufficiency of the Scriptures, divine essence and unity of the everlasting Godhead, the sacred Trinity of the three glorious persons, the blessed incarnation of Christ, the omnipotent providence of God, the absolute supreme head of the Church, Christ, justification by Faith through Christ, and the nature of a lively faith, repentance, regeneration and sanctification, the difference between the Law, and the Gospel, touching free-will, sin, and good works, the Sacraments their number and use, the notes of the Church, the divine authority of Magistrates, the resurrection, and state of souls after death.  
And for the chief point of difference which is conceived to be between the professors of the Gospel about the presence of Christ in the sacred Eucharist; such as are parties in this contention ingenuously confess, that de reipsa, touching the thing itself there is no opposition but only we vary in some ordinances, and circumstances of the thing. We agree reipsa, in the matter itself, although we differ according to the diversity of God's gifts in expressing aptly and clearly what we conceive concerning this matter. We all acknowledge that the holy Symbols, or signs, are not inanes significationes, barely significative, but what by divine institution they represent and testify unto our souls, is as truly and certainly delivered unto us from God as the symbols themselves. But the question is, whether as the sign with the thing signified is present in respect of our body, and not rather in regard of our well receiving it by faith. Moreover, whether as both the sign, and thing signified are exhibited to all, so all receive both, some to life, others to their perdition. So that we all believe the true communication of the true body and blood of our Lord jesus Christ, only concerning the manner of communication is the controversy. But who can rightly judge that for this the sacred union and fellowship of Churches, is to be dissolved.  
There being so excellent a foundation and firm groundwork of unity between the Protestants, how worthy a work would it be for Christian Princes to imitate the professors of the Gospel in the kingdom of Polonia, and by a general Assembly of moderate, and unpartial judges and sensible of the bleeding wounds religion receiveth by sects, and discords, make up the ruins and breaches of Churches, caused hitherto through private contention, & to cement them together (if it shall please God out of the riches of his mercy to prosper their heroical and religious endeavours) with an everlasting bond of concord. There were never greater hopes of the success of so noble and ●ncomparable a work, then in this age which hath affoorided us the blessing of our most gracious Sovereign, so religiously studious of public peace, and so exquisitely enabled with many rare endowments to promote so pious and renowned an action.  
In the mean time, if any in these private distractions concerning matters of Religion excited by the malice of Satan, and his wretched instruments, shall doubt which way to take, let him follow the grave & divine instructions of that excellent light of the Church S. Augustine; who first exhorteth us not to busy ourselves overmuch in inquiring after those things quae nihil certi habent in Scriptura, which have no firm footing in the Scriptures, but in receiving, or rejecting them to follow the custom, & practise of particular Churches wherein we live; otherwise (saith 
a Epist. 86.  he) If we will dispute of these things, & contend one with another: orietur interminata luctatio, there will hence arise an endless strife. And his second admonition is, that for the establishing of our consciences in points of faith necessary to obtain eternal life, we would follow our blessed saviours commandment: Search the Scriptures, Why (
b In Psal. 21.  saith this devout and learned Father speaking to contentious Christians) do we strive? we are brethren. Our Father hath not died intestate: he hath made his last will: he is dead, & risen again. There is contention still about an inheritance as long as the Testament is not made known, but when it is published in judgement all are silent to hear it. The judge attentively listeneth unto it, the Advocates hold their peace: the criers command silence, & the whole multitude present, stand in a suspense, that the words of a dead man lying in his grave without sense and life may be rehearsed. Are the words of a dead man & interred, so powerful & avaleable, and shall the Testament of Christ sitting in heaven be impugned? Open it, let us read, we are brethren, why do we strive? Our father hath not left us destitute of his last will: he that made it liveth for ever; he heareth our voice & acknowledgeth his own voice. Let us read, why contend we? Having found the inheritance let us lay hold of it aperi, lege: open and read.   

OF THE ANCIENT LARGENESS of the Greek tongue. CHAP. 1.  
GREECE, as it was anciently known by the name of helas, was enclosed betwixt the Bay of Ambracia, with the river Arachthus, that falleth into it on the West, and the river Peneneus on the North, 
Strabo. l. 8. non longè a principio.  & the Sea on other parts. So that Acarnania and Thessaly, were toward the Continent, the utmost regions of Greece. But yet, not the countries only contained within those limits, but also the kingdoms of Macedon, and Epirus; being the next adjoining provinces (Macedon toward the North, Epirus toward the West) had anciently the Greek tongue for their vulgar language: for although it belonged originally to helas alone, yet in time it became vulgar to these also.  
Secondly, it was the language of all the Isles in the Aegaean sea; of all those islands I say, that are betwixt Greece and Asia, both, of the many small ones, that lie between Candie and Negropont, named Cyclades (there are of them 53.) and of all above Negropont also, as far as the Straight of Constantinople.  
Thirdly, of the Isles of Candie, Scarpanto, Rhodes, and a part of Cyprus, and of all the small Islands along the coast of Asia, from Candie to Syria.  
Fourthly, not only of all the West part of Asia the less, (now called Anatolia, and corruptly Anatolia) lying toward the Aegaean sea, as being very thick planted with Greek Colonies: 
Sen●e. Consol. ad Helu. c. 6. Pl●n. l. 5. c. 29. Isocrat. in Panegiric. long. post. med. Lucian. in Dialog. de Amorib. non longè. ab Init.  of which, some one, Miletus by name, is registered by Seneca, to have been the mother of 75. by Pliny, of 80. Cities; But on the North side also toward the Euxine sea, as far (saith Isocrates) as Sinope, and on the South side respecting afric, as far (saith Lucian) as the Chelidonian Isles, which are over against the confines of Lycia with Pamphylia. And yet although within these limits only, Greek was generally spoken, on the Maritime coast of Asia, yet beyond them, on both the shores Eastward, were many Greek Cities (though not without Barbarous Cities among them.) And specially I find the North coast of Asia, even as far as Trebizond, to have been exceedingly well stored with them. But, it may be further observed likewise out of histories, that not only all the maritime part of Anatolia could understand and speak the Greek tongue, but most of the inland people also, both by reason of the great traffic, which those rich Countries had for the most part with Grecians, and for that on all sides, the East only excepted, they were environed with them. Yet nevertheless, it is worthy observing, that albeit the Greek tongue prevailed so far in the Regions of Anatolia, as to be in a manner general, yet for all that, it never became vulgar, nor extinguished the vulgar languages of those Countries. For it is not only particularly observed of the Galatians, by Hierome, 
Hieron. in Proem l. ●. come. Epist. ad Galat. Strab. l. 14.  that beside the Greek tongue, they had also their peculiar language, like that of Trier: and of the Carians by Strabo, that in their language were found many Greek words, which doth manifestly import it to have been a several tongue: but it is directly recorded by 
* Lib. citato long. post. med. et Plin. l. 6. c. 1.  Strabo, (out of Ephorus) that of sixteen several nations, inhabiting that tract, only three were Grecians, and all the rest, (whose names are there registered) barbarous; and yet are omitted the Cappadocians, Galatians, Lydians, Maeonians, Cataonians, no small provinces of that Region. Even as it is also observed by Pliny, and others, that the 22. languages, whereof Mithridates' king of Pontus, 
Plin. l. 7. c. 24. Val. Max. l. ●. c 7 Gell. l. 17. c. 17.  is remembered to have been so skilful, as to speak them without an interpreter, were the languages of so many nations subject to himself, whose dominion yet we know, to have been contained, for the greatest part, within Anatolia. And, although all these be evident testimonies, that the Greek tongue was not the vulgar or native language of those parts, yet, among all none is more effectual, than that remembrance in the second Chapter of the Acts, 
Act. 2.9. & 1●.  where divers of those Regions, as Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia, are brought in for instances of differing languages.  
Fiftly, Of the greatest part of the maritime coast of Thrace, not only from Hellespont to Byzantium, (which was 
* Dousa. I●in. Constantinopolit. pag. 24.  that part of Constantinople, in the East corner of the City, where the Serraile of the Great Turk now standeth) but above it, all along to the outlets of Danubius. And yet beyond them also; I find many Greek Cities to have been planted along that coast, 
Scylax Carimand. in Periple. jornand de Reb. Getic. c. 5  (Scylax of Carianda is my Author with some others) as far as the Straight of Caffa, and specially in Taurica. Yea, and beyond that straight also Eastward, along all the sea coast of Circassia, and Mengrelia, to the river of Phasis, & thence compassing to Trebizond, I find mention of many scattered Greek Cities: that is, (to speak briefly) in all the circumference of the Euxine Sea.  
Sixtly, (from the East and North to turn toward the West) it was the language of all the West, and South islands, that lie along the coast of Greece, from Candie to Corfu, which also was one of them, and withal, of that fertile Sicily, in which one Island, I have observed in good histories, above 30. Greek Colonies; to have been planted, and some of them goodly cities, 
Scrab L. 6. in medi●.  specially Agrigentum and Syracuse, which later Strabo hath recorded to have been 180. furlongs, that is, of our miles 22. and ½ in circuit.  
Seventhly, Not only of all the maritime coast of Italy, that lieth on the Tyrrhene Sea, from the river Garigliano, (Liris it was formerly called) to Leucopetra, the most Southerly point of Italy, for all that shore being near about 240. miles, was inhabited with Greek colonies: And thence forward, of all that end of Italy, that lieth towards the Ionian sea, about the great bay of Squilacci and Taranto (which was so thick set with great and goodly Cities of Grecians, that it gained the name of Magna Graecia) but, beyond that also, of a great part of Apulia, lying towards the Adriatic sea. Neither did these maritime parts only, but, as it seemeth the Inland people also towards that end of Italy, speak the Greek tongue. For I have seen a few old coins of the Brutians, and more may be seen in Goltzius having Greek inscriptions, wherein I observe they are named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Goltz. in Num●smat. Magnae Greciae Tab. 24.  with an ae, and two tt. and not as the Roman writers term them, Brutij. And I have seen one piece also of Pandosia, an inland City of those parts, with the like. Neither was the vulgar use of the Greek tongue, utterly extinct in some of those parts of Italy, 
Galat in descriptione Callipolis.  till of late: for Galateus a learned man of that Country, hath left written, that when he was a boy, (and he lived about. 120. years ago) they spoke Greek in Callipollis a City on the East shore of the Bay of Taranto. But yet it continued in Ecclesiastical use in some other parts of that region of Italy much later: 
Bar. lib. 5. de Antiquit. Calabriae.  for Gabriel Barrius that lived but about 40. years since, hath left recorded, that the Church of Rossano (an archiepiscopal City in the upper Calabria) retained the Greek tongue and ceremony till his time, and then became Latin. 
Rocca Tract. de Dialectis in Italica li●gua.  Nay, to descend yet a little nearer the present time, Angelus Rocca that writ but about 20. years ago, hath observed, that he found in some parts of Calabria, and Apulia, some remainders of the Greek speech to be still retained.  
Eightly, and Lastly, that shore of France, that lieth towards the mediterraine sea, from Rodanus to Italy, was possessed with Grecians, for 
* Strab. l. 4. non long. a princip. Thuscid. l 1.  Massilia was a Colony of the Phoceans, and from it many other Colonies were derived, and 
* Strab. loco citato. Plin. L. 3. C. 5.  placed along that shore, as far as Nicaea, in the beginning of Italy, which also was one of them.  
And yet beside all these forenamed, I could reckon up very many other dispersed Colonies of the greeks both in Europe, and Asia, and some in afric, for although I remember not, that I have read in any history, any Colonies of the Grecians to have been planted in afric, any where from the greater Syrtis Westward, except one in Cirta, a City of Numidia, placed there by Micipsa the son of Masinissa, as is mentioned in Strabo: yet thence Eastward it is certain some were: 
Strab. L. 17.  for the great Cities of Cyrene, and Alexandria, were both Greek. And it is evident, not only in 
* Loco iam citato. Ptolon. Tab. 3. Africa. Mela. l. 1. C. 8.  Strabo and Ptolemie, but in Mela, and other Latin writers, that most of the Cities of that part carried Greek names. And Lastly, Hierome hath directly recorded, that Libya, which is properly that part of afric adjoining to Egypt, was full of Greek Cities.  
These were the places, where the Greek tongue was natively and vulgarly spoken, 
Hieroni●. Loco supra citato.  either originally, or by reason of Colonies. But yet for other causes, it became much more large and general. One was the love of Philosophy, and the liberal arts, written in a manner only in Greek. Another, the exceeding great trade and traffic of Grecians, in which, above all nations, except perhaps the old Phoenicians (to whom yet they seem not to have been inferior) they employed themselves. A third, beyond all these, because those great Princes, among whom all that Alexander the Great had conquered, was divided, were Grecians, which for many reasons, could not but exceedingly spread the Greek tongue, in all those parts where they were Governors: among whom, even one alone, Seleucus' by name, is registered by Appian, to have founded in the East parts under his government, 
Appian. L. de Bel●s Syriac.  at least 60 Cities, all of them carrying Greek names, or else named after his father, his wives, or himself. And yet was there a fourth cause, that in the after time greatly furthered this enlargement of the Greek tongue, namely the employment of Grecians in the government of the provinces, after the translation of the Imperial seat to Constantinople. For these causes I say, together with the mixture of Greek Colonies, dispersed in many places (in which fruitfulness of Colonies, the Grecians far passed the Romans) the Greek tongue spread very far, especially towards the East. In so much, that all the Orient (which yet must be understood with limitation, namely the Oriental part of the Roman Empire, or to speak in the phrase of those times, the diocese of the Orient, which contained Syria, Palestine, Cilicia, and part of Mesopotaneia and of Arabia) is said by Hierome, 
Hieror. bisuper.  to have spoken Greek: which also Isidore, specially observeth, in Egypt, and Syria, to have been the Dorique dialect. 
I●●dor. Origin. L. 9 C. 1.  And this great glory, the Greek tongue held in the Apostles time, and long after, in the Eastern parts, till by the inundation of the Saracens of Arabia, it came to ruin in those provinces, about. 640 years after the birth of our Saviour, namely, in the time of the Emperor Heraclius (the Arabians bringing in their language together with their victories, into all the regions they subdued) even as the Latin tongue is supposed to have perished by the inundation and mixture of the Goths, and other barbarous nations in the West.   

Of the Decaying of the ancient Greek tongue, and of the present vulgar Greek. CHAP. 2.  
But at this day, the Greek tongue is very much decayed, not only as touching the largeness, and vulgarnesse of it, but also in the pureness and elegancy of the language. For as touching the former, First, in Italy, France, and other places to the West, the natural languages of the countries have usurped upon it. Secondly, in the skirts of Greece itself, namely in Epirus, and that part of Macedon, that lieth towards the Adriatic sea, the Sclavonique tongue hath extinguished it. Thirdly, in Anatolia, the Turkish tongue hath for a great part suppressed it. And Lastly, in the more Eastward, and South parts, as in that part of Cilicia, that is beyond the river Pyramus, in Syria, Palestine, Egypt and Libya, the Arabian tongue hath abolished it: Abolished it I say, namely, as touching any vulgar use, for, as touching Ecclesiastical use, many Christians of those parts still retain it in their liturgies. So that, the parts in which the Greek tongue is spoken at this day, are (in few words) but these. First Greece itself (excepting Epirus, and the West part of Macedon.) Secondly, the Isles of the Aegaean sea. Thirdly, Candie, & the Isles Eastward of Candie, along the coast of Asia to Cyprus (although in Cyprus, divers other languages are spoken, beside the Greek) and likewise the Isles Westward of Candia, along the Coasts of Greece, and Epirus, to Corfu. And Lastly, a good part of Anatolia.  
But as I said, the Greek tongue, is not only thus restrained, in comparison of the ancient extension that it had, but it is also much degenerated and impaired, as touching the pureness of speech, being overgrown with barbarousness: But yet not without some relish of the ancient elegancy. Neither is it altogether so much declined from the ancient Greek, 
Bellon. observat. L. 1. c. 3 Turcogroec. L. 3. & 5.  as the Italian is departed from the Latin, as Bellonius hath also observed, and by conferring of divers Epistles of the present language, which you may find in Crusius his Turcograecia, with the ancient tongue, may be put out of question, which corruption yet, certainly hath not befallen that language, through any inundation of barbarous people, as is supposed to have altered the Latin tongue, for although I know Greece to have been overrun, & wasted, by the Goths, yet I find not in histories, any remembrance of their habitation, or long continuance in Greece, & of their coalition into one people with the Grecians, without which, I conceive not, how the tongue could be greatly altered by them. And yet certain it is, that long before the Turks came among them, their language was grown to the corruption wherein now it is, for that, in the writings of Cedrenus, Nicetas, and some other late greeks, (although long before the Turks invasion) there is found, notwithstanding they were learned men, a strong relish of this barbarousness: Insomuch that the learned Grecians themselves, 
Ge●●ach. in epist. ad Crusi●m. TurcoGrae●. L. 7. pag. 489.  acknowledge it to be very ancient, and are utterly ignorant, when it began in their language: which is to me a certain argument, that it had no violent nor sudden beginning, by the mixture of other foreign nations among than, but hath gotten into their language, by the ordinary change, which time and many common occasions that attend on time, are wont to bring to all languages in the world, for which reason, the corruption of speech growing upon them, by little and little, the change hath been unsensible. Yet it cannot be denied (and 
* ● Zygomalos in Epist. ad Cius. Turcog. pag.  some of the Grecians themselves confess so much) that beside many Roman words, which from the translation of the imperial seat to Constantinople, began to creep into their language, as we may observe in divers Greek writers of good antiquity, some Italian words also, and Slavonian, and Arabic, and Turkish, and of other nations, are gotten into their language, by reason of the great traffic and commerce, which those people exercise with the Grecians. For which cause, as Bellonius hath observed, 
Bello●. observat. L. 1. C 3.  it is more altered in the maritime parts, and such other places of foreign concourse, then in the inner region. But yet, the greatest part of the corruption of that language, hath been bred at home, and proceeded from no other cause, than their own negligence, or affectation. As First, (for example) by mutilation of some words, pronouncing and writing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 
Vide Crus. Turcograec. pag. 44.224.242.391 398.399. etc.  Secondly, by compaction of several words into one, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Thirdly, by confusion of sound, as making no difference in the pronouncing of three vowels, namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and two dipthongues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, all which five they pronounce by one letter i, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they pronounce icos, icon, stithi, lipi. Fourthly, by translation of accents, from the syllables to which in ancient pronouncing they belonged, to others. And all those four kinds of corruption, are very common in their language: for which reasons, and for some others, which may be observed in Crusius, Burrana, 
Burran. in Coron. pretiosa.  etc. the Greek tongue, is become much altered (even in the proper and native words of the language) from what anciently it was. Yet nevertheless it is recorded by some, that have taken diligent observation of that tongue, 
Gerlach. apud C●us. l. 7. Turcograec. pag. 489.  in the several parts of Greece, that there be yet in Morea, (Peloponnesus) betwixt Napoli and Monembasia (Nauplia and Epidaurus they were called) some 14 towns, the Inhabitants where are called Zacones (for Lacones') that speak yet the ancient Greek tongue, but far out of Grammar rule: yet, they understand those that speak grammaticallie, but understand not the vulgar Greek. 
Bellon. observe l. 2. c. 111.  As Bellonius likewise remembreth another place, near Heraclea in Anatolia, that yet retaineth the pure Greek for their vulgar language. But the few places being excepted, it is certain, that the difference is become so great, betwixt the present and the ancient Greek that their liturgy, 
* Burdovitz. in epist. ad Chitrae. apud Illum in Lib de Statu Ecclesia●. pag. 47.  which is yet read in the ancient Greek tongue, namely that of Basil, on the Sabbaths and solemn days, and that of chrysostom on common days, is not understood (or but little of it) by the vulgar people, as learned men that have been in those parts, have related to 
* Vid. Chitrae. loc. citato, & Turcograec. Crusij. pag. 327. & 415. etc.  others, and to myself: which may be also more evidently proved to be true by this, because the skilful in the learned Greek, cannot understand the vulgar.   

Of the ancient largeness of the Roman tongue in the time of the Roman Empire. CHAP. III.  
THe ordinary bounds of the Roman Empire were, on the East part Euphrates, and sometimes Tigris: On the North the Rivers of Rhine & of Danubius, and the Euxine sea: On the West the Ocean: On the South the Cataracts of Nilus, in the utmost border of Egypt, and in afric the mountain Atlas. Which, beginning in the West, on the shore of the Ocean, over against the Canary islands, runneth Eastward almost to Egypt, being in few places distant from the Mediterrane sea, more than 200 miles. These I say, were the ordinary bounds of that Empire in the Continent: for, although the Romans passed these bounds sometimes, specially toward the East and North, yet they kept little of what they won, but within those bounds mentioned, the Empire was firmly established. But here, in our great Isle of Britain, the picts wall was the limit of it, passing by Newcastle, and Carlisle, from Tinmouth on the East sea, to Solway frith on the West, being 
* Spartian. in Hadriano & in Severo.  first begun by the Emperor Adrian, and after finished or rather repaired, by Septimius Severus.  
To this greatness of Dominion, Rome at last arrived from her small beginnings. And small her beginnings were indeed, considering the huge dominion to which she attained. For first, the Circuit of the City wall, at the first building of it, by Romulus in Mount Palatine, could not be fully one mile: for the Hill itself, as is observed by Andrea Fulvio, 
And▪ Fulu. l. 2. Antiq. Rom. Ca 3.  a Citizen and Antiquary of Rome, hath no more in circuit: And, that Romulus bounded the Pomerium of the City (which extended somewhat beyond the wall) with the foot of that hill in compass Gellius hath left registered. 
Gell. L. 13. C. 14. Strab. L. 1.  Secondly the Territory and liberties of Rome, as Strabo hath remembered, extended at the first, where it stretched farthest scarce six miles from the City. And thirdly, the first Inhabitants of Rome, as I find recorded in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 
Dionys Hal. l. 2. Antiq. Romanar.  were not in number above 3300, at the most. Yet, with Time, and fortunate success, 
Vopisc. in Aureliano,  Rome so increased, that in Aurelianus his time, the circuit of the City wall, was 50. miles, as Vopiscus hath recorded: And the Dominion, grew to the largeness above mentioned, containing about 3000 miles in length, and about 1200 in breadth: and lastly the number of free Citizens, even in the time of Marius, that is long before foreign Cities and Countries, began to be received into participation of that freedom, was found to be 463000. as Eusebius hath remembered: 
Euseb. in Chronico. ad Olymp. 174.  Of free Citizens I say, (for they only came into Cense) but if I should add, their wives, and Children, and servants, that is, generally all the Inhabitants, 
* Lipsius' de Magni●. Romana. l. 3. c. 3.  a learned man hath esteemed them, and not without great likelihood of truth, to have been no less, than 3. or 4. millions.  
Beyond these bounds therefore of the Roman Empire, (to speak to the point in hand) the Roman tongue could not be in any common use, as neither, to speak of our king's dominions, in Ireland, Scotland, nor Northumberland, as being no subjects of the Roman Empire. And that within these bounds, it stretched far and wide, (in such manner as I will afterward declare) two Principal causes there were. One was, the multitude of colonies, which partly to repress rebellion in the subdued Provinces, partly to resist foreign invasions, partly to reward the ancient soldiers, partly to abate the redundance of the City, & relieve the poorer sort, were sent forth to inhabit in all the Provinces of the Empire: Another, was the donation of Roman freedom, or Communication of the right and benefit of Roman Citizens, to very many of the Provincial, both Cities, and Regions. For first, all Italy obtained that freedom in the time of Sylla and Marius, 
Appian. l. 1. Civil long aunt med.  at the compounding of the Italian war, as Appian hath recorded: All Italy I say, as than it was called, and bounded, with the Rivers of Rubicon and Arnus, that is, the narrower part of Italy, lying betwixt the Adriatic and the Tyrrhene seas. Secondly julius Caesar in like sort enfranchised the rest of Italy, that is the brother part, named then Gallia Cisalpina, as is remembered by Dion. 
Dion. l. 41.  But not long after, the foreign Provinces also, began to be enfranchised, France being endued with the liberty of Roman Citizens by Galba, as I find in Tacitus; 
Ta cit. l. 1. Historia●. Plin. l. 3. ca 3.  spain by Vespasian, as it is in Pliny. And at last, by Antonius Pius, all without exception, that were subject to the Empire of Rome, as appeareth by the testimony of Ulpian in the Digests. 
Digest. l. 1. Tit de Statu hominum Leg. In orb Romano.  The benefit of which Roman freedom, they that would use, could not with honesty do it, remaining ignorant of the Roman tongue.  
These two as I have said, were the principal causes of enlarging that language: yet other there were also, of great importance, to further it. For first, concerning Ambassages, suits, appeals, or whatsoever other business of the Provincials, or forraines, nothing was allowed to be handled, or spoken in the Senate at Rome, but in the Latin tongue. Secondly, the Laws whereby the provinces were governed, were all written in that language, as being in all of them, excepting only municipal Cities, the ordinary Roman law. Thirdly, the 
* Digest. l. 42 Tit. de re iudicata. Leg. Decret.  Praetors of the Provinces, were not allowed to deliver their judgements save in that language: and we read in Dion Cassius, of a principal man of Greece, that by Claudius was put from the order of judges, 
Dion. l. 57 Val. Maxim. l. 2 c. 2.  for being ignorant of the Latin tongue: and to the same effect in Valerius Maximus, that the Roman Magistrates would not give audience to the Grecians, (less therefore I take it to the Barbarous nations) save in the Latin tongue. Fourthly the general schools, erected in sundry Cities of the Provinces, whereof we find mention in Tacitus, 
Tacit. l. 3. Annal. Heron. in ●p st. ad Rusticum. Tom. 1.  Hierome, and others (in which the Roman tongue was the ordinary and allowed speech, as is usual in universities till this day) was no small furtherance to that language. And, to conclude that the Romans had generally (at least in the after times, when Rome was become a Monarchy, and in the flourish of the Empire) great care to enlarge their tongue, together with their dominion, is by Augustine in his books de Civitate Dei, 
August. de Civit. De●. lib. 19 c. 7.  specially remembered. I said it was so in the after times, for certainly, that the Romans were not very anciently, possessed with that humour of spreading their language, appeareth by Livy, in whom we find recorded, that it was granted the Cumanes, 
Liu. Histor. Rom. l. 4●  for a favour, and at their suit, that they might publicly use the Roman tongue, not fully 140 years before the beginning of the Emperors: And yet was Cuma but about 100 miles distant from Rome, and at that time the Romans had conquered all Italy, Sicily, Sardinia, and a great part of Spain.  
But yet in all the Provinces of the Empire, the Roman tongue found not alike acceptance, and success, but most enlarged and spread itself toward the North, and West, and South bounds, for first, that in all the regions of Pannonia it was known Velleius is mine Author: 
Vellei. lib. 2. Strab. lib. 3. & 4.  Secondly, that it was spoken in France and Spain, Strabo: Thirdly, that in afric, 
Apulei in Floridis.  Apuleius▪ And it seemeth the sermons of Cyprian, and Augustine, yet extant, (of Augustine it is manifest) that they preached to the people in latin. But in the East parts of the Empire, as in Greece, and Asia, and so likewise in afric, from the greater Syrtis Eastward, I cannot in my reading find that the Roman tongue ever grew into any common use. And the reason of it seems to be, for that in those parts of the Empire it became most frequent, where the most, and greatest Roman Colonies, were planted. And therefore over all Italy, it became in a manner vulgar, wherein I have observed in Histories, and in registers of ancient inscriptions, to have been planted by the Romans at several times above 150 Colonies: as in afric also near 60, (namely 57) in Spain 29. in France, as it stretched to Rhine 26, and so in Illyricum, and other North parts of the Empire, between the Adriatic sea, and Danubius very many. And yet I doubt not, but in all these parts, more there were, than any history or ancient inscription that now remains hath remembered.  
And contrariwise in those Countries, where fewest Colonies were planted, the Latin tongue grew nothing so common: as for example here in Britain, there were but four: those were 
1 Eboracum  York, 
2 Debuna.  Chester, 
3 Is●a.  Ca●rusk in Monmouth-shire, and 
4 Camalodunum.  Maldon in Essex (for London, although recorded for one by Onuphrius, 
Onuphr. in Imper. Rom.  was none, as is manifest by his own 
* Tacit. l. 14. Annal.  Author, in the place that himself allegeth) and therefore we find in the British tongue which yet remaineth in Wales, but little relish (to account of) or relics of the Latin. And, for this cause also partly, the East provinces of the Empire, savoured little or nothing of the Roman tongue. For first in afric beyond the greater Syrtis, I find never a Roman Colony: for Onuphrius, 
Onuphr. lib. iam citato.  that hath recorded 
* Vide Digest. l. 50. Tit. de Censibus Leg. s●●endum.  Indicia Cyrenensium for one, alleging Ulpian for Author, was deceived by some faulty Copy of the Digests. For the corrected copies have Zernensium, and for Indicia, is to be read in Dacia, as is rightly observed (for in it the City of Zerne was) by Pancirellus. Secondly in Egypt, there were but two: 
Pancirell. id Comment. Notit. Imper Orien●alis Cap. 138.  and to be brief, Syria, only excepted, which had about 20 Roman Colonies, but most of them late planted, especially by Septimius Severus, and his son Bassianus, to strengthen that side of the Empire against the Parthians (and yet I find not that in Syria, the Roman tongue, ever obtained any vulgar use) the rest, had but very few, in proportion to the largeness of those regions.  
Of which little estimation, and use of the Roman tongue, in the East parts, beside the want of Colonies forementioned, and to omit their love to their own languages, which they held to be more civil than the Roman, another great cause was the Greek, which they had in far greater account, both, for learning sake (insomuch that Cicero confesseth, Graeca (saith he) leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus, 
Cicer. in 〈◊〉 pro Archi● poeta.  Latina suis finibus, exiguis sane, continentur) and for traffic, to both which, the Grecians, above all nations of the world were anciently given: to omit, both the excellency of the tongue itself, for sound & copiousness, & that it had forestalled the Roman in those parts. And certainly, in how little regard, the Roman tongue was had in respect of the Greek, in the Eastern Countries, may appear by this, that all the learned men of those parts, whereof most lived in the flourish of the Roman Empire, have written in Greek, and not in Latin: as Philo, josephus, Ignatius, justine Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, Eusebius, Athanasius, Basil, Gregory Nyssene, and Nazianzen, Cirill of Alexandria, and of jerusalem, Epiphanius, Synetius, Ptolemie Strabo, Porphyry, & very many others, so that of all the writers that lived in Asia, or in afric, beyond the greater Syrtis, I think we have not one Author in the Latin tongue: and yet more evidently, may it appear by another instance, that I find in the third general Counsel held at Ephesus, 
Consil. Ephesi●. Tom. 2 Cap 13. Edit. Bin.  where the letters of the Bishop of Rome, having been read by his Legates, in the Latin tongue, it was requested by all the Bishops, that they might be translated into Greek, to the end they might be understood. It is manifest therefore, that the Roman tongue was neither vulgar, nor familiar in the East, when the learned men gathered out of all parts of the East understood it not.   

That the Roman tongue abolished not the vulgar languages, in the foreign provinces of the Roman Empire. CHAP. FOUR  
OF the weak impression therefore of the Roman language in the East, and large entertainment of it in the West, and other parts of the Empire, and of the causes of both, I have said enough. But in what sort, 
Galat. de Situ 〈◊〉 98.  and how far it prevailed, namely, whether so far, as to extinguish the ancient vulgar languages of those parts, and itself, in stead of them, to become the native and vulgar tongue, as Galateus hath pronounced touching the Punic, 
V●r L. 3 de Trad●n● discipline & ad August de Cavit. Deid. 19 ●. ●.  and Vives with many others of the Gallique, and Spanish, I am next to consider.  
First therefore, it is certainly observed, that there are at this day, fourteen mother tongues in Europe (beside the Latin) which remain, not only not abolished, but little or nothing altered, or impaired by the Romans. And those are the 1 Irish, spoken in Ireland, and a good part of Scotland: the 2 British, in Wales, Cornwall, and Britain of France: the 3 Cantabrian near the Ocean, 
3 Scaligan Diatrib de ling Europ●●.  about the Pyrene, hills, both in France & Spain: the 4 Arabic, 
4 Merul. Cosm part. 2. L, 2. C. 8.  in the steepy mountains of Granata, named Alpuxarras: the 5 Finnique, 
5 Scalig. loco. citato.  in Finland, and Lapland: the 6 Dutch, in Germany, Belgia, Denmark, Norwey, and Suedia: the old 7 Cauchian, (I take it to be that, for in that part the Cauchi inhabited) in East Friesland, for 
* Ortel. in Tab. Fris. Oriental.  although to strangers they speak Dutch, yet among themselves they use a peculiar language of their own: the 8 Slavonish, in Polonia, Bohemia, Moscovia, Russia, and many other regions, (whereof I will after entreat in due place) although with notable difference of dialect, as also the British, and Dutch, in the countries mentioned have: the old 9 Illyrian, in the Isle of Veggia, on the East side of Istria in the day of Liburnia: the 10 Greek, in Greece, and the Islands about it, and part of Macedon, and of Thrace: the old 11 Epirotique 
* Scalig. loco citato.  in the mountain of Epirus: the 12 Hungarian in the greatest part of that kingdom: the 13 jazygian, 
13 Bert. in Descript. Hunger.  in the North side of Hungaria betwixt Danubius & Tibiscus, utterly differing from the Hungarian language: And lastly, the 14 Tarturian, of the Precopenses, between the Rivers of Tanais and Borysthenes, near Maeotis and the Euxine sea, for, of the English, Italian, Spanish, and French, as being derivations, or rather degenerations, the first of the Dutch, and the other three of the Latin, seeing I now speak only of original or mother languages, I must be silent: And of all these fourteen it is certain, except the Arabic, which is known to have entered since, and perhaps the Hungarian, about which there is difference among Antiquaries, that they were in Europe in time of the Roman Empire, and six or seven of them, within the limits of the Empire.  
And indeed, how hard a matter it is, utterly to abolish a vulgar language, in a populous country, where the Conquerors are in number far inferior to the native inhabitants, whatsoever art be practised to bring it about, may well appear by the vain attempt of our Norman Conqueror: who although he compelled the English, to teach their young children in the Schools nothing but French, and set down all the Laws of the Land in French, and enforced all plead at the Law to be performed in that language (which custom continued till King Edward the third his days, who disannulled it) purposing thereby to have conquered the language together with the land, and to have made all French: yet, the number of English far exceeding the Normans, all was but labour lost, and obtained no further effect, than the mingling of a few French words with the English. And even such also was the success of the Franks among the Gauls, of the Goths among the Italians and Spaniards, and may be observed, to be short in all such conquests, where the Conquerors (being yet in number far inferior) mingle themselves with the native inhabitants. So that, in those Countries only the mutation of languages hath ensued upon conquests, where either the ancient inhabitants have been destroyed or driven forth, as we see in our Country to have followed of the Saxons victories, against the Britain's, or else at least in such sort diminished, that in number they remained inferior, or but little superior to the Conquerors, whose reputation and authority might prevail more than a small excess of multitude. But (that I digress no further) because certain Countries are specially alleged, in which the Roman tongue is supposed most to have prevailed, I will restrain my discourse to them alone.  
And First, that both the Punic and Gallique tongues, remained in the time of Alexander Severus the Emperor (about 230 years after our saviours birth) appeareth by Ulpian, who lived at that time, and was with the Emperor of principal reputation, teaching, that 
* Digest. l. 32. lege. Fidei commissa.  Fidei commissa might be left, not only in Latin, or Greek, but in the Punic or Gallique, or any other vulgar language. Till that time therefore, it seemeth evident, that the Roman tongue had not swallowed up these vulgar languages, and itself become vulgar in stead of them. But to insist a little in either severally. First, touching the Punic, Aurelius, Victor hath recorded of Septimius Severus, 
Aur. Victor in Epitome. Sep ●m. Sever.  that he was, Latinis literis sufficienter instructus, but Punica eloquentia promptior, quip genitus apud Leptim provintiae Africa. Of which Emperors sister also, dwelling at Leptis (it is the City we now call Tripoli in Barbary) and coming to see him, 
Spartian▪ in Severo. post m●d.  Spartianus hath left written, that she so badly spoke the Latin tongue, (yet was 
* Antonin in Itinerario. Hieron. in Proem. l. 2. Com. Epist. ad Galat●n fine.  Leptis a Roman Colony) that the Emperor blushed at it. Secondly long after that, Hierome hath recorded of his time, that the Africans had somewhat altered their lanuage, from the Phaenicians: the language therefore then remained, for else how could he pronounce of the present difference? Thirdly, Augustine (somewhat younger than Hierom, though living at the same time) writeth, not only, that 
* August. de C●u. Dei. L. 16. C. 6.  he knew diverse nations in afric, that spoke the Punic tongue, but also more particularly in 
* Id. Serm. 25. de verb. Apost  another place, mentioning a known Punic proverb, he would speak it (he said) in the Latin, because all his auditors (for Hippo where he preached was a Roman Colony) understood not the Punic tongue: And some 
* Id. Expos. in Chrat. epist ad Roman.  other passages could I allege out of Augustine, for the direct confirmation of this point, if these were not evident and effectual enough. Lastly, Leo Africanus, 
Leo 1. Africa, Lt. descript. Africa. cap. de Ling. Africanis.  a man of late time, and good reputation, affirmeth that there remain yet in Barbary, very many, descended of the old inhabitants, that speak the African tongue, whereby it is apparent, that it was never extinguished by the Romans.  
Secondly, touching the ancient Gallique tongue, that it also remained, and was not abolished by the Roman in the time of Strabo, who flourished under Tiberius Caesar's government, it appeareth in the fourth book of his Geography, 
Sirab. l 4. ●● princip.  writing that the Aquitanis differed altogether in language from the other Gauls, and they somewhat among themselves. Nor after that in Tacitus his time, 
Tacit. in 〈◊〉 Agricola.  noting that the language of France, differed little from that of Britain. No, nor long after that, in Alexander Severus his time, for beside the authority of Ulpian before alleged out of the Digests, it is manifest by Lampridius also, 
Lamprid. in Alexand. Severo, long post med.  who in the life of the said Alexander, remembreth of a Druide woman, that when he was passing along, in his expedition against the Germans, through France, cried out after him in the Gallique tongue (what needed that observation of the Gallique tongue, if it were the Roman?) go thy way (quoth she) and look not for the victory, 
Strab. l. 4. laplante med.  & trust not thy soldiers. And though Strabo he alleged by some, to prove the vulgarnesse of the Latin tongue in France, yet is it manifest, that he speaketh nof of all the Gauls, but of certain only, in the province of Narbona, about Rhodanus, for which part of France, there was special reason, both for the more ancient and ordinary conversing of the Romans, in that region above all the rest: for of all the seventeen provinces of France, that of Narbona was first reduced into the form of a Province: And the City of Narbona itself, being a Mart town of exceeding traffic in those days, was the 
* Vel. Pa●●●cul l. ●.  first foreign Colony, that the Romans planted out of Italy, Carthage only excepted: And yet furthermore, as Pliny hath recorded, many towns there were in that province, 
Plin. l. 3. c. 4.  enfranchised, and endued with the liberty and right of the Latins. And yet for all this, Strabo saith not, that the Roman tongue was the n●●iue or vulgar language in that part, but that for the more part they spoke it.  
Thirdly, concerning the Spanish tongue: Howsoever Vives writ, that the languages of France and Spain were utterly extinguished by the Romans, and that the Latin was become 
* Vid. Annot. ad August. de. ●●● De●. l. 19 c. 7.  Vernacula Hispanic, as also Galliae & Italiae; and 
* ●d l. 3. de tradend. Dis●●p.  some others, of the same nation vaunt, that had not the barbarous nations corrupted it, the Latin tongue would have been at this day, as pure in Spain, as it was in Rome itself in Tully's time: yet nevertheless, manifest it is, that the Spanish tongue was never utterly suppressed by the Latin. For to omit that of Strabo, 
* Marm. S●●●l. de Reb. Hispaniaed. 5. c. 4.  that there were diverse languages in the parts of Spain, as also in 
* Strab. l. 3. paul. a principio. Id l. 4. in princip.  another place, that the speech of Aquitaine was liker the language of the Spaniards, then of the other Gauls: It is a common consent of the best Historians, and Antiquaries of Spain, 
* Marian de Reb. Hispan. l. 1. c. 5. Marm●punc; S●cul. de reb. Hispan l 4 c●l●m. & Al●b.  that the Cantabrian tongue, which yet remaineth in the North part of Spain (and hath no relish in a manner at all of the Roman) was either the ancient, or at least one of the ancient languages, of Spain. And although 
* Strab. l. 3. c. 1  Strabo hath recorded, that the Roman tongue was spoken in Spain, yet he speaketh not indefinitely, but addeth a limitation, namely, about Baetis. And that in that part of Spain, the Roman tongue so prevailed, the reason is easy to be assigned, by that we find in Pliny. 
Plin. 3. c. ●. Ve●● 〈◊〉 l. 2.  Namely, that in Baetica, were eight Roman Colonies, eight Municipal Cities, and 29 others endued with the right and liberty of the Latins.  
Lastly, to speak of the Pannonian tongue, (Pannonia contained Hungary, Austria, Stiria, and Carinthia) it is certain, that the Roman did not extinguish it: For first, Patercu●us (who is the only author that I know alleged for that purpose) saith not, that it was become the language of the Country, for how could it, being but even then newly conquered by Tiberius Caesar? but only, that in the time of Augustus, by Tiberius his means the knowledge of the Roman tongue was spread in all Pannonia. And Secondly, Tacitus after Tiberius his time, 
Ta●● d●●●o●i●, Germ. prope fin.  hath recorded, that the Osi in Germany, might be known to be no Germans, by the Pannonian tongue, which 
* Lib. cod. ●●ruma med.  a little before in the same book, he plainly acknowledged to be spoken even then in Pannonia.  
And as for these reasons it may well seem that the Roman tongue became not the vulgar language in any of these parts of the Empire, which yet are specially instanced, for the large vulgarity of it So have I other reasons to persuade me, that it was not in those parts, nor in any other foreign Country's subject to the Empire, either generally or perfectly spoken. Not generally (I say) because it is hard to conceive, that any whole Countries, specially because so large as the mentioned are, should generally speak two languages, their own native and the Roman. Secondly, there was not any law at all of the Romans, to enforce the subdued nations, either to use vulgarly the Roman tongue, or not to use their own native languages (and very extreme and unreasonable, had such Lords been, as should compel men by laws, both to do, and to speak, only what pleased them.) Neither do I see any other necessity, or any provocation, to bring them to it, except for some special sorts of men, as Merchants, and Citizens, for their better traffic and trade, Lawyers for the knowledge and practice of the Roman Laws, which carried force throughout the Empire (except privileged places) scholars for learning, soldiers, for their better conversing with the Roman Legions, and with the Latins, travailers, Gentlemen, Officers, or such other, as might have occasion of affairs and dealing with the Romans. But it soundeth altogether unlike a truth, that the poor scattered people, abroad in the Country, dwelling either in solitary places, or in the small towns, and villages, either generally spoke it, or could possibly attain unto it. An example whereof, for the better evidence, may at this day be noted; in those parts of Greece, which are subject to the dominions of the Turks and Venetians: for as Bellonius hath observed, the people that dwell in the principal towns, 
Bellon. Obs●runt. l. 1. c. 4.  and Cities, subject to the Turk, by reason of their trade, speak both the Greek and Turkish tongues, as they also that are under the Venetians, both the Greek and Italian, but the Country people under both governments, speak only Greek. So likewise in Sardinia, as is recorded by 
* G●sner. in Mithrid●ts. in Lingua Sardi● & Rocca de Dialect in L●ng. Sard●●.  others, the good towns by reason of the Spanish government and trade, speak also the Spanish tongue, but the Country people the natural Sardinian language only: And, the like by our own experience, we know to be true, in the Provinces subject to our King, namely both in Wales and Ireland. It seemeth therefore that the Roman tongue was never generally spoken in any of the Roman Provinces forth of Italy.  
And certainly much less can I persuade myself, 
Porcac●●. l. dello Isole●●●d described Sardigna.  that it was spoken abroad in the Provinces perfectly. First, because it seems unpossible for foreign nations, specially for the rude & common people, to attain the right pronouncing of it, who as we know do ordinarily much mistake the true pronouncing of their native language: for which very cause, we see the Chaldee tongue, to have degenerated into the Syriaque among the jews, although they had conversed 70 years together among the Chaldeans. And moreover, by daily experience we see in many, with what labour and difficulty, even in the very schools, and in the most docible part of their age, 
Vide August. in Enarrat. Psalm. 123. & 138. & l. ●. de doctrine. Chris. c. 13. & Tract. 7. in joan.  the right speaking of the Latin tongue is attained. And to conclude, it appeareth by Augustine in sundry places, that the Roman tongue was unperfect among the Africans, (even in the Colonies) as pronouncing ossum for os, floriet for florebit, dolus for dolour, and such like, insomuch that he confesseth, he was fain sometimes to use words that were no Latin, to the end they might understand him.   

Of the beginning of the Italian, French and Spanish languages. CHAP. V.  
THe common opinion, which supposeth that these Nations in the flourish of the Roman Empire, spoke vulgarly and rightly the Latin tongue, is, that the mixture of the Northern barbarous nations among the ancient Inhabitants, was the cause of changing the Latin tongue, into the languages which now they speak, the languages becoming mingled, as the nations themselves were. Who, while they were enforced to attemper and frame their speech, one to the understanding of another, for else they could not mutually express their minds (which is the end for which nature hath given speech to men) they degenerated both, and so came to this medley wherein now we find them.  
Which opinion if it were true, the Italian tongue must of necessity have it beginning about the 480 year of our Saviour: Because, at that time, the Barbarous nations began first to inhabit Italy, under Odoacer, for although they had entered and wasted Italy long before, as first, the Goths under Alaricus, about the year 414: Then the Huns together with the Goths, and the Herula, and the Gepidi, and other Northern people under Attila, about An. 450, Then, the Wandales under Gensericus, crossing the sea out of afric about An. 456. (to omit some other invations of those barbarous nations, because they prospered not) yet none of these, settled themselves to stay and inhabit Italy, till the Heruli as I said under Odoacer, about An. 480 on a little before, entered and possessed it near hand 20 years, He being (proclaimed by the Romans themselves) King of Italy, about 16 years, and his people becoming inhabiters of the Country. But, they also, within 20 years after their entrance, were in a manner rooted out of Italy, by Theodoricus King of Goths, who allotted them only a part of Piedmont above Turin to inhabit: for Theodoricus being by Zeno then Emperor, invested with the title of King of Italy, and having overcome Odoacer, somewhat afore the year 500, ruled peaceably a long time, as King of Italy, and certain others of the Goths nation succeeded after him in the same government, the Goths in the mean space, growing into one with the Italians, for the space near hand of 60. years together. And although after that, the dominion of Italy, was by Narses again recovered to the Empire, in the time of justinian, and many of the Goths expelled Italy, yet far more of them remained, Italy in that long time, being grown well with their seed and posterity. The Heruli therefore, with their associates were the first, and the Goths the second, of the barbarous nations, that inhabited Italy. The third and the last, were the Langbards, who coming into Italy about the year 570, and long time obtaining the dominion, and possession, in a manner of all Italy, namely about 200 years, and during the succession of 20 Kings or more, were never expelled forth of Italy, although at last their dominion was sore broken by Pipin King of France, and after, more defaced, by his son Charles the great, who first restrained and confined it, to that part, which to this day, of them retaineth the name of Lombardie, and shortly after utterly extinguished it, carrying away their last King captive into France. Now although divers 
* Blond in Ital. Illustrata in Marchia Trivisana.  antiquaries of Italy there be, which refer the beginning of the Italian tongue, and the change of the Latin into it, to these third inhabitants of Italy the Langbards, 
Tinto della Nobilta. diverona. l. 2. ca 2. & alij.  by reason of their long and perfect coalition into one with the Italian people: yet certainly, the Italian tongue was more ancient than so, for besides that there remains yet to be seen (as men 
* Lips. de Pronuntiat Ling. lat. cap. 3. & Merul. par. 2. Cosmogr. l. 4. c. 18.  worthy of credit report) in the K. of France his Library at Paris, an Instrument written in the Italian tongue, in the time of justinian the first, which was before the coming of the Langbards into Italy: another evidence more vulgar, to this effect, is to be found in Paulus Diaconus his miscellane history: 
Paul Diacon. hist. Miscel. l. 17. long aunt med.  where we read, that in the Emperor Mauritius his time, about the year 590, when the Langbards had indeed entered, and wasted Gallia Cisalpina, but had not invaded the Roman dition in Italy, that by the acclamation of the word Torna, Torna, (plain Italian) which a Roman soldier spoke to one of his fellows afore, whose beast had overturned his burden) the whole army (marching in the dark) began to cry out, torna, torna, and so fell to flying away.  
But the French tongue, if that afore mentioned were the cause of it, began a little before, in the time of Valentinian the 3, when in a manner, all the West part of the Empire fell away, (and among the rest, our Country of England, being first forsaken of the Romans themselves, by reason of grievous wars at their own doors, and not long after, conquered and possessed by the Saxons, whose posterity for the most part we are) namely, about the year 450: France being then subdued, and peaceably possessed, by the Franks and Burgundions' nations of Germany: the Burgundions occupying the Eastward and outward parts of it, toward the river of Rhine, and the Franks all the inner region. For although France before that had been invaded by the Wandali, Suevi, and Alani, and after by the Goths, who having obtained Aquitayn for their seat and habitation, by the grant of the Emperor Honorius, expelled the former into Spain about An. 410: yet notwithstanding, till the Conquest made by the Franks and Burgundions', it was not generally, nor for any long time mingled with strangers, which after that Conquest began to spread over France, and to become native Inhabitants of the Country.  
But of all, the Spanish tongue for this cause, must necessarily be most ancient: for the Wandali & Alani, being expelled France, about the year 410, began then to invade and to inhabit Spain which they held & possessed many years, till the Goths being expelled by the Franks and Burgundians, out of France into Spain, expelled them out of Spain into afric (the Barbarous nations thus like nails driving out one another) and not only them, but with them all the remnants of the Roman garrisons, and government, and so becoming the entire Lords and quiet possessors of all the Country, from whom also the Kings of Spain that now are, be descended. Notwithstanding, even they also, within less than 300 years after, were driven by the Saracens of afric into the northern and mountainous parts of Spain, namely Asturia, Biscay, and Guipuscoa, till after a long course of time, by little and little they recovered it, out of their hands again, which was at last fully accomplished by Ferdinand not past 120 years ago, there having passed in the mean time, from the Moors first entrance of Spain at Gibraltar, till their last possession in Granada, about 770 years.  
Whereby you may see also, when the Roman tongue began to degenerate in afric, (if that also, as is supposed spoke vulgarly the Latin tongue and if the mixture of barbarous people were cause of the decay, & corruption of it) namely, about the year 430, for about that time, the Wandali and Alani, partly wearied with the Gottish war in Spain, and partly invited by the Governor Bonifacius, entered afric, under the leading of Gensericus, a part whereof for a time, they held quietly, for the Emperor Valentinianus gift: But shortly after, in the same emperors time, when all the West Provinces in a manner fell utterly away from the Empire, they also took Carthage; and all the Pronince about it, from the Romans. And although the dominion of afric was regained by Bellisarius to the Empire almost 100 years after, in justinian's time, yet in the time of the Emperor Leontius, (almost 700 years after our saviours birth) it was lost again, being anew conquered, and possessed by the Sarracens of Arabia (and to this day remaineth in their hands) bringing together with their victories, the language also, and religion, (Mahumetanisme) into all that coast of afric, even from Egypt to the Straight of Gibraltar, above 2000 miles in length.  
About which time also, namely during the government of Valentinian the 3. Bulgaria, Servia, Boscina, Hungary, Austria, Stiria, Carinthia, Bavaria and Suevia (that is, all the North-border of the Empire, along the river Danubius) and some part of Thrace, was spoiled and possessed by the Huns, who yet principally planted themselves in the Lower Pannonia, whence it obtained the name of Hungary.  
Out of which discourse you may observe these two points. First, what the Countries were, in which those wandering and warring nations after many transmigrations from place to place, fixed at last their final residence and habitation. Namely the Huns in Pannonia, the Wandales in afric, the East Goths and Langbards in Italy the West Goths in Aquitaine and Spain, which being both originally but one Nation, gained these names of East and West Goths, from the position of these Countries which they conquered and inhabited, the other barbarous nations of obscurer names, being partly consumed with the war, and partly passing into the more famous appellations. And Secondly, you may observe, that the main dissolution of the Empire, especially in Europe and afric, fell in the time of Valentinian the third about the year 450. being caused by the barbarous nations of the North (as after did the like dissolution of the same Empire in Asia, by the Arabians in the time of Heraclius about the year 640) and together with the ruin of the Empire in the West by the inundation of the foresaid barbarous Natitions, the Latin tongue in all the Countries where it was vulgarly spoken (if it were rightly spoken any where in the West) became corrupted.  
Wherefore if the Spanish, French and Italian tongues, proceeded from this cause, as a great number of learned men, suppose they did, you see what the antiquity of them is; But to deliver plainly my opinion, having searched as far as I could, into the originals of those languages, and having pondered what in my reading, and in my reason I found touching them, I am of another mind (as some learned men also are) namely, that all those tongues are more ancient, and have not sprung from the corruption of the Latin tongue, by the inundation and mixture of barbarous people in these provinces, but from the first unperfect impression and receiving of it, in those foreign Countries. Which unperfectness notwithstanding of the Roman tongue in those parts, although it had, as I take it beginning from this evil framing of foreign tongues, to the right pronouncing of the Latin, yet I withal easily believe, and acknowledge, that it was greatly increased, by the mixture and coalition of the barbarous Nations. So that me thinks, I have observed three degrees of corruption in the Roman tongue, by the degenerating whereof, these languages are supposed to have received their beginning. The first of them, was in Rome itself, where, towards the latter end of the Common wealth, and after, in the time of the Empire, the infinite multitude of servants (which exceedingly exceeded the number of free borne Citizens) together with the unspeakable confluence of strangers, from all provinces, did much impair the pureness of their language, and as Isidore hath observed brought many barbarisms and solaecismes into it. Insomuch, that Tertullian in his time, 
Isidor. Origin. l. 9 c. 1. Tertul. in Apologet. adu. Gentes cap. 6.  when as yet none of the barbarous nations had by invasion touched Italy (for he lived under Septimius Severus government) chargeth the Romans to have renounced the language of their fathers. The Second step, was the unperfect impression (that I touched before) made of the Roman tongue abroad in the foreign provinces among strangers, whose tongues could not perfectly frame to speak it aright. And certainly, if the Italians themselves, as is remembered by Cicero failed of the right and perfect Roman pronunciation, 
Cicer. l. 3 de Oratore.  I see not how the tongues of strange Nations, such as the Gauls and Spaniards were, should exactly utter it. And the Third, was that mixture of many barbarous people (to which others attribute the beginning of the languages in question) which made the Latin, that was before unperfect, yet more corrupt than they found it, both for words and for pronouncing: So that, I rather think the barbarous people to have been a cause of increasing the corruption, and of further alteration and departure of those languages from the Roman, then of beginning them. And me thinks I have very good reasons so to be persuaded beeside all the arguments abou● mentioned, which I produced, both for the remaining of the vulgar languages and for the unperfect speaking of the Roman tongue in the provinces. First, because the Goths Wandales, Langbards, as also the Franks and Bargundions' language was, by the consent of 
* Irenic. Exeg. German. l. 1. ca 31. Lacing. l. 10. de Migration. Gent. Gorop. Origin. Antwerp. l. 7. Gesner. in Mithridate. Rhenan. l. 2. Rer. German. Leunclau. in Pandect. Tur●e. §. 71. et Al● multi.  learned men, the German tongue, which hath but small affinity or agreement, with either the Italian, French or Spanish tongues. Secondly, because among all the ancient writers (and they are many) which have written of the miserable changes, made in these West parts of the world, by those infinite swarms of barbarous people, I find not one, that mentioneth the change of any of these languages to have been caused by them: which me thinks some ancient writers among so many learned, as those times, and those very Countries, abounded withal, and whose writings yet remain, would certainly have recorded. But though we find mention in sundry ancient writers, of changing these languages into the Roman (whom yet I understand of that unperfect change before touched) yet nothing is found of any rechanging of those languages from the Roman, into the state wherein now they are. But it is become a question only of some late searchers of Antiquity, but of such, as determine in this point, without either sound reason or good countenance of Antiquity.   

Objections touching the extent of the Latin tongue and the beginning of the mentioned Languages with their solutions. CHAP. VI  
THese reasons perhaps (joined with the other above alleged whereby I endeavoured to prove that the latin tongue perfectly spoken, was never the vulgar language of the Roman provinces) may persuade you as they have done me, that the barbarous nations of the north, were not the first corrupters of the latin tongue, in the provinces subject to Rome, nor the beginners of the Italian, French and Spanish tongues: yet some difficulties I find (I confess) in writers touching these points, which when I have resolved my opinion will appear the more credible.  
One is out of Plutarch in his Platonique questions, 
Plutarch. in quest. platonic. quaest. 9  affirming that in his time all men in a manner spoke the latin tongue.  
Another before touched that Strabo recordeth the Roman tongue to have been spoken in Spain and France, 
Strab. l. 3. & 4. Apul in Floridis.  and Apuleius in Africa, which also may appear by sundry places in Augustine, whose sermons seem (as Cyprians also) to have been made to the people in that language.  
A third, how it falleth if these vulgar tongues of adulterate latin be so ancient, that nothing is found written in any of them of any great antiquity?  
A fourth, how in Rome and Latium, where the Latin tongue was out of question, native, the latin could so degenerate, as at this day is found in the Italian tongue, except by some foreign corruption?  
To the first of these I answer, either that as Divines are wont to interpret many general propositions, Plutarch is to be understood de generibus singulorum, not the singulis generum: So that the latin tongue was spoken almost in every nation, but not of every one in any foreign nation: Or else, that they spoke the latin indeed, but yet unperfectly and corruptly, as their tongues would frame to utter it.  
To the second I answer: first, that Strabo speaketh not generally of France or Spain, but with limitation to certain parts of both, the Province of Narbon in France, and the tract about Boetis in Spain. Secondly, that although they speak it, yet it followeth not, that they speak it perfectly and aright, (except perhaps in the Colonies) so that I will not deny but it might be spoken abroad in the Provinces, yet I say it was spoken corruptly, according as the people's tongues would fashion to it, namely in such sort, that although the matter and body of the words, were for the most part latin, yet the form and sound of them varied from the right pronouncing: which speech notwithstanding was named Latin, partly for the reason now touched, and partly, because they learned it from the Romans or Latins, as the Spaniards call their language Romance till this day, which yet we know to differ much from the right Roman tongue: 
Nithard. d● dissens filion Ludon. P● l.  and as Nithardus (nephew to Charles the great) in his history of the dissension of the sons of Ludovicus Pius, calleth the French then usual (whereof he setteth down examples,) the Roman tongue, which yet hath no more agreement with the latin then the French hath that is now in use. Thirdly, to the objection of Cyprians and Augustine's preaching in latin, 
Antonin. in Itinerario, Plin. jun. in Epist. l. 8. ad Ca●●●●  I answer that both 
* Plin. Sec. Histor. nat. l. 5. c. 4.  Hippo, whereof Augustine was Bishop, and 
Velleius. l. 1. Appian. l. de Bel. Punicis is fine.  Carthage, whereof Cyprian was Archbishop, were Roman Colonies, consisting for the most part of the progeny of Romans, for which sort of Cities, there was special reason. Although neither in the Colonies themselves (as it seemeth) the Roman tongue was altogether uncorrupt, both for that which I alleged before out of Spartianus of Severus his sister dwelling at Leptis, and for that which I remembered out of Augustine for Hippo, where they spoke 
* Enar●. Psal. 138.  Ossum & 
* ●. 2. de doc. Christ c. 13.  Floriet, and 
* Tract. 7. ●● joannem.  Dolus, for Os and Florehit and dolour, (& yet were both Leptis & Hippo Roman Colonies): And yet it appeareth further by Augustine, that in their translations of the Scriptures, and in the Psalms sung in their Churches, they had these corruptions, where yet (as it is like) their most corrupt and vulgar latin had not place.  
To the third I answer, that two reasons of it may be assigned: One, that learned men would rather write, in the learned and grammatical, then in the vulgar and provincial latin. Another, that the works of unlearned men would hardly continue till our times, seeing even of the learned ancient writings, but few of infinite, have remained. Furthermore it is observed of the German tongue, by Tschudas and of the French by Genebrard, 
Tschud. Des. ●●pt Alpinae cap. 36. Genebr. l. 4. Chron. Secul. 11.  that it is very little above 400. years, since books began to be written in both those languages, and yet it is out of all doubt, that the tongues are much ancienter.  
To the fourth I say, that there is no language, which of ordinary course is not subject to change, although there were no foreign occasion at all: which the very fancies of men, weary of old words (as of old things) is able enough to work, which may be well proved by observations and instances of former changes, in this very tongue (the latin) whereof I now dispute. 
Quint●●. Just Orator. l. 1. ca 6.  For Quintilian recordeth, that the verses of the Salij which were said to be composed by Numa could hardly be understood of their Priests, in the latter time of the common wealth, 
Fest. in Diction. Latin loqui.  for the absoluteness of the speech And Festus in his book de verborum significatione, who lived in Augustus Caesar's time, hath left in observation, that the Latin speech, which (saith he) is so named of Latium, was then in such manner changed, that scarcely any part of it remained in knowledge. The laws also of the Roman Kings and of the Decemuiri, 
Fulu. Visin not. ad Anton. August. de L●g●h. et Senatusconsult  (called the Laws of the twelve Tables) collected and published in their own words by Fuluius Vrsinus are no less evident testimonies, if they be compared with the later latin, of the great alteration of that language.  
Furthermore, 
Polyb. l. 3.  Polybius hath also recorded, that the articles of league, betwixt the people of Rome & of Carthage, made presently after the expulsion of the Kings from Rome, could very hardly in his time be understood, by reason of the old forsaken words, by any of the best skilled antiquaries in Rome. In which time notwithstanding, they received very few strangers into their City, which mixture might cause such alteration, and the difference of time was but about 350. years. And yet to add one instance more, of a shorter revolution of time, and a clearer evidence of the change, that the Roman tongue was subject to, and that, when no foreign cause thereof can be alleged: There remaineth at this day (as it is certainly 
* Vid. Paul. Merul. Cousin. par. 2. l. ●. c. 18 et. Celsu. C●●tad. in Tracts de Orig. ling. Vulgaris. Ital Cap. 7. etc.  recorded) in the Capitol at Rome, though much defaced by the injury of time, a pillar (they call it Columnam rostratam, that is, decked with beaks of ships) dedicated to the memory of Duillius a Roman Consul, upon a navale victory obtained against the Carthaginians, in the first punic war, not past 150. years before Cicero's time, when the Roman tongue ascended to the highest flourish of Elegancy, that ever it obtained: And thus the words of the Pillar are, (those that may be read) as I find them observed, with the later latin under them. Exemet. Leciones. Macistratos. Castreis'. Exfociont. Exemit. Legiones. Magistratus. Castris. Effugiunt. Pucnandod. Cepet. Enque. Navebos. Marid. Consol. Pugnando. Cepit. Inque. Navibus. Mari. Consul. Primos. Ornavet. Navebous. Claseis. Paenicas. Sumas. Primus. Ornavit. Navibus. Classes. Punicas. Summas. Cartaciniensis. Dictatored. Altod. Socieis. Triresmos. Carthaginiensis. Dictatore. Alto. Socijs. Triremes. Naveis. Captom. Numei. Navaled. Praedad. Poplo, etc. Naves. Captum. Nummi. Navali. Praeda. Populo, etc.  
Where you see in many words, e for ay, c. for g, oh for u, and sometime for e, and d, superfluously added to the end of many words. But (to let foreign tongues pass) of the great alteration that time is wont to work in languages, our own tongue may afford us examples evident enough: wherein since the times near after, and about the Conquest, the change hath been so great, as I myself have seen some evidences made in the time of King Henry the first, whereof I was able to understand but few words. To which purpose also, a certain remembrance is to be found in Holinsheds' Chronicle, in the end of the Conquerors reign, in a Charter given by him to the City of London.   

Of the ancient Languages of Italy, Spain France and afric. CHAP. VII.  
But if the discourse of these points of Antiquity, in handling whereof I have declared, that while the Roman Empire flourished, it never abolished the vulgar languages, in France, or Spain or afric, howsoever in Italy. If that discourse I say, move in you perhaps a desire, to know what the ancient vulgar languages of these parts were: I will also in that point, out of my reading and search into Antiquity, give you the best satisfaction that I can.  
And first for Italy: Certain it is, that many were the ancient tongues in the several Provinces of it, tongues I say, not dialects, for they were many more. In Apulia, the Mesapian tongue: In Tuscanie and Vmbria, the Hetruscan, both of them utterly perished: 
Inscript. ver. pag. 143.144.145.146.  Yet in the book of ancient Inscriptions, set forth by Gruter, and Scaliger, there be some few monuments registered of these languages, but not understood now of any man. In Calabria both the higher and lower, and far along the maritime coast of the Tyrrhene sea, the Greek. In Latium (now Campagna di Roma) The Latin. In Lombardie, and Liguria, the old tongue of France whatsoever it was. Of which last three, the two former are utterly ceased to be vulgar: and the third, no where to be found in Italy, but to be sought for in some other Country, And although, beside these five, we find mention, in ancient writings of the Sabine, the Oscan, the Tusculan, and some other tongues in Italy, yet were they no other than differing dialects of some of the former languages, as by good observations, out of Varro, Festus, Servius, Paul. Diaconus, and others, might be easily proved.  
Secondly, of France what the ancient tongue was, hath been much disputed, and yet remaineth somewhat uncertain; Some thinking it to have been the German others the Greek, and some the Welsh tongue. But, 
●●lard. 1. de Bello Gallic. in principio. Strab. l. 4. in princip.  if the meaning of these resoluers be, that one language, whatsoever it were, was vulgar in all France, they are very far wide, Caesar and Strabo having both recorded, that there were diverse languages spoken in the divers parts. But, to omit the speech of Aquitaine, which Strabo writeth to have had much affinity with the Spanish: And, of that part, (in Caesar called Belgia) that at the river of Rhine confined with Germany, which for that neighbourhood, might partake much of the Germane tongue: To omit those I say, the main question is, about the language of the Celtaes, which as inhabiting the middle part of France, were least of all infected with any foreign mixture. And certainly, that it was not the Greek, appeareth out of Caesar, 
Caes. l. 5. de Bello Gallic. long post. med.  writing to Q. Cicero, then besieged by the Gauls) in Greek, lest the Gauls should intercept his letters: And secondly, no less evidently by Varro, 
Varro ap. Hieron. in praefat. l. 2. Comment. epist. ad Galat. & apud Isidorum l. 1● Orig. cap. 1.  writing of the Massilians that they spoke three languages, the Roman, the Greek, and the Gallique tongue: And thirdly, the remnants of that tongue, may serve for Instance, whereof many old words, are found dispersed in ancient writers, that have no affinity at all with the Greek. The Greek therefore, was not the ancient native language of the Gauls; Neither was it the German: for else it had been but an odd relation and reason of Caesar's, 
Caes. l de Bello Gallico. Tacit l de Mor. Germanor. prope finem. Sueton. in Caligula c. 47.  that Ariovistus a Germane Prince, had lived so long in Gallia, that he spoke the Gallique tongue: And that of Tacitus, that the Gallique tongue proved the Gothines to be no Germans: and that of Suetonius, that Caligula compelled many of the Gauls to learn the German tongue. 
Hottom. in Fran. cogall. c. 2.  But Hottoman (of all that I have read) speaking most distinctly, touching the original and composition of the French tongue, divideth it as now it is spoken, equally into two parts, of which he supposeth the one (and I think it is rather the greater part) to have original from the Latin tongue: and the other half, to be made up, 
Perion. l de Cognat. Ling. Gal. & Graecae postel. l. de 12. Ling.  by the Germane and Greek, and British or Welsh words, each almost in equal measure. Of the deduction of the French words from the Greek, you may read Perionius, postel, and others: Of those from the German, Tschudus, Goropius, Isacius etc. Of the Welsh Lhuid, 
Tschud. in Descr. Rhet. Alp. c 38. Gorop. in Francicis.  Camden etc. Which last indeed for good reason, seemeth to have been the native language of the ancient Celtae, rather than either the Greek or Dutch tongues: for of the Greek words found in that language, the neighbourhood of the Massilians, 
Isac. in Glossa●rio, Prisco-gal Lhuid in Descript. Britan. Camden in Britannia. Strab. l. 4.  and their Colonies, inhabiting the maritime coast of Province, together with the ready acceptance of that language in France, (mentioned by Strabo) may be the cause: As likewise of the German words, the Franks and Burgundions' conquest, and possession of France, may be assigned for a good reason: But of the British words none at all can be justly given, save, that they are the remnants of the ancient language. Secondly, it seemeth to be so by Tacitus, 
Tacit. in julio Agricola.  writing, that the speech of the Gauls, little differed from that of the Britons. And thirdly, by Caesar, 
Caes l 6. de Bel. Gallico.  recording, that it was the custom of the Gauls that were studious of the Druids discipline, often to pass over into Britain to be there instructed: wherefore seeing there was no use of books among them, as is in the same place affirmed by Caesar, it is apparent that they spoke the same language.  
Thirdly, the Spanish tongue as now it is, consisteth of the old Spanish, Latin, Gottish, and Arabic (as there is good reason it should, Spain having been so long, in the possessions of the Romans, Goths, and Moors) of which, the latin is the greatest part, (next it the Arabic) and therefore they themselves call their language Romance. And certainly I have seen an epistle written by a Spaniard, whereof every word was both good Latin & good Spanish, & an example of the like is to be seen in Merula. 
Merul. Cosmogr. part. 2. l. 2. c. 8.  But the language of Valentia and Catalonia, and part of Portugal, is much tempered with the French also. Now the ancient and most general language of Spain, spoken over the Country before the Romans conquest, seemeth to me out of question, to have been, the Cantabrian tongue, that namely which yet they speak in Biscay, Guipuscoa, Navarre, and Asturia, that is to say, in the northern and mountainous parts of Spain, near the Ocean, with which the Vasconian tongue also in Aquitaine, near the Pyrene hills, hath as there is good reason (for out of those parts of Spain the inhabitants of Gascoigne came) much affinity and agreement. And my reason for this opinion is, that in that part of Spain, the people have ever continued without mixture of any foreign nation as being never subdued by the Carthaginians, nor by the Moors, no, nor by the Romans, (for all their long warring in Spain) before Augustus Caesar's time, and for the hillinesse, and bareness, and unpleasantness of the Country, having nothing in it, to invite strangers to dwell among them. For which cause, the most ancient Nations and languages are for the most part preserved in such Countries: as by Thucydides is specially observed, 
Thucyd. l. 1. paul. a princip.  of the Attiques, and Arcadians, in Greece, dwelling in barren soils: Of which nations the first, for their Antiquity, vaunted of themselves that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the second, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if they had been bred immediately of the Earth, or borne before the Moon. Another example whereof we may see in Spain itself, for in the steepy mountains of Granata, named Alpuxarras, the progeny of the Moors yet retain the Arabic tongue (for the Spaniards call it Araviga) which all the other remnants of the Moors in the plainer region had utterly forgotten, and received the Castilian (till their late expulsion out of Spain) for their vulgar language. The like whereof, is also to be seen in the old Epirotique speech and nation, which yet continueth in the mountainous part of Epirus, being (for the tongue) utterly extinguished in all the Country beside. And (to let foreign instances go) in the Britons or welshmen in the hilly part of our own Country. What the reason thereof may be, I will not stand now curiously to inquire: whether that being enured to labour, to watching, to sundry distemperatures of the air, and much other hardness (for otherwise their living will not be gotten of such barren ground) they prove upon occasion good and able soldiers? Or, that the craggy rocks and hills (like fortresses of natures own erecting) are easily defended from foreign invaders? Or that their unpleasant and fruitless? soil, hath nothing to invite strangers to desire it? Or, that wanting richesses, they want also the ordinary companions of richesse, that is proud and audacious hearts, to provoke with their injuries other nations to be revenged on them, either by the conquest or desolation of their Countries? But whatsoever the cause may be, certainly in effect so it is, that the most ancient Nations and Languages, are for the most part to be found in such unpleasant and fruitless regions: Insomuch that the Biscaynes who gave me occasion of this digression, vaunt of themselves among the Spaniards, that they are the right Hidalgos, (that is gentlemen) as some also report of the welshmen here in Britain to say of themselves, which yet I that am their neighbour, (to confess a truth) never heard them say.  
Now lastly touching the Punic tongue, as I am not of Galateus his opinion, 
Galat. de 〈…〉  that it was utterly extinguished by the Romans: So neither can I be of the fantasy (for it is no better) that 
* G●sner in Mithridate i● Ling. Afric. & Arab. Roccha de dialect. in Ling. Arabica postel. de Ling. 12 in ling. Arab. Mas. in Gram Syriaca. prop. Init. Bibliand. de ration. Linguar. Schidler. in Lex. Pontaglotto in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mart. Galeott. de doctr. promiscua. cap. 6. & alij multi.  many other learned men are: namely, that it was the Arabic, that is to say the same language, that is vulgar in afric at this day. For it is well known to the skilful in histories, that the Puniques were of another offspring (not of Arabian race) and that it is not yet a thousand years, since that tongue was by the Arabians together with their victories brought into afric. And as certain also it is, that the remnants of the Africans progeny, as 
* Leo Afric. l. 1. Descrip. Afr. cap. de Ling. Africa. Flo. in Epitome Liu l. 51. Strab. l. 17.  Leo Africanus hath recorded, have a different language from the Arabic. But the Punic tongue seemeth to me out of question, to have been the Chananitish or old Hebrew language, though I doubt not somewhat altered from the original pronunciation, as is wont in tract of time, to befall Colonies, planted among strangers far from home. For first, Carthage itself, the Queen of the Cities of afric (and well might she be termed so, that contained in circuit 24 miles, as Florus in his abridgement of Livy hath recorded, and by the utter wall 360 furlongs (that is 45 miles) as it is in Strabo: And held out in emulation with Rome as is noted by Pliny, 120 year, and to conclude (before the second Punic war) had in subjection all the coast of the mediterrane sea, 
Plin. l. 15. c. 18.  from the bottom of the greater Syrtis in afric, to the river Ebro (Iberus) in Spain, which is about 2000 miles of length) that the same Carthage I say, and divers other Cities of afric (of which Pliny nameth Utica and Leptis, as being the printipall) were Colonies of the Phoenicians, and namely of the Tyrians, is not only by Strabo, 
Strab. lib. citato. Mela. l. 1. c. ● Liu. lib. 33. Plin. l. 5. c. 19 Appian. l. de Bel. Pun●cis in principio Curtius. l. 4. et A●● plures.  Mela, Livy, Pliny, Appian, and many other certain Authors, acknowledged, and by none denied, but also the very names of Poeni and Punici, being but variations or mutilations of the name Phoenicij import so much, and lastly their language assureth it. For Hierome writing, that their language was grown somewhat different from the Phoenician tongue, doth manifestly in those words imply, it had been the same.  
And what were the Phoenicians but Chanaanites? The Phoenicians I say, of whose exceeding merchandizing we read so much in ancient histories, what were they but Chanaanites, whose very 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  name signifieth merchants? for, the very same nation, that the Grecians called Phoenicians (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and the Romans in imitation of that name Poenos & Punicos, for the exceeding store of good Palms, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the Greek, signifieth the Palm, for as touching the deduction of the name Phoenicia, either from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Montanus, or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Postellus, signifying the delicacy of the inhabitants by the first, and their observation or adoration of the fire, by the second, they are but late sprung fantasies, and have not any ground of reason at all: for as much, as in all the Hebrew writings of the Bible, that country is never termed by any name sounding toward Phoenicia, but in the Greek only. But in many old coins that I have seen, I have noted the Palm tree as the special cognisance of Phoenicia, (as I have also the Olive branch and Coneys to be of Spain: the Horse of Mauritania: the Elephant, or the spoil of the Elephant of afric: the Camel, of Arabia: the Crocodile, or the bird Ibis, of Egypt: and divers other specialties for other countries:) And namely I have seen, sundry old coins of the Emperor Vespasian, of several devices and imagery, stamped for a memorial of his conquest of judaea, and taking of jerusalem (for the inscription is in every of them, judaea capta) and in each of them I specially observed a woman sitting in a sad and mournful fashion, with her back to a Palm tree: wherein, I make no doubt, but the desolate woman signifieth judaea, and the Palm Phoenicia, even as Phoenicia is immediately toward the north, at the back of judaea.  wherewith that country abounded: 
Aria's Mont. lib. Chanaan. ●a. 3. Postel. in deserio. Syriae. c. de Syriae No●inib.  Insomuch that in monuments of antiquity, the Palm tree is observed for the Ensign of Phoenicia: the same nation I say, called themselves, & by the Israelites, their next neighbours, were called, Chanaanites. And that they were indeed no other, I am able easily to prove. For first, the same woman that in Matthew is named a Canaanite, 
Math. 15.22.  is in Mark called a Syrophoenician. 
Marc. 7.26.  2. Where mention is made in josua, 
jos. 5.1.  of the Kings of Canaan, they are in the Septuagints translation named, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
3. To put it out of question. All that coast, from Sidon to Azzah, (that was Gaza) near to Gerar, is registered by 
* Gen. 10.19.  Moses, to have been possessed by the posterity of Chanaan: Of which coast the more northern part above the promontory of Carmell, or rather from the river Chorseus, (Kison the jews called it) that near the promontory of Carmel, 
Strab. l. 16. non long. ant med. Plin. l. 5. c. 12. Pt●lem. Tab. 4. A●ae. Dionys Alex. in Periegesi.  entereth the sea, to the city of Orthosia, above Sidon northward, is by Strabo, Pliny, Ptolemy and others, referred to Phoenicia, (although Strabo extend that name, along all the maritime coast of Palestina also, to the confines of Egypt, as Dionysius Periegetes also doth, placing joppa and Gaza, and Elath in Phoenicia) which very tract, to have been the several possessions of Zidon, and Cheth, & Girgashi, and Harki, and Aruadi, and Chamathi, six of the eleven sons of Canaan, (the other five inhabiting more to the south in Palestina) they that are skilful in the ancient Chorography of the Holy land, cannot be ignorant. Seeing therefore out of this part of the land of Canaan (for in this part Tyrus was) the Carthaginians, and other colonies of the Phaenicians in afric came, it is out of all doubt, that they were of the Chananites progeny: 
August expos: ●●●hoat. epist. add Roman. in med.  and for such in very deed, and no other, they reputed and professed themselves to be: for as Austin hath left recorded, who was borne & lived among them, the country people of the Puniques, when they were asked touching themselves what they were, they would make answer that they were Channai, meaning, as Austin himself doth interpret them, Canaanites.  
Certain therefore it is that the native Punic langauge was not the Chanaanitish tongue: but that I added for explication this clause, (or the old Hebrew, meaning by the old Hebrew that which was vulgarly spoken among the jews before the captivity) you will perhaps suspect my credit, and be offended, for I am not ignorant, how superstitiously Divines for the most part are affected toward the Hebrew tongue: yet when I had set down the Africans language to have been the Canaanitish tongue, I thought good to add for plainness sake (or the old Hebrew) because I take them indeed to be the very same language, and that Abraham and his posterity, brought it not out of Chaldaea, but learned it in the land of Chanaan. Neither is this opinion of mine, a mere paradox and fantasy, but I have 
* Postel. lib. de Phoenic. lit. c. 2. §. 5. Aria's Monta. L. Chanaan. ca 9 G●●ebrard. l. 1. Chron. an. D●lunij 131 Scal●●. ●d se●. in di●t. ●●rte. & in ep ●d V. ●ert●e add Tomson.  three or four of the best skilled in the language and antiquities of that nation, that the later times could afford, of the same mind: And certainly, by 
* Isa. 19.18.  Isaiah it is called in direct terms, the language of Chanaan: And it is moreover manifest, that the names of the places, and cities of Chanaan, (the old names I mean by which they were called before the Israelites dwelled in them, as is to be seen in the whole course of the books of Moses and of joshuah) were Hebrew names: touching which point, although I could produce other forcible reasons, such as might, (except my fantasy delude me) vex the best wit in the world to give them just solution, yet I will add no more, both to avoid prolixity, and because I shall have in another place fitter occasion.  
But to speak particularly of the Punic tongue which hath brought us into this discourse, and which I proved before to be the Canaanitish language: it is not only 
* Augu. in ser. 35. de verb. Dom. in Euangel. sec. Lucan.  in one place pronounced by Augustine (who knew it well, no man better) to have near affinity with the Hebrew tongue, which also the 
* As in the Punic tongue Salus three, Augustin. in expos. inchoat. epist. add Roman. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Edom, blood. Enar. Psalm. 136. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Mammon, lucre, De Sermon. Dom. in Mont. l. 2. c. 14. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Bal. the lord Quaest in judie. cap. 16. Hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Samen, Heaven. Ibid. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Messe, to anoint. Tract. 15. in joan. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Alma, a Virgin. Hieron. in c. 7. Isai. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gadir. a fence or wall. Pliny. l. 4. c. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and some other that diligence might observe.  Punic words dispersed in the writings of Augustine, and of others, (as many as come to my remembrance) prove to be true. But more effectually in 
* Aug l. 2▪ count. litter Petiliani ●ap. 104.  an other place, to agree with it in very many, yea almost in every word. Which speech seeing they could in no sort have from the Israelites, being not of Abraham's posterity (both because no such transmigration of them is remembered in the holy histories, and for that the Punic colonies, are specially mentioned to have been deduced from tire, which never came into the possession of the Israelites) but from the Canaanites whose offspring they were: It followeth thereupon that the language of the Canaanites, was either the very same or exceeding near the Hebrew. And certainly touching the difference that was between the Hebrew and the Punic, I make no doubt, but the great distance from their primitive habitation, and their conversation with strangers among whom they were planted, and together with both, the length of time, which is wont to bring alteration to all the languages in the world, were the causes of it. And although that Punic speech in Plautus, which is the only continued speech of that language, 
Plau●. i● P●e nulo. Act. 6.  that to my knowledge remaineth extant in any Author, have no such great convenience with the Hebrew tongue, yet I assure myself the faults, & corruptions that have crept into it by many transcriptions, to have been the cause of so great difference, by reason whereof, it is much changed, from what at the first it was, when Plautus writ it, about 1800. years ago: And specially because in transcribing thereof there would be so much the less care taken, as the language was less understood, by the writers, and by the readers, and so the escapes less subject to observation and controlment.   

Of the largeness of the Slavonish, Turkish, and Arabic languages. CHAP. VIII.  
MAny are the nations that have for their vulgar language the Slavonish tongue in Europe, & some in Asia. Among which the principal in Europe, are the Slavonians themselves, inhabiting Dalmatia & Liburnia, the West Macedonians, the Epirotes, the Bosinates, Seruians, Russians, Bulgarians, Moldavians, Podolians, Russians, Muscovites, Bohemians, Polonians, Silesians. And in Asia the Circassians, Mangrellians, and Gazarites. 
Gesner. in Mithrid. in Ling. Illyrica. Boccha in Append. de dialect in Illyrica.  These I say are the principal but they are not all: for Gesner and Roccha reckken up the names of 60. nations, that have the Slavonian tongue for their vulgar language. So, that it is known to be vulgarly spoken over all the East parts of Europe (in more than a third part of the whole) even to the utmost bonds of it the rivers of Droyna and Tanais; Greece and Hungary, and Wala●hia only excepted. Indeed the regions of Servia, Bosina, Bulgaria, Rascia, Moldavia, Russia and Moscovia, namely all the nations of the Eastern parts, which celebrate their divine service after the Greek ceremony, and profess ecclesiastical obedience to the Patriarch of Constantinople write in a diverse ●o●● of Character, from that of the Dalmatians, Croatians, Istrians, Polonians, Bohemians, Silesians & other nations toward the west (both which sorts of characters are to be seen in Postels' book of the Oriental languages) of which, this last is called the Dalmatian or Illyrian character, & was of 
* Posteli. ●● ling. Dalma● Rocch. in ●iblioth. Vatican pagin. 16 & alij.  Hieromes devising, that other bearing for the most part much resemblance with the Greek, is termed the Seruian character, and was of 
* Roccha. lib. citato pag. 168.  Cyrils' invention: for which cause, as Roccha hath remembered, they term the language written in that character 
* Id. pag. 17●.  Chiurilizza. But yet notwithstanding the difference of characters in the writing of these nations, they speak all of them (the difference of dialect excepted) the same language.  
But yet is not the Slavonique tongue (to answer your question) for all this large extent, the vulgar language of the Turkish Empire. For of the Turks dominion only Epirus, the west part of Macedon, Bosina, Servia, Bulgaria, Rascia, and part of Thrace, & that he hath in Dalmatia and Croacia, (beside the Mengrelli in Asia) speak vulgarly the Slavonian tongue. But no where for the more precise limitation, neither in Asia nor in Europe, is that language spoken more southward, than the north Parallel of 40. degrees: some part of Epirus only excepted: I mean it is not spoken as the vulgar language of any nation more southward. For else, being acceptable and usual, as it is, in the Great Turks Serrail at Constantinople, and familiar with most of the Turkish soldiers, by reason of their garrisons and other great employment in those parts toward the confines of Christian Princes, all which parts as before I said (Hungary and Walachia excepted) speak that language: for these reasons I say, it is spoken by diverse particular men, in many places of the Turkish dominion, and the janizares and officers for the most part can speak it, and many others also of the better sort, but yet the general and vulgar language of his dominion (excepting those places afore mentioned) it is not.  
But in Anatolia, although the old languages still remain, being for the most part corrupt Greek, as also in Armenia, they have their peculiar language, yet is the Turkish tongue very frequent and prevaileth in them both: which being originally none other then the Tartarian tongue, as Michovius, 
Michou. l. 1. de Sarmatia. cap. 15. Rocch de dialect. in Ling. Tur●ica.  and others have observed, yet partaketh much, both of the Armenian and Persian, by reason of the Turks long continuance in both those regions, before they settled the seat of their Dominion, and themselves among the Grecians, for which cause it is not without mixture of Greek also, but chiefly and above all other of the Arabic, both by reason of their religion written in that language, and their training up in schools unto it, as their learned tongue. And yet although the Turkish be well understood both in Anatolia and Armenia, yet hath it neither extinguished the vulgar languages of those parts neither obtained to itself (for aught I can by my reading find) any peculiar province at all, wherein it is become the sole native and vulgar language, but is only a common scattered tongue, which appeareth to be so much the more evidently true, because the very Cities that have been successively the seats of the Ottoman Sultan's; namely Iconium (now Cogna) in Lycaonia, than Prusa in Bythinia; thirdly, Adrianople in Thrace; and lastly, Constantinople, are yet known to retain their old native language, the Greek tongue: Although the Turkish tongue also be common in them all, as it is likewise in all other Greek Cities both of Greece and Asia.  
But in the East part of Cilicia beyond the river Pyramus, as in all Syria also, and Mesopotamia and Palestina, and Arabia and Egypt, and thence Westward in all that long tract of afric, that extendeth from Egypt to the Straight of Gibraltar, I say, in all that lieth betwixt the Mountain Atlas, and the mediterrane sea (now termed Barbary) excepting Morocco, and here and there some scattered remnants of the old Africans in the Inland parts, the Aribique tongue is become the vulgar language, although somewhat corrupted and varied in dialect, as among so many several nations it is unpossible but it should be. And although I be far from 
* postel. in praefat. Grammat. Arabic. Ludovic. Reg. l. 8. de Vicissitud. Rer. ad finem.  their opinion, which write (too overlashingly) that the Arabian tongue is in use in two third parts of the inhabited world, or in more, yet I find that it extendeth very far, and specially where the religion of Mahumed is professed. For which cause (over and beside the parts above mentioned, in which it is (as I said) become the native language) in all the Northern part of the Turkish Empire also, I mean that part that lieth on the North side of the Mediterrane sea, as likewise among the Mahumetane Tartars, it is thought not the vulgar tongue, yet familiar with very many, both because all their religion is written in that language, and for that 
* Bellon. Obseruard. 3. c. 12  every boy that goeth to school, is taught it, as in our schools they are taught Latin and Greek: Insomuch, that all the Turks write their own language in Arabic characters. So that you see the common languages of the Turkish Empire, to be the Slavonish, the Greek, the Turkish and Arabic tongues, serving severally for the parts that I mentioned before.   

Of the Syriaque and Hebrew tongues. CHAP. IX.  
THE Syriaque tongue is certainly 
* Masius in prae●at. Grammat. Syric. sixth Senen. Biblioth. Sanctae. l. 4 in voce. Thargum. Canin. in praef●t. Institat. Syr●c. Ar. Montan. de ratione Mazzoreth in Apparat. ad Bibl. Reg. Fabrit. in praefat ad Lexic. Syrochalda●cum. Genebrard. l. 2 Chronog. ad An. 3690. Bellarmin. l. 2. de verbo Dei ca 14 & 15. etc. Posseum. Apporat sacr. in Dictione. By 〈◊〉  thought to have had beginning, in the time of the Captivity of the jews in Babylon, while they were mingled among the Chaldeans. In which long revolution of seventy years, the vulgar sort of the jews, forgot their own language, and began to speak the Chaldee: But yet, pronouncing it a miss, and framing it somewhat to their own Country fashion, in notation of points, affixes, Coniugarions, and some other properties of their ancient speech, it became a mixed language of Hebrew and Chaldee: a great part Chaldee for the substance of the words, but more Hebrew for the fashion, and so degenerating much from both: The old and right Hebrew, remaining after that time, only among the learned men, and being taught in schools, as among us the learned tongues are accustomed to be. And yet, after the time of our Saviour, this language began much more to alter, and to depart further, both from the Chaldee and Hebrew, as receiving much mixture of Greek, some also of Roman and Arabic words, as in the Talmud (named of jerusalem) gathered by R. jochanan, about 300 years after Christ, is apparent being far fuller of them, than those parts of the Chaldee paraphrase on the holy Scriptures, which were made by R. jonathan, a little before Christ, and by R. Aquila, whom they call Onkelos, not long after.  
But yet certain it is, both for the great difference of the words themselves, which are in the Syriaque tongue for the most part Chaldee, and for the diversity of those adherents of words, which they call praefixa, and suffixa, as also, for the differing sound of some vowels, and sundry other considerations: Certain it is I say, that the unlearned jews, whose vulgar speech the Syriaque then was, could not understand their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that their lectures of Moses and the Prophets, used in their synagogues in the Hebrew tongue. And that seemeth to have been the original reason, both of the public speeches and declarations of learned men to the people, usual in their synagogues on the Sabboaths, after the readings of the Law and of the Prophets, whereof in the 
* Act. 13.15.  new Testament we find some mention, and also, of the translations of jonathan, and Onkelos, and others, made into their vulgar language, for that the difference betwixt the Hebrew and the Chaldee was so great, that the tongue of the one nation could not be understood by the other. First, the tongues themselves, which yet remain with us, may be evident demonstrations, of which we see that one may be skilful in the Hebrew, and yet not understand the Chaldee, and therefore neither could they, whose speech the Chaldee then was (although much degenerated) understand the Hebrew. Secondly, we find, that when 
* Nehem. ca 8 v. 7.8.9.  Ezra at the return from the Captivity, read the book of the law before the people, others were feign to interpret that which was read unto them. And Thirdly, the answer made to Rabshakeh, by the officers of K. Hezekiah, may put it out of question, willing him 
* Reg. l. 2. ca 18. v. 26.  to speak unto them in the Chaldee tongue, that the common people of jerusalem (in whose hearing it was) might not understand what was spoken. But yet it might be, that as at this day the jews use to do, so also in Christ's time of conversing on the Earth, they might also read the Chaldee Targ●min (and certainly some 
* junius in Bellarm. Cont. 1. l. 2. c. 15. §. 11  learned men affirm they did so) together with the Hebrew lectures of Moses and the Prophets, for certain it is, that jonathan Ben Vziel, had before the birth of our Saviour translated, not the Prophets only into Chaldee, for it is his Paraphrase that we have at this day on the Prophets (and the language which we now call the Syriaque, was but the jewish Chaldee, although in the after times, by the mixture of Greek, and many other foreign words it became somewhat changed, from what in the times afore and about our saviours incarnation it had been) but the Pentateuch also: at least, if that be true, which Sixtus Senensis hath recorded, 
Sixt. Senens. Biblioth. Sanct. l. 4. indiction. Syr● editio. Galatin. de Arcan. Catholicae Ve●● l. 1. c. 3.  namely, that such is the tradition among the jews, and which Galatine writeth, that himself hath seen that translation of Jonathan's, beside that of Onkelos, 
for of that part of the Chaldee Paraphrase, which we have in the Complutense, and K. Philip's Bibles, on the Books of Moses, Onkelos is the Author: of that on josuah, the judges, the book of the Kings and of the Prophets, jonathan. Of that on Ruth, Hester, job, the Psalms and the books of Solomon, R. joseph Caecus.  the beginning of both which he setteth down, differing one from another, in the first words. Which (namely touching the public reading of the Chaldee Targamin, either together with the Hebrew text or instead of it) I may as well conceive to be true, as that the foreign 
* Vid. Salmeron. De Canonica. scriptura. Prolegom. 3. in Tomo. 1. & de interpretat. Septuagint. Prol. 5.  jews, 
Tertull. in Apologetico. ca 19  dwelling in Alexandria, and other parts of Egypt, in Asia also, and other Greek provinces abroad, used publicly in stead of the Hebrew, which now they understood not, the Septuagints Greek translation, as is evident in Tertullian: And of some others of them in the Constitutions of 
* Novel 146.  justinian. Which jews for that very cause: are sundry times in the 
* Act. 6.1. & 9.29. & 11.20. Scalig. in Chron. Euseb. ad An●um. MDCCXXXIV. & Iu●. contra. Bellarm Controu. 1. l. 2. c. 15. §. ●1. & Drus. Praetoritor. l. 5. Annot. ad. Act. Ap. 6.1.  Acts of the Apostles, termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For by that name, in the judgement of learned men the natural Grecians are not meant, which are always named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, But, the jews dispersed among the Gentiles, that used to read the Greek Scriptures in their Synagogues.  
And here shall be the period of my first inquiry, touching Languages, and beginning of the second, concerning the sorts of Religions, abroad in the World. In discoursing whereof you must be content, to accept of modern Authors, because I am to entreat of modern matters: And, if I hap to step awry, where I see no path, and can discern but few steps afore me, you must pardon it. And yet this one thing I will promise you, that if either they that should direct me, misled me not, or (where my reason suspects, that my guides wander, and I am misled) if my circumspect observing, or diligent enquiring, may preserve me from error, I will not depart a hair from the way of Truth.   

Of the sundry parts of the World inhabited by Christians. CHAP. X.  
ALL Europe is possessed by Christians, except the utmost corners of it, toward the East, and the North, for the small company of Mahometans, inhabiting their 
Michou. de Sarmatia. l 2. c 3.  peculiar villages about Wilna in Litunia, or the scattered 
Boem de Morib. gent l 3. c. 7. Boter Relat. Par. 3. l. 1. Ziegl tr. in Schondia▪ c de Lapponia. Damian. a Goas Tract. de Lappijs. Michou. l. 2. de Sarmatia. c. 5. Munster. Cosmog. l. 4 c. 37. Boter. Relation pa 1. l. c. de Bothnia.  remnants of Idolaters, in the same province, and in Samogitia, are not worthy mentioning. But toward the North, Lappia, Scricfinia, Biarmia, Corelia, and the North part of Finmarke (all which together pass commonly under the name of Lapland, and make a region about 900 miles in circuit) are inhabited by Idolaters: and toward the East, all the Region betwixt Tanais and Borysthenes, along Maeotis and the Euxine sea (the true native Country of the ancient Goths) being more than twice as large as the former, and withal much better peopled, is inhabited by the Tartars called Crimaei or Precopitae, who are all mahometans, excepting only a small remainder of Christians, in some parts of Taurica.  
But, in all the Turks dominion that he hath in Europe, enclosed after a peninsular figure, between Danubius and the Sea, and containing in circuit about 2300 miles (for Moldavia, Walachia and Transiluania, I reckon not for parts of his dominion) namely, from above Buda, on Danubius' side, and from Ragusa, on the sea side Eastward, to the utmost bounds of Europe, as also in the Isles of the Aegaean sea, Christians are mingled with Mahometans. All which dominion yet of the Turks in Europe, though so much in circuit as I said, is nevertheless (measured by squares) no greater than Spain, the continent of it, being no way answerable to the circumference: both, because it runneth far out in sharp angles, toward the West and South, namely in Hungary and Moraea, and is beside, in Greece in many places, extraordinarily indented with the sea. And in this dominion of the Turks in Europe, such is notwithstanding the mixture of Mahometans with Christians, that the Christians 
* Boter. Relat. pa. 2. l. 4. nel Relation. del gran. Turco. Georgevitz. de Affliction. Christian. sub Turca l. 1. ca de Tributis.  make two third parts at least, of the Inhabitants: for the Turk, so that Christians pay him his yearly tribute (which is one fourth part of their increase, and a Sultany for every poll) and speak nothing against the religion and sect of mohammed, permitteth them the liberty of their religion, And even in Greece itself, although more dissolute than any region of Europe subject to the Turk, (as having been anciently more wasted with intestine discord, and longest groaned under the Turks oppression) there remain yet nevertheless in 
⸫ Chitrae de ●tatu Ecclesi●r non longé ab initio.  Constantinople, the very seat of the Turkish Empire, above 20 Churches of Christians, and in the City of Salonichi (Thessalonica) above 30, (whereas in this later the mahometans have but 3) beside very many Churches abroad in the Province under suffragan Bishops, 
Gerlach in epist. ad Crus. Turcograeciae. l. pag.  of whom the Metropolitan of Salonichi, hath no less than 10, belonging to his jurisdiction, as there are also recorded yet to remain under the Metropolitans of Philippi, 150 Churches: of Athens, as many: of Corinth, 100, together with sundry suffragan Bishops under each of them.  
But in afric, all the Regions in a manner, that Christian religion had gained from Idolatry, Mahumetanisme hath regained from Christianity: Insomuch, that not only the North part of afric, lying along the Mediterrane sea, 
Council Carthag. 4. & Concil. African. seu Carthag. 6.  namely, betwixt it and the Mountain Atlas, even from Spain to Egypt, where Christianity sometime exceedingly flourished, as the we read Synods of above 200 Bishops to have been gathered, and 
* Martin. Polon. Supput. An. 475.  300 Catholic Bishops to have been there expelled, by Gensericus K. of the Wandales: And in some one Province alone, 
* Victor. l 1. de persecute. Vandalec.  Zengitana by name, (it is that wherein Carthage stood) to have been 164 Bishops under one Metropolitan:) Not only that North part of afric I say, is at this present utterly void of Christians, excepting a few Towns belonging to the King of Spain, (of which only Septa and Tanger are Episcopal Cities:) but even in all the vast continent of Aphrique, being about thrice as large as Europe, there is not any Region entirely possessed by Christians, but the kingdom of Habassia, no, nor yet, (which is more lamentable) any other, where Christians are mingled, either with Mahometans, but only Egypt: or where with Idolaters, but the kingdoms of 
* Pigafet. hist. Regni Congens. l. 2. c. 2.  Congo and Angola: which two about 120 years ago (An. 1491) began first to receive Christianity: All the rest of afric, being entirly governed, and possessed by Pagans, or Mahometans. To which, if I should add, those few places in afric, afore mentioned, near the Straight of Gibraltar, which the KK. of Portugal and Castille, have conquered from the Moors, with the other few dispersed fortresses, which the Portugals hold in other places on the coast of afric (altogether even betwixt Spain and India are but 11 or 12) I know not where to find, even among all the native Inhabitants of Aphrique, any Christians more. For, as for the large region of Nubia, which had from the Apostles time, (as is thought) professed the Christian faith, it hath again above 100 years since, forsaken it, and embraced in stead of it, partly Mahumetanisme, and partly Idolatry, and that by the most miserable occasion that might befall, namely famine of the word of God through lack of Ministers: for as Albarez hath recorded, 
Aluarez. Hist. Aethiopic. ca 137.  at his being in the K. of Habassia his Court, there were Ambassadors out of Nubia, to entreat him for a supply of Ministers, to instruct their nation, and repair Christianity gone to ruin among them: but were rejected.  
And yet are the Christians of Egypt, namely those of the native Inhabitants, but very few in respect of that infiniteness of people, wherewith Egypt doth, and ever did abound, as being esteemed, not to pass 
* Boter. Relat. pa. 1. l. 3. cap. de 1 popoli del Egitto. Thom. a jes. de Conuers. gent. l. 7. par. 1. c. 5.  50000. And, as touching the Kingdom of Habassia, neither is it all Christians, but a great part of Gentiles, namely toward the West, and South bounds of it, and some part Mahometans, toward the East border: neither so large and spacious, as many men's relations have made it thought to be. For although I cannot assent to them, who assign to that great Kingdom, but about 
Boter. Relat. pa. 1. l. 3. c. de Abassia.  662 leagues of compass, by which reckoning (suppose they were Spanish leagues) it should be little larger than Germany, (for I know full well, by infallible observations, that sparing limitation of theirs, to be untrue) yet, neither can I yield to them, who esteem it 
* Horat. Malaguz. nel discorso de ●. cinque massimi Signo●i.  greater, than the vast dominions of the Emperors of Turkey or of Tartary &c: Or, to them, that extend it from the one Tropic, to the other, and from the red sea, almost to the west Ocean. For first, certain it is (that I may speak a little of the limits of this kingdom) that it attaineth not to the red sea (Eastward) neither within the straits of Babel mandel, nor without: for within those straits, 
Boter. 〈◊〉 pro●im. cita●o.  along the Bay of Arabia, there is a continual ledge of mountains, known to be inhabited with Moors, betwixt that Bay, and the dominion of Habassia: So that, only one Port there is, along all that coast, 
Somman. dei regni Oriental. apud Ramos vol 1. pag, 324.  (Ercoco by name) where those mountains open to the Sea, that at this present belongeth to it. Neither without those Straits doth it any where approach to the Ocean. All that coast, as far as Mozambique, being well known to be inhabited with Arabians.  
And as touching the west limits of Habassia, I can not find by any certain history or relation (unskilful men may rumour what they will, and I know also that the common Charts represent it otherwise) I cannot find I say, that it stretcheth beyond the river Nilus, so far cometh it short of the West Ocean. For it is known, that all the west bank of Nilus, from the river of Zaire to the confines of Nubia, 
Boter. Rel●●. p 1 lib. 3. ca Loango. A●●zichi.  is possessed by the Anzichi, being an idolatrous and man-eating nation, & subject to a great Prince of their own, thus than it is with the breadth of the Empire of Habassia, betwixt East and West: And now to speak of the length of it, lying north and South, neither doth it approach northward on Nilus' side, further than the south end of the Isle of Meroe, (Meroe itself is inhabited by Mahometans, and the deadly enemies of the king of Habassia) nor on the Sea side farther than about the port of Suachem. And toward the south, although the bounds of that kingdom, be not perfectly known, yet that it approacheth nothing near the circle of Capricorn, as hath been supposed, is most manifest, because the great kingdoms of Moenhemage, and Benomotapa, and some others, are situate betwixt Habassia and that circle. But, as near as I am able to conjecture, having made the best search that I can, in the itineraries and relations, that are extant of those parts, the south limit of that Empire, passeth not the south parallel of six or seven degrees at the most, where it confineth with Moenhemage. So that to make a respective estimate of the largeness of that dominion, by comparing it with our known regions of Europe, It seemeth equal to Germany and France, and Spain, and Italy laid together: Equal I say in dimension of ground, but nothing near equal in habitation or multitude of people, which the distemperature of that climate, and the dry barrenness of the ground, in many regions of it, will not allow. For which cause the torrid parts of afric, are by Piso in Strabo resembled to a Leopard's skin, 
Strab. l. 2.  the distance of whose spots, represent the dispersednesse of habitations or towns in afric. But if I should absolutely set down the circuit of that whole dominion, I esteem the limitation of Pigafetta, 
Pigafett. de Regn. Cong. l. 1. c. 10.  near about the truth, namely, that it hath in circumference 4000 miles (about 1500. in length, and about 600. in breadth:) being enclosed with Mahometans on the north, and east, and with Idolaters, on the West and South.  
Such then as I have declared, is the condition of Christians in the continent of afric: but the Inhabitants of the Isles along the west coast of afric, as namely Madera; the Canaries, the Isles of Cabo verde, and of S. Thomas, and some other of less importance, are by the Portugals and Castilians instruction, become Christian: but on the East side of afric, excepting only 
* Paul. Venet. l. 3. c. 38.  Zocotora, there is no Christian Isle.  
Even such is the state of Christians in the firm land, and the adjacent Isles of afric. And it is not much better in Asia, for excepting first the Empire of Russia, (and yet of it, a great part is Idolatrous, namely the region between the rivers of Pechora and Ob, and some part of Permia) secondly, the regions of Circassia, and Mengrelia, lying along Moe●tis and the Euxine sea, from Tanais Eastward as far as the river Phasis. Thirdly, the province of Georgia, and fourthly the mountain Libanus in Syria, (and yet the last of these is of the Turks dominion) excepting these few I say, there is not any region in all Asia, where Christians live several, without mixture, either of Mahometans, or of Pagans', for although Vitriacus a man well experienced in some parts of the orient, 
jacob. a Vitriaco. Histor. Orient. c. 77.  (as being Bishop of Acon and the Pope's Legate in the East, at what time Palestina and Syria were in the hands of Christians) hath left registered, that the Christians of the easterly parts of Asia, exceeded in multitude the Christians of the Greek and Latin Churches: yet in his time (for he writ almost 400. years ago) Christianity began to decline, and since his time, it hath proceeded infinitely to decay, in all those parts of Asia: first, by the inundation of the idolatrous Tartars, who subdued all those regions, and after by the entertaining of Mahumetanisme in many of them. The time was indeed, (and but about 400. years ago) when the King of Tenduc, whom the histories of those times name Presbyter johannes, a Christian, but a Nestorian Prince, ruled far and wide, in the North-east part of Asia: as having under his dominion, beside Tenduc, (which was his own native and peculiar kingdom) all the neighbouring provinces, which were at that time for a great part, Christian: but after that his Empire was brought to ruin, and he subdued by Chingis a rebel of his own dominion (and the first founder of the Tartarian Empire) which happened about the year 1190. the state of Christian Religion became in short time strangely altered in those parts, 
Paul Venet. l. ●. cap. 8.  for I find in Marcus Paulus, who lived within 50. years after Vitriacus, and was a man of more experience in those parts than he, as having spent seventeen years together in Tartary, partly in the emperors Court, and partly in travailing over those Regions, about the emperors affairs, that except the Province of Tenduc, which as I said was the kingdom of Presbyter john's residence (for it was the Prince of that kingdom, 
Scaliger. de En●●●ndat. tempor. l 7. Annot. in comput Aethiop.  which is rightly & usually, 
For Scaligers imagination, that it was the King of the Habassines, that enlarged his dominion so far in the north east of Asia, till he was driven into afric by the Tartars, hath neither any foundation at all in history, nor probability in reason. Namely that a King in afric should subdue the most distant parts of all Asia from him, and there hold residence, all the regions betwixt belonging to other Princes. Moreover it is certainly known of Presbyter john of Asia, that he was a Nestorian, whereas he of Habassia was, and still is, a jacobite. Besides, it hath been recorded from time to time, of the Christians of Habassia, that they were circumcised, which of those of the East, was never reported by any, etc.  by the ancienter historians named Presbyter john, howsoever the mistaking fantasies of many, have transported it out of Asia into afric and by error bestowed it on the K. of Habassia,) except that Province of Tenduc I say, whereof 
* Paul, Ven●t. l. 1. ca 64.  Marcus Paulus confesseth the greater part, to have professed the Christian religion at his being in Tartary, the rest of the inhabitants, being partly Mahometans, 
* Vtriae. Histor. Orient c. 78. Otho Phrisingen s. l. 7. c. 33. & Alij.  and partly Idolaters: in all the other provinces of those parts beside, that, he observeth the Christians to be but few, as namely in the kingdoms of 
* L. 1. c. 45.  Tanguth, of 
* L. 1. c. 47.  Chinchintales, of 
* L. 1. c. 48.  Succhuir, of 
* L. 2. c. 39  Caraiam, of 
* L. 1. c. 38.  Cassar, of 
* L. 1. c. 40.  Carcham, of 
* L. 1. c. 62.  Ergimuli, of 
* L. 1. c. 63.  Cerguth, of Egrigaia, and in the other regions of Tartary mentioning no Christians at al. Two cities only I find in him excepted, the one was 
* L. 2. c. 61.  Cingiangifu in Mangi, (that is China) where he noteth, that many Christians dwelled, and the other 
* L. 2. c. 64.  Quinsay, in which later yet, (although the greatest city in the world) he hath recorded to be found but one Church of Christians. But, these places excepted before mentioned. I can find no certain relation, neither in Paul Venetus, nor any other, of any Christians of the native inhabitants, in all the East of Asia, but Idolatry keepeth still her old possession, and overspreadethall.  
But yet indeed, in the more Southerly parts of Asia (especially in those where Christianity was first planted, and had taken deepest root) as Anatolia, Syria, Palestine, Chaldaea, Assyria, Mesopotamia, Armenia, Media, Persia, the North part of Arabia, and the South of India, Christians are not only to be found, but in certain of those regions, as in Anatolia, Armenia, Syria, Mesopotamia, somewhat thick mingled with Mahum●tans: as they are also in the South of India not far from the Promontory of Comorijn, in some reasonable number, in the kingdom of Contan, of Cranganor, and of Choromandeb, but mingled with Idolaters. But yet, is not this mixture of Christians with them of other religions, in any part of Asia, after the proportion of their mixture in Europe (where I observed the Christians to make the prevailing number) but they are far inferior, to the multitude of the mahometans, and of the Idolaters, among whom they are mingled, and yet touching their number, decrease every day, in all the parts aforesaid, India only excepted. Where since the Portugals held Goa (which they have erected into an archbishopric) and entertained Malabar, and some other parts of India, what with commerce, and what with amity, the number of Christians is greatly multiplied, in sundry places of that region, but yet not so, as to compare in any sort, with the mahometans, and much less with the Idolaters among whom they live.  
Thus it is with Christians in the firm Land of Asia: but in the Islands about Asia, Christianity is as yet but a tender plant: for although it hath made some entrance into the Isles called Philippinas, namely into 30 of them, for so many only of 11000 termed by that name, are subject to the King of Spain. Th. jes. de Conu. gent. l. 1. c. 1. by the industry of the Castilians, as also by the preaching of the Portugals, into Ormuz in the Bay of Persia, and into C●ilan in the Sea of India, and some few other of the infinite multitude of Islands, dispersed in that Eastern sea, yet hath it hitherto found in all those places, rather some fair beginning, than any great proceeding. Only in japonia Christianity hath obtained (notwithstanding many hindrances and oppositions) more prosperous success. Insomuch that many years since, there were recorded to have been by estimation, about 
* Plat. de Bono Stat Religiosi. l. 2. c. 30.  200000 Christians in japonia.  
Lastly, in America, there be four large regions, and those of the most fruitful and populous part of it, possessed and governed by the Spaniards, that is, Nu●ua Espana, Castilia del Oro (otherwise termed Nu●bo Reino) Peru, and part of Brasile, the first three, by the Castilians, and the fourth, by the Portugals, all which together, may by estimation, make a region as large as Europe. In which, as also in the Islands, specially in the greater Islands of Hispaniola, Cuba, jamaica, and Puerto rico, the Christian religion is so largely spread, that 
* Amand. Ziriean Chron. circ. An. 1519.  one hath presumed, to equal in a manner, the Christians of America, to those of the Latin Church in Europe: And 
* Surius. in Chron. ad. An Christ. 1558.  another, hath left recorded, that within a few years after the entrance of the Gospel among them, there were no less than seven Millions, or as others reported fourteen Millions, that in the sacrament of baptism had given their names to Christ. But especially in the kingdom of Mexico (or Nueva Espanna) Christian Religion obtained that plentiful and prosperous success, that we find recorded of sundry of the Preachers, employed about the conversion of that people, that they baptized each one of them, 
Vid. epist. Petri Gaudens. in Comment. Sedulij ad vitam. S. Francisci. pa. 229. et Epist. Martin. 2 Valentia. Ibid. pag. 232. et Epist. Episcopi Mexicani. pag. 235.  above 100000. and that in few years▪ Insomuch that (as is storied by Surius) It is to be found among the records of Charles the fifth, that some old Priest hath baptized 700000. another, 300000, and certain others very great multitudes. But yet, what manner of Christians many of those proselytes were, I am loath to remember, or report (and it may be by this time, they are better affected and instructed than they were) for certainly, Ouiedo, and Benzo, men that had long lived, and were well experienced in those parts, have left recorded, the first of 
* Ouied Hiftor. Ind. Occidental. l. 17. c. 4.  Cuba, that there was scare any one, or but very few, that willingly became Christians, 
Benzo. histor. Nou. Orbis. l. 2. c. 19  and both Ouiedo of them, and Benzo of the Christians of Nueva Espanna, that they had nothing almost belonging to Christianity, but only the bare name of Christians, being so utterly mindelesse, and careless of Christian religion, that they remembered not any thing of the covenant and profession, they made in their baptism: Only, they kept in mind, the name they received then, which very name also, they forgot soon after. But all the rest of America except the regions afore mentioned, which compared to the parts possessed by the Castilians and Portugals (to make estimation by the Maps that we have of those regions, for the North and West coasts of America, are not yet perfectly discovered) may be as six to one, is possessed by Idolaters.   

Of the parts of the World possessed by Mahometans. CHAP. XI.  
Having declared the amplitude of Christianity, I will proceed to show the state of other religions in the world, & with all, what parts of it, the professors of those religions do severally inhabit; and lastly, what proportion they may have each to other, and all of them to Christians. To endeavour therefore your satisfaction in this behalf. There are four sorts or sects of Religion, observed in the sundry regions of the World. Namely, Idolatry, Mahumetanisme, judaism, and Christianity. Of Christians I have already spoken: now therefore will I relate for your better contentment, of the other three; and first of Mahometans.  
mahometans then possess in Europe, as I said before (having in that part but small mixture of Christians) all the region betwixt Tanais and Boristhenes (Don and Nieper they are now called) being about a twentieth part of Europe: beside 
Mathi●a Michou. de Sarmat. l. 2. c. 3.  some villages in Lituania about Wilna, where the use of their religion is by the King of Poland permitted them, for in Greece, Macedon, Thrace, Bulgaria, Rascia, Servia, Bosina, Epirus, the greatest part of Hungaria, and some part of Dalmatia (which may be together about one fourteenth part of Europe) although the government be wholly the Turks, yet Mahometans scarcely pass one third part of the Inhabitants.  
But in afric Mahumetanisme is spread exceeding far, for, first to consider the maritime coast: It possesseth all the shore of the Atlantic Ocean, from Cape Blanco to the Straight of Gibraltar, being about 1100 miles. Secondly, on the shore of the mediterrane, all from that Straight to Egypt, about 2400 miles, excepting only on the one coast, and on the other, some seven towns, in the possession of the Spaniards. Thirdly, on the East side of afric all the coast of the Bay of Arabia, even from Suez to C. Gardafu., about 1600 miles, excepting only one port (Ercoco) being of the dominion of the King of Habassia. And thence (doubling that Cape) Southward, all the shore of the Aethiopique sea, as far as Mozambique (that is over against the midst of Madagascar) about 1800 miles. And in all the coasts of afric hitherto mentioned, being altogether about 7000 miles (that is, by some excess more than half the circumference of afric) the professors of Mahumeds' religion, have both possession and dominion, together with the 
* Paul. Venet. l. 3. c. 39 Linschot. l. ●. c. 3.  maritime parts, of the great Isle of Madagascar, and many other Islands along the coast of afric. And yet, even beyond Mozambique also, as far as to the Cape das Corrientes (it is under the circle of Capricorn) although they have there no rule, yet they are found mingled with Idolaters. But yet nevertheless, observed it is, that along the East shore of afric, namely from Suachem to Mozambique (being towards 3000 miles of the mentioned coast) Mahometans possess only the Margin of the land, or the sea shore, and have gotten but little footing in the inland parts, except in the kingdoms of Dangali and Adel, confining together, the first within and the second without the strait of Babel Mandel, which yet are but small provinces. And this also (to extenuate their number) is also true, that from the kingdom of Adel, and Cape Guardafu, to Mozambique, there is found among the mahometans, some mixture of Idolaters, although the dominion be only in the mahometans hands.  
But yet on the North and West parts of afric, it is far otherwise, and far worse: Mahumetanisme having overspread all the main land of afric, between the Mediterraine sea and the great river Neger: and along the course of Nilus, as far as the Isle of Meroe, which lieth also about the same parallel with the river Niger, and is possessed by Mahometans. And yet, 
* Leo. Afri●. l. 1 cap. de Religion. Afror.  beyond Niger also, it hath invaded and obtained, all the kingdoms of the Nigrites that border on that river. So that all Barbary and Biled elgerid, and Libya deserta, and the region of Negroes, are become of that religion. Excepting first some maritime parts toward the Atlantic sea, namely from C. Blanco southward, which are inhabited by Gentiles. Secondly, the kingdom of Borno, and some part of Nubia: And thirdly, certain scattered multitudes of the old African progeny, that still retain their ancient gentilism, and are found in divers places here and there in the mountains & wilder parts of Barbary, of Biled-elgerid, and of Libya. These I say, being excepted, all afric beside, from the mediterrane sea, some what more southward than the river Niger, is overspread with Mahometans: which (adding these before mentioned, along the east coast of Aethiopia) may by estimation, take up four nine parts of afric.  
And yet in Asia, Mahumetanism is farther spread, being embraced and maintained chiefly, by four mighty nations, namely, the Arabians, Persians, Turks, and Tartars. Arabia was indeed the nest, that bred and fostered that unclean bird, and had it been the cage also, for ever to enclose it, it had been but too much space and liberty, for Arabia is in circuit above 4000 miles, and except a small mixture of Christians in Eltor, a port town toward the inmost angle of the bay of Arabia, and Petra, (Krac now it is called) a midland town, and two Monasteries about the Hill of Sinai, all is possessed with Mahometans. But from Arabia that poison hath in such sort dispersed itself through the veins of Asia, that near the one half, is at this day corrupted by it. For although it hath not hitherto attained to the north coast of Asia, which is partly inhabited by Christians, namely, from the river of Dwyna to Pechora, and partly by idolaters from Pechora to the East Ocean: nor yet to the east coast, which from the most northerly part of Tartary, to the most southerly part of India, 
* Boter. Rel. pa. 3. l. 2. cap. de Mahometan●.  (except some few places in the kingdom of Siam) Idolaters in l●ke sort generally obtain: yet nevertheless, it is as I said, namely, that a very great part of Asia, is infected with that pestilence. For first, all the southerly coast of Asia, from the Bay of Arabia to the river Indus, is possessed by Mahometans: and if we proceed further along that shore, even beyond the river of Indus also, the great kingdoms of Cambaia, and Bengala, for a great part of them, and about one fourth part of the inhabitants of Malabar, are observed to be Mahometans. And secondly, to consider the inland parts: all from the westerly bounds of Asia, namely the river Tanais, with the Euxine, Aegaean, and Mediterane seas, as far Eastward, as the mountain Imaus, (which is more than half the length of Asia) is possessed by them: Except, first the 
* Guaguin. Descr. Tartar. in Kyrges●orum Horda.  Kirgessi near Imaus, who are Idolaters: and secondly, the mixture of Christians among them, who yet have very small proportion (for their multitude) to Mahometans, in any province, of all the mentioned vast circuit, for howsoever Burchardus about 320. years ago, hath left recorded of those parts of Asia, that there were to be found in them 30. Christians for one Mahometan. Descr. ter. sanct. pa. 2. c. 2. §. 9 yet certainly, that in these present times the excess of multitude is grown great on the mahometans side in respect of Christians, the experience of many putteth out of question. And, if we shall proceed yet farther eastward, in the inland parts of Asia, and pass in our speculation, beyond the mountain Imaus, even there also sundry provinces are observed, as 
* Paul. Venet. l. 1. c. 41.42.43.  Peim, Cotam, Lop, where Mahometans are the main and sole inhabitants, and many more, as 
* Id. l. 1. ca 38.40.47.62.63.64. etc.  Cassar, Carcham, Chinchintilus, Tanguth, Ergimul, Cerguth, Tenduc, etc. where they are mingled among idolaters, which may for a great part, countervail those regions of Asia, which Christians and Idolaters take up on this side that mountain. So that, in my estimation, having about these points conferred history with Geography in the most circumspect & considerate manner that I was able, about nine parts of 20. of Asia, are possessed by Mahometans.  
Thus then is Mahumetanisme spread over the one half almost of the firm land of Asia. And yet moreover in the islands also that are about Asia, that religion hath found large entertainment. For not only a good part of the small 
* Nicol. de con●i. Viag nelle Indie. Ba●bos. ●p. Ramus. Vol. 1. de Viaggi. p: 313▪ 318.319. Boter. Relat p. 3. l. 2 de Mahometani,  Isles of Maldivia, namely those of them that are inhabited, (for they are above 7000. in all, and most without habitation) are possessed with Mahometans, but moreover, all the ports of the Isle of Ceilan, (except Colombo which the portugals have) the Sea coasts of Sumatra, the ports of java, with the Isle of Sunda, the ports of Banda, of Bornéo and of Gilolo, with some of the islands Malucos, are in the hands of Mahometans.  
Of the great spreading & enlargement of which religion, if the causes were demanded of me, I should make answer, that beside the justice of almighty God, punishing by that violent and wicked sect, the sins of Christians (for we see that by the conquests of the Arabians, and Turks, it hath chiefly seized on those regions, where Christianity in ancient time most flourished, both in afric and Asia, and partly in Europe) one cause I say, of the large spreading of their Religion, is the large spreading of their victories. For it hath ever been the condition of the conquered, to follow for the most part the religion of the conquerors. A second, their peremptory restraint, (even on the pain of death) of all disputation touching their religion, and calling any point of it into question. A third, their suppression of the study of Philosophy, by the light whereof, the grossness and vanity of many parts of their religion might be discovered, which is inhibited to be taught in their universities, and so hath been, about these 400. years, whereas till then, it greatly flourished among them, in Cordova, in Fess, in Maroccho, in Bagded, and other cities. And yet, as Bellonius and 
* Bellon. Obser. l. 3. c. 30. Georgevitz. l. 2. de Ritib. Turcar. cap. de Scholis.  others write, the Turks fall now again, to those studies afresh. A fourth cause may well be assigned, the sensual liberty allowed by it, namely, to have many wives, and the like promise of sensual pleasures, to succeed after this life (to the Religious observers of it,) in Paradise, wherewith men for the greatest part, as being of things wherewith their sense is affected, & whereof they have had certain experience, are more alured and persuaded, then with promises of spiritual delights, presented only to their hopes, and for which present and sensible pleasures must in the mean time be forsaken.   

Of the sundry regions of the world inhabited by Idolaters. CHAP. XII.  
NOW touching Idolaters, they possess in Europe, a region as I before observed, about 900. miles in circuit, (although the ordinary Geographical charts' represent it, (but falsely) more than twice so large) containing Lappia, Corelia, Biarmia, Scricfinia, and the north part of Finmarch. All which together, may by estimation make about one sixtieth part of Europe, or a little more, more I mean in magnitude rather than in multitude, for it is indeed a little greater than so. Beside which provinces, there are also to be found in divers places of 
* Beem. de Morib. gent. l. 3. c. 7. Boter. Relat. p. ● l. 1. c. Litunia  Lituania, and Samagotia, some scattered remnants of Idolaters.  
But in afric their multitude is very great, for from C. Blanco on the coast of Libya, the most westerly point of all afric (being about the north latitude of twenty degrees) even all the coast of afric southward, to the cape of Buena Esperanza: And thence turning by the back of afric as far as the cape of Mozambique, being (over against the midst of Madagascar) in the south latitude of fifteen degrees: all this coast I say, being not much less, then half the circumference of afric, is inhabited by Idolaters. Only, on the East side, from Mozambique to Cape de Corrientes (which is the south latitude of 24 degrees) they are mingled with Mahometans: And on the west side, in the kingdom of Congo, and the north part of Angola, with Christians: But yet in both these places of their mixture, idolaters are the greater multitude.  
But now, if we consider the inland Region of afric, all between the river Nilus, and the West sea of Aethiopia, from about the north parallel of ten degrees, to the south parallel of 6. or 7. degrees, but from that parallel of 6. or 7. degrees, even all Aethiopia southward, on both the sides of Nilus, from the east sea of Aethiopia, to the West, even to the most southerly point of all afric, the cape of Buona Speranza, is possessed by idolaters: excepting only some part of Congo and Angola afore mentioned, toward the west sea, inhabited by Christians, and the utmost shore of the East sea, from Mozambique northward, which is replenished with Mahometans: And yet, beside all the regions before mentioned, even all the kingdom of 
* Leo African. l. 7. ca de Borno Regno.  Borno, and a great part 
* Aluarez. hist. Aethiop. c. 30.  of Nubia is possessed by them; to speak nothing of the infinite multitudes of the 
* Leo Afric. l. 1. c. de vitij● Afror.  ancient Africans, dispersed in sundry tracts of Barbary, of Biled-elgerid, and of Libya Deserta, which still continue in their ancient paganism. So that (over and beside these last) very near about half afric, is possessed by idolaters.  
And yet in Asia idolaters abound more then in afric, even as Asia is larger than afric for the continent, and for the people, better inhabited, for of Asia also, very near about the one half, or rather a little more is possessed by idolaters. For first if we consider the maritime parts, all from the river of Pechora, Eastward to the Ocean, and then turning downward, to the most southerly point of India, (and of all Asia) the cape of Cincapura, and from that point returning westward, by the south coast, to the outlets of the river Indus, all that maritime tract I say, is entirely possessed by idolaters. Saving only, that in the nearer part of India, between Indus and Ganges, there is among them some mixture both of Mahometans and Christians: and in the further part, the city and territory of Malacca, is held by portugals, and some part of the sea coast of the kingdom of Siam, by Moors. So that by this account, a good deal more than half the circumference of Asia, is possessed by Idolaters. And, although in the inland parts their proportion be somewhat less, then in the Maritime, yet if we consider well, the whole dimension of Asia, we shall find by good estimation, as before I said, that the one half, or rather a little more, is replenished with Idolaters: for the better declaring of which point, you may understand, that as Strabo and Ptolemy, have observed, of the mountain Taurus, 
Strab. l. 2. Ptolen in Tab. Orb. general.  that beginning in the west parts of Asia (in the confines of Lycia and Pamphilia over against the Chelidonian isles) it runneth Eastward e●en to the Ocean, keeping between the parallels of 30. and 40. degrees, and so dividing the north part of Asia from the south. Even so must we observe of the mountain 
* Vid. Ptolem. in Tab. o●bis. ●niuer. et Mercator in Tab. general● Asiae.  Imaus that beginning on the shore of the north Ocean, it runneth along through the midst of Asia to the south, keeping still about the same meridian, namely about the longitude of 30. degrees, and crossing (at right angles in a manner) the mountain Taurus divideth the east part of Asia from the west. Imaus therefore in this sort dividing Asia into two parts, not much unequal, divideth also in a manner, between the idolaters & mahometans of Asia, for although the hither part of Asia, west of Imaus, and possessed of Mahometans, take up more in the longitude of the earth, namely east and west: yet the further part east of Imaus, spreadeth more in latitude, north and south, which may make some recompense toward that excess. But, if withal we subtract those parts of the hither Asia, that are covered with the Persian, and Caspian seas, beside large parts of the Euxine & Mediterrane, the further Asia (I think) will fully equal it. Now, although many mahometans be also found on the other side of Imaus toward the North-east of Asia, both several in sundry provinces, and otherwise mingled with idolaters or Christians, or with both, as before was partly observed: Yet many more whole regions of Idolaters, (to countervail those mahometans) are found on this side Imaus, both, toward the South, in the Kingdoms of the nearer India, and toward the North, betwixt Imaus and the river Pechora, all which coast of Asia is inhabited by Idolaters, And lastly, in the midst betwixt both, the Kirgessi, and some other of their neighbour Nations. And not only in the firm land of Asia, is idolatry thus spread: but in those many thousand islands that lie dispersed in the vast Ocean, on the East and Southeast parts of Asia: 
* Paul. Ven. l. 3. c 8. Id, l. 3. cap. 42.  which over against China, are recorded upon the report of Mariners, long practised in those seas, to be 7448, and, about 
* Paul. Ven. l. 3. c 8. Id, l. 3. cap. 42.  India, to be 127000: And which might for their largeness, if they were all laid together, make a Continent as large as three four parts of Europe. In those Islands I say, Idolatry overspreaddeth all, excepting only those few, which I before observed, to be possessed by the Spaniards, and by the Arabians.  
Finally, of all other parts of the Earth yet discovered, Idolatry spreadeth farthest in America, which being but little less, than the Eastern continent, (that we term the old world) is at least six parts of seven, inhabited with heathenish and idolatrous people. For, except the regions above mentioned, possessed namely by the Portugals and Castilians, (and yet the inner, and wilder tracts even of those, remain still for a great part, in their ancient paganism) and many notwithstanding their baptism, 
Th●a jes de Con. ge●t. l. ●. c. 1.  withal worship Idols together with some later Converts made in the region about & above the Bay of California, of whom as yet, histories make so little report, that of their number I can make no estimate: And lastly 2, or 3 fortresses, held by the Spaniards, on the coast of Florida, with the English colonies in Virginia, and the French in Canada, these I say being excepted, all the rest of America, being as I said about six seventh parts remaineth in their old Idolatry.  
And thus have I declared the three principal sects as touching Religion, that are at this present found in the several parts of the world, with their particular regions. But beside these, observed there are, two or three irregular Nations, being, for their religion mingled as it were, of some of the former sects. As first, in Asia, the Cardi, inhabiting in the Mountainous Country above Mozal, between Armenia, and Mesopotamia. Secondly the Drusi, dwelling in Syria, about the skirts of Libanus, the religion of both which Nations, (such as it is) partaketh somewhat, both of Mahumetanisme and Christianity. And thirdly, the Morduites in Europe, possessing the middle confines betwixt the Precopite Tartars, and the Muscovites, that are in a manner as touching their religion, mingled of all three sects: for they are both baptized like Christians, and circumcised like Mahometans, and withal worship Idols.   

Of the jews dispersed in several parts of the World. CHAP. XIII.  
NOw, will I entreat a little, of the Professors of the fourth sort and sect of religion, that is found in the world, namely of judaism, for, although the jews have not for their mansion, any peculiar Country, but are dispersed abroad among foreign Nations, for their ancient Idolatries, and their later unthankfulness, in rejecting their Saviour the son of God: So that even in jerusalem, there be not to be found at this time, an hundred households of jews: 
Boter. Relat▪ pa. ●. l. 2. c. de Gindei.  (Only of all the towns of Palestina, Tiberias (which Amurath the great Turk gave to Aluarez Mendez a jew) and Staff●letto, are somewhat peopled with them) Neither have they at this present, for any thing that is certainly known, any other region in the world, several to themselves: Yet, because there be some provinces, wherein they are observed specially to abound, as others also, whence they are excluded and banished, I will consider a little of their present condition.  
The first Country of Christendom, whence the jews were expelled, with out hope of return, was our Country of England, whence they were banished, Anno 1290 by King Edward the first. Not long after they were likewise banished France An. 1307. by Philippus Pulcher: Only of all the Countries of France, in the jurisdiction of Avignon (the Pope's state) some are remaining. Out of Spain, An. 1492, by Ferdinand, and shortly after out of Portugal, An, 1497 by Emanuel. Out of the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily, An. 1539. by Charles the 5. In other regions of Europe they are found, and in some of them in great numbers, as in Germany, Bohem, Polonia, Lituania, Russia, and part of Italy, specially Venice and Rome. In Greece also a great multitude, wherein two Cities (beside all them of other places) Constantinople and Thessalonica are esteemed to be about 160000 jews. As also they are to be found by plentiful numbers, in many parts of the Turks dominion, both in Asia, and afric. And for Asia, specially in Aleppo, in Tripoli, in Damascus, in Rhodes, and almost in every City of great trade and traffic in the Turkish Empire: As likewise in divers parts of the Persian government, in Arabia also, & lastly in India, (namely about Cranganor) and in some other more remote regions. And, to come to afric, they are not only foundin the Cities of Alexandria, and Cair in Egypt, but, as in many other regions & places of afric, so principally, in the Cities of Fess, and Tremisen: and specially, in the Hills of Sensava, and Demen in the Kingdom of Maroccho many of which last, are by Leo Africanus, specially noted to be of that Sect, 
Leo African. l. 2. c. 36. etc.  which the jews name 
* For of the jews, as touching their religion, there be in these times three fects. The first which is the greatest of them, is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who beside the holy scriptures, embrace the Talmud also for Authentical, and for that cause, they are also termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The second are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which receive only the scriptures. And the Third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, the Samaritans (at this day but very few) which, of all the holy Scriptures, admit only the Pentateuch or books of Moses.  Karraim, and by the other jews of afric, are reputed no better than heretics.  
But yet, beside these, and such like dispersions of the jewish Nation, that may be elsewhere in the world, there is a fantasy of many learned men, not unworthy some diligent consideration, that the Tartars of Scythia, who about the year 1200, or a little before, became first known abroad in the world by that name, and hold at this day a great part of Asia, in subjection; That those Tartars I say, are of the 
* 
postel. Descript. Syriae. cap. 1.  
Genebrad. Chron. l. 1. Bote● Relat. pa. 1. l. 2. c. vl●ima part della Tartary & pa. 3. l. 2. c. de Gindei.   Israelites progeny: Namely of the ten Tribes, which by Salmanazar, and some of his predecessors, were carried captive into Assyria. Which although it be as I said no other than a vain and cappriccious fantasy, yet, hath it, not only found acceptance and entertainment, with sundry learned and understanding men: but reason and authority are produced, or pretended to establish it for a truth. For first, It is alleged that the word Tatari, or Totari, (for so indeed they are rightly called, as 
* 
Leunclau. in Pandect. Hist. Turcic.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Syr.   learned men observe, and not Tartari) signifieth in the Syriaque and Hebrew tongues, a Residue or Remainder such as these Tartars are supposed to be of the Ten Tribes. Secondly, because, (as the Patrons of this fantasy say) they have always embraced (the ancient character of judaism) Circumcision. And thirdly, 
2 Esdras 13. v. 41.42.43.44.45.  the authority of supposed Esdras, (the very spring I take it, whence hath flowed this stream of opinion) is alleged. Namely, that the Ten Tribes took this course to themselves, that they would leave the multitude of the heathen, and go forth into a farther Country, where never mankind dwelled. That they might there keep their statutes, which they never kept in their own land. And that they entered in at the narrow passages of the River Euphrates. The most high showing them signs, and staying the Springs of the flood, till they were passed over. And, that their journey was great, even of a year and a half, and the region is called Arsareth.  
But, to the first of these arguments, I may answer, that the Tartars obtained that name, neither from Hebrew nor Syriaque original, and appellation, but, from the river Tartar, saith Leunclavius, 
Leunclau. in Pand. histor. Turcic. §. 3.  and 
* Boem. de Morib gent. l. 2. c. 10. Haitti. lib. de Tartaris. cap. 16.  others. Or else from the Region, as saith Haitho, where the principal of them anciently dwelled. Secondly, that the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Hebrew, or Syriaque signification, importing a residue or remainder, can but full ill (as it seems) be applied to the Tartars in relation of the Israelites, whom they exceedingly surpass in multitude, as overspreading half the vast continent of Asia, or thereabout. For all the Nations of Asia, from the great rivers of Wolgha and Oby, Eastward, and from the Caspian sea, the river Oxus, the Countries of India and China, northward, are contained under the Appellation of Tartars: and yet without these bounds many Tartars there are, both toward the West, and South. And what if the innumerable people of so many Nations, as are known to inhabit and overspread the huge continent of America, be also of the same offspring? Certainly, if I be not greatly deceived, they are no other. For first that their original must be derived from Asia is apparent, because, (as he that readeth the relations and histories of those Countries of America may easily observe) they have no relish nor resemblance at all, of the Arts, or learning, or civility of Europe: And their colour testifieth, they are not of the Africans progeny (there being not found in all that large Continent, any black men, except a few about the River of S. Martha, in a small Country called Quarequa, which by force and violence of some tempest, are supposed to have been transported thither, from the parts of Guinie or Aethiopia.) Therefore it seemeth, that they had their original from Asia. Which yet, will appear more credible, if it be observed, which by the Spaniards discoveries is well known to be true, namely, that the West side of America respecting Asia, is exceeding much better peopled then the opposite or East side, that respecteth toward Europe. And, as for these reasons it is very likely, that America received her first inhabitants, from the East border of Asia: So is it altogether unlike, that is received them from any other part of all that border, save from Tartary. Because, in America there is not to be discerned, any token or indication at all, of the arts or industry of China, or India, or Cataia, or any other civil region, along all that border of Asia: But in their gross ignorance of letters, and of arts, in their Idolatry, and the specialties of it, in their incivility, and many barbarous properties, they resemble the old and rude Tartars, above all the nations of the Earth. Which opinion of mine, touching the Americans descending from the Tartars, rather than from any other nation in that border of Asia, after the near vicinity of Asia to America, this reason above all other, may best establish and persuade: Because it is certain, that that North-east part of Asia possessed by the Tartars, is if not continent with the West side of America, which yet remaineth somewhat doubtful: yet certainly, and without all doubt, it is the least disjoined by sea, of all that coast of Asia, for that those parts of Asia and America, are continent one with the other, or at most, disjoined but by some narrow channel of the Ocean, the ravenous and harmful beasts, wherewith America is stored, as Bears, Lions, Tigers, Wolves, Foxes, etc. (which men as is likely, would never to their own harm transport out of the one continent to the other) may import. For from Noah's Ark, which rested after the deluge, in Asia, all those beasts must of necessity fetch their beginning, seeing they could not proceed by the course of nature, as the unperfect sort of living creatures do, of Putrefaction: or if they might have Putrefaction for their parentage, or receive their original (by any other new sort of generation) of the earth without special procreation of their own kind, than I see no nececessitie, why they should by God's special appointment, be so carefully preserved in Noah's Ark (as they were) in time of the deluge. Wherefore, seeing it is certain, that those ravenous beasts of America, are the progeny of those of the same kind in Asia, and that men, as is likely, conveyed them not (to their own prejudice) from the one continent to the other, it carrieth a great likelihood and appearance of truth, that if they join not together, yet are they near neighbours, & but little disjoined each from other, for even to this day, in the Isles of Cuba, jamaica, Hispaniola, Burichena, and all the rest, which are so far removed from the firm land, that these beasts cannot swim from it to them, the Spaniards record, 
joseph Acosta De Nature. Now Orb. l. 1. c. 21.  that none of these are found. Wherefore it seemeth (to digress no farther) that the nation of the Tartarians, spreading so exceeding far, as it doth, cannot certainly be the posterity of those captive Israelites.  
Neither (to answer the second objection) doth their circumcision in any sort enforce it: for, neither was circumcision, among the Tartars ancienter than Mahumetanisme, but was received among them together with it, as Michovius hath remembered, 
Michou. de Sa●matia. l. 1. ●. ●.  so that to this day, it is not entertained (for aught I can find in History) among those Tartarians, which have not received Mahumetanisme, but remain in their ancient Idolatry, as for the most part, both the Tartars of Cataia, beyond the mountain Imaus towards the East Ocean, and the Tartars of Sarmatia, towards the North, on both sides the river of Oby, do. Neither if it should be granted, that circumcision had been ancienter among them then Mahumetanisme, were that an argument of any importance, to prove them to be of the Israelites progeny. Because it is certainly known, tha● the ceremony & custom of circumcision hath been & still is usual among many nations, of whom there was never any suspicion, that they descended from the Israelites, 

Diodor. Sic●●● part 2 c. 1 Philo. judae▪ l. de C●●umcisione.  
Strab. l. 16. Herodot. l. 2. parum. a Med. Strab. l. 16. long. post med.   for Diodorus hath recorded of the Colchians, Philo judaeus, and Strabo, of the Egyptians, Herodotus of both those nations, and of the Aethiopians besides, that they used circumcision, and that that custom among the Egyptians and Aethiopians, did seem very ancient, even as it is also by both those nations retained till this day. And yet, beside these countries already mentioned, the like is also recorded of the Troglodytes by Strabo, and by 
* 
Diodor. Sic. l 3. c. 3.  
Agatharchid. l de Mar. Rubr. c. 49. ap. Phot. in Bibliotheca Cyprian. l. de circumcision. in principio. Niceph. Callist. l. 8. ca 35. jerem 9.26. Hieron in Comment locitam citati.   others: Of the Phaenicians, and Arabians, by Cyprian and Nicephorus. And (to leave this accumulating of human testimonies) it is not obscurely acknowledged by the Prophet jeremy, to have been usual (beside the Israelites) with the Egyptians, Edomites, Ammonites, Moabites, & the inhabitants of the desert, that is the 
* For, that the Ismaelites and Sarracens are the same nation, is manifest by Hierome, and Sozomen, and others, which being anciently termed Scenitae (as Ammianus hath observed) namely of the Grecians, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they dwelled in tents (for such to be the manner of their habitation, is not only affirmed by 
* Loco iam citato.  Hierome, but signified (and not obscurely) by 
* Psalm. 120.5. vid. etiam jerem. 49.28.29.  David lamenting his dwelling in the tents of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which name Arabia deserta is termed in the Hebre●) were of their dwelling in the desert, by the Arabians themselves named Sarracens (for Sarra signifieth, a desert, and Sakan to inhabit, in the Arabic tongue) or else, if not of their place, yet at least (as 
* 
Scaliger in Animadu. Euseb. pa. 17. An. 88  
Fuller. Miscel●an. Theolog. l. 2. ca 1●.   learned men certainly think) of their property, they might obtain that name of Sarracens, namely, because they lived much by rapine (for that the word Saracke in Arabic doth import) to which above all nations they ever were, and still are addicted. For the deduction of the name Sarracens, from 
* By Sozomen ●. 6. ca 38.  Sara, as if they claimed descent from her, being indeed Hagarens, (the progeny of Hagar) is a mere fancy and fable. They claim it not.  Ismaelites, or Sarracens of Arabia: Of which nations, Hierome also (to whom those regions were well known, (as Epiphanius also of the most of them) hath left testified, that they retained circumcision, 

Hieron. Comment. in sa●. ca 21.  
Sozomen. Histor. l. 6. c. 38. Ammian. l. 22. post med.   even in his time. Touching some of which, although it may be probably conjectured, that they received it (in some sort) from the Israelites: if not as their progeny (which yet in some sense may be said of the inhabitants of the desert, being the posterity of Ishmael the son of Abraham: and likewise of the Edomites, being the seed of Esau the son of Isaac) yet at least, by imitation of Abraham's family, to whom also in blood they were allied, as the Ammonites & Moabites, the posterity of Lot, Abraham's brother's son, and who had lived long in his familiarity and family. Although I say of these nations it may be conjectured, that their ceremony of circumcision was taken up, by imitation of the Israelites: yet that the same rite, or custom was also derived originally, from them to the whole nation of the Arabians (which was exceeding great) or to the Egyptians, or other neighbouring provinces, I know not why any should conceive, or if they do, yet appeareth it to be otherwise, because they circumcised not in the eight day, which is the inviolable custom of the Israelites: 
Ambros. l. 2. de Abraham. Patriarcha. c. 12.  but the Egyptians in the fourteenth year, as is recorded by Ambrose, & the Arabians in the thirteenth (and some of them both sexes, as 
* Sard. de Riti. gent. l. 1. c. 10.  learned men have recorded. Even as the 
* Bellon. Obser. l. 3. c. 28. Georgenitr. l. 2. de Ritib. Turcar. c. de Circuncisione.  Turks also at this day, who received the rite of circumcision from the Arabians, are known to circumcise in the eight or twelfth, or fifteenth year or sooner, or later, as opportunity may serve. Of these nations I say, how circumcision should proceed from the Israelites to them, I cannot conceive: no more than I can of the great nation of the 
* 
Pigafet. de Regn. Cong. l. 1 c. 5.  
Boter Rebat. pa. 1. ●. c. Loange.   Anzichi, on the West side of Nilus beyond Nubia, or of the inhabitants of 
* Ma●●y● Ocean. decad. 4. c 1.  jucatana in America, whereof the first yet are, and the second (till they came under the government of the Spaniards) were mere Idolaters, for of these also, the second had, & the first still have circumcision in use.  
And although these instances, utterly dissolve the force of this reason, touching the Tartarians circumcision (though it were admitted to have been anciently in use among them, as being usual with many other nations, of whom no suspicion at all can be conceived, to be of the Israelites progeny) yet this may furthermore declare them, not to be of that race, because namely, nothing else was to be found among them, that might savour of Israel. For First, they were mere Idolaters, and without knowledge of the true God, as is recorded by Marcus Paulus, 

Paul. Venet. l. 3. c 47.  
Haith. l. de. Tartar. c. 1.   by Haitho, and others. Secondly, they had no remembrance of the law at all. Thirdly, they neither observed the Sabboath, nor other rites and ceremonies of the Israelites, but touching their matrimonies, married without impeachment the very 
* 
Vicent. Spec. Historialis. l. 32 c. 6.  
Paul. Venet. l. 1. c. 55.  
Guiliel de Rubric. Itin. Tartar. c. 9   wives, and sisters of their fathers: and touching their feeding, abstained not at all, from unclean beasts, but fed on the flesh of 
* Sigism. come. Rer. Moscou. Gu. l. de Rubricis Itinerar Tartar. l. 5. Boem. de Motib. gentium. l. 2. c. 10.  horses, dogs, cats, and dead carrion, and drank their blood, all utterly forborn and forbidden among the Israelites. Fourthly, they have no records, nor regard of their ancestors and lineage, from whom, or by whom, they are descended, whereof Israelites were ever curious. Fifthly, they have no affinity of language at all, with either the Hebrew or Chaldee tongues, neither had any use of those letters, nor of any other, till together with Mahometan religion, the Arabic characters came in use among some of them. Neither (in a word) do I find any thing at all, wherein the Tartarians savoured of Israelites, for touching their abstinence from swine's flesh, which we find recorded of them, neither is it general among them, but peculiar to those that are Mahometans: Nor if it were so, were that any good argument, because we know that the ancient 
* Herodot. l. 4.  Scythians, and 
* Aelian. de Animalib. l. 10. c. 17.  Egyptians, and Arabians did, and almost all mahometans at this day do the same, which yet are well known to be in no sort descended of the Israelites.  
Now touching the authority of forged 
* Esdr. 2.13.  Esdras, which hath stirred up as it seemeth this vapourous fantasy, in the brains of new fangled antiquaries: neither doth that which he writeth of the ten tribes, agree at all with the Tartars: nor, if it did, could yet the circumstances of that history agree with the truth. It agreeth not with the Tartars I say, for whereas they are noted in that revelation, to be 
* Vers. 39  a peaceable people, and that they 
* Vers. 41.  left the multitude of the heathen, that they might keep their statutes, which they never kept in their own land: neither of both those properties, hath any convenience or agreement at all with the Tartarians. For how are they a peaceable people, that with their wars have troubled and overturned almost all Asia, and sundry countries of Europe, and hold a great part of the former in subjection to this day? Or how kept they the statutes of the Israelites, that were mere idolaters, and utterly ignorant of all jewish laws and ceremonies? And touching the history itself of the Israelites departure out of Assyria, as it is set down in that Apocryphal Esdras (howsoever it might otherwise agree with the Tartars) there is no wise or considerate man, I think, that can bring his understanding to give credit to it. For first it contradicteth the undoubted canonical histories of the Chronicles, 
1. Chro. 5.26. 2. Kin. 17.23.  and of the Kings, in both which it is recorded of them, that they were carried away into Ashur, & disposed in several parts of the Empire, namely 
* If 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be Cholchi, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iberia, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Armenia, so called for the mountainousnes of it) and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gauzania in Media, then all confined together, and bounded the north side of the Assyrian Empire, which stretched northward, but to that Isthme between the Euxine & the Caspian seas: So that, the Israelites were by that means, seated farthest off from their own country, and placed in the parts of the Empire most waste and desolate of inhabitants, as the confines of warring nations usually are. But if Calach be Calacine, and Chabor the hill Chaboras, (being part of Taurus, and severing Assyria, from Armenia, and Media) and Hara the other hilly parts in the north side of Assyria, as seemeth more agreeable to the observations of Benjamin Tudelensis, for about those parts, he found in his travail, the greatest multitudes of the Israelites, then in the places alleged, I would understand by Ashur, not the Empire or dominion, but the peculiar kingdom of Assyria.  Calach, and Chabor, and Hara, and Gozan, unto this day, which limitation of time (unto this day) must at least of necessity import, the time wherein that history (of their remaining in Ashur) recorded in the books of the Kings, & of the Chronicles was written. Of which later, either Esdras himself was the Author, as in the judgement 
* R. Dau. Kimchi & R. Shelomo ex sententia seniorum apud Sixt. Senens. Biblioth. Sanctae lib. 1.  of learned men he is reputed, & therefore could not (as it seemeth) be the Author of that apocryphal history: 
Abulens. in praef. Paralipon. in question. 5.  or, at least, if Esdras were not the Author, yet, that the Author (whosoever he was) lived and writ that history of the Chronicles, after the return of the jews from the captivity, or in the end of it, (that is in Esdras time,) is evident by the end of the book: where Cyrus his benignity, for restoring of the jews, & his proclamation for their return to jerusalem is recorded, and that in the very same words, wherein Esdras in the beginning of his own book hath registered them. At that time therefore, it is evident, that the Israelites were not departed out of the dominions of Ashur. No nor long after that in josephus his time: 
joseph. Antiq. l. 11. c.  who hath recorded that even than the ten Tribes remained beyond Euphrates, and were there grown into innumerable multitudes: neither yet many hundred years after josephus was dead: for R. Benjamin a jew, that lived but about 440. years ago, and travailed diligently those parts of the world, and many other to visit his dispersed countrymen, hath in his Itinerary left observed, not only, that he found exceeding far greater multitudes of the Israelites, 
Benjamin in Itiner. pag. 57.58.59.70.71.74 75.76.77.78.80.81.86.  to be then remaining in those provinces of the ancient dominion of Ashur, than he found in other places, possessing 
* Pag. 75. & 87  large regions, and 
* Pag. 76. etc.  many cities, so that in the cities of some one Region 
* Pag cad.  300000. Iewes were by him numbered, observing specially, that in the parts of Media, many thousand Israelites of the progeny of them that Salmanaser led into captivity, were then remaining, but withal, he setteth down particularly and precisely, the very places of those regions, where certain of the Tribes were seated, & there grown into great multitudes: As namely, in 
* Pag. 77.  one place, the Tribes of Reuben, Gad, and Manasse: And in 
* Pag. 87.  an other, the 4. Tribes of Dan, Asher, Zebulon, and Naphtali.  
But yet if there were neither authority of holy Scripture, nor experience to refel this fable, & the fancies that have sprung of it: yet ordinary reason, at least of men that are not ignorant of Geography and are meanly skilled in the affairs of the world, may easily discern the futility of it. For first, what need was there of such a miracle, 
2. Esdr. 13.  as to 
* And the most high them showed them signs, & stayed the springs of the flood (Euphrates) till they were pas●ed over. ●ecs. 44.  stay the course of Euphrates, for the Israelites passage from Assyria, or Media toward Tartary, the river lying far to the west, both of the one region and of the other, & no way crossing or impeaching their journey, which lay northward between that river and the Caspian Sea? Or, how might those poor captive Israelites, disarmed as they were, and dispersed in sundry Provinces of the Assyrian Empire, and being under the oversight and government of Assyrian precedents, be able to leave the places, where by the King's commandment they were to inhabit? Or, 
They took this counsel to themselves that they would leave the multitude of the Heathen. v. 41.  if the Israelites were able by force to depart, and free themselves from the dominion of the king of Ashur, yet were they so wise also, as to forsake the places where they were peaceably settled, and venture their small remainders upon perils and uncertainties, namely, to find out a place where never mankind dwelled? Or, if their stomach served them so well, and their wit so ill, as in such manner to forsake Assyria, 
And go forth into a country where never mankind dwelled. v. 41.  yet were they also able to make themselves way (even a way as he saith, of 18. months passage) through the fierce and mighty nations of Scythia, whom neither the conquerors of the Israelites, the Assyrians I mean, nor the Persians (and I might add also the Grecians and the Romans) were never able to subdue, but were in the after times subdued by them? for that the parts of Scythia should be without Inhabitants (& in Scythia it must be where they would find that country where never mankind dwelled, or else it is not in Tartary) is scarce credible, as whereof we read in histories, 
* justin. hist. l. 2. in princip.  to have contended with Egypt for antiquity of habitation, & to have prevailed, and for the abundance of people, to be termed Hominum Officina. Insomuch that the greatest occasion of swarming abroad of those nations of Scythia, and of their overwhelming of Asia & Europe, with their infinite multitudes and colonies, is in histories recorded, to be lack of room for habitation in their own countries.  
And lastly, to make an end of this tedious discourse, with the end of their imagined tedious journey: what ancient Geographer or Historian is there, (set our Esdras aside) that ever remembered of such a Region as Arsareth, where they are said to have seated themselves. True it is indeed that I find the city of Arsaratha, 
Beros. lib. 3. Ptolem. Geog. l. 5. c. 13. et in Tab. 3. Asiae.  mentioned both in Berosus fragments, and in Ptolemy placed near the issue of the river Araxes into the Caspian sea: and, it was perhaps one of the Israelitish colonies, planted in the confines of the empire of Assyria: for it may well be that Arsaratha, is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is the City, or the hill of the remainder: or perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (the last letter of the first word cut of in the Greek pronunciation for sounds sake) the Land of the remainder: but the tale of eighteen months' journey, will no more agree with this city, than the region of Arsareth doth, with Geography or History.  
So that me thinks this forged story of the Israelites voyage and habitation, in such remote regions where never mankind dwelled, savoureth of the same fantastical and Talmudical spirit, that 
* Esd. 6.42.  an other tale of the same author doth, touching the collection of all the waters, into a seventh part of the earth, the other six being left uncovered: or 
* Cap. eod. vers. 50.  a third, of (the Elephant and the Whale) Behemoth and Leviathan: namely, that God appointed the sea to one of them, and the land to the other, because they were so great that the Sea could not hold them both: for else belike, if the Sea had been large enough, we might have gone a fishing for Elephants. For how is the sea gathered into a seventh part of the earth, whose expansion is not only by the most skilful Philosophers esteemed, but found by experience of navigations hitherto made, to overspread as nearly as may be discerned, about half the compass of the Earth? Or, being of that breadth, and withal of the depth, that it is known to be how should it not be spacious enough, to receive Elephants and Whales together? The dimensions of the Elephant, even of the greatest sort of Indian Elephants, (and the earth breedeth none so large as those of India) are, 
Aelian de Animalib. l. 12. c. 8.  saith Aelianus, nine cubits of height (the length in that beast is equal to the height) and five of breadth, the greatest that have been seen in Europe, being 
* Vid. Gillium in Descript: 6, Elephant, c. 6. et Gorop l. 2. Origin. Antuerptan.  observed to be far less. The dimension of the Whale indeed is far greater (five times saith 
* Aelian. l. 16. ca 12. Rondelet. de Piscib. l. 16. c. 11. Arrian. de Reb. Indicis long ante finem.  Aelianus then the largest sort of Elephants) But yet his ordinary dimension is, but 36. cubits long, and 8. cubits high, as Rondeletius hath observed. But admit notwithstanding some of them to be 50. cubits, of which length, Nearchus in Arrianus is said to have measured one in the East Ocean: nay, to be 600. foot long, and 360. foot thick, as 
* Ap. Plin. l. 32. c. 1.  juba in Pliny related to be found in the Bay of Arabia, (where yet, as it is well known by the foundings of navigators, that sea is not by a good deal 360. foot deep) Or, let them be more yet, 
Plin. l 9 c. 3.  even four Acres long, (that is 960. foot) as Pliny hath related of some in the sea of India. For, although the two last reports be in truth no better than fancies and fables, 
Basil. in Hexaemer. Homil. 7  which the impudence of some, hath made the ignorance of others, to believe, yet I will exclude none, but only Basil, as intolerably hyperbolical, affirming namely that whales are equal to the greatest mountains, & their backs when they show above the water, like to Islands. But admitting all the rest I say, what proportion have those dimensions of the Whale & the Elephant, to the huge breadth & depth of the Ocean?  
For if I may without offence intersert a short Philosophical speculaton: the depth of the Sea (to speak nothing of the breadth, which every common map doth represent) is determined by Fabianus in Pliny, 
Fabian. apud Plin. l. 2. c. 102 Cleomed. Meteot. l. 1. c. 10.  and by Cleomedes, to be 15 furlongs, that is, one mile and seven eight parts: Or else, equal to the height of the greatest mountains, to whose height, and the deepness of the Sea, the Geometricians (as Plutarch hath recorded) anciently assigned equal dimensions. 
Plutarch in Vita Aemilij Pauli.  Or yet rather (if you will any thing respect my opinion) it is a great deal more. 
Scalig. de Subtilitate. Exercit. 38.  For, as for the shallow speculation of Scaliger, and 
* And. Baccius de Thermis. l. 1. c. 4. & Alij.  others, of the shallowness of the Sea, determining the height of Hills, far to surpass the deepness of the sea: And that in very few places, it attaineth 100 passes of depth, is indeed true in the narrow Channels and Straits of the Sea: But in the free and large Ocean, it is by the experience of Navigators known to be as false as the Gospel is true. Indeed touching the height of mountains, I find it pronounced by the great Mathematician Eratosthenes in Theon, 
Theon. in Comment. Magnae Construction. Ptolom. l. 1.  that the highest sort of them, pass not in perpendicular erectnesse 10 furlongs (that is one mile and one fourth part) of which height also, it is observed in Pliny, 
Plin. l. 2. c. 63. Plutarch. loc. supra citato.  that Dicaearchus by dioptrical Instruments, found the Hill Pelius in Thessaly to be, and in Plutarch, that Xenagoras (another Mathematician) observed the height of Olympus, in the same Region, saving, that in this later, there is an addition of 20 passes, for the whole number of passes, is 1270. Neither do I find any greater perpendicular height attributed to Mountains, by any ancient writer, Cleomedes excepted: 
Cleomed. l. 1. Meteor. c. 10.  who assigneth to the height of Hills, as he doth also to the depth of the Sea, 15 furlongs. (For Alhazen I omit, because he only restraineth the height of hills, 
Alhazen. de Crepuscul. propos. 1.  as namely, not to exceed 8 miles, without determining what their height should be) But yet, all these, are to be understood, I take it, with relation to the Mountains in and about Greece, with which themselves were acquainted, which may in no sort compare with the huge Mountains of vast Continents, such as are the Alps in Europe, Atlas in afric, Caucasus in India, the Andes in Peru, and such other.  
But, whatsoever the height of Hills may be above the common superficies of the Earth, it seemeth to me after good consideration, that the depth of the Sea, is a great deal more. For declaration of which point, I require to be supposed, first, that the Earth at the first forming of it, was in the superficies, regular, and spherical: which the Holy Scripture directs us to believe, because the water covered and compassed all the face of the Earth: And secondly, that the face of the Land is in largeness and expansion, at least equal to that of the sea: And thirdly, that the unevenness and irregularity, which is now seen in the superficies of the Earth was caused (as is noted in Damascen) either, 
Damascen. l. 1. de fide Orthodoxa c. 10.  by taking of some parts out of the upper face of the Earth in sundry places, to make it more hollow, and laying them in other places, to make it more convene▪ Or else (which in effect is equivalent to that) by raising up some, and depressing others to make room and receipt for the sea: that mutation being wrought by the power of that word, 
Genes. 1.9.  Let the waters be gathered into one place, that the dry land may appear. For, as for the fancy of Aquinas, Dionysius, 
Aquin. in Sum pa. 1. q. 69. a. 1. Dionys. Carth Catharin. & Alij in Comment. cap. 1. Genes.  Catharinus and some other Divines namely, that that gathering of waters and discovery of the Earth, was made, not by any mutation in the Earth, but by a violent accumulation of the waters, or heaping them up on high, it is too unreasonable. Because it is utterly against the nature of water, being a flexible and ponderous body, so to consist, and stay itself, and not fall to the lower parts about it, where in nature there is nothing at all to hinder it. Or, if it be hindered and restrained supernaturally, by the hand and bridle of the almighty, lest it should overwhelm and drown the Land, it must follow thereof, that God in the very institution of nature, imposed a perpetual violence upon nature: And this withal, that at the Deluge, there had been no necessity at all, to break up the springs of the deep, and to open the Cataracts of Heaven, and power down water continually, so many days and nights together upon the Earth, seeing, the only withdrawing of that hand, or letting go of that bridle, which restrained the water, would presently have overwhelmed all.  
But, to come to the Point. It seemeth upon the former suppositions (of which, the holy scripture establisheth the first, Experience of travailers, and Navigators the second, and Reason the third) that in making estimation of the depth of the Sea, we are not to reckon and consider only, the height of the Hills, above the common superficies of the Earth, unto which the extraordinary depths or whirlpooles, that are found in the Sea, do properly answer (descending beneath the ordinary bottom of the Sea, as the Hills ascend above the ordinary face of the Land) but, the advantage or height of all the dry Land above the superficies of the Sea. Because the whole Mass of the Earth, that now appeareth above the waters, being taken as it were out of the place, which the waters now possess, must be equal to the place out of which it was taken, and consequently it seemeth, that the height or elevation of the one, should answer the depth or descending of the other. And therefore as I said, in estimating the deepness of the Sea, we are not to consider only the erection of the Hills, above the ordinary land, but the advantage of all the dry land above the sea. Which later, I mean the height of the ordinary main Land, (even excluding the hills) is in my opinion more in large Continents above the Sea, then that of the Hills, is above the Land. For first, that the plain and common face of the dry Land, is not level, or equally distant from the Centre, but hath great declivity and descent toward the Sea, and acclivitie or rising toward the Midland parts, although it appear not so to the common view of the Eye, is to reason notwithstanding manifest. Because as it is found in that part of the Earth, which the Sea covereth that it descendeth lower, and lower toward the midst of the sea, (for the Sea which touching the upper face of it, is known to belevell by nature, and evenly distant from the Centre, is withal observed to wax deeper and deeper, the farther one saileth from the shore toward the Main) Even so, in that part which is uncovered, the coursing and streamings of Rivers on all sides from the midland parts toward the Sea, 
* By which rule of the proceeding of Rivers by the declivity of the earth and ever sliding from the higher ground to the lower, till they come to the Sea, is evident to be discerned, that in Continents, those Regions are the higher Land from which Rivers stream, & those the lower ground, to which they proceed, and consequently, that of all, those are the highest which receiving no foreign Rivers, to which they give passage through them, do send forth the longest Rivers on all sides to the regions round about them. By which observation is to be discerned, that Helvetia and Rhetia, sending forth the longest Rivers of Europe, which on all sides descend from them and their confines, Danubius toward the East, Rhine North, Rhodanus West, beside Ticinus, Addua, and others, that fall into Padus South, are the highest land of Europe: As the Region of Pamer, and Kirgessi, with some other near the crossing of the great mountains Taurus and Imaus above India, whence are directed, the greatest and longest Rivers of Asia, Indus and Ganges toward the South, Oxus and jaxartus toward the West, Oechardes North, Cantan East, is proved by the same reason, to be the highest part of afric & Asia, and in my opinion of all the Earth. And as the region also about the springs of Nilus, from which beside Nilus, that runneth towards the North, are sent forth, the river of Magnice, towards the South, of Zaire West, of Coavo & Zuama East, being (Niger excepted) the greatest rivers of afric, is by the same reason, proved to be, the highest part of that continent.  whose property we know is to slide from the higher to the lower, evidently declare so much.  
And although I am not able precisely to determine, what the ordinary declivity of the earth may be, yet, if that be convenient in the works of nature, which is required in the works of Art, that imitateth Nature, it will be found true that before I said: Namely, that in great Continents, through which Rivers have long Courses, some of 1000, or 2000 miles, the height of the ordinary Midland, above the face of the Sea, is more, then of the Hills above the common face of the Earth, for Pliny in the derivation of water, 
〈◊〉 31. ●6.  requireth one cubit of declining, in 240 foot of proceeding (for he saith unum cubitum in binos Actus & Actus as may 
Col●mell. de Re Rustica. l. 5. c●  be observed in Columella and others is a dimension of 120 foot long) vitrvuius and Palladius in their conduction of waters, 
Vitrum Archirectur. l. 8 〈◊〉 Pallad. 〈◊〉 Ru●●●ca l. 5. Tic. II.  require indeed somewhat less, namely, that in proceeding of 200 foot forward, there should be allowed one foot of descending downward, which yet in the course of 1000 miles (as Danubius or Wolgha, or Indus etc. have so much or more) will make five miles of descent in perpendicular account: And in the course of 2000, or more, (as Nilus, and Niger, and the River of Amazons have) 10 mile or more of like descent.  
And, although I know well enough, that water being (as it is) heavy and flexible, will slide away at any inequality, and therefore am altogether persuaded, that this rule of vitrvuius touching conveyance of waters, is not to be taken as a rule of necessity, to be observed in the deriving of them, as if water could not run without that advantage, (for in that respect the Conueiers of waters of these times, content themselves even with one inch in 600 foot, as Philander also on vitrvuius, 
Philand in Vitruu. l. 8. c. 7.  hath observed) but is rather to be understood as a rule of commodity, namely with relation to the expedition and holesomenesse of the water so conveyed, lest resting too long in the pipes it should contract from them some unwholesome quality, or else through the slackness of motion, or long closeness, or banishment from the air, it might gather some aptness and disposition to putrefy. Although I say, such excess of advantage as in the artificial conveance of waters the forenamed authors require, be not of necessity exacted, in the natural derivation of them: yet nevertheless certain it is, that the descent of rivers, being as it is continual, and the course of some of them very long, and in many places swift, and here, and there headlong & furious, the difference of height or advantage, can not but be great, betwixt the springs of rivers and their outlets, betwixt their first rising out of the earth, and their falling into the sea.  
Unto which declivity of the land, seeing the deepness of the sea doth in proportion answer (as I before declared) & not only to the height of hills. It remaineth that we esteem and determine that deepness to be a great deal more, than it hath been hitherto by Philosophers commonly reputed. And although the deepness of the Sardinian sea (which indeed Aristotle acknowledgeth for the deepest part of the mediterrane) be specially recorded by Posidonius in Strabo, 
Arist. Meteor l. 2. c. 1. Strabo. l. 1. long post medium.  to have been found but 1000 fathoms (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) which is but a mile and one fifth part: yet what may the depth in that narrow sea be, compared to the hollow deepness of the vast Ocean? Or rather (to turn this Instance to our advantage) if in so narrow a sea as the mediterraine is (whose breadth attaineth not where it is largest, 600 miles) the depth be so great, what may we esteem the deepness of the huge Ocean to be, that is in many places above five times as broad? especially, seeing that the broader that seas are, if they be withal entire, and free from Islands, they are answerably observed to be the deeper.  
But whether have I been carried by these Elephants and Whales? to what heights and depths, of Mountains, and Seas? I pray you pardon me, for I see I have digressed, that is, transgressed, now I return into the way again.   

Of the Quantity and proportion of the parts of the earth, possessed by the several sorts of the above mentioned religions. CHAP. XIIII.  
NOw, if out of the former long discourse, I should collect a short somme, and estimate the proportion with respect to the whole earth, that each one of the forementioned religions, have to the other. It being first supposed, which upon exact consideration and calcalation, will be found to serve very little from the truth, that the proportions of Europe, afric, Asia, and America, are as 1.3.4 & 7. And that the professors of the forementioned religions, possess the several portions and proportions, of each of them, which is before set down: It will be found I say upon these suppositions (which the best Gographie, and histories do persuade me to be true) that Christians possess, near about a fixed part of the known inhabited earth: Mahometans, a fifth part (not as 
* Pos●el in p●aefat. Grammat. Arabic. Ludovic. Reg●us de Vicissitud. Rerum. l 〈◊〉 ●ue.  some have exceedingly overlashed, half the world or more) and Idolaters, two thirds, or but little less. So that, if we divide the known regions of the world, into 30 equal parts. The Christians part is as five, the mahometans as six, and the Idolaters as nineteen, for the poor dispersed and distressed Christians, which are found in Asia and afric, mingled among Mahometans, and Idolaters, I receive not into this account, both because they are but thin dispersed, in respect of the multitudes of Mahometans and Idolaters in those regions among whom they live (being withal under their dominion) and because also, many mahometans, are found mingled among Christians in Europe, to recompense and countervail a great part of that number.  
Such therefore may be the general proportion of Christians to mahometans and Idolaters, in the continents of the earth hitherto discovered, namely, in this our neighbour continent of the East comprehending Europe, afric, and Asia, and in that other continent of the West, called America, and in the Islands belonging to them both. But if the South or Antarctique continent, be so large, as I am verily persuaded it is (even no less, then that of the East before mentioned, which containeth Europe, afric and Asia together) then will the Idolaters be found to surpass all the other religions, in exceeding great proportion, for that the Inhabitants of that South continent, are Idolaters, there is no question at all (as I take it) to be made, both because in the parts hitherto known, as namely in the region of 
* Varro. l. 6. de Ling. Latina.  Beach, over against java, they were found to be so: And also, because they are known to be no other than Idolaters, that inhabit all those parts of the other continents, that neighbour most towards them, from whom it is likely, they should have received the change of their religion, if any were: for first, in Asia, both India, and the Islands of the Indian sea, whereof some lie close on the South continent. Secondly, in afric, the regions about the Cape of Buona Speranza. And Thirdly, in America, the Countries that border on Magaglians strait, which are the nearest neighbours to the foresaid continent of the South, are known to be all overspread with Idolaters.  
Now that the South continent is no less than I before esteemed it, namely, then that of Asia, afric and Europe altogether, although I might be probably induced to believe so, because it is well known, both (touching latitude) to approach in some parts near the equator, and (touching longitude) to run along in a continual circuit about the earth, fronting both the other continents: Yet have I also another reason of more certain importance, to persuade me: Namely, because it is well known, that the land to the North side of the line, in the other continents (the old and new world) yet altogether is at least four times as large as that part of them which lieth to the South. Now, forasmuch as it is certain, 
For touching the first of these suppositions. It is the property of water, ever to fall that way, where it findeth declivity. Wherefore, if the water, in the upper face of it, were higher in one place then in another, it would necessarily fall, from the higher position to the lower, because it is heavy and flexible, & hath nothing in the open and free Sea, to let or hinder it. And consequently, would never rest settled and stable, till the face of it were leveled, in an even distance from the centre.  first by Archimedes his rule, 
Archimed. de Insidentib. Aquae l. 1. Propos. 2.  that the face of the sea, is in all parts naturally level, or equally distant from the centre of the water, for which equality, it hath obtained the name of Aequer & Aqua, 
* Varro. l. ●. de Ling. Latina. Isidor. Origin. l. 3. c. 12 & Alij.  as Grammarians say: 
And touching the second if the earth were unequally poised on opposite sides of the centre, then must it follow, that the least and lighter mass of the earth should press down as forcibly, as the greater and weightier, because it attaineth the centre as well as it. But if it be granted, which reason doth enforce, that the weightier part of the earth, should press downward, with greater force, and with more right challenge the centre, than the lighter part: it must follow, that the lighter mass or side of the earth, must yield and give place to the weightier, so far, till the centre of that whole mass of the earth take possession of the centre of the world (for till then, one side will be still heavier than the other) and so the opposite halves of the earth, in respect of heaviness, be brought on all sides, about the centre, unto a perfect equilibration.  And secondly, by the Philosophers known rule, that the earth is equally poised on both sides of her own centre. 
And the third may be established, by manifest demonstration. Because, a clod of earth, suffered to fall from any point of the air, wheresoever, on the face of the sea (the same doth water, falling on even & plain land) when all is calm, and the air not troubled with winds, nor the sea with waves, will descend by a perpendicular line, on the face of the water. In such sort I say, that the line by which it falleth maketh exactly equal and right angles on all sides, with the face of the water whereon it falleth. Therefore it is manifest, that the earth so falling, tendeth directly to the centre of the water Because no strait line insisteth perpendicularly, on the face or circumference of any special body (as the water is) except only those that proceed directly to the centre of the sphaire: But certain it is, that the earth is withal directly carried toward it own centre, therefore there is but one common centre of the water and of the earth.  And thirdly, that the centre of the earth & of the water are all one (both of them being indeed no other than the centre of the world) which though some fantastical heads have called into question yet no sound philosopher ever doubted of: It followeth thereupon, that the earth should in answerable measure and proportion, lift itself and appear above the face of the sea, on the south side of the line, as it doth on the north. And consequently, that what is wanting in the South parts of the two foresaid continents towards the countervailing of the North parts (which is about three five parts of both the other continents laid together) must of necessity be supplied in the continents of the South. And yet I omit all the land, that may be about the Arctique Pole, beyond the Scythian or Sarmatian sea, which must be also counterpoised in that Antarchtique continent, for nothing comes within the compass of my understanding, to be hereto replied, except any would perhaps imagine, that either the sea on the South side of the equator, is very shallow, or that the land of that continent, may be much higher above the face of the sea, them the land of the other two (& so equal in mass, though less in circuit) or that the earth on the south side of the Equator, should be of a more ponderous disposition, than on the North, in which cases, some compensation of weightiness, may be made for the want of extension. But of these three, the experience of sailors evidently refelleth the first, who in equal distance from the land, observe an equal deepness of the sea, in both South and North latitude. And neither is there any experience, nor good reason that can be alleged to establish either of the later: which, but that I have already too much offended by digressions, I could prove I doubt not against all exception. But this for a conclusion to this discourse, I dare pronounce touching that South continent, that it will certainly be found (in the after times, when it shall be better discovered) much larger than any globe or map hitherto extant, hath represented it.  
Such therefore (as I have declared) is the general state of Christianity at this present in the world, & the proportion of it to other religions. But because you require yet further to be specially informed of the divers sorts and sects of Christians that are abroad in the world, and withal of their divers regions and religions, at least of those principal characters of their religion, wherein they specially differ each from other, I will here set down my second period, touching the general differences of religions, and of the several parts of the world where they are maintained: and will now proceed to that particular consideration touching the sects of Christianity, and endeavour to give you the best satisfaction that my poor reading, and observation may enable me to perform.   

Of the divers sorts or sects of Christians in the world, and of their several regions. And first of the Grecians. CHAP. XV.  
THE sects therefore of Christians, that carry name & report at this present in the World, beside the Protestants and Romans in the West, of whom I will be silent, because you know their condition better than myself, are ¹ the Grecians, ² Melchites or Syrians, ³ Georgians, ⁴ Moscovites & Russians, ⁵ Nestorians, ⁶ Indians termed the Christians of St. Thomas, ⁷ jacobites, ⁸ Cophites, ⁹ Armenians, 10 Habassines, and 11 Maronites. Of which eleven sects, there be three Principal, namely the Grecians, jacobites and Nestorians, with which the rest have, for the most part, either some dependence and derivation, or nearer convenience and agreement.  
The Grecians acknowledge obedience to the Patriarch of Constantinople, under whose jurisdiction are in Asia, 
Bellon. Observation. l. 1. c. 35.  the Christians of Anatolia (excepting Armenia the less, and Cilicia) of Circassia, of Mengrelia, and of Russia: As in Europe also, the Christians of Greece, Macedon, Epirus, Thrace, Bulgaria, Rascia, Servia, Bosina, Walachia, Moldavia, Podolia, and Moscovia: together with all the Islands of the Aegean sea, and others about Greece, as far as Corfu, beside a good part of the large dominion of Polonia, and those parts of Dalmatia, and of Croatia, that are subject to the Turkish dominion.  
Of which great extendment of the Greek Patriarches jurisdiction, if you demand the reason: I have observed sundry occasions, from whence it hath proceeded. For first, his original or Primitive authority assigned, or rather confirmed to him, (as Bishop of the Jmperiall city) by the council of Chalcedon; contained all the Provinces of Thrace, 
Concil. Chalcedone●s. can. 23.  and of Anatolia, (Isauria, and Cilicia, only excepted, which belonged to the Patriarch of Antiochia) and they were in all, no less than 28. Roman Provinces. Secondly, the voluntary submission of the Grecians upon their separation from the latin Church, greatly increased it: for thereby not only Greece, Macedon, ●spirus, Candie, and the Isles about Greece (in all seven Provinces) came under his obedience, but also Sicil●e, and the East point of Italy, named Calabria, revolted from the Bishop of Rome, and for a long time, pertained to the Patriarch of Constantinople, 
Novel. Leon. De ordine Metropolitan in Lib. 2. To●ri L●uris.  as appeareth in the Novel of Leo Sophus touching the order and precedence of Metropolitans, belonging to that patriarchy. And by the like ordination set down by Andronicus Paloeologus, in Curopalates, 
Orientalis. Curopalat. de Official. Palat. Constantinop. prope sinem.  where we find, the Metropolitans of Syracuse, and Catana in Sicily, of Rhegium, Severiana, Rosia, and Hydruntum in Calabria, registered among the Metropolitans of that jurisdiction. Thirdly it was enlarged by the conversion of the north regions to Christian Religion, performed by his Suffragans and ministers, even from Thrace to 
* Cromer. de. script. Polon. L. 1. Herdenst de Bell. Mosc. l. 1. Gu●guin. Description. Moscou. c. 2.  Russia and the Scythian Sea (the like whereof was the principal cause, that so far enlarged the Bishop of Rome his jurisdiction in the west parts of Europe.) And fourthly, by the Turks conquests made upon the Western countries, subject before to the Bishop of Rome: all which, while partly, the former Bishops and Pastors fled, to avoid the Turks oppression (like the hireling that forsaketh the flock, when he seeth the wolf coming) and partly, while the Patriarch of Constantinople, to supply that default, was fain to provide them of new ministers, they have been by little and little brought & trained to the Greek religion.  
Now as touching the proper characters of their religion, I must, for the better designing and remembering of them, set before me some instance or pattern, to compare it, and other sects of Religion withal: And that is most fit to be the Roman Church, both because their differences with that Church specially, are in writers most observed. So that, by that means my discourse may be the shorter, and yet no less perspicuous to you, that know the opinions of the Roman Church so well. The principal characters then of the Grecians religion, (for none but the principal you require, and to mention every slender difference of ceremonies, would be but tedious, and fruitless, (and is beside without my compass) are these that follow.  

1. 
1 Concil. Florent. Sess. 18. & sequentib. jerem. Patriarch Constant in Resp. 1. ad Germanos. cap. 1.  That the holy Ghost proceedeth from the father only, not from the son.  
2. 
2 Concil. Florentin. prope Initium. Respons. Graecer ad cardinal. Guisan. Quest. 9  That there is no purgatory fire.  
3. 
3 Resp. cad. Graecor. Q. 5. jerem. Patr. Resp. 1. cap. 1.  That they celebrate the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds.  
4. 
4 jerem. Resp. cad. c. 10. & 21  And in leavened bread, and think it cannot be effectually consecrated in bread unleavened.  
5. 
5 Possevin. de Rebus Moscow. viae pag. 43.  That they reject extreme unction.  
6. 
6 Id. lib. citat. pag. 40.  And confirmation.  
7. 
7 jerem. Respons. cap. 21.  That they deny the souls of holy men to enjoy the blissful vision of God, or the souls of wicked men to be tormented in hell, before the day of judgement. Th. a jes. de Conu. gent. l. 6. c. 1.  
8. 
8 Tom. unionis inter novel. Constantin. Porphyrogen. in Tomo 1 Tur. Orientalis. lib. 2. Zonar. Annal. Tom. 3. in In poe Leon's philosophi.  That they admit Priests marriages, namely, so that they may keep their wives married before their ordination, but must not marry after ordination.  
9 
9 Resp. Graecor. ad Guisan Quest 8. Posse●i●. de reb. Moscou.  That they prohibit utterly the fourth marriage, as a thing intolerable. Insomuch, that (as we find recorded) their Patriarches have for that cause excommunicated some of their Emperors, although they had no issue left of their three former marriages.  

10 
Posseu l●b. 〈◊〉 pag. 41 et 2.  
●●llamont on ●oyag. l 2. c 21   10. That they reject the religious use of massy images, or statues, admitting yet pictures or plain images in their Churches.  

11 Vil●am. on Vo●ag. l. 2. c. 21 ●t Alij.  11. That they solemnize Saturday (the old sabbath) festivally, and eat therein flesh, forbidding as unlawful to fast any Saturday in the year, except Easter Eue.  

12 Possevin. l. 〈◊〉 p. 42.  12. That they observe four lents in the year.  

13 N●lus Episcop. Thes●al. de Primatu Papae Barlaam de primatu Papae et Alij. Leo. 9 epist. 1. 〈◊〉 Episcop. Constantinop.  13. That they eat not of any thing strangled, nor of blood.  

14 
Acrican. et in pluribus 〈◊〉.  
S●●●bert. in Ch●onico ad An. ●●5●.  
Possen. de Reb Moscow. p 38. 〈…〉.   14. And lastly, that they deny the Bishop of Rome's primacy, and (reputing him & his Church for schismatics) exclude them from their communion: And so have done, as I find in Leo the ninth his Epistles, and in Sigebert, above these 500 years, And if you desire to see more differences of the Greek and Roman Church, you may see them, (but they are of less importance than those I have related in Possevines book of the matters of Moscovia.    

Of the Syrians or Melchites. CHAP. XVI.  
SYrians are the same, that in some Histories are termed Melchites: being esteemed for their number the 
* Botar. Relat. pa. 3. l. 2. ca de Melchiti.  greatest sect of Christians in the Orient. The first, 
* Postel. in Descript. Syriae. pag. 30.  being properly the name of their nation, And the second noting the property of their religion. Surians they were named (to let vain fancies go) of the City of tire, which in the ancient language of the Phoenicians, 

Gellius. l. 14. c. 6.  
Festus in D●●ctione sarra▪   was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and certainly, that tire was anciently called Sarra, is recorded by the 
* For Pos●els fantasy deriving Suria from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is merely vain, & being never so named in the Hebrew tongue, but always 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by which name also it seemeth anciently to have been known, even among the Grecians for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned in Homer, are no other, as Possidonius in 
* Strad. l. 26. in fine.  Strabo expounds him, than the Syrians: Strabo himself also recording in other places, that the Syrians 
* 
Vitria histor. Oriental. c. 43 Niger in commentar. 4. Asiae.  
postel. in descrip. Syriae. pag. 50.   were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his time: And, that the 
* Strad. l. 13. non long ante fine.  natural inhabitants of Syria, so called themselves. Yet nevertheless they were vulgarly known by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the Grecians, because the City of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being the main mart town of all those parts, was the place, where they had their trade & commerce, with those Aramites. But when the Phoenician tongue began to degenerate into Chaldee, than the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was converted into Tur, the letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being turned into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in sound made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. As 
* Vid. Scaliger as Fest. in dictione Sarra. et Guidon. Fabric. in Grammatic. Chaldaea etc.  they that observe the differences of the Hebrew and the Chaldee, and the transitions of the first into the latter, know to be ordinary.  Roman writers: and it is also acknowledged by 
* 
Strab. l. 1 post med.  
Burchard. descr. terrae Sanctae.   Vitriacus, Niger, postel and others, that the place of tire, (for the city was utterly ruined three hundred years ago) is still called the port of Sur, 
Hieron. in lib. de Nominib. Hebraicis. Plin. l. 5. c. 19  which name it seemeth to have obtained, either because it was built on a Rock, for so Burchardus that viewed the place hath observed) which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Phoenician tongue signifies: or else as Hierome derives it, of the straightness and scarceness of room, as being seated in a small Island (but 19 miles in circuit as Pliny noteth) a small Territory for such a City: or perhaps, because it was the strongest fortress (for that also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 importeth) of all those Regions, as being founded on a rock, environed with the sea, (for it was before 
* Q Curt. l. 4.  Alexander's time 
* Plin. loc. citabo.  700. paces distant from the firm land) mightily strengthened by fortifications of Art, populous as being the Metropolis of Phoenicia, and exceeding rich as sometime the City of greatest traffic in the World.  
Of this city then, both the region and inhabitants of Suria obtained their names: but Melchitae as I said they were termed, merely in respect of their religion, wherein namely they altogether followed the examples and decrees of the Emperors. For whereas after the Council of Chalcedon, infinite perplexity and trouble began to arise in the East parts, principally about the opinion of Eutyches and Dioscorus, of one only nature in Christ, which that council had condemned, but notwithstanding found many that maintained it, and rejected the Council, in those Eastern countries: And thereupon the Emperor Leo began to exact, (as divers other of his Successors afterward did) the suffrages and subscriptions of the Eastern Bishops, for the better establishment of the Council. 
Niceph. Callist Histor. Ecclesiast. l. 18. c. 52.  Then began they that embraced and approved the authority of that Council, because they followed the emperors decrees, made in behalf of it, to be termed by their adversaries, Melchitae, of Melchi, saith Nicephorus, (rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) which in the speech of Syria signifieth a King: (as one would say of the King's Religion) whereas they that opposed themselves to the Council, were distracted into no less than twelve several sects, and not long after into many more, as the same 
* Lib. 18. c. 45.  Nicephorus hath recorded.  
Now although the Syrians or Melchites, are for their religion merely of the Grecians opinions. As: 

1. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth only from the father. 
1.2.3.4.5. jacob a Vitriaco Hist. Orient. ca 75.   
2. That they celebrate divine service as solemnly on the Sabbath, as on the Lord's day.  
3. That they keep that day festival, eating therein flesh, and fast no Saturday in the year but Easter Eue.  

4 Villamont ●n voyag. l. 2. c. 22.  4. That their Priests and Deacons contract not marriage, being already in Orders, but yet retain their wives before married.  
5. That the fourth Matrimony is utterly unlawful.  

6.7.8. Villamont. loco citato.  6. That they communicate the Eucharist in both kinds.  
7. That they acknowledge not Purgatory.  
8. That they observe four Lents in the year, etc. And in a word, although they be merely 
* 
Vitriac. loco iam citato.  
Salignici●. Itiner. Tom. 8. c. 1 Bamugart. Peregrin. l. 2. c. 9 〈◊〉 Alij.   of the same Religion & communion with the Grecians: yet are they not of the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constantinople, but of the Archbishop of Damascus, by the title of the Patriarch of Antiochia. For Antiochia itself (where yet the name of Christians was first heard in the world, & was long known by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) lying at this present in a manner waste, or broken and dispersed into small villages, of which, only one, of about 60 houses, with a small Temple belongeth to Christians, 
* 
Bellon. ob●eru. l. c.  
Chitrae. de stat. Ecclesiar. pag. 5.   the patriarchal seat was translated thence to Damascus (where as is reported are 

Bote●. Relat. pa. 3. l. 2. c. de Maro●●ti.  
Cru●. Tur●o. grar. l. 4 p. 296. ex relatione Gerlachij.   above 1000 houses of Christians) and there remaineth. For although 
* Boter loco 〈◊〉 citato.  the Patriaches of the Maronites, and of the jacobites, whereof the former keepeth residence in Libanus, and the later in Mesopotamia, entitle themselves Patriarches of Antiochia, and by the Christians of their own sects, be so acknowledged: yet do the Melchites, who retain the ancient religion of Syria, acknowledge none for patriarch, but the Archbishop of Damascus, reputing both the other for schismatics, as having departed from the obedience and communion of the true Patriarch. And yet, beside all these, a fourth there is, of the Pope's designation, that usurpeth the title of the patriarch of Antiochia. For 
* Boter. Relat. p. 3. l. 1. ca del Patriarcha latino d● Constantinopoli.  ever since the Latins surprised Constantinople, (which was about the year 1200) & held the possession of the east Empire about 70. years, all which time the Patriarches of Constantinople, were consecrated by the Pope: As also, since the holy Land, and the Provinces about it, were in the hands of the Christian Princes of the West, which began to be about An. 1100. And so continued about 80. years, during which season the Patriarches of Antiochia also, and of jerusalem, were of the Pope's consecration: Ever since then I say, the Church of Rome, hath, and doth still create successively, imaginary or titular Patriarches (without jurisdiction) of Constantinople, Antiochia, jerusalem and Alexandria, so loath is the Pope, to lose the remembrance of any superiority or title: that he hath once compassed.     

Of the Georgians, Circassians and Mengrellians. CHAP. XVII.  
THe Georgians inhabit the Country, that was anciently named Iberia, betwixt the Euxine and the Caspian Seas: enclosed with Sheruan (Media) East: with Mengrelia, (Colchis) West: with Turcomania (Armenia the greater) South: 
* Volaterran. l. 11. c. de Sect. Syriae Prateo l. de Sectis. Hae●et. in Verbo. Georgiani. & Alij.  And with Albania (Zuiria) North. The vulgar opinion of Historians is, that they have obtained the name of Georgians, from their devotion to St. George, whom they principally honour for their Patron: and whose Image they always bear in their military Ensigns. But yet, (as I take it) this vulgar opinion is but vulgar error: 
Mela l. 1. c. 2. Plin. l. 6. c. 13.  because I find mention made of the nation of the Georgians in those parts, both in Mela and Pliny, afore St. George was borne, whosoever he was. Touching the properties of whose religion this may be sufficient to observe for all: That 
* Paul. Venet. lib. 1 ca 14.  it is the same both in substance and ceremonies with that of the Grecians 
* Chitrae. de statu Ecclesiat. pag 23 &. 50. & Alij.  who yet are in no sort subject (neither ever were) to the Patriarch of Constantinople: but all their Bishops (being 18) profess absolute obedience to their own Metropolitan, without any other higher dependence or relation. Who yet keepeth residence far off, in the Monastery of St. Katherine in the Hill of Sinai. Prateo. de Haeret. sect. verbo Georgiani. Bernard. Lucemburg. in Catalogue. Haeret. in Georgiani.  
Next these, I must speak a little of their next neighbours, the Mengrelians and Circassians, (Colchi and Zychi they were anciently called) seated between the Georgians and the River Tanais, along the Coast of Maeotis and the Euxine sea, as being also Christians of the Greek communion, and beside, 
* Bellon. observe l. 1. c. 35. Michou. de Sarmatia. l. 1. c. 7.  of the Patriarch of Constantinople his obedience, and 
* Bellon. observe l. 1. c. 35. Michou. de Sarmatia. l. 1. c. 7.  converted by his Ministers Cyrillus and Methodius, to Christian religion. Which religion notwithstanding at this present is exercised among them, not without some depravation, and mixture of strange fantasies, 

Interiano della vita de Zychi cap. 1.  
Anan. Fabrica del Mondo Tratt. 2.  
Boter. par 3▪ l. 2. c.   for the Circassians baptize not their Children till the eight year, and enter not into the Church, (the Gentlemen especially) till the sixtieth (or as others say, till the fortieth) year, but hear divine service standing without the Temple, that is to say, till through age, they grow unable to continue their rapines and robberies, to which sin, that Nation is exceedingly addicted. So dividing their life betwixt sin and devotion, dedicating their youth to rapine, and their old age to repentance.   


〈◊〉 Metropolitan. Russ. in epist. ad Episcop. Rom. apud Sigismond. de Rebus Muscou. pag. 31.  Of the Muscovites and Russians. CHAP. XVIII.  
THe Muscovites and Russians as they were converted to Christianity by the Grecians. Zonar. Annal. Tom. 3. Cromer. de reb. Polon. l. 3. so have they ever since continued of the Greek communion and religion. 
Guagin. descript. Muscou. c. 2. Sacran. de error. b. Ruthenor c. 2.   
1. Denying the Holy Ghost to proceed from the Son.  
2. 
2 Sigism. lib. citato. pag. 41 Sacran. de Relig. Ruthenor. cap. 2. Scarga. Polon. l. 3. c. 2.  Rejecting Purgatory, but yet praying for the dead.  
3. 
3 Scargas. Polon. l. 3. c. 2. Guaguin. descrip. Moscou. c. 2.  Believing that holy men enjoy not the presence of God afore the Resurrection.  
4. 
4 joan Metropol. Russ ubi supra pag. 32. Guagin descr. Muscou. ca 2.  Celebrating the sacrament of the Eucharist, with leavened bread, and requiring warm water to mingle with the wine.  
5. 
5 Sigism. loc. citato. pag. 40.  And communicating in both kinds,  
6. 
6 Sigism. loc. citato pag. 40. Guaguin. loc. citato.  But mingling both together in the Chalice, and distributing it together with a spoon.  
7. 
7 Guaguin. Ibid.  And receiving children after 7. years old to the communion, saying that at that age they begin to sin against God.  
8. 
8 joan. Metropol. Russ. ubi supra. apud. Sigism. pag. 31. Guagin. loc. citato. Sacran. de errorib. Ruthenor. c. 2.  Omitting Confirmation by the Bishop.  
9 
9 Sacran. loc. citato.  Denying the spiritual efficacy of extreme unction.  
10. 
10 Sigism. lib. alleg. pag. 47. Possevin. de Rebus Moscou. pag. 2.  Excluding the fourth marriage as utterly unlawful: whereas they approve not the second, as perfectly lawful, 
Guaguin. Descript. Moscou. cap. 2.  but only permit it, but tolerate not the third, except on very important considerations.  
11. 
11 Sacran de errorib. Ruthenor. c. 2.  Dissolving marriage by divorcement upon every light occasion or displeasure.  
12. 
12 Sigism. lib. citat. pag. 28. Scarga. de uno pastor l. 3. c. 2.  Admitting neither Deacons nor Priests to Orders, except they be married: but yet 
* Possein. de Reb. Moscou. pag. 1. Guaguin. loc. citat.  prohibiting marriage to them being actually in Orders.  
13, 
13 Posseu. lib. allegato. p. 44.  Rejecting carved or massy Images, but admitting the painted.  
14. 
14 joan. Metropol Russ. ubi supr. p. 3● Guaguin. loc. allegato.  Reputing it unlawful to fast on saturdays.  
15. 
15 Posseu. ●● Moscovia. pag. 42. Sacran. de error. Ruthen. cap 2.  Or, to eat of that which is strangled, or of blood.  
16. 
16 Guaguin. loc. citat.  Observing 4 lents in the year.  
17. 
17 Sigism. lib. citato pag. 3●. Boter Relat. par. 3. l. 1. c. de Moscovia.  Refusing to communicate with the Roman Church.  
And (to conclude) excepting the difference in distributing of the Eucharist, and exacting of marriage in their Priests and Deacons, there is not any material difference in points of religion, that I find betwixt them and the Grecians. With whom, they not only maintain Communion, but were also, and that not long since, (and of right still ought to be) of the same jurisdiction and government, for 
* Postevin. Rer. Moscou. Come 1. pag. 1. Guaguin. Descrip. Moscou. cap. 2.  their chief Metropolitan or Primate (who is the Archbishop of Moscow) was wont to be confirmed by the Patriarch of Constantinople, but is now, and hath been about some 60 years, nominated and appointed by the Prince (the Emperor of Russia) and upon that nomination, consecrated by two or three of his own Suffragans: Of whom even all sorts together. Bishops and Archbishops, there are but 
* Posse●● loco proxime citato Sigism. in Moscou. pag. 28.  eleven, in all that large Dominion of the Emperor of Russia.  
Thus is it with these sorts of Christians hitherto related, touching their religion, and governors. All which (as you may easily perceive) are of the same communion, and in effect of the same religion with the Grecians: And beside these, some large parts of the King of Polonia his dominion, for Podolia, and for the most part 
* Boter. Rel. pa. 1. l. 1. c. Russia. Guagu●n. Description M●scou. c. 2.  Russia Nigra, or Rubra as some call it (the larger Russia subject for the greatest part to the Duke of Muscovia they term Russia alba) are of the Greek religion. And although the Bishops of South Russia, subject namely to the King of Polonia, submitted themselves almost 20. years ago (An. 1594) to the Bishop of Rome, as Baron. Tom. 7. Annal. in fine. & Possevin. in Apparsacr. in Rutheni. have recorded, yet was it not without special reservation of the Greek religion and rites, as is manifest by the articles of condition extant. ap. Th. a jes. de Conu. gent. l. 6. pa. 3. ca 1. pag. 328 & seq. tendered by them to the Church of Rome and accepted, before they would accept of the union. So that it was not any revolting from the Greek religion, but only (in effect) from the jurisdiction of the Greek Patriarch, to the Pope, and that also with sundry limitations. And in 
* Sigism. de Reb. Moscou. pag. 27 Guagu●in in loco iam citato.  Wilna (the Metropolis of Lituania.) Although the Archbishop profess obedience to the Pope, yet are there also in that City, as Sigismond hath observed, more Temples of the Greek religion (
* Sigism. de Reb. Moscou. pag. 27 Guagu●in in loco iam citato.  there be 30 of them) then of the Roman. 
* Sigism. de Reb. Moscou. pag. 27 Guagu●in in loco iam citato.  Epist. ad Chitrae. de Relig. Russor. So that if we should collect and put together all the Christian regions hitherto entreated of: which are all of the Greek communion: And compare them with the parts pofessing the Roman Religion, we should find the Greek far to exceed, if we except the Roman new and foreign purchases, made in the West, and East India's.   

Of the Nestorians. CHAP. XIX.  
THe Nestorians, who have purchased that name, by their ancient imitation, and maintaining of Nestorius his heresy, inhabit (though every where mingled with Mahometans, or with Pagans) a great part of the Orient, for besides the countries of Babylon, and Assyria, and Mesopotamia, and Parthia, and Media, wherein very many of them are found, that sect is spread and scattered far and wide in the East, both Northerly to Cataya, and Southerly to India. So that in Marcus Paulus his history of the East regions, and in 
* Guil. de Rubr. It●. Tart. c. Paul. Venet. 1 l. 1. c. 38.2. l. eod. c. 39.3 c. 40.4 c. 47.5. c. 45. & 49.6. c. 48.7. c. 62.8 c 64. l. 2. c. 39 l. eod. c. 61 & 64. etc.  others, we find mention of them, and of no sect of Christians but them, in very many parts and provinces of Tartary: As namely in 1 Cassar, 2 Samarchan, 3 Carcham, 4 Chinchintalas, 5 Tanguth, 6 Suchuir, 7 Ergimul, 8 Tenduch, 9 Caraiam, 10 Mangi, etc. Insomuch, that beyond the river Tigris Eastward, there is not any other sect of Christians to be found, for aught I can read, except only the Portugals, and the converts made by them in India, and the late migration of the Armenians into Persia.  
The reason of which large spreading and prevailing of that sect so far in the orient, if you inquire I find to that purpose, recorded by Paulus Diaconus of Cosrhoes the King of Persia, 
Paul. Diacon. Histor. Miscel. l. 18,  that he for the mortal hatred he bore the Emperor Heracl●us, by whom he had been sore afflicted with a grievous war, enforced all the Christians of the Persian Empire to Nestorianisme permitting no catholics to remain in all his dominions. By whose preaching, the Christian religion being far there enlarged and propagated into the East (as it seems both because those of the Persian dominion, were more Eastwardly than other Christians, and because it is certain, that all of them till this day acknowledge obedience to the Nestorian Patriarch in Mesopotamia, which Country was then part of the Persian dominion:) It is no wonder if sowing their own tars and Christ's wheat together, they propagated with the gospel also there own heresy. Shortly after which time, the Sarracens of Arabia (Mahometans) conquering Persia, and bringing their religion, together with their victories into all that large dominion, there remained but little outward means and slender hope of their repair and reformation from any sound part of the Church, (from which they were more now then afore divided) except what affliction and time, and the grace of God might work and repair in them.  
Now touching their ecclesiastical government: The patriarch of the Nestorians, to whom all those of the East parts, acknowledge obedience (a number of whose suffragan Bishops and Metropolitans, 
Sand de Visibil. Monarch. l. 7. An. 1556. Paul Venet. l. 1. ca 15.  you have reckoned up in Sanders book de Visibili Monarchia, and whom they call jacelich, saith Paulus Venetus Brochardus, and others, but mistake it (or else they of the East pronounce it amiss) for Catholich, 
Brocard. Descript. Tert. sanct. Leunclau. Pand. Histor Turc. §. 3.  as is observed by Leunclavius) hath his seat in the City of Muzal, on the river Tigris in Mesopotamia, or in the patriarchal Monastery of S. Ermes fast by Muzal. Th. a jes. l. 7. pag. 3. c. 4. In which City, though subject to mahometans, it is 
* Aubret. M●rae. Notitiae. Episcopor. Orb. pag. 35. Mas. in Ortel. in Thesaur. in Seleucia. Plin. l. 5. c. 25. Strab. l. 26. longa●ite Med.  recorded, that the Nestorians retain yet, 15. temples, being esteemed about 40000 souls. Th. a jes. l. 7. par. 1. c. 4. & the jacobits. 3. which City of Musal, I either take with Masius and Ortelius, to be the same, that anciently was called Selutia (and in Pliny Seleutia Parthorum) both because Seleutia was, as Strabo saith, the Metropolis of Assyria, even as 
* Guili●l. Tyrius de Bel. sacco. l 21 c. 8.  Musal is recorded to be: And also, because I find the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of those parts, committed by the fathers of 
* Concil. Nicen. Arab. l. 3. c 33 & 34.  the Nicene council, to the bishop of Seleucia, assigning him with all, the name of Catholic, and the next place of Session in counsels after the Bishop of jerusalem, which name and authority in those parts, the Bishop of Mozal now hath. Or if Seleucia, were some other city, 
Muzal, the patriarchal seat of the Nestorians, is either a remainder of the ancient Ninive, as Vitriacus, and Tyrius (who therefore in his history calleth the Inhabitants of that City, Ninivites) have recorded: Or at least, built near the Ruins of it: Namely, over against it, on the other side of the river Tigris, as by Benjamin, who diligently viewed the place, is observed, for Ninive (which he noteth to be dissolved into scattered villages, and castles) stood on the East bank of Tigris, on Assyria side: whereas Muzal is seated on the West bank on Mesopotamia side, being yet both joined together, by a Bridge made over Tigris.  now destroyed, 
Vitriac. histor Oriental. c. 3● Tir. de Bel. sacro. l. 21. c. 8.  as for certain reasons I am induced rather to think, yet at least, the Patriarcall seat was from Seleucia translated to Muzal, for the opinion of Scaliger, 
Scalig. ad Ch●on Eusebij An. M.D. CCXIII  namely, that Seleucia was the same, that is now called Bagded, 
Benjamin. in Itinerar. in Medio.  or new Babylon, my observations in Geographie and history, will not suffer me to approve. First because Seleucia is remembered by Strabo to be 300 furlongs (37 miles and one or two) Pliny saith, 
Strabo. l. 16. Plin. l. 6. c. 26.  a great deal more, distant from Babylon, whereas Bagdet is built close by the ruins of it. Secondly, because I find the position of Seleucia in Ptolemy to be two third parts of a degree, 
Ptolom. Geog. l▪ 6. c. 18 & 20. Dion. Histor. l. 10. Plin. l. 6. c. 26.  more North than that of Babylon whereas Bagdet is more South. Thirdly, because in Dion, and others, Seleucia is named for a City of Mesopotamia, which Bagded is not, but in the province of Babylon, as being beneath the confluence of Tigris and Euphrates.  
The Bishop of Muzal then, is Patriarch of the Nestorians. But yet at this present, if the 
* Boter. Relat. par 3. l. 2. c. de Nestoriani. Thom. a jes. de con●ers. gen● l. 7 〈…〉 c ● &  relations of these times be true, there is a distraction of that sect: which began about 60 years ago, in the time of Pope julius the third: the Nestorians in the North part of Mesopotamia (about the City of Caramit) submitting themselves to another Patriarch of the Pope's erecting (that revolting from the Bishop of Muzal, taking also on him, the title of the Patriarch of Muzal, which the Pope bestowed on him) having first rendered and professed obedience to the Sea of Rome, in which obedience it is said, that those Nestorians about Caramit do still continue.  
Now touching the specialties of these Nestorians religion, in relation to the Roman: they believe.  
First, 
1 Vtriac. Hist Orient. c. 78.  that there are two persons in our Saviour, as well as two natures, but yet confess, that Christ from the first instant of his conception, was perfect God and perfect man. Th. a. jes. Ibid.  
Secondly, 
2 Id. loco citat●  that the blessed Virgin ought not to be termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which yet now in some sort they 
* Bo●er. Relat pa. 3. l. 2. c. de Nestoriani▪ Thom. a Ies de conu gent. l. 7. c. 2.  qualify, confessing her to be the Mother of God the Son, but yet refusing to term her the Mother of God.  
Thirdly, 
3 Boter. loco proxim. citat.  that Nestorians condemned in the third and fourth general counsels, and Diodorus Tar sensis, and Theodorus Mopsuestensis, condemned for Nestorianisme in the fifth, were holy men: Rejecting for their sake, the third general council held at Ephesus, and all other counsels after it, and specially detesting (the mall of Nestorianisme) cyril of Alexandria. Th. a. jes. Ibid.  

4 
Vitriac. Histor. Orient. 78.  
Villamont. en voyages. l. 2. c. 23.   4. They celebrate the Sacrament of the Eucharist, with leavened bread.  
5. They communicate in both kinds.  
6. They use not auricular confession.  

Villam. loc citat.  7. Nor confirmation.  

6 Et. 7. Sulak. Nestorian. profess. Tom. 4. Biblioth. Vet Patrum. pag. 1054.  8. They contract marriage in the second degree of consanguinity. Th. a jes. Ibid.  
9 Their Priests after the death of their first wives, have the liberty of the second or third or oftener marriage. Th. a. jes. Ibib.  

8 Gulielm. de Rubric. Itiner. Tartar. C. 17.  10. They have not the Image of the Crucifix on their crosses.   

Of the Indians or Christians of St. Thomas. CHAP. XX.  
THe Christians of India, vulgarly named the Christians of S. Thomas, because by his preaching they are supposed to have been converted to Christian Religion: (and his body as is thought, remaineth among them, buried in the city of Maliapar on the coast of Choromandel) inhabit in the nearer part of India: namely in that great Promontory, whose base lying between the outlets of the rivers Indus & Ganges, stretcheth out the sides far toward the South, (well nigh 1000 miles) till meeting in the point of Comori, they make, together with the base line forementioned, (betwixt Cambaia, and Bengala) the figure almost of an equilateral Triangle. In the more southerly part of this great promontory, I say, nearer to Cape Comori, about the cities of Coulan and Cranganor on the west side, and about Maliapur and Negapatan on the East side, do these Christians of Saint Thomas dwell, being esteemed afore the Portugals frequented those parts, about 
* Sommar. ●. popoli Oriē●ap Ramus. Vol l. de V●agg●. p. 332.  15000. or 
* Barbosa eod. vol. pag. 312.  16000 families, or after another's account 
* Boter Rei. p. 3. l. 2. c. della. nova Christianita d'India.  70000. persons. but on the west coast, the far greater number of them is found, and especially their habitation is thickest, about Angamale, 15. miles from the city Cochin northward, where their Archbishop keepeth residence.  
Now as touching their government: Their Archbishop till 20. years since or little more, acknowledged obedience to the Patriarch of Mozal, 
* 
Boter. Relat. p. 3. l. 2. c. dell● vecchia Christi●n 〈◊〉 d'India.  
Th. a Ies de conu. G●nt. l. 7 pa. l. c. 4.   by the name of the Patriarch of Babylon, as by those Christians of India he is still termed: and certainly, 
* Pausan. in Attici●ante med.  that the Patriarch of Mozal 
* For Mozal as I said afore, is either Seleucia, or succeeded into the dignity of it. And Seleucia is recorded to have been inhabited by the citizens of Babylon, whereof it was a Colony: And such a Colony, as in short time it 
* Th. a jes. de conu. gent. l. 7. part. 1. c. 4.  exhausted Babylon itself, of all the Inhabitans, passing, by reason of the more commodious situation, to dwell at Seleucia. So that Seleucia being inhabited by the Babylonians, and so becoming in stead of Babylon, the principal city of the Provinces of Babilonia, and Assyria, the city 
* Plin. loco proxim. citato  obtained the name of Babylon of her inhabitants, (as well as Seleucia of her founder) as Pliny hath recorded: And the Patriarch of it, the title of the Patriarch of Babylon. And although 
* Apud Ramus vol. 1. de viaggi. p. 313.  Barbosa note, that subordination of the christians of India, to be to the Patriarch of Armenia, (which no doubt he received from the Indians relation, among whom he was) yet certain it is, that he meaneth no other, than this patriarch of Mozal: because those Armenians which he meaneth, are by himself observed to have for their vulgar language, the Arabic tongue, & to celebrate their divine service, in the Chaldee, both which agree with the Christians of Mozal, but neither of both with those of Armenia, whose language both in the vulgar and sacred use, is known to be no other than the Armenian tongue. As also, because the Indians are known to have been Nestorians, to which heresy the Armenians were most opposite, as being in a manner jacobites. But as it seemeth, that Patriarch is said to have been of Armenia, for the dearness of Mozal to the confines of Armenia. , 
* Plin. l 6. c. 26  challengeth their obedience, as being of his jurisdiction appeareth by the profession of Abil-Isu, a Patriarch of Mozal, of Pope Pius the fourth his Investing (An. 1562) as is to be seen in Sanders book de visicili Monarchia. 
Saunder visib. Monarch. l. 7. pag. 642.  But then, the Archbishop of these Indians, revolting from his former Patriarch, submitted himself by the portugals persuasion, to the Bishop of Rome, ●etayning notwithstanding, the ancient religion of his country, which was also permitted by the Pope. In so much, that in a Synod held in Goa, for that purpose, he would not suffer any alteration to be made of their ancient rites or religion, 
* Linsel●ot. l. 1 cap. ●5.  as one that lived in those parts at that time hath recorded. But that Bishop being dead, his successor in another Synod, 
* Possevin. in Apparat. sacro in D●amperi●●se concilium.  held by the Archbishop of Goa, at Diamper, not far from Maliapur, An. 1599 made profession, together with his suffragans, and Priests, both of the Roman obedience, and religion, renouncing in such direct sort, the Patriarch of Mozal, and Nestorianisme, that they delivered up all their books, to the censure of the Archbishop of Goa, and suffered their Liturgy, in the points that relished of Nestorianisme to be altered, even in such sort as now it is to be seen in the last Edition of Bibliotheca veteriem Patrum. 
Biblioth. vet. Pat Auctorij Tom. 2. in fine.   
But before this alteration of their religion was procured by the Portugals, those Christians of India were Nestorians, 
1 Osorius de Rel. Emmanuel. l. 3. Boter. Rel. p. 3. l. 2. ca della vecchia Christianitad India.  as having the dependence that I related, on the Patriarch of the Nestorians, they could not well be any other. Some specialties of whose religion I find thus recorded.  
1. That they distributed the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds.  
2. That they celebrated it with bread seasoned with salt, 
2 Odoard. Barbos'. ap. Ramus. Vol. 1. pag. 313.  (pane salato, saith my Historian) and in stead of wine, (because India affordeth none) in the juice of Raisins, softened one night in water & so pressed forth.  

3 Navigat. joseph: Indi, inter Relationes Novi orbis. c. 134.  3 That they baptised not their infants till they were 40. days old, except in danger of death.  
4. That they used not extreme unction.  

4 joseph. Ind. lib. citato. ca 134.  5. That their Priests were married, but excluded from the second matrimony. Osor. de Reb. Emanuel. l. 3.  

5 Osor. loco ante citato. Posseu. in Appara. sacro. in Diamperiense consilium. Thet. cos. l. 10. ca 15.  6. That they had no images of Saints in their Churches, but only the cross.  
7. That detesting (the Mall of Nestorianisme) cyril of Alexandria, they honoured Nestorius and Dioscorus as Saints, which yet me thinks were strange, being of so contrary opinions, 
6 joseph. Ind. ubi supra. c. 133.  as they were, the first, for two persons in Christ, as well as two natures: the second, for one nature, as well as one Person; 
7 Posseu. loco lam citato.  but it may be that Dioscorus is by the relater mistaken for Diodorus, who was indeed a great Nestorian, and for it condemned in the fifth general Council.  

8 Posseu. loco citato.  8. That they denied the Primacy of the Pope.  

9 Posseu. in Apparat. sacro in Nesto●iani.  9 That their new Testament which in their Churches they formerly read, (and still do) in the Syriaque tongue, was by the Nestorians in sundry places, which are now altered by the Romans, corrupted to the advantage of that heresy, wherein yet, I think the reporter is deceived: because the same corruptions objected to them, (whereof some are no corruptions at all, but agree rightly with the original text, and much better than doth the vulgar Latin, by comparing whereof he examines them, and censures them for corruptions) the same I say, are found in the Syriaque edition that we have, being so far from being corrupted by the Nestorians, 
Widmanstad. in praef. Testan▪ Syriaci.  that it was brought out of Mesopotamia into Europe (to be printed by Moses Mardenus, from the Patriarch of the contrary sect, namely, of the jacobites. But yet notwithstanding, I am indeed certainly persuaded, that the Syriaque translation of the new Testament (whosoever was the Author of it) is nothing near of that Antiquity, 
The Imperfections of the Syriaque edition, consist partly in sundry defects: namely 1. of all the Revelation: 2. of the Epistle of S. Jude: 3. of the second epistle of S. Peter: 4. of the second and third Epistles of S. john: 5. of the history of the Woman taken in adultery, in the eight chapter of S. john's Gospel, containing the first eleven verses: and 6. of the 7. verse of the fifth Chapter of the first Epistle of S. john. Of which, the two last wants are no less found in sundry ancient Greek copies, as Erasmus, Beza, junius & others have observed: And partly; beside these defects, in some (very few) faulty translations.  which the Syrians (as Bellarmine and others report of them) pretend it to be, 
Bellar. de Verbo Dei. l. 2. c. 4.  namely to have been the work of S. Mark. First, because S. Mark died in the 8. year of Nero, 
Hieron. de Scriptorib Ecclesi●sticis, in Ma c Erasmus. Beza. junius. in. Annot. ad loc. praedict.  as Hierome with others hath certainly recorded, after which time, many parts of the new Testament, were written: as namely S. john's Gospel, the Acts of the Apostles, (for all the History from the 24. chapter to the end, relateth occurrents after S. Marks death) the Epistles of S. Paul to the Galathians, Ephesians, Philippians, Collossians, to Philemon, and the second to Timothy. Secondly, because that Syriaque translation is not to be found once mentioned, in any of all those ancient and learned writers, that lived in those east parts, and diligently sought out and observed the several editions and translations of the holy scripture. And thirdly, because the dialect discovereth it to be of a far later age, then that of the Apostles: which they will soon find to be so, (to omit some other evidences) that shall compare the Syriaque words recorded in the new Testament by the Evangelists, (which all are noted by Hierome and by others) with the Syriaque book: as for example, 
Hieron. l. de Nominib. Hebr.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Mat. 6.24. Mamouno. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, joan. 19.13. Gephiphto. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Mat. 27.33. Gogoultho. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Act. 1.19. Chakal demo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1. Cor. 16.22. Moraneto. And to be short, there is not almost any Syriaque word recorded in the new Testament, which varieth not from that ancient pronouncing that was usual in the Apostles time, either in consonants, or vowels, or both: which could not be the alteration of any short course of time.   

Of the jacobites. CHAP. XXI.  
THe jacobites obtained that appellation, as Damascene and Nicephorus have recorded, 
Damas. l. de h●eresib. post med. Niceph. Hist. Eccles▪ 〈◊〉 l. 18. c. 52.  of one jacobus surnamed Zanzalus, of Syria, who living about Anno. 530. was in his time a mighty inlarger of Eutiches' sect, and maintainer of his opinion, touching the unity of nature in our Saviour: And his followers are at this day in great numbers, known by the name of jacobites, in Syria, in Cyprus, in Mesopotamia, in Babylon and in Palestine. For, the Patriarch of jerusalem, who keepeth his residence still in jerusalem, (in which city, there yet remain 
* Chitrae. de stat. Ecclesia●. pag. 25.  ten, or more Churches of Christians) is also a jacobite. But, although in all these forementioned regions, these jacobites are found, (where they be esteemed to make about 
* Namely 15. Crus in Turco●rae●. l. 4. p. 297.  160000. families) or rather 50000. as Leonard the Bishop of Sidon, 
* Bote●. Relat. pa 3 l. 2. c. de G●●kobiti.  the Pope's visitor in those parts hath recorded. ap. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 1. ca 14. yet chiefly they inhabit in Aleppo of Syria, and in Caramit, and the mountain Tur of Mesopotamia: But yet their religion under other titles, is extended much farther, in so much that it is recorded to be spread abroad in some 
* Breitenbach Peregrin. c. de Iacobit●●. Vitria. hist. Orient▪ c. 76.  40. kingdoms.  
All which jacobites of the places before specified, have, and long have had, a Patriarch of their own religion, (for I find the 
* Paul. Diacon. Hist. Miscell. l. 18.  Patriarch of the jacobites spoken of, 
Zonar. Annal. Tom. 3. in Heraclio.  in the Emperor Heraclius his time) to whom they render obedience. The patriarchal Church of which sect, is in the 
* Mirae. in Notitia. episcopor Orb. pag. 35. Boter. Relat. pa. 3. l. 2. c de Giacobiti.  Monastery of Saphran, near to the city of Merdin in the North part of Mesopotamia: But the Patriarch himself, keepeth ordinary residence, in the city of Caramit, the ancient Metropolis of Mesopotamia, and which at this day, consisteth for the greatest part of Christians, for that Caramit is the same city, which the ancient writers called Amida, 
Caramit, is Kara Amida, that is (in the Turkish tongue) black Amida, because it was walled with black stone.  Sabellicus, 
Sabell●c. Supplem. Histor. l. 18.  and others, have left observed, and Amida to have been anciently the Metropolis of Mesopotamia, I find in the subscriptions of the ancient counsels plainly recorded. 
* Concil. Chalced. Action, 1, etc.   
But till Eutichianisme so mightily prevailed in those parts, as to work in them a detestation of the council of Chalcedon, and a departure withal, from their ancient obedience: They belonged till than I say to the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Antiochia, as being 
* Notitia provinciar.  provinces of the diocese of the Orient, which we find in the 
* Concil. Constantinop. 1. prim. Con. 2.  second General council, to be the circuit and limitation of that Patriarches authority, which is the reason that the Patriarch of the jacobites, keeping ever the name of Ignatius, entitleth himself Patriarch of Antiochia: And that the 
* Mirae. Notit. ep●scop. Orbis p●●. 36.  Patriarch of jerusalem, who is also as I said a jacobite, acknowledgeth him (as some record) for superior: Having therein (if it be so) but in some sort returned to the ancient obedience, wherein the Bishops of jerusalem stood to the Patriarches of Antioch●a, even till the time of the council of Chalcedon: for than began jerusalem, to be erected into a Patriachship: And (as we read in the 
* Co 〈…〉 A●●●●on. 7.  actions of that Council) with the consent and allowance of the Patriarch of Antiochia, the three provinces of Palestina, which till then (An. 451.) belonged to Antiochia, were withdrawn from it, and assigned to the Bishop of jerusalem for his patriarchal jurisdiction.  
Now as touching the Characters of their Religion.  
1. They acknowledge but one nature, 
1.2.3▪ 4. jacob a Vitriaco, Histor. Oriental. c. 76. Villamont. l. 2. c. 22.  and but one will and one operation, ex catechism. jacobitar. ap. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 1. ca 15. in Christ (as there is but one person) and in token of that, they make the sign of the Cross, with one finger only, which the other Christians of the East do with two.  
2. They sign their Children before baptism, many in the face, 
2. Bucebing. Hist. Eccles. part. 2. pa. 33●. Sali 〈◊〉 I●ner. To● 8. c. 1.  some in the arm, with the sign of the Cross, imprinted with a burning Iron.  
3. They use Circumcision Saligniac. Itin. Tom. 8. c. 1. even of both sexes. Vitriac. ut ibi.  
4. They confess their sins to God only, nor to the priest, 
Th●a Ie●● pa. 1. c 14.4. Bucebing. loco citato. Al● hons●. Castro. l. 4. conu● He●es. 'tis Confeslie Baungar. Itiner. 2. c. 9  & as others record, but very seldom, so that many communicate without auricular confession. Leonam Sidon. ap. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 14.  
5. They admit not of purgatory, nor of prayers for the dead. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 23.  
6. They consecreate the Eucharist in unleavened bread Salign. Itin. Hieros. Tom. 8. c. 1. They minister the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds.  
7. The priests are married.  
8. They believe all the souls of just men to remain in the earth till the day of judgement, expecting Christ's second coming, ex Catechism. Ia●obit.  
9 They affirm the Angels to consist of two substances, fire and light. ex Catechism. jacobit.  
10. They honour Dioscorus and jacobus Syrus as saints, but yet condemn Eutyches, as an Heretic. Patriarch. jacobit. ap. Th. a jes. l. 7 pa. 1. c. 14.  
These are the Properties (that I find registered) of the jacobites religion, namely of them, that are properly so called, and still retain the ancient opinions of jacobus Syrus. But it seemeth, that their principal error, and which occasioned their first schism and separation from the Church, Namely the heresy of Eutiches, touching one nature in Christ, is for the most part, long since abolished, for as Vitriacus hath long ago recorded, 
Vitriac. Histor Orient. c. 76.  they denied to him (than the Pope's legate in those parts, and demanding the question) that they believed one only nature in Christ: And being further asked, why then making the cross, they signed themselves only with one finger, their answer was, that they did it in acknowledgement of one divine Nature, as also they did it in three several places, in acknowledgement of three persons in that one nature. And beside of late time, Leonard another legate of Pope Gregory's the 13 in those parts, hath recorded of the Patriarches profession made to himself, that although they held indeed but one personated nature to be in Christ, resulting of the union of two natures not personated, yet they acknowledged those two natures to be united in his person, without any mixtion or confusion, and that they themselves differed not in understanding, but only in terms from the Latin Church. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 14. And although (as it is storied by some writers of these times) some there be among them that still retain that error, yet certainly, that it is no general and received opinion among them, is most manifest, for we have extant the confessions of the 
* Tom. 4. Biblioth. Vete●. Patrum. pag. 1050.  jacobites of Mesopotamia, and of those of 
* Apud. Baron. in fine Tomi. 6. Annal.  Egypt, and 
* Zag. Zaho. de Religion. & Morib. Aethiop. apud Damian a Goer.  of Aethiopia, and of 
* Confess. Armenior. Num. 26.27.28.29, etc.  Armenia, that is to say, all sorts of jacobites, out of which it is evident, that that error of Eutiches, is clearly renounced, as articularly acknowledging, that the human nature of Christ was taken of the Virgin, and of the same substance with ours, and remained, after the adunation with the deity (without any mutation of properties) distinct from the divine nature: 
* Vid. Concil. Chalcedon Action. 1 & Theodoret. de haeres. l. 4 in Eutiche.  All which the heresy of Eutyches denied.   

Of the Copthi or Christians of Egypt. CHAP. XXII.  
THe Sect of Christians named Cophti, are no other, than the Christians of Egypt: And, it is the name of their Nation, rather, then of their Religion, (in respect whereof, they are merely jacobites) for as Masius hath observed, 
Mas. in Syror. Peculio.  the Egyptians in some ancient Monuments are termed Aegoph●i, whom vulgarly we name Cophti, or Copti, and so they also name themselves, as may be seen, in the Confessions of these Egyptians recorded in Baronius. 
Baron. in Legate. Eccles. Alexand. ad sed Apostolic. ●●om 6 Annal. in sine. O●ted in The●a●●o in Aegyp●●s Sealig. ad Eu. seb●● Chronic. ad An. M DC CXXXIV. D●us de Trib. secc. judaeor. l. 2. c. 14. tit. de Philacterijs. Damascend. de haeresib. post med.  And certainly, that the Egyptians themselves, name their Country Chibth, Ortelius after Thevet hath recorded: As also it is observed by Scaliger, that in the Talmud it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And, by Drusius, out of R. David, and R. Shelomo, that Egypt is by them named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but not without some traiection of letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 R. David in praef. l. Radic. R. Shelom. in Exod. 13.  
But touching their Religion (to omit curiosities about the name) they differ not, as I said from the jacobites. Insomuch that, (as Damascen hath observed) the same sectaries, that first were termed Aegyptij, because among the Egyptians, that heresy of one only nature in Christ, found the mightiest patronage, were after of jacobus Syrus above mentioned, named in Syria jacobites. And till this day Severus, Dioscorus and jacobus, the principal parents and patrons of the sect, are by the Egyptians honoured in the memorial of their Liturgies. Th. a jes-l 7. pa. 1. cap. 5.  

●●oter. Rel. p. 3. l. 3. c de christianis del ●●gitio.  1. Using Circumcision: Yet I am not very certain whether for religion, or, (which I observed it before to have been) as an ancient custom of that nation, which custom yet is reported Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 6, Boter. p. 3. l. 3. c. de Christ. de Egitto, to be now abrogated among them, by the persuasion of the Bishops of Rome's Legates in a Synod held at Cairo about 30 years ago, An. 1583.  
2. The confer the inferior sacred orders (under priesthood) even to infants presently after baptism, altogether, their parents promising for them and performing in their steads (till they be 16 years old or thereabouts) what they promise in their behalfs namely chastity, and fasting every Wednesday and Friday and in the 4. lents of the year. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 5. They repute not baptism of any efficacy, except ministered by the Priest and in the Church in what necessity soever. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 5.  
3. Neither baptize their children afore the 40 day, though they should die without baptism. Th. a jes. Ibid.  
4. Ministering the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds. 
2 Thiefs in Cosm. de Levant. c. 48.   
5. They minister the sacrament of the Eucharist in leavened bread. Th. a jes. Ibid.  
7. Give the sacrament of the Eucharist to Infants presently after their baptism. Id. Ibid.  
8. To sick persons they neither minister extreme unction nor the Eucharist. Id Ibid.  
9 Athough they acknowledge the holy Ghost to proceed from the Father and the Son, yet in relating of the Nicene Creed, they leave out those words (and from the Son) as the Grecians do. Id. Ibid.  
10. They admit not to Purgatory nor of prayer for the dead. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 1.23.  
11. They contract marriages even in the second degree of consanguinity without any dispensation Tecla. Abissin. ap. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 13.  
12. They observe not the Lords days nor other feasts, except in the Cities. Tecla. Abissin. Ibid.  
13. In celebrating of the Eucharist, they elevate not the Sacrament. Tecla. Abissin. Ibid.  
14. Reject all the general counsels after that of Ephesus, expressly condemning the counsel of Chalcedon. Id. Ibid.  
14. Read the Gospel of Nicodemus in their Liturgies. Prateol. de Heresib. in Cophti.  
15. Repute the Roman Church heretical, and avoid the communion and conversation of the Latins no less of jews. And although Baron. in fin. Tom. 6. Annal. have registered an embassage from Marcus the Patriarch of Alexandria to Pope Clement the 8. wherein he is said to have submitted & reconciled himself & the Provinces of Egypt to the Pope, yet the matter being after examined was found to be but a trick of imposture, as Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 6. hath recorded.  
16. Maintaining the opinion of one nature in Christ: 
Thom. a jesus de Conu. gent. l. 7. par. 1. c. 5.  yet in such sort, that although in the general position touching one nature in our Saviour, they follow Eutyches, yet in the special declaration, at this day they differ very much from him. For they acknowledge him to be truly, and perfectly both God and man: 
3. Thom. a. jes. loc. citato. Botor. loc. cit.  And, that the Divine and human natures, are become in him one Nature, not by any confusion or commixtion of them, as Eutyches taught: but only by coadunation. Wherein, although they catholicly confess, that there is no mutation of properties in either nature, being united in Christ, from what the divine and human natures severally obtain in several Persons: Yet, being not well able (as it seems) to distinguish between the nature and the Person, they dare not say there be in Christ two Natures, for fear they should slip into Nestorius' heresy of two Persons. Which heresy of one only Nature in our Saviour, beginning with Eutyches, although after dispersing itself into many branches, hath ever since the time of the Counsel of Chalcedon, by which Eutychianisme was condemned and for it, the Patriarch of Alexandria 
* Concil. Chalced. Action. 3.  Dioscorus deposed, been nourished and maintained, as by other Christians of the East, so specially by the Egyptians. Insomuch, that not only sundry Patriarches of Alexandria, and Antiochia, (but specially of Alexandria) together with many other Bishops of the East parts, their Suffragans, and adherents, are recorded to have maintained and advanced, 
evagr. l 3. c. 5.6.22.30.33. etc. Leont. de Sect. Action. 5. Niceph. l. 16. c. 2.4. & 5. & l. 18. c. 45. & sequent.  that heresy of Eutyches but we find moreover, many Synods of those parts, registered or remembered in Euagrius, Leontius, Nicephorus, and the book called 
* Synod 97.101.103, 108, 109 etc.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, brought to light by Pappus etc. wherein (in the behalf of that heresy) the decrees of the Council of Chalcedon were condemned. In which counsel, although we read of the greatest Confluence of Bishops, that ever met about the Establishment of any point in Christian religion (and yet beside the 630 Bishops present in that Council, there are extant in the 
* Ad sin Concil. Chalcedon. Tom. 2. Concil. Binij,  Book of Counsels, the suffrages of about 30 provincial Synods, that by their Epistles to the Emperor Leo, confirmed it, together with all the Bishops of the West, by whom it was likewise received) yet notwithstanding all this, that heresy so prevailed in the East parts, and specially in Egypt, whereof we now entreat, that from that time to this it was never cleared of it. But as there was never heresy that so grievously wounded the Church of God, as that of Eutyches, (except perhaps arianism) so was no part of the Church so deeply and deadly wounded by it, as that of Egypt. So that, even at this day, although the wound be in some sort healed, yet the wemme or scar still remaineth. For it is not many years, since by certain lesuits, Agents for the Bishop of Rome, some conferences were had with the Patriarch of Alexandria and his Synod, 
Boter. Relat. pa. 3. l. 3. c. de Christiani de Egitto.  wherein, although they confessed (if true relation be made of that conference) that Christ is true God and true Man: yet did they purposely refrain from mentioning two natures in Christ, lest they should by little and little slip into the heresy of two persons.  
Now as touching their Ecclesiastical government they are subject to the Patriarch of Alexandria 
* Chitrae. de ●at. Ecclesiar. pag. 21. , whose patriarchal seat is at this present translated, (and so long hath been) to the City of Cairo, in 
* Legatio Alex●ndrin ap. Ba●on. Tom. ●. in fine.  either of which Cities, (Cairo and Alexandria) there remain at this day, but three Christian temples a piece. Whereas Burchardus recordeth of his time (about 320 years ago) that in one of them (Cairo) there were above 40. Burch, descr. ter. sanct. par. 2. c. 3. But yet, to the jurisdiction of this Patriarch belong, not only the native Christians of Egypt, who are but very few, considering the exceeding populousness of that Nation, (for they are esteemed as I said before, not to pass 50000) which in Burchardus his time, are by him recorded to have been above 300000. Id. pa. 2. c. 3. together with the small Remainder of Christians, that are found about the Bay of Arabia, and in Mount Sinai Eastward, or in afric as far as the greater Syrtis Westward▪ but the Christians likewise of Aethiopia, acknowledge obedience to him. 
〈…〉. cap. 1●5  For although Aluarez in his story of Aethiopia have related (as he doth also some other matters touching the ancienter condition of the Church, too grossly and boldly) that the Christians of Nubia, till their defection from Christianity, were of the Pope's dependence and jurisdiction, and received their Bishops by his consecration, (and say nothing of the Patriarch of Alexandria) yet certainly, that they were not so, is manifest, for besides that Saligniacus (himself the Pope's protonotary, and whose travail had taught him some knowledge of the East parts, directly denieth the Nubians professing of obedience to the Bishop of Rome, observing, that they were governed by a Prelate of their own, whom they termed the Priest of the law. Itiner. Tom. 8. c. 2. Beside that direct testimony of his I say, there be other Evidences. First, because there cannot be produced any Instance, out of any Ecclesiastical history, either ancient or modern (as I am certainly persuaded) to that effect. Secondly, because the fathers of the Nicene counsel, as we find in 
* Nicen. Concil. l. 3. c. 36.  Gelasius Cizicenus, are known to have assigned Aethiopia, whereof Nubia is a part, to the Patriarch of Alexandria his jurisdiction. Thirdly, because the Patriarchship of Alexandria, lieth directly between Nubia and Rome, as being immediately at the back of Egypt. Fourthly, because the Nubians were in religion jacobites, as a Roman Cardinal Vitriacus Brocardus, and others have recorded, 
Vitriac. histor. ●rient. c. 76. Brocard. de●●ript. Terre. sanct.  and as their baptizing with fire remembered by Burchardus and Saligniacus did manifestly import Burch. descr. terr. sanct. pa. 2. c. 3. § 7. Saligniac. Itin. Tom, 8. c. 2. of which sect the Patriarch of Alexandria is known to be: which, had the Pope the assignment or confirmation of their prelate's, it is utterly unlike they should have been. Fiftly, because in time of their necessity, being left destitute of Bishops and Ministers, if they had pertained to the Bishop of Rome his jurisdiction, they would rather have had recourse to him, for repair of the decayed and ruinous state of their Church who both plentifully could, and no doubt readily would have relieved them, rather, then suffered them to depart as they have done, from the Christian faith: To him I say, they would rather have resorted for supply, then to the K. of Habassia 
* Aluarez. lo●o prox. citato.  (as they did) being of another patriarchal jurisdiction. Certain therefore it seemeth, that Nubia while it was Christian, belonged not to Rome but to Alexandria: By whom, if the Nubians in their distresses were not relieved, no man can wonder, that knoweth the great want and misery of the Church of Egypt.   

Of the Habassines. CHAP. XXIII.  
NOW touching the Habassines. or midland Aethiopians, whether they have obtained that name, by reason of their habitations (in houses) which the Egyptians called Auases, 
Strab. l. 2. et l.  as Strabo hath observed, (for the ancient books ha●e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) in difference from them, which dwelling nearer the Bay of Arabia, were called Trogloditae (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) because they dwelled in caves, 
Plin. l. 5. c. 8. Solin. Polyhistor. c. 34.  not in houses, as Pliny and others have recorded: whether I say, for that reason they have obtained the name of Abassins', or no, let more curious men inquire. But, as touching their Religion, they are in manner mere jacobites: And their King (whom by error we call Prester john) is sundry times in histories termed the Prince of jacobites. And their leaving out of their memorial (in 
* Liturg. Aethiop. tom. 6. Biblioth. ve●. Patrum. pag. 59 et 65.  their Liturgy) the Council of Chalcedon, by which the heresy maintained after by jacobus Syrus was condemned whereas the Counsels of Nice, of Constantinople, and of Ephesus are remembered, doth import so much. 
Zag. Zabo. de. Relig. et Morib. Aethiop. ● ap. Damian. a Goes.  And in very deed considering the dependence, that the Church of Habassia, hath of the Patriarch of Alexandria, it is almost unpossible but they should be so; for as Zaga Zabo an Habassine Bishop hath left recorded, although they have a Patriarch of their own, whom they call in their own language Abuna, (our Father) and he chosen by the Habassine monks of S. Antony's order, remaining in jerusalem, yet are they limited to choose one of the jurisdiction of Alexandria, and a 
* You may observe, which I in my reading have done, that all the Patriarches and other Bishops of the East, are monks of the Orders either of S. Basil, or S. Anthony, for the Patriarches of Constantinople, of Antiochia & of Armenia, are monks of S. Basils' order: the Patriarches of Alexandria, of Aethiopia, of the jacobites, and of the Maronites, are of S. Anthony's, And the Patriarch of the Nestorians either of both.  monk of S. Antony he must be. And beside that, the confirmation, and consecration of him, belongeth to the Patriarch of Alexandria, and by him he is sent with Ecclesiastical charge into Habassia. And (to be short) their prayer, in their 
〈◊〉▪ Aethiop. Tom. 6. Biblioth. Vet. 〈◊〉▪ p. 62.  present Liturgy, for the Patriarch of Alexandria, terming him the Prince of their Archbishops, and remembering him before their own Patriarch, evidently declareth their dependence and subjection to that Sea. Which supreme Ecclesiastical power touching Aethiopia, to have belonged very anciently to the Patriarch of Alexandria, may appear by the Arabic book of the Nicene Council, translated by Pisanus, 
〈…〉 l 3. can. 3●  where that authority is found assigned, to the patriarch of Alexandria, touching that Abuna of Aethiopia, (by the name of Catholic) and withal, to that Catholic or chief Bishop of Aethiopia, the seventh place in the Sessions of general Counsels, namely, next after the Bishop of Seleucia, (whose seat was next the Patriarches of jerusalem) by the decree of the same Nicene Fathers was allotted.  
But if you desire a register of some special points of their Religion, 

1. They circumcise their children the 8. day, 
1.2.3 4.5.6.9.10.11. Z●g Zab. de Relic. et morib. Aethiop. ap. D●●●●●num.  after the manner of the jews: Even females also as well as Males, wherein they differ from the jews.  
2. They reverence the Sabbath (Saturday) keeping it solemn equally with the Lords day.  
3. They eat not of those beasts, which in the old Law are censured for unclean.  
4. They consecreate the Sacrament of the Eucharist in unleavened bread: 
4 Aluarez Histor. Aethiop. cap 11.  Contrary to the custom of all the East, 
5 Aluarez. ibi.  the Armenians excepted. Nevertheless Tecla an Habassine monk and Priest, saith that they celebrate ordinarily in leavened bread, but on the day of the Institution of the Lords supper (the thursday before Easter) they do it in bread unleavened over all Habassia. an. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 13.  
5. And communicate in both kinds, which they receive standing. And all of them as well of the Laity as Clergy at leastwise every week, the Priest ministering the bread, 
Tecla Abissin. ap. Th. ● jes. loc. alleg.  and the Deacon the wine with a spoon. Tecla. Abissin. joel. Zag. Zab. de rel. But yet only in the Temple, It being not lawful for any (not the K. or Patriarch) elsewhere to communicate. After the receiving whereof it is not lawful for them to spit that day till the setting of the Sun. Zag. Zab. ibid.  
7. And that even to their young infants, presently after they are baptised: 
* Tec●a Abissin. ap. Tho. ● jesu. de con●. vers. genal. pa. 1. ●. 13.  which in their males is 40. days after their birth, and in females 80. (except in peril of death, for than they are presently baptised. Tecla. Abissin. ibid.) till which time be complete, their women also enter not into the Temple. Zag. Zab. ibid.  
8. They profess but one nature and one will in Christ, yet without any mixtion or confusion of the Divine and human substances. Tecla. ap. Th. a jesuit. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 13.  
9 Believe the reasonable souls of men to be traduced from parents by seminal propagation. Zag. Zab. de Relig. Aethiop. in fine. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 1. c. 8.  
10. Believe the souls of their infants departing afore Baptism to be saved, because they are sprung from faithful parents, and namely the virtue of the Eucharist, received by the mother after conception to sanctify the child in her womb. Zag. Zab. Ibid. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 1, c, 8. Aluar. hist. Aethiop. ca 22.  
11. They presently upon commission of sin resort to the confessor, and at every confession, (though it were every day) receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist. Zaga Zabo. Ibidem.  
12. They have only painted, not massy images in their Churches. Tecla. ubi supra.  
13. They accept only the three first general Counsels, rejecting that of Chalcedon, for determining two natures to be in Christ, and for condemning Dioscorus the Patriarch of Alexandria Tecla. Abis. ib.  
14. Elevate not the Sacrament in celebrating of the Eucharist, but keep it covered: 
Aluarez. 〈◊〉 loco.  neither reserve it after the communion.  
15. To excommunicate obstinate sinners is peculiar to their Patriarch, which yet is not usual among them except in case of Murder Zab. Zab. ibid.  
16▪ Their Priests and other inferior Ecclesiastical ministers (as also monks) live by their labour, having no tithes for their maintenance, nor being suffered to crave alms. Zag. Zab. loc. citato.  
17. But the conferring of Bishoprics, and other Ecclesiastical benefices (except the Patriarchship) belongeth only to the King Zag. Zab. ibid.▪  
18. Use neither confirmation, 
* Zaga. Zabo. loco. citato. Aluarez. lib. citato. c. 5.  nor extreme unction.  
19 Admit the first marriage in their Bishops and Priests, but not the second, except their Patriarch dispense.  
20. Eat flesh every Friday (as on other days) betwixt Easter and Whitsunday: 
Aluar. c. 13  as on every Saturday also through the whole year, 
* Zaga Zabo, ubi supra.  except in Lent.  
21. baptize themselves every year on the day of the Epiphany, in Lakes or Ponds.    
Concerning which first and last points, namely, of their circumcision, and annual baptisms, I have somewhat to observe: Namely, first, touching their circumcision, that they observe it, not so much perhaps, of religion, as of an ancient custom of their nation. For although their circumcising on the eight day, seemeth to imply that they received it from the jews, yet, their circumcising of both sexes, as certainly argueth, that they did not so. And, if the Habassines be of the race of the ancient Aethiopians, the doubt may be the less: because Herodotus and others have recorded it, 
Herodot. l 2. par. a M●d●o.  for an ancient ceremony of that nation. Or, if they be not of the Aethiopian race, 
Stephanus Py●ant. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in dictione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  but of the progeny of the Arabians, as by Vranius in Stephanus Byzantius, it should appear, recording them for a nation of the Arabians, near to the 
* Which seemeth to be true, both because in the 
* Liturg. Aethiop. in ●om. 6 8 bl●●thecae Ve●. pat. p. 59  Aethiopian Liturgy, they term their own kingdom the kingdom of Sheba, and also, because the KK. of Habassia, 
* Zag. Zabo de Morib. Aeth●op. apud Dami●●.  deduce lineally their descent, from the Q. of Sheba that came to see Solomon: which Sheba, is to the skilful, certainly known to be in Arabia: and either the same, that we call Arabia foelix, or some part of it And certainly it is observed by learned men, that Arabia foelix; in the eastern tongue, is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Arabia deserta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Arabia Petraea, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Sabaeans: even in this case also, the occasion and original of circumcising among the Abassines will be discerned well enough: namely, because it is specially storied, to have been a very ancient ceremony among the Arabians: among whom it might have beginning, by reason of the descent of many of the Arabians, from Ishmael, and from the other sons of Abraham, by Keturah, planted in Arabia, of which Sheba is by name recorded for one. 
Genes. 25.3.  But yet, if the Abassines observe circumcision, not, as an ancient national custom, 
Shindler. i● D●ctionar. Pen●. ●●lot. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  but in any sort for religion sake, than it may be excused in such manner, as 
* .  one of their own Bishops hath professed, namely, that it is done only in remembrance, and love, and imitation of our Saviour, because he was circumcised, and not for any other opinion of holiness at all.  
And secondly, touching their annual baptisings, in the feast of the epiphany, which they (with many ancients of the Church) suppose to be the day of our saviours baptism, it is declared by the 
* De Religion Aethiop. ●ong. of't. med.  Aethiopian bishop above mentioned, to be practised among them, not as any sacrament, or any conceit of sanctification to be obtained by it, but only as a memorial of Christ's baptism, because as on that day he was baptized in jordan. Even as the 
* Possevin. de Reb. Moscou. pag. 6.  Moscovites also do the like on the same day, in rivers, and for the same reason, which appeareth the more evidently to be so, because this yearly baptizing is no ancient ceremony of the Habassins, but a fashion of late taken up among them, as Aluarez, that lived long in those parts, hath related, as being, namely the institution of 
* Aluarez histor. Aethiop. cap. 95.  his grandfather, that then reigned in Habassia, being about 100 years ago.   

Of the Armenians. CHAP. XXIIII.  
THe Armenians, for traffic to which they are exceedingly addicted, are to be found in multitudes, in most cities of great trade specially in those of the Turkish Empire, obtaining more favour and privilege among the Turks and other mahometans, 
* Vid. Postel. lib. de re. Linguis Tit. de Lingua Armenica.  by a patent granted that nation under Mahumets own hand, than any other sect of Christians. Insomuch that no nation seemeth more given to Merchandise, nor is for that cause more dispersed abroad, than the Armenians, except the jews. But yet the native regions of the Armenians, and where they are still found in the greatest multitude, & their religion is most supported, are Armenia the greater (named since the Turks first possession of it Turcomania) beyond Euphrates, and Armenia the less on this side Euphrates, and Cilicia, now termed Carmania.  
Now the Armenians touching their Ecclesiastical government, were anciently of the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constantinople, as being 
* Notitia pro●●nciar. Orient.  provinces of the diocese called Pontica, which together with the provinces of the diocese Asiana, and of Thrace (three of the thirteen dioceses, into which the whole Empire was divided) were by the council of Chalcedon, 
Concil. Chalcedom. Can. 28.  assigned, or else confirmed, to the Patriarch of Constantinople, for his jurisdiction. But at this day, and very long since, even before Photius his time (as is evident by his circular Epistle) the Armenians are departed, 
Photij episte ency●lica. ap●d Baron. Tom. 10. Annal. Anno. 863.  both from the government of that Patriarch, and from the commuon of the Grecians (whom at this present, they have in more detestation than any other sect of Christians) and that principally, for the very same occasion, for which the jacobites of Syria withdrew their obedience from the Patriarch of Antiochia, namely the heresy of one only nature in Christ. And ever since that departure, they acknowledge obedience, without any further or higher dependence, to two Patriarches of their own: whom they term Catholics. Namely one of the greater Armenia, the families under whose jurisdiction exceed the number of 150000 beside very many Monasteries. Leonard. Sidon episc. ap. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 1 c. 19, who at this present 
* 
Mirae Noti●. Episcop. Orb. pag. 36.  
Boter. Relation. pa. 3. l. 2 c. de Dioscoriani.   keepeth residence, in the monastery of Ecmeazin, by the city, etc. Leonard. Si don. episc. ap. Tho. a jes. loc. citato. by the city of Eruan in Persia, being translated thither by occasion of the late wars betwixt the Persians and the Turks: but his ancient seat was Sebastia, the Metropolis of Armenia the greater: And the other Patriarch of Armenia the less, the families of whose jurisdiction are esteemed about 20000. Leonard. Sidon. ubi. supra. who anciently kept at 
** Concil. Chalced Action. 1 in subscription b.  Melitene, the Metropolis of that province, but now is resident in the city of Sis, not far from Tarsus in Cilicia, the middle limit on Interstitium, of those two Patriarches jurisdictions, being the river Euphrates.  
Such at this present is the state of the Armenian Church, and the jurisdiction of their Patriarches. But it should seem, by that I find recorded, by Otho Phrisingensis, 
Otho Phrising l. ●. c. 32.  upon the report of the Legates of Armenia, sent from the Catholic, to the Bishop of Rome in his time, that the jurisdiction of the Catholic of Armenia, was then far larger, as namely, that he had above a thousand Bishops under his obedience: Except Otho perhaps mistook, as I verily believe he did, obedience for communion: for as touching the communion, which the Armenians maintained with other jacobites, it extended indeed very far: But the jurisdiction of Armenia, for aught I can find in any record of antiquity, contained only four provinces, namely, the two Armeniaes' before mentioned, the greater and less, and the two provinces of Cilicia. In which small circuit, that such a multitude of Bishop● should be found, is utterly uncredible, especially because we find registers extant, both of the Bishops of the two Armeniaes', in the 
* Tom. 1. juris Oriental l. 2.  Novel of Leo-Sophus the Emperor, touching the precedence of Metropolitans: and likewise of the bishops of Cilicia, in 
* De Bel. sacro l. 14 c. 12.  Guilielmus Tyrius: and all of them put together, exceed not the number of thirty. And although I find that 
* Novel. 31. cap. 1.  justinian divided the two Armeniaes' into four provinces (which yet to have been after reduced ' again into two, the Novel of Leo even now mentioned assureth us) yet were not for that cause, the number of Bishops increased any whit the more.  
Now, touching the properties of their religion.  
1. They are charged with the opinion of one nature in Christ: 
1 Niceph. hist. Ecclesiastic l. 18. c. 53.  yet not as Eutyches imagined it one, namely, by a permixtion and confusion of the divine and human natures, but yet by such a conjunction and coalition of them, that they both together, make but one compounded nature in our Saviour, as the body and soul, but one compound nature in man. But nevertheless, it seemeth by the confession of the Armenians, which we have extant touching the Trinity, sent by the mandate of the Catholic of Armenia, 
Confess. Armenior. Art. 26 27.28.29.30, etc.  to the Patriarch of Constantinople, not 50 years ago, that at this present, they have utterly renounced that fantasy. 
2 Alfons. a Castro. l. 5. cont. Haeres. Titul. de D●o. Haeresi. 13. Boem. de Morib. gent. l. 2. c. 10.   
2. They believe the Holy Ghost proceedeth only from the father.  
3. They celebrate the sacrament of the Eucharist with unleavened bread (as the Romans do.)  
4. They deny the true body of Christ to be really in the sacrament of the Eucharist under the Species of bread & wine. 
3 Nicepho●. loc. sup. citato. Luturgia. Armen apud Cassandrum de Liturgijs  Guido sum. de heresib. They mingle not water with wine in the Eucharist: An ancient opinion & property of theirs, for I find it 
* Concil. Constantinop. 3. Can. 32.  recorded of them (and condemned) in the sixth general council. 
4 Niceph. loc. citat. Liturg. Armenior. ubi supra.  But they retain it notwithstanding still.  
5. They receive infants presently after baptism to the communion of the Eucharist, affirming that baptism cannot be conferred without the Eucharist. 
5 Boem. de Morib gent. l 2. c. 10.  Guido▪ sum. de heresib.  
6. They deny the virtue of conferring grace, to belong to the sacraments. Guido loc. alleg. They reject purgatory, and pray not for the dead. 
6 
Guido. in Sum. de haeresib.  
Alfons. a Castr. l. 12. co●t. Haeres. Tit. de Purg●torio. haeresi 1.  
Boen. loc. citato   Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 1. c 17.  
7. They believe that the souls of holy men obtain not blessedness till the universal judgement. Th. a jes. l 7. pa. 1. c. 17. They admit married priests, and as Burchardus hath recorded. deser. terr. sanct. pa. 2. c. 2. §. 9 admit none to be secular priests, 
7 Bellon. Obs●ru. l. 3. c. 12. Postel. in Lingua Tzeruiana.  except they be married. They rebaptise those that come to their communion from the Latin Church. Guid. Sum. de heresib. but exclude their second marriage.  

8 Boem. loc. citat.  8. They abstain from eating unclean beasts.  

9 
Nichol. Peregr. Orient. l. 4. c. 19  
Boter. Rel. pa. 3. l. 2. c. Dioscoriani.   9 They eat flesh on fridays between Easter and Ascension day.  
10. They fast lent most strictly, without eggs milkemeats, flesh, oil, wine, etc. only with fruits herbs, 
10 Vitriac. histor. Orient. c. 7.9.  roots, and pulse.  
11. They celebrate not Christmas day when other Christians do (Dec●mb. 25.) but fast on it: And in stead of it, 
11 Vitriac. loc. citato.  celebrate the feast of our saviours baptism, namely, on the day of the epiphany. 
12 Boter. loco. ●itato.   
12. They solemnize the feast of the Annunciation, the sixth day of April. The purification the 14 of February, etc.   

Of the Maronites. CHAP. XXV.  
THe Maronites who were so named, not of an heretic called Maron, as many falsely write, Prateol. de sect. Heretic. in verb. Maronitae. But of a holy man of that name, for we find mentioned in the book of Counsels the Monastery of St. Maron. Concil. Constantinop. sub. Men. act. 5. the Monks only whereof at first were termed Maronites: they are found in small numbers, in Aleppo, Damascus, Tripoli of Syria, and in Cyprus: But their main habitation, is in the Mountain Libanus. Which although it contain in circuit about 
* Possevin. Appar. Sacr. in Maronitae.  700 miles and is possessed only in a manner by the Maronites, who for that privilege, namely to keep themselves free from the mixture of Mahometans, pay the Turk 
* Namely, for every one above 12 years old 17 Sultanines by the year (the Sultanine weigheth a dram of gold, about 7s 6d of our money) and for every space of ground 16. spans square, one Sultanine yearly, as is recorded by Possevine.  large tribute: yet of all sects of Christians, they are the least, as being esteemed not to pass in all 
* Boter. Relat. pa. 3. l 2. c. de Maroniti. Possevin. loco citato.  12000 houses, (all in scattered villages) beside a few Monasteries, by reason of the indisposition of Libanus in most places, for frequent habitation. For beside the craggednesse or steepness of that Mountain, which maketh many parts of it in a manner inaccessible, the higher Ridges of it, (which by Brocardus his relation are so eminent, 
Brocard. in D●s●r. Terr. s●nctae Tacit historiar l. ultimo  that they may be discerned 40 leagues off) are also covered in a manner continually with snow, which it retaineth, as Tacitus with 
* Vit●iac. hist. Orient. c. 84. postel. desc●ipt. Syr●ae. pag 33.  others, hath left recorded, notwithstanding the heat of that climate, even in the nearest approach of the Sun. And is scarcely, as hath been observed by postel, in one Summer of thirty to be found clear of it: for which very cause and no other, that Mountain seemeth to have gotten the name of Lebanon. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the ancient language of those parts (the Phaenician or Hebrew tongue) signifieth White, 
〈…〉 Patal pom. 〈…〉 in Dicti 〈◊〉. Album.  and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whiteness: Even as, for the like whiteness of snow, Gerundensis hath remembered Canus (the highest part of the Pyrene hills) to have obtained that name. And as Festus supposeth the Alps, for the same cause, to have gained theirs, that in the Sabine dialect being termed (saith he) Alpum, which the Romans in theirs named Album. For so touching the original of the name Libanus, 
Isidor. Origin l 14. c 8.  had I much rather think, then be led by the fantasy of Isidorus & some 
* Stuk. in Con. ad Arrian. ●e ●plum M●r. ●rythrae. p. 47. Adricom. Theatr terr. sanct. in. Nephtalim. Num. 63.  others, namely, that Libanus, should purchase that name of frankincense which the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the jews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For, if it be not true, which yet Theophrastus and Pliny write, that frankincense is gotten only in Arabia foelix, (according with that of Virgil, Solis est Thurea virga Sabaeis) by reason of which property of place, to burn incense is termed in Tertullian, aliquid Arabiae incendere: if that I say be not true, for indeed, I find in Dioscorides, record of frankincense gotten in India, & in Pedro Cieza of the like in some part of America, yet is there no mention or remembrance in any history of nature, or other, as I take it, that frankincense was ever gotten in the Hill of Libanus.  
The Patriarch of the Maronites (to come nearer to our purpose) who is noted to be a Monk of St. Antony, and to have under his jurisdiction 
theophra. hist Plantat. l. 9 c. 5. Plin. l. 12. c. 14 Virg. Georg. l. 2. Tertull. de coron. 〈◊〉 circa Med. Dioscorid de Medic. mate● l. 1. c. 7.  8. or 9 Bishops, keepeth residence for the most part in Libanus, in a monastery of St. Anthony, and now and then in Tripoli: And is 
* Possevin. Appar. sacr. 〈◊〉 Maronitae.  one of them, that challenge the title of the Patriarch of Antiochia, keeping ever the name of Peter as the Patriarch of the jacobites, the other challenger of the same dignity, doth of Ignatius. But touching Religion, the Patriarch of the Maronites professeth obedience at this present, to the Bishop of Rome, yet but lately, in Clement the 8. his time: And both he, and all the 
* Boter. Re●▪ pa. 3. l. 2. c. de Maroniti. Poss●uin. loc. citato.  Maronites, are become of the Roman religion (being the only Nation of the East, except the Indians, lately brought also to the Roman Communion, that acknowledgeth that obedience) and have 
* Posseu. loc. citat. Boter. loc. citato. Mirae: notitiae Episcop. Orbis pag. 34. Tho. a jes. de Conu Gent. l. 3. c. 3.  a Seminary in Rome of Gregory the XIII his foundation, for the training up of the youth of their nation in that religion. But before that alteration, these were the characters of their Religion, 

1. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth only from the Father. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 6.  
2. That the souls of men were all created together from the beginning. Id. loc. citato.  
3. Not to baptize male children together. Interrog. Patriarch. Maronit. ap. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 5.  
3. That heretics returning to the Church are to be rebaptized. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 6.  
5. That the child is made unclean by the touch of the mother till she be purified, which after a male child is 40 days, and 80 after a female, for which reason they baptize not their Infants afore those terms. Th. a jes. loc. citat.  
6. That they celebrated the sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds. Possevin. Appar. sac. in Maronitae. Patriarch. Maronit. Interrog. 3. ap. Tho. a jes. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 5.  
7. And in leavened bread. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. c. 6.  
8. Distributing to all the Communicants each one a piece of the same bread (which they consecreate in great masses) together with these words of the Gospel, he blessed and broke and gave to his disciples, saying take eat etc. Mat. 26.26. Id. Patriarch. Interrog. 3. ap. Th. a jes. loc. citat.  
9 To distribute the Sacrament of the Eucharist to children before the use of reason, & first presently after baptism. Th. a jes. l. 7. p. 2. c. 5. §. 9 & cap. 6.  
10. Not to reserve the Sacrament of the Eucharih. Patriarc. Maron. ubi supra.  
11. Nor to carry it to any sick person in danger of death. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 2. c, 5.  
12. To omit confirmation by the Bishop. Patr. Maron, Int. 2. ubi supr.  
13. To exclude the fourth matrimony, in every person as utterly unlawful. Id. Ibid. Interrog. 5.  
14. That marriage is not inferior to single life. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 2, c. 6.  
15. Utterly to dissolve matrimony in case of adultery and marry another Patr. Maronit. Inter. 5. ubi supra.  
16. That the father may dissolve the matrimony of his son of daughter if he mislike it. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 6.  
17. Not to ordain young men Priests or deacons except they were married. Patriarch. Maronites Inter. 6. ubi supra. Possevin. in Appar. sacr. in Maronitae. But yet to restrain their second marriage. Th. a jes. Ibid.  
18. To create children 5 or 6 years old subdeacons. Patriarch. Maronit. Inter. 5 ubi supra.  
19 That no man entereth the kingdom of heaven before the general judgement. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 6.  
20. Not to fast on the Lord's day nor on the Sabbath. Th. a jes. loc. citat.  
21. In the days of fasting not to celebrate mass till the Evening. Patr. Maron. ap. Th. a jes. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 5.  
22. Not to eat of any thing strangled or of blood. Id. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 6.  
23. To exclude women during their monthly issues both from the Eucharist, and from the Church. 
Vitriac histor. Orient. c. 78. Tyrius de Bello sacro. l. 22. ca 8.  Patriar. Maronit. Interr. 8. ubi supra.  
34. Their main Error was, the heresy of the Monothelites, touching one only will and action in Christ. Which error although they renounced about 400 years ago, and reconciled themselves then, 
Saligniac. Itinor. Tom. 8. c. ●.  to the Roman Church, at what time those parts of Palestine and Syria, were in the Christians hands, as 
* Vitriac. & Tit locis ●am 〈◊〉.  jacobus a Vitriaco, and Guilielmus Tyrius, the one Bishop of Acon, and the other of tire, have recorded: yet shortly after, when those parts were by Saladin, the King of Egypt and Syria, recovered from the Christians, those Maronites relapsed, and forsook again the Roman communion, till the late times of Pope Gregory the XIII. and Clement the VIII. with whom they again renewed it.    
And, this heresy of the Monothelites, springing out of that bitter root of the jacobites, touching one only nature in Christ, was the last of that long and wicked train of heresies, which upon the contempt of the council of Chalcedon, exceedingly wasted and ruined the East Church, for after that the detestation of Nestorius' heresy, touching two Persons in our Saviour, (condemned in the third general Council) had so immoderately distempered the fantasies of Eutiches in Constantinople, & of the Patriarch of Alexandria, Dioscorus with other their adherents, that they thought not themselves safe enough from the heresy of two persons, till they were fallen into the other and opposite extremity of one nature in Christ, the Divine and human natures in Christ (in their conceits) by permixtion and confusion of substances, & of properties growing into one, upon their adunation: and withal, that the human nature of Christ, was not consubstantial to ours, but of another kind, & condition, which fantasies the fourth general council condemned. After I say this heresy of Eutiches and Dioscorus, had grown to that head in Egypt & Syria, that like a violent & furious stream, whose course would not be stayed, it bore down before it all oppositions, and among the rest, that great & reverend council of Chalcedon, that had condemned it, and was contemned by it, it gave occasion for an infinite train of heresies to follow at the breach, which it had made.  
For first (to omit infinite extravagant branches, 

Vid. Nicepl or Histor. Eccles. l. 18 c 45. & ●●quent.  
Leont. de Sectis. Action, 5. etc.   that sprang from it, and infinitely deformed the Church, renting with many schisms the unity, & with as many heresies wounding the faith of it) It drew after it, the heresy of the passiblenesse of the deity, because the deity of Christ, was become (in their conceits) the same nature with the humanity, that was passable. Secondly, (the absurdity of that being discerned) it occasioned an other extremely opposite, namely of the Impassibility of the humanity of our Saviour, (but on the same ground) because namely, it was become one nature with the deity, which now we know to be unpassible. Thirdly, when the fondness of both were discovered, It bred a new devise, touching one nature in our Saviour (as the wit of Heretics will better serve them, to devise a thousand shifts to delude the truth, than their pride will suffer them once to yield and acknowledge it) It bred I say a new devise, namely, to be one, not by permixtion or confusion of substances, as Eutyches first taught, but only by composition, the deity and humanity, by coalition becoming one nature in Christ, as the body and soul grow into one nature in man.. And fourthly, when this fantasy began also somewhat to abate, and relent in many: yet still a fraction as it were or rather a consequent of it was retained (for indeed it implieth by necessary consequence the unity of nature) namely that there was but one will, and one action of both natures in the person of our Saviour. And God knows what a train and succession of heresies might have followed these, if that Lord, whom they had infinitely wronged by their wanton and wandering conceits of him, had not, to stop the course and stream of their wickedness and folly, brought on them, the Sarracens of Arabia, for even while the Church, specially that of the Eastern parts, was in great perplexity and travail, with the heresy of the Monethelites (which I last mentioned) the mahometans of Arabia, like a mighty inundation broke forth, and overwhelmed all, and them first, that first, and most had wronged the Son of God, by fostering the forenamed heresies, and the infinite brood that sprung of them, I mean Egypt and Syria, and to this day, both they, and the neighbouring nations that had been infected by them, remain in thraldom. But yet as in the diseases and distempers of our bodies, contraries are usually healed by contraries, so seemeth it to have fallen out in the distempers of these men's religions, for as worldly prosperity and wantonness of wit (ordinary companions) wherewith these nations in those times abounded, bred in them their ordinary children, namely, prosperity of the world, pride, and wantonness of wit, error, which couple in matter of faith and religion, is wont to produce no better issue than heresy. So on the other side having now at length, their hearts humbled, and their wits taimed by that poverty and affliction, wherein the tyranny and oppression of the Arabians and Turks hath long holden them, it seemeth the Lord hath taken pity on them (as it is his property not to despise humble and broken spirits, and to remember mercy in the midst of judgement) and reduced them, or the most of them, to the right acknowledgement of his son again. For certainly, that they and other Christians of the East, have (at least in these later times) disclaimed and abandoned, those heretical fantasies touching our Saviour, wherein by their misleaders they had been anciently plunged (and which many Christians of these West parts, still charge them with all) doth manifestly appear, First of 
** Biblioth. Vot. Patr. Tom. 4 pag. 1049 &. 1●3.  the jacobites, and Secondly of the 
* Confess. Armen. de Trinitate Art. 26.27.28.29.30.  Nestorians, by their several confessions, translated out of the Syriaque tongue by Masius, and extant in Bibliotheca Veterum patrum. Thirdly of the 
* Baron Tom 6. Annal. in fine.  Armenians, by their own confession also, translated by Pretorius. Fourthly, of the 
* De Relig & Morib. Aethiop. ap. Domian. a Goes.  Cophti, by the profession of their faith extant in Baronius. Fiftly of the 
* Possevin. Appar. sac. in Nestoriani.  Habassines, by the relation of Zaga Zubo a Bishop of their own. Sixtly, of the 
* Posseu●n. lib. citat. in Maronitae.  Indians, by their reconcilement to the Church of Rome mentioned by Possevine. And Seventhly, of the 
Boter Rel. pa. 3. l. 2. c. Maroniti.  Maronites, by their like reconcilement, recorded by him and by others.   

Of the several Languages wherein the Liturgies of Christians in several parts of the World are celebrated. CHAP. XXVI.  
ANd thus have I related, the several sects of Christians, that are abroad in the world, with the places of their habitations, and the special characters (that are recorded) of their religions. One point notwithstanding of their difference, have I left purposely as yet untouched, both for the ampleness of the matter, and because I conceive you would have it declared severally. Namely, touching the different languages, in which all these several sorts of Christians, celebrate their Liturgies or divine service.  
But first, to speak a word or two, of the public service of the jews, and of the mahometans, in their Synagogues, and Meskeds (seeing I entreated before of those religions.) The jews where they obtain liberty for their Synagogues, celebrate theirs, in the ancient Hebrew tongue, 
Michou. l. 2. de Sarmatia. c. 1. Crus. Turcog. l. 7. pa. 487. etc.  as Michovius, with many others, hath related, and as in manifest, by their own editions of their public prayers, printed both at Venice, and in Polonia, in that language.  
But the mahometans have theirs in the Arabic tongue (the native language of their prophet) as Georgevitz, 

George●. De R●u●. 〈◊〉 l 2. c. 1.  
Richer. l. 2. de Mo●b & Instit. Turca●. C●●. Turcog l. 7 pa●. 487.   Richerius, and sundry others have recorded: So that not only in Arabia, and Egypt, and Barbary, and Palestine, and Syria, and Mesopotamia (in which parts the Arabic tongue is become the vulgar language) the Koran is read, and their public devotions exercised, in Arabic: but also in Greece, and Anatolia, and other parts of the Turkish dominion, where the Greek, and Turkish, and Slau●nique tongues are vulgar, as also in Persia, in Tartar●e, in India, where they have other native, and peculiar languages, the mahometans read the Koran 
* Georgeuit● de Riti●i. Turcar. l. 2. c. de Sacerdotibus.  (which they suppose were profaned if it were translated into vulgar tongues) and perform their public devotions, in that language.  
But Christians in celebrating of their divine Liturgies, differ touching the language very much, 
Durand Rationat. ●iti●nor. l. 4. ¶. 10.  Indeed I find it recorded in Durandus (but upon what warrant and authority I cannot find) that till the time of Hadrian the Emperor (that is about 120 years after Christ) their Liturgies were all celebrated in the Hebrew tongue: And that then, the Oriental Church began, first to celebrate them in Greek. Indeed me thinks it is possible, that the Christians of the Gentiles might in honour of the Apostles, retain the Apostles Liturgies, in the very tongue wherein by the Apostles themselves, they had been first ordained, for it is not to be doubted, but 
* Vide Baronium. Tom. 1. Annal. Add An ch. 4●. §. 14.  many years passing (about ten) after our saviours ascension, before the Apostles left Syria, and sundered themselves to preach the Gospel abroad in the world among the gentile & foreign nations. It is not to be doubted I say, but the Apostles, while they remained in jury, ordained liturgies in the jewish tongue, for the use of those jews, whom they had converted to Christianity: which liturgies by the Christian disciples of the jewish nation, dispersed in many provinces of the gentiles, might together with Christian religion, be carried abroad, and gladly entertained among the gentiles. This is possible I say, but if it be also true (as I have not observed any thing in antiquity that may certainly impeach the truth of it) yet that which is spoken by Durandus of those Liturgies in the Hebrew tongue, must be understood (I doubt not) of the Hebrew then vulgar and usual, that is to say the Syriaque tongue: Not only, because in that language, we find them in these times, celebrated by the Christians of the East: but also because I can conceive no reason, either, why the Liturgies should be ordained by the Apostles in that language which the jews themselves (the learned excepted) understood not, if it were done for the jews: or else why the Gentiles, should translate them (or use them so translated) out of the Hebrew into the Syriaque, seeing both were to them alike, vulgarly unknown, and not understood. But howsoever it was in that most ancient and primitive state of the Church, in and immediately following the Apostles times, the difference certainly among Christians in these present times, in that behalf is very great, some of them celebrating their liturgies in their own native and vulgar, and some other in learned and foreign tongues.  
The Christians then (to speak first of the first sort) that celebrate them in their own vulgar languages, are the Armenians, Habassines, Moscouttes with Russians, slavonians, and Protestants.  
For that the Armenians (howsoever otherwise in their ceremonies belonging to divine service, they approach nearer as 
* 
Bellon. observe l. 3. ca 12. Vitriac. Hilt. Or. c. 79.  
Brocard. descript. terrae sanct.  
Michou. de Sa●mat l. 2. c. 1 Breitenbach. Peregrin. c. de Armen.  
Postel. de Ling●a Armenica. Bellon loco. ●i. tato. Nichol. Peregrin. Orient. l. 4. c. 19 Villamont de Voyages. l. 2. c. 23.  
Boter. Relat. pa. 3 l. 2. & Alij plures.   Bellonius and others report, to the rites of the Latin Church, than any other sect of Christians) that they I say exercise their common divine service in the Armenian tongue, jacobus a Vitriaco, Brocardus, Michovius, Breitenbachtus, and many others, some of their own experience, and others of certain relation, have left recorded. And namely, as touching the translation of the holy scripture into the Armenian tongue, which at this Present, is in solemn use among them, the Armenians themselves as 
* Sixt. Senens. l. 4 Biblioth. sanct in ●oannes Constantinopolitanus  Sixtus Senensis hath recorded, attribute it, to no other author then to chrysostom: who also, out of the history of George Patriarch of Alexandria, written of the life of chrysostom, remembreth it specially to have been Chrysostom's work after his banishment from Constantinople, while he lived in those parts of Armenia, to which as we read 
* 
Sozomen. H●st. l. 8 c. 22. Theodoret. l. 5. de Curand. Graecor. Affect. b. post. med.  
Roccha. in Bibliotheca Vaticana. p. ●57.   Sozomen, he was by the emperors decree confined, and there died. And certainly, that the holy scriptures, were translated into the Armenian tongue, before Theodoret's time, who lived soon after chrysostom, for he flourished about the year 440, Theodoret himself (although he name not the Author of the Translation) hath left recorded: as I find also acknowledged by Angelus Roccha, in his discourse of the Vatican Library, not only that chrysostom is said to have translated of the Scriptures into the Armenian tongue, but, that he is also celebrated among the Monuments of the same Vatican, as the 
* Id pag. 155. & M●●. Pansa de Biblioth. Vaticana, pa. 4 discors. 21. Aluarez. histor. Aethiop. ca 159.  Inventor of the Armenian characters still in use.  
And touching the Habassines, Aluarez a Portuguez that lived many years among them hath not only left recorded, that they read Scriptures in the Tigian tongue, which is a dialect of the Habassin, (for Tigia he noteth to be that part of Habassia, which first received Christianity) into which language Sabellicus Supplem. Histor. l. 8. recordeth both the old and new testament to have been translated out of the Chaldee. But 
Idem c. 11.  he, with many 
* 
postel. de Ling. Indica. Theu. Cos. l. 2. ca 14.  
Villamont. l. 2. ca 24.  
Biblioth. Vet. Pat. Tom. 6. pag 55.  
Michou. l. de Sarmat. 2 c 1. Sigum. l. de Reb. Moscou pag. 46.  
Posseum. l. de Rebus Mose- pag. 4.  
Theu. Co●. l. 19 ca 12.   others, that they celebarte their Liturgy in their own language, though the Chaldee be esteemed among them, as their learned tongue, which also the Liturgy itself (you may find it in the new Edition of Bibliotheca veterum Patrum) if you mark the long answers of the People to the Priest, in their Prayers doth evidently import.  
And no less certain is it also, of the Muscovites and Russians, that their Liturgies are likewise ministered in their vulgar tongue (being a kind of Slavonian) though sometimes intermingling Greek hymns as Guaguinus hath observed: Descript. Moscou. ca 2. as is testified by Mathias Michou, by Sigismond, by Possevine, by Thevet, and sundry others.  
And as evident is it of the Illyrians, whom we commonly call Slavonians 
* 
Bapt. Palat. de Ra●. scribend.  
Roccha in Biblioth Vatican pag. 162   that they also exercise their public divine service in their own language: which to have been allowed them by the Pope, at the suit of Cyrill their Bishop, or as 
* Auentin. l 4. Annal.  others say, of Methodius (but the difference is of no importance, for they both lived in the same time, and were companions in preaching the Gospel to barbarous nations) Aeneas Silvius and others have recorded. 

Aen. Silu in Hist. Bohemica. c. 13. Auentin. loc. citat.  
Rocch. loc. citato.   And, in particular of the Liburnians, (the more Westerly part of the Slavouians) it is affirmed by Aventine: and of the Dalmatians, (the more Easterly part of them) by Angelus Roccha, that they celebrate their liturgies in their own language: Which, Roccha saith the Dalmatians are most certainly persuaded to have been of Hieromes devising. But yet in determining the Antiquity of that custom, Roccha that referreth it to Pope Paul the second is greatly mistaken: Because we find it to have been much more anciently granted them by Pope john the eighth that they might both read the Scriptures, and celebrate mass, in their own tongue, as appear by the same 
* 
Epist. 247. joan. Papae. 8. in Tom. 3. Concil. par. 2. ap. Bin. pag. 990.  
Roccha. lib. citato p. 168.   Pope's Epistle extant, to Sfentopulcher. And even Roccha himself (forgetting himself) confesseth it in another place, to have been obtained of the Pope by Cyrill, who was about 600 years ancienter than Paul the second. And certainly (now I am speaking of Popes) of no other judgement touching divine service in vulgar tongues, seemeth Pope Innocent the third to have been (and perhaps it was also the decree of the Council of Lateran) charging that in cities, 
Council Lateran. c 9 & in Decret. l. 1. Tit. 31. ca 14  where there as concourse of diverse nations, that differed in languages, and ceremonies, divine service and the sacraments, should be celebrated according to that difference.  
But to speak a little in particular of the vulgar translation of the holy Scripture used among the Dalmatians: It is not only affirmed by sundry writers to be the work of Hierome, but Hierome himself in his Epistle to Sophronius, seemeth to 
* Hosius de Sacro Vernacul. legendo. postel▪ de lingua Illyrica. Eraim. De clarat 37. ad censur. theolog. Paris.  some learned men to intimate so much, But yet there is another translation also of the Scriptures into the Slanonique tongue, later than that of Hieromes as 
sixth Senens. l 4 Biblioth. Sanct. in Hieronymus Stridonensis Scalig Diatrib. de Ling●●s Europae. & alij plu●es.  Scaliger hath observed, being written in the Seruian character (as the former is in the Dalmatian) used in Rascia, Bosina, Bulgaria, Moldavia, Russia, Moscovia, and other nations of the Slavonian language in the Eastern parts, that celebrate their Liturgies after the Greek Ceremony, and profess obedience to the Patriarch of Constantinople: Of which later translation 
* 
Sixt. Senens. loco citato. Hieron. in Epist ad Sophron. Tom. 3 Scalig. loc. iam citato. Auentin. l. 4. Annal.  
Pansa de Biblioth. Vatican par. 4. Discor. 23.   Methodius the companion of cyril in preaching of the Gospel to Gentile Nations is certainly reported to have been the Author. Which Cyrill (if you question what he was) was neither he of Alexandria, nor he of jerusalem, as Mutius Pansa hath vainly imagined, but another, far later than either of them, whom in the Slavonique tongue they call Chiurill, one that lived about the year 860. namely, he that in the time of the Emperor Michael the third, and Pope Nicholas the first together with Methodius, first brought the Mengrelians, Circassians and Gazarans, and after that 
* Martyrolog. Rom. Martij. 9 Michou. de Sarmatia. l. 1. c 7.  many of the Slavonians) to the faith of Christ, as Michovius hath recorded. Neither need we any other testimony, to refel the fantasy of Pansa touching Cyrill of jerusalem, than Pansa himself, as namely ac-acknowledging, that Cyrill was the Inventer of another sort of Illyrian characters then by Hierome had been formerly devised (for of the Dalmatian characters, that are in use in Dalmatia, Liburnia, Istria, Moravia, 
* 
postel de Ling. Dalmatica.  
Roccha. Biblioth. Vatican. pag▪ ●61. & Al●j plu●●mi.   Silesia, Bohemia, Polonia etc. Hierome is acknowledged to be the Author) It could not be therefore cyril of jerusalem, as being ancienter than Hierome, and by him registered in his catalogue of Writers. And indeed (to make an end) what reason or occasion might the Bishop of jerusalem have to devise characters for the Illyrians?  
But to entreat a little more (on this occasion) of translations of the holy Scripture, made by the ancient fathers into vulgar languages: Besides those already mentioned, of Hierome and chrysostom, by the one, into the Dalmatian, and by the other into the Armenian tongue; It is also recorded by Socrates, and Nicephorus, and sundry 

Socrat. Hist. Eccles. l. 4. c. 27.  
Niceph Hist. Eccles. l 11. c. 48.  
Tripart. Histor. l. 8. c. 13. Paul. Diacon. Hist. Miscell. l. 12.  
Sozomen. l. 2. c. 37.  
Socrat l. 2. c. 32.  
Vulcan. in praef. de Littur. & Lingua Getarum. Inscrip. Vet. pag. 146.   others of Vulphilas, bishop of the Goths one more ancient then either of the former, for he flourished in the time of Constantius the Emperor, and was successor to Theophilus, whose subscription we find in the first Nicene Council (being the same man, to whom the Invention of the Gothique Alphabet is likewise attributed by the same Authors) that he translated the holy Scripture into the Gothique tongue. A copy of which translation is remembered by Bonaventura Vulcanius, to be yet remaining in some Library of Germany: And it may be, that the Gothique translation of the four Evangelists, mentioned by Gruter in the book of ancient Inscriptions, to be of a thousand years antiquity and remaining in the Abbey of Werdin, might be part of that translation of Vulphilas: But yet that besides these translations into vulgar languages, hitherto mentioned of Vulphilas, chrysostom, and Hierome, the holy scriptures were likewise anciently translated into the languages of many nations, is affirmed by Hierome: And in particular (although the translators names be not recorded) into the Egyptian, 
Hieron. in praesat. in 4. Euangel.  Persian, Indian, Scythian, & Sarmatian tongues, nay into all the languages of other nations, as Theodoret, 
Theodoret. l. 5. de Carand. Graecor Affe ●●ibus post med.  that flourished in the time of the Ephesine and Chalcedon counsels (almost 1200 years ago) hath left testified: As also in the following times (yet ancient) we read of the like translations of the Scriptures, to have been made by 
* V●sco. in Chron. Hisp●n ad An. 717.  john Archbishop of Seville into the Arabic, about An. 717, which then was the vulgar speech of that part of Spain and some part of it, into the Saxon or English by Beda, about the same time: Into the Slavonique by 
* Io●n. Trevis. l. 5. c. 24.  Methodius about An. 860. etc. Into the Italian by 
* Auentin. l. 4. Annal.  jacobus de Voragine about An. 1290. etc.  

* Sixt. Senens. Babble Sa●ct l. 4. in jacobus Archiepiscopus Genuensis.  And now to entreat of those sects of Christians that celebrate their liturgies in learned and foreign tongues: which the vulgar people do not understand: I find only three languages, wherein they are all performed. 

Vitriac. Histor. Orient. ●a. 77.  
Barbos'. in Vol. ●. de Viaggi. apud Ra●u●●. pag. 3●3. V●liam l 2. c. 1● Boter Rel. par 3. l. 2. c d. Nestoriani.   Namely, the Greek, the Latin, and the Chaldee, or Syriaque tongues.  
And First, touching the Chaldee or Syriaque, in it are celebrated the liturgies of the Nestorians, as Vitriacus, Ba●bosa, V●llamont, Boter●, and others have recorded: for Genebrard that pronounceth peremptorily the Hebrew tongue, and not the Syriaque to be the usual language wherein all the oriental nations minister their divine service, bewrays but too much, 
Genebrard. Chronog. l. 3. ad. An. Chr. 3●.  both his boldness and his ignorance, as being not able, I am certainly persuaded, to produce any history, or other lawful testimony, that recordeth the Liturgies of any Christians in all the East, to be performed in the Hebrew tongue. But yet it may be observed, that where in sundry writers we find it mentioned, that the N●storians exercise their divine offices in the Chaldee, we are not to understand them of the pure and ancient, but of the degenerate or jewish Chaldee, which beside the Chaldee and Hebrew whereof it is principally tempered and compounded, hath much mixture also both of Greek and Arabic, such as the jews language was after our Saviour and his Apostles time, that is (in a word) the Syriaque, for the jewish Chaldee (to declare this point a little better) is of two sorts: One of those that returned not again after the captivity to jerusalem, but settled themselves to inhabit about Babylon, whose language (although somewhat degenerating also from the right Chaldee) is termed the Babylonian tongue, of which sort, the jews dialect of Neardea in Mesopotamia (the compilers of the Babylonian Talmud) was: The other of those that returned from the captivity, whose language is properly termed the Syrian or jerusalem Chaldee, varying somewhat farther from the native Chaldee then the former, by reason of the mixture of foreign words, Arabic, Greek, Roman, and others, which in course of time it contracted: In which dialect, the Talmud and Targum, both named of jerusalem, and the books of the later Rabbins, are written. And in this second sort of Chaldee, is the holy scripture by the East Christians translated, and their Liturgies at this day celebrated.  

Oser. de R●b. Emmanuel. l. 3 Possevin. in Appar. sacr. in Diam●eriense Concilium. Linschot. l. 1. c. 15.  Secondly of the Indians, that they in like sort perform their Liturgy (not in the Hebrew, as is confidently affirmed by Genebrard, but) in the Chaldee or Syriaque, is testified by Osorius, Possevine, Linschot, etc. and confirmed by their Liturgy, extant in Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum, which is there remembered to be translated out of the Syriaque. 
Bibl. Vet. Patr. in Auctario. Tom. 2. in fine.   
And so do Thirdly the jacobites: Namely, they of Mesopotamia, of Babylon, of Palestine, of Syria, and of Cyprus, which are peculiarly known by that appellation. 
Vitriac. Histor Orient. c. 76.  Of whom Vitriacus long since observed, that they read the divine scriptures, in a language unknown to the Lay people: And that language by the new Testament 
* Vide Widmanstad. in paraefat. Testamenti. Syriaci.  brought from them by Moses Mardenus into Europe, to be printed (for the more commodious dispersing of it abroad in their Churches) we now certainly know to be the Syriaque tongue, even as it is also known and 
* Post. de lingua. Chaldaic. Boter. Rel. pa. 3. l. 2. c. de Gia cobiti.  recorded touching the rest of their divine service, that it is performed in the same Syriaque language, which they term the Chaldee. And it is thought, that the Liturgy commonly termed Anaphora Basi●ij, which, we have by Masius translated out of the Syriaque into Latin (and is found in Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum) is the jacobites Liturgy: 
Biblioth. Vet. Pa●. Tom. 6. pag. 27.  which language although it be now unknown among them, (their clerks or learned men excepted) yet that it was vulgarly understood, when that liturgy was first ordained, the long answers of the people to the priest, in their prayers which we find in it, may be demonstrations. But touching the old testament, which they have also (as Arias writes he hath heard from their own relations, 
Arias. Montan. in Admonit. praefix. Biblijs Reg. de Versione Syriaca. Postel. i● Lingua Chaldaica  and postel, that he hath seen) usual in all those East parts in the Syriaque tongue, it is specially observed by Arias Monatanus, to be translated, not out of the Hebrew, but out of the Greek of origen's emendation.  
And Fourthly, of the Cophti or Christians of Egypt, it is likewise 
* Boter. Relat. pa. 3. l. 3. c de Christiani dell Egitto.  observed, that they celebrate their liturgies in the same language: (reading yet the Gospel after it is done in the Chaldee, in the Arabic tongue, which is now, and long hath been the vulgar language of Egypt.) And it may further appear, beside the testimony of histories, by the Liturgy of Severus, Patriarch of Alexandria, in use among them, translated out of Syriaque into latin by Guido Fabritius.  
And Fifthly, 
Posscu●n. in Appar. sacro in Maronitae. Postel. de ling. Chaldaica. Villam. l. 2. c. 24.  the Maronites in their Liturgies, (which Possevine observeth to be the Liturgies of Peter, of james, and of Sixtus) use the same Syriaque language (the Arabic being also their vulgar) as beside Possevine, postel, also, and Villamont, and others have recorded.  
And so do Sixtly, and lastly (to make an end of this reckoning) the poor Christians of the Isle of Zocotora (an Island after Barros his dimension of 60 miles in length and 27 in breadth) without the bay of Arabia, 
Barros. de Asia. Decad. 2. l. 1. cap. 3.  for although I find it questioned touching the religion, whether they be jacobites or Nestorians; ivan Barros affirming the first (and it may seem so for their nearness to the dominions of Habassia) and Ananias proving the latter because they are uncircumcised, 
Anan. Fab. ic. del. Mondo. Trat. 3. p. 292.  which jacobites are not, and profess obedience to the Patriarch of Mozal, who is known to be Patriarch of the Nestorians: yet in this they both agree, that their divine service (such as it is) is performed in the Chaldee tongue. 
Boter. Relat. par. 3. l. 3. de Christiani di Socotena.  And although Botero relate it to be done in the Hebrew, yet he meaneth (out of doubt) not the ancient and pure Hebrew, but the latter or degenerate language of the Hebrew, that is to say the Syriaque. As the other also that affirm the public and solemn devotions either of these Zocotorini, or any other Christians in all the East, or South parts of the world, to be red in the Chaldee, require also the like interpretation: Namely to be understood, not of the right, and Babylonian, but of the jewish and corrupted Chaldee.  
But now to speak of those Christians, that celebrate their Liturgies in the Greek tongue: I observe them to be these.  
1. The Grecians themselves: Namely all they whose vulgar speech the Greek tongue is, inhabiting in Greece, and a great part of N●tolia, of Macedon, and of Thrace, together with all the Islands of the Aegaean Sea, and the other many scattered Islands, about the coasts of Greece. But yet they do it, not in the present vulgar, but in the pure and ancient Greek tongue, whereof as I before observed, the common people understand but little: using namely, on festival days, the ancient Liturgy of Basil, and on common days that of chrysostom, as jeremy a late Patriarch of Constantinople hath recorded. 
jerem. Resp. 1. ad Germano● cap. 13.  And namely, as touching the holy scriptures, using the Septuagints Greek translation, and specially that of Lucian's Emendation. At least it was so with them in Hieromes time (and I find no mention at all recorded of any alteration) who observeth the Edition of the 70 Interpreters by Lucianus, 
Hieron. in praef ad Lib. Paralipom.  to have been received in use from Constantinople as far as Antiochia: As also that of origen's emendation, from Antiochia to Egypt and in Egypt, that of Hesychius. But (howsoever it may be touching the edition usual among them) yet certainly, that the Grecians have not the scriptures translated into the vulgar Greek, the 
* Theodos. Zygomal in epist. ad Crus. l. 7. Turcog●●cae. pag. 431.  Grecians themselves have directly recorded.  
2. The Syrians, namely those, that for distinction of religion from the jacobites (who likewise inhabit Syria) are termed so, that is to say the Melchites, for they (having the Arabic for their vulgar language) as they agree in other points of their religion, and ceremony, and order of divine service, with the Grecians, so do they as touching their Liturgy, in language also, as is observed by 
* Vitriac. Histor. Orient. c. 75. Ha●tho. l. de. Tartaris▪ c. 14. B●eitenbach. Peregrin. c. de Surianis. Bau●ngart. Peregr. l. 2. c 9 Villamont. l. 2 c. 22. Boter. Rel. pa. 3. l ●. c. d● Melchi●i.  Vitriacus, Haiths, Breitenbachius, and many others.  
3. The Georgians, who having for their vulgar speech, a peculiar language of a middle temper (which well agreeth with the position of their Country) betwixt Tartarian and Armenian, as Gesner and postel and R●c●ha in their books of languages have observed, exercise notwithstanding their liturgies in the Greek tongue, as 
* Vitriac. lib. citat. c. 80.  jacobus a Vitriaco, 
Gesner. ●ithrid. in Lingua Georgian. Postel. de 12. Ling. Tit. de Ling. Georg. Roccha. de Dialect i● G●●orgiana, & in Grae3●a Vet. Baumgart. loc 〈◊〉. Villamont. l. ●. c. 23.  Gesner, Postel, Roccha, and diverse others have certainly recorded.  
4. The Circassians: who yet in such sort celebrate their divine service in the Greek, that their priests themselves by reason of their gross ignorance, understand not what they read 
* Inter●an. de●la vita de. 1. Zychi●ca. 1● Bellon. observat. l. 1. c. 35.  as Intireano (that lived among them) hath remembered.  
5. And lastly, in the Greek tongue are celebrated, the Liturgies of all the monasteries, that are of the Greek religion, wheresoever dispersed within the Turkish dominions, in afric or Asia: As in mount Sinai, the Cities of Petra and Eltor in Arabia: In jerusalem, Alexandria, Damascus, and in sundry other places, as Bellonius with others hath left recorded.  
And to come at last to the nation, that celebrate their Liturgies in the Latin tongue: To speak of them, even this little will be enough: Namely, that all the Christians, that are found of the Roman Communion, in America, and in Africa, celebrate their liturgies in the Roman tongue. As all likewise in Europe (except the Slavonians above mentioned.) And in Asia, except the two new Roman purchases, of the Maroni●es in Syria, and of the Christians of Saint Thomas in India, who retain still, the old accustomed language, which as I observed before, is in the Liturgies of both those Nations, the Syriaque tongue.  
FINIS.