AN APOLOGY IN BRIEF ASSERTIONS DEFENDING THAT our Lord died in the time properly foretold to Daniel.  
For satisfaction of some students in both Universities.  
H. BROUGHTON.  
LONDON, Imprinted by WILLIAM KEARNEY dwelling within Creeple-gate. 1592.   

To the right noble Lord, Sir Peregrine Bertye Knight, Lord of Willoughby and Eresby.  
ARistotle the witty philosopher (right Honourable) noteth, that as the eyes of Bats are affected towards the light in the day: so is the mind of our soul to those things, which of Nature are very manifest.  
That appeareth in all our studies: wherein, after many years pains, we get but that which in the end we see to have been clear in the first, if our eyes had been opened to behold them: and find that we may soon show unto others, manifold obscure points quickly, which ourselves were long in searching.  
Your Lordship by experience in my studies, may be a fit example herein. For, whereas I spent many years labour in searching the Consent of holy Writers, which have penned for us the Book of Truth, cleared the Prophecies unto their events, through the right families and course of times, and to compel other Hebrews and Greeks' to serve them: your Lordship learned after little direction, that which I could not find in pains of long continuance: and that no less for Scripture, than for old Heathen stories.  
And even as I was long in contriving of them into an order, which soon might have been seen: so others, in study my Ancients, of great fame and desert, for matters triable by eyesight (and thereupon evident unto all, who will rest upon God's authority) either will not, or can not see that, which now I behold as clear as the Sun in his greatest brightness: and I know that your Lordship doth no less.  
Yea, who would not be our surety? when the striver is confuted with the very title of the Defence, THAT CHRIST our Lord died in the time properly foretold to Daniel. Also, who would not acknowledge the weakness of man's mind, when this Apology is found extremely needful, for satisfaction of some Students in both Universities? One learned man of the one University told me, that an adversary had turned all against me, all of all degrees: in so clear a case, that he presently was driven to yield unto me, as soon as he heard the propriety for which we strove. For when I told him of Gabriels' prophecy, I asked him, whence the time must be counted, and whether? He said, from the speaking, and unto our Lord his death. I bade him tell their D. that he must do so too. So he doth, so he yieldeth unto me, so our cause had been determined by the striver, if the blindness of some had not been marvelous: who having lost their hold, (not three days before they perceive it, as the Babylonians) but three years, yet triumph of a victory: so that some of the other University, began a little to triumph with them. Hereupon this Apology I writ in defence of myself, of Daniel the wise, of Gabriel the angel, and of mine Adversary, against himself: that the middle space cannot by religion, learning, art, or wit, be holden uncertain: neither hath he Heathen consent any thing worth, but in the parts despised, by all Writers upon the Prophets and Apostles, and also by profane Greeks', the most ancient, and the latest. These two points end the controversy. I commend to your lordships protection my cause: which (I think) shall more need authority, than skill to defend it. Art careth not for the many of Adversaries: yet to bridle many strivers unseasonable and unreasonable, authority of high personages, (who privately may deal) is now for me specially requisite.  
Your Honours to command: Hugh Broughton.   

The Author to the Reader.  
TOuching the judgement of those Divines, which I city, for their exposition of daniel's prophecy, it were long to bring their whole style: the sum is this, That from the end of the Babylonian captivity, the first seven must be reckoned: and the last hath in it our Lord's death. With that mure adversary once agreeth: yet goeth against himself, saying, that the Angel meant no certain time: and that 107. years are betwixt the return, and the building of the Temple. 75. more than I hold, and 5, less thence to Tiberius than I make. The whole I make 70. sevens, and stand to that: he once 70. and again 80. and again a number uncertain: which he thinketh, that Olympiades' can bring to certainty of, not 490. years, but 560. precisely. And he thinketh for this to disannul the common judgements of jews and Greeks' upon the Scripture: and that accounts from Olympiades' with Romans and Chaldeans can make his cause good. This I am to overthrow, by that wit, learning, and religion, utterly forbidden to hold uncertainty, where the limits be certain in Daniel for our Lord's redemption. And that particulars from the Prophets, holden of Church and Synagogue, as I do, are holden aright; and that profane testimonies fail him. In handling profane testimonies: The fall of Troy, Olympiades', Cyrus' Monarchy, Xerxes' war, Lysander's, alexander's: the distances of these I am driven to handle, & prove that in all these, even faithless Greeks disprove them, whom mine adversary followeth: and also they whom he most alloweth, do him utterly confute. He reading among men young in years, younger in these studies, and not putting in print his Lectures: I entered abruptly into the cause, to meet with strivers, hasty to broach streams of errors.   

A DEFENCE OF I. CALVIN, our notes upon the Geneva Bible, Emmamanuel Tremelius, Matthew Beroaldus, Henry Wolphius, and Romists yielding unto them, Gilbert Genebrard, and others: for the beginning, ending, and certainty of daniel's sevens, contained in Gabriels' speech, the key of the old Testament, by H. B. of the same opinion in Conc. Ser.  
THeir beginning is so clear by the Text, that the sharpest adversary is driven to grant this for their beginning, as followeth: Quod ad rationes attinet è scriptura sacra, etsi mihi quidem maximè videatur rationi esse consentaneum, ut verbum existimetur id significare quod versibus superiorib. Gabriel commemorat, verbum jehovae eiusque decretum, uti explicavimus: quoniam tamen referri potest ad illud tempus quores ipsa implenda fuit, non tamen quo primum enuntiata est, idcirco relinquatur nobis liberum, ut potuisse iudicemus id tempus designari, quo Cyrus judaeis libertatem concessurus erat è Babilonica captivitate redeundi, & instaurandi Hierosolyma. Pag 150. Taken out of a Lecture book written.  
And also this much for the ending of them: Septuaginta septimanis completis excisus est Christus. A man would have thought, that he who was driven to grant such a careful limitation for beginning & ending, should not seek an impossibility for a greater space in the middle parts than the whole is.  
Notwithstanding his strife is against Art, himself, Daniel, all men, and against an Angel, in these words: Si Angelus dixisset post octies septuaginta annos excidetur Christus, hic quidem precise & proprie locutus esset Angelus: quoniam precise ab eo tempore intercesserunt anni 560.  
This is far worse: Constat per synecdochen certum numerumpro incerto poni, ita in hoc ipso Danielis loc restatiam nobis confirmandum: non posse precise intelligi annos 490: sed alium aliquem numerum, incertum per certum. First take this much against his uncertainty, for propriety. Afterwards against his account of 560. years.  
1 The propriety of Scripture whereupon actions of men must be altered through all the world, is surer than heaven and earth, which shall pass: but it shall not.  
2 He that granteth an Antichristian, that the fullness of time for redemption, differeth 70. years from the Angel's speech, turneth the propriety of Scripture against our faith, and shaketh God's word: whereby profaneness only will bear sway, and the Gospel shall be nothing worth.  
3 He maketh the Angel a greater deceiver than ever Apollo was: speaking so, that of two thousand years none ever, jew nor Gentile understood him until 1590. in a matter touching a principle of faith.  
4 He maketh Daniel not to understand his own prophecy: who yet saith, he understood, and that the Angel came to teach him knowledge: and professedly confuteth daniel's meaning. He should have found upon his victory far more glory, if he had plainly told his hearers, that he would teach Daniel better to understand the Angel: though he told them not obscurely in disputing that Daniel understood it not: and granteth or must grant that Daniel thought it properly spoken: and so is the prophet of mine opinion and with me confuted.  
5 The charge to understand Daniel Math. 24. were in vain for a time indefinite: for still the mind would be unquiet, if 70. years before the word required, that all things should be performed.  
6 Seven in a trope signifieth many: so scutcheon seven must signify an exceeding great number. So extremity of judaisme should be established. For the jews look yet for Christ to come, and hold him bad that prescribeth a time.  
7 The ceremonies have no warrant from expressed words, when they should end: but clean contrary, are long to continue, for any word of prophet, if Gabriels' speech be indefinite.  
8 It were in vain to lay down so exact a Chronicle from Adam to Cyrus, that jews or Gentiles of old have rightly held those years plainly, the learned of them, if from Cyrus to Christ, where most need was, a certain speech should be uttered, but an uncertain meaning left, and no Scripture handle the cause.  
9 jews and Gentiles hitherto understood Gabriel in propriety: and a small Library will afford a hundred several writers witnesses hereof.  
10 The deadly enemy Aben Ezra granteth, that the time is from the word to Daniel, until the Messiah is sealed: and also that it is 490. years.  
11 The Pharisees might have objected Scripture against Christ, Matth. 16. touching the time, if it had not properly fallen out: when our Lord doth blame them for not knowing the time.  
12 Herod had not feared: nor the sage Magy come to jerusalem: nor after, Andrew, the Samaritans, and they Luk. 19 Act. 2. or they that were in Barcozbas' days, looked for a Messiah: but by Scripture. If propriety had been cast off 70. years further, some simple, 70. years sooner would have looked for Christ. But none did.  
13 Auctor Chazon Moed and Barbinel should justly accuse all Christians of extreme ignorance in this text, if all have been deceived, who thought that Gabriel limited the time for Christ.  
14 To part an indefinite time, reason can not suffer, and no author ever went about: therefore it passeth reason to make not only the seventy sevens uncertain, but the 7. also, the 62. also, the one also in his two parts.  
15 Daniel knew before Gabriel came to him every point of that which the angel spoke of, saving the time when our Lord should die. Wherefore either that is it which he taught him: or he spoke untruly in promising to teach him knowledge.  
Conclusion. seventy sevens of errors may be objected against the inventor of that opinion: wherefore it must be abolished.  

Objections of adversaries.  
1 The 400. years Gen. 15. are not exact: so Gabriels years, may be taken for a number uncertain.  
2 Likewise the 300. years jud. 11.  
3 Also the time of the three days, and three nights told by our Lord for being in the grave, are not just so fully.  
4 Likewise many expound the Angel as in his commentary or second speech, cutting of his last seven in the middle, and some of the above named so do: therefore it is not precisely. 490. years.  
5 As author Concentus maketh the three years and half which are in Apoc. 13. to be spoken by a synecdoche: so may gabriel's sevens be.   

Answers.  
The first is exact, and always hath so been taken, from since Ishmael persecuted Isaak, until the departure from Egypt: years precisely 400.  
Moreover, if by a prophet from the old testament any could prove it controlled, he should help himself nothing: for God by propriety should tell what he meant, and give warrant for a trope.  
So the speech of jephte for the. 300 yeresis controlled by Scripture, and was such as the cause required. For whereas the king of Ammon complained of injury done at the coming from Egipte, not knowing, or not regarding the. 40. years continuance in the wilderness, it had been a curiosity for jephte to be quarrelling for that which nothing altered the play: and so he speaketh of the time from their own supposition. 305. it was. But who in that case would be trifling for the odd five.  
For the three days, and three nights, the Evangelists make the meaning plain, showing that the sixth day our Lord was buried, and arose the first day.  
The fourth objection is twice faulty. For it woundeth the obiecter more sharply. For if the angel said 490. years saving three years and an half, he calleth to a most strait reckoning.  
Moreover, how can he make up 560. precisely, if the angel cut of three years & an half. But that the angel in his commentary crossed not his own text, many learned old and new show: and to strive for such quirks it is no gravity. The use of the text is to show the time of redemption expressing a redeemer. If men further will contend, the Church of God hath no such custom.  
Lastly if the 3. years & half & Gabriels' sevens be equal concerning trope & propriety: by a consequent the Pope should be freed from being Antichrist: by the general testimony of writers, that hold daniel's speech to be proper: & so a learned man that so thinketh by his own voice should disgrace his learned works written against the Pope.    

THAT THERE WAS NO cause why 560. years should be imagined betwixt the deliverance by Cyrus, and the death of our Saviour.  

For the whole time.  
IF twenty from Nathan to Salathiel, & much the like in salomon's house: for that Ezekias might have been a grandfather, at Manasses birth: if these two houses had but 430. years, for twenty or as twenty: the twenty in Saint Luke from Zororobabel, by all likelihood can not without warrant from God come so far, as to make up daniel's 490. years, much less 560.  
If twenty can hardly bring up so much: much less would an heathen gather from ten Matth. 1. so much, by ordinary course: none can affirm any omitted.   

For the Persians 130. years.  
The five generations (from josua excluded) unto Iaddue by common succession, hardly make up one hundred and thirty, much less may man's counters summon them to double, almost.  
And if Nehemiahs' government and Sanballats open dealing saw the whole 5. that are after josua: it is strange that his government should be longer than all theirs, in so small records of doings.  
Nehemiah, by all hebrews and Greeks', and all that read the Bible as sufficient in itself, is the same Ez. 2. Ne. 1. So he must see all the Persian times. For Iaddue who met Alexander and Darius the last of Persian Monarches is in his book chap. 12. 22. and his own dealings against Manasses brother to Iaddue son in law to Sanballat, who saw Alexander's wars. Ioseph. 11. ant. 7. & 8. conferred with Neh. 13. 28.   

Objection.  
Bellarmine the jesuite from Beda, saith that Nehemia● numbereth the high Priests unto Iaddue, because he touched the infancy of Iaddue, who was aged when he met Alexander.   

Answer.  
1 Manasses the younger brother of Iaddue, marrying Sanballats daughter caused Nehemias' troubles: therefore he saw their man's age.  
2 He saw also Darius Codomanus. N. 12. even by the confession of M. F. junius.   

another objection in Wolphius upon Nehemias'.  
It may be that some after Nehemias' death wrote the catalogue of those high Priests.   

Answer.  
1 We should not imagine one work to be of two authors, though Deut. 33. hath the last eight verses written after Moses death: by joshua Bava Batra pag. 15. or some other. For there evident mention of death went afore, but no such thing is here.  
2 Also that of Darius and Manasses, doth answer him. And thus Nehemias' age controlleth all that extend the Persians rule unto two hundred years and more: and grant him borne at the first return, as all antiquity, and the late that I know, do, saving one or two.   

A third objection.  
Nehemias' placed third amongst the names expressly named (Ezr. 2. 2.) is not he who is near in government, Neh. 1. & of that the Geneva notes authority might have warned. For that Nehemias' was young, as circumstances prove: specially that he knew not that jerusalem was destroyed.   

Answer.  
1 It is strange that Nehemias' a jew, witty and learned, could be ignorant of Moses, Esay, Micheas, jeremy, Ezekiel, Obadias, Psalm. 137. Daniel: whose prayer he so expressly followeth touching jerusalem: of Cyrus' decree, of Zor●babels company, of Ezras, and after fifty thousand returned to their country, should not know that. A child seven years old hardly would have been so simple. Mark what strange expositions a false Chronicle breedeth.  
2 All circumstances prove him aged: his heaviness of four months for jerusalem: his office of trust for the king's life: his policy: yielding an idean of a politician.  
3 The notes on the Bible dedicated to her Majesty, as they now stand prove the contrary: and utterly resist the citer of them. So unless Romistes and Protestants, and the old fathers will resist their own selves: Nehemias' will drive them all to condemn the Greek supposed agreement of Chronicle: and to follow Gabriels. For what a vanity and vexation of study, hath it wrought among men that would seem to commend Scripture as plain? To what inconstancy hath it driven men: to make their own writings to cross themselves: and to wrest Scriptures, beyond all reason of common judgement.   

Of Ezra.  
A like strength to the cause bringeth Ezra. hebrews, Greeks'. Latines all commonly, unless some one forget himself, held Ezra son to Saraias; which was killed when the temple was burnt. So he living nigh to their last times, controulleth the overreachers by their own consent.  
So do, Sal. jarchi upon 1. Chron. 5. Abrabbaneel upon Aggei: Rambam and zakuto in their successions, & Megilah in the Talmud maketh him such: as Baruchs scholar, & Simeony upon Ezra named Neh. 12, from Talmud Sanedrin, maketh him the Scribe: as nothing further doubting. Athanasius or other Greeks' never moved any doubt. Latins more expressly mention it: as old Jerome, whom also H. Bullinger citeth▪ as Lyra, Lauater, Pelican, Sixtus Senensis, Tilemanus Stella, and Romistes, in apparatu Bibliorum and upon 2. King. 25. and all who like of 4. Esd. 3. Whereas none yet for that point control the auctor: none that I could hear of. Only the Rabbin zakuto forgetting the text, maketh him son to josedek, though in an other place he showing how many of his ancestors Ezra omitted, placeth not josedek as one. And M. F. junius in private speech with myself (though hereby he overthroweth his cause and my adversaries by his grant) marveled that any would doubt of it. For his death, whether we hold with them that bring him to the Persians end of Monarchy (as they do, who either make him to be Malachi, or to write Nehemias' story) or to die somewhat sooner: we need not to strive for the extremity of his old age.   

Objection against that Esra should be properly son to Saraias.  
The term son may be for any posterity: and Esra i● ●bnepos to Saraias: that is in the fift descent from him.   

Answer.  
1 He is very simple in deed, & knoweth not Christ to be the son of David, who is ignorant how son may signify any posterity. But we must hold the usual signification of terms, unless scripture drive us to seek others that be further of.  
2 It had been a strange dealing in Esra to derive Saraias to Aaron. 1. Chro. 5. (who is known up to Adam) without omitting any one, if betwixt him and Saraias he would so pen the matter, as to deceive his own nation continually. Greeks' also and also Latinistes commonly. None heretofore ever thought him abnepotem Saraiae, nor borne after the Captivity.  
3 It can not agree with any man's nature, to have him in record next himself, who is the first stain of his house if he had any betwixt to record. but to Efra Saraias was such, the first of his line that died in open wrath, therefore he would never have him next himself, if any further kindred were betwixt.  
4 The learning and authority of Esra argueth that he was of that age; wherein ebrew was purely kept. For he could not have been counted a principal man amongst so many thousands, unless in ebrew studies he had been of the ebrew prophets education: as the talmud maketh him scholar to Barue, & the jews general consent holdeth, and the Greeks' with Latins much in the same 〈◊〉.  
Touching the objection that as Esra over skippeth in one catalogue certain generations, (by Zacuto seven, in deed but six) so well he might omit some betwixt Saraias and himself, it may soon be answered, that as the one is sure by a scripture, so should the other have been, if any such matter were. but it is not. therefore I will no more believe any to be betwixt Saraias and Esra, then between these, Salmon, Booz, Obed, jessai. Betwixt them, some have imagined some: none of account, any betwixt these two.   

Objection.  
Nehemias' should exceed common old age, and Ezra specially.   

Answer.  
Suppose Nehemias' aged but twelve years: according to josephus record (antiq. 11. 4.) for the youngest in the rolls of the returned. So he might see Alexander's wars under one hundred and forty, younger than Galen. Neither was that age any where strange. 
Gesnerus out of Bale●.  David Menevensis saw years one hundred forty and five. A Beverley man of late was reported to die at one hundred thirty and five years, of whose age great examination by great men was said to be had. Pliny recordeth many aged betwixt a hundred thirty and five, and a hundred and forty, found together in small quarters of Italy. By Epimenides of a hundred fifty and seven in Pliny, Phlegon, Lucian, with Arganthonius of a hundred and fifty, in them from Anacreon and Herodotus, & M. Aponius well known of that age in Pliny lib. 7. cap. 49. by them ezra's case will not be strange. For if profane late match or pass Ismaels' old age: it should not be thought strange that one as Ezra an other Moses for law, should for old age come near Isaakes years: when a prophecy from God, zach. 8. 4 had promised that old folk using staves in their hands, should sit in jerusalems' streets. That prophecy might warrant us that some should be found very aged. Through Europe a forged Philo hath long been received, cited in commentaries infinitely, in which Mardochai is aged a hundred ninety eight years. The countries who received him should not hold▪ Ezras years strange. codoman's imitator that maketh Obed and jessai new fathers at a hundred sixty one, may not blame this. But I see no necessity why we may not think that Ezra died some twenty or thirty years before Alexander's Monarchy, as I have before handled: though for the common opinion we place him in the last times of the Persians exactly. So his age shall have no unlikelihood in it: even to an heathen judgement. And thus by two good witnesses the Persians Monarchy is drawn within the compass of one hundred and thirty years, from the supposed two hundred or more.   

For the space betwixt Cyrus and Aggai, prophesying: that it is nothing near 107.  
From the temple built unto Tiberius his eighteenth, D. R. hath five years less than I lay. That space by our agreements is past favour to his part: wherefore the space betwixt Cyrus and Aggei remaineth to be tried. That it is nothing near 107. years, nor more than 32. weigh all proofs, of conjectures many, some surer and better standing, some demonstrations may be seen.  
1 Mardochei is held then alive, captived with jeconias: so held all the million of hebrews & Greeks, all that our land bred, all simple that are turned to the text: & that proof, or none, is enough, his age and his uncles daughter ends the controversy. By my account he should be a little elder than Daniel was the third of Cyrus.  
Bellarmine had rather grant him years one hundred sixty five than to deny him to be captived: for which point Paulus Burgensis and Caietanus have been continually rejected which opinion is revived by Drusius, Scaliger, junius and Pererius: but again rejected of later.  
Against that, for Romistes Bellarmin upon ester's book hath arguments acceptable: de verbo Dei.  
For Ebricians, these authors cite the jews common opinion, Talmud in Megilah, Midras Megilah, Aben Ezra, Salomoh jarchi, Ralbag, Maharam Garma. R. Eleazar: Salomoh Ben Elkabez, jacob been Nahum, Geon, Elisai Galico, the large Chaldean paraphrastes, all these upon Ester: so Bochai upon Exod. 17. bringing Mardochai of Saul and Kis. None have one syllable showing that any of their nation ever doubted whether Mardochai were captived.  
It can not stand with modesty to refuse the universal consent of a nation, for judgement in a narration in their own language, & of their own common weal: whereof yearly two thousand years they have kept a remembrance and continual meditation in their common place books and prayer books.  
These translator in the Latin tongue the best in Hebrew skill, Munster, Vatablus. Pagnin, with Montanus, Boderianies', Raphelengius: Tremelius the most exquisite of any, whom junius in the margin keepeth unaltered: and commentaries all that I have seen, saving the few above named: these cut of the doubt.  
So do many Chroniclers, though to their own whole overthrow for the Persians two hundred years or more: man's testimony is strongest against himself. Take these Lucidus, Massaeus, Curio, Bucholcherus, Bunting, Bullinger, Chytreus, Funschius, Vignier, Schubert. Codoman: all confess either in word or so placing Mardochai, as with jechonias he might be captived. When so many learned confess that whereby they fall: can one in their company prove that they confess erroneously?  
2 The returned built the temple. Ezra. 6. 14.  
3 The children which had been in captivity, priests Levites, and the rest, celebrate the dedication. vers. 16.  
4 Zorobabel and josuah are expressly named returners and builders: two in office together never were 107. years.  
5 Aggeis (2. 4.) by the judgement of all commenters spoke of man that had seen the former temple in age of discretion, 90. years aged they should be by mine account. That I trow is enough, not 160. as for the objection that his speech is a wish, none ever had such a speech in ure: as who of you: for O that one of you: a provoker should not go against the whole stream of learned.  
6 It can not stand with reason that God should bring 50000. home in favour and of 107. years tell them nothing of redemption, but delight in their sons unafflicted for his truth: while yet succession of prophets was to continue. And the like breaking of was not since Adam's time: to have times unrecorded and without any action touching God.  
7 No jew nor Gentil broke of the succession of prophets betwixt Samuel and Malachi: but from Daniel to Aggei 107. years should break it of.  
8 The hebrews generally hold it but as 70. years from sedekia's fall to Aggai. Abenezra goeth fourteen years further as I do. I need not to regard Sadaias upon Dan. 9 jarring from all his own nation. They be followed by Greeks', Theophilus, Theodoretus, and Clemens, dashing therein the heathen accounts of Cyrus and Cambyses, held only for a thing of toleration in talk to Heathen, not of exactness.  
9 S. Jerome also, and after him Latines full many, follow the hebrews.  
10 He should not pretend defence of antiquity, which hath it more against him than I am.  
11 The whole tenor of Aggai argueth a speech uttered to the returned, rather than to a new age: as their thinking that it was not time to build: and the famine while they intermitted, and all scarcity, and such: without any one syllable betokening a new age.  
12 It were strange that Aggai should in five prophecies four times record the day of the month: and one day twice, if 2. of Darius should be straggling, & have not any for to join it to story. But by the 20. making up 50. from Cyrus it hath, a certain sum: even 32.  
Many learned rightly mark and hebrews generally cited by Aben ezra upon Ezra. 6. 14. that Darius and Artaxast are the names of that king under whom Aggei prophesieth and Ezra returneth: and who so think otherwise will make a strange penning of ezra's story. That being so holden, the troops of them that join Artaxast his 20. to the 50. from Cyrus' first, set his second at 32. of which point more shall be spoken hereafter. And so Aggei containeth as fit a space both for the returned from Babylon to be yet of activity about his temple, with their children also of judgement and strength: as the men of middle age at the stars appearing when our Lord was borne, & with them their children of his age, might together see the temple of his body, after two & thirty years, raised up. God chooseth times reasonable, likely, and like: for his dealings: and easy in story to be considered and remembered.  
13 When they built an altar a prophet was to teach them from God: 
Talmud in jebamoth. pag. 21. b. Abrabbaneel flieth from the Talmud to a fable of josephus Ben Gorion: of fire hid and made like oil: yet he disdained to accomp●anie thing of the second of the Maccabees for his strength upon Aggei.  how without fire from heaven they might sacrifice, by ordinaire fire (I see no better opening of that action) but in any record none have we amongst them but Aggai and Zacharie, & Zacharie is called Naar, a lusty man or young man, which for one much above fifty would be a strange speech: so he should be about twenty at his coming home.  
14 Zacharie telleth of their fathers consumed: which to the returns may be spoken but not of the returned.  
15 Also the fasting for jerusalems' destruction, and the naming of the famous anger for the seventy years, that will admit none other sense but the scutcheon of captivity: famous to be known by that general name, which if seventy more had been past, it had been an unfit speech: that was mistaken by antiquity to be seventy from Sedekias, and all circumstances might agree well with the eighteen years since Cyrus, as hebrews, Greeks' and Latins guessed, but that a flat Scripture calleth for thirty two years: eighteen more making up fifty.  
16 The people were generally so tractable under Aggai and zachary as never any such number: and such as captivity might well be thought to tame.  
17 As Laertius noteth that Epimenides was fifty & seven years a sleep. So here all juda shall be longer a sleep, without any one syllable in record, what any one doth all the while: by the hundredth and seven years.  
18 Nehemias' demanded in what case they were at jerusalem which were the remnant of the captivity: in the 20. year of Artaxerxes. wherefore the space thence to Cyrus was such as man's age from the captivity might yet suffer some good sort alive.  
19 If jerusalem had been unwalled above 120. years, Nehemias' would not, as he did, take a sudden grief, for so stolen a matter. But for seven sevens now ending, and touched by Gabriel for the building of jerusalem, he might by just likelihood take a grief.  
It was never found in any author, that an whole being laid down, parts should be joined to in quantity justly making up the whole: and yet should not belong to that matter, but to an other. Wherefore the Angel's partition of seven sevens, sixty two, & one: from the going forth of the word unto building of jerusalem, and thence unto our lords healtie passion, must not only make up the whole, but must have some clear reason for the first and last part: otherwise the partition had been without judgement. But for the last part: a defender in common consent is needless: wherefore the troubler of the first part should seem troublesome, against art.  
20 That Nehemias' had relation to Gabriel for building of jerusalem (for which work seven sevens are set a part Dan. 9) the whole imitation of daniel's prayer which Nehemias' followeth, more than ever Virgil followed Homer, or Tully Demosthenes, that imitation maketh plain, that to daniel's Chronicle he had relation.  
21 No other reason can be rendered, why 49. years should be spoken of alone Dan. 9 but for the time of the chief work for building jerusalem: and so much is granted by many, as by Master Scaliger himself, who yet can not see how from that partition to make up the whole sum of daniel's four hundred and ninety years.  
22 The 46. years joh. 2. for building the temple, which was begun in the first, and hindered in the third of Cyrus▪ fitly agreeth with this account. For Nehemias' finished great works about the temple: and it is doubtless that the rancorous jews which for a four years continued work, bring 46. to cause our Lord his speech hateful, would omit no whit that touched the Temple,  
23 Aben Fzra upon Dan. 9 he the deadliest enemy for Christ so casteth the time: and saith that he had record of Persians for that time.  
24 josephus likewise in Eusebius Demon. 8. hath the like time: whom Clemens following, against his account for the second of Darius, giveth 49. years to the last building of the temple. Cedrenus also must so be construed: or to speak nothing.  
Clemens can not otherwise make these words reasonable: That in seven sevens the Temple was built, it is manifest: for that is written in Ezra. Now what Oedipus could ever gather that from Ezra, but by referring Nehemias' sadness to daniel's seven sevens: and thereby gathering the chronicle of Ezra? And it appeareth by him that this was a common opinion in his age: otherwise no man can see by any particulars in him how to bring that about.  
25 Moreover Cedrenus citing josephus for 480. years thence to the ruin of the temple, showeth how in losesephus days this account was received.   

Objections.  
Why admit I not josephus for further times: agreeing with heathen?   

Answer.  
Because when he writeth in Greek he will often speak as common profane Greeks record: yet closely in certain places will show what he meant: but if josephus testimony may serve, the cause is ended. For he maketh Nehemiah to be of the captived.   

Objection against Cedrenus. He is of as great authority as Legenda aurea. Answer.  
The simpler the man is and in a matter of difficulty agreeth with Scripture against himself for other places, the more it appeareth that others better learned left unto his hands a tried account, or showeth how the angels words brought that about, which otherwise man's uncertainty would hardly have found out: and I dare believe Cedrenus and josephus, if Daniel and Gabriel be their surety before 185000. Chaldeans or Olympiques, of whose vanity we will speak anon.  
That none should think it above the space of a jubilee from Cyrus first to Nehemias' government: twelve men of twenty two returned with Zorobabel living to Nehemias' government, will bring a reasonable proof. These be the men, chief men in the sacrificers courses. First Seraiah. second Amariah. Third Malluc. Fourth Chattash. Fifth Shebania. Sixth Charim. Seaveth Meremoth. Eighth Ginnethon. Ninth Abia. Tenth Miamin. Eleventh Bilgai. Twelfth Shemaiah. By a jury of such twelve men soon might it be tried, whether it could well be above fifty years that juda should be at home hindered without the possession of a walled city. Their sons & more continuing in their office thence unto Darius the last, and lusty Sanballat having a daughter a match for jaddues brother, these may make all agree with Master Scaliger: and M. junius my adversaries: now my partners for the rest of the Persians times, that it can not be any longer than I make it. Hereby it appeareth that not the third part of 107. are from Babel's fall to the erection of the temple: nor above one jubilee to Nehemias' government 18. years later.  
And thus much for arguments out of Scripture, some I brought touching Heathen, as Anaxandrides, Polycrates, Epimenides and other successions of lives. Them I will clear more brightly. Also I spoke against the credit of the profane Greeks, & Olympiades', & Chaldeans, & therein of Chronicle from Rome's antiquity, which hereafter I will pursue: and confute some others also.   

Of Anaxandrides and Leonidas.  
In Sparta Anaxandrides is of Croesus' age: his courageous son Leonidas fighteth against Xerxes, examine the distance, and first stories. Thales Alyattes, Laby-net or Nabu (cad) net are of one age. Croesus Anaxandrides and Ariston also in Sparta settled in the kingdom. Therefore some thirty years might well be spent betwixt that & Babel's fall. Now at Xerxes' wars, Demaretus son of Ariston was yet so young that he could travel to Persia, and Leonid as a lusty soldier.   

Objection.  
They might beget them in their old age, and they might also be old.   

Answer.  
Strange shifts for ordinary examples are needless.   

Of Polycrates.  
Polycrates wealth he was Amasis' friend in Socrates old age, was granted Ismenias. Plat.   

Objection.  
That Polycrates was a Theban by Suidas, not of Samos: nor the man familiar with Amasis.   

Answer.  
If Suidas fragments may serve in Anacreon, the Samian Polycrates flourisheth 108. years after Cyrus' beginning. Wherefore Cyrus must spend much of his time before baltasar's death: and so by Suidas the conclusion shall come to the same pass, by Polycrates the Samian, whether plato meant, it may be doubted.   

Of Epimenides in Laertius.  
Epimenides antiquity matcheth Solon's, which may by great argument touch Nabucadnezars'. If his old age reach unto Nicias of Niceratus, who was killed in the Peloponnesian waries: the space from Babel's fall to Nicias can hardly be more than I cast it.   

Objection.  
It may be Laertius was deceived.   

Answer.  
For the record he should hardly be, seeing for it as famous Theopompus is cited not only by him, but also by Pliny, by Phlegon, and by Lucian. Moreover Gnosij giving him three hundred years of life, confirm the other opinion. I grant him one hundred and fifty by my limits, by the same limits the profane account will make him draw toward three hundred: so this showeth that Theopompus seemed to speak upon some great report.   

Other successions of lives.  
From Dropides brother to Solon of josias time are descents: Critias, Calaeschrus, Critias one of the thirty tyrants after the end of Peloponnesian wars. Without great reason we can not give above two and twenty years or thereabouts to a succession, as shows Eusebius by common course of Examples. Therefore this example of Plato's kindred may pacify the strife. The very same which my learned adversary brought against me.   

Of Apryes, Amasis, Pythagoras, Lysis, and Epaminondas.  
Apryes (Chophra in jer. 44.) reigned in the eight of Nabucadnezar. Clem. 1. storm, and Marianus Scotus. Amasis succeed him, with whom Pythagoras was familiar. Lysis was Pythagoras' scholar, and he taught Epammondas: in youth fellow with Philip of Macedon. who died but seven and forty years old. just. 9 he that would have above two hundred years for five successions, whereof three seem almost equals, must seek for strange corners to pick some colourable matter.  
From the same Apryes we may gather how, much of Cyrus' times were spent under the Babylonians. For Cambyses married Apryes daughter Herod. 2. she would have been a very stolen maid for a Persian Monarch, about seventy years after her father's reign. Add unto this, that in Herod. 1. Darius Hystaspis was some twenty years aged when Cyrus went into Tomyris wars. betwixt which and Babel's fall Herodotus and others place not much time. he lived in all but forty and three years Cres. Therefore after the taking of Babel about three and twenty years, would end Cyrus, Cambyses, and Darius Hystaspis reign. where some have ninety and three: for Cyrus, thirty & eight as Theophilus: for Cambyses, nineteen as Clemens 1. storm. thirty and six for Darius, as Herodotus. And we differ but this much.   

Of Cyrus.  
If this serve not reasonably, see whether Cyrus' age only will not end the controversy by the testimonies of Greeks'. Cyrus' lived years one hundred by writer's Assyriake, Persike, Onesicritus, Lucian in Macrob. About seven and twenty he was made General: as Xenophon doth teach, us to gather. 1. paed. he lived but three years after Babel's fall. Seder Olam. Scaliger, junius, Schubert, and Chytreus giveth him no sole government over juda. So some seventy years he should spend in conquering East and West countries, whereof Ctesias recordeth many East, Herodotus many West. And as Daniel and he died much near in time, so full well they might be borne near in time. And this is agreeable to God's comfort: that sendeth a medicine before the sore: as Mardochai prepared for Haman: so Cyrus, a comfort against Babel. Medes & Persians help Babel, as somewhat inferiors: & at the last being victors plead that they were never under them▪ Whereby for the monarches the ancient Greek writers before Alexander's time count not Babylonians any of power but Assyrians: and Medes four ages or less: and next the Persians. 
Dionys. Halicar. 1. antiq.  Now the Persians reigned little above two hundred years since subduing of the Medes, which was in Cyrus first dealings. Wherefore about seventy years of two hundred for Persians government over the jews may be subducted: and then our number of one hundred and thirty will please heathen.  
Lilius Giraldus, in treating of Poets: lives and placing Darius Hystaspis in Olympiad 80. showeth also much of the Persian sway, and the Babylonians to be soent together: whereby heathen that scant heard of the Babylonians, as I showed, might well give that time of Empire to the Medes. in Strabo Navocodrosor is likened to Hercules▪ for conquest even to Spain: Geogr. 15▪ which thing might well be done when thirteen years his ships besieged Tyrns: that then Spain rude and unarmed might be somewhat visited by his camps, yet Nabu●●●nezar as a winged Lion▪ soon came up: and by his seven years madness was in such disgrace: that Greeks' the babes (as plato recordeth in Timmo) having not at home in Solon's age any story of a grey head, scant could hear of any great Empire Eastward of his. And Ctesias who pleadeth Persian court-rolls for his monuments doth pass over the Babylonians as unheard of. This being duly considered the Greeks' will be friends to me, for old acquaintance: who of a child was more acquainted with them than with Latins: and will confess that they never meant to trouble me for the Persians rule over the jews: but to show what the Persians in their glory claim, since Cyrus' youth, and first success in wars. If they will not stand with me thus: I will bewray them, and show the world that commonly they deserve but such credit as Epimenides their prophet and Paul our Apostle giveth to the Cretes, that: Cretes are aey liars.   

Of Greeks' nullity.  
I might disgrace their skill for antiquity in their great diversity, for Homer's age, who having written forty and eight books with mention of most towns in Grece: yet hath half a score of ancient writers differing some four hundred years from others when he should live, by gathering his distance from the wars of Troy, which, Greeke divines as Tatianus, Clemens Africanus, Eusebius, join to salomon's times. But I will combat with them touching matter most litigious in my case: for their diversity after Alexander son to Amyntas of Darius Hystaspis age: which Alexander killed Darius' Ambassadors and was with Mardonius Xerxes' General. Him Perdiccas did succeed: of whom Thucydides writeth that he died in the third year of the Peloponnesian wars. That Perdiccas reigned years by Nicomedes forty and one, by Theopompus thirty and five, by Anaximenes' forty, by Hieronymus eight and twenty, by Marsias and Philochorus but three and twenty. This difference citeth Athenaeus mentioned in a most learned assembly of men most skilful in Greek auctors. As was Masurius a Lawyer, Monius a Poet, famous Plutarch, Leonides Eleus, Aemylianus Maurusius, and Zoilus a most fine Grammarian. Also philosophers many: Pontianus, Democritus and Philadelphus: Orators many, with Vulpian that would not admit one word without authority. If these heathen Greeks' of all countries and professions knew no certainty nor regard Greeks for their own age: should we to disturbance of all divines revive their fame? Never by my consent.   

An objection from Thucydides.  
Thucydides an Athenian being alive in the Peloponnesian wars maketh it fall out fifty after Xerxes' wars: he for so late times might see the truth. Thuc. bell. 1.   

Answer.  
M. joseph Scaliger noteth that sometime writers speak against their own knowledge touching times. 
In emend temp.  Conceits best known to themselves move them. And Thucydides might hope that his city of Athens might in time be thought a long ruler of Greece: and thereupon would not stick to spare some untruths. Or otherwise as men busied slip much in plain matter, he might likewise. And if all were granted him: yet from other parts so much may be subducted as we need. But I will bring an instance from the tripping of a greater man, for times near him. Plato is the man: even the stateliest of all Greek profane auctors.  
Athenaeus bringeth in one that checketh Plato for mentioning, of Pericles' death as past a little tine while ago: & of a matter in the same speech done the last year afore the telling, which yet was four and twenty years after Pericles' death. If Piato was known to be so negligent in marking times, Thucydides alone hath no great authority: against whom I will have more, if I see occasion to examine by parts, Eratosthenes account.   

Thucydides condemnation of Greeks'.  
He blameth the Athenians as gross for report of late and most famous matters of Athens: as not knowing & mistaking which of Pisistratus sons was killed by Harmodius and Aristogiton: yet they were kings in Athens. Likewise he blames other Grecians for many famous present things, and not forgotten by reason of time: in which (as touching kings of Lacedaemon) writers extremely miss. There he layeth down this sentence: That the most part take no pains in seeking the truth: And blameth even historiques' for favouring acceptation of the hearers more than the truth: amongst whom, his commenter noteth that he nipped Herodotus. We might as well think him touched with the errors of his times.   

Pausanias' testimony.  
He blameth them no whit less. For this report he affordeth them: that Greek records for the most part differ one from an other: and for the most things Greekes have sundry opinions, in Arcad. pag. 280. and Boeot. pag. 294. and Messen. pag. 112. of the Greek printed in 1584.   

Plutarch's testimony.  
Plutarch in Solon showeth that Greek Chroniclers thought by reason of times difference that Solon could never be with Croesus: whom he answereth that their chronical cannons could never be brought to agreement (by any thing commonly acknowledged) for all the pains bestowed in the kind.  
And in Numa he showeth that times gathered from Olympionicae deserve no credit.   

Continual disagreements.  
The differences betwixt Phaneas, Ephorus, Timeus, Clitarchus, Eratosthenes and Duris in Clemens Alexandrinus from Trois fall that is from salomon's reign unto Alexander's voyage, is tedious to be repeated. By Duris it is one thousand years, whereof by Scripture about 410. are passed by Nabucadnetzars' reign: and so by a consequent the Persians should reign not one hundred and thirty years, but above five hundred. So Greekes have from Adam to the flood in him two thousand two hundred forty and eight, for one thousand six hundred fifty and six, from Sem to Abraham one thousand two hundred and fifty for four hundred & fifty, from Isaak to the partition of the land years six hundred & sixteen for four hundred fifty & two. Thence to Samuel four hundred sixty and three for three hundred & fifty, and for the kings, five hundred seventy and two (that came somewhat near. About five hundred and ten it was) and for the Persians one hundred thirty & five. If when Scripture directeth to a most exact sum, men miss so much: we should hold only the plainness of God's word as in the Hebrew text it was most purely kept, and not man's opinion, our square. Neither should we marvel at heathen missing for the Persians, as we expound them: when Greek Christians who have scripture to direct them give the judges four hundred sixty and three, whereas from the Lamb unto the temple all is but four hundred and four score. 1. Kings. 6. 1. whence must be subducted forty for the wilderness; seven for conquest, forty for Samuel and Saul, forty for David, and three for Solomon.   

A kind of help.  
But as divines have been deceived for the judges, reckoning the oppressors years several from theirs, which were within theirs in deed, and should nothing have augmented the sum: even so were profane Greeks', as we understand them. both for reckoning Paras first times several from the Babylonians, which yet fell out together: and afterwards fellow rulers as several. And the curing is not hard, with tractable judges. judge what I say. 
Ctes. conferred with Herodot.  Darius Hystaspis lived about six and twenty years while Iaddue was under Persia. After his death two brethren have the famous gentle strife. Just. Xerxes' in wars reigneth, Artaxerxes at home, the same time: otherwise Themistocles could not fly to them both. Artaxerxes reigning one and forty years, dieth in the seventh of the Peloponnesian wars. Thucid. & Diod. Thereby Thucydides is controlled for making the Peloponnesian wars fifty years after that of Xerxes: wherein Aristicles the just bare sway: whose daughter Socrates married (Suid. in Socrates) and he was but seventy at seven and twenty years after that wars when he died. 
Laertius.  Though by a shift one say that he might beget that daughter in his old age, at the wars end: yet she should be seven years elder than Socrates. without any reason of likelihood. Now to this Artaxerxes joseph Scaliger will no● stick to join presently Artaxerxes Mnemon with Darius Nothus, which Mnemon cometh within nine years (in Clemens) of Alexander's monarchy, and reigneth years but forty and two. Thus scantly will that be made up which might make the rest under Greeks' and Romans three hundred and sixty to agree with Gabriels four hundred and ninety years. Therefore Plutarch to fill up the common sum giveth him sixty and two years of reign and ninety four of life. not knowing daniel's vision against the Persians at sharp swift Tigris: not books opened before the fiery throne judging the Persian bear: nor comparing Levites a score Neh. 12. 
Thucid. bok. 2.  with the Persians: nor yet Amyntas' king in Macedon the third of the Peloponnesian wars: whose son Philip reigned but twenty years. Athen. and Alexander but six before his monarchy.  
Moreover Amyntas himself reigned but few years, two of his elder sons not long: Philip died at seven and forty, who was brought up in Epaminondas father's house. Thus the Persians by Greeks' will not exceed.   

Against Eratosthenes account.  
This standing thus: how can Eratosthenes say true, whom in Clemens pag. 126. (though Clemens rejecteth him as deceived) yet some great men greatly follow? He hath these distances. From Xerxes' voyage to Archidamus wars eight and forty years. That ended at seven and twenty. There Athens lost the superiority of Grecia and Lacedaemon, by Lysander gate it. which they lost at Leuctra, where Epaminondas the Theban victor died after 34. years. And thence to Philip's death, who died 47. years old, he reckoneth years 35. But how could he be a fit companion for Epaminondas: or yet son to Amyntas: reigning young and but a little while. Polybius granteth the Lacedæmonians but twelve years of quiet superiority pag. 1. & justine abridging Trogus Pompeius' maketh Amyntas son to Menelaus' brother to Alexander who reigned in Darius Hystaspis days. whereby it appeareth how little credit old Latins or some Greeks' gave the other Greeks' for these times▪ and how Plutarch had just occasion to condemn the Greek Chronicles.   

Of Olympiades', Rome's antiquity and Chaldeans.  
This threefold thread was spun against me: though I had cut the knottiness of them: as Alexander did the Gordian knot. For Olympiades' Phlegon is the most famous author whom Christians cite: joining his olympiad two hundred and two in the fourth year to our Lord his death. If I grant any thing good in this account I must bring Cyrus' reign over juda unto olympiad the eightith. For the use of students I will afford Phlegon's whole treatise: that young men may see what stuff men bring against propriety of Scripture: afterwards I will show further their nullity: & how the citers of them by their own auctors are condemned. I will abridge and translate anon so much as I need. The Grecian may take all.  
He shall find their antiquity not greatly far from Hercules: whose son Tlepolemus was Agamemnon's soldier. whereby Cyrus may well be cast to Olympiad eighty or year three hundred & twenty after their beginning, which thing will finish this combat. Yet I loath that help, where Apollo is the counsellor of the games: a pestilence joined to their beginning: a spider's web covering of their garland: and Choraebus the first man (in Pausanias') whence the account is fetched. And I marvel at my adversary who counted my doctrine against Choraebus and him, to be Chorebus harness. The defence of this Olypmpic stuff best deserved that name. But now look to Phlegon.   

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Here Lycurgus is the tenth from Hercules: he with Jphitus restored Olympikes. Koroebus is the first gamester though not expressly. Apollo gave counsel: at the first they neglected the game. A famine followed. For that vanity say I that it was at all begun: for contempt of it, said Apollo: Of whom sundry counsels they took: of which this was one, that they should not make the garland or crown of a fruitful tree, but of a wild olive, beset with cobwebs: of which kind one among many was found in a wood there: and was walled about for to be kept still. 
When the Printer had set thus much, which only was in my purpose to abridge and translate: I was further moved by the request of a learned friend, to make Phlegon 〈…〉 of the heathen fol.    

OF THE OLYMPIA, by Phlegon, freeman of Adrianus Caesar.  
I Think it behooveable to tell the cause why the Olympia chanced to be set up. And this was it. After Pisus, and Pelops, and also Hercules, the first erecters of the solemnity & game in Olympiades', the Peloponnesians left off the 
a The profane were as carefully bend to this vanity, as to a thing divinely commanded. Wherein wisdom would that Christian should let their memory perish, and not entangle the bible with such toys.  religion a certain time, for which are numbered 28 Olympiades' unto Iphitus & Choroebus Eleus. When they had thus neglected the game, a sedition arose in Peloponnesus. Then Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian the son of Prytaneus, of Europus, of Sosus, of Procleus, of Aristodemus, of Aristomachus, of Cleodaeus, of Hyllus, of Hercules and Deianira: And Iphitus son of Haemon; or (by some) of Praxonides, a man of Elis, of Hercules' lineage, & Cleosthenes son of Cleonicus a man of Pisa, willing to restore the people to amity & peace, derermined to renew the Olympic solemnity, & to keep the gymnike game. Then some are sent unto Delphos to consult with Apollo, whether he also advised to do thus. Apollo said, it was best to do it: & commanded to proclaim truce for the cities that would be partakers of the game. After which proclamation passing through helas or Grecia, a table was written for the 
b Here he differeth from Pausanias in whom Iphitus himself the game, and Ox●tu● house: and not Hellanodica dica of a long time. Pausonias I will 〈◊〉 hereafter.  Hellanodicae, according to which they should keep the Olympia. When the Peloponnesians had no great mind to the game, but were unwilling; a pestilence fell, and a corruption of fruit plagued them. Then they 
c The Greek copy seemeth to have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 corrupt for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though Xylander follow the copy in his Latin translation.  send Lycurgus again to seek some end and truce. Then the Pythia uttered these words.  O dwellers in Pelopeis', the noble castle for all the earth, the 
d Elis gate a name from Elisa the eldest son of javan: of whom also all Grecia in Greek beareth the nam● helas, and the people Hellenes. Iaon and Ladon old named. Rivers (is) in Di●nis. de 〈…〉 Peloponnesus seem to remembrance Java●gen. 10. and Lud. 〈…〉 Strab● calleth Elis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the foundation of Graecia, it seemeth that there javans hou●s; e in Elita: & fame of Lud first settled their seats.  eldest of all mortal wights, and the best consider from me the oracle of Apollo, which I will speak. 
jupiter is angry with you for the ceremony: and executeth wrath  
Because you dishonour the Olympia, among the people of the King  
jupiter 
e jupiter Ol●mpius was the god of these gamesters. Tull Tusc. 2. Pausanias recordeth his temple in Achaia. His Image at Olympia in Eliac. and in Attic. and sundry other places. That Idols Image Antiochus Em●ma●ies erected in the temple of Jerusalem. Mach. & Ios. Bengeorion. Again, that might warn in left we pollute our holy Prophets with honouring jupiter Olympius monuments.  The honour of which first Pisus ordained and set up.  
Afterwards Pelops making helas popular, set up a myndey and mastery for dead Oenomaus. Third among these, the boy of Amphytrio Hercules made a myndey and game for his uncle Pelops Tantalides: which since that time 
a I gessè that the corrupt Greek must so be amended.  ye leave: even the Ceremony, for which he (jupiter) angered to the heart, raised famine and pestilence: which you may stay reviving the festivity anew again.  
This being heard was told unto the Peloponnesians. They mistrusting the oracle, send again by a common decree, to ask more diligently of Apollo concerning the oracles. The Pythia speaketh thus: 
O Peloponnesus dwellers, go about your altars,  
Sacrifice and obey all your Nantes commandments:  
I mean the freers of Elis, keepers of the father's custom.   
After these Oracles, the Peloponnesians suffered the men of Elis to dispose the Olympia, and to proclaim a truce to the cities. And when afterwards the Eleans would have helped the Lacedæmonians besieging 
b A sea town of the Lacedæmonians. Hom. odyss. 2. & Pausin Laconic.  Helos, they sent to Delphos to ask counsel: and the Pythia thus answered.  
Save their country: but refrain from war.  
(Teaching the Hellenes a common friendship)  
Until the amiable twelvemonth comes each 
c The Olympiades' kept every fift year, have full four years betwixt them. So it is called of Ovid Quinquennis Olympia.  five years returning.  
After these oracles they sure ceased from war: and looked to the Olympikes, and for five Olympiades' no man was crowned. In the sixth, they thought good to ask the oracle whether the victories should be crowned: and they send King Iphitus to that Chapel. Then she loosed her mouth into these words.  
Iphite bestow not an appletree like growth on the victory.  
But bestow what a wild Olive beareth abundantly:  
which now is covered with the fine web of the spider.  
He thereupon coming into the Olympia ground: among many wild olives being in a wood, he found one beset with cobwebs: about which he made a wall; 
● Strabe his ancient (for Strabo wrote in Augustus and Tiberius' time) be sayeth that until the 26. Olympiad none more crowned.  and of it a crown was given to the winners. Daicles Messenius was the first that was crowned, who in the seventh olympiad wan the stadion: if the authority of this fragment prevaileth.  
'vaileth. 1 Thus by Phlegon, Iphitus Olympiades' can hardly be above 300. 
For Iphitus is the tenth from Hercules. Now by Herodotus and Clemens, three generations will not go above 100 years.  years after Troy's fall: or rather hardly so much. Confer with Phlegon Eratosthenes, who placeth Lycurgus at 300. after Priamus' wars, and then you may see how he differeth from Phlegon one hundredth year in four: whereby also Cyrus is cast a hundredth years further off Alexander, that is so much more afore him then Phlegon's account would place him, and equally the Persians government stretched 100 years.  
2 This evident case moved me to accuse Olympiades' of so great deceit, whereby Christians have been convicted to make for the very same age near double so many years for Grecia, when they reckon by profane Greeks', as they do for judah, when upon particulars they show their mind upon Ezra, Ester, Nehemias', Aggai, Zachary, yea and somewhat of the 
* As for Saraias father to Ezra, 2. king. 25. and 1. Chro for josuahs' family & others.  Kings and Chronicles.  
3 Poetes in Phaeton's guiding of the Sun out of his course, to the burning of Mountains, and drying of Rivers, never imagined more strangeness, than our words in deed draw: when the same Sun for Zion maketh one hundred of years: and in the self same time and space for Olympia Pisa, or Elis 200.  
4 Under josuah and Ezekias, the staying and turning back, was not for Chanaan only, but also for the whole world. The fables of the night made longer for Herculus birth, and Egyptians records in Herodotus of Senacharib, show that Heathen kept a remembrance of it. Our dealing maketh jews to reject all Christianity. Their writings testify that, upon Daniel. cha. 9  
My Adversary herein was to be commended, who saw that either the universal judgement of Divines, hebrews, Greeks', and Barbarians, upon the last Prophets must be altered: or the Heathen must be rejected.  
But his choice I cannot commend: who had rather bring to writers ancient, in phrases open to all eyen, a new meaning, which former ages never did, and reason never can admit: then he would relinquish one account of Olympiades', which he thought uniform. Mark sundry opinions disgracing one an other.  
6 Plutarch in Homer's life doth show, that their account was taken from 100 years after the Troik fights. In Romulus he followeth an account far unlike: in Numa, he condemneth all gathering of times from Olympiades', as I touched. Where let any Logician judge whether he must mean Olympiades' or not, by the times gathered from Olympionicae? Mine adversary would have Olympionicas not Olympiades' uncertain. I love not many words, to defend against Anaxagoras, that snow is white.  
7 Consider Phlegon's difference from Plutarches, and that of Eratosthenes from his: both mentioned above: and think that Agamemnon never saw his Nobles so standing amazed like stags, as a careful reader will be amazed, that men of rare learning should so forget themselves, as with such reeds to fight: not as Pigmeanes with Cranes, but as Poulydamas with that which no hands can resist.  
8 Suidas would make Phlegon disgrace himself. 
Hom. 2. lib. 3. Paus. in Eliac.  For in him Phlegon placeth famous ● hales in olympiad the seventh. He might as well place Solon or jakim king of judah in the same olympiad. And Plutarch toucheth this, where he bringeth gatherings from Solon's antiquity, whereby many artificial Chroniclers judged, that Solon reached not to Croesus' times.  
9 To fortify Suidas and Phlegon, burning all these records, take Divines against themselves, even those Divines who have brought first this learning to the Church: not of an ill intent, but as then the times gave occasion to deal with Heathen: ●atianus, Africanus, Clemens Fusebius, Theophilus, all from troops of ancient Greeks' prove that Meneiaus came to Chanaan in hyram's time, or salomon's. Now Olympiades' begin 405. years after that, by their own account: and by Scripture Babylon's captivity 408. after salomon's Temples foundation. So full well Suidas might place Thales in olympiad the seventh.  
10 Somewhat near this cometh that account of Suidas in Anacreon, where Cyrus and Cambyses are in the olympiad the 25. But by Phegon he cannot be Monarch, before the 80. olympiad. And that would I willingly admit: and for this much Ellanodicae would give sentence with me, that even my adversaries testimonies mar their play.  
11 Apollodorus placing Anaximenes' birth in olympiad 63. by collection placeth Cyrus as Ido: Laertius writeth that: in whom Chilon the sage, by Pamphila being Ephorus olympiad the sixth, by Sosigenes fifty sixth (a full 200. difference) proveth a great diversity received in these accounts, which being granted, all this work of olympiad reckonings, by fire of judgement will be consumed as straw.  
12 Africanus twice striketh himself, For he beginneth Olympiades' 1020. from Moses. In Eus●b prae●● and in Dem. 8. giveth the Macedonians 370. years of gevernement. With such thorns do they prick their eyen, who marry Scriptures to profane Heathen, and mar the light of our happy Redemption.  
13 Thus it appeareth what the testimony is worth which so certainly placeth Cyrus reign in olympiad 55. which is fortified by the names of Phlegon, Thallus, Castor, Diodorus, and all that handle Olympiades'. Euseb. praep. 10. 
Cyrus' by Phlegon & Lucian might be borne near Olympia 53. and take Babylon at Olympiad 80.   
14 By some Heathen who make him live 100 years, the matter cometh near some famous reckonings for his first princehood, but not for his last years: Where old Divines cite Heathen against their meaning. For Heathen place Cyrus first times in olympiad 55. and not his Monarchy, as doth Eusebius. And stories make him reign 70. afore that, as I have touched afore: But I will more fully handle Cyrus, with Olypmpic confusion, after I have once briefly gone through unto Alexander's times.   

Of Darius Hystaspis.  
Darius Hystaspis reign by Lilius Gyraldus, toucheth olympiad 80. whereby Cyrus (after Phlegon) coming to the same time, it might seem by this, as by other arguments, that Cyrus and Cambyses last years were at Babylon's fall. And they also be holden true, who think that Darius Madai is no other than he whom Greekes call Darius the first. And reason would gather that his wars against Scythia in revenge of Cyrus' death, and against Athens upon his return, should be soon after: of which the later was ten years afore Xerxes' voyage into Grece. And that will somewhat agree with Ctesias and Horod. conferred for Darius' time, and it may draw Xerxes' wars within less than 30. years of Babel's fall.   

Of the olympiad 75. joined to Xerxes' war.  
1 By the former it may appear that Xerxes' war falleth not in any agreement stablished, on olympiad 75. for which time Pausanias hath a singular example of unpossibility in this kind. For Oebotas an Olympionike, won the race in olympiad the sixth, and fought against Mardonius in the 75. that is near 280. years after. Pausanias demandeth: And how can that be? and telleth, that he must record as he findeth, but must not believe all. Thus the recorder of them woundeth them, with as great a blow as ever Lygdamis or Poulydamas gave in them.  
2 Pindarus scholiast maketh him 40. year old at Xerxes' war: to live in all 55. years, to die when Bion, or Abion was Mayor at Athens in Olympiad 86. And this cometh somewhat near the 80. year for Cyrus and Darius.  
3 Suidas placeth Isocrates birth in olympiad 86. and after the Peloponnesian wars: whereby the confusion of Greeks' appeareth. But I had rather place Isocrates birth nigh Xerxes' wars: and that by an other collection I can prove. He lived by his own reckoning near 100 years, and Plutarch maketh him to speak that apopthegim to Sophocles, the praise whereof Tully gave to Pericles: 
1. Offie.  That a Senator must as well bridle his eyen as his hands: which fitness of age would not suffer well done, unless he were borne about Xerxes' war.  
4 The same Suidas placeth Socrates birth at the Peloponnesian stirs, who was borne near Xerxes, and lived 60. years at the least: his death is known: under the 30. tyrants: the next year after Lysander at Hellespontus Aegospotamos, and Attens overcome the nation. Socrates' birth by Suidas was in olympiad 77. What can we make of such Greek records, which care not what they utter? Yet this much may be gathered hence, that Xerxes and Archidamus Peloponnesian troubles, were nothing near 50. years, as I hucidides would have it, whom Demosthenes against Neaera followeth. What they meant, or cared for truth I will tell hereafter.  
5 Lysias birth by Plutarch is in olympiad 82. the second year, when Philocles was Mayor: whose mayoralty falleth out 8. years sooner by Diodorus.  
6 Pliny book 35. Cham 9 blameth some who place the painter Xeuxis opening of his trade in Olympiad 89. which he would have to be in the fourth year of the 95. marvelling at 24. years difference. But he might mark that 24. or rather 30. years be added more betwixt Lysander in Olympiede 94. and Philip Macedon, then ever the fiery mass of the Sun lightened.  
7 So in Pliny himself Mausolus whom Demosthenes commenter maketh alive when that Rhetor accused Timocrates in Philip Macedons days: Pliny placeth his death in Olympiad 100 the second year.  
8 In the same sort Suidas placeth Philips agones, or triumphs in olympiad 100 which by Athenaeus account (in whom Philip reigneth but 20. years before Alexander, whose reign began the 111. olympiad) should be olympiad 106. So in Zeuxis, Mausolus and Philip, the theevyshe Olympiades' falling out, bring truth to light.  
This special matter I would ask, if Antiochus Epiphanes died in the 154. olympiad, and Alexander in the 114. the first year? How could Antiochus in the sixth year of his reign set upon Ptolemy Philometor, made king 143. after Alexander's death, by the Mathematician Ptolemy lib. 6. cap. 4. Philometor should be king 6. year afore Antiochus?  
In the same error is the beginning of the Greeks' Kingdom from the 14. year after Alexander's death. For in the seventh year of his kingdom. Mach. 1. in 143. of the Greeks' he setteth upon Egypt: Seeing the same is the number from Alexander's death to Philometors reign, the same beginning also must the date of the same number have: and presently from Alexander's death must begin the date of the Greeks' kingdom, as Codoman rightly proveth. And here most have lymp●ades deceived our best learned, the late and ancient.  
Also here Liuies copies would Codoman have amended that for 488. the year afore the first Punik war he would nave 476. put in all copies, that the famous Eclipse which was at Aemylius victory over Perseus recorded when it was, might have agreement of Antiochus sixth year which is joined to Aemylius victory. So all copies must be amended, and judgements reform, and plain made rough, or Olympiades' must be holden but games.   

Cyrus, in particularity specially conferred with Olympiades', disagreeing extremely.  
I Will return to join some of these former times which I have touched, with others extremely striving, at ancient Cyrus' times: whereupon a great part of our debate standeth: that not only by a particular view of all the Greek times some little in each, but in the chief, unspeakable discord may appear even by their testimony who have been the principal followers of them. Afterwards I will show some further store of absurdities bred by them in other matters: But chief must his age be examined.  
For the most use of diversity disannulling Olympiades', will be about Cyrus: for those whole troops that have been thought to agree, that he reigned in olympiad 55. Thallus, Castor, Phlegon, Polybius, Diodorus, and all that handle Olympiades'. Africanus in Eusebius is author. Now mark their diversity.  
1 Africanus placeth Cyrus' dismission of judah in the same time, as I mentioned above.  
2 The rare man M. joseph Scaliger somewhat correcteth it. He would have Cyrus to reign 27. years of his 30. before zorobabel's government.  
3 And I showed my mind, that profane writers regarded his first reign, not his Monarchy, who heard not before Alexander's time the name of any Babylonians, who reigned over judah: but otherwise then Scripture doth record them, and far in an other number.  
4 By Eusebius admitting Menelaus to be of salomon's times, and Olympiades' about Nabuchadnezar's, (so I proved that the account of Diodorus doth cast them) Cyrus being after Olympiades' 220. years in the 55. olympiad he should be as late as Alexander. Clemens and Africanus be in Eusebius blame also.  
5 Africanus former counters twice mar his sums. And whereas he fortifieth himself, by making Ogygos and Phoroneus of Moses times, and all three 1020. years afore any olympiad, by his own collection, & by Acousilaus, Hellanicus, Philochorus, by Castor and Thallus, by Diodorus and Alexander Polyhistor: this fortification of his, maketh Cyrus to be as lately as judas Machabaeus.  
6. Moreover, if Africanus former number of the Macedonians 370. years be not corrupt for 270. while he giveth Persians 230. By descending from Tiberius, and by the Romans 60. 
60. 230. 370. 660. That should be the 20. year of Ezekias. Sanacharibs fall was 666. before the resurrection of our Lord. Africanus should place Cyrus' reign where Esay doth name Cyrus.  years of empire, by the Macedonians 370. and by the Persians 230. he will cast Cyrus to Ezekias' days, in their eyes which admit daniel's sevens properly spoken, as he doth, and by mine adversaries grant, of certainty in the limits. Ad thus the Greeks' help for times count, being laid in a balance, will be lighter than vanity itself.  
7 Or if we say that Africanus number of 370. be for 270. of the Macedonians, which from Alexander's death Ptolemy maketh to be 294. he doth shorten it 24. years. And more than the jews in Seder Olamdoe: And so Cyrus should take Babylon in olympiad 61. by collection from him.  
8 Near that account cometh 
* Theophil. 3.  Theophilus, who placeth Cyrus' death in olympiad 62. where Diodorus lib. 2. placeth Cambyses reign.  
9 Also near that account cometh Clemens by a consequent: in whom as (for an other purpose hereafter I will show) jechonias captivity is in olympiad 48. 
This olympiad 48. shall serve hereafter for diverse purposes.  sixty two years more will make more than other 15. Olympiades', and all 63. Olympiades'. Herodotus bringeth Croesus fall to that tyme. For Gyges is king in Olympiad 18. by Clemens, Olympiad 23. by Tatianus: After 170. years, by Herodotus or 42. Olympiades' Croesus becometh poor Irus: when Cyrus had taken him.  
10 The reader may remember how Suidas placeth Cyrus with Cambyses at less than 
‡ At the. 25.  half 55. Olympiades', and Polycrates at 52. and again Cyrus taking of Sardis at olympiad 55. which dealings might well be in nebucadnezar's days. And whereas Lilius Gyraldus in Anacreon blameth Suidas copy: and so doth my adversary, and Wolphius to, though all prints agree: and if they were faulty, Suidas must be amended not only for Cyrus, but for Polycrates, and for Thales also: Here it may be seen what force these games have in these saddest wits, that for them all the course of writers must be altered: but where they best agree with Scripture, as Phlegon's 100 difference from Diodorus, casteth Cyrus fitly for Daniel. I could wish that Satan's testimony should stand only when he is forced to speak for the Sun of God: and not when all truth and story by it is troubled.  
〈◊〉 Lastly if Solon was borne (by Suidas) in olympiad fifty six, and was doubtless far ancienter than Cyrus' Monarchy, how should Cyrus reign in olympiad 55?  
The conclusion touching Cyrus.  
And thu●, I turn for that testimony, thought unvincible, of Thallus, Castor, Phlegon, Diodorus, Africanus, Eusebius, and all: I turn Thallus against Thallus, Castor against Castor, Phlegon against Phlegon: to set them all on flame: and all, again themselves all. And the ground of this I laid in my first Book after the year of the world 3000. under salomon's reign, hereby well might I despise Olympike numbering of the suns journeys, damned by the approvers of it.  
And if I would descant upon Cyrus' name, fitly might I compare the name of Cyrus with this. For Greeks' expound his name to signify the Sun. It falleth out, that men might as well deny the suns course, as deny the propriety of Daniel● sevens, for the course of the Son of justice, to shine to all souls: even from Cyrus first year unto the Redemption. And as nothing is more enemious to salvation, than gamestery: so experience teacheth, that nothing hath hurted the prophecies more, than a gamelyke and negligent account of prophecies trial, from gamester's accounts of Olympian Belial-like plays.  
Aratus the Greek Poet, praiseth God divinely, for his works of the Creation, and placing the Stars for a fit use of human life: for ploughing and digging, for sowing and planting: and therein holdeth God a joyful father, a great help for men.  
To Athenianes S. Paul citeth Aratus, even in a cause wherein by their wicked laws he was guilty of most high punishment. For they held it death to speak against their Gods: and Socrates felt that, though afterwards they mourned for killying of him. Now Athenians only of Grece to account of disturb (though they disturb themselves also) yet they disturb our accounts. To whom I will oppose the wit of the plougher and ditcher, who follow the plain experience of that, that by nature is planted in them. The same judgement for propriety of speech in Daniel always holden, should prevail: that he who never deceived the ploughmen or ditchers in course of the year, should not deceive them, that from Gabriel and Daniel told when the Fig tree should b●dde, and the voice of the Turtle should be heard on mountains. I must departed from these joyful speeches, to the loathsome errors of Olympiades', whereby our youths have a mind to please themselves, rather than to live by Moses and the Prophets: while they deem of some deep skill in profane writers: wherein I trow it will not fall out that they can be thought able to alter jew and Gentile from the meaning which bytherto they have had, for the last Prophets, or the ordinary course of lineal succession of Abiud and Rhesa. For whom I am sorry that my adversary termed them, 
A digression to a collateral matter, of our lords family.  Autoris (Concentus) obscura sy●era. Where the age of Irus▪ or Thersites would serve, if their line were in record for posterity. The sons of Dauides kingdom, of whom all the world is, and was always 
* Some full badly have taught, that S. Paul condemneth Genealogies of Scripture. That would make the holy Apostle a blasphemer, & a speaker against God, and a shaker of the stars in holy writ. He meant no such matter: but to check the Talmudists feigning genealogies: wherewith they flow full foolishly.  bound to take notice▪ they may not be holden obscure▪ but to shine as the Moon among the Stars on night: and they do disgrace so many erroneous authors, that all copies of those which have been written or printed, might be thought enough to fill Paul's church all from the floor to the roof. Such glory and such use the wisdom of Christ hath contrived into the line of his kindred: even for proof of that prophecy which so directly calleth us to a most certain year of his death, and reproof of all Heathen tyme-rolles: and specially the Olypmpic pastimes. But I have more plentifully, then brief assertions suffer, enlarged this blame of that witness, which would bring Cyrus and the Son out of his course, and make Phaeton ruler of the Chariot. Now I will pursue other wanderings, and come to others, of whom Heathen have store: which live before their elders were borne, or die themselves afore ever they saw the eyliddes of the morning.   

A catalogue of further impossibilities in Olypmpic reckonings.  
1 By this variety of accounts Clemens Alexandrinus maketh Aggai Zachary and Malachy to prophesy afore Ezekiel. For he placeth jechonias captivity in olympiad 48. (Ezekiel prophesied not until five years after that. Ezek. 1.) and Aggai, Zachary and Malachy, doth he also of resolute purpose place in olympiad 48. making them elder than Pythagoras, though his familiarity with Amasis might have warned him better. Yea Thales also is hereby made their puny. These be the wonderful words of Clemens. It is clear, that they who prophesied under Darius Hystaspis in the second year of his kingdom Aggai, Zachari, and he who amongst the twelve is called Angel (Malachi he meaneth) in the first year of the 48. olympiad, are elder than Pythagoras, which was in the 62. olympiad, and elder than I hales, which was in the 52. Clemens runneth into this blame, no less culpable than yfa man should place queen Mary afore king Richard the third: or (to speke proverbially) all the Cartes in London before their Horses. But Clemens must be spared. Come to Heathen records.  
2. Parmenides flourished in olympiad 29. But his ancient Anaximenes saw not the suns light until the olympiad 63. nor Pittacus the old sage, until the 54. nor Thales until the 56. though by other he died afore he is borne, by some. Laert. Solon also by Laertius flourisheth when by Suidas he is yet unborn. Dracon also by ●atianus being in Olympiad the 30. the old lawmaker should be as late as Parmenides. So the Poet Sophocles far elder than Plato, should flourish with Eudorus Plato's scholar at the 73. olympiad Laertius and Suidas.  
3 Zenon was a boy, and Socrates a young man, when Parmenides was very aged, that is 65. years old, and at the solemnity called Panathenaea, they dispute, in Plato's Parmenides. Yet Socrates is borne in the 77. olympiad (as before I touched from Suidas) & Zeno the younger in the 70. by Laertius.  
4 But Plutarch hath no fellow for this purpose: for in one man's life of a time well known, and course of life, differing twice, from common reckoning.  
5 Lysias by Plutarch is borne in olympiad 82. the second year, when Philocles was Archon at Athens. The Olympiades' by Diodorus were 80. under Philocles. In Plutarch the same Lysias after 63. years, is in the 90. olympiad. 40 years would have brought him from the 82. unto the 92. He little cared for that account, that so doth speak. Neither may the print be blamed, unless the Basil and Stephens in the life of Lysias be blamed at once. A Chaos of confusions have Greekes in this kind, that Apollo the wicked spirit might well be counted witty, in appointing a Tree beset all with Spider's nets, for a garland of these games. For the house of a Spider willbe their confidence, which entangle Divinity and humanity with these toys.  
6 A great deal of foul play about Alexander the great hath this gamestery wrought in sad writers. Our country man Florentius Wigoriensis burieth Alexander in Olymprade 110. By Diodorus at 111. he entereth Asia: and by 114. the first year, by Arrianus he dieth, And hereupon belike Duris placeth his death (in Clem. 1. Str.) where others place his voyage first.  
7 And upon this confusion also it may be said, that some make Alexander's reign after the Persians to be of 18. 
Ptolemy hath 294. year from Alexander's death to the last Cleopatars and Clemens also elsewhere: but by ●06. he must give Alexander 18. years.  years, where Clemens maketh the whole Macedonians unto Cleopatra's fall to be 306. Ovid's jupiter was never so frighted with Phaeton's running of the Sun out of his course, lest all should be brought by flames into the old Chaos: as the course of the holy story is disturbed by seeking help at these forlorn Olypmpic records. But I must haste to end this Olympike differing absurdities. Yet Pindarus the harping Poet, who wrote of the Olympian gamesters, and his commenters, they may not be omitted: He, as he thought, no Star brighter than the Sun on the day time: so he thought no gamestery better than the Olympike.  
1 first for Pindarus, if in his 
§ Herodotus also mentioneth many nobles, Olympionicas, but not having any number of a certain olympiad.  time any account had been known of their number, the Poet so witty, and so far fetching antiquities, would hardly have omitted that.  
2 The commenters upon him bring a reckoned number of the Olympiades' upon two gamesters: Xenophon and Psaumis: Xenophon Corinthius won the stadion, by Triclinius in olympiad 79. yet the same Xenophon Corinthius in Pausanias won the stadion in olympiad the 29. when Archimedes was Archon, not Archidemides, whom Diodorus bringeth. And yet the same Pausanias for the 29. olympiad (which he maketh to be soon after Gyges' reign, when Ardys grandfather to Croesus reigned) maketh Miltiaden to be Archon. But the print may not be blamed. For Pausanias himself bringing unreconcilable word●s of Olympiades', telleth what he must record: but must not believe. Besides the Latin translator in both places followeth the Greek, as little caring for the authority of the games. Thus for Xenophon the commenter & Pausanias disagree.  
3 For Psaumis the gamester two commenters, more fall out. Pindarus doth commend him, of his town Camarina: which town he termed the New-towne. Thereupon thus doth the commenter speak. Camarina was built in olympiad 45. destroyed in the 57 built again in the 85. lately before Psaumis gam●stery. This the same speaketh also: Camarina was built of Gelo in the 42. olympiad as Timaeus writeth. But Philistus saith, that in the third olympiad Gelo built it. So Gelo should be about 160. years differing from himself. Trichinus saith thus: Camarina was built first in the 45. olympiad, and was overthrown in the 57 and was built in the 82. olympiad at Psaumis victories. Now the former commenter joineth the taking of it to the time of Darius us Hystaspis wars. And how could that be agreeable to Cyrus' 55. olympiad, or to Xerxes' wars in 75. which was but ten years later than the former of Darius? Cornelius Agrippa might fitly have brought olympike records into the vanity of sciences. For nothing can be so vain.   

The causes of differing by Olympiades', sundry games, and sundry game-rulers  
1 Pausanias in Eliacis doth show, that a full dozen of several games were set up, at several times far distant: and yet he omitteth some that others have.  
2 The Stadion or foot race was the first: whence of late men took their account.  
3 But the most ancient reckon from other gamesters. Thucydides declareth that: the most ancient to my remembrance that taketh any note of time from them. Thus he noteth the fourth Summer of the Peloponnesian wars. It was the Summer in which Dorieus Rhodius the second time wan. What game they wan Pausanias teacheth, who saith, that Diagoridae, the sons of Diagoras, whereof Dorieus was one, practised Championry. Now this family of Diagoras was most famous: whence two sons in one day won games, whereby Diagoras their father was counted an happy man. Tully recordeth it, and Pausanias: yet none of this family practised running. 
Tusc. lib. 1. Eliac. lib. 2.   
4 Likewise he marketh the Summer of the twelve year thus: It was the Summer in which Androsthenes Arcas the first time wan the Pancration. Pausanias' of late, not of old, hath a number kept of it.  
5 The Race was the basest, and fit for poor men: others were of more estimation: wherefore the Race being an obscure play no reason moved the most ancient to keep account of it.  
6 Isocrates commending Alcibiades▪ 
Isocrates de Bigis.  showeth that he and Alcmeon his mother's great ancestor wan the game of the two * Horses, and held that worthiest for Nobility. Neither doth Isocrates any where bring any number of that▪ or mention of the foot● race: yet his argument would well enough have suffered he. And I think y● an account had been kept and known, it would have helped the glory of his client, Alcibiades the younger, to have Alcmeo● in such certain record.  
7 So Au●us Gellius record●th from some Chronicles, 
Gell lib. 15. cap. 16. An Olympiad● 18. from stadion, called the first. See Paus. Eliac. 1. where Euribatus, not Milo is victor.  that Milo Crotoniensis the wrestler, was crowned in the first olympiad. Now the first olympiad for wrestling, as of late accounts go is 18. Olympiades' about 7● years after the Stadion. And thus divers pleyes ma●re the Chronique pleyers:   

Of sundry game: rulers.  
1 And other cause of the diversity is, that the rulers were much altered. Pausanias' also recordeth that. And in the very records accomp●● 〈…〉 untunable confusion. His letters do speak thus.  
2 The order of the Game-rulers which was at the first, continued not unchanged, unto our age. But Iphitu● alone did rule the Game: likewise after 〈…〉  
3 In the fiftieth olympiad; two chosen 〈…〉 of Elis did rule: and so for a long lime the number of two Game-rulers continued.   

Nor mark the cart before the horse in● Pausanias reckoning.  
4 In the 25. olympiad 〈…〉 ruled. The 〈◊〉 olympiad after that, a tenth was added. Here the 25. ●an not be understood, but from a new beginning after the fiftieth. So Pausanias holdeth on.  
5 The 103. olympiad, twelve of the several twelve tribes of Elis ruled. But when soon they were oppressed by the Arcadianes, and lost part of their ground, they were diminished, of so many tribes, as dwelled in that lost ground.  
6 And in the 104. olympiad, their tribes being brought into eight: the Ellanodicae were eight, out of them.  
7 In the 108. olympiad, they returned again unto the number of ten●e: and that continued until our times. Thus Pausanias writeth. He, and Phlegon, both lived under Emperor Adrianus: in which age Pausanias had as sure records of number in Olympiades', as Ovid had of Actaeones hounds: or the Chaldeans for monuments of four hundredth thousand years, or 70000. more by Diodorus and Tully. Or the Egyptians in Laertius for the time betwixt Vulcan their Philosopher, and Alexander Macedon, of years 48063. Or Arrianus and Pliny for the indians 153. kings (betwixt Dionysius and one 
* Pliny hath the same number of kings & years from Bacchus, or Dionysius to Alexander the great, & three months forsooth. lib. 6. cap. 17.  Androcotus) and their years 6042. Men acquainted with deceiving, can put in ●ummes odd, to make babes chink that they have cast it so exactly, and have sure testimony for all.  
Pausanias' utterly overthrown by himself.  
1 By Eratosthenes Lycurgus flourished 300. years after Hector. By Pausanias no less then by Phlegon Iphitus, and Lycurgus were both of one age, in Eliac. lib. 1. Yet Pausanias followeth Eratosthenes, who maketh Iphitus later by an hundredth years. Strom. 1. Dionysius also and Diodorus agree with Eratosthenes, whom Pausanias following, differeth an hundredth of years from himself.  
2 Also Pausanias bringeth a monument of a son of Iphitus, saf returned from Ilium, buried at home. Schedius his other son died at Troy. Paus. in Ph●. As possibly as they could be buried 300. years afore they were borne, by the former testimony: so easily can Olympiades' be brought to a certainty, and agreement in Pausanias.  
3 And if the testimony of two can serve against their own trade, Pausanias and Phlegon disannul Eratosthenes, Dionysius, and Diodorus, and prove them more differing from them two, them mine adversary doth from me. And Pausanias no less than Phlegon casteth Cyrus to olympiad 80. whereby fitly the olympiad 202. may end 400. years for our lords redemption. And so Pausanias disgraceth all this olympian doctrine, no less, or rather much more apparently, then Plutarches testimony in Solon doth cast off all Grecke Chronikes: And yet Pausanias is the special man that plentifully writeth of Olympiades'. But of those famous Olympionikes whom Herodotus handleth (without any number from the first game) he I trow, hath none but Clisthens of Sycion, in, or near olympiad 48. in Phoc. 223. But let us come to the first recorder of them, to Hippias Eleus, of them, and him, Plutarch in Numa thus writeth.   

Plutarch of Hippias.  
They say that Pythagoras Spartiates, winning the Olympian game the Stadion in the sixteenth olympiad (in the third year whereof Numa reigned) came to Italy, was acquainted with Numa, and holp him for the ordering of his Kingdom. And a little after. It is a hard thing to bring the times exactly, and specially them which are gathered from the game winners Olympi●●ike: the table whereof (they say) was but a late invention of Hippias Eieus, grounded upon no argument that might fort credit unto it. That Plutarch, by times gathered from the Olympionicae, meaneth Olympiades', it is clear by himself: which calleth that, the sixteenth Olymprade, which he gathereth from Pythagoras' victory. Of Hippias worthiness Plato hath pretty flouts.   

How Plato setteth out Hippias.  
Socrates in Plato disputing with Hippias, telleth him, that he heard him boast, how coming to Olympia he told, that he made with his own hands all that he had about his body: his Ring he had engraved, his Shoes he had sowed, his Coat and Shirt he had woven, yea and plaited his Girdle Persianlike for bravery, and had works poetical, tragedies and dithyrambes, and prose of all cunning. This Hippias may as well be thouht to have olympiad accounts of his own making: as Plutarch recorded. And if he were alive now, to answer again to all demands he should be asked: not as he was by Socrates, whether Achilles or Ulysses were the better, but what authority he had for his Olympian table? And not Plato only for him should make a Dialogue of lying, but others also, unless he gave a better answer, than the matter seemeth to suffer.   

Of the authority of others of Elis, citizens to Hippias.  
Pindarus commendeth gamesters from their towns fame. So can I commend Hippias authority from his townsmen. This of them Pausanias reporteth. Elei worship Bacchus most of all the Gods, and for him keep a feast called Thyia, Outrage, and say, that their God cometh to their feast. Into a chamber they put three empty pans; 〈◊〉 the presence of such as will behold: they seal● the doors: on the morrow they find the pans full of Wine, the seals being whole: and this they swear to be true. So true do I hold their reckoning of Olympiades'.   

Objection.  
But Xenophon reckoneth by a certain number.   

Answer to Xenophons' olympiad 93.  
1 Xenophon in deed seemeth to countenance Hippias Eleus a little. For he reckoneth Ellanic. 1. the olympiad ninety three. But with a great number of other notes: and by the game of two Horses coched, first set up for a game: and called Xynoris.  
2 The next olympiad after, he forsaketh all numbering, & barely by the gamester Crocmas Thessalus, describeth it.  
3 His number either was not of old in his copies, or of small estimation: if Suidas followed authors of account, by whom Philip's triumphs fall to olympiad 100 or, rather Philip was nigh the supposed 93. olympiad, how so ever to others it can truly be joined, and both, for so much, may well stand the 93. and the 100 olympiad, to show the mean time, to be but little above 24. years.  
4 Timaeus and Philistus for times not long afore, whom for Camarina I cited, little regarded olympian sums, after Xenophons' reckoning. Neither can later 
§ As Dionys. Diod. Plut. Athen. Laert. Gell. etc.  men bring any authority for them, when Hippias never found two of his age embracers of his Olympian table.   

Of Solon's age, and Philip Macedons, to be of the like distance by Heathen, as jakim and Iaddue are cast from scripture to be.  
A 'Gainst such as like of Olympiades'. 
Solons law-giving, and Nebuc. 1.  I may bring them, and that well for Solon's age, whom Tatianus placeth in olympiad 40. Now in the 48. Clemens doth place Nebuchadnezars' 8. year, and captivity of jechonias. Wherhfore Solon should be of josias tyme.  
Laertius placeth Solon's Lawgeving in olympiad 46. that is, about jakims reign. Let us hold on then to Athens fall, in these journeys.  
Pisistratidae ruled Athens 40. 
Pisist. of Sedekias tyme.  Isocrat●de biga.  
About Euilmerodachs twelfth year they might be▪ cast out, and Miltiades made by them ruler of Chersonelus, might be then some 40. years old.  
Marathon field 20. 
Marathon field about the 13. of Zorob. and Xerxes' war was about 23. of Zorob. or not much more.  years after that, when Mardonius was there: soon after for envy Miltiades banishment of ten years seems to follow. That Andocides mentioneth.  
Xerxes' war was ten years after that. There the principality of Athens grew: which I would reckon▪ from Xerxes preparation, when Grecia consulted of defence, and knew that which way Athens took, all would fall.  
Miltiades in his ten years banishment, 
§ Andocid. de pace.  is a mean of truce betwixt Athens and Sparta. And this can hardly be 7. years after: but grant seven.  

* Thuc. 1. Helen. 2. Andocides of Pisistratides times spoke for it, the grandfather to the orator.  Thence the truce kept of 13. years ensued. Then soon after a peace of 30. kept, 14. by Thucidedes, 15. by Xenophon: yet Aeschines and Andocides speak, that Athens kept that peace 30. years, but Thucidedes & Xenophon expound their meaning. And they expound Thucidedes and Demosthenes, who make 50. years betwixt Xerxes' wars, and Archidamus: which in propriety was little more than half so much: and Isocrates giveth all Athens principality but 65. 
Isocr. in Panath.  which principality ended not until Lysander of Lacedaemon took Athens, after 28. years war.  
In that war, 
That was in the 1. of Pelop. war. Thuc. 1.  Atrometus father to Aeschines the orator, lost his wealth belike through Archidamus, when Attica was overrun. So he might well be borne at Xerxes' wars, & yet he was but 94. when his son pleaded for his life against Demosthenes. Aeschines also served under Alcibiades. Socrates and Alcibiades were killed near that wars end. Aeschines by the judgement of 
* As Demetrius and others in Apollonius.  some, heard Socrates. He should be as Pamphilus in Terence past minority that heard Philosophers. Grant him some twenty five years of age then. He died after Alexander, about 75. So Philip should die after Alcibiades about 40. years: 
Alcibiades & Socrates died near together after Lisander's victory, over Athens.  then was the father of Aeschines alive and his mother, who had fled at Lysander's victory: his elder brother was alive, his younger, his Children were yet but young, & then Demosthenes reckoneth but 240. years from that time a little afore Philip's death unto Solon: who by the way sticked 
* Against Neaeram.  not to take 50. for little more than half fifty.  
To Solons last times, about 200. by Scripture compared in jakim and Iaddue, with Solon and Demosthenes, may well be granted, and the whole 240. unto Solon's first years.  
Yea the general speech of Grece in Socrates' time maketh Solon very ancient: whereby he might well match Pharaoh Nechoes antiquity. Yet the 
* The Greek term I keep: not having another certain.  hulks of Nechoes ships made by his authority, abode unto Herodotus days: which argueth somewhat the shortness of the time, to be not above a man's old age of 150. years, when Henodotus might write that.  
So by Olympiades', the best that they afford, best agrees with Scripture. Otherwise they appear to be nothing worth: and I may justly blame my adversary, for defending that they are not most uncertain.   

Of Rome's Chronicle noted in latin A. V C. anni urbis conditae: the years since the City was built.  
Romes' antiquity also is as one thread of the three: which can not soon be broken. But Clotho the daughter of Night in Hesiod, seemeth to be the first spinner of it. Or as Penelope twisted & untwisted her thread, to keep aloof 
* Homer in Odiss.  her lovers: so is the antiquity of Rome spun: What one twindeth another untwindeth, and for any purpose some thing hence may be brought: 
Dionys. 1. antiqui.  The oldest Roman writer being about 500 years later than Romulus is, supposed and recorded builder of Rome: and extreme disagreement arising herein.  
Onuphrius wondereth at the variety of opinions, by whom and when Rome should be built: and citeth a full tedious sort. To him I refer young students.  
Ennius in his time, from since Romulus built Rome, holdeth it about 700. years.  
Varro in Tully's age beginneth a new account, and maketh it then scant 700. years old.  
For comparison, after Troy and afore Alexander: and by subduction with Cyrus take this.  
Gellius by Cornelius Nepos and Cassius, maketh it built about 300. years after the Trojan horse, and 400. afore Alexander's birth. Now Trogus in jornandes maketh Cyrus to be in Tomyris war 630. after Priamu● death. Wherefore Cyrus should be about the 300. A. V C. and about 100 afore Alexander's birth: and that should I grant. Thus Rome helps nothing.  
So we may compare the Roman kings with jakim king of judah, and with Cyrus. For by 300. years from Priamus to Romulus, and 
* Commonly noted upon Livy.  244. from Romulus to Tarqvinius and Brutus death: Rome's kings shall be found to end afore judah's, whereby Cyrus shall be nothing further from Alexander than I place him.  
jornandes is helped by Democritus in Laertius, who was borne in olympiad the 80. and when he wrote Micron Diacosmon reckoneth it after the Troikes 730. years. How true it is, I will not dispute. By the same account I made Zeno jumor to Socrates, though 
§ In Parm●nide.  by Plato he were elder: and for to dash here again human authority lifted against God, I may cite Democritus, no less helping me then jornandes.  
Ephorus Cumaeus helpeth more, who maketh 750. from Heracliae, returning unto his time: later a little than Democritus. So jornandes hath a double help. Now Heraclidae came to Peloponnesus the 80. year● after the Troikes by Thuci● lib. 1. and by Eratosthe●●●in 〈◊〉 storm. 1. Apollodoms, and Diodorus▪ lib. 1.  
Isocrates giving Lacedaemon 700. 
Confer Panegyric & Panathenaic.  years 〈◊〉, since Heraclidae there seated, of whom they● kings came, runneth in the same way with the other Greeks', to place Cyrus no ancienter than I place him, by jornandes accounts.   

Extremities in shortness.  
1 Vergil the Poet, the glory not only of Mantu●, but of Rome also, he coming after M. Varro, whose account (I think) mine adversary followeth, controlleth him, 
aeneid. 1. and Chytre●●● Chron.  and maketh Rome younger than Hector's end, not 430. years but 360. as Chytraeus noteth: whereby jornandes placing Cyrus in 630. and Gel●ius placing alexander's by 〈◊〉 400. V C. 70. not 100 shallbe left betwixt Cyrus' end & Alexander's birth. So vergil's account should favour the jews.  
2 julian the Emperor, though profane, yet learned, and compelled to honour Christ, even in his destruction, he also dasheth all Heathen honour.  
In his Saturnalib. 
julian's Caesar's.  Romulus maketh a feast for the Roman Emperors, and some others. All their notable saultes he setteth forth in that discourse. And in speeches of the Emperors, julius hath a principal place. He commendeth himself of his city Rome: that it beginning of 3000. men within less than 600. years came by conquest to the earths end: he meaneth his own conquests.  
Now if we grant Alexander to be A. V C. 400. the space thence to julius willbe far les than the very jews in the other extremity of shortness do affirm.  
3 Hector Pintus▪ who boldly defendeth Daniel in plain propriety, 
Hector Pintus upon Dan.  & for that shorteneth the Greeks, where he thought that the Persians could not be shortened, he may have Julian against his will to fight for Daniel.  
4 The same Hector deserveth this commendation: that where Heathen neither deserved nor sought glory of skill in times before Daniel, he would grant them none, where God in letters to be seen layeth a certain number of years, with a most heavenly preparation dividing and subdividing the whole sum. Who so herein will not like of him, never could reverence Scripture.  
For, although he knew not wherein to cross Heathen by heathens best consent, yet in casting of all authority of Heathen, who never agreed for two kings together in all this time: he did that which true learning commandeth and showeth God's word to be above human controlment.  
5 I am sorry that I must so much blame mine own friend, one of my old familiarity, who calleth Daniel to trial of his truth before Heathen writers: of whom that may be spoken commonly that Aeschines speaketh of Demosthenes, that they can not speak true, neither unwares nor by compulsion. And when would he think to make our ploughmen skilful in particulars so many▪ & yet unknown to profane Heathen? Shall we, as Israel loathed Manna ready for them, loath God's word for telling plainly the truth?  
6 Quintus Fabius Labeo in Tully off. 1. being umpire between Neapolitans and Nolanes for limits of ground, leaveth that which was in the middle for Rome. The arbitrement there was not for a mean between two extremities. He●e not Labeo, but just umpires would go safest in, the middle: neither with the oldest, nor latest age of Rome: but as old Cassius with Nepos and Virgil cast it, having extremities on both sides.   

Of jakim, Solon Pisistratus, Tarqvinius superbus, and Cyrus' childhood, touching the same times.  
MY adversary helpeth me in all distress, not only for beginning and ending rightly daniel's sevens, whereby my cause hath enough by any Logicianes judgement: but also in particulars, where he most fighteth, he most casteth down himself. Thus he compareth ages in Mardochai. jechonias, Cyrus, Kiss: Salathiel, Cambyses, Semei: Pedaiah, Darius' jair: Zorobabel (by him Provepos jechoniae) Xerxes, and Mardochai. And this fitness he compareth with Archimedes measures. Thus any may see that he maketh Cyrus' first years match jechonias, and Zorobabels with Mardochais, full soon to see Xerxes' fall. 
Aeschylus●● Perfis.  For Aeschylus told him and me, that Xerxes was young in his wars of that great overthrow And what needed he to broche a new opinion for Mardochai, which Greeks', Hebrews, English never knew: when by himself he concludeth for me. For soon after Xerxes' fall, the Temple arose. And that must be in zorobabel's years, or Mardochaies few after the return, Xerxes their supposed equal yet being young.  
Now Tarqvinius Superbus being later than Solon, and as ancient as Pythagoras, familiar to Amasis, equal in Clemens to jechonias: the end of Superbus, and Cyrus first times, fall out most fitly to serve Daniel. So when Heathen studies be thoroughly tried, they as gibeonites, are glad to serve the Temple.   

A digression upon occasion of the adversaries phrase.  
Whereas I followed, in making a Consent of Scripture, not only truth, but also famous agreement of jew and Gentile: mine adversary continually crossing me, is found also to cross truth likewise, and common agreement: 
The provoker faileth in all his gainesayingès.  to omit other points, where in all differynges from me I hold him deceived: for Zorobab● one phrase did flee through the hedge of his teeth, which might mar all Religion. This was the speech. Fuit (Zorobabel) ut audivistis Pronepos jechoniae. jechonias was great Grandfather to Zorobabel. Lest his hearers hereby appear enemies to their own faith, I will largely clear the cause: and mine adversary, by his exposition. I was grieved to see Zorobabel made of jechonias blood, for these causes.  
1 God swore that none of Iechoniah's seed should sit upon the throne of David. jer. 22.  
2 S. Luke bringeth Zorobabel to Nathan, not to Solomon: whereby if he were of Jechoniah's, S. Luke miss in bringing CHRIST from David: and his Gospel should perish.  
3 Moreover, it is the deadliest point for story of all judaisme. For the jews make this an article of faith, that the king (Messiah) must come of Solomon: and that, who so deny that, deny God's word. Talmud San. art. 12.  
4 Besides, 
S. Matthew hath been commonly mistaken: by not regarding a term: which he was to use as commonly it was spoken, and to mean● as his nation did.  it hath been our common error, and crept into our notes: which I redressed, not only by skill, but by public approbation. For I wrote particularly of that to the chiefest of Subjects, dealer in this kind, that upon full advisement, the correcting of the error came forth: not as one thing shuffled amongst many, but examined carefully.  
5 Hereupon I by message demanded of mine adversary, what he should mean to speak so? who answered, that he meant succession, not natural lineage: which he might 
‡ I allow not his phrase, but take his yielding, and fight not forwords.  well do: 
§ Quid Metan●. 15.  As Augustus Caesar is the progeny, the seed, the begotten of julius: though he be not of his line, but in succession. Now lest his hearers should by his manifold injurious & erroneous controlments herein also follow his words, and not his meaning, I thought good to warn them, and wish them due care of time, place, and person, in all narrations, lest they soon pull down all their own building. But now let us return to our care over Rome, that it work no harm in this behalf to the Gospel.   

Causes why Roman testimonies should be rather loathed, then honoured, to control all antiquity for holy prophets.  
Special causes should move to refuse Roman late writers, in this case.  
1 They being near our lords days in the flesh: (when jews noised over all the world, their expectation of the heavenly Monarch) they were to be given up unto further error, that would not love the light kindled: and inquire, as touching that king of glory.  
2 When Tully proflac. & provin cons. mentioning jerusalem, calleth the jews religion a barbarous superstition: and them a nation borne to bondage: he can not deny but he had herd of their religion, & of their long bondage. And he might have found his paradox true: that the wise man even in torments is happy, if he would have read the 70. 
* The Greek translation of the 70 matched the most ancient Latins, & might be read of the.  and Esay. 53. as he did Demosthenes. His tongue 
‡ Dion. Rom. hist. l●b. 47.  was worthy to be pricked with needles, that so despitefully would speak of the nation of our Lord, who gave him all his eloquence and worthily suffered he all that punishment, which in Plutarch befell him.  
3 Vergil 
§ Aegl. 4.  the Poet, that heard of a child coming from heaven to bring a golden world: sinned against his conscience, in drawing that to Rome, which all rumours drew to jerusalem.  
4 Augustus jesting, 
Macrob. lib. 2.  that Herodes hog was happier than his son: & knowing Herodes murdering: which was to prevent, the king looked for of the jews, could hardly be guiltless. And Carneades might have taught him, if not the Magis, to have left the jews a King of their own nation, and right family.  
5 After open mention to Tiberius of our Lord his resurrection, 
Euseb. joseph. Cedrenus. Tacitus Su●tonius.  & a plain prophecy, by which all the east, at that time, looked for a king, and after, of the name of Christ, killed under Pontius Pilate, all dealings of Roman writers were much to be suspected: either as more forlorn of God: to cross unawares that prophecy famous every where: or of malice fortifiying with a conspiring rancour such Greeks as might wholly disturb that prophecy of the time of the general monarch.  
6 If they dealt not maliciously, how could they being late men, agree in the same syllables, for the times betwixt Xerxes and Alexander, 
In Panathaen▪ contra Leocrat  precisely: though Isocrates & Lycurgus, men of that age, differ 25. years: where they make the whole but 48. and others after the Peloponnesian wars differ about half in half?   

How the common table of Archontes, though forged, yet was exquisitely honoured of the Antichristian Philosophers, not without suspicion of malice.  
The late Greeks' under the Roman Emperors, Pausanias, Plutarch, Phlegon, Laertius, for the yearly Archontes or majors of Athens: and under which of them famous men were borne or died: do so agree, as though they had lived in their old times, and had been recorders of purpose: yet old writers have (as I think) not twenty of those 140. Archontes, but full many others in their rooms: as Demosthenes in one 
‡ De corona.  oration hath 8. Maiores of his own town: whereof the table which the emperors scholars would fortify, hath not one. Lysias hath some of his time likewise there not found. And Greeks, Christians, as Suidas and other commenters, utterly disgrace them. I find in Thucydides two: Pythodorus, beginning the wars and Alcaeus: Xenophon hath a Pythodorus ending it: and Lysias the same. Also Euctemon is in Xenophon, Euclides in Lysias, in Demosthenes about 
§ Socratides, Astias Polyzelus, Cephisodorus Chion, Timocrates, Chariclides, evander, and Charondas: but no two of these can be certain for our purpose. Tully seemeth to settle Charon. 4. 7. afore Philip's death.  9 two 
* Themistocles and Theophrastus.  I find in Aeschines: other may have some, or they some more. Therefore in late men this agreement can hardly be void of suspicion of malice.  
1 Those open enemies are more openly guilty, in admitting things by themselves unpossible. For Plutarch casting Lysias borne under Philocles, and to live 72. years, and admitting his oration for Iphicrates when Elpinicus was Mayor 103. off: that shall deserve true credit when 72. can be 103. This might then tell that about 30. Majors and years are forged: and malice, not dullness, hath authorized these records.  
2 When Ptolemy mentioneth Eclipses under Phanostratus, 
Lib. 4. cap. 11.  & the next year under evander: here their conspiracy faileth. 
Diod. lib. 5. pag. 457. Dem. contra Timocr. see his commenter  For in Diodorus, Menander is, not evander at all. evander is a Mayor in Demosthenes, but as, near the time of Timocrates affairs, & a late Mayor. Besides, all Greeks' know that evander and Menander be too far off in force, to take the one for the other.  
3 Touching Apseudes in Ptolemyes Eclipses, 
lib. 3. cap. 2.  I trow, saving from Diodorus table, never no man was so called. As never no English man was called Vn-lying, and the name might tell, that the autour jested.  
4 Who would not suspect forgery, seeing those three Majors together, Lysi-stratus, Lys-anias, Lysi-theus: and near, Lysi-crates, Lysimachides, and Lys-anias again. Or these, upon A, half a dozen together, Amynias Alc●us, Ariston, Aristophylus, Archias, Antipho, and next save one, Aristomnestus. Any may think that an open forger, turning to some alphabet table bred these.  
5 Like are these in the termination rare in ideses. Theagenides, Archidemides, Phasiclides, Timarchides, Lysimachides, Myrichides, Glaucides: and all these near together. Where both Isocrates & Lycurgus differ so much: and I show the time shorter by the one half, or there about, than the forged tables account. Wherhfore Gellius, Plutarch, and such, who by God's curse, cannot speak the truth (as Aeschines taunteth Demosthenes) no not unwilling, 
Enemies of Christ should not be cited against him.  that is unwitting, or do of malice repress it: let them pack. But their malicious forgery will most notably appear, for kings which are feigned to live with the kings of judah, from authors never heard of till the Roman Emperors killed the holy Martyrs. They are the third thread. I will put the simple reader in mind against them, what holy prophecy is wounded for them.   

Of the Chaldeans.  
CFrtayne reports of supposed Chaldeans in our age first have been of estimation, to teach men how to expound Daniel, touching that text whereupon we are termed Christians. For in Daniel first and only of the old Testament, the term Christ is mere proper: in other places 32. the skilful in Adam's tongue know the term to be appellative. For to understand Daniel the better, some late would seek help from men whom they think to be Chaldeans. And by an account from them, my adversary would make me believe, that Gabriel appointing 70. sevens of years for all the world to look for Christ his death, meant not 70. but 80. sevens. His dealing is strange: strangeness yet herein made some men boisterous: But the aged and learned knew before, how in the end the matter would fall out. In London Prentices marvel at University Scholars, 
Certain of & in an university reported to two of Inns of Court lately, that I was ashmed of my cause, and relinquished the defence of it. They knew not that they condemned our whole state & religion, otherwise they would not willingly nor could wittily have done so.  for thinking that Chaldeans might force them to an other meaning of bibles sold in Paul's, than ever was known either to jews who wrote the Prophets, or to the Queen of England and Burgesles of our Parliament: who thought that all might and must adventure their souls upon the propriety of God's word, and thereby settled us laws for Religion. We may not dispute against our own grounds, our own frame, our own pillars, our own whole building, for trial or bravery of skill, from coloured old Astrologers.  
This matter shallbe made so plain, that even the simplest may see the weakness of that judgement, which leaneth upon such rotten reeds. Ptolemy was a man cunning in the course of the year: which men are taught to measure by the course of the Sun. His dexterity was late. For his days were about 130. years after our Lord his redemption: yet to make his art honourable, he bringeth to us records not heard of before his time of Chaldeans, coming near the antiquity of a thousand years. For he nameth not Robin-hood, but Nabonassar, yet one of Utopia, or no place, matching in ancienty Ezekias' king of judah. His first year of government he placeth 424. years before the death of Alexander Macedon. The same Ptolemy hath an account from Nabonassar to one Darius the first, whose year of reign 31. he maketh to be 256. from Nabonassar, and by a consequent 168. before the death of Alexander. Thus standeth Ptolemy's testimony.   

How an adversary doth cite this against the propriety of Scripture.  Thus the adversary doth reason. 
IF from Darius that followed Cyrus' son Cambyses, who reigned 7. years after Cyrus took Babylon unto Alexander's death years be 168. it must needs be granted that the Persians reigned above 130. years over the jews: and seeing 360. thence are agreed upon to our lords death: and the limits of daniel's sevens agreed upon also, betwixt both parties: it must needs be that the Angel meant uncertenly.   

Answer.  
Many things for this testimony must be explained. Simply this will stand: That never any Darius was beginning to reign 7. years after Cyrus took Babylon, whose reign was 168. years before Alexander's death. But for showing how the testimony is nothing worth, these points may be laid down.  
1 A testimony unknown or despised near 1000 years, and afterward despised more than 1000 years, is more vain than vanity. Such is this of supposed Chaldeans.  
2 Christians may admit no testimony (where propriety must bear sway) against Scripture. For plain aught that to be, which plaineth the rough. But by Daniel, Darius the first came none after Darius the Mede▪ who took Babylon. 〈…〉 who then was 62. years old. But his age 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 this account of 32. years reign 〈…〉.  
3 The Queen of England sworn to the Gospel, 
They who blame in me novelty, where all our Church was and is of the same mind, must be warned of gross daeling.  is to satisfy her subjects, and they in obedience to satisfy her by propriety of Scripture. To regard the most lying nation of Chaldeans (never before cited to cross propriety of Scripture) it is no part of the learned and godly. This might have warrented me.  
4 A Shypmans' hose will not elegantly distinguyshe and set forth the legs. But this Chaldean testimony is such. For of Nabonassar, and Nabopollasar Scal. 1584. condemneth all former opinions. Christmannus holdeth them forged names. 
In Alfrag.  Genebrarde thinketh them forged or corrupt: 
In Chronal  H. Wolphius learnedly damneth all such help from Heathen for Scripture. A sound judgement should not trouble his Country with such stuff.   

Objection.  
But Clemens 1. Strom. hath a Darius the first after Cambyses: Therefore Chaldeans only are not to be blamed.   

Answer.  
1 The Grecians could not so well take notice of Chaldean kings, as Chaldeans might: For whom Daniel had penned his sixth Chapter in the Chaldy tongue: but they meant the first Darius that they heard of.  
2 That Darius Hystaspis cannot be meant by Darius the first, Herodotus conferred with Ctesias will prove. For Ctesias a Physician in the Persian court, and having (as Diodorus writeth of him) the court rolls for warrant, recordeth that Darius Hy●taspis lived but forty three years, and reigned from his princehood at twelve years of age but 31. years. Now Herodotus in Clio maketh him about 20. years old when Cyrus presently upon Babel's conquest prepareth Tomyris wars. And this utterly overthroweth my adversaries cause.  
3 Maximinus Monachus somewhat following Greeks, 
A Greek writer, which I have in written hand somewhat of him M Scaliger hath put forth.  yet more reverencing the open phrase of most holy Scripture, and loathing ridiculous distinctions, where plainness ought to be, he maketh Darius that followeth Cambyses to be Darius the Mede. But to differ from the Chaldeans, either forged authors or forgers, giveth him in all but twenty eight years.  
4 Aben Ezra upon Daniel the 9 testifieth, that he saw records for the Persian kings, by which he found from the surprising of Babel unto the twentieth of Artaxerxes forty nine years. These be his words: And behold, Nineteen years were of the reign of Cyrus and Achashuerosh, and two of Darius, and he reigned twelve. And so it is written in a Book of the Kings of Paras, and 〈◊〉 years of Artaxasta the king: So behold the whole is 〈◊〉 sevens until Nehe●ias came, as it is written in the book of Ezra. Thus testifieth Aben Ezra, who lived above 400. years ago: a great Astronomer in Sebastian Munster's judgement, whereby he could not be ignorant of Ptolemy's Chaldeans. A deadly enemy he was to Christ, and therefore deserveth better credit, speaking for us against his own purpose, than Chaldeans, more wicked and perpetual haters of Daniel.  
5 All they who make 49. 
The one speech of seven seven Dan. 9 granted commonly the time separated for building jerusalem (which must be the first part in the partition) forceth an yielding to a plain declaration of Gabriels' Chronicle for our redemption.  years for the building of jerusalem, who are full manv, will be found as well damners of these Chaldeans: whereof amongst Romistes in Spain Hector Pintus gave the same reverence to daniel's plainness as did john Calum in Genevah, and careth not for human credit, where Greeks' thought themselves strongest. And the Divines in the last French edition, have despised this Chaldy dream. Genebrard for the French, Romistes is no small man (honoured now as I heard at Rome) whom Adricomius followed in the Chronicle joined to his Maps. Henry Wolphius is a learned, godly, and zealous reverencer of the Scriptures plainness, who friendly controlleth M. Scaliger, and confirmeth Beroaldus, departing even from his own Father's judgement for the holy truth. Against all this must it be my particular lot, in so many of mine opinion, to be only counted new?  
6 Learned men by them have gone too far. For I. Sc. condemneth all the thousands of Divines, who do think that Darius the Mede. Dan. 5. gate Babylon by conquest. A strange thing. Such writers should be hated, who deceive so learned men, as M. Scaliger is known to be of all Learned men.  
Two more deceits from these Chaldeans, deceiving him and an other Scholar well deserving of learning, should make us think no better of these sta●e Chaldy forgery, then ●●iamus should have done of Epeus' wordy Horse, and hurtful Sinon's tale. Cateles Vcalegon his house, with others, was not more overtaken thereby of Vul●anes flames, than our writings should be, if those Babylonians might bear sway. Take first an example, of Ezekiel where he writeth in this manner, Changed ●, 1. In the thirtieth year I was in the Captivity. From whence he beginneth his reckoning it may soon be discussed. For this was in the fift year of the Captivity of joachin, add unto that all jakims time, eleven years, so we have 16. and of josias 31. so many as will with 16. make 30. that is 14. then you climb up unto the 18. of josias: that most famous year the middle of a jubilee, having that noble Passeover, and Moses copy hid from Manasses, found again and read before the king, by which it was known that captivity was at haude: which when jews captived would not believe, but that they might have shunned it, Ezekiel hath relation to a famous denouncing of it 30. years afore, and by that testimony would both calm the captived, and advise Zedekias not to resist the Babylonian. And this of ancienty jews did see, jonothan, jarchi, Kimchi, Abrabbaniel. Old father Jerome taught the same among Latins, and Theodoret among Greeks', yet M. Sc. thinketh that Ezekiel had relation to Nabopollasar, whom his Chaldeans in Ptolemy have. In defence of myself, whom some by him would disgrace, this much I will say.  
Chaldeans deserve small thanks for playing fast and lose, if that which by plain reason for Scripture, Hebrews, Greeks', and Latins, have hitherto held fast, now must be holden lose.  
If for the first verse of Ezekiel all Divines have been bereft of judgement, how great is our darkness? and who will ever regard our skill? The regarding help from Assur hath wrought us this disgrace.  
Whereas H. Wolphius his friend, the next year after he wrote, corrected that, & he seemeth to like well of it: He first should defend his Chaldeans, and not his followers, where he is silent.  
For an other Learned man: M. F. junius is deceived as much. Mark what he writeth upon those texts. Ezra, 4. 5. & 24. They hired counsellors against them, to disslolue their counsel all the days of Cyrus' king of Paras, unto the reign of Darius' king of Paras. This Darius is (in the learned man's work) Darius Hystaspis, and him be maketh to reign ten years after Cyrus first year. Now for the verse 34. of the same Chapter mark Ezra. Then was hindered the work, and continued hindered until the second year of the reign of Darius' king of Paras. Though it hath been doubtless with jews and Gentiles, that one and the same Darius is meant in both places, yet he maketh the later, an other, Darius Nothus, later by 98. years. So these Chaldeans make us breed of one Kiss two, of one Ezra two, of one Nehemias' two, of one Darius the first two, of one other Darius § three: & for two years in him to make 100 
D. Artaxerxes, D. Hystaspis, and Darius Nothus.   
The saw wherewith Manasses did cut Esay the just into pieces, had not worse teeth than these Chaldeans, who make us rend with our teeth the holy word, from that plainness which is in Christ. The Trojans which did pull down their own Walls to receive enemies to burn their City, are not simpler than they who will be triumphing against a defender of their own nations Divines, and will pull down their own Walls, made not by Neptune and Apollo, as Homer's Pergamon, but by Divines of all learned languages. And this for Chaldeans, being not a dead Horse, but in Scripture language, dead Dogs.  
I could have wished that Learned men had not been brought against me: whom I turn more enemies to my adversary, than I am, upon his grants, and turn them to be upon condemners of his judgement. I would have been loath to cast any blot of their own Ink upon their Papers, if I might have been unprovoked. This any may see, that M. Fr. junius upon Hosea, differeth little from mine account, where he makes 680. years from the sixth of Ezekias unto our lords death. I make seven less than be, less, because I hold that the Captivity was but 70. years, which begun from lech●nias by him should be 77. but no syllable of Prophet will warrant that. After I have him with me against my adversary & himself also. Let them for that thank the Chaideans.  
He had need of a bold courage, 
Oppose this to all their rumours, who by their own testimony blame a cause which they know not.  and many tongues to speak for him, that would have all the world to shrink from an Angel and daniel's meaning, for so vile, base, obscure, trifling rags of Utopian Scriveners. And this for them, or nothing is enough.  
This harm is not little, that our common people▪ to whom Bibles are propounded as plain upon often reading, must be carried to mistrust the plain text. But herein I must not be vehemet against my Adversary, who less regarded Chaldeans then Olympiades'. For staying of such as will needs win him avictory, against his hope I have written, and must, more than I wished.  
Whereas some stumble at Divinity for diversity of minds in plain Stories, 
Papists blame us for differing, though Bellarmin and Genebrard differ in the same rate, without particular blame of them.  wherein the strivers know that any upon pains due, may see the truth: Such stumblers may soon find their condemnation just. It was always usual to try truth by disputing. And as no man thinketh Arithmetic hard: nor law: For merchants pleading upon accounts, when sums with their authority are brought together: So none should here think the Bible hard, when the sums of it are clear, if they will examine Heathen, how their testimony is nothing. The Christians that follow them deserve report of human reading. But all writers upon Scripture may not be disgraced Protestants Romistes, and jews, & even they that 
* Who grant some points which subdue all their dissension to the truth.  strive, all may not be counted senseless, when Scripture is clear, and upon Scripture they speak. And Heathen should not overrule Religion, when even by other Heathen Scripture prevaileth:  
THus I have sufficiently cleared the speech of Gabriel: in defence of the late Divines, of England with Scotland: of Spain, France, Hiderbeg, Tigurin, Geneva: checking the old error of Greeks', making the Sun go back 100 years.  
1 The matter hath been so polished: that for the limits, the adversary yieldeth unto me: & for the parts to be greater than the whole: he fighteth not against me but against himself, art, all men, and possibility.  
2 Touching the reason that drove him into these straits: the opinion that the Jews were under Persia 70. years more than Gabriels' portion 130. of 490. upon examination that is found more unlikely, than any thing in any count of time. For we both, and the two famous learned M. junius and M. Scaliger, (the only in that on his side) we all four, grant the excess of years not to be after the building of the Temple. Now, that it cannot be 107. afore, betwixt Cyrus and Aggeis Prophecy, but 32. only, whole streams of reasons I have showed: & hebrews, Greeks', Latins make it but the sixth part of this time, that is, 17. or 18. years. Now, to blame another for not going six fold beyond the common opinion, this dealing might be counted strange.  
3 This one argument amongst whole troops, this one alone might quiet all: that the returned, which were once 49000. built the Temple.  
4 Touching the profane, by particulars it was showed, that from Cyrus Babylon's war to Xerxes, (even by heathen) 30. was the most that likelihood would grant: that from Xerxes' war to Alexander's, of the supposed 140. by Greeks of that Age, in sure and plain reasons 40. full clearly might, to the satisfaction of any heathen, be quite cut off.  
5 Touching heathen disturbances, I turn them to serve the Church: in Olympiades', about Rome, and such. Phlegon fighteth for us: whose whole fragment, because few had it, I caused to be printed, for Scholars use.  
6 Pausanias likewise against himself exactly for my sum: and the Greek Divines I brought against their cited Olympiades': yea, julian and Lucian are brought to serve Daniel.  
7 The table of Archontes, the malice of Philosophers, the vanity of the Chaldeans have been detected.  
8 These points he that holdeth not profitable for helping to join Moses, Daniel, Matthew, Paul, and all together: and specially the jubilees, beginning from the partition of the Land by jesus, upon driving out the heathen, ending at the entering for us into heaven, by our Lord and Saviour jesus, by texts clear and plain: he that would despise this, hath courage not following, but running afore learning: and I think, with none well advised can find commendation.   

Objection.  
But this should not be put in print to the disgrace of a learned man: private conference should rather end the matter.   

Answer.  
This Objection may be cast off for many causes.  
1 Mine adversary conferred privately with me, before I wrote of the Scripture consent: and upon occasion of some strange points in his Author, whereby his account made years threescore for bare three: he told me that he had not studied these points: and requested me to write of them.  
2 Presently upon the coming forth of my Book, he falleth a confuting it in open lectures, amongst young students unable to judge: who as Nero sang the destruction of Troy, when he set his own City on fire: so those young students triumphed, when Daniel, and Gabriel were in confuting. If this partiality be tolerable in him: to speak to young men, & not to print that all may judge: they will grant me good leave to defend that truth in print, which the Adversary did request me for to print at the first.  
3 My learned friend told his Auditory, that he was bound to honour the truth, more than our friendship: and therefore would not spare, even a follower of a universal opinion. He that will not think the same as lawful for me, will seem blinded with finister partiality.  
4 Upon a short Epistle to one A. T. proving Mardochai captived, whose life would discuss our controversy: mine adversary promised to take the blame on him, rather than I should print more: yet soon after falleth on confuting it, with some dealings, that none indifferent would like off: & his admirers being called to their own judgement upon Ester, saw that they were deceived: and said that the fame of the learned man carried them to conclude as he would. Now, all such as condemn all hebrews, Greeks, English and their own heart, must be warned to deal better: and other warning would they take none, till I came to this, many did I send them.  
5 Another D. of Divinity, who abridged Codoman, flowing with errors: yet condemning mine Adversary in all our chief differences, & granting me full many points, whereby mine Adversary would tell him that he overthrew himself: upon certain demands dashing all his pains, took a right course: he confessed that he had no skill in these matters, and would yield unto him whom he provoked. One Master Jackson a merchant, can testify that to him it was spoken: and the Gentlemen of Grays-inn know reason why that was his best way. And this mention would I have spared, but that one D. Ch. would have him answered, as though he had won the spurs: the man himself took the best way. I dare assure mine Adversary that he ought to have done so: if ever by resistance he make his cause good: let the Reader think me of small judgement.  
6 So many are infected with error upon his Lectures, to hold the Scripture uncertain: that not only Printing must correct them, but also he must be moved to acknowledge his oversight.  
7 It is great pity that one so well deserving of the Church, should be suffered by unreasonable reverence to build up Jericho: whereas in friendship just reproof bears great sway, which must be given gravely, and taken patiently.  
8 We took Vmperes, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of London. By their arbitrement he doth know or some may, that neither he nor any will soon foil any joint of that Scripture Consent, but for going about will take foils many. When after their censures young men shall sing as at Nero's flames, what man of courage with learning would abide it.  
He that wrote of Scripture Consent to her Majesty, unless for joining Hebrew and Greek studies he knew himself commonly holden inferior to none: he might be blamed of imprudency, with taking away the first letter of Rhetoric: that which Tully said, Demosthenes could hardly pronounce, for the boldness of his enterprise, taken before BB, and DD. as a Doctor of Cambridge answered for him: upon commending the weight of the matter, when one demanded, why then the BB. or the DD. meddled not with it. He that in so weighty a cause would suffer rumours to quell the truth: and yield to men not acquainted with his studies, should not be thought of judgement or love of the truth.  
Thus I trust the godly willbe satisfied, the fame or infamy from the bad, should move none of judgement.   
FINIS.   

The amending of faults escaped.  
THe number of sheets are not duly marked by the letters, by reason that a fragment of Phlegon printed in Greek was the work of a Printer dwelling far off, and of another than the other: and latelyer printed than the sheet of the 
* Which was printed in Octoebr, the other in February.  Chaldeans, which by the unheedines of the Printers, both have their reckoning amiss, the one A. the other I. But for amending faults they may be noted thus: Phleg. and Chald. the other leaves be in order. Through all, thus amend faults, D. page 6. line 12. and 13. twenty three years while joshua was under Persia. In 
* In the Greek the first note of the text corrupted, must be referred to the former page.  Phlegon line 25. read end & cure of the plague. In the next page in the margin read Homer Iliad. 2. 595. for Odiss. 2. F. 1. the second page in the margin read Homer Iliad. 3. for lib. 3. In G. 2. line 1. read sun of justice for son. on the next page line 13. read sun for son. In H. 3. page 2. line 16. read the meed Datis for Mardo●●●s. In the next page in the margot read Demetrius Phalereus. In I in the margin read 4. y. that is years, for 4. 7. In Cald. line 7. read places, 30. for 32. and line 20. read either known, for known either: And line 21. read or thought upon to the, for or to the, and in the margin wittingly, for willingly. And page 7. line 29. open, for upon. In L. line 3. read Hidelberge. And page 3. line 9 read sinister for sinistred. And line 10. for provink, read proving. And page 4. line 14. in some copies read soon may, for some may. Let the gentle reader of himself amend other 'scapes by the matter.