TO THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCE ELIZABET, by the grace of God Queen of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith. etc.  
I Presented unto your Highness (most gracious Sovereign) the Consent of the holy Story: endeavouring there to show, that all the Book of truth breathed from one spirit. That could not be declared, unless the times had a most exact plainness: which I recorded to be certainly chained, even from the fall, to the Redemption. For that, I laid down the pure words of the text: whereof an angel told: That from the end of judah's captivity 490. years are pared out unto our lords death. Against this last part, a Learned man of Oxford long disputed: not denying the words to have God's authority in them, nor yet differing from me for their beginning and end. but affirming, That the Angel meant no certain tyme. And setting aside the Angels words, he affirmeth, That from Olympiades' 560. years precisely may be gathered by the Greek affairs: And going on by the jews common weal, maketh a partition. He maketh the Temple (a mark most famous) the limit of both parts: as I had done, but not in like tyme. From Zorobabel and josuahs' return from Babel, he maketh years an hundredth and seven unto the building of the Temple. There I say that ancient hebrews universally, ancient Greeks' universally, and Latins most generally old and late, keep them within 32. years, and that Scripture and lives of all famous men agree with that. After the building of the Temple, are by him to our lords death 453. years: which I will grant him, and five more. In this labour of his I blame his endeavour of two general errors: That he disannulleth the propriety of the Angels words, and affirmeth, that the returned from Babel lived 107. years to build the Temple. He read twelve months, as his hearers triumphed. Some of his Lectures he sent me, by which I might judge what matter could be in the rest. I could have wished that he would either have spoken where I might reply, or have printed his opinions, that rumours might not prevail above judgement. I have printed many several works against him. The sum of them is this: That all his gainsaying is extremely erroneous: and that he hath not blamed with any colour of sound learning, one word of my Book. Those small works of my Defences for our Religion, and common truth, oppugned by one pretending peculiar differing from me: who for these two points have all Nations, Religions, and Studies, on my side: Them I humbly commend to your Highness, that they may be censured by some Learned, countenanced as truth requireth, and considered according to the honour of your gracious government. A private censure hath passed betwixt us all ready. For my Lord Archbishop of Canterbury's grace, was chosen umpire, and examined both sides arguments. I hope I may with modesty plead his testimony, though for myself, yet in a public cause: where it is good for all to know the full strength of the truth. His Grace did wholly approve the Consent for every whit: where his wisdom saw Heathen (that deceived Divines) confuted most plentifully, by most ancient Heathen of their own kind, and universally by all jews. And touching former Christians following Gentiles on Daniel, following jews in Ezra, his Grace saw them helped from errors, by their own grant: that when the D. and I join issue for the space betwixt the Altar and Temple: Profane heathen have there no work: but old Divines Hebrew, Greek, Latin, tell him, that he went very far, further than they would wish him. And touching crossing the Angel's propriety, I can not think that Europe beareth one learned Christian, or that jury (which trembleth at Gabriels' oration) hath now one man, that holdeth the number uncertain. I think his Grace will tell your Highness so much. And your majesties signification of your Princely determination, would more break young braving Students, whom reason in such unexpected soils can not bend. I greatly reverence my learned adversary, and commend him, that he would not have all libraries set on flame by fire of judgement in few words, without trial in one twelve months fight. But I should more commend him now, if at the last he would tell, how plain the Scripture lay always, though no heathen before settled jubilees aright with the Chronicle. His fame of Learning, and my more confident resistance, maketh many think that the Scripture is hard, where our long labours differ. The fault is untolerable in the one of us two, either in him or in me: and the faulty should be forced to yield, that none think amiss of God's word. I refuse not to abide all disgrace, if my travels be not found true for the story, profitable for the quietness of the state, and fit for a Prince, reigning in these west ends of the earth, the possession of Christ. Our Merchants that pass over all Nations, can not carry into the East more noble merchandise from the West, than skill of teaching Greeks', upon what occasion, ever hitherto they miss 1500. years in 4000 and marred all the holy story, and lost religion: and caused the Christian Arabians to follow and fail alike. And that point hath been hence first opened, in that little work to your Majesty, and in a further explication of it. Likewise, where by the time and kindred of Christ, they may move any jews: there, I trust, that I may affirm, without challenging more than due, that to your highness first, both points were declared in full and constant Consent. What the pains hath been to contrive unto agreement so many most intricate points, as for this harmony of Scripture have been joined, from east writers of hard and divers tongues, and subtleties: not Hebrew only, but Syriac and Chaldean, in sundry Dialectes from Greeks' and Latins of all sorts, avoiding the errors of all, bringing nothing but matters of difficulty, and all judged faultless: any may judge, that considereth but the hardness of the least of these studies severally. The pain is augmented by the greatness of the charges: not maintained by great allowance of Divinity, but gotten through Hebrew skill, and spent on Divinity: though it be a rule of God and man, that none war on their own charges. Yet duty bindeth all men to further, as they can, celestial knowledge. But pains in this sort, loseth much of the due encouragement. And some increase of grief I felt, that when I had a meaning to look to myself by other means than Divinity: I was requested by one of your majesties honourable Counsellors, a Divine, to take rather your highness preferment: the delay whereof hath hindered mine own course. But all this may soon be cured, when it is known to your gracious care over Learning.  
Your majesties most humble Subject Hugh Broughton.   

An Epistle sent unto the Archb. of C. and D. Elmer then B. of London, chosen umpires touching the D. that read against the Consent of Scripture, and the Author of that Consent.  
MY duty remembed to your Grace and Lordship. It is known to all the Realm, with what vehemency and care D.R. laboured to prove, that a Consent of Scripture for certainty of Chronicle could not be made. By reason of his former credit, he hath drawn many to deny that, which they always held: & to be against themselves, to countenance him, and to disgrace me. I thought small skill might serve in an Apology for all men: and was so bold as to pronounce him more grossly deceived, then ever I knew any man. And content could I have been, to have tried by disputation, or by printing: not minding to leave off, until my book to her Majesty (which he laboureth wholly to disgrace) standeth by open judgement, or falleth to my continual disgrace, and last pains in study. When he had long read to prove that Mardochai was not of jechonias captivity, and had made many commend his cause (we both grant that to end our strife) and they being called to read the text, loathed their own inconstancy: Yet than this was told me, that some Oxford men required answer of me. Thereupon I wrote to D. Robinson, Provost of the Q. College, certain Theses, which might end the cause: requesting his allowance, or rejection: with this addition, that I thought it injurious that Oxford men should require me to defend that, which they ever held: unless they would protest, that either their minds were altered, or that they were unable: and of D. Reynoldes I wrote, that he was extremely culpable, in blaming me for differing from him: where none ever was, nor willbe of his judgement; and by his own words he is utterly condemned. Upon this, D. Reynoldes cometh to London to me, showing that he was willing to take any judge: and both we agreed upon your Grace, & you my L. B. of London, that we might have the cause fully ended, without partiality to the credit of either, clearly to the glory of God, and brightness of his truth: That whether soever hereafter should make any stir in the cause, he should be openly culpable by all censures. My matter is opened in my Book of Scripture Consent in Gabriels' oration Dan. 9 in the Preface, and at the year of the world 3470. My accusation is, that D. R. unjustly blamed that, as all particulars depending thereupon: which tend through the old Testament, yea from Moses to our Lord his ascension. To all which courses, I blame him as injurious. Imoved him to send to your Grace and Lordship, the book of his Lectures. I trow, reason will move him to do so much, if he mean to defend himself. I have sent herewithal a brief in Theses and short declarations, to give an insight to the matter: a copy whereof I could wish D. R. if he would: as I would gladly give him any thing for a Book of his whole Lectures against me. If these be not sufficient, I am ready by Lecture, Disputation, or Printing, to open any point hid in my cause. Thus requesting your Graces and Lordships free report to her Majesty, and my L. Treasurer, touching my Book wherefore we strive: after your convenient leisure: I humbly commend your Grace and Lordship to the spirit of truth.  
London. Nou. 4. 1591.   

To the worshipful and learned, the vicechancellor, and others the governors of learning-houses in the University of Oxeforde.  
LFarned Fathers, you know that I put forth sundry defences of my doctrine, touching the harmony of Scripture, to clear my book which I wrote to her Majesty: that I might prove myself not unadvised, in offering that doctrine to her Highness: but careful of duty to the Church and state. And God is my judge, that I had desire and hope therein, to have advanced not a little the knowledge of Christ, the peace of the Church, and honour of all human good learning. My defences I hope, prove my cause to be sound. And not only that, but a more plain dealing used, than I have found from your Students. I will touch what I wrote: and your men's injuries: and require your censure. First the treatise of Mardochai, written without open noting any particular adversary, proving all Churches and synagogues, and the native judgement of all plain folk, to be of my side, might have quietly appeased all strife, or have driven all you to have defended your own cause. Moreover I, though I stood in possession of the ancient opinion, and by that only might disgrace the replier, consented to abide arbitrement, which commonly would part stakes. Besides, I chained holy testimonies for the service of Shemesh, unto that blessed service of redemption, that the cause might match the suns brightness in the simplest sight: and the speech of every part appear of one tenor in phrase: that he which would be tropic in one point, should be guilty of threatening the like to all. Some learned strangers, thought that pains the best of mine. But some said, that your D. disdained to answer that: being whole the express word of God. Such reverence holy Euthyphrones gave God's word. Besides, your D. affirming, that there was not a Chronicle in the Bible, disputed upon Abrabams' times, and the judges, to prove them uncertain. I marveled what he should mean to disturb the truth, in that most famous place: where God upon Terah's death, began a new accumpt from Christ's promise. The Sun differeth not more from the dimmest Star, than that point differeth from obscurity. And the ancient Greeks saw it so wonderful a matter, that Moses should tell of Terah's death, telling in the eight above only all their years: that to hide the wonder, they put in eight times, and he died, S. Stephen and Philo in Abraham's peregrination might have told your D. that antiquity therein made no doubt. Neither did ever any english differ from me for S. Stephen's words. For the judges times, my Book would have told him by particular accounts, where S. Paul bringeth 18. stories to one word: that no virginals were better in tune, than that harmony of time: though your D. would needs be busy with me for the seven years of Conquest, and the seven jubilees to Samuel: seven Seaventies to nebucadnezar's war, the scutcheon of Captivity, and thence the seven Seaventies. But for Abraham's Promise, I most laboured to reform him: that he might not prevail to mar the two most heavenly Promises, and noblest joints of all the Bible: that, and the other to Daniel. In a disputation upon Melchizedek. I conveyed a redress of his opinions: which because some little marked, afterwards I graved in brass, by reason of some Pictures, a view of the whole Bible, friendly amending his breaches of all the building. This also being unregarded, directly do I reprove your Students, as denying the Redemption by a strong consequent: who hold, that it fell not out in the time properly told: whereas men and Angels will hold, that otherwise it could not be from God: and the jews seek no more colourable defence then to prove, that the proper time cannot be proved to agree with the prophecy. Therein also I found your Students enemies to God's truth, as before: and bitter, because I liken them to Nero, harping at their own cities flames. Hearing of their rage against my cause, and me for that, I wrote a smooth treatise of the whole time, with fuller handling of every joint, as though I had no adversary: with a Preface, telling what some others thought of him, whom yours do so much despise: thinking that among indifferent Athenians Eschines must give leave to Demosthenes, extremely accused, to prove how for all his times, others would have made him a garland. Thus I have told what, and why I have printed. Now for the next point, I think it not amiss to call your Students dealings to account, and to request, what Christian defence they can make, that the pleasure which they took in speaking against the truth, and the defender, may be bitterness to them in hearing a recompense, I will not complain what hindrances and griefs they wrought me: but call them to account barely, for bad dealing.  
First, your D. taught in his first speech, that Papists might have help by my doctrine, Choroebus harness, in his lecture Cxuj. where all our nation in the Geneva bible are of my mind: and from Choroebus his Olympiades' are counted: and they should be Choroebus harness.  
He confuteth me for that which he no less than I writeth: that the 490. years are begun from Cyrus first, and are complete at our lords death, and meaneth to find me senseless: not opening to the world how through his. xii. months pains, he confuteth himself. Quo quid sol vidit unquam mir abisius?  
He confessed to me, that he had not studied these matters: yet took upon him to disgrace me in absence, making himself accuser and rudge.  
He promised me to yield, if he saw reasons. When they are showed, whose fault is it, if he will not see?  
You know that I charge him of striving against all men, art, and possibility: that will not be disproved.  
A D. of yours told him thus when I was in Germany 1590. Inibis paruam gratiam a Christianis qui conatus es hanc prophetiam Danielis labefactare. Praeterea qui istic mos est in vebi in absentem: ille cui contradicis iam est in media Germania. Adhaec vis adversari omnib. Nos omnes sumus in eadem sententia.  
Any might marvel how ever he durst confute a particular man for the universal opinion: that in his xii. months gainsaying, he can not bring one syllable faulty against the grant, and good of our present Religion, and Divines. Whether meaneth he to have his adversaire and all the Realm senseless, that cannot mark this? All men know that he hath made many blaspheme the truth unawares: who would rather die, then do so willingly. If in wars a man should fight against them who hire him, and give him autheritie: it would be look unto. It is no more lawful in learning to confute all the learned, and learning of the present state: and to do it by stealth, it cannot agree with the courage of a learned Christian. While the Sun shineth, herein he can not be defended.  
Touching the pretence that antiquity is of his side, a sincere mind should soon acknowledge, how that is turned against him. Thus it standeta. 1500. years writers are in the general on his side (saving that all hebrews all their troops, millions are against him) but old Greeks' & Latins are once with him, yet turned against him thus: 230. years judab was under Persia, saith antiquity. Part the time, say I, by the jews common weal: on part from judah's return, or the Persians Monarchy, unto the building of the Temple by the 49000. returned. What doth antiquity make that time? 18. years: very well, I will grant that all, and 14. years more. Now from thence to Alexander the great, the D. cannot complain that I make it shorter than he doth: and therein antiquity can help him nothing, where he most justly doth damn it as in particular other stories: antiquity damneth the error of itself. Why may not I do so? Now if I prove that antiquity all every one man that ever wrote upon some one sufficient point, is of my side: what an injury is it to all the world, so to set a face upon defences damning of him, Why would not he plainly tell at the first thus: 1500. years writers are with A. C. for the Temple, that 49000. men at the return should build it, as all the Talmudistes hold at 18. after the return, and not 107. But yet he will confute all ancient prevailing opinions. An orator of plain dealing should not enter an action against Ctesipho, where Demosthenes cometh principal.  
another unhuman par of this kind he showed, in saying, that in this phrase Ezra filius Saraiae: the term Filius, Son, deceived me: where by him it should be Abnepos: the fist from him. I plead that I am sure so it is: if it were not so, mark how he confuteth all the world: Hebrews, all the millions that follow the Talmudistes in Aboth, and all their consents in Seder Olam, their common register, and in Rambam, in their succesions, and in Sepher Mitzuoth gadoloth: namely after them I archis, Abrabbaneel, Kimchi. None are to the contrary (but Zakuto forgetting himself, for one descent.) Jerome is of the same mind: which thing your D. should have professed: So be our learned men, Bullinger Pelican, Lauater, Lyra, and Stella, with the general opinion of Rhomistes: and no Divine of England, to my knowledge, ever was of any other mind. But contrary all held the fourth of Ezra a witty Book, wherein Ezra (as borne where I set him) is a Prophet 30. after the burning of jerusalem. This was not fair play, to blame all in deed, and pretend novelty in one. As he talking of Ezra, said, that I should do well to confess my oversight: seeing he, not I, is overscene, he should remember, Patere legem quam ipse tulenis: And to tell plainly, how all be against him. If Mercerus were alive, who upon Aggai maketh Ezra son to Saraias, he would marvel why any should think otherwise. I asked M. Fra. junius, whose son he thought Ezra? He answered, who dare deny him to be son to Saraias. Now the confession of M. junius is little less against your D. then his own. And yfall antiquity make Ezra live 50. years more than the Persians reign: your D. will confess, that by antiquity my cause standeth, and his falleth.  
The universal consent of the French, in their edition 1588. Is fully on my side, and expressly, where Ezra is son to Saraias upon I. Ch. 6. 14. relied upon Filius Ezra 7. I. as I took it: whom all, he confuted, and against the same his hearers triumphed, when they sought only my disgrace. If none ever were of his mind for uncertainty in daniel's 490. against me, nor for Ezra, why am I only blamed? or what reverence of men, do his words bear? And this one point (where all the world is on my side) hebrews' all, Greekes all, latins all, overthroweth all his Chronicle and strife: and as he overturned all religion, in framing an uncertainty for the Angel's number: So when he feigneth Ezra abnepotem Saraiae: he might as well give a new Bible from his authority. S. Augustine said that Ezra was borne in Captivity. And so he might: but begotten before, as posthumus. And any time of the Captivity would serve my turn. But never any was toward his mind.  
When the french hear that all their judgement is disgraced, their commending of daniel's 490. for a rare jewel, for the certain time of our Lord his death: & likewise for Ezra, by one that brocheh a new opinion from his own authority, pretending to confute one man, what will they say? Not Calvin only, and other wholly my partners, nor junius and Scaliger, only his partners once, but all the nation is of him confuted, and all nations of the earth. And I might turn over the cause to others, whose hand was in it before mine.  
And for my learned friend I must needs confess this much, that when he hath his own side, and all the world still against him, and yet hopeth of a victory, he hath a most valint courge. But I, as one In Homer, would wish courage not to exceed safety. So for Mardochai all Churches, and native judgement: for Daniel and Ezra, every several man is against him. Now it willbe an hard demand, whether it were better to have all Universities with Helice and Bura, or pestered with Students, as M. Doctor's hearers, who triumph that manifold testimonies of all the world, brought to prove the suns service recorded unto the Redemption, have been confuted among them by their own authority and courage? The Son never saw the like dealing.  
But toching your D. I would gladly show him all reverence, not hindering faith.  
Injuries of his hearers must be recorded: whereof one Bachelor of D. meeting (1589) at Tocester with one H. T. of London, and a Minister of Lancashire, who found comfort by my pains: that B. said, Qur D. R. hath confuted all that Book: yet he could tell no one thing, but said, that he had that book, and could understand nothing. How divinely he pleaded ignorance in his own language and profession, I let other judge: yet he would be a Bachelor of divinity.  
I will join a late like part. M. Koph told, that of my Apology all you D D. thought the same, How well, others know. If untruly, you must blame him. Two of you, one in writing, the other in speech sent me, tell the contrary, that no one argument can be answered. If he have a desire to win fame for resisting the heart of Religion gabriel's lamp of all Scripture, he must be censured as a julian or Lucian. But I have some better hope of goodness in the man, after that your D. publisheth his recantation. And I trust, he will regard the common truth, & God's honour, more than his own, Never any so disgraced Gabriel, as his lectures do.  
A like part, hurtful not to me, but to your Scholars fame, I will here join. At his readings 1589. upon my going to Germany, by some of your young heads it was blazed over all London, Omnibus & lippis notum & tonsoribus, that your Doctors learned reading drove me away. A Damasell put in Bridewell for refusing our Church's assemblies, upon mention of my judgement, could reply, that your D. drove me away. Yet I had sent him word afore by two of New College, that if he were not foiled, I would never more handle pen: and a sharper warning by M. Kennel, by which he made him make the time 490. years, just as I did, and dash all his former pains. Would any of you take patiently such savage injuries, as to abide opprobrious speeches, where the confuter proveth good, the cause of the confuted?  
another part no less gross, or rather fully the part of a bad man, I can not omit. A. M. of art of your breed, being at London on Thames 1590. in a Boat with one M. A. Cot. and others, said, that I had yielded unto your D. for Mardochaj: that not he, but Kiss was the captived. Than one knowing the contrary, said. Are not you ashamed to behe one so, that the last week openly read with clear reasons to the contrary. Areye past shame? I hen said the M. of his art: You in London speak ill of M. D. R. and why should not we of Oxford speak so of M. B. If this must be so, I must request all the grave of our nation, to admit never any Oxford tesimony against me.  
The like part of one speaking to certain Counsellors, when the Court was at Oxford, I put in print, how one of yours said, that I was ashamed of my cause, and yielded unto your D. His eyes might have told him, that I wrote otherwise to all Christians, and specially to some Honourable, in an other opinion. The like part a third man played.  
An other borne in Hereforde town, of B. N. C. told one thence in Paul's, that his heart rejoiced to see how your D. flouted me, as promising to lend my Rabbins, and after for fear, breaking promise. If your D. did so, this much I must tell him, That all who know both our studies, will say, that I have spent more years, than he hours in the principal Rabbins. It may be found that never any rabbin was of his mind for the cause then in strife of Mardochaj, nor against me. He deemed that he had the Chaldy Paraphrast: by which he was most notably condemned: and thought that he had Aben Ezra, but was deceived. By all arguments that can be brought forth from any rabbin upon Scripture, or either Talmuds, I trow he shall find his condemnation sure. jupiter and Mercurj might sooner make Amphitryo and Sosia believe others to be themselves: then he make any from rabbin records believe Kiss not Mardochaj to be of the Captived. Flouting from your men I can not stay: but I can show to others, that they have no more stay for truth in these studies, for the holy story, than Ulysses' ship had stay in a tempest, when he knew not where stood east or west. I cannot abide to sloute, and I am sorry that your D. would be counted pleasant that way. But for sad truth, the blind may see all kinds of study turned against him, even such as in which he put all his trust and confidence.  
His faith stayed upon Olympiades': and by them he would gather 560. years precisely. But they are turned against him: and Phlegon taketh part with my side: in whom if he rest not, than I show that Thallus, Castor, Phlegon, Timaeus, Philistus, Xenophon, Laertius, Africanus, Clemens, Triclinius, Sosigenes, Pamphila, Apollodorus, Plutarch, and such, differ so exceedingly one from an other, and from themselves, hundrethes of years for famous matters, touching Olympiades', that one might wonder how your D. could miss, to see that by them Cyrus might touch judas Machabeus: Aggai and Zachary go afore Daniel and Ezekiel: and all heathen antiquities be brought unto an infinite Chaos. Likewise he might have seen how by profane Greeks' the Persians might be said (in Clemens) to have reigned 500 years, or bore ten years. He spent his time not in these studies. And I commend his courage, that durst provoke one readier of youth in this tongue, then in any. He little looked that 50. of 80. in Eratosthenes account, cited by M. joseph Scal. should be cut off. For, twixt Cyrus & X erxes. He less looked to have all the world with Jude to prove this. Likewise thence he marked not, that Isocrates maketh Athens principality 25. shorter than Lycurgus doth: (Wherein I could wish it to be no more shortened.) Nor marked how Athenianes, Andocides, and Aeschines, reckon for those times 30. where Thucydides and Xenophon make but 14. Likewise Aeschines scholershyp under Socrates, and his warfare under Alcibiades, and death after great Alexanders (the doubtful point) recorded from Demetrius Phalereus: this will make Lysander near Alexander, than Olympiades' account about 30. years, though some Olympiades' prove the same: for K K. Philip & Mausolus. The very same is helped by Plutarch and Ulpian, by Lysias: for if Lysias were 63. before Athens fall, and a pleader for Iphicrates at Philip Macedons time, the distance can not be about 50. but rather less than half. The Olympic faith is fain to deny the orations to be from Lysias: as though Plutarch and Ulpian knew not the style of Lysias. So if the Angel had spoke nothing, cunning humanistes might have seen the same space from heathen. Aelianus that maketh Demetrius Phalereus to be servant to Conon and Timotheus (Conon's death being near Lysander's) and Phalereus seeing the 70. translator: this also would have troubled your D. hope of a longer count than the Angels from Heathen. Isocrates again would resist him, that telleth how Lacedemonan ruled Greece not 34. years, but ten: though he touched not exactly Leuctra fall. But Polybius who telleth that by the 12. year they were at the loss of it, galleth the Olympiques. Athenaeus troubleth them somewhat, in whom Philip reigneth not 24. years, but 20. And Clemes more, in whom Alexander by some is 12. year, higher than by others: that is near Socrates. And again by Phalereus the same is plain, out of Reinecius, for if he living so long after great Alexander were scholefelow with Alcibiades brother, the space betwixt Lysander and Alexander, can hardly come near half 70. The whole speeches in the later Attic orators talk in the same tenor of Conon, and the equals, as known well to some then alive. Thus Grecia is with S. Matthew and S. Luke, in their ages: and not I, but your D. hath the new opinion. For ten by him must draw 527. years in their successions: the like where of since David's time, that is 2500. years, the Sun never saw. I may not blame him again for calling those ten men the glory of all the earth, and rare arguments for this cause, Obscura sydera. But this I may tell, that a divine, M. I. I. bred at Cambridge, there in judgement holden inferior to none of yours, seeing in the country your Doctor's book of Lectures, was grieved to seetherin for those ten men these words: Autoris Concentus obscura sydera. The man himself told me: And gave your divines this praise, that they were indifferent judges: and said, that your D. was now out of his studies. That, all the world may see, whom rancour blindeth not. But how then will he be able to satisfy the Church, pretending truth and antiquity, and defence of the settled opinion, disturbing all England, all Europe, and Asia. May not I require that he be called to account, for what one syllable in my Book for this matter, differing from others of our best he blameth me, and putteth me to private pains and charges, for the defence of the public truth? If the young student delight in flouting, let him see whose dealings deserveth that: your Doctors, mine, or his own?  
A grave Preacher dwelling betwixt Algate and Bow, gave this censure: that your D. and one other D. writing both contrary to themselves, and to the third that held the true, beginning upon affection out-off their study, had made many Atheists. The man, if partiality might serve, is known otherwise bend. Many have said since: What, shall we study the Bible, when so great Scholars cannot agree? And a Preacher of your breed, now teaching in London, seeing your D. confuted, said, For two pence halfpenny he would be of either opinion: to such a pass come your Divines. They triumph at the first, as having carried away Burlyspoyles, and ample laud: how one is by yours confuted, for endeavouring to prove, that God draweth us by the suns Chronicle, unto the sons justice, contriving all Libraries, all, plainly to this high point. When the matter is detected, that he confuted the truth, himself, and all the world: then a new pestiferous error is bred, that the matters are small: though they be the harmony of all Scripture, and joy of Christianity. An other B. of D. of yours near Lon. thanked God, that he never troubled his head with these matters: That is, why God upon Terah's death, leaveth to honour man with the suns ourneys, and tieth all to the promise of Christ: and what wisdom Gabriel promised to teach Daniel. Belike young divines are in deep mysteries, that can despise such high points.  
But here I must needs pardon your young Students; whereas Preachers abroad, some not of your breed, fall to gross schism. A certain learned man was to be preferred unto a charge, one that held my studies for the truth of the frame of the Bible not unprofitable. An aged grave Gentleman liked well to collate a place on him. Certain that would be counted Preachers, desirous of that which they call reformation, above all holier knowledge, come to the Gentleman with greater heat than the Terentian Chremes came to Simo, charging the Gentleman in his conscience, that the should not prefer him, for the doctrine which he liked off. The gentleman asked an old great-learned man, what he thought of the doctrine, and of the man. He showed how grossly the Preachers were deceived. Because of their calling, I will not liken them to Alexander the Capper-smith: but I am sure that Paul would abandon them. Old M. john More, preacher of Norwich, lately a neighbour of theirs, one in their zeal, but seasoned better, no colder than they, & as great a student in the text Hebrew & Greek, as they knew any: he was of an other spirit, & disdained not to tread in every step, where these men, like Paris of Homer shrunk, as if they had trodden near a Serpent. I know it to be far from your D. mind, to prick forward rumours in that kind. And I think that he is resolved, how zeal (as jews proved) running afore knowledge, is the ruin of Religion: and knoweth tradesinen, who be cunninger in the depht of the holy book, than the common sort of teachers: whose zeal meddleth not beyond their own bounds. I would not be thought to think, that your D. could favour such dealings: But because they will needs be shrouding under his wings, I thought good to warn of that. This evil sown by mistaking your D. is like a Grangraena further growing. A Cambridge man that liveth in Essex a Scholmaster and a Preacher, meeting with a Gentleman that knew from Genesis to the apocalypse, the frame of the Bible better than he, was counseled by that Gentleman to make a declaratio of christianity, how in all ages it was clear (before he traveled to stir the simple uncertainly) and to make the people know the everlasting certainty of salvation, by Moses, the Prophets, the Gospel, and the Epistles. He answered, that some books of Scripture could never yet be understood: namely the Revelation. The Gentleman using an instance from some for that, he said, that your D. had confuted that pains: though he meddled not with one word. You may see what harm to himself, and to the Church is wrought by his reading, being mistaken, and misreported. I could wish that he would either revoke all his gain-sayings: as I charge him, that they be all injurious & erroneous: or print all his lectures, which I saw for the one half, an years reading, that all might see what is in controversy.  
Mark further infection of an other learned man: I know not whether he were bred amongst you, a certain Gentleman, whom I never saw, writeth to a friend of his from Dunslei in Staffoideshyre, to a Londoner thus: Dec. 20. 1592. I heard not long since, a learned man, yet ignorant, and over swift in judgement, dispraise this Book (of Scripture Consent) as needless, and a superfluous work: of whom I demanded, whether he did know it: or ever read it. His answer was, no. How can you give judgement then, said I, of that you know not. He answered, that he heard so. Thus leaving the counsel of S. john, which biddeth us try spirits, whether they be of God or no: such fall into the curse of the Lord, that call light darkness, and darkness light: that judge good evil and evil good. Although he took himself learned, I am sure he was not able of his own pregnant wit, so much as to read over the book in such order as it requireth, without an instructor: much less than to under stand the same, and the drift therien. The Gentleman that wrote this, favoureth much your students, and hearing of my just griefs, wrote a request to bear with the losers. But when he perceived the strange dealings of some from you, and savage barbarousness, he was of that mind, that pity may not mar the city. What some Doctors of Cambridge thought, I recorded. One being at London upon your Doctors first Antilogy, being asked of a Londoner, what he thought of the Book which your D. confuted, said thus: The argument is as profitable, as could be chosen for this age. Then said the Londoner: if it be so, Why did none of you DD. or of the BB. take it in hand? Then said he: The man who took it in hand knew, by reason of his studies in the tongues, longer than any others, that he was ablest to perform it. Truly, I would not for any preferment, have troubled her Majesty with accepting any work of mine, above all others in the kind: in years the youngest of dealers in so weighty affairs, unless I had thought my hours most of any in that study, and myself able to keep our nation from all foil for accepting my pains. And I know that by that help, an other may see more into Scripture by a learned guide in few months, than I could before I found the order, in ten years. And a certaine Nobleman of my age told me, that he learned more in two hours by that help, with open speech upon it, then by all his former pains. I hope you will bear with me: the cause is not now mine own. And I may give as good leave to disgrace the cause, as the defender. Pericles or Nestor would do this unprovoked. job. Moses, and Paul, would in defence speak of themselves. And as I made the cause from private by arbitrement to be public, so I will interlace here the testimony of a public person. The Archbishop of Canterbury his grace, you know, was by both sides chosen umpire: you may soon know whether he thus censured, That never any human pains was of greater travel and dexterity, then against. 1500. years errors, so to clear the holy story, as the book of Consent hath done. Of what spirit then shall we hold Students, that cannot abide their own Religion to go clear forward, nor the public testimony, which standeth as the Princes own? I most humbly would entreat her Majesty to command that a public testimony which might be known over the Realm, may pass betwixt us. But now I desire your goodness to give your testimony, either in print, or as you will: whether I hold not the truth, and have been more grossly injuried▪ than ever any by any of a contrary religion. I hope all will so conclude, who reverence learning, care for truth, honour Scripture, and regard Religion.