OF THE Head-Corner-Stone: by Builders still overmuch omitted: That is; a form of teaching IESVS CHRIST, out of all the Holy scriptures, both of the Old Testament( that are canonical) and of the New; Gathered into one entire body: in Substance, all one, with that which is commonly used by all; But in form or manner, as it were, a nearer& plainer path, not yet( that the Author knoweth of) trodden by any. The whole work being digested into Two several Tomes: either of which Tomes, having two books thereunto appertaining: as more at large is to be seen in the next leaf. together with certain TABLES of diuers sorts, for the better understanding, and use of these books; One, of METHOD, in the beginning; and three others in the end: the first of the Scriptures, in two parts; the next, of other Authors, and their Authorities; the third, of the more special& principal matters, contained in the whole work. By EDM: BVNNY, bachelor of divinity. ¶ This is the way: walk ye in it. These things( also) teach, and exhort. If any man teach otherwise, and resteth not in the wholesome words of our saviour Iesus Christ,& in the doctrine which is according to godliness, He is puffed up, and knoweth nothing. Isa. 30: 21. 1. Tim. 6: 3, 4. Printed by W. jaggard, 1611. illustrated border The proper Titles of the several books. Tom. 1. Lib. 1. ❧ The HISTORY of the Old-Testament, from the beginning of the World, unto the time of Iesus Christ: both united or knit together into one body or continual story; and laid forth likewise throughout the whole, in one uniform and orderly Method. Tom. 1. Lib. 2. ¶ Most of the several parcels, that, in the books of History, are of Doctrine: and, all the whole books of the Old-Testament, that( being canonical) are most of Doctrine, both every book by itself, and every Chapter thereof, laid forth likewise in that Method aforesaid. Tom. 2. Lib. 1. ¶ One entire Story of Iesus Christ, out of all the evangelists gathered into one Body: and both the evangelists themselves, and the Acts of the Apostles severally; and all the other books of the New-Testament besides, together with their several Chapters laid forth in Method, as the others before. Tom. 2. Lib. 2. ¶ The ancient people, how far they haue been rejected: and, in what estate the Church of the Gentiles hath stood, in these parts of the World, from Christs time, to these daies of ours, briefly declared. illustrated border ¶ TO THOSE TWO reverend, most Worthy, Noble, and famous universities, of the realm or Church of England, Oxford the one, and Cambridge the other, Edm. Bunny, a member of the one, wisheth such like measure of Graces to both, as whereby still they may be, as( by the goodness of God) already they are, special good instruments to the aduancement of the kingdom of God among us, and beautiful Ornaments to those that haue been the planters of them, and to those that still maintain them. THat I make so bold, as in this sort to offer these my labours unto your grave and learned censure, it is not for any worthiness of the thing itself, as in any sense it may be mine, or for any thing it hath yet had by me: but for the hope that I haue conceived, that in time it may haue by some of you; as a Lazarus now assaying again, though once he was but little regarded, whether yet he can speed any better at the rich mans gate. None other foundation, we all do know, can any man lay, but that which is long since already laid, even Iesus Christ: but the building which others may rear thereupon, may well be diuers; either commmendably answering the foundation laid, or( yet not without reproach and loss to the workman) swearuing from it. It may answer the foundation laid, as also it may swearue from the same, either in substance: or else but in form or manner onely. As for the substance( God be thanked for it) there may hardly bee found any such variance at all among us( I know not of any) as may not in good, or some tolerable sense haue place in the building. The maner is diuers: one kind, that which is commonly used by all, the other, that which this present intention of mine doth point unto. That which is commonly used by all, is but to deal by particulars: as either by whole books a-part by themselves; or else by several parcels or portions thereof. And this if we mark, we may see to be the course of all generally: not onely in the delivery of the Word of God by word of mouth, as we term it, as by Sermons and Lectures: but also even of all our writers too, in a maner both old and new; whether they haue taken but certain books or some parcels of them in hand, or whether they haue dealt with them all. The course that this intention of mine doth point unto, is altogether another thing& diuers from it: not in any dislike of the other but to make use of this also. For that other is not onely blameless in itself: but of singular moment withall. And this that I speak of as so far from crossing the other: that it discloseth, both a readier, and an easier way unto it. Neither is it any more but onely to deal first with the whole, and to contrive it into one entire Body: as if having the portraiture or Image of the body of man, in metal, wood, or ston, but all the members severed from the body, and from their own proper places, and in many several parcels themselves, a man should in such sort dispose thereof, and lay every one to his fellow, that so he should give forth the true shape thereof again. Making no doubt, but the best way to come to the knowledge of all particulars, is first to bee acquainted well with the whole. In my measure, at such a thing herein haue I aimed: but granting withall, that it is far beyond any furniture that is in me, in such sort to handle it, as the worthiness thereof doth require. Therefore haue I made this offer thereof unto you: yet not onely on mine own desire, that so it may come to better handling; but also, on a good hope that I haue conceived, that God will in his good time, set some of you on work about it. And beginners being first directed unto the whole, and being orderly holpen therein, after that so, for some reasonable time, they haue been made acquainted with it, may then at their pleasure descend to particulars: and, as by a more orderly course; so to their much better advantage. In so much that the thing itself is not so much to be commended to any, as that wee all may justly marvel, that of so many rare and excellent men, that former ages, and especially this of ours, both for learning and godly care, haue raised unto us: yet is there none, that I do know of, not any one, that hath taken the course that now we speak of; though otherwise, in their kind, they haue done marvelous well, and many of them in very great measure. In that my abridgement in Latin, of Master Caluines Institutions, wherein also I shewed, what method I conceived him to observe( which to the younger Students, members of the one body of you, many yeares since, 1579. I then did dedicate) I both moved such a thing, and promised withall, that if others should not do it before, myself would make proof, what I might bee able to do therein. Since which time I haue now and then, less or more, been dealing with it: and this is the thing that it hath pleased God to vouchsafe me therein to do. Those that haue gone on all the whole Bible, or( which is the same) on all the Scriptures, haue gone nearest unto it: but so far as they haue gone indifferently on all( on one book after another in like sort of those that are of Doctrine, as of those that deliver the story intermingling the one with the other; and haue not been careful to make their choice of such as did appertain to the body of the whole, and so to dispose them) so far haue they also missed the course that now we speak of. But these matters are more plain in themselves, then that we need any farther business to lay them open. Neither is it lightly to be regarded, that such as are to acquaint others with those things that do appertain to the kingdom of God, should by observing this course, ever deliver unto the people( and that in some better order then hath been used) the undoubted word of God: it being of most assured testimony, both that it is mighty in operation; and that when it is not carefully delivered, in some measure as it ought to be,( as also, in these dayes of the gospel, oftimes it is not, even by men of notable gifts so far as they seek themselves withall) thence is it, that so little conversion is wrought thereby among the people. The people again, having those things gathered in some plain and easy manner may haue good encouragement thereby, to acquaint themselves better therewith. In both which( that more comfortable dicharge of your own duties therein, I mean, and the raising up of the hearts of the people to a sound desire of those other matters) the better heed that you take, never to let down those good orders that already you haue,& the more careful that you are ever to repair the ruins thereof as occasion is offered, the more savoury Salt shall you bee yourselves, and so bee more able to season others: as on the other side, the less that smaller matters are in such case regarded; the harder doth it afterward prove to withstand disorder in those that are greater. God ever vouchsafe you the mercy, both that you may grow rich in all good graces: and that ever you be careful withall, readily to bestow them, to the glory of him that gave them; and to the help of those that need them. London, the 25. of january 1610. The Preface to the READER. AS touching these Books, that now( gentle Reader) I offer unto thee, I haue thought it needful to acquaint thee with some few things first, concerning the same: most of them concerning the substance or matter of them; but some few likewise, of the maner wherein it now proceedeth. As touching the substance or matter of them, I was at the first in such a course or kind of life, as the younger sort( under the government of their Parents) of like condition, are wont to be sorted unto, and spent a few yeares therein: not meaning, nor knowing then, but in it to haue proceeded, as in that function or kind of life, whereunto it had pleased God to ordain me. But those few yeares being so spent, it pleased God then to call me to the labour of the ministry:& soon to set me on work therein. In it I was occupied, after the usual or common maner, a few years more. Than, having a door of farther employment opened unto me,& accordingly( in some measure) both advising myself, and seeking farther, as in such a case it behoveth, what course I were best to take therein, it pleased God to lay me forth such a course as was not so usual: both for those among whom I was to bestow my labour;& for the form or manner of that, which I was to deliver unto them. Of the parties it is not needful to speak, in the case that now we are in: but for the form or manner of that which I was to deliver, it was the very same that here I do now offer unto thee. I haue been therein occupied long; even for the most part of my time, since I began it:& both myself haue found that benefit by it, and many others too( as of their own accord themselves haue delivered) that I could not, but in duty, both set it down, and impart it to others. No new thing at all, in the substance of it; but such as soundeth( and that in great measure too, God be thanked in these blessed daies of the gospel) all christendom over, especially in these Churches of ours: but for the form or manner of it, though handled by me, but after my plain and simplo endeavour; yet such in itself notwithstanding, as to my knowledge( and as before I haue said, is neither yet used by any, nor by our Writers( Old, or New) delivered unto vs. In which kind of labour as I was occupied, occasion was offered, to give forth some part of it before: by which occasion long since I gathered, and soon after published, a form or manner of the laws of God, such as he gave to the children of Israel: terming it the sceptre of judah; and publishing it, 1584. In it I acknowledged, that then already I had a greater work in hand, which but in much longer time, I could not get ready: and in truth it proved much longer, than I conceived. Yet now at the length, God hath vouchsafed that mercy unto me, that in some sort, or according to my measure, I haue gotten it ready, and now at this present salute thee with it. The effect of it is, the whole body of those Scriptures that are canonical, generally: but for orders sake, I haue thought best to distribute the same into a couple of Tomes; and each of them into a couple of books. The former of these two Tomes likewis●●s of the old Testament: the latter, of the New, and somewhat farther. In that which is of the old Testament, the former of those two books, is of history: the later, of Doctrine. In that which is of History my endeavour hath been, to compact or knit all the several parts together, so to make one body of it: and withall, to draw it forth in equal proportion, as a thread that is even spun; not less not bigger in one place then another, but alike, so near as I could. But to the end, that of the History better use may be made, there is ever now and then Doctrine delivered, as the History itself doth occasion, and as it pleased God to vouchsafe me to espy. In that which is of Doctrine, my endeavour hath not been to gather all into one Body( which notwithstanding I had in election, and myself was much inclined unto it) but haue resolved on the better course, as I do take it: namely, to take all those whole books that are of that sort, as they lye; and but onely to lay forth a Method of them. But whereas in those books that are most of History, we haue diuers parcels that do rather appertain unto Doctrine, especially in those that are accounted the Books of the Law, those parcels haue I gathered to that book which is of Doctrine: and those laws of God, not onely in parcels as they lye, but haue gathered them all besides, as it were into one entire body. In that which is of the New Testament, the former of those two books is of the estate of the Church or people of God, during the time of Christ, and of his Apostles: the latter of them, a compendious, or brief recital of the Story of the Church among us Gentiles, from the time of the Apostles unto this present Age wherein we live. The use of these as I do conceive, and as I hope that God will bless them, will be of good and special moment: and to his blessing I do commend it. But one thing there is, that myself might in some sort commend unto such, as shall be disposed so to take it. The Saboathes we all do grant, the most of us the holidays also in a second degree) were best to be spent in some godly exercise or other. The Scriptures we haue and other good books, in great plenty, which to such end we may use to the glory of God, and to the edyfying of ourselves and others: and every one is at his liberty to use any such at his own discretion, in all lawful and orderly manner. In this work of mine, there be two chief and principal matters: one of History; the other of Doctrine. The knowledge of the History that herein is delivered( even from the beginning unto this present Age of ours) I am very sure, is to special good use, to such as would profit themselves by the word of God, whether by reading or hearing the same. Some reasonable measure of this knowledge do I conceive might soon be had, by all such as can be content to take some reasonable pains about it. On this persuasion of mine, and on the hope I haue thereof, I haue thought good to put such in mind as shall in themselves be so disposed( otherwise leaving it free to every one to exercise themselves in those times, with whatsoever other good exercise themselves think best) of a way that I haue thought, to such a purpose might well be used. In those books that are most of history, there are( as I take it) three hundred and nine Sections: in the former book of the former Tome, two hundred and thirteen; of the Story of Christ in the first four Chapters of the former book of the latter Tome, thirty and one; and in the latter book of the latter Tome( a brief History of the Church) threescore and five; and so consequently, three hundred and nine in all. And these, in such odd times of our Sabaothes and holidays, as betwixt, before, or after Diuine-Seruice, or publique-Prayer, we haue to spare, might wee easily in such sort bestow, as that in the year we should go through the whole. Our Sabaothes, we know, are every year fifty and two: our several Hollidaies,( the Circumcision, twelve day, Purification, Matthy, the Annunciation, mark, Philip and jacob, Ascension day, John Baptist, Peter, james, Bartholomew, Matthew, Michael, Luke, Simon and Iude, All-Saints, Andrew, Thomas, and the nativity of Christ) twenty likewise. But whereas we haue three principal Feasts, which haue mo holidays to them appertaining, though it may be well conceived, that to this purpose it will not be n●●df●● to take in all such times in them( that so the people, such as are so disposed, may haue some part thereof to any honest recreation): yet, because those Feasts are all of special note, if therefore we shall think good, to take out to this purpose, that which is the next, or second day of every of them; so we shal haue three and twenty in al. again, in every of these we lightly haue three several portions of time, besides those that both morning and evening are appointed for public Prayer: the first in the morning, before the time of morning-Prayer; the next, after dinner, before euening-Prayer; the third after. The sabbath likewise we all do grant, would bee on all hands more carefully observed: and so it shall not be amiss, if any of it allot two of those three portions of time that before we noted, to this exercise that now we speak of. The holidays also would not be so much neglected as( under pretence of zeal sometimes, and then for that cause so much the worse) now by many of us they are: and so might we observe them so much the better, to take one of those three portions of time that before we noted, out of them to this purpose also. So will it fall out, that if we take order with ourselves, to red five of those Sections every sabbath( three in the former of those times that we take, and two in the later) that in the year we shall so haue red, two hundred and threescore of them. On those our other holidays likewise if we shall red, on every one a couple of those Sections, those holidays being twenty and three, so shal we dispatch six and forty more of those Sections. Then will there remain but onely three: and those may we well allot to three of those other holidays that we have in those our three principal feasts, to every of those three, but one. And all these are none other but of the history: and these may serve for the first year that any shall betake himself to the exercise that now we speak of. In those parts of the whole work that are for the most part of Doctrine( which are, all the latter book of the former Tome, and the sixteen last Chapters of the former book of the latter Tome; the former of the old Testament, these latter Chapters of the New) first I note no more but this, that both those whole Books of Scripture, and those other several portions besides, whereof they consist, are laid, I trust, a great deal more open unto the Reader, then otherwise they would haue been; and yet the same very briefly too: and that, whosoever would haue some Method, either for any whole book of the canonical Scripture, or for any Chapter or less portion thereof, there may he haue it, some or other, such as it is. But then as touching such use of these parts also, as before wee haue spoken of in the other, if any be disposed to set in hand with a second year also, they may soon( I trust) find, that the Sections of these parts are, of the second book of the former Tome, two hundred thirty and six, and the residue of the first book of the later Tome, one hundred& twelve in all, three hundred forty eight,& so thirty mine more then the others. For the Sabaothes therefore and for those holidays of the second year, we may take of these, as before of the others: and so haue but those thirty and nine remaining; which may fitly bee bestowed on a second portion of time on those holidays which first we name, two a piece on every one. For those( excepting Saint Thomas his day before the nativity) are but nineteen, and so take up but thirty and eight; and that day of Saint Thomas because of the business that commonly it hath( because of those holidays that follow soon after) may well bee allowed, to bee charged no farther, for that second portion of time that it hath, but onely with one: and so haue we al placed for the second year also. But then, whereof diuers times sundays and holidays meet together in one, and then( in Diuine-Seruice, and set Sermons) the most usual maner is, that the one drowneth the other, in this case it might bee performed( by such as may haue convenient leisure) in some time of the week ensuing: and the same course might be likewise observed, so often as otherwise the exercise wee speak of, were by any occasion omitted. It may be likewise, that some would conceive, it were much better, if in some Table it were set down, what Sections would so fall out to be for every day, and for the several portions thereof: but neither could that so well be done, because so many of those sundays and holidays are so movable; and in this course that now we haue noted, may every one at all times begin, whensoever himself shall be disposed so to do. As also because some Sections are much longer, and some other but short every one may use his own discretion and freedom therein, both in the one, and in the other, as himself is disposed. As touching the benefit, that in thine estate towards God, both in this present life here, and in that which is to come, is like( by the goodness and grace of God) to redound unto thee, if truly thou employ thyself therein, and seekest withall thy success from above, so often haue I seen the good hand of God on many therein, that I cannot but hope, but that it will be gracious and comfortable to thee likewise: and the more it shall please God to extend his goodness to thee therein, the more be his name glorified therefore; and be thou more careful, both safely to keep, and still to increase that gracious Talent, that so it shall please him, in trust to commend unto thee. Of all the whole together, yet, by thy patience, one thing more; this manner of teaching by the whole Body of holy Scriptures, do I take to be of such importance, to the overthrowing of the power of darkness, and both to let in, and to settle in the hearts of the faithful the love of the Truth, that if it should be taken in hand by any that should be rightly furnished to such a purpose, and accordingly disposed withall, as in former ages there were many and diuers Engines of great force in Warres; but none like to the invention of guns since both great and small: so in this spiritual warfare of ours, it might well fall out, that although wee haue many and diuers ways to impugn that power of darkness that of late did so overwhelm us, and those very forcible; yet such unfolding and laying open of the word of God, being rightly and kindly handled in dead would bee the most forcible Engine( to batter down Popery, and the whole power of Satan too) that yet we haue used. And for thy better furtherance herein, before thou shalt enter into the Books themselves, thou hast some farther helps besides: some, that may be to the use of all; one other such, as for many of the common sort will be needful also. Those which may be to the use of all, are concerning the matter itself: and they are, in that the effect of the whol● and of every of the several books by themselves is laid forth, first to the Learned, in the Tables of Method prefixed; then, to the residue, in the Contents of the Chapters, after the usual manner, besides. That other, that for many of the common sort will bee needful also, is about the quotations of the Scriptures that therein are used: to which end I haue likewise set down( for the readier going to all the places that there are noted) not only the names of the books themselves, as in our Bibles they are wont to be noted; but for some farther, and the more easy getting of them a Method likewise, in what sort they may be well taken. Those few more that concern the manner wherein it now proceedeth or cometh forth, are, one of them before intended: others, coming in at the Window since. That which was before intended, is, that the Tables are framed to the capital Letters in the inner margin, as other books for the most part are unto the Pages. The reason is, for that the Tables were made before, while the book was but in writing, and so could not bee known then, of what number the Pages would be when they should be printed: but then those Letters do note in effect, but Pages also, for that they all in every Section( the first and the last, which must ever take their place as it falleth, only excepted) had the space of a written page.. At the Window( that I speak of) are other two come in since: one, in certain of the Sections; the other, in the quotations onely. In the Sections no more but this, that a few of the first of them, are into diuers parcels, by breaks( as they term them) divided: which for a while on supposal was done, as thinking thereby to ease the Readers labour therein. That which is in the quotation, is, that therein for a time they haue followed their wonted order: whereas the manner of these quotations, are to distinguish the number that noteth the Chapter with a Colon, or Middle-distinction from the verses that follow; and some-times to sort the verses also( as the case doth sometimes require) by some other distinctions besides. These are the things that thus I do commend unto thee: and that they may prove to thy greater good, the success thereof, together with thyself and thine, I commend to the good blessing of God. The general Table of the whole. The History of the Church from the beginning of the World unto this present Age wherein we live, digested into 2. several Tomes: One, of the books of the Old-Testament that are canonical; in which Tome, we haue( of our discourse) two several books; One, of History. The other, of Doctrine. The other consisting of two several books likewise; One, of the books of the New Testament. The other a short story of the estate of the Church since. The Table of the first book of the first Tome. In the former book● of these 2. Tomes, which is of ●●●●●ry( besides the Title of the Bible, as it is commonly called, apertaining unto the whole, which also we haue in the 1. chapter therof) wee haue two principal stories: One, i● 〈…〉 Story of the whole world. First, how God made all things in the beginning. chapped. 1. Then, i● what case things after-warde stood( viz:) First, one special matter that fell out while they were but two persons only, even the ruin or fall of man. chapped. 2. Then such things as followed, when they were increased farther. First, of two special sons of Adam and E●●: Kaine the one; Abel the other. Chap. 3. Then, of the residue, 〈◇〉 all the race of mankind, till it pleased GOD to haue one peculiar people among them. chapped. 4. The other, a more special story of the peculiar people of god But whereas there be others also that may seem to be of this company, but yet are not, our story ●●rst, ●●●th somewhat treat of them both:& therein, First, of those that were his peculiar people indeed, and therein, First, until he had raised them to be a people: and therein, First, so long as they were free: the Story for the time ●oin●( in a matter) but onely of certain principal Fathers, out of whom they were raised. chapped. 5. Then, when once they were in bondage: both how they came into it; and how they were again delivered, Chap. 6. Then, when he had them in the wilderness: at which time their story is, First, of one year when they first came thither chapped. 7. Then, of the residue, wh●le they were there, Chap. 8. Then, by degression, of those others also: so taking in the Story of job. chapped. 9. Thē returning to the peculiar people of God again it doth thenceforth altogether proceed of them. And whereas God before had made two ●●eciall promises to Abraham, one, of the Land wherein he sojourned, the other, of the promised and Blessed seed. The former of those by the ministry of josuah. was very fully performed ●nto them: he both bringing them into the land,& giuing them quiet possession of it ch. ●0 The latter of thē being of that Blessed& the Promised seed. Concerning which before it could be performed unto thē For a time they were all one people. First, under their Iudges; even until ● time of Sa●● which also mingled with some part of the reign of Saul. Ch. 11. Then, under one of their kings, namely, k. Saul: in that part of his reign, which no way mingled with that time of the Prophes Samuel before. Chap. 12. But after they began to be divided: and we find that so they did two several times. In the former of those( which was the most of thē for a few yeares stood out against david) they joined together quickly again:& so continued one people as before First all the residu of the reign of david, Chap. 13 Then all the reign of Salomon also, Chap. 14. In the latter they never united themselves together again, but became two kingdoms: One, of Israel which also was the greatest. Concerning which we haue delivered unto us, in what case they stood. First, for the for part of that kingdom. ch. 15 Then, for the latter part also. Chap. 16. The other of Iuda. Concerning which we haue likewise delivered unto us, in what sort it afterward stood. First, so long as under their own kings they were a free people. First, again for the sore-part of this kingdom also. Chap. 17. Then, for the latter. Chap. 18. Then, when they were given up to be in subject on to others, whereby their estate was such, as that out of it certain doubts may arise:& so are we First, to consider of that their servile estate, First, in a Forraygne country: as they were captives in Babylon. Chap 19. Then, in their own country also; the most of which wee haue set down in the word of God. First, by the way of history; and under the Persians. Chapter 20. Then, by the way of prophesy, and under others. Chapter 21. Then, as touching those doubts, we haue likewise declared, how we are to resolve ourselves therein. chapped. 22. The Table of the second book of the first Tome. The latter of those two books of the first Tome, is for the most part, of Doctrine onely: and, First, of those parcels that lie in the story as members thereof, and come not in( to this purpose) but ●● it were, by occasion onely. Chap. 1. Then, of such others, as of set purpose First, of such doctrine, as that both the parties themselves, by whom it pleased God to deliver the same, and the time when it was delivered, are reasonably well known; as that which we haue, First, of the Law: and ●● it likewise. First, as it is in several places to us delivered. chapped. 2. Then, endeavouring to 〈◇〉 the same 〈…〉 whole 〈…〉. Chap. 3. Then, of certain others besides: and of those, First, of certain of their kings; who of this sort were but two:& so, First of david, concerning the psalm: and therein, First, of such ●● in the Te●t itself are entitled unto him. chapped. 4. Then, 〈…〉 otherwise are accounted ●● be ●●● also. Ch 5. Then, of Salomon:& so, First, of such as tend to instruction: and therein, First, of the proverbs. chapter 6. Then, Ecclesiastes. Chapter 7. Then, of such as are of godly medication, ●● the C 〈…〉 song of Songs. Chap. 8. First, of those that are accounted the Greater: and so among those, 〈◇〉 of 〈…〉 ●rophe 〈…〉 e captivity:& of those First, of ●say who finished his prophesying or Ministry therein, before the captivity. Chap. 9. Then, of jeremy, continuing until the captivity itself, and therein, First his prophecy. ch. 10 Thē, his Lamentations. chap 11 Then, of those that prophesied in the captivity itself,& of those, First, of ezechiel, Chap 12. Then, of daniel, Chap. 13. First, of one that hath his time noted, and is followed with another that hath not: but both of them occupied about the people of God. Hos. chap 14. Ioal, chap 15. are to that end delivered unto us:& therein, Then, of such, as whose Authors and times, are not so plainly delivered unto us: which are none others, but onely such psalms as yet remain. Chap: 22. Then, of the Prophets. Then, of those that are accounted the Lesser: and among those, First, of those that prophesied before the Iewes returned from the captivity:& among those, First, of those that haue their time noted and are followed with such as haue not: and among those, Thē twice of those that haue their time noted, and are followed by such as both haue not their time noted, and are occupied about strangers. In the former of which, He that hath his time acred, is A●●●: of whom we haue, Chap. 16. Those by whom A●●● is followed who haue not their time noted, and are occupied abou● strangers, are Obadia& jonah: the one, about the Edomites, the other about the N●ui●●●es. ch: 17. He that hath his time noted, is Micah: of whom we haue Ch. 18. Those by whom Micah a followed who haue not their time noted,& are ocupied about strangers are Nahum& Haba●●k: the one of them being occupied against them, as enemies; the other, somewhat also, as they were scourges to the people of God. Chap. 19. In the latter of which, Then, of one that hath his time noted, but is not followed by any that hath not himself being of the last of this company: which is S●ph●nia●, ch 20 Then, of those that prophesied, after the people were returned, which were Agga●●, ●●char●a●, and Malachy: the two former having their time noted; but not the latter. Chap 21. The Table of the first book of the second Tome. The first ●ooke of the 〈◇〉 Tome, i● of the history of the church, so far as the new Testament, reacheth. Wherein, before the ancient people should be rejected,& others taken in in their too and, we haue declared unto us, how the Blessed& Promised seed was exhibited first unto them First, in the 〈◇〉 of 〈◇〉: which in ●●is our T 〈…〉, First, by one ●●●ire Story, gathered out of all the four evangelists: and therein, whereas a 〈…〉 first to come before his face to prepare his ways, and th●● the Lord to ●●●●ow 〈…〉, First, how they both came into the world, Ch. ●. Then, how they were occupied therein: and so, First of the Messengers, cha: 2 Then, of the lord: but in him. First, how he made a kind of entrance into his function. Chap: 3. Then the residue of that his story, Chap. 4. Then by following the course of 〈◇〉 of the evangelists severally: and so, First, of those, that, as it seemeth, wrote somewhat nearer together, as much above one time: and among those, First, of him that was an Apostle himself: which was Saint matthew. Chap. 5. Then of those that ●●● but Euangelis●●& so First, of S. Mark. Cha. 6. Then of S. Luke. Cha. 7. Then, of him that wrote some good time after: which was S. John, Chap. 8. 〈◇〉 of them ●●●ying most on matter of History, 〈…〉 Acts of the Apostles: The fore-part of it, going as it were, on them all indifferently. Chap. 9. The latter part of it, going, in a manner, only on o●e of them more specially. ch. 10 But one of them onely to a Church, that, in some measure yet standeth or yet holdeth, after a so●●, the profession of Iesus Christ: which is that Epistle of his to the Romaines. Chap. 11. First, those that led, which are the Epistles to the Corithians. The former of them. Chap. 12. The latter of them. Chap. 13 Then, by the Ministry of those his Apostles& Disciples, that be used therein: such as wee haue in all the rest of the Books remaining. Most of them being for the most part, occupied about that present time:& of those The others▪ altogether almost of matter of doctrine: which are the Epistles of the Apostles Most of them going under the name of S. Paul:& of those Most of them being his in dead;& of those some of them written to whole churches:& of them The residue to Churches long since decayed: the Epistles, which to thē he wrote, being in such sort placed, as that twice beginning with certain churches of Europe, they are both times followed with some of Asia: but not so the 3. time also. Those Churches of Europe, that are so followed, are, The former of those two times Then, those that follow, which are other two Epistles: one, to the Galatians, the other to the Ephesians, Chap. 14. The latter time, but one that leadeth, which is the Epistle to the Phillipian●: and one other that followeth, which is the Epistle to the Colossians. Chap. 15. That Church of Europe▪ that is not so followed with any of Asia, is Thessalo●ica, the Head-Citty sometime of Macedonia: to the faithful of which city he wrote those two Epistles next following, chap. 16. Others to certain several persons: as two to Timothy; to Ti●●● and Philemon; but one to either, chap. 17. But, that one there is, that some haue thought to haue been written by some other Apostle: which is the Epistle to the Hebrewes, Chap. 18. The others, being the Epistles of other Apostles: one, of Saint james: two of S. Peter; three of S. John; and one of S. Iude, chap: 19. But one of them, extending itself to a time then following: which is the Apocalyps, or the revelation of Saint John, chap: 10. The Table of the second book, of the second Tome. As touching the latter book of the second Tome, the effect of it i●, to show i● what sort this Church of the Gentiles, hath stood since it was planted: and so to that end directing us, First, to consider, in what sort the Foundation of this new building was then already laid. Chap. 1. Thē, to cast our eyes farther to that which followeth:& therein, First, to that which we haue of that ancient people, the Iewes. Chap: 2. Then, to that which we haue of this latter church that since among us gentle was teared:& therein, First, to consider of the story itself:& to that end, First, to haue recourse 〈◇〉 farmer times: and that in those wee may find. That, for a season, the purity of the gospel was, i● good and comfortable manner, among them 〈…〉. Chap: 3. But, that afterward it ●ped v●●ie ill, when they divided 〈◇〉 the one from the other, ●o are we to co●●●der, First, of ●hat division of the●●●. Chap. 4. Then, of 〈…〉: the effect 〈…〉 among 〈◇〉 th●● 〈◇〉 hold the 〈◇〉 of Christ, Religion 〈…〉 corrupted, Chap: 5. Then, to come to this age of ours, wherein we live: and there to mark●● both that wee haue some remnants 〈…〉 of darkness in diuers personne● y●●●●maining; and yet, this comfortable light of the gospel withall, to get us in a readiness against the second coming of Iesus Christ in glory, chapped: 6. Then, ●o clear it of certain doubts thereon depending; some of them more properly appertaining to those that are the chief parties therein, o●● other lying more indifferently to either of them. Chap: 7. The Chapters and Sections do likewise follow the selfsame Method. ¶ The Contents of these four Books, according to the several Chapters of them: showing withall, what number of Sections are in every Chapter. The former book of the former Tome, having Chapters 22. Chap.   Sect. 1 THe Story of the Creation, having Sect. 10 2 The story of the Fall, having Sections 4 3 What pattern we haue in Kaine, how foul we all by Nature are. 3 4 The 〈◇〉 of the residue of the whole world, showing the same also by others. 9 5 How God began to take unto him a peculiar people:& of the principal fathers of thē. 11 6 Of the people themselves that were raised of them: and of them first in Egypt. 7 7 Then, as they were in the wilderness: but only for the first year of their being there. 11 8 The residue of their Story there. 8 9 A digression to t 〈…〉 of job. 11 10 Of the peculiar pe 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 in: of their entrance into th● L 〈…〉 of their story therein so long 〈…〉 lived. 8 11 Of their estate under the Iudges. 9 12 Of their estate under King Saule. 7 13 Of their estate under King david. 9 14 Of their estate under King Salomon. 10 15 Of the kingdom of Israel: the former part of the story of it. 19 16 The latter part of the Story of it. 4 17 The former part of the kingdom of Iuda. 17 18 The latter part of it. 9 19 Of their captivity in Babylon: and of their deliverance thence, into their own country again. 6 20 Of their estate under the Persians. 30 21 Of their estate under others, till Christ. 8 22 certain doubts answered. 3 The latter book of the former Tome, having Chapters 22. Chap.   Sect 1 Certain parcels of doctrine in the books of history 9 2 The law gathered out of diuers places. 5 3 The same again in one entire Body. 31 4 Such of the psalms as were Dauids. 12 5 Such of the psalms as were of others. 8 6 The book of proverbs. 15 7 The book of Ecclesiastes. 8 8 The Canticle or Song of Salomon. 10 9 The prophesy of Esay. 22 10 The prophesy of jeremy. 26 11 The Lamentations of jeremy. 3 12 The prophesy of ezechiel. 23 13 The prophesy of daniel. 3 14 Hosea, or Osee. 7 15 Ioel. 2 16 Amos. 4 17 Obadiah or Abdias, and jonas. 3 18 Micheas. 3 19 Nahum, and Habakak. 4 20 Zephaniah, or Sophonias. 2 21 Haggai or Aggans, Zechariah or Zacharias, and Malachias. 9 22 Other psalms yet remaining, or the residue of them. 27 The former book of the latter Tome, having chapped. 20 Chap.   Sect. 1 How John Baptist( the Messenger) first then the Lord himself came into the world. 5 2 How the Messenger was occupied. 3 3 How the Lord himself was occupied:& first of his entrance into his function. 8 4 The residae of the story of Christ. 15 5 The gospel written by Saint matthew. 13 6 The gospel by Saint mark. 8 7 The gospel by Saint Luke. 14 8 The gospel by Saint John. 14 9 The acts of the Apostles: the former part of it. 12 10 The latter part of it. 14 11 The Epistle to the Romaines. 6 12 The former Epistle to the Corinthians. 6 13 The latter Epistle to the Corinthians. 6 14 To the Galatians, and to the Ephesians. 5 15 To the philippians, and the Colossians. 4 16 Both the Epistles to the Thessalians. 4 17 Two unto Timothy; one, unto Titus; and one to Philemon. 7 18 The Epistle to the Hebrewes. 6 19 The Epistles of other Apoctles: one of Saint james; two of Saint Peter: three of Saint John: and one of Saint Iude. 10 20 The Apocalyps or revelation of Saint John the divine. 9 The latter book of the latter Tome, having Chapters 7. Chap.   Sect. 1 The foundation of the new Church how it was laid. 7 2 The rejection of the Iewes. 14 3 Of the church of the Gentiles so long as it stood well. 4 4 Of the same farther, when by division it was in worse estate. 4 5 Who were then of the Church: and of their estate in former Ages. 6 6 Of the estate of the said Church in this age of ours. 5 7 That in al ages there haue been sound professors:& how weak such things are, as might seem strong against it. 25 A SHORT METHOD OF ALL THE books OF THE HOLY BIBLE: DECLARING, In what order those books may be taken( as commonly they are sorted unto us) for the readier finding of such places, a●●● these books following by the Quotations we are directed unto:( the better if it and ●ad by heart; and not unmeet to be taught unto Children, for their readier help hereafter.) OF the Holy-Bible there bee two princip 〈…〉 s; the Old-Testament and the New: the Old consisting of such books, ●● in former Ages were written of Christ; the New, of such as are written of him since his coming in the flesh. In that which goeth under the name of the Old-Testament, there be sorts of books; caconical, and Apocrypha: caconical being such, as are the undoubted Word of God; Apocrypha being such, as are not the undoubted word of God, but yet haue many good Lessons in them. Those that are caconical, are of two sorts: some of them for the most part of Histories; others, for the most part of Doctrine onely. Those that are for the most part of Histories, are, first Genesis, Exodus, Leuiticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy: then, Ioshua, Iudges, and Ruth: thirdly, two Books of Samuel, two of the Kings( which are sometimes called also the four books of the Kings) and two books of the Chronicles: fourthly, Ezra, Nehemiah( called also two of the first books of Esdras) and easter: last of all, job. Those that are for the most part of Doctrine, are some of the Kings: and some of the Prophets. Those that are of the Kings, are first, the psalms, which are( most of them) Dauids: then, the proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the Canticle or Song, all which are Salomons. Of the Prophets there bee two sorts: some of them Greater; and some of them Lesser. The Greater are four, Isaiah, jeremy( both his prophesy, and his Lamentations) Ezechiel& Daniel. The Lesser are twelve, Hosea, Ioel, Amos, Obadiah, jonah, Micah, Nuhum, Habacuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zachariah, and Malachy. The Apocrypha are, one of them set before by itself: the others following after together. That one that is set before by itself, is the Prayer of Manasses, commonly following the books of the Chronicles. Those that follow after together, are the first and the books of Esdras, Tobit, Iudeth, the rest of easter, wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruk with the Epistle of jeremiah, the Song of the three Children, the Story of Susanna, the Idol Bell, and the Dragon, the first and the second of the Maccabees. Those 〈…〉 of the New-Testament, are most of them of that present time: but 〈◇〉 there is, of a time then after following. Those that are of that 〈◇〉 time, are some of them for the most part of Histories▪& some of them for the most part of Doctrine. Those that are for the most part of Histories, are most of the History of Christ: but one, of the Apostles. Those that are of the History of Christ, are the four evangelists: matthew, mark, L●●e, and John. That one that is of the Apostles, is the Acts of the Apostles. Those that are for the most part of Doctrine, are the Epistles of the Apostles: most of them going under the name of S. Paul; but some of them being the Epistles of other Apostles. Those that go under the name of S. paul, are most of them his indeed: but one of them there is, that some haue thought to be the Epistle of some other Apostle. Those that are his indeed, are some of them written to whole Churches: others to certain se●●●●ll persons. Those that are written to whole Churches, are, one to 〈…〉, two to the Corinthians, to the Galatians, Ephesians, philippians, and Colos●ians to every of these one: and two to the Thessalonians. Those that are written but onely to certain several persons, are, two to Timoth, one to Titus, and one to Philemon. That one that some haue thought to be the Epistle of some other Apostle, is, the Epistle to the Habrewes. Those that are the Epistles of other Apostles, are, one of james, two of Peter, three of John, and one of Iude. That one book which was of a time then after following, is the Apocalyps, or the revelation of Saint John. CAP. 1. 1. A Certain Gentleman of Athens, called Megacles, Hero. Clio. was on a time desirous to get home Pisistratus again, whom the people had banished a little before: but considering the City was so divided, that if the one part should grant his return, th●● ther would therefore the rather deny it, he 〈…〉 was no remedy, but to resolve of some such 〈…〉 might bee liked of both the factions. Remem●●ing therefore that the whole city were forward worshippers of their supposed Goddesse Minerua, he thought, that happily there might some consequence to his desire that way be had. He adviseth himself therefore of some such personable woman, as might best serve to such a purpose, attireth her accordingly, placeth her in a Coach, and Pisistratus with her, and causeth proclamation to be made as they entered into the city, and as they passed farther therein, as in the name of that their great and mighty Goddesse, that they in any wise received him again, whom herself vouchsafed so to bring home. The people therefore so suddenly taken, made no stay for that matter, and so busily worshipped that their Goddesse, besides, that plainly they haue shewed themselves to haue swallowed. In these daies of ours, much stickling we haue about those vain conceits in Religion, which the latter Church of Rome; partly, of ignorance, but much more on private respect, haue matched with the truth in Christ, and still would uphold in that so transcendent a place for them. Howbeit, the power of the truth is so strong against them, that every where they daily fall more and more, and in many places are already quiter discarded. hereupon, diuers wily pies among us, noting with themselves, of what reckoning the name of the catholic Church is, generally with all( not only with those that to their own purpose abuse it, but with many others of the people besides, of all sorts or degrees whatsoever) haue often endeavoured, and daily yet do,( under that reverend name of the Church) to bring in again those already deciphered and exiled trumperies of theirs, no more approved by the true catholic Church indeed, than that Gallant was, then brought in by that supposed Goddesse of theirs. A thing, which at that time was so much the more absurdly done of them, for that then they had a Solon, a right worthy man among them indeed, and one that altogether studied the peace and welfare of that state of theirs: yet nothing so absurdly as should be done by us, if having Christ and his truth so presently with us, we should by any such pageant suffer ourselves to bee so far abused. It is noted likewise, that the woman who sustained the person of that supposed Goddesse, was Phya by name: and certain it is, that such as in these dayes of ours, do most engross to themselves the reputation or Title of the catholic Church, are( besides that intolerable presumption of theirs) so gross in Idolatry, so beastly in life, that if any in the vehemency of his spirit, should leave the propriety of the greek, and in plain English urge such application of it, as in some sort the word might led unto, though such application might be somewhat distasteful, yet had they no just cause to complain, laying their own deserts out thereunto. 2. These things are yet but onely said: namely, that those points of the Romish Religion, for which they do so busily strive in these our daies against the gospel, are not such as the true catholic Church at any time urgeth: and that those who in these our dayes do so much brave it under the name of the Church, though indeed they bee of the Church, because they profess( after a sort) Iesus Christ, yet( besides their life) even their profession itself is such, as sheweth them to be exceeding corrupt members thereof,& so to lose their dignity thereby. But the discourse that now ensueth, will so plainly declare the same, and make so good demonstration of it, that there will need no further proof at al unto it. For therein shal we see, what people God hath ever had( even from the beginning of the world) and what Religion or profession it was, that they did hold. In the people likewise wee shall see, that the greater multitude of them were but corruption in their profession, though, after a sort, they also did hold it: but that ever God reserved certain of thē, who in that corruption of others, did more truly hold, that which was professed by all. In their profession itself, we shall see likewise, that there was none other allowed, but only that which God himself prescribed; and that the better sort of them made their stand there: but that the others, lead by the wisdom of flesh& blood, had diuers additions of their own mingled therewith; and with them accounted altogether( in a manner) as currant too, as were the other appointed by God, by the prerogative that themselves had in being his people. Which if wee can apply to ourselves, out of it may wee learn that, which will abundantly serve, both to repress the audaciousness of some, in the matters that now wee speak of, and to strengthen the weakness of others. 3 coming therefore to the matter itself, wee are first to consider of the Title of those Books or writings that now we set in hand withal; and then, to come to the books themselves. The Title, for the most part is, The Holy Bible, or the Holy-Scriptures, containing the Old-Testament and the New: or contained in the Old-Testament and the New. Wherein wee may note, that as touching the matter which in those books wee haue delivered unto us, we haue something noted, but generally: something again, more specially. Generally, I account that to be noted, which doth concern the whole: more specially, that which concerneth the chief and principal parts thereof. As touching the whole, whereas it is the will and pleasure of God, delivered unto us in books, or in writings( for such is the meaning of the words, Bible, and Scriptures) we are first to consider, whereupon it may seem to be, that God would leave unto us his will and pleasure in writing: then, whereupon it is, that these books, or these writings are counted holy. That he would leave unto us his will and pleasure in writing, it seemeth to be, both to prevent the malice of some, and to help the infirmity of all. The malice that otherwise wee were like to find in some, is, that diuers of those that are ill-disposed, would readily otherwise bear us in hand, and strongly too, both that that was the word of God which indeed is, and that that were, which is not: unless we had the book, both ourselves to show the one;& to put them to show the other. The common infirmity of us all, is such, as that though we do mean never so well, yet neither can we well get the knowledge thereof to ourselves, unless we had it in such sort so ready, as that now and then we might peruse it: neither could wee, in any good manner, deliver it over to others, but that in going from hand to hand, it would soon be corrupted. Which things being considered, may sufficiently teach us, as that it was marvelous il done of those that took from the people the word of God,& plainly enough bewrayed themselves thereby, that they had an ill meaning in it, so was it unadvisedly done of others also( and yet is) to haue the same in so little account, as ever it hath been the manner of the unthankful and careless world. Holy it is in two respects: first, in itself; then also, towards others. In itself it is Holy, for that it approveth nothing that is ill, nor condemneth any thing that is good: as also it must needs be such, and can be none other, proceeding as it doth, not any thing at all from the wisdom of flesh and blood; but altogether,& only from the wisdom of God. Towards others it is Holy likewise; chiefly, because it sanctifieth or bettereth those that are truly occupied therein: but partly also, because it shall bee so severely required at the last day, of those that haue neglected the same; and now also in some measure is, in the mean season. As touching the chief and principal partes thereof, it is farther said, that those Holy Scriptures do contain the Old and New Testament: or else, that they are contained therein. In which kind of speech, the word [ Testament] doth signify that, which we commonly call a covenant: and wee thereupon are to consider what covenants they are that are signified thereby; and why the one is called the Old, and the other the New. The covenants that are signified thereby, do in some things agree together, though in some others they vary likewise. They agree in this, that they both offer unto us the favour of God, and eternal life: and we are able( accordingly in themselves, and so that there be no want in us) to perform the same. But in this they vary, that the one doth offer it by works; and the other, by faith onely. The works that are thereunto required, are none other, but onely such as make up perfect righteousness; that is, not onely to be freed all our life long from all manner of evil( both in word and deed, without; and in our secrets thoughts within) and ever to do all manner of good( so that whatsoever we bring forth by deed or word, o● whatsoever wee conceive within, all to be godly) but also, ever to haue avoyded all evil, and ever to haue done all maner of good, in so great and exquisite measure, as the rule of perfect righteousness requireth, with a wonderful detestation of the one, and a most absolute love of the other. The faith that is required, is to put by all others, in heaven and earth, and for the whole work of our Redemption, to rest in Iesus Christ alone: looking by his sufferings, to escape hell, and by his righteousness to come unto heaven. The former of which, is termed the Old, because it is antiquate to us, in respect of any help that wee are able to get thereby, because wee can come nothing near to do the things that it requireth: so to give us to understand, that of it we may look for no help at all, but only requiring such things at our hands( so far exceeding whatsoever we are able to do) that thereby it put us clean out of doubt, that that way there is no good to be done: and therefore that wee leave it or abandon it clean, as an out-worne Garment, altogether unable( in such respect) to bee of any use unto vs. The latter also is termed the New, as succeeding in the place of the other, to supply whatsoever we want therein: and as in itself, ever able to serve our turn; so on our parts ever to be of that reckoning with vs. Vpon the consideration of both which, if any man should conceive a farther question, whether, when as wee are not able to do whatsoever the Law requireth, it might be sufficient to do our best endeavour, and to get so near it as we are able; the resolution thereof doth plainly show itself to bee, both that it would not serve our turn, and that it is more also then needeth. That it would not serve our turn, may plainly appear, for that the former of these two covenants, doth strictly require absolute righteousness: and the other, nothing at al to rest on ourselves, or any other, but vpon Iesus Christ alone. So that taking neither of those courses that they prescribe, we might not look to haue the benefit of either: but bringing in a new of our own, as we must needs grant that GOD hath made none such with us( but onely those two before rehearsed) so may we not look that he shal that way save us, or vouchsafe us that favor of his, though otherwise he will bountifully reward whatsoever service we do to him. That it is more then needeth, also is plain enough likewise, for that although wee cannot receive that help by the former, because we cannot do the things thereby required, yet hath God so fully provided for us by the latter, that therein there is no want at all, but most absolute fullness, to all intents and purposes whatsoever. 4. The book itself, so far as we are to deal with it now, delivereth unto us two principal Stories: One, a general story of the whole World: the other, a more special story of the peculiar people of God. The general story of the whole World, is delivered unto us in the first eleven Chapters of Genesis, and hath two principal parts: how God made all things at the first; and in what case they afterward stood. How God made all things at the first, is commonly called the Creation: which is set down unto us, first generally; and then more specially. Generally it is said, That in the beginning God made the heaven and the Earth. Where we are to Genesis 1. 1. note, that these things were not eternal, nor of themselves; but that they haue had their beginning(& the same not long since neither, to speak of, little more then fifty six mens lives, as some men yet live, allotting but one hundred yeares to every one) and that they are the workmanship of God the Father, the son, and the Holy Ghost. More specially we haue diuers things more plainly set down: but most of them concerning the wotke he had in hand; and yet some of them concerning the [ Rest] that afterward he took. Concerning the work that he had in hand, wee haue set down how rude and unhandsome it was for a time: and then, to how excellent a work it was brought in the end. That it was but a rude and an unhandsome thing at the first, is set down in this, that it is said; then to haue been without shape and void, and that it Genesis 1. 2. was covered with darkness besides. Out of which we may learn, that even the works of God himself, and such as he meaneth afterward to bring unto special beauty, may notwithstanding for a time, be but of homely beginning: and therefore no such thing to bee of us either clean rejected, or no more but lightly esteemed. To how excellent a work it was brought in the end, is declared; first, in his dealing with that whole unhandsome mass itself: and then, in the creation of the particulars, that he framed out of the same. His dealing with that whole unhandsome Ibidem. mass itself, was that his spirit did spread forth itself on the same: and, as the Nature of the word importeth, even as a bird doth spread forth, and set herself close on her eggs, when she is to hatch or bring forth her young. By which wee may gather, what it is that bringeth to proof whatsoever wee haue, that is so far off, and so unlikely at the first: even the good Spirit of God, and none other power or devise whatsoever. In the Creation of the particulars that he framed out of the same, wee are first to consider of the things themselves: and then, what he pronounceth of the workmanship of them. As touching the things themselves, wee are to consider, not onely what they are: but also, in what order it pleased him to make them. What they were, is for the most part so plainly declared in the Text itself, that no body can choose but see them therein: and yet are there some others that in the Iudgement of most men belong thereunto, that cannot so easily bee found in the Text, or( at the least) not to lie so plainly there, as do the other. Those that are so plainly set down in the Text itself, are first of all, one, that should in some sort extend unto all, and take away one special blemish that was on the whole mass before: and then all the rest, that should serve to perfect the work that was in hand. That one, that should in some sort extend unto all, and take away one special blemish that was upon the whole Ibid 3. 5. mass before, was the Light: so to put away the darkness that before covered all. A very good pattern that God is ever the Author of Light; and that, until he vouchsafe us the same, we are nothing but palpable darkness: as also, a good token withal, that these dayes of the Gospel( which are so hardly censured by others) are notwithstanding the good workmanship of GOD, because they bring the light with them, in so plentiful measure, that even the Aduersaries also are lightened thereby, and by this light haue amended some of their former errors. The residue that should serve to perfect the work that was in hand, were, some of them, but onely to distinguish or to draw out of that whole mass, the chief and principal parts of his intended work, apart by themselves: Others again, to furnish them, so as his wisdom had determined to do. unto the distinguishing, or drawing forth of that whole mass the chief and principal partes of his intended work apart by themselves, do appertain, that first he made that separation betwixt the Waters above, and the Waters beneath, Gene. 1. 6. 8. which we commonly call the Firmament, or the lowest Region of the air; a breathing place before for such living creatures as he would make to enjoy it: and that Ibid. 9. 10. he made the Waters beneath to withdraw themselves to the Channels and depths, that so the dry Land might appear among them, which the Lord called the earth, and these waters themselves the Seas. The furniture that GOD bestowed on these, was first, of such things as had no sense: and then after, of such as had. Of those that had no sense, first, Ibib. 11. 13. he clothed the Earth with grass, herbs, and Trees: and then both adorned the Sky above, with those two greater lights, the sun and the moon( where 14. 19. we haue it given in withall, that he made also the stars.) Of those Creatures of his that had sense, first he furnished the Waters with Fish and foul, and all the other Creatures thereunto appertaining, blessing them also unto increase or multiplication: 20. 23. and then the Earth, not onely with Beasts and worms of all sorts according 24. 31. to their kind; but also with Man. Those others( that in the iudgement of most Men) belong thereunto, and yet are not so easily found in the Text, or at least not so plainly, are all those spiritual Creatures that otherwise wee red of, Angels and divels; both which are commonly thought to be of this Creation, or part of those Creatures that appertain unto the workmanship of this World: the former of them, to haue been made then such as they are yet; the latter of them to haue been made good at the first, but that then they quickly fell, and so became such as they are. But seeing that neither here, nor any where else( but as some men do think they may gather) the Scripture doth not set them down to bee of this Creation, and maketh at all no mention of them in all this story; therefore as it is needless for us to inquire farther, so it were, so much the worse so to determine, when as wee see it is more than needeth, and that we haue no warrant for it: and much safer to leave it at large( as the Text itself doth) contenting ourselves( for those matters) only with this, that they are the Creatures of God, not curiously searching when it pleased him to make them. It is( wee know) but of a small time to speak of, not six thousand yeares since this World began, neither is it of so great a compass but that the sun compasseth, not onely the Earth, but one half of the higher orbs likewise, in four and twenty houres, and a Man( for the quantity or greatness of it, if otherwise he might haue convenient, safe, and ready passage) might on foot travail round about the whole Earth in less then three yeeres. Beyond all which time, and without all which spaces, as wee know that GOD hath been for ever, so it may bee, that he hath had, and yet hath, many other works in hand besides this. Wherein, although the most part go with Saint Augustine, to allot angels De Ci●i●. lib. 11. Cap. 5. 6.& 7. To. 9. in Tit. 1. to be a part of the Creation of this World; yet Saint Hierom before, and others with him, do rather allot them to a former time; and therein haue, for any thing that I can see to the contrary, the better part, and more agreeable( al things considered) to the Text itself. But because in this World onely, GOD hath opened himself unto us, and in none other; therefore, howsoever that he according to his incomprehensible majesty, may well haue many works besides this, both else-where, and before, and after; yet are wee to hold ourselves content with this, and therein to learn to know the Maker of it, and not to suffer our conceits to wander further; as also wee need not, because he hath sufficiently opened himself in this, and not in any other to vs. In the order that it pleased him to observe in the making of them, we haue diuers things to bee considered: some of them concerning those works of his,( as wee may take them) all together; others, as they are to be considered severally, or taken asunder. As we may take them altogether, wee are to note, that all things were made first to the use of Man: and that they were all made likewise before that Man himself was made. being all made to the use of Man, we may see therein, both the great goodness of God towards us, and both how carefully and how confidently we ought to serve him, that hath made those things for us, and so backed us with them in al his service. In that they were made before Man, wee may see a perpetual pattern of his providence therein, that he never bringeth any into the world, but that first he ordaineth things needful for them, for the time that they shall bee there: even as milk in the Mothers breast for the child to suck, before that ever the child bee born to suck the same. A very good pattern, always to haue before our eyes, against that distrust that commonly haunteth the nature of man in those matters. As they are to be considered severally; we are first to consider of those creatures that were made before: and then of Man. In those Creatures that were made before, we are to note, both that all of them are set down to be made by the power of the word of GOD: and that there was both day and night, before there was any sun at al. In that these things were made by the power of his Word, wee Gene. 1. 3. 6. 9. 11. 14. 20. 24. 26. Ibid. 3. 14. see not onely of what power himself is: but also that his Word( whereby he made all) may well bee a sufficient mean of our Redemption, without any other mixture on earth whatsoever. In that there was day, before there was any sun( though since wee see, that when the sun is with us, then it is day, and when it is departed, then it is night, and so might think that the presence of the sun is absolutely needful to haue any day:) yet thereby may we learn, that although it pleaseth God ordinarily to work by such means; yet can he do otherwise so oft as he list, as in these he hath left a pattern unto vs. 5. In Man we haue many things to bee considered, as touching the order of his Creation, that as he was ordained to bee( next under GOD) the Head of all the rest, so might we haue the workmanship of him more carefully set down unto us; and first, how God made him; then, how he dealt with him when he was made. How GOD made him, to the end that wee may the better find out, wee are to consider, that whereas he made them both Male and Female, some things there are, that concern them both together: some others again, that concern either of them apart by themselves. Those things that concern them both together, do first lie in that part of the story, that sheweth, how the God-head, or the Persons in Trinity, did Gene. 1. 26. first express or utter their purpose therein, before that ever he did set in hand to make him: then also, in another place that afterward followeth. Out of the former we may easily gather, that he was like to be a Creature of special importance; both for that it pleased GOD, so to aduise himself therein; and especially, for that he should bee such an one, as it pleased him before-hand to show that he should. For in that he will show himself, but to be advised therein, needs must it import a matter of some special importance that thereupon should bee done: as we see it is the manner of men, howsoever they will slightly and presently dispatch their common affairs; yet if any matter do come of greater moment, then will they more specially enter into some set advisement of it. Not that God needeth so to call his wits together( having his wisdom ever present with him, and the depth of all things ever open before his own eyes) but that thereby he would teach us to consider, of how excellent a woorkemanshippe he meant to haue him. What before hand he shewed he should bee, doth sufficiently appear in these two points; that both himself should bee endued with such graces within, and haue such power over all the Creatures of GOD besides, both in the Sea and Land, that therein he should be a right Image of God, and ever represent his person on earth. The latter of them is, that afterward it is said; that though they were both of them naked, yet were they not ashamed: an evident token, that the workmanship Genesis 2. 25. of God is good in itself, but that by sin, it is since defiled in vs. And though now we cannot see( in this corruptible estate that since we are in) how excellent a Creature then we were made( no more then in the Dust and rubbish of some excellent building, what was the building itself before) because now wee are to bear the Image of the earthly: yet, no doubt, the woorkemanship was then of some wonderful beauty,( far passing all that we are able to think and conceive) when as both that wonderful and glorious God-head, would show himself to take such advice therein, and before-hand gave it so honourable a Title, that it should be like to himself; and they both likewise found no deformity at all in themselves, when as wee( if there be any shane fastness in us) are full ill ashamed now, not onely of the foulest partes of us, but of others also less stained then those, even before the nearest friends that wee haue, and though there be some special cause to uncover the same, unless it bee some urgent necessity that enforce us unto it. Of which beauty of ours then, if wee would gladly haue some such little taste as here wee are able, wee are to take heed, that from ourselves now, wee do not seek to gather, what that woorkemanship of God should bee: but that from his unsearchable wisdom and goodness, wee search to find out, what it is likely ourselves were then; how wise, how holy, how free, how mighty, how comely, how rich, how glorious withall. 6 Those others that concern either of them apart by themselves, do some of them appertain unto the Creation of the Man:& others, unto the Creation of the Woman: unto the Creation of the Man it appertaineth to consider; first, of the making of his Body: and then, how he was a little while after endued likewise with a living soul. Concerning his body, wee are to note, first, of how mean a piece of stuff that same was raised, or how homely a beginning it had: and then, to what a piece of excellent workmanship it was afterward framed. His homely beginning appeareth in this, that his body was made of the Dust or slime of the Genesis 2. 7. Earth: on our part, a good preservative against pride, if the matter bee well considered; on Gods part, that he is able, of small beginnings to accomplish his greater purposes. To what a piece of excellent workmanship it was afterward framed, will indeed most fully appear, when the soul is united unto his body. But yet notwithstanding, if we look no further but onely unto the Body itself before the soul was breathed into it, even therein also it may plainly appear, that it was brought to an excellent work, and that partly if wee do behold but that which may bee seen with the eye; but especially if wee go somewhat further, to that which representeth itself to our understanding. As touching that which may bee seen with the eye, wee are to know, that since the fall wee are not able so well to behold the excellency of it, partly for some deformity that is fallen to the Body itself; and partly by a corrupt disposition in ourselves likewise. The deformity that since is fallen to the Body itself, is part of it but peculiar to some: but part of it again common to al. That which is but peculiar to some, are all those imperfections or wants, or when any thing is too much or too little, as sometimes we see in diuers of vs. That which is common to al, is partly our whole nakedness generally( some few parts only excepted) but especially, our secrets, or privy parts. That corrupt disposition that is in us, is fleshly concupiscence: whereby it cometh to pass, that being so far stained with sin as now it is, our eye can no sooner light on the nakedness of any( especially on those partes aforesaid) but that by and by it turneth itself aside, as from some uncleanness that much offendeth the fight thereof. So that in the estate that now we are in since the fall, we may not look to find how beautiful workmanship the body was of, so far as might bee seen with the eye: much less, so far as then it might represent itself to our understanding, for that now the same is much darkened in us, and nothing able to find out many of those things that therein were to be found. But yet that it was of very great beauty may sufficiently appear, principally in the thing itself, as yet it standeth: but partly also, even in that corrupt disposition of ours likewise, that even now was noted so much to hinder vs. For as touching the thing itself, as yet it standeth, although in the Bodies of dyvers, wee see sometimes something too much, and more often of the two, some thing too little: yet are those but the Badges of sin, and but very few in respect of the rest; and all the residue do yet resemble the workmanship thereof to haue been of great wonder indeed, whether wee respect the beauty or feature of every member, or part in itself, or the apt distinguishing or knitting of them altogether, in so wonderful good proportion and beauty. And as for that corrupt disposition of ours, of what force soever we find it to bee, to make either Sex to delight in the other, and in the sight of the bodies of those whom so they do love: of the like, and greater, may we probably think would bee that holy and chast love, that GOD at the first did give unto them the one towards the other, in the whole and in every part, to admire the wonderful art of the Maker. That the force of this stained love that now wee haue, is to such purpose great, and maketh us to find great workmanship even in the Body; it appeareth, not onely in that good liking that in such case we haue of the Body itself: but in this likewise, that such as haue skill rightly to resemble whatsoever proportions or shapes they do conceive, do not lightly find any thing that for woorkemanshippe, or good proportion and beauty, doth generally delight the beholders more, then the resemblance of it, though left more open unto the eye, then the bounds of modesty may well allow. And although, if the workman hath gone too far therein, then they are but the lighter and loser sort, that do take such pleasure in it: yet both so long as the bounds of modesty are duly observed, good workmanship is then delightful to all; and that stain of love that now is in us, cannot make us more to like now of that which exceedeth, then the power and force of that holy love that then was in us, could make us to like of the thing itself then; both in respect of the work itself, and in respect of him that made it. But if wee go further, to that which may come within the reach of our understanding, then do wee see,( though nothing so clearly as wee might before) that such is the power and needful use of every part, and of altogether, and so wonderful aptly framed thereunto, that many that were but natural men, could no sooner enter into the consideration of it, but that they found themselves ouer-matched in the depth of wisdom, power, and goodness, that they saw to show forth themselves in the least of them all. When the soul was united unto it, then was it more fully seen, what was the workmanship of it. For then could the eye see; the ear, hear; the tongue, frame itself unto speech; and every part and member thereof, do the proper work thereunto appertaining. Where we may note by the way, that therein we haue a right pattern of the difference or odds that wee find betwixt the natural, and Regenerate man, in such things as belong to the kingdom of God: for though( otherwise) they bee learned and wise, and so might seem to haue a great in-sight thereby in matters that do belong to the kingdom of GOD; yet so long as they be but natural men, as the eye of Adam did not see, nor his ear hear, until he had a living soul breathed into him; so these also, haue no iudgement at all in matters of Religion, to approve or like of that which is sound, until they bee regenerate or born again the Children of God, or( which is all one) become a new Creature in Iesus Christ. And from this difference it is, that when at any time the word of GOD is offered indifferently unto all, some there bee, that haue no feeling thereof, and others, that like thereof marvelous well: the one sort having but such eyes and ears yet, as can neither see nor hear, in those matters; the others, by that latter birth of theirs, having them so enabled to such a purpose, as that therein they are able to deal with a special feeling unto themselves, and a singular comfort out of the same. As touching the soul itself, we are to note two principal matters: the former of them, whence it is; the other, the nature or excellency of it. Whence it is, wee are so much the rather to note, because diuers, by such likelihoodes as they haue conceived, haue taken the soul to bee nothing else in effect, but onely some elementary concretion, and so consequently, both to follow the temperature of the Gene. 2. 7. body, and to bee but Mortal also: Whereas notwithstanding, not onely this Text doth plainly say; that God breathed into him the breath of life, and that so he was a living soul( and so doth show it to be another thing, then any way arising out of the Body; and that another gift of God) but even the wiser sort of the World likewise, would never yield to think so grossly of it. And although( because it may seem to follow the temperature of the Body) it was so much the rather thought with diuers of them, that it must bee of that Nature also,( deceiving themselves with a false principle;) yet herein may wee see, that it was not raised out of the Earth as was his Body, nor out of any other Element whatsoever, but that it came immediately of God: and therefore neither may it so properly bee said to follow,( though the experience that we haue, may seem that way much to incline) but rather to use, as it thinketh good, such temperature as the body hath; and that well, if the soul be good; otherwise worse, if the soul be ill. As also we are taught by experience itself( if wee be able rightly to take it) that whatsoever temperature the Body be of, or as we use most commonly to speak, of whatsoever complexion it bee, it may be used either well or ill: as choler, to a godly zeal; and phlegm, to a good moderation withall( and so of the rest) if the soul be good; but otherwise, the one to unbridled passions and anger; the other, to slothfulness( and so of the rest) if the soul bee ill. Much like as a Man in a fray, or a workman in following his business, is sometimes driven, the one to such Weapon, the other to such Instrument, not as either of them would feignest haue, or at that time were meetest for them, but such as then they haue, or any way can get howsoever: and yet in neither may bee said to follow, though it bee such as best he liketh, but rather to use that which he getteth. The nature or excellency of it, wee haue likewise set down in two special points: First, because immediately it came by the breathing on of GOD; then also of the effects, because that by and by that Body did so become a living Man. For coming from GOD, and in such sort as it did, it must needs bee of special price: and by and by quickening the whole Body, and taking place therein( as a Prince in his kingdom) in the whole, and in every part thereof, and therein both working and ruling so wonderfully as it doth, there may bee no question with any, but that it is of wonderful excellency, and that much greater, than ourselves that haue it, are thereby able for to conceive. Insomuch, that it is less marvel, that diuers of the wiser sort of the World haue accounted Man, consisting now of Body and soul( yet after the fall, when both these were much defaced, and seeing no more then they did neither) to be no less then a little world: and certain withal, that much rather they would haue made that reckoning of him, if they had had a farther light of the word of God, and might haue seen him( with former eyes) as he was at the first. 7. In the special discourse of the Creation of the Woman, wee are to consider, not onely in what manner shee was made: but also, of a certain mystery that therein is further delivered unto vs. unto the manner of her Creation it doth appertain, first to consider of some things that went before, concerning the same: and then, to come to the thing itself. Those things that went before concerning the same, are some of them ascribed to GOD himself: and some unto Man. unto God are ascribed these two: First, that he said, That it was not good that Man should be alone: then, that he added thereunto, That he would make him an help meet for him, or such another as himself. In that he said, That it was not good that Man should be alone, we are to gather, both out of the consideration of the wisdom of him that spake it, and of the time when it was spoken, that though it please God sometime to give that special gift( at least for a time) to live single, and yet therein not to burn: yet houldingly or generally, it is not good for us to live unmarried. For, if God in his wisdom did see that it was not good, needs must it be but folly in man, to think otherwise of it: and if it were not good then( before sin did enter in vpon us) needs must it be, in that respect, so much the more needful now. So that out of this onely place, though there were no other Scripture besides, yet might wee indifferent plainly see, how unadvised a course it is, not onely to forswear marriage( as it was the manner of our clergy of late to do) but also, so much to abstain from marriage, unless there be some special and urgent cause, as it is the manner of most of those, that find no necessity in themselves to mary. For though they need not, and in such case may use their liberty, as themselves did think good; yet they must take heed, that they do not abuse it neither: and, when God hath said, That it is not good to be alone, let them take heed that they play not the fools, to live vnmarryed. In that he said, He would make him an help like to himself, we may note likewise, not onely what benefit there was therein at the first, as God did then ordain the same; and whereunto wives should now also endeavour to frame themselves; that is, to be good helps to their Husbands: but also, so far as it pleaseth God, yet to vouchsafe us the benefit of his ordinance( if we betake ourselves thereunto, as we ought to do) so far do we defraud ourselves of that needful help, if( without some special good cause) we enforce ourselves to live unmarried. And that among those that at any time mary, such reckoning should be made the one of the other, as that each of them should ever be( as it were) another self to each other. Those that are ascribed to Man, may be two likewise: And yet it is not to be denied, but that the former of them is by diuers( and lieth fair for it) otherwise taken. The former of them, is in such sort placed in the original, that as the forepart of the sentence is plainly atributed to him, so may the latter part also:& yet is it no great matter in effect neither, though it likewise be attributed to God. But being attributed to man, the former of them is, that having al those creatures of God before him, to give them their names, so( as it were) to set his mark or burn upon them, he found none of them all meet for himself, to such a purpose. The latter, that his words after seem to import( in that he maketh so special a difference betwixt those two times, when now he found none, and afterward when one was presented unto him: for so the words in the Hebrew import) that he had some desire himself unto it. If among all those creatures that were brought before him, he found none meet to be joined with him, as it is clean against kind, that any should bee so beastly since( and that is a matter so plain in itself, that all do willingly yield unto it:) so is it against the dignity of our Creation likewise, that we should make the similitude of them, or of any thing else( being therein but our own creatures) so far above us, as that we haue done worship unto them. If he had some desire before, to haue such a yoke-fellow joined unto him, he being in estate of innocency; then out of it we may gather, that marriage by Nature, and Gods holy ordinance, is so holy in itself, that there may bee inclination thereunto, altogether without any stain of sin. Now we come to the thing itself, to see how the Woman was first created, and there haue we more specially to consider, first of the matter of which it pleased God to make hir:& then, in what sort he made hir therof. In the matter knowledge he made her, we are to consider, first, what it was: and then, how it pleased God to take it. It was a rib out of Adams side, so to occasion their mutual love to bee so much the greater. It pleased God in such sort to take it, as neither might bee any pain unto him at that present, neither yet any want for the time to come: and therefore did he cast him into an heavy sleep while he took it out; and filled up the place again whence it was taken. In what sort he made her thereof, doth occasion us to consider of some things on the part of God: and some others on Adams also. On Gods behalf, we are to consider; first, how he he made her a woman:& then, how he made her his. He made her a Woman, by framing that matter in such sort, unto Ibid 22. the use for which he ordained it,( as that the word importeth) as it were a building of her; so to signify, that he used such workmanship in the making of her, as best might frame her to bee a yoke-fellow meetest for him. He made her his, by making delivery of her unto him when he had made her: an evident token, that marriage by the first institution, is no way stained with any uncleanness, when as God himself doth so join them together; and that such as will look to find a blessing in their marriage, had need to reserve themselves onely to such, as it shal please God to bestow vpon them, or whom they may account themselves to haue taken, even as it were of his own delivery. On Adams part wee are to consider( for the evidency of that work of God towards him) how readily, and without any questioning at all, as if it were written in his heart before( as indeed it appeareth that so it was) having found none a little before, among all those Creatures of God that he could like of, now on the sudden hath espied, that in her so soon as ever she is brought unto him, that he acknowledgeth her to be such, as with whom he may, and ought to bee most inmost of all: and for that mutual society of theirs, that it should be no breach of duty, nor against kind, to leave or break off from the nearest societies that are( even of Father and Mother) to keep to his Wife. That special Mystery, that in this Creation of the Woman is delivered unto us, is concerning the Church, and resteth in two principal points: one, who they are that may bee accounted to be of the same; the other, of what hope they may bee towards God in Iesus Christ. Who they are that may account themselves of this company, may soon appear, if by the description of the one, we can frame our iudgement of the other: that is, none other, but such as are raised out of the opened side of Iesus Christ, being cast in a sleep by his death; or such as rest in him alone, for the whole work of their Redemption. What hope they may haue towards God in Christ is evident also, if as Adam then acknowledged eve, so Christ likewise shall then aclowledge those that in such sort are brought unto him, to be so near and deere unto him. 8 How he dealt with Man when thus he had made him, whosoever would find, he had need first to consider how wealthily and richly he placed him: and then, what charge he gave unto him. How wealthy and richly it pleased God to place him, will best appear, if we consider first of the place that God provided for him; and then accordingly, how God did place him in it. What the place was that God provided for him will best appear, if first we consider of the scite of it; and then how the same was furnished for him. As touching the scite of it, though it bee by Moses described, yet it is not so fully agreed on by the learned that haue written thereon, but that as yet some question remaineth, both of the place where it should bee, and of the bounds and limits of it, when once they are agreed on the place. But this is certain, that it was in Heden, a fruitful and a pleasant country, and on the East part of it: and by the description that Moses useth, about that place Gene. 2. 8. 14. where Babylon was afterward built, or somewhat beyond; and was very well watered, which in those hotter Countries is of special importance. But as touching the furniture of it, the Text is plain, that God had prepared therein whatsoever Plants and Trees were meet for sustenance,& most delightful to the eye besides; and that in that respect it was called a Garden: and that he had therein two special trees besides, one of which, was the three of Life, in the midst of the Garden; the other, the three of Knowledge of good and evil. Which place being in this sort provided, then having made him, it pleased him likewise to place him in it: that so he might be possessed of that goodness of God inwards him, and in the daily fruition of it, the more to his comfort behold the same. In the charge that now he gave him withall, we are to consider, first what the charge itself was; and then Gen. 2. 15. 17. what we are to gather out of the same. In the charge itself we are likewise to consider, in what points it resteth, and of what nature it is, for one other matter of special importance. The points wherein it resteth are two: the one as touching the whole ground itself; the other, as touching one three therein. As touching the whole ground itself, he was willed to employ himself about it, to dress it as need should require, and to keep it( belike) in such order as now it was delivered unto him. That which concerned one three therein, was, that which was given about the three of knowledge of good and ill: which in effect was this, That having liberty to eat or feed where they would besides, and especially of the three of Life, they might in no wise eat of that other that was forbidden; being given to understand withall, that whensoever they should eat of it, then should they certainly die. Of what nature this charge of theirs was, for one other matter of special importance, is to be considered also: namely, that in those two points of their charge, God did not so tie them unto him, that they could not fall away from him; but onely let them understand wherein they might please him, and what service he required of them: otherwise leaving them at their own free liberty, to choose them whether they would do it or not. As also it had left them less opportunity, to haue shewed their obedience towards him, if they had been made so fast unto him, that they could not haue turned aside though they would. Those things that we are to gather out of the same, do partly respect God himself, but most of all Man. Those that respect God himself, are especially two: one, that he had done marvelous much for man; the other, that notwithstanding, he requireth but a small piece of service of him. That he had done marvelous much for man, appeareth not only in his Creation of late, in that he made him so excellent a creature in himself, and besides that( under him) the head of all the rest; but also, in this his late placing him in so notable a vein, so richly furnished with all things needful, and so full of delectation besides. That notwithstanding it was but a small piece of service that he required of him, will better appear, if we do consider of those branches of it apart by themselves: and first, of dressing and keeping the Garden; and then, of forbearing of that one three that was forbidden. For as touching the dressing and keeping of the Garden, being such as then it was when God had new made it, no doubt the labour must needs bee but small, and was rather an occasion given him to go about it, that in the whole and in every part of it he might( to his singular comfort) behold the exceeding great goodness of God towards him, than to be accounted( as labours go now) a labour indeed. For who would not of himself be desirous of so pleasant a place as it, and though it were a great deal meaner, desire to haue the fruition of the whole and of every part( and glad he might obtain that favour) notwithstanding the labour that the place would require to keep it in order? As touching the three that was forbidden, although their liberty was therein so far restrained, yet was that no burden unto them, but so easy and light, that without any pain they might haue born it, though( for those two persons) they had not had the tenth part of that provision, that otherwise he had laid open unto them, even round about them, which way soever they turned themselves. Being therefore so good unto them, and yet requiring so small service of them, it might well teach many of us, not to exact so much as wee do, at the hands of those to whom we haue done some little pleasure. Those things that respect man, are first as touching them both together: and then, as touching either of them apart by themselves. As touching both together, we may note, that when God was purposed to appoint them some spiritual service, which was to forbear the forbidden three, then did he first enjoin unto them some bodily labour: so( belike) the better to preserve them from transgressing the other. A good argument unto us, that if in the wisdom and goodness of God, that bodily exercise were needful for them, to preserve them from sin, before that sin had yet made any entrance unto them, then is it much more needful for us, after that once sin hath gotten such hold of us as now it hath; and withall, that such as live most idly, or do most of all sequester themselves from all needful and honest labour, those are by all likelihood most subject to sin; and how faire a show soever they may outwardly bear, yet notwithstanding, of all others the foulest within. If we come to either of them apart by themselves, then are we first to begin with this bodily exercise that it pleased him to enjoin unto them, and out of it to gather two special lessons; One, that if that bodily exercise or labour( such as it was) was enjoined to them, then when as neither they stood in any need for their bodily sustenance( for themselves or others) nor in any danger of sickness, which as yet was not; then is it much more needful for us now, when as necessity urgeth us thereunto, so much as it doth, either for the needful sustenance of ourselves or others, or else for the health of our own bodies. The other, that if God in paradise would not haue things in so perfect order in every point, to those also that had yet never sinned, but that therein there should be some use of their own industry too; then is it not to be expected, that there can be any such estate in the world now, that will not need some special care to maintain the same, even to the godliest men that are. In the other, we are to note somewhat, not only in the prohibition itself, but also in such things as go therewithal. In the prohibition itself, we are to note, that it is our service to God, to forbear such things as he forbiddeth; and that as unto them he forbade but the use of one three onely, and gave them free liberty over all the rest; even so, now dealeth he with us also, leaving unto us so great plenty of all things needful in all kindes whatsoever, that we need not to account ourselves straightened in any thing that is forbidden unto us, but that the corruption of our nature doth rather incline to that which is forbidden( though it be worse) than to those things that are left unto us, be they never so good. Those other things that go therewithal, are diuers: some of them nearer, but one that lieth somewhat farther off. Those which are nearer, are two; the name of the three that was forbidden, and the interpretation of it. By name it was called the three of knowledge of good and evil: a daungerous name to 'allure them unto it, but that there was provision made in the interpretation of it, to preserve from the danger of it. The interpretation of it, was such, as might plainly show in what sense it was so called: namely, that if they transgressed, thē should they know by their misery then, how blessed or happy they were before. And this place may be a pattern unto us, to teach us what to look for in al the residue of the scriptures besides; namely, that as somewhere there are things darkly set down, to exercise the depth of our wits therein, and to be a just offence to those that are careless of holy things; so are they else-where made so plain likewise, that the simpler sort may well understand,& all that be careful may be safe enough from all danger of being entangled therein. That one that lieth somewhat farther off, is the consideration of the three of Life: which being the Sacrament of their happy estate by that their Creation, and placed in the midst of the Garden, might very well haue been a good stay unto them so to haue continued. For in that it was the Sacrament of their happy estate, as they had a feeling of the same within: so was this from God himself, an undoubted testimony of it without. And being in the midst of the Garden, it must needs be much in their eyes, which way soever they turned themselves, and so more meet to hold them in a special good liking of their present estate, to be thankful to God for the same: yielding us also a profitable lesson, how much to esteem not only of our blessed estate in Christ; but also, both of Christ himself( by whom we haue it) and of such Sacraments as he hath left unto us, ever to haue them our chiefest delights, even in the midst of all our Gardens of ioy and comfort. 9 What it pleased him to pronounce of the workman-ship of these when he had made them, wee haue delivered unto us; first, particuarly of most of them apart by themselves: and then, generally of all together. particularly apart by themselves, it is first pronounced of that one, that served to take away one special blemish that was on the whole mass before: and then, on most of the residue, that served to the perfecting of the work that was in hand. In that it was pronounced of that one that served to take away a special blemish that was on the whole mass before, Genesis 1, 4. ( namely the Light) we may note, that it was not good to be in darkness; and so consequently, that it is a thing unnatural, that diuers do so much love darkness as they do in most of their ways; Then also, that the inward Light of the truth is a treasure of great importance, and the ignorance of it marvelous evil. Among those that served to the perfecting of the work that was in hand( being omitted in the second dayes work, which was the separation of the Waters that were above, from the Waters that were beneath by the Firmament set betwixt them) it is next of Gen. 1, 10. all spoken of the division of the Waters that were beneath, from the dry Land, so making thereby the Sea and the Waters on the one side, and the Earth on the other, to appear and be apart by themselves: and then of the furniture of them. In that it is spoken of that division of the Waters and Earth, we are to note, not onely that which ariseth unto us, by daily experience of the benefits that redound unto us out Ibid. 12, 25. of them both, and therein much more then wee can perceive; but also that those bounds which are set unto them are clearly the best, and therefore not to be wished of any that there were Land where it is Sea, or that it were Sea where it is Land. In that it is spoken of the Furniture of them; first of those things that haue no sense, both below and above, and then of those that haue, both of the Sea and of the Earth, wee are to note, that even from the highest unto the lowest, and from the greatest unto the least, they are all to good use, and not one of them all to be despised, or had in any other account. When it is spoken generally of all together, it is not onely said, that he did see those things to be good: but also, both that he viewed and considered of them, that all was marvelous good. Out of which, we are so much the more to settle that resolution in ourselves of all the works of God together, both for the whole and for every part of them: as wee see that it is of special great force to such a purpose, that his wisdom upon that view, should so give forth his iudgement of them. 10 In the [ Rest] that afterward he took, we haue no more set down unto us, but only that when in the six dayes before he had finished his work, then the seventh he restend from all his labour: and withall, that he blessed the seventh day and hallowed it: In that he did not rest until he had made an end of his work, we are to note, both that himself will not give over until he haue finished whatsoever he taketh in hand; and that we also are first to labour, and to do whatsoever business we haue to do here, before that ever we give ourselves to our rest or look to enjoy that promised rest in the kingdom of God. Again, that such as would find in themselves, that they are the children or offspring of God, had need to find even this property in them likewise; or otherwise, to doubt that they are a restless generation, of some stock far base then that which now wee speak of. In that he blessed and hallowed that day of his [ Rest,] wee are first occasioned to gather what manner of blessing it is that was laid up therein, namely, of holiness, because they are so coupled together: then also raised to good assurance to meet with that blessing, if wee be careful rightly to keep the seventh daies [ Rest]. CHAP. 2. IN what case these things afterward stood, to the end that we may the better find, we are to consider, first of one special matter that fell out immediately after, while yet there were no mo but these two onely and then, of such other things as followed, when there were more in: creased. That one thing that fell out immediately after, while yet they were but those two onely, was the ruin or Fall of Man( a matter of very special importance:) wherein, first we are to consider how far they departed away from God; and then, how God did( nevertheless) bear them special favour. How ●●● they departed away from God, will best appear, if we consider what was the fault by them committed; and then what evil did thereupon rush in vpon them. In the fault by Gen. 3: 1-16. them committed, we are to see, not onely what was the transgression itself, but also by what means it was accomplished. The thing itself was, not onely a breach of the commandment that God did give them: but also, in a very high degree. A breach of the commandement it was, for that they did eat of the fruit of that three which was forbidden. It was in a very high degree, in many great and weighty respects: some, respecting the thing itself; others, certain circumstances thereunto appertaining. Those that respect the thing itself, are two: One, that they had liberty to eat of all besides; the other, that there was so grievous a penalty imposed upon the eating of it. having liberty to eat of all besides, it must needs be a great fault in them to stretch out their desires into those bounds that were forbidden; and having so great a penalty imposed thereon, needs must it teach them, both how much they should offend God in doing the same;& how far they should thereby endamage themselves likewise. Both which do necessary import, that their sin,( in these respects only) was marvelous great. The circumstances that are chiefly to be considered here are two likewise: one, of the time; another, of the persons. The circumstance of the time importeth, that very quickly they did so far transgress; and( it may be, at least for any thing that we red to the contrary) before they had done any service unto him: but the best probability seemeth to be, that they stood one whole day and somewhat better, because we haue the story of Gods resting the seventh day before the story of their Fall,& because the story of some part of their Creation is interlaced therewith. The persons are of two sorts: those that dealt with them; and their own. Those that dealt with them were two: God,& the Serpent. In God, his majesty and goodness to them was such& so well known unto them, that they could not do any thing against the prescript that he had set thē, but that therein, though the fact were never so small, yet must they needs grievously sin. In the Serpent, they could not but see, both that he was but a creature himself, and but of base estate besides, in comparison of many others. If he were but a creature himself, they then could owe no service unto him, but were to account him to be theirs, and made to their use. If he were of so base quality besides, in comparison of many others, then might not they so far be ruled by him, but that thereby they must make their sin to be so much the greater. In their own person they might likewise behold, both within and without, such things, as would easily make their sin to be very great. Within they might find, both such freedom of will, and such graces withall, that the fault must needs be great in them, so to offend: Without, might they find likewise, that they were so far advanced already, that considering their homely beginning so lately before, they might in no wise preaze further, but that thereby they must stain themselves marvelous foully. The means whereby it was accomplished were these two: Sathans tempting; and their own yielding thereunto. In that tempting of satan, we are first to consider of the instruments that he used unto it: and then, in what manner he proceeded therein. The instruments that he used unto it, were two: one, to the Woman, which was the Serpent; and an other, to the Man, which was the Woman. In using of the Serpent unto the Woman, wee are to note, that whereas the Text itself saith, that he was the most pregnant of all the other beasts of the field that Gen. 3▪ 1. God had made: first, what instruments they are, that satan in such cases will bee readiest to use; namely, the most ingenious, or such as come nearest unto it, as the meetest of all for his purpose: then also, that ourselves,( if God haue given us any special gifts) are to take heed, that satan do not abuse the same to the 〈◇〉 of others. The former of which, may teach us to beware that satan do not beguile us, with the wisdom, learning, devotion, humility, or austerity of any, or with any other excellency, or good gift whatsoever; much less with pretences, or where those gifts are in scanter measure, as in the adherents of the Church of Rome, and all that company in our time: and so the latter may warn us likewise, that by any such thing in us, he deceive not ourselves or others. In that he used the Wom●n herself unto Man, wee may likewise note two things: first, that as conquerors use, when they haue subdued any one people or city, to make it a mean to bring in others to their subiection; so satan likewise, first subduing the Woman unto him, doth afterward by her, overthrow the Man likewise; then also, that satan will abuse( to our hurt) not onely such as are farthest off from us, but even those that are nearest also. The manner of proceeding that he used herein, was most of all employed about the Woman: but somewhat also about the Man. In that which was employed about the Woman, wee are to note, first how he chooseth out the weaker vessel, and then in what sort he dealeth with her. In that he chooseth out the weaker vessel, wee are to take heed, first that we be not weak, or that we abide not in our wonted weakness, because that so wee shall provoke satan to set vpon us: then also, that wee ever remember where our strength lieth, which is( to such purpose) in the exercise of his holy word. Experience whereof we haue in al ages, and these dayes of ours in plentiful measure. satan by his both privy whisperers and open gain-sayers, ever lightly employing himself about those that haue least skill in the word of God, or care not for it, and as carefully on the other side avoiding al such as give themselves unto it in any good measure, loathe belike to lose his time about them: and even as in those he readily worketh on that kind of weakness, so likewise in al others besides, whatsoever weakness it is that he findeth in them, of that is he ready to take the advantage the best that he can; and lightly bawketh none others at all, but onely such as he findeth to bee prepared to encounter with him, and ever standing vpon their guard, that so they may the better be able to resist the assaults that he shall at any time make upon them. In wat sort he dealeth with the woman, whom he hath in such sort chosen, to the end that wee may the better find, we are first to note, what person it is that he taketh vpon him; and then, how he playeth his part therein. The person that he taketh vpon him, is of a friend, and one that is careful of their estate, as coming unto her for no other cause, but onely to confer with her about the same, and to give her his best advice. Out of which wee are to gather, first that wee are to take heed of those that are our nearest friends of all, for that satan may tempt us, by them: then also, that sometime profession of friendship and great hostility may lodge together in one mans bosom. under the person of a friend how he playeth his part with her, is set forth unto us in his two several attempts: whereof in the former he keepeth somewhat aloof, or holdeth himself somewhat farther of; but in the latter he cometh nearer unto her. In the former, wherein he keepeth himself somewhat further off; he doth but ask a question onely: but yet in such sort, as that plainly he sheweth himself to be ready to quarrel with that word of God that was given unto them; and covertly also he doth insinuate, both that God had no good meaning therein to them, and that himself doth not take it well that their liberty should be so far restrained. he doth plainly show himself to bee ready to quarrel with that word of God that was given unto them, in that he saith, Yea hath God said, &c. a special property of him and his, as in these dayes also we daily do find, ever to be quarrelling with the word of God; knowing well enough, that so long as it standeth in credit with us, so long he is able to do little against us, and therefore that first he must in any wise seek to discredit the same unto vs. In that he doth couerely insinuate, that God had no good meaning towards them, and that himself did not take it well, that their liberty should be so far restrained, as thereby we may plainly see, that he went cunningly about his purpose then; so we daily see likewise, that he goeth about after the same manner to work with us, insinuating to inferiors, some hard dealing of their Superiors, and a better care in himself, to haue them in better estate. But as Fowlers lay not meate in their Scrape for birds, nor Fishers so carefully bait their hooks to feed those fowle or fish any fatter, but to pray vpon them: even so, hath he the self-same meaning in those his fawnings,& none otherwise to be esteemed of any. In the latter, wherein he draweth nearer unto her, he dealeth likewise more plainly with her; both against that which was their stay,& further to commend this new friendship of his unto them. To overthrow that which was their stay; first, he doth more plainly impeach the credit of that word of God:& then, he chargeth God himself with il-dealing towards them. How far he impeacheth the credite of the word of God, is not so fully agreed on with all: some being of mind, that he goeth but against the certainty of it; others, that he did flatly deny it. And experience teacheth, that those that are of that kind among us, do not onely impeach the certainty of it, as those that say in their hearts, There is no God; but also take away the thing itself from the use of the people( as the adherents of the late Church of Rome) that others may the less spy the collusion that they use for their own advantage: as also we may learn hence to gather, that such as at first do no more but make question of the word of God, haue it in them, and bring it with them, to deny it too, so soon as they see hope to advantage themselves thereby. In that part of his speech wherein he chargeth God himself, it shal be good, first to consider wherewith he doth charge him: then, what we are more specially to gather out of the same. Of those things wherewith he doth charge him some there are, that he speaketh plainly: some others again, that he doth but insinuate, and leaveth them to herself to gather. Those things that he speaketh plainly, are two: One, that they were towards a better estate, by the help that they might haue of the three forbidden; the other, that God himself did know it also. Concerning that better estate, that they were toward, by the help that they might haue of the three forbidden, he doth not onely show, whereunto they might attain: but also how soon it would be accomplished. To show whereunto they might attain, by eating of the three that was forbidden, he setteth it down in two special branches: one, that their eyes should be opened; the other, that they should bee like to the Gods, knowing good and evil. Both which may seem to be grounded on the name of the three itself. For seeing it was called the three of knowledge of good& evil, it might seem very well, both that their eyes should be opened thereby:& that so far, as to haue some knowledge of good and evil, might make any like unto the Gods( if any such there were, mo then that one, who of late had made them) they might indeed thereby be made somewhat like unto them. For the speediness of the accomplishment of it, he giveth her to understand, that they should not need to tarry for it, but that presently it should be done, even the selfsame day. That God himself did know it also, he doth not only affirm it, or plainly say it: but also bringeth it in for a reason, why so he dealt with them, as though that his own secret knowledge of that matter, had been the cause why he thought good so to keep them under. Those things that he did but insinuate,& did but leave them unto herself to gather, were two; one, that God for his part( they might be sure) did mean no better at al unto them, but to keep them as underlings stil: the other, that therefore it was not for thē any longer to be at his appointment, but now much rather to shift for themselves. Those things that we are more specially to gather out of the same, are( some of thē) to be gathered out of the whole:& some others again, out of certain particulars thereunto appertaining. Out of the whole we may gather, that such will be the practise of satan,& of his Solicitors; both in matters of religion,& in our civil estate also: and therfore, that we are ever to take heed unto them: namely, that in matters of Religion they discredit not the goodness of God so far unto us, as that thereby they make us some other way to shift for ourselves; and that in our civil estate they do not draw us to such dislike of our lawful Magistrates, or of their government( though they be somewhat streight) indeed, that wee take occasion thereby to withdraw ourselves from their allegiance. Out of the particulars thereunto appertaining, we may gather likewise, whence it cometh to haue a conceit of mo Gods than one, and so to wrest the word of God to a contrary sense; to make that poison, that is of itself a most wholesome food, as satan here did the name that was given to the three forbidden. For, whereas God had therefore given that name unto it, to make them take heed that they meddled not with it( as other words of his did plainly import) because that whereas now they knew nothing but good, they should then know evil withall, and that in such measure, as that therein they should much better see what good they had before, than ever they found in the thing itself while they had it: satan, to make it serve his purpose, would out of it gather, that there lay such knowledge therein, as whereby they might become like to the Gods. That part of his dealing that was employed about the Man, was no more but this; that by her he offered some part of the fruit unto him to eat. Wherein, although it may very well be, that the Woman did it of herself alone, without any solicitation of satan unto it; yet because it may be likewise, that she was stirred up by satan so to do, here it shall be good to consider, first in what sense, or howe far it may be accounted the deed of either of them; and then, what instruction we out of either of these senses may take to ourselves. First; it may be ascribed to the Woman, both for that Adam himself doth afterward lay it vpon her, and herself doth take with it likewise: and for that the Text( in this place) nameth none other but her alone. And so it standeth with us indeed, that after that once we are infected with that venom of his, then are we sufficient in ourselves to infect others therewith, without any further help of his. It may be attributed to satan likewise, both because that originally it came from him, and himself was likeliest to be ready to help forward that which he had already begun, and so earnestly desired to haue effected unto the full: and because that in diuers places of the Scripture, such works are attributed to him likewise. If in the former sense wee take it, that it was but the Woman herself that did it, out of it we may gather, that in that respect also, it is needful for us to take heed, that we admit no infection into us, that thereby we be not the ruin of others: If in the latter, that we hold him out so well as we can from all, for that having gotten any one( especially if they be of the better sort) he is thereby much better enabled to subdue others unto him; and by degrees, even the strongest of all. In their own yielding thereunto, we are first to consider of the Woman: and then, of the Man. In the Woman likewise wee are to consider, that as she was two several times assayed, even so did she accordingly yield: somewhat to the former, but most to the latter. In her yielding unto the former, we are also to consider, first, how far she cleaveth unto God, and then how far she yeeldeth to the Serpent. She cleaveth unto God in these two: that they had free liberty to eat of all besides; and that God forbade them that other for their own good also. How far shee yielded unto the Serpents advice at this first assault, is not a thing so certainly known, because her words [ least we die] as they may be taken to import, that then she made some doubt of that which God had set her down for certainty; namely, that they should certainly die; so they may be also otherwise taken, to signify no more, but onely to show what penalty God had set upon it, if at any time they should meddle with it: but yet, that she abode to hear him, and vouchsafed to give him answer, and that same but in mild and gentle manner, is more plain, than that it may be denied by any. As for the former, though most of the learned suppose, that therein she began to fa●( and it may be that she did:) yet seeing the Text doth not force us so to charge her, we may doubt of our warrant if so we do: yet, if so it were that so far she yielded, then out of it may we gather, that shee did very easily yield: and that if the Tempter so easily prevailed with her, then, unless( wee take heed) he may prevail much more easily with us now. As touching the latter thence may we plainly gather, how dangerous a thing it is, no more but onely to give ear, not onely to that which is plainly evil; but unto those also, that but call in question any thing that the Lord hath set down unto us: especially, if we shut it up with some easy answer, and do not scorn against such sly dealings, as best appertaineth unto a faithful and zealous defence of the honour and glory of God. For satan did yet but ask her the question: and she both abode the hearing of it; and did not give him any such answer as he deserved, and she at that time full well and kindly might haue done. In her yielding unto the latter, we haue delivered unto us; first, how she did deliberate or consider thereon: and then after, how shee consented thereunto. In her deliberation thereon, it is to be noted, first, that she did deliberate on it: then, in what manner she did deliberate on it. In that she did deliberate on it, when as it was so plainly before, and on such penalty forbidden unto her, we may therein plainly charge her, that now she was much shaken indeed: both in her duty towards God; and in needful care of her own estate. The manner of her deliberation was, that setting aside, or not remembering how God had forbidden the same unto her, she onely considered of the fruit itself( but relying therein, as it seemeth unto that which the Serpent had told her) and therein gathered unto herself certain allurements, to provoke her to meddle with it: some to the contentation of the Body; and one other, unto the contentment of her mind. unto the contentation of her Body, she gathered a couple: One, That it was good for Meat; the other, That it was pleasant to the eye. That other that tended unto the further contentation of her mind, was, that she thought it a good fruit also, to increase her knowledge besides. A wonderful thing, that being in that estate that then she was in( saving that now shee was shrunk a little from her foundation) these things could be of that reckoning with her, in a thing that was so plainly forbidden before, by such an one as did forbid it, and on such peril unto themselves: and a special good warning to us, that we, in this estate that now we are in, shall bee never able to stand against those and such like allurements, unless we take special good heed to ourselves therein; and specially remember, that they do not at any time sooner present themselves to our consideration, but that forthwith wee cast them out again with all our power, and ever cleave inseparably to that direction that he by his word prescribeth unto vs. Her consenting thereunto, is delivered in two special points; One, that shee took of the fruit thereof; the other, that shee did eat of it also. Out of both which wee are to gather▪ first a marvelous preposterous iudgement upon the deliberation aforesaid: then, how daungerous a thing it is, either to view or but to consider of such allurements. Her resolution or iudgement was preposterous, for that none of the premises, nor all together, which shee took in to persuade herself thereunto, were any thing comparable to weigh with the least of those other considerations, which shee had to haue kept her from it. How daungerous a thing it is, but to view or to consider of such allurements, may sufficiently appear in this, that she did then overthrow herself thereby. For, if shee in that estate was so soon overthrown thereby; then is it certain, that we in this estate of ours, may a great deal sooner undo ourselves by such unadvised dealing as it: as also experience doth commonly teach, that infinite numbers of people daily miscarry thereby. In Adams yielding thereunto, we haue no more set down unto us, but onely that he also did eat: and so did yield his consent so fully thereto, that neither he rebuked her for so far yielding; nor stayed himself from joining with her in so evil an action as it. But if he in that estate of his, did so easily fall to those two branches of great transgression;( one, that he did not reprove her, the other that he did not yet stay himself:) it may not be doubted of any of us, but that in the estate that now we are in, wee shal much more easily, if we take not good heed unto it, transgress in them both; neither reproving such transgression in others, nor so much as staying ourselves from it neither. 2. The evil that hereby rushed in vpon them, was of two sorts; One, corruption of nature to sin; the other, misery that came in withall. Concerning the corruption of their nature to sin, seeing it is a matter of so special importance, to know howe far they were corrupted, and one of the principles of our Religion, therefore it shall be needful, not onely to consider of those particulars that here are spoken of: but also by them to go somewhat farther in the consideration of their estate in respect thereof, that so wee may see so much the better, what to think of ourselves for that matter also. As touching the particulars that here are spoken of, most of them do certainly import great corruption in them: but one there is that doth not necessary import the same, but yet notwithstanding may so be taken. Those that certainly import great corruption, wee are to gather partly out of the time, while yet they were alone by themselves: and partly out of that which immediately followed, when God approached and came unto them. While yet they were alone together; we may very well gather how far they were corrupted, partly out of that which then they did: but chiefly out of another that was omitted. That which they did, was, that they were busily occupied so to sew Figge-leaues together, Genesis 3, 7. as that thereby they might be able, so to cover some part of their nakedness. That which was omitted, was true repentance of their sin committed: which if they had had, it could not haue been, but that they would haue employed themselves muc●●ore busily about it, which was the greater; than about that other, which was by many degrees the lesser. When God approached, and came unto them, first they fled him, or shunned his presence: then, when he would not lose them so, but called unto them, and enquired of their sin, they neither did then aclowledge the same, but each of them laid it off from themselves. In that they fled him, and shunned his presence, it plainly argueth that now they were very foul within: and not onely of sin( for that could not so haue chased them away from the physician of their souls;) but of sin unrepented, which onely maketh the presence of God to be odious and irksome unto vs. For after that sin is once settled in us to our own good liking, it altereth all our good persuasion of God, into a secret hatred of him: and then engendereth that fear of him in us, that maketh us to account no otherwise of him, then as of a severe revenger of our sins; and thereupon, when we cannot repent us of them, doth make likewise both him and his odious unto vs. Out of which, we may gather by the way, that because this shrinking away from God is of evil, we may resolve ourselves of the true difference betwixt that fear of God which is good, and that which is evil; the one ever leading us unto him, the other ever driving us from him: and so consequently, that our late seeking to Saints was of evil, when we sought to sand thē to God as spokes-men for us; for that such our seeking to thē did arise out of one& the self-same fountain that made us, though we sent thē, yet to keep ourselves far enough from him. In that they did not aclowledge their fin, but each laid it off from themselves, we may therein note diuers good tokens of great corruption that now was in them: some that were common unto them both; other that were proper to either of them. Those that were common unto them both, were two: One, that same want that before we noted to be in them: the other, that so readily they lay it from themselves. The want that before we noted to be in them, which was of repentance, or that they were leapt up in impenitency or hardness of heart, doth now again show itself to be in thē: for that now, when they had so just occasion to haue gathered themselves to repentance( by that approaching of God unto them, and his questioning with them of the cause of that their fear) they nevertheless did not suffer themselves to be lead unto it thereby. For the better occasion we haue unto it, the greater must needs be our impenitency, if rateably we seek not unto him. That they did so readily lay it off from themselves, it doth more plainly declare, how far they were from any repentance, when as they would not so much as take with the fault that they had made, but altogether put it off from themselves. For, to take with the fault that we haue made, is but only one step unto repentance: and there is much more that belongeth unto it besides. So that whosoever is void of the first degree of all, there is no question, but that every such, must needs be far from the full accomplishment of it. Those that were proper to either of them, are for either of them one, of much like quality: Adam laying it vpon the Woman: and the Woman, laying it vpon the Serpent. In Adams laying it vpon the Woman, we are to note, that though directly he did lay it indeed but onely on her: yet obliquely, he doth in some part lay it on God likewise. he layeth it directly vpon the Woman in so evident and plain terms, that it cannot lye hide unto any. But yet is it apparent enough that therein also he doth her great wrong for that although she gave thereof unto him, yet he needed not to haue eaten unless he list, and so was that fault none others but his: and first, for that he did not reprove her for moving him unto it; then also, in consenting unto her. Obliquelie he doth lay it on God likewise, in that he doth not lay it onely on the Woman, but on the woman that he ordained to be with him, committing there in a double fault: first of injurious charging God so far as he dare; then, of unthankful perverting of that goodness of God in bestowing that Woman on him, to be the cause of that his transgression; whereas himself did know, that he had given her unto his singular help and comfort. In the Womans laying it vpon the Serpent, we are to note also, that though shee lay it chiefly on him: yet doth shee partly touch God likewise, in that she saith that the Serpent beguiled her, as though God had not given her wit enough to haue withstood his subtle persuasion. But this also is a double fault in her, both to lay it, where of right she ought not so to haue done( partly for the Serpent, who did no more but move her unto it; but chiefly for God, who shee knew well enough, did plainly forbid it:) and so far to infinuate, that it was for none other but onely for that God had not given her wit sufficient; whereas indeed shee should rather haue granted, that it was for not using well the wit that she had. That one that doth not necessarylie import such evil to be in them, but yet notwithstanding Gen. 3: 20. may so be taken( and lieth fairest so to be) doth directly touch but Adam onely, and is no more but that it is set down of him, that he called the name of his wife Chawa, Hevah, or living: and gave in the reason withall, that she was the Mother of all men living. Wherein first we are to consider, in what respect it standeth somewhat doubtful, whether by it he may be charged with sin or not: and then, if he may, what is the sin that therein he is to be charged withall. The doubtfulness standeth but onely in this, whether that relation of Moyses be in his rightplace or not: whether it bee sorted to the time when it was done; or whether it bee but inserted there as a digression( as in diuers places some other things are, without respect of the proper time thereunto appertaining. For if it bee but a digression, so that the meaning of it is not that then, but at some other time, that that lieth not so much to his disadvantage, he did so call her: then it may( much rather) bee, that he might do it in some other sense, and is not therein so far to be charged. But if thus it bee sorted unto the place that is due unto it, then it falleth out, that when God was denouncing heavy things against him for his sin, and now was come unto the sentence of death itself( and yet had not done with him neither, as appeareth by that which followeth) even then, he gave this name to his wife: and wee haue, as I take it, no part of the Text, out of which it may bee rather taken to be a digression, then to bee in his proper place. The sin that then he is thereby to bee charged withall, is no more, but an evident fruit of great impenitency or hardness of heart, that he in the midst of those heavy and grievous speeches, could employ himself in that kind of earthly glorying: and found not that he had much better cause to call her the mother of the dying, then of the living. But sure it is, that ourselves are pestered with that vanity in so wonderful manner, that even in the midst of the fearful judgements of God, and commonly also at the time of our deaths, wee altogether vanish away in such discourses, as altogether savour( or stink, much rather) of flesh and blood. If now by these wee go somewhat farther to the consideration of their estate herein, that wee may somuch the better see, what to think of ourselves for that matter, out of these may wee gather two special lessons that may help us well to judge rightly of our own estate therein: One, concerning the sin that was in them; the other their own inclination unto it. Concerning the sin that was in them, wee may well conceive, that where wee find such branches of it as here we haue done, there may we account, both the whole body of sin to be likewise: and that where sin hath gotten such hold, there hath it banished all godliness also. And as for their own inclination unto it, wee do find likewise, that when they had sinned they abode therein: and that so fast, that when good occasion was offered unto them, to haue sought unto God, they nevertheless abode so fast in their fin, and so little endeavoured themselves to get out, that( unless afterward we haue some other Scripture that may otherwise inform us) it may seem by this, that having so sinned, now they were so far made the seruants to sin, that they had in themselves no motion at all unto good, but that all that they had was onely to evil. 3 The misery that came in withall, was some of it such, as came in at the first together with their sin: and some of it such, as afterward was inflicted on them. That which came in at the first together with their sin, was some part of it such, as doth concern the whole: and some of it such, as respecteth but certain particulars onely. That which doth concern the whole, is, that now they began to find what they had done: how blessed an estate they had foolishly loft; and into what misery they were suddenly fallen. Which no doubt, if then they had any Gen. 3: 7. right feeling thereof, was enough to confounded them clean, and to make them so ill ashamed of themselves, that a thousand deaths might haue been far less irksome unto them. That which respecteth but particulars onely, doth some part of it keep but within themselves: but some other again hath some thing to do with God besides. That which keepeth but within themselves, resteth in two principal points: shane, the one; and Folly the other. So ashamed they were now of themselves, in that nakedness of theirs, that now they found their selves to be in, that though the work-man-shippe of those their bodies was in itself marvelous good both in the whole, and in every part whatsoever, according to the use and measure of it: yet now that excellent work-man-ship of his, is by their own sin so stained to them, that they are much ashamed of it; even of the whole generally but then much more of certain parts of it. An evil that is of greater importance, than is espied of all at the first: for that thereby it cometh to pass, that neither can we glorify God for any thing that we haue, if ourselves be ashamed of it; neither can we put forth ourselves to do good with it, so long as we languish in that conceit. Their Folly appeared plainly in this, that they endeavoured to cover themselves with so miserable helps as those; hoping with those Fig-tree leaves, to cover that vncleannes of theirs from the all-seeing eyes of, God: a folly notwithstanding that is often renewed among us, as in many other things besides; so especially with those that either by pardons from sinful men, or else by those unperfect good works of themselves or others, hope so to do away their sins, that they shall not rise in iudgement against them. That which hath to do with God besides, was that when they heard him approaching, they had no ioy now in his presence: but found it to be so irksome unto Gen. 3: 8. them that now they sought to get out of his sight, and to hid themselves from him. A wonderful depth of Misery, no doubt: though ourselves be not able to see it. For though there were no more but this, that they could not ioy in his presence, yet, as they are in pitiful case, who are so clogged with mallady or cares, that they cannot ioy in their meat& drink, in kins folk nor friends, nor in any other such earthly comfort( which things notwithstanding are as mere trifles as may be, in respect of the other:) much rather must we account it to be a much harder estate without comparison, when any are one way or other so far distempered, that they can haue no ioy in him, that is not onely all ioy in himself, and the fullness of whatsoever comfort, not only the earth, but even the heauens are able to yield; but especially unto those that are distressed, as meat to the hungry, the physician to the sick, or deliverance to those that are in a grievous and loathsome imprisonment. But if hereunto may be added, that we not only haue no comfort in him( and then what comfort is else to be had?) but also haue a fear and loathing of him, well may such an one not be able sometimes to ●●nd how miserable he is: but certain it is, that he is in wonderful wretched estate. That part of their misery that was afterward inflicted vpon them, was first that they were called to a reckoning of their doings: then afterward, howe they were punished Gen. 3, 9. 11, 13. for them. In that they were called to a reckoning of their doings, is some part of their misery also, for that when any hath done evil, he had rather a great deal, that it should never be called to account, than that there should be farther inquiery of it: yet such a thing, as ever so inseparably followeth after sin; as that whosoever committeth the one, he also must look to come to the other, and may not hope any way to escape it. How afterward they were punished, may best be found out, if first we consider, what was cast on either of them apart by themselves: then what was cast on them both together. In that which was cast on either of them, we haue first set down what was cast on the Woman, according as she was the first that offended; then, what was cast on the Man likewise: but in them both we are to note, that as either of them doth most respect the persons of those on whom they are cast, especially the former of them; so nevertheless they haue somewhat in them, especially the latter of them, that doth appertain to the other also. So haue we in either of them to consider, first, what belongeth more specially unto the party to whom it is directed: then what belongeth not onely to it, but in some respect to the other also. In that therefore which is cast vpon the Woman, some things ther● be that appertain to her alone: and one, that belongeth unto her and her husband together. Those that belong to her alone, are of two sorts: one of them respecteth her bearing of children: the others, her estate towards her husband. That which respectteh her bearing of Children, is, that her sorrows therein should be multiplied: an evident token, not onely, that seeing it is onely God who laid that chastisement on that Sex, it is he also( and none other) that can take it off, and therefore in that case to be sought unto; but also, that none can breed any children to God neither, but that they must take great pains therein, and that the harder that this is in respect of the other, the greater pains proportionably it will require. Those that respect her estate towards her husband, are two: but in either of them, as wee haue good lessons that lye more plain, and are nearer unto us; so haue wee some others that lye further from us, and are not so easily espied of all. The former of them is, that her desire should be to her husband: wherein it is plain, that she should haue Gen. 3. 16. a sense or feeling of a want in herself, and that thereupon she should lean to her husband( a manifest token of a want in themselves, when as they are fain to haue so special dependency on others;) and a good lesson also, though further off, that such as are of the true Church indeed are privy to such want in themselves and haue such a sensible feeling of it, that their desire( howsoever others content themselves) is ever to Christ. The latter of them is, that she should also be at his commandment, or in subiection unto him: Wherein likewise it is very plain, that subiection and obedience was so cast upon her, as that she could not seek to rule, but that thereby both shee must needs withdraw herself from the ordinance of God, and might not look for his blessing neither vpon any such government of hers( which also belongeth unto all married Women besides;) and a good lesson it is likewise, though it lye somewhat farther off, to help to resolve us in a matter of doubt that troubleth many, concerning the authority of the Church in respect of the word of God, because it teacheth us by the anology of this, that the true Church is, and ever will be under the obedience of the word of Christ her husband. Well may an harlot, or some fond presumptuous Dame take vpon her to rule over her husband: but an honest Matron will never do it; nor the true Church wheresoever it be. That one that belongeth unto her and her husband together, is the pains and trouble they should haue in the bringing up of their Children. For seeing God had cast that discipline or chastisement on that part of their duty, needs must the Man also be subject unto it, because that the course of nature itself would make him also to be as careful about it, as would be the other, and therefore as grievous unto him likewise, if it did not well go forward. And whosoever they are that would bring up any to God( as Parents their children; Maisters, their Seruants; the Minister his flock; the Lands-lord, his Tenants; the Prince, his Subiects; or one Neighbour another;) they also may look for none other, but that therein they shall find a very painful and irksome labour. In that likewise that is cast vpon the Man, one thing there is that doth more specially concern him then her, and yet concerneth her also: Gen. 3: 17-19. and others again, that concern them both indifferently. That which doth more specially concern him than her, and yet concerneth her also, is the toil that he should haue with the ground so hardly yielding, because of the curse that now was cast vpon it, such things as should be needful for them: a thing that is found in greater measure in the Lords Husbandry; where, not the ground that was accursed, but mans heart for the which that curse was cast vpon it, is to be laboured. That it toucheth the Man more then the Woman, dependeth on this, for that by the ability and natural disposition that God hath given us, it falleth unto the lot of the Man, much more then of the Woman, to be occupied in the fields or outen labours; and unto Women, much more then to men to be about home, and to see to those things that are there to bee done: though Herodotus noteth the egyptians of old to haue taken the clean contrary course; wherein notwithstanding, either he was deceived, or they went therein directly against, not onely the doings, but even the natural disposition of all mankind generally. It nevertheless concerneth the Woman to, because that both she was of necessity now and then to be employed about the same, and for that the hardlier it could be won out of the earth, the more must she also be straightened by the same. Those that do concern them both indifferently, are two: one, a toilsome life in the mean season; the other, mortality or death in the end. That a toilsome life was in the mean season allotted unto them, wee are to gather two special lessons out of the same: one concerning our duty here; another, concerning our hope hereafter. That which concerneth our duty here, is, that seeing God hath cast this discipline vpon us, we willingly submit ourselves unto it: not seeking otherwise to maintain ourselves but by our just and painful labour, and not to step aside to some easier course for the paynfulnesse of any labour that doth lye in the way of our calling; and, though wee need not labour for our own maintenance, yet that otherwise there is ever so just occasion offered thereunto, that no body may account that he liveth godly, unless he find himself to be under this discipline also. That which concerneth our hope hereafter, is, that if now wee take vpon us this toilsome life here, such as is by God himself appoynted unto us, then there is hope, that hereafter wee shal be free from it: where as otherwise, if here we shun it, then may wee doubt, that wee do but reserve ourselves to greater in the world to come. That mortality or death in the end is appoynted unto them likewise, it implieth not onely that last dissolution of the body when it shall be sundered from the soul, and itself resolved into dust again: but also, al such things as belong thereunto, either by the imperfection or distemperature of the Body itself; or when thereby it is a burden and breedeth vexation to the mind likewise. Those that were not directed to either of them apart by themselves, but were cast on both together, were two likewise: one, that they were upbraided by God himself with this their folly; the other, that they were expulsed withall from that which hitherto they had enjoyed. He upbraided them with this their folly, that now they were become like to the Gods, knowing good and il: a speech that was, or at least might Gen. 3, 22. haue been, exceeding bitter unto thē both, especially proceeding from God himself; but yet to good use unto us, to teach us to haue a better account of those good things that God doth give us, and not so easily to part with the same, as these our Ancestors at that present did. In that they were expulsed withall from that which hitherto they had enjoyed, we are to consider, first what those things were: and then, in what sort Gen. 3: 22-24. they were expulsed. Those things were especially two: paradise; and the three of life. And meet and right it was, that such as now by their own default, were become so miserable, should no longer enjoy so blessed a place: that when so they had fallen from Life or happy estate, they should bee in like sort deprived of that which was the Sacrament of it. Which may be also the ground of a probable conjecture to us, that none do now so carelessly absent themselves from the Church, our paradise here; nor from the Communion, our three of Life: but onely such, as whose Fall, or miserable estate going before, hath by the wonted iustice of God brought vpon them the like iudgment also; namely, that they should( in secret iustice unknown unto them) deprive themselves, some, but only of our three of Life, others, both of it, and of paradise too. In what sort they were expelled thence, is delivered unto us in two principal parts: one vpon what occasion it was done; the other, how firmly it was performed. The occasion is made to bee, least they should take and eat of the three of Life, and live for ever; a further upbraiding them with the misery that now they were in by their folly before; the matter being of that nature, as that they were never likely, not only, not to recover themselves, but also, not to haue somuch as a mind unto it. But it is to good use unto us likewise, that so wee may the better see, that if we leave the way of Life that is given unto us, we should be then as unlikely as they, any way to help ourselves again, or somuch as to haue a desire unto it. How firmly or surely it was performed, appeareth in this, that when they were once put out, then did God place Angells there, with a fiery sword, to keep the way of the three of Life: giuing us plainly to understand thereby, that it should be impossible for any to stand by our former integrity; and therefore that we are to cast about for some other way to help ourselves, so to bring us the sooner to Christ. 4 Though Man were thus far departed from God, yet that God did nevertheless bear special favour unto Man; may soon appear if we consider, first how it pleased him to seek him out after his fall: then, in what sort he dealt with him vpon the same. That it pleased him to seek him out when he was fallen, is an evident Gen. 3: 9-12. token of his favour towards him, as a good and careful shepherd, seeking out his lost sheep: a good example for all in such case to do the like; and out of which we may gather likewise, that when God calleth on us by his word, leading us to consider where we are, or in what case we stand, in religion or life, then doth he deal in great mercy with us, and giveth us therein a token of his special favour. His further dealing with them vpon the same, is first to find out what they had done: then, how gently he punisheth the fault, that he findeth them to haue made. To find out what they haue done, first he dealeth with the Man: but by and by after with the woman also. The effect of his dealing with the Man resteth in two principal points: first, to get his answer of him, then, howe he goeth no further with him. To get his answer of him, he doth put him in mind of the cause of his misery, that for fear and shane of that his nakedness, he ran away, and hide himself: namely, that belike he had eaten of the three that was forbidden. Out of which we may gather likewise, first, that to put us in mind of our sin, for which any hand of God may be on us, is a special favour of God,& not so hardly to be taken, as is the manner of many of us: then also, that to transgress the commandment of God, is lightly the cause of whatsoever confusion or misery at any time we fall into. That having this answer aforesaid, yet notwithstanding he goeth no further with him, it is a special good token of his goodness towards him: putting up so graciously as he doth, an answer that is so insufficient. For besides that he doth nothing at all give forth any token of true repentance; he further layeth it off on his wife, and partly also on God himself, as before is declared: and yet it pleaseth the goodness of God, quietly to put it up at his hands. Then coming unto the woman, on whom the Man Gen. 3: 13. had laid that fault, he inquireth of her, how she could so far overshoot herself, as to do it. Whereunto when shee answered, that the Serpent beguiled her therein, and so did neither repent her of it, nor take with her fault so as shee should; yet doth God put up this at her hands also: and in his dealing with her likewise, declareth his goodness to be such unto them, as the impaenitency of neither of them could yet abolish. When he cometh to punish, first he beginneth with the Serpent: and then doth after come unto them. Beginning with the Serpent, wee are to see, first what was his punishment: then, how they might out of it, gather undoubted tokens of his goodness to them. His punishment restend in two principal points: first in his base Gen. 3: 14: 15. estate in respect of other creatures; then, in the enmity that should bee betwixt the woman and him. As touching his base estate in respect of other creatures, first it is set down generally: then more specially. Generally it is set down, in that it is devoted to bee the most accursed of all Cattle, and of all the beasts of the field: more specially, in that it must but creep on the ground( and may not bee allowed either wings to fly, or legs to go;) and must haue but the dust or refuse of the earth to bee his meate. As touching the enmity that should bee betwixt them, first it is set down that so it should bee, and not only betwixt the parties that then were, but also betwixt their seed for ever: then, as touching the event or success thereof, that it should ever haue the worse, the seed of the Woman bruising a sunder his head; and his ●●ede never getting power to do any more, but onely to bruise the heel of the other. That out of this punishment of the Serpent, themselves might gather undoubted tokens of his favour towards them, is a thing more plain, then that there may bee any question of it: first, out of the whole generally, then also, out of the consideration of the several parts more specially. It appeareth out of the whole generally, for that God punisheth the Serpent for their sakes, for that he was the instrument of their overthrow: and let all such take heed, as suffer themselves to bee made any instrument of hurt or offence to any of those whom GOD doth favour. As the Father can hardly abide to see the knife wherewithal his child was slain: so can God so-much more hardly put up any such dealing to those that are his, that often ere this he hath powred forth his wrath in great measure on those that haue suffered themselves to bee so abused; even from the basest sort that are, unto the highest, and from several men unto whole cities and kingdoms. Out of the consideration of the several parts more specially, the arguments of his goodness that do arise, do some of them come out of that abasing of his: and some again, out of the enmity that should bee betwixt them. Out of his abasing they had proof enough of it, not onely in that he was so abased: but also in the particulars of it. That he was so abased, may show it, for that God would allow him no better; after that mankind was by his means overthrown: a sufficient warning to others also, that if they suffer themselves to bee abused to the hurt of others, they may not think much, if whatsoever they were before, they bee after-ward made but abjects for it. In that he must but creep on his belly( as not allowed either wings to fly, or legs to go) and feed but of the dust of the earth, they might see, that both he had compassed him in with a disability after-ward to do any great hurt: and that he allowed him the meanest or homeliest feeding of all. In that he did so compass him in with such disability to do much hurt any more, they might see howe much he was displeased with that which was done already: and all such as bee of that kind may learn, that if needs they will bee doing hurt to any of his, they may not think much, if after-ward there be taken such order with them, as that though the naughtiness of their will remaineth, yet they haue not ability or means to perform it. In that he was allowed no better feeding, they might gather out of the same, in what reckoning he was now with GOD: and an other point also that lieth more hide, but of special good comfort when it is found. That by the feeding he was allowed, they might find him now to bee but in small reckoning with God, for that the others were allowed a better feeding( as of living creatures, or the growth of the earth) and he but the homelyest of all others, as the most abject of all others in the house of God. That other point that lieth more hide, but yet is of special comfort when it is found, is, that out of that homely feeding they might haue gathered, though not a certainty yet notwithstanding a probable conjecture, who they were that should bee the Serpents meate hereafter: namely, none of those beloved of his, or that are sealed by him to eternal life; but onely those that are of less account with him, and will not receive the love of the truth being offered unto them. Out of the enmity that so it pleased him to set betwixt them, not only themselves might gather such tokens of his goodness towards them then: but wee also may gather other lessons besides, as meet for us now. To begin with them, it is certain that they might gather the same partly out of the enmity itself: but especially out of the hard success that the Serpent should haue therein. In the enmity itself they might plainly see, that God had now accursed his whole dealing that was betwixt them, with perpetual hostility on both sides: that the Serpent for all his feigned friendship then, should ever haue the seed of Man his mortal enemy; and Man-kind likewise, notwithstanding that now the woman had yielded unto him, in a matter of so great a moment, to the utter overthrow of themselves and theirs, yet should they haue ever all that generation( which now, reason would, should haue pitied them rather, or at least haue done them no more hurt, as having done them to much already) set on a mortal hatred against them. In which as they may plainly see an evident token of the goodness of God towards them in that he so punisheth the Serpents deceiving of the Woman with the hatred of them and theirs: so might they see likewise, if they did but a little mark it, that God rewarding the Womans facility, with the hatred of all that kind to her and hers, did therein also plainly declare his goodness towards them, giuing them now to understand thereby what the Serpent and his seed should bee unto them, that is, their enemies, and of a sufficient warning unto them; and providing thereby a needful exercise for them besides. In that hard success that the Serpent should haue therein, they might better find it because the advantage is so plainly given to the seed of the Woman: and although in that lesser power that is given to the seed of the Serpent, the matter may seem to bee some-what eclipsed; yet even that also being better considered, is not without some special good comfort. In the advantage that is given to the seed of the Woman, to bruise in-sunder the Serpents head, the more welcome a thing that it is unto any, that hath any mortal or deadly enemy, to bee able to tread him under his foot when-soeuer he will, the more may they find therein an undoubted token of the special favour of God towards them, that then did give them assurance of so special advantage against that mortal enemy of theirs. And although as yet it was far to the full accomplishment of it, for that it was to bee performed onely by Christ, and that in many ages after that promise then to come: yet, because God is true, and cannot fail in whatsoever he hath promised, the more assured that they might bee of it, in time to haue it fully performed, the more comfort might they haue even in that also; and yet in the mean season might account besides, that both they and theirs should ever haue such power against the Serpent and all that kind as by the letter lay nearest unto their understanding, and daily experience itself would teach them. That in that lesser power that is given to the Serpent and to his seed, against the Woman and her seed also, they might see good tokens of the goodness of God, first it is clear, if then they had that knowledge of Christ and were better able to apply it to him: and, if they had not that, yet might they otherwise find it also. If they had that knowledge of Christ, and could right-ly apply it to him, then could they not otherwise take it but of the Man-hoode of Iesus Christ, and that it was the heel against which satan should haue that power: and then could they not but see withall, the inestimable benefit that out of the same should redound unto all generally. If they had not that knowledge of Christ, yet that otherwise they might find it also, even in that lesser hurt that the seed of the Serpent should do them, is plain enough likewise, first in that he hath some power over them: then, that it is no greater then so. In that he hath some power over them, they might well accout it both a needful chastisement for their so ready yielding unto him before: and as needful an exercise also for the time to come, to make thē more wary how they haue any dealing with him. In that it was no greater then so, and had no power allowed him over the principal parts of the body, but was restrained only to the heel, so far from the heart, it is plain likewise, that he being so mortal an enemy would haue made choice of some other part much rather, on which to haue wreaked the malice he had, then on a part so far from deadly danger as it, if he had not been for their sakes restrained by the special hand or power of God. Those other lessons that wee may gather besides out of the same, are all about that division or variance that commonly haunteth the Church of God, and ever standeth betwixt the children of the world on the one side; and them, on the other: whereof some of them are to our instruction; and some, to our comfort. To our instruction it is, that such enmity is of God, and ever to bee found betwixt the children of the world on the one side, and the godlier sort on the other: and therefore that none are to take offence thereat, as though neither part could haue the truth, so long as they haue such variance with the other. To our comfort it is, that the issue of that contention shalbe so comfortable to the godlier sort: that the seed of the Serpent shal annoy them but in the heel; and they, in the power of their strong Redeemer, shal readily go to the head of the others, and there give them a deadly wound. Then coming to the parties that had offended, and to the chastisements that were cast vpon them, therein may they see the great favour of God likewise: and first, in them 〈◇〉. 3: 1●-21. all taken together; then, in every of them apart by themselves. In them all generally they might note, that none of them all, not all together, were any thing correspondent unto the sin that they had committed to bee any just punishment of it, but that it came short of the same: then, that if somuch of their just desert were remitted unto them, or at the least not imposed on them, needs must it bee of some special favour that God did bear them; and that certainly there was, in the secret counsel of God, some atonement meant unto them or else that in iustice God could never haue dealt so easily with them. If wee come to consider of every of them apart by themselves, wee are first to begin with those that God did cast on either of them severally: then, to those that he did cast on them both together indifferently. Of those that God did cast on either of them severally, wee are first to come to those that were cast on the woman: thē, unto those that were cast on the Man. In those that were cast upon the Woman, they might see the favour of God remaining, first, in those her pains in child-bearing: then also in that other, which was of her subiection unto her husband. Her pains in child-bearing would make her to love her children better: and bee some stay unto her besides from such inordinate wantonness, as otherwise might bee diuers ways hurtful unto her: Her subiection to her husband must needs bee a benefit, if there bee in the Man( as, for the most part, it is) better government, then in the Woman. In those that were cast vpon the Man, first wee see that for the time wee are here, labour is a preservation of the body in health, and of the soul from sin likewise: and that a toilsome life here, or any kind of grief whatsoever, doth help very well to make us weary of this our Pilgrimage, and to covet that Country of ours that is for ever. And our dissolution in the end, is a blessed thing, for that it helpeth us away hence, that wee tarry not here still, till the world be as weary of us, as wee of it: especially, when as by making them garments he both declared himself to haue care of their necessities in the mean season; and that he, and he only it is, who both doth make those garments for us( even out of the death of Iesus Christ) whereby wee stand clothed before God, and teacheth us also to put them on by faith in him. In those that he cast on them both together, it appeareth plainly likewise, for that though he cast G●●. 3: 23. them out of paradise, yet he left them the rest of the world to dwell in, and therein, many a rich and pleasant Country: and though he deprived them of the fruition of the three of Life( a Sacrament of that estate that now they had lost) yet before he had made them the promise of a seed of the Woman, who should bee so tmighty against the Serpent, that in him they might look to haue a better estate, hen they had before. CHAP. 3. 1 WHen there were more increased, 〈◇〉 he course of the story doth in a manner altogether leave these, and treateth but of others onely: and first, of two special sons of Adam and E●●; then of divers others besides. Th●se ●o special sons of Adam and E●●, were Kaine, and Abell, of whom wee haue diuers things reported, but such as most of all tend unto these two points: by the one of them, to show what we are all by nature; by the other, what divers of us are by grace. But first, wee haue certain things of them delivered unto us that are of a lower consideration: then, those others, that are of that special matter of greater account. Those things Gen. 4: 1-2. that are delivered of them, which are of lower consideration, are two: one, of their birth; another, of their kind of life. Of their birth, we haue no more set down, but that first they had Kaine, and that his mother did so call him, as a man obtained of the Lord: and afterwards had Abell also. Of their kind of life it is said, that Abell gave himself to tend cattle; and Kaine to the tilling of the ground: neither of them living idly, Kaine though a bad one, yet in that kind being well employed; and Abell, though of better hope, yet not thereon sequestering himself from the other. Those other things that are of that greater consideration will occasion us, first to consider of the story of them thereunto appertaining: then, to gather out of the same what patterns we haue in them, both of nature and grace: the story of them thereunto appertaining, doth first treat of their worshipping of God: and then, of certain other things that fell out thereupon. As touching their worshipping of God, wee are to consider, first what was done on their parts towards him: then, how far he accepted of it. That which was done on their parts towards Gen. 4: 3-5. him, was, that after many daies they both came to worship: Kaine bringing his oblation of the fruits of the ground; and Abell his, of the first breed of his flock, and the fattest of them. When these were thus offered to God, it pleased him to haue regard unto Abell, and to his offering: but not unto Kaine, nor unto his. Those other things that fell out thereupon, do all, most appertain to the story of Kaine( but so notwithstanding, that there is some mention of Abell also:) and first, about the present grief that then he took, for that God accepted of his brothers oblation, and not of his; then, about the slaughter of his brother thereupon. Concerning that present grief of his, we haue declared, first that he was angry therewith: then, how the Lord dealt with him about it. That he was angry therewith, it is very plain for that it is said, that he was exceeding wrath, and that his countenance abated or fel withal. When the Lord dealeth with him about the same, first he inquireth of him why so he doth: and then, useth some reasons to quiet him again. He inquireth of him what reason he hath, either for that inward perturbation of his mind, or for that Ibid. 6, 7. outward demonstration thereof in his countenance, or hanging-looke. The reasons that he useth to quiet him withall, are two: one, of the equity that in him he should find; the other, that there was no cause in his brother to the contrary, but that he might quiet himself towards him. Concerning the equity that in him he should find, he doth plainly give him to understand, that he is ready both graciously to accept of any thing that he should do well: and to lay to his charge whatsoever it is that he should do il. That there was no cause why he should be grieved against his brother, he sheweth likewise, both that his brother did bear a good dutiful affection towards him:& that he should be his inferior also. Concerning the slaughter of his brother thereon, we haue described unto us, first how he committed the fact: then, how God dealt with him about the same. In his committing of the fact we are to consider, first Ibid. 8, 9. what moved him unto it: thē, in what sort he did perform it. That which moved him unto it, was nothing else but that which goeth before: namely, that God accepted of his brothers oblation; but then as touching his own, he did not onely not regard it, but, when he was abashed at it, did also reprove him for the same. The manner Wherein he did perform it, is delivered unto us in two principal points: one, that he spake peaceably unto his brother: dissembling the secret ha●e that he bare him; the other, that having him abroad in the fields, he suddenly fell vpon him and ●●ue him. The dealing that God had with him about it, was first but only to enqui●● of him where he was: but then, all the residue about the chastisement that God thought good to cast vpon him for the same. In his enquiring for him wee are to 〈◇〉, first how mildly God doth ask him for him: then, what an ungracious and wicked answer he returneth to God again. The mildness and goodness of God appeareth therein, first, for that he did not roughly storm against him as he had deserved: then also, both that he did ask where he was, and that he asked the same of him, who knew well enough what he had done with him. The naughtiness of his answer appeareth in this likewise: both that he did flatly ly unto him, in that he denied to know where he was; and that he asked of God withall, whether he was his brothers keeper. Concerning the chastisement that God thought good to cast vpon him for the same, wee are to consider, first how it was imposed of God: then, how it was taken by him. As it was imposed of God, wee find that though it were but small in respect of that which he had deserved: yet when he found some fault with it, it was something eased unto him. So are wee first to consider what it was in itself: then, how far it was eased unto him. In denouncing the chastisement itself that was cast vpon him, first he layeth his sin before him: and then sheweth him; what must be his portion for it. He layeth Gen. 4: 10-12. down his sin before him, first but generally: then, more specially. Generally when he doth it, he addeth an admiration withall; as when he saith, what hast thou done? so to give him to understand, that he had committed a fact of special detestation; and the better to quicken him up unto some due consideration of it. More specially he sheweth what it was, when he telleth him that the voice of his brothers blood cried unto him out of the earth: so giuing him to understand, not onely that he knew well enough what he had done; but also, both that blood in such sort spilled doth cry to the Lord, and that he is ready to harken unto it. The portion that for this his sin he must haue, is likewise set down unto him, first generally: then, more specially. Generally he giveth him to understand that he must stand accursed for it. More specially both he doth I do not find that he goeth any further but onely to insinuate it because the speech is but unperfect, as in such case▪ oft times it is: because that the Hebrew Accent which they call A●thmach, and ●s of the nature of a middle distinction▪ doth ●o far separate the former part of thi● sentence from the latter that though it le●u● the former perfect, or to haue a sufficient sense by itself, as N●w therefore bee thou accursed: yet leaveth it the latter part unperfect▪ when as first it shutteth up the former from it with a distinction of the nature of a Colon, thus: and then goeth on forward with the rest thus, from the earth which opened her mouth &c In all which there is no perfect sense if wee keep precisely unto the words; and therefore by certain of the learned it is supplied▪ though Arias Montanus do omit that distinct●on ●n the latin▪ which notwithstanding himself doth express in the Hebrew; which also the Sep●●ag●●● and others haue not regarded, nor Alo●sius ●●ppoma●●● in his Cha●●● or Genesis remembered in the Hebrew itself. insinuate unto him that he is likewise to be abandoned from the place in which he had don this murder: and doth plainly tel him of an hard estate that else-where also he must ever bear. When he doth insinuate his abandoning thence, he seemeth also to make it his reason, that the earth had opened her mouth and received from his hands the blood of his brother, that he so unnaturally had shed forth vpon it. The hardness of his estate else-where he is given to understand should partly arise unto him out of the earth: and partly should cleave to his own person, or for ever hang thereupon all his life long. That part of it that should arise unto him out of the earth, was, that when he should bestow his labour to till the ground, it should not yield him fruits correspondent. That which should cleave to his own person, and all his life-long hang vpon him, was, that he should bee, not onely a fugitive one the face of the earth, ever wandering to and fro: but also( as it seemeth, by the nature of both those words that are used, and as some of the learned do gather, whereunto his own words immediately following so plainly bewraying a special fear, may give some inducement) infested, or continually pricked with a troubled mind, by the guilt of that foul fact of his. To find out how far this sentence of God was eased unto him, whereas the occasion Gn. 4: 13-16 thereof is also set down wee are likewise to consider, first by what occasion it was so eased: then, how far it was eased unto him. The occasion of easing the ●ame unto him, was the complaint that thereon he made: first complaining of that whole punishment of his generally; then, of the several partes or members of it. Of the whole punishment he complaineth, that it was greater then he was able to bear: which he could in no wise think, but that both he must make ouer-light of his own sin; and somewhat charge God with injustice also. In his complaint of the several partes of his punishment, first he complaineth of that which he now had lost: then, of that estate wherein now he was to be. Of that which now he had lost, he reckoneth two special benefits: One, the same country of his, from which he saith that God now doth drive him; the other, his gracious countenance from which he saith that now he shalbee hidden. In that estate wherein henceforward he findeth that he must bee, he complaineth of two special discommodities: one, that he must bee such a forlorn fugitive on the face of the earth; the other, that it would come to pass, that( being in such disgrace as he was with God) whosoever should find him, he also would kill him. The mitigation of that his punishment, which hereby he obtained, was but onely concerning that fear that he had, that whosoever should find him, would slay him: and for it, or to ease him therein, he had both a special iudgement set down against any that should so do, namely to bee punished seauen-folde more, then Kaine yet was for the murder of Abell; and a mark set vpon him, for his protection on that behalf. How this punishment was taken by him, it may sufficiently appear, in that he did thereupon depart from the presence of God, and so wandered up and down as a fugitive, in some of those Countries on the East of Eden: nothing at all seeking the favor of God, though by that his late complaint he had found, how ready he was to haue done him good, if himself had sought the same at his hands. 2. What patterns now wee haue in them, both of nature and grace, to the end that wee may the better find, as they are two several things, and delivered unto us in these two persons, so are wee to consider of either of them apart by themselves: and therefore first to begin with Kaine; then after, to come unto Abell. As touching Kaine, out of whole story wee are to gather what wee are by Nature( who was the first that ever was born, and therefore somuch the metre to show us what wee may think of ourselves for that matter) though some things we see that were commendable in him; yet for the residue, all was reprovable. Commendable it was, first that he gave himself to labour the ground: then also, that he had some Religion in him, such as it was. In that he laboured the ground, though he might haue done it in a greedy desire( considering how plentiful things were then that grew of themselves, while yet they were so very few; and so he be charged by some of the learned) yet is there no question, but that he might do it in good manner also: and then, wee knowing nothing to the contrary, sure it is that wee are to judge the best of every one. nevertheless if he did it out of a greedy desire, or any way ill, then haue we a pattern in him, that though Husbandry or tillage itself bee good, yet may the children of the world follow it ill: as also there is no question, but that they do, and so haue the light that is in them to be but darkness, to the greater convincing of their darkness to be exceeding great. If he did not any way follow it ill, then out of it may wee gather likewise, that such as are bad men towards God, may nevertheless employ themselves well to the use of themselves and others, in such things as belong to this present life. That he had some religion in him, it doth plainly appear, both in that he worshipped: and in that he worshipped so as he did. In that he worshipped wee may plainly see, that a kind of worshipping may bee in men: and yet themselves stark nought notwithstanding. In the manner of his worship it appeareth likewise, both that he worshipped the true God: and that he came not empty, but brought with him such things as he had, or wherewith God had blessed his labour. Out of which wee may in like sort gather, that those points also may be in such as otherwise are of a reprobate course, and not one jot better then Kaine himself. reprovable bee was, first even in his worshipping itself, the chiefest flower of all his garland: then also, much more in other his dealings that ensued thereon. That in his worshipping he was reprovable, it may plainly appear, both by some things that we find in God: and out of the consideration of his own nature also. Those things that wee find in God for that matter, are two: one that he did not accept of that his worshipping; the other, the reason that himself doth give of his so doing. That he doth not accept of it, though it bee no undoubted argument in itself, because some-times he useth so to deal with his children also, not accepting their seeking to him at the first: yet is it a special good likelihood, that some way or other his worship was wrong, seeing that then, even at the first, God did plainly refuse to take it. The reason that he giveth of his so doing, doth make the matter clean out of question: for that he doth a little after so plainly tell him, that if he had done well, he would then haue taken it of him. Out of the consideration of his own nature wee may gather it also, for that before wee found it to bee so corrupt in Adam himself, that now we might not look for any true good to come of this his first begotten: because that finding all things to engender like to themselves even that onely consideration may justly with-hold us from expecting any other in this. Those other dealings of his that ensued thereon, were of two sorts, as we saw before: some of them concerning that present grief that he conceived, about the acceptation of his brothers oblation, and the rejecting of his; the others, about the slaughter of his brother that he thereupon in his mind conceived and afterward performed also. In that his grief that so he conceived wee are to note, not only that it boded a marvelous ill nature, to bee so angry as he was: but also, that it argued no repentance in him. It must needs boade a marvelous ill nature in him to be so angry as he was: for that he was so angry with God himself: and that for no just cause at all; having also not so much as any semblance of just cause for any the least jot at al of that his anger. It argued also no repentance in him, for that his anger growing on the non-acceptance of that his worshipping, did thereby plainly bewray, that the pride of his heart was such as that he thought very well of that his worshipping, though he saw that God did make no reckoning of it: whereas, if there had been any repentance in him, he would haue had that lowliness of mind as that, though God had accepted never so well of it, yet would he haue thought so meanly of it, that it would haue grieved him nothing at all, if God had made no reckoning of it. In the slaughter of his brother, we may perceive it, first, if wee go no further, but only to the fact itself: but then much more, if we consider of what behaviour he was towards God, when he dealt with him about the same. In the fact itself wee are to consider, what it was in the nature of it: and in what manner he did perform it. The fact itself, was in the nature of it, horrible murder: and committed, not only when yet there were few in all the world; but also vpon his own brother. unto the manner of it, do appertain two special considerations: one, that he had no cause at all why he should so do, neither was himself carried with any other, but onely that God, not respecting his sacrifice, did nevertheless accept of his brothers; the other, that to compass his purpose the better, he used deep dissimulation, covering the mischief that was in his heart, with a pretence of no other meaning, but only of such as might well become one brother to haue towards another. In his behaviour towards God, wee may plainly see, that he did nothing repent him of it, no not in the presence of God, and when he was called to a reckoning for him: and, on the other side, that so long as he hoped he might keep it close, he both denied that he knew any thing of him, and did plainly profess besides, that he accounted not himself to haue any charge of him; and when he saw that it was espied, and now had some punishment cast vpon him for the same, he both accounted that easy punishment of his to bee overgreat( bewraying a special fear that now he had of all things besides) and withall turned aside from God, nothing at all seeking to him for the forgiveness of that his sin, nor for any other favour besides. Out of which, wee also may gather for ourselves, that as wee are natural men, wee haue no religion or devotion wherewith to worship, but such as God may not accept of; and that nevertheless wee are so well persuaded of it, that wee also can easily be angry if he do not accept thereof as much as if it were sound in deed: that for that only cause wee conceive malice against our bretheren, whose profession wee find by the word of God to bee approved; and never leave( if God will permit somuch unto us) until that under pretence of brother-hoode, wee haue embrued ourselves in their blood: that nevertheless wee will not be acknown of it, nor in any wise take with the same, so long as any way wee can put it of, and account ourselves likewise nothing at all to stand charged with them: that wee also make so light of our fault therein, that how little soever wee bee punished for it, yet wee account it a great deal to much: and that having so evident testimony both of the iustice and mercy of God wee also make no reckoning of either, but turn us aside we care not whether, so wee may but seem to ourselves that after a sort wee are gotten out of his presence. And where these things are, there may wee be sure, there is somuch ill besides, as that we may assure ourselves, there is nothing at all that can be thought on, but that by nature wee are stained with it likewise. 3 As touching Abell, in whom wee are to search out( as before I shewed) what many of us are by Grace, there bee but two special matters therein to be noted: the one his worshipping of God; the other, what he suffered of Kaine his brother. In his worshipping of God, wee are to note, that it pleased God to accept thereof: and so consequently, that without all question there was made some reconciliation in the secret purpose of God; and that it is not unlikely neither, but that, one way or other, Abell was directed how to worship God aright. That without all question there was made some reconciliation in the secret purpose of God, it is most evident, not only because the scriptures declare the same, but also for that the iustice of God is such, as that otherwise none might look for at his hands, that he should so far approve any so base works of ours. For although that Abell might then haue worshipped, both for the substance of that his worshipping, as God required, and for the manner, both sincerely and zealously also, so far as then( after the fall) could be found in man: yet of necessiity needs must it be so far short of that measure or weight that God requireth, that but in mercy he might in no wife haue accepted of it; and then must his iustice some way or other first bee satisfied, before his mercy might extend itself so far unto any. That one way or other Abell was directed to worship God aright, is not unlikely, for that it pleaseth him, for the most part, so to work with those that are his: and yet it may bee otherwise also, namely, that he worshipped no better then Kaine, it may be worse, and yet in respect of the reconciliation made, he might sauorably accept of a worse of him, then he rejected at the hands of the other. For so is it with those that are his here in this life: both that he directeth them oft-times to worship him according to his word in some measure; and yet, that at their hands he accepteth oft-times likewise, much fainter and meaner service, then he rejecteth of many others. So that by the virtue of that reconciliation we also may hope, that our worship and service to him shalbee accepted: and yet, that wee glory not therein, as though it were for the worthiness of it, wee are to know withall, that oft-times he rejecteth much better of others; or at least may so do, for any thing that wee can haue to the contrary. In that which he suffered for his brother, wee are to note, what cause himself did give thereof; and how his brother wrought thereupon: and, in either of them, to apply the same unto ourselves. The cause that Abell gave to his brother was none at all, but that his brother was of so ill disposition, as that he took occasion thereat, though none was justly given by him. For he did no more but worship the Lord, as also Kaine his brother did: and it may bee, that he worshipped him( as touching the worship itself) nothing better then Kaine did. But certain it is, that it pleased God to accept of his, and not of his brothers; which was the thing whereat he was grieved: and so consequently leaveth unto us, that Abell did give no cause at all. That which Kaine did nevertheless work thereupon, resteth in two principal points: one, that he was grieved with his brother; the other that he murdered him also. Out of both which wee also may learn, that which daily experience teacheth, that ever there is a race in the world, so dieply smitted with that bad disposition of Kaine, that they also rage against their bretheren, and imbrue themselves in their blood, for none other cause, but only for that they find, that the profession or religion of those their bretheren doth stand approved by the Word of God, when their own is by it rejected: the only cause, why in these daies also the adherents of the late Church of Rome, do so bend themselves against all those that more sincerely profess the gospel of Christ. In which quarrel though the better sort bee put to the worse here, and daily spend their blood therein: yet such is the retribution in the end, that well may this also bee deemed a special blessing that by grace is cast vpon those, to whom by his goodness it is allotted. CHAP. 4. 1 THose others besides, of whom the story doth afterward treat, are al Gen. 4: 17. the residue: first, two special lines of Adam, severally: then, the whole race both of those and of the others, all joined together. Those two special lines of Adam that are set down severally, are, the one of them by this ungracious Kaine: the other by Seth, whom he had in the place of Abell. Concerning that line that was by Kaine, it is set down to the sixth descent from him: and the principal matters that are reported therein are diuers: one of them about Chanck his first begotten: the others about Lame●h the first from him in lineal descent. That which was about Chanok his first begotten, was, that after he had a son he then began to build a city, and called the same, after the name of that son of his, Chanok. Wherein, as before in diuers others, so in this also he hath yielded himself a right pattern of the Children of the world, as in one thing that commonly haunteth the nature of all, and is more tolerable: so in some others that are more reprooveable. That one thing that commonly haunteth the nature of all, and is more tolerable, is the common care that Parents haue for their Children to leave unto them so well as they can: whereof wee haue some pattern here in that wee red not of any care that he had of building, until he had a son; but having a son, then not only he builded, but he would build a city also, more a great deal then he should need. Those others that are more reprooveable, are two: one, that is open enough of itself; another that is not so easily espied of all. That which is open enough of itself, is, that he seemed to haue a desire to aeternise so much as he could the name of his son, or to leave it to all posterities that were to come: a kind of vanity, that sitteth near to flesh and blood, and can hardly be sundered from the wisest and godliest that are. That which is not so easily espied of all, is that now he beginneth to settle himself in a stayed place, or at least doth labour the same; whereas already he knew well enough that God had inflicted this chastisement on him, that still he should wander on the face of the earth, for that his unnatural and wicked deed: nothing at all( in any good remorse of conscience) submitting himself to that hand of God; but striving against it, and labouring to cross it so much as he could. But as we haue no mention or knowledge of it since( which also might be by the flood which after ensued) so may wee the rather think, that God did cross that purpose of his, and held him under the execution of that his former sentence in a wandering estate, and so would not suffer him to enjoy a quiet settling of himself in any such building. Those that concern Lamech, the first from him in lineal descent, do partly respect that present time, when the story beginneth to record any part of his Gen. 4: 19-24. doings: and partly the time that afterward followed. That which respecteth that present time when the story beginneth to record any part of his doings, was, that he first corrupted wedlok, in that he took him two wives, first of any others that wee do read of: a matter that is of that nature, as that though it well become that first beginner of it, to haue descended of so graceless a line; yet so plausible unto the corrupt nature of all, that afterward it restend not there, but proceeded further and smitted many of the principal Fathers in the Church itself. So perilous a thing it is for any, to begin any kind of ill whatsoever. Of those things that respect the time that afterward followed, one of them doth concern his children: and another importeth, that as he had first corrupted Wed-locke, so was he afterward ill troubled with it. That which doth concern his Children, is, that God notwithstanding did specially bless them: and not onely the sons of his former Wife, with whom it seemeth his marriage was without reproose; but also the children of his latter, the one of them clearly, the other also in the iudgement of some. The special blessing that was bestowed on the sons of the former, was of invention: by Iabal the elder, of well ordering of Cattle, and of the trade thereunto appertaining; by Iubal the younger, of certain instruments of music, by the string, and wind, as the harp, and the Organ. The children of the latter were two likewise: a son that was called Tubal-Caine; and a daughter that was called Nahamah. On the son the text is plain, that there was a special blessing of invention bestowed likewise: namely, of working of brass, and Iron, and applying the same to our use. On the daughter also, by her name it may seem, that there was some special beauty bestowed, because that so in the Hebrew tongue her name doth signify. But because it could not usually so soon be seen, whether shee would prove to be so answerable unto that name( at least if that name were so timely given her) therefore on her part it importeth no more, but that in her childe-hoode there were some good tokens in her of some special beauty: and on theirs that did so name her, that beauty was with them as also with us, a special ornament unto a Woman. And so may we see that on the children of either of these two wives of his, there was a much like blessing bestowed: namely on either of them onetthat appertained to needful use, as vpon Iabal of the one, and Tubal-Came of the other; and on either of them another that tended chiefly to delectation, as vpon Iubal the invention of music, and vpon this Nahamah that special beauty. That which importeth, Tremel. Inn. or at least may so seem, that as he was the first that corrupted Wed-locke, so was he afterward ill troubled with it, is that same speech that he had unto his wives: concerning which we are to note, both what it was; and at what time it proceeded from him. What the speech was that he had unto them( as touching the sense or meaning of it) is not yet resolved among the learned: but it may seem( and that is the iudgement of some) that he did not therein speak of any such slaughters as he had already committed, as many imagine( especially of the Iewes:) but rather that he did vaunt forth himself, what he were both able as yet and willing also to do, if he were thereunto provoked. And because that he doth so specially direct his speech therein to his wives, it is not unlikely, but that their contentions and ill dealing with him, did make him so to break forth unto those menacing speeches: and so declare as it may seem, that himself found some trouble now, in taking a couple of wives unto him; pulling unto him( as the proverb is) more with one hand thereby, than now he was able to put of with both. As touching the time, when this speech proceeded from him, by order of the text it seemeth to be after that his children by them were come to mans state or to ripe yeares already( because it seemeth by the order of the story, that they had invented those things before) and so consequently most likely to be in the old or declining age of Lamech; at which time he might be indeed more likely to find cumber in such case, somewhat answerable in proportion to that, whereunto his own inordinate lust in the flower of his yeares had pricked him before: a needful document to others also, so to moderate the lusts of their youth, that in such case they do not onely consider, what would best fit their inclination then, but also how it will fit them after; least that while in the former they omit the latter, they afterward be cloyed with the fruits of the former, and now do find ten times more grief, than ever they had contentment before, notwithstanding that then with brags and cracks they face out that weak declining cause of theirs so well as they can. 2 In that other special line of Adam that was by Seth, we are to consider, first of the manner wherein it is delivered unto us: then, of the principal matters that are noted unto us therein. In the manner of delivering the same unto us, wee may see, that some part of it is( as it were) annexed unto the story of Kaine aforesaid: but then, both that it and the rest, is, altogether, immediately after set down unto vs. That part of it, that is( as it were) annexed unto the story of Kaine aforesaid, is set ●●●. 4: 25, 26. down in the end of the fourth Chapter( which Chapter, as wee haue seen, doth otherwise in a manner treat of Kaine onely) and in two of the last verses thereof: and sheweth unto us, both that Adam had Seth an other son, instead of Abell that was slain before; and treateth of one special matter besides appertaining unto the time of Enos his son. But then both this part of that line of Adam( together withall the rest of it unto Noah) is a fresh set down again in the next Chapter following: and such an entrance then made unto it, as though the race of Adam did there onely begin, and that those that before were spoken of, were now set by. Which manner of delivery wee are so much the rather to mark, for that it may something help to judge of one point of difficulty in the matter itself which after ensueth. The principal matters therefore that are noted to us therein, do some of them appertain unto that patt of this line of Adam that is set down immediatele after the story of Kaine, and as it were annexed thereunto: and some others, unto that other recital of it, when it is all taken together. Those that do appertain unto that part of it, that joineth so near to the story of Kaine, are two: one of them concerning Seth himself; the other following immediately after the birth of Enosh his son. Concerning Seth himself the story doth show, that he was given unto them, after that Abell( by his unnatural brother) was taken away: and that they did so take him to, as given them in the place of Abell, and thereupon gave him his name accordingly. Out of which we may gather, both that God is wont to make supply, whensoever any are in such case destroyed: and that ourselves likewise may look for the same at his hands, that though tyrants rage never somuch; yet God will ever so make supply that still there shalbe a seed among vs. That which followeth immediately after the birth of Enos his son, is a matter of greater difficulty, for that it is of two diuers and contrary readings: the greatest part of the learned, both of old, and of this present age of ours, reading it one way, namely, that then( that is, in his time) men began to call on the name of the Lord, or that the name of the Lord began then to bee called vpon: others, of old and now also, of special account for learning likewise, reading it clean otherwise, namely, that then the name of the Lord began to bee profaned in calling thereon, or in the worship that was done unto it. For as touching that of the Septuagint, that did read, that this man( that is, Enosh) did hope to call on the name of the Lord, and such others as go that way to work, giuing to Enosh that commendation, besides that in the first part they plainly olive from the original, in reading that Enosh did it, in the residue also they join with the former, and so are in effect( for the matter that now wee speak of) all one together with it. Therefore concerning these two, it shalbee good so to consider of either of them, as that wee may the better see in what sense it may best bee taken: whether, that then the name of the Lord began to be called vpon; or else, then began to bee among men profaned. As touching both which, there is no question, but that the former hath many mo partakers, then hath the latter: but yet notwithstanding it seemeth to me, that the latter is not to be despised neither. For though the former doth overcome in number of judgements: yet the matter seemeth to haue the text itself somuch the more to incline to it then unto the other, that those judgements of theirs may so much the rather be called in question. Which that it may the better appear, and that a readier way therewith all may be made to judge betwixt them, it shall be good( as I said) to consider of either of them apart by themselves: both howe far they are supported in the judgements of men; and how they stand in the Text itself. And first as touching the former of them, not onely most of the Hebrews of old, but the Fathers likewise, and most of the learned now, do so take it( and that sense is a great part of the ground-woorke of those notable books of S. Augustine of the city of God especially for certain of them:) and in Plantines Epitome of Pagnines Hebrew Lexicon the other signification of the word is so clean left out, that thereby it may seem, that those learned that he professeth himself to haue used in gathering of it, were then of opinion that no such sense was due unto it. But if we come to the Text itself, then, besides that in diuers other places it doth so signify( and so of necessity must, the circumstances of those places requiring the same) wee haue otherwise the principal matter wanting that should be for that sense of theirs; and somewhat besides, that seemeth to stand some-what strong against it. That which is wanting in the Text, to confirm that sense of theirs, is, that no where wee haue any mention at all of any such Church or Congregation of faithful or godly people in in those dayes, that either now or at any time else( before the calling of Abraham) were any way assembled together to the worship of God. Some there were, who shortly after were called the Children of God, who( we may think) were the better sort among them; and no doubt there were some special persons in both those lines( not only of Seth, but of Kaine also) whose hearts it pleased God to touch with some special fear of him: but yet we read it not so reported, that wee may safely conceive that there was, not only not any one such people, but also not somuch as any one family( or but one silly couple of any one family till wee come to Noah) that professed the fear of God; but only some few several persons, here and there one without any fellowes. And then, if otherwise wee cannot find any thing that importeth any such company, needs must wee haue somuch the less help for the warrant of that sense aforesaid. That which we haue in the Text against it, is partly in this place: and partly elsewhere. In this place, somewhat there is in the pointing or distinguishing of the sentence going before: and some-what in the whole course of the matter itself, before, and after. That which is in the pointing of the sentence going before, is, that it is shut up from this member that followeth, with one of the Kings or principal sorts of the hebrew distinctions: which( though some of the learned do otherwise) yet Arias Montanus maketh a full distinction. And then if it be a full distinction( as in that place by nature it may seem to be) the more liberty that therein there is, to refer it unto the Story of the whole Chapter going before, or to the Story that after followeth; somuch the less must be the necessity, of tying it onely to that, which next and immediately goeth before it. But then, whereas the most of the Chapter treateth of Kaine and his line, and giveth good cause to suspect corruption by them; and but very little of it, of Seth and Enos, and otherwise reporteth no goodness of them: hence must it follow, that as if it bee referred unto the whole, then it should rather imply profaning; so if it be referred but only to the latter and less part of it, yet there also it findeth not any ground-woorke of true invocation. In the whole course of the matter itself, before& after, both in this Chapter it is said, that Kaine and Abell came with their oblations to God( and then was not this the first work, that of that kind was done by any) and a little after, where the whole Genealogy or line is set down, besides that, there is no such commendation given to either of them, that so special recital of the Line of Adam there, doth as it were set by( as before I noted) whatsoever was gon before, as not worthy of any such special commendation. Else-where also, namely in the Epistle to the Hebrews where the Apostle maketh a diligent, and a special good recital of the godly Fathers of old, especially such as were most ancient, there he altogether omitteth this, and passeth immediately from Abell to Enok: whereas notwithstanding in this sense that now is given it, it had made specially to his purpose; and therefore most likely, that seeing he did omit it,( he for his part) did not so take it. Which things considered, it were somuch the more hard to conceive, why Iunius should now return unto that former course again, after that Tremellius in these dayes of Fra. Iunius. jun. Tremelius. ours had so well broken the Ice unto him, and himself had joined with him therein, but that being so much given to that new platform of church-government, that in these late dayes hath ben so vehemently urged by diuers, it is less marvel, if thereby he were somuch the readier to incline to this sense, as on that occasion in diuers other places also he is, in such like cases. As touching the latter, certain it is, that in voices it is nothing so strong as the former: but yet such as may seem, to haue the Text more favourable, then hath the other. As for voices, I know no more but those Hebrews of old: and a couple of these daies of ours( but those, as I take it, of special good account) Tremellius abroad, and a countryman of our own at home. But then coming unto the Text, wee see that immediately after( the first Chapter onely Mr. 〈◇〉 coming betwixt, which onely is of the line of Adam by Seth unto Noah) there is complaint of unadvised marriages, and of great corruption that came in thereby: and that so great, that God thereupon did fully resolve to destroy them from the face of the earth( a very few onely reserved to begin the world again) as also immediately after he did. Which great corruption immediately following might seem much rather to show, that this place might speak of the beginning of it, and so bee a Transition unto it( but that so many of the Learned do otherwise take it) then to speak of any such special invocation of God to bee then begun, of which wee find nothing else-where besides: and as though, they had degenerated before, and now were called back unto it again; whereas it was but onely 235. yeares then, since that Adam himself was made. 3 Those that do appertain unto that other recital of this Line of Adam by Gen. 5: 1-3●. Seth, are of two sorts: some of them gathered out of the whole; others, out of some special persons. Out of the whole wee may note, both that one Line is specially pursued: and that the time is diligently noted withall. In that one Line that is so specially pursued wee may note, both that according as the promise was made of the seed of the Woman that should bruise in sunder the Serpents head, so there was given a good hope unto them for the performance of it, when they saw that Line so carefully continued: and that seeing none other is( to speak of) set down besides, of them, therefore there is less account to bee made; especially in comparison of the other. In that reckoning of the time, wee may note likewise, not only that while they were few, God did give them the longer life, that so the world might so much the sooner be replenished: but also, that as afterward it would help well to direct the people of God to their promised saviour, and to many other matters of good importance besides; so it was not of any to bee neglected, seeing that here it is so carefully observed. Those special persons out of which we are to note somewhat more specially, are two: Enock and Noah. Of Enock we haue two things noted: one, of his godly disposition; the other, of a special reward that it pleased God to bestow vpon him. Concerning which, we are first to consider somewhat of either apart by themselves: and somewhat of them both joined together. Taking them apart by themselves, and first beginning with his godly disposition, some things there are, that lye plain enough unto all: but one thing there is, that yet I find not to bee noted by any. Those that lye plain enough unto all, are of two sorts: some that do appertain unto all; and one that doth more specially belong to certain of vs. Those that do appertain unto all, are two: one that he was godly disposed: the other, how long he did continue therein. That he was godly disposed, wee are first to see how it appeareth: then, what special point of godliness is ascribed unto him. It appeareth in this, that here it is said, that he walked with God, and else-where this his walking with God is termed to Heb. 11: 5. be pleasing of him: A good example for al to follow, to withdraw ourselves from the common course of the world, and to frame ourselves to walk with God. That special point of godliness that is ascribed unto him, is that he rebuked the ungodly of his time( as S. Iude recordeth) and freely denounced the heavy judgements of Iud. 14: 15. God against them. His continuance herein is noted to bee three hundred yeares: a long and a wearisome time no doubt, to see so much iniquity as he did, and that he in reproving the same was on all hands( as no doubt he was) so little regarded. That one thing that doth more specially belong to certain of us, is, that he is noted withall, to haue begotten diuers Children, as well as others: whereby it appeareth, that the estate and use of matrimony doth not hinder, but that therein men may sincerely walk with God; and so consequently, that wedlock is not to bee so far abandoned from holy orders, as some haue been persuaded of it. That other thing that I find not as yet to bee noted by any, is, that although this Henock bee but only in the fixed descent from Adam( or the seventh from him, as S. Iude doth term him, reckoning then Adam for one:) yet is he the first, unto whom the Text hath yet given that commendation; at least by name. For as touching Abell, though afterward we haue good commendation of him( Christ himself calling Mat. 23: 35. Heb. 11. 4. him righteous, and the Apostle attributing faith unto him) yet in this place we haue no such thing of him, but onely that he worshipped( which is said of his Brother also) and that it pleased God to accept thereof, which as it was not for any goodness in him, so likewise it might haue been, though in him there had been no goodness at all. And as for that other reading of most men, that Then men began to call on the Name of the Lord, neither is that commendation given unto any by name: neither is that( as I do take it) the sense of the place, as before is declared; or at least, because that diuers of the Learned both old and new, do not so take it, but in an other contrary sense, therefore is not it to stand as undoubted to any. The reward that was bestowed vpon him, was, that he did not taste of death as others did, but was taken up of God: wherein, as he was vouchsafed a rare prerogative, so to bee exempted from the common course of others, in so special a matter as it; so is it a comfortable example to all, to see that godliness is so dear and welcome to God, as by the reward that here at this time he bestowed on Enock, we may find that it is. If now we take them both together, then are there two notes besides, that comfortably we may gather out of the same: one, that lieth reasonable plainly; another, that doth more hardly follow. That which lieth reasonable plainly, is, that seeing there was at that time such an uniting of that godly disposition of the one, and so special acceptance of the other, as in such case wee may look for the like: so wee may not sunder them neither; but if wee will expect the latter, wee must then await the same in the way of the former. That which doth more hardly follow, is a collection that diuers do gather out of other such like places as this( as out of the seventh daies rest, and out of the freelege of the seventh, and fifty yeares; out of the compassing of jerico, and such like) and some out of this likewise, or at least somewhat towards it: namely, that( omitting▪ curiously to inquire of the secrets of God, or by such things as at the most are but merely coniectural, to set down a certainty or likelihood either, and considering onely in all such cases, but of possibilities, and of them no further neither, but as may stir us up to godliness within the bounds of Christian sobriety) it may very well bee, that five thousand yeares of the world being spent already, and the better half of the sixth like-wise, as true righteousness is now, by the power of the gospel, so begun to bee restored again, that many do walk with God now that followed the course of the world before; so may the time be very near, wherein the power of death shall cease, and the faithful bee taken up to eternal glory, and that as in this Story he that lived longest of all the Fathers which was Methusalem, did immediately follow after him that walked with God, which was Enock his Father( for that some do rather give that honour to Adam, it is by adding unto his yeares so many more, as were enough to give him the victory in that matter, instead of his infancy and youth, that he should haue lived by the common course of others of that age before he came to that ripeness of yeares wherein God first made him; and not that he lived so many indeed:) so may that eternity that wee now speak of, follow as near unto this our walking with God, that the power of his word doth now set up on earth among vs. Of Noah wee haue nothing to this place appertaining, but only concerning the name that was given him, and the prophetical interpretation of the same: namely, that he should comfort them or give thē rest concerning the labour& travel of their hands on the earth which God had cursed. Of the which, though the difficulty of the place hath bread diuers interpretations, yet I marvel that that which seemeth to bee the onely sense of it, is so generally missed of all that yet I haue seen, both old, and new. For it is not to bee doubted, but that sith Moses maketh so special mention of it, but that some matter of special importance doth lye therein: both of greater importance, then a readier course in husbandry; and nearer to the mark, then by that general destruction of all that fell in his time, to give the better sort rest from their labours that they had with the wicked. Namely, that seeing it is the manner of the Scripture, when it giveth forth any personal representation of Christ that was the promised seed, or bringeth forth any, in some thing or other to represent the person of him before he came( as josuah, in bringing in the people into the promised rest; samson in his invincible strength; david, in his rejection for a time, but afterward attaining by degrees unto the kingdom, Salomon, in his own wisdom, and in the happy estate of his kingdom; and diuers other such like) thē but so to point to those patterns, that although thereby it raise us up to a good and comfortable expectation, yet doth it not leave us there, but pointeth us farther to look for the residue, and for the full accomplishment of all, in some other that was to come: even so in this also may wee very well think, that whereas Noah was likewise a figure of Christ, both in preservation of those that were saved from the flood, and in the covenant that with them was made, these words of Lameck his Father, do so point to that piece of comfort or rest, that it pleased God by that means to derive to others by him, that neuerthe-lesse they sand us further for the further accomplishment of them, unto him whom he represented, Iesus Christ; in whom wee know, that from God to Man is derived, the fullness of all quietness and comfort, and in none other but onely in him. 4 As touching the whole race of Man generally, both of these that are last mentioned, and of the others going before, whereas it pleased God, utterly almost to destroy them all, the Story first treateth of that general destruction of all: then, of those that after succeeded, until the time that he choose( from among them all) one peculiar people unto himself. Concerning that general destruction of all, first we haue the Gen. 6: 1-4. cause of it set down unto us: then, that iudgement of God itself. The cause of it is alleged to be the great corruption that then was among them: concerning which, first we haue one thing noted as the occasion of a great part of that their corruption; then that their corruption itself. So are we first to consider of that occasion: then, of that corruption itself. In the occasion of it, as there is some thing set down so plain that there is no question of it: so is there somewhat again that is not so plain, but that therein the learned are of diuers judgements. That which is set down so plain, that there is no question of it, nevertheless is not so clear in itself, but that some doubt may thereof arise: and so are we first to consider of the thing itself that now we speak of; then of that doubt that thence may arise. The thing itself that now we speak of, is, that even the better sort of them, had so little care of their own abiding in their better course, or of leaving a godly seed behind them, that for beauties sake they matched with the loser sort: and so did both themselves degenerate; and left a mungerell seed behind them. A faire warning to all that followed, not only how evil a counsellor the desire of beauty is in matters of marriage: but also, that so many as haue care of their children, to haue them brought up in the fear of God, had need so to wain themselves from desire of beauty in choice of their wives, that for it they do not match with those that by their own carelessness on that behalf, do before hand give sufficient proof, that they would but little regard it in their children also. The doubt that hence may arise, is, whether we may think that God bestowed more beauty on the daughters of those men that were of the loser sort: than on the daughters of those that feared God. Concerning which, we need not to think that God bestowed those ornaments of nature, as comeliness and beauty, more on the one sort than on the other; but that he bestowed those indifferently, and alike on all: but that the loser sort took to themselves more liberty to trim up themselves, to the eye of flesh and blood, in apparel, hair, jewels and such like( as the manner of the world ever is) than the godlier sort did; and that so, and none otherwise, they were more viewly, and pleased the eye of flesh and blood, more than the others, that more carefully kept within the bounds of better sobriety. That which is not set down so plain, but that there is( even with the learned) some question of it, is concerning those that most of out Translations term the Giants. But whereas the word doth also signify such as revolt, go back, or fall away; it seemeth to me, that such as so took it, haue the circumstances of the Text more to favour that sense of the word in this place, than those that take it in the other: because that by those intemperate and unadvised matches that the better sort( for beauties sake) made with the loser, much better occasion was given to speak of Apostates, or such as abandoned all godliness then, than of men outgrowne in stature; and so much the rather, for that in the Text it seemeth to be reported chiefly of those, that were of greatest account among the rest. For the greater that any do grow up among others here in this world, the more do they in such matters forget themselves, and him too that maketh them great, if the grace of God be not the greater with them. In the description of the corruption itself we are to note, first how great it was said to be: then, how the Lord was moved at it. In the Gen. 6: 5-7. greatness of it, it shall be good to note, not onely how far they were fallen then: but also, what light is thereby given unto all, howe to find what wee also are by nature. How far they were fallen then, is plainly set down, when it is said, That all the imaginations of their heart were onely evil continually. The light that thereby we haue given us, to find what we also are by nature, even all generally, is, that thereby wee are convinced to be starck nought: and that we haue at all no goodness in vs. For if all the thoughts of our hearts be onely evil, then, not onely, no one of our thoughts is excepted; but also there is no good concurring with it: and if it be so ever likewise, then can there be no time picked out, when we are not so far stained. How the lord was grieved with that foul universal corruption of all, is set down unto us, both in one special speech that himself did utter thereof; and in some other things that Moses did report of him concerning the same. That one special speech that God himself uttered thereof, was, that his Spirit was driven to contend with them about the same: which needs must argue, that the corruption was very great, when as to utter the indignity of it, we are given to understand, that the most patient Spirit of God, was driven to contend with them about it. Those other things that Moses reporteth of him concerning the same, are two: one, that he repented and was grieved, that he had made Man: the other, that withall he uttered himself to haue taken this purpose, that now therefore he would destroy both man himself, and all things else besides that were made to his use on the face of the earth. Both which being never so little considered, do plainly imply, that the corruption was marvelous great, that could breed( as it were,) such a grief in him, and procure from his so unspeakable goodness, so heavy a iudgement. In that iudgement itself that it pleased God to bring upon Gen. 6: 8-16. them for the same, we are to consider, first how it pleased him to provide for those whom he would spare: then, how he brought that fearful destruction on all the rest. In his preserving of those that he meant to spare, we are first to consider of the Story itself: then what we may gather out of the same. In the Story itself we haue delivered unto us, who they were whom it pleased God to save: and howe it pleased him to save them. As touching the former of these two, they were but Noah and his family( nor, by likelihood, all those neither) no more but himself and his wife, his three Sons, and their wives also; eight persons in all: and a certain number of the creatures of the earth withall, where with to begin the world again. How it pleased him to save them, wee haue set down in two principal points: one, what occasion he took thereunto; the other, by what means he would do it. The occasion that he took thereunto, was his own favour towards him: and the integrity of Noah himself. As touching the former, it is said, that Noah found grace or favour in the eyes of the Lord: out of which chiefly needs must it come, that he was so well preserved. As touching the latter, both it is said that he was just, and without intermission walked with God: and that same integrity of his is afterward given in as an occasion( or some Ibid. 7: 1. part of it) whereupon it pleased him to deal so graciously with him. In the means whereby he would save them, we are to consider both howe God afforded the same unto them: and how those that should bee saved thereby, took unto them the benefit of it. How God afforded the same unto them, appeareth in this, both that he willed him to provide or build a vessel that might brook the waters, and otherwise be meet to such a purpose: and taught him also how to make it. Those that should be saved thereby, did all take unto themselves the benefit of it; but diversly: Noah, both by making of it as God appointed, and by entering thereinto when he had made it; all the others( both the people themselves for ought that we know, and the other creatures) but onely by entering thereinto when the time was come that required the same. That which wee may gather out of this story of their preservation, doth most of it arise unto us out of that gracious dealing of GOD: but some part also, out of Noahs behaviour therein. Those things that we are to gather out of that his gracious dealing, do some of them arise out of itself, without any other consideration: but one there is that ariseth out of an other consideration joined withall. Those that arise but out of itself, without any other consideration, are two: one, that before he would cast forth his wrath on those that he would destroy, he did first provide for the safety of those whom it pleased him to save: a comfortable example to those that in any imminent danger, for some special corruption or sin, do truly repent and seek unto God; that how-soeuer God will indeed power forth his wrath on those sinners, even to the full, yet will he ever remember those that are his, and never fail first to provide such safety for them that no part of that wrath shal any way touch them; the other, that he gave that gift unto those that he would save( not onely to Noah himself, but also to those that were with him, and to the other creatures besides) all to draw unto that refuge that was provided, and to enter in unto it: a good pattern likewise of that gracious working of his, in all those whom he hath ordained to eternal life, or to any other special blessing here, to take hold of the means that are offered, and to enter into the fruition thereof; which many others, other-wise as wise as they and wiser too, do much neglect, even to the astonishment oft-times of so many as behold the same. That one which ariseth out of another consideration withall, is much like unto that which wee noted before in Enock. For as he being the first that by undoubted certainty had commendation of special godliness in this Text given him, had also the first honour of a special reward thereupon bestowed vpon him: even so this Noah being the next, he also is vouch safed the next honour of that kind, and that same in very great measure; that therein he should sustain the person of the Saviour that was to come, and that in him the race of mankind should yet endure and grow again to a blessed increase. That which ariseth out of Noahs behaviour therein, is, that out of that notable faith that was in him, he employed himself to provide the mean that God appointed, never leaving till he had made that vessel that was prescribed: which no doubt he could never do, but with some special assaults with himself, which his own weakness would minister unto him; and many discouragings, mockings, and tauntings of the profaner sort of his time, as professing himself to bee more wise and to see further then all the rest, and so buisily providing, that on dry land he were not drowned. As also in these dayes of ours, if any so fear the threatenings of the word of God( which indeed are sure in their time to bee performed) that to avoid the danger thereof, they now begin while they haue time, to make innovation of their former ways, and to leave the trodden path wherein they were wont to walk before: as they could not do it but with great conflicts even in themselves, so were they sure to haue much discouragement by others also; as fearing much more then they need to do, having so merciful a God as wee haue, and over carefully providing for help, where is( in the iudgement of all the rest) no danger at all. 5 How he brought that fearful destruction on all the rest, that we may the better not onely perceive, but also apply to our own use, it shalbee good for us( in this Gen. 6: 17-22 7: 1-24. also) first to consider of the story itself: then, what we are to gather out of the same. In the story itself, it shall bee good to consider, not onely of such things as are plainly set down, but of some others also that wee may account to bee employed therein. Those that are plainly set down, are two: one, that sheweth what was done; the other, the time thereunto appertaining. That which was done, was, that God so vnlosed the fountains of the earth, and so opened the windows or water-fals of the heauens, and so brought in such abundance of water vpon the earth, that thereby he destroyed both man and beast, worm and fowle, whatsoever breathed on the face of the earth( saving onely those that were in the ark) and so mightily increased the waters thereof, that they were fifteen cubits higher then the highest hi●s that they had. The time when this Flood was brought in vpon them, was, when Noah was 600. yeares old, when the world had now stood 1656 yeares: and it continued one whole year and ten daies, from the time that Noah went into the ark for his defence against the same, and then came forth out of it again, when the earth was dried, and meet for the use of those that should inhabit the same. Those that may seem to be implied do concern either all generally: or more specially certain of them. Those that concern all generally, are two: one that it is not unlikely, but that many others began now to be sorry that they had not been better advised, and now to seek how to help themselves so well as they could; the other, that yet notwithstanding now they found no help at all, neither in the ark itself, nor any way else. That it is not unlikely but that many others began now both to bee sorry for the present distresses wherein they were fallen, and to seek for help, it may bee conceived out of the common nature of man: and out of the time that they had thereunto. For the nature of man is such, that although they haue not any true repentance of their sin; yet are they sorry whensoever they find themselves thereby to bee brought into any danger: and then, though not in respect of their sin, as it was offensive to God, yet in respect of the evil whereinto they are fallen thereby, and wherein now they see themselves likely to perish, they both are sorry whensoever they are fallen thereinto, and seek for help( so long as they haue any hope thereof) the best that they can. That they had good time thereunto, wee may well conceive likewise, because the Flood did not rush in vpon them at once( and yet if it had, even that also might well haue left them, or at least most of them, some leisure also, both to haue sought unto God, and to haue made some shift for themselves) but grew vpon them by little and little. For it came but by rain from above, and by an extraordinary flowing of the fountains beneath: and these no faster neither, but that forty daies therein were spent, before the water grew so high where the ark was builded( which seemeth to bee no high place neither, because such are not lightly so convenient for the use of those that should bee employed in such a work) that it was able to bear up the ark, that it might float a loft thereupon. That yet notwithstanding now they found no help at al, neither by the ark, nor any way else( notwithstanding all the mercies of God, when the time of vengeance was come) appeareth likewise, for that there were no more in the ark, but onely those eight persons before name, and for that the Text doth plainly declare, that al the rest perished, and that Noah onely and those that were with him, were preserved from that destruction. Those others whom this consideration toucheth more specially, are of two sorts: some, that were near unto Noah by some special coniunction; others that holp him to build the ark that now wee speak of. Those that were near unto him by some special coniunction, were his kindred and own family: which by likelihood were a special good company, because he seemeth to haue been a Father of special account a●●●g them; and yet wee read of none of them all, that in this matter claue unto him. That there were diuers likewise that Noah took unto him to help him to build the ark, it is most likely( and certain it is, that it was done in the eye and sight of diuers, and to the privity of many more:) and yet wee read of none of those neither, that took to themselves any benefit of it; and by the Text it is most certain, that none of them did it. Those things that out of this story wee are to gather, do some of them arise out of those things that are plainly set down; and some out of those that are but only implied. Those that are plainly set down, are these two: that in the end God brought in that heavy destruction that he threatened before; and that in such time as before was noted. In that he brought in that heavy iudgment at length vpon them, wee may note two special lessons: one, how offensive sin is in the judgements of God; the other, how certain it is that whatsoever he threateneth though it bee kept off for a time, yet notwithstanding( for the most part) in the end it cometh. How offensive sin is in the judgements of God may sufficiently appear in the greatness of the punishment, that for the same was inflicted vpon them, in that they were all( those few excepted, which also were not preserved for that they were better then the others, but of the special goodness of God, and to begin the world again) so clean destroyed: not onely those that were so notorious sinners among them; but even those also that lived more orderly, and all their young children withall, that actually as yet had done no sin. For seeing that so heavy a iudgement proceeded, from so good and gracious a God, needs must it bee some special great cause that urged the same. How certain it is, that whatsoever he threateneth, though it kept off for a time, yet notwithstanding in the end( for the most part) it cometh, may appear in this likewise, that though this were so strange a iudgement( to destroy almost all, and that with so great, and so strange a flood) and in the beginning almost of the world, before that the people were yet( to speak of) any way taught or called vpon to haue taken better ways: yet was it notwithstanding, as before it was threatened, when the time was come, brought in vpon them. For then may we much more strongly conclude, that such judgements as are more usual with his iustice, and on our parts more justly deserved( now that wee are so thoroughly warned, both by the Lawe and Prophets before, and by Christ and his Apostels since) if at any time he threatened them unto us, he will likewise, if wee do not repent, in his due time bring them vpon vs. As touching the time, diuers there are that out of the proportion of it, do gather a guess of the end of the world, accounting it to bee a thing not unlikely, that such a quantity of time as was betwixt the first Adam and that general flood, should bee likewise betwixt the last Adam Christ, and that general destruction by fire which is to come: and so that the flood, which came in the year of the world one thousand six hundred fifty and six, from the first creation of Adam, will go near to show, about what time the end of the world shall bee, namely about the like time from Christ; one thousand and six hundred of them being spent already, and, by the reckoning of some, a good many more. But of that there is no certainty: as those also themselves that note it, would haue none to make any other reckoning of it. But seeing that other tokens( of which Christ spake before, willing us, when wee should see those come to pass to lift up our heads, and telling us that then our salvation should bee near) begin so fast to bee accomplished, so that wee presume not to set down any certainty of it, wee may well stir up ourselves thereby the nearer that so wee may think it to be, the more to withdraw our wonted love from the things of this world, and to fasten it on those better things that do appertain to the kingdom of God. Those that were but only implied, did some of them concern all: others, more specially but certain of them. Those that concerned them all generally, were, that though many of them then did by likelihood heartily sorrow for their former sins, and sought for help: yet was there no such mercy shewed to any one of them all. A special good pattern to show us likewise, that if wee slip the time of mercy, though then we sorrow never somuch, yet may it prove a very fruitless sorrow unto us, and nothing at all help us in the distress that then wee are in. Those others whom it concerned more specially, were the residue of his kinsfolk and family, and those that holp him to build the ark: of whom wee find none of them all that took any benefit to their own safety, of so good opportunity as thereby they had to haue avoided that imminent danger. Which may in like sort resolve us in this, that the best men that are, can oft-times do no good at all in matters of this kind( such as concern the kingdom of God, or any way a true and lively faith) with those that are nearest of all unto them, or otherwise in duty bound unto them: and that as those builders of the ark builded for others, and not for themselves; even so now also, and in all other ages besides, many there bee that do well help others to the kingdom of God, and yet themselves do still hold on the way that leadeth to eternal death. 6 Such a clean riddance once being made of those former inhabitants of the world, that had so far defiled the earth with their sin, and a perpetual document being given thereby, howe feerefull indignation is in the just judgements of God, due unto the sin of Man, now are wee to consider of those that remained, and of the race that coming of them succeeded the others that went before, until the time that out of them all he choose one peculiar people unto himself: where first wee are to consider of those that now remained; then of those that out of them were afterward raised. Concerning those that now remained, wee are first to consider of them so far as appertaineth unto the story that wee haue in hand, concerning them all generally: then, as another other story requireth, which toucheth certain of them more specially. So far as appertaineth unto this story that wee haue in hand concerning them all generally, wee are first to consider of them as they were in safety while others perished: then, how afterward it pleased God to deal further with them As they were in safety while others perished, we are to note two special things: by what means they were in such safety; and in what manner they had the same. The means were none others, but onely such as whereby it pleased God to save them, by gathering themselves into the vessel that to that end was provided for them; and when they were there, by their continuing and abiding therein. And so we also neither are, nor can bee otherwise saved, but onely by such means, not as wee or others haue devised, but onely by such as God hath in Iesus Christ provided for us: by gathering ourselves unto the help that is provided; and by our fast abiding therein. In ●hat manner they had this safety will then sufficiently appear, when wee shall consider in some respects, both what manner of persons themselves were: and in what manner they were in the ark during the time that the flood endured. What manner of persons themselves were, I extend onely to this, that no commendation of godliness is there given to any of them, but onely to Noah: a right pattern therein also of our redemption in Iesus Christ, for as much as he onely hath all the godliness that is among us; and wee haue none at all of our own, but are saved onely by his. In the manner wherein they were there, I note that they were but in homely case in some respect: and yet much better, then to haue perished with al the rest. In homely case they were in some respect, because they were shut up as it were in prison, and by the closeness of the vessel in the strong savour of the beasts that were with them and of their ordure; and must needs employ themselves both in homely service, both in delivering forth such food as they had to all those creatures, and in cleansing their rooms from their filth as need required: and this for the space of one whole year, and somewhat better. And wee also, though we haue a full and an absolute Redemption in Christ, yet if we be indeed in the fellowship of those that are saved, we haue here in this world, but a loathsome estate to flesh and blood: but yet much better, then otherwise to perish with the wicked. In somuch that whosoever he be that hath a pleasant estate here, and is not occupied in such imploymentes as are ircksome and grievous to flesh and blood, and those also such as are for righteousness sake, and in the way of his own proper calling, though wee cannot say, that he is none of the number of them that shall bee saved( because afterward he may be called to that estate, though yet he be not) yet this is sure, that as yet he is not in the way that leadeth thereunto, and so consequently cannot as yet( without presumption) make any sure reckoning of it: A needful lesson for all our worldly and delicate professors of Iesus Christ, that will needs force to themselves a kind of assurance that they are in the ark with him, and do nothing at all intermeddle with those affairs that in no wise they can avoid if they bee there; neither yet are touched with those annoyances that are so far from being avoided to those that are there, that as Noah himself notwithstanding that he was deere unto God was not freed from them, so Christ his better, and dearer then he, had experience of them in plentiful measure, and having given us example therein, doth look that wee also should follow. Howe it pleased God afterward to deal further with them, resteth in two principal points: one, as touching that their present estate then; the other, as touching another estate of theirs ensuing. As touching that present estate of theirs wherein they were then, wee haue two principal matters delivered unto us: One, how it pleased him then to finish that Gen. 8: 1-12. hard estate of theirs; the other, how fully also he did settle or content himself with that which already now he had done. How it pleased him to finish that 〈◇〉 estate of theirs, is plainly set down, in that now having assuaged the waters, and dried the ground, he called them forth of the ark, and gave them liberty, now to bee on the Earth again. And so is it sure for us also, that when God hath here in like sort exercised those that are his, with such vexations and discontentments as his wisdom hath thought meetest for them, then will he behold them with his favourable countenance again, and refresh them much more, then ever he did put them to grief before. How fully he did settle or content himself with that which already now he had done, doth likewise appear in this that he did so graciously accept of the sacrifice that Noah, so soon as he was come forth of the ark, did offer unto him. Which that we may the better perceive, we had need more distinctly to consider, both of that sacrifice of Noah: and of his acceptance of it. In that sacrifice of Noah we are to consider, both that he sacrificed then unto God: and in what manner he performed the same. In that he sacrificed then unto God, we are to learn, not to shrink from the worship and service of God, for whatsoever adversity he bringeth vpon us: but to honour both his wisdom and goodness therein, and for the same to be thankful unto him. The manner wherein he offered that sacrifice of his, is but in this, that notwithstanding, now there were but a small store of Creatures left, to replenish the earth again, yet even of them also did he take of diuers kindes one, and offered the same in sacrifice to God. Out of which we also are to learn, that though our ●●ne store be never so scant, yet must we take heed that in Gods matters wee bee not too sparing, how scantsoeuer that our store may otherwise be. In Gods acceptance of it we may plainly see, that he lost not his labour, both for that the Text beareth witness that it was welcome unto him: and especially, for that thereupon the Lord set down with himself, that notwithstanding that man was very sinful, and thereby would much provoke his heavy displeasure: yet would he never so destroy the World again; but that all the seasons of the year should ever afterwards hold their wonted course. And so may we also affure ourselves that if in such case we shall truly worship the Lord, both it shall be so welcome unto him, and he will so graciously reward the same, by withholding from us so grievous plagues for the time to come, that we also may account our labour therein, though it were never so much, yet to be very well bestowed. As touching that other estate of theirs ensuing, wee are to consider, what it was: and in Gen. 9: 1-17. whom they were made partakers of it. That estate of theirs that now by the goodness of God they had ensuing, did first respect their increase or multiplication: then, their own good estate besides. That which respected their increase or multiplication, was that God gave them liberty now to increase and multiply: and himself also did bless them thereunto. That which respected their own good estate besides, was partly in certain good things that God did give them: and partly in putting them in good security of keeping one il thing away from them, that now they did or might haue feared. Those good things that God did give them, were some of them in respect of inferior Creatures: but one there was, which most respected some good order among themselves. Those good things that GOD did give them in respect of inferior Creatures, were two: one, the superiority over them; the other, a needful use of them. Superiority over them he did give them, in that he did put into the hearts of all those creatures the fear of Man: and gave them all into his hands. The use of them was for the most part, and so far as any estate of theirs should require pennitted unto them: but yet in one little point restrained. The use of them was permitted unto them so far as any estate of theirs should require, in that they were allowed so far to take them to their needful sustenance, as the fruits of the earth before. That little point which was restrained unto them, was but onely to forbear the blood of them: so, not onely to invre them to obedience, in forbearing something forbidden unto them; but also to teach them to detest all manner of cruelty, and wanton riping into the blood or life of any. That which did most respect some good order among themselves, was, that Magistracy was at that time also by God ordained, in that he appointed that whosoever had shed any Mans blood, even by man also should his blood bee shed. For seeing that every where he forbiddeth private reuenge, and yet here appointeth that such offenders by man should be punished, it doth necessary follow, that public Magistracy is thereby erected: and although but this onely use thereof be there name; yet may we so much the sooner see, that other points of that duty bee necessary employed withall, as wee daily find by experience, that Murtherers can never bee sufficiently avoyded, unless other disorder besides bee also restrained. That one ill thing, that they did or might haue feared, of which they were put in so good security that it should bee kept from them, was such a general destruction of the World again, by such a flood, as now so lately they had seen before. Concerning which, and to put them in good security for that matter, both he maketh them a plain promise, that he will never so destroy the World again: and also giveth the Raine-bowe unto them for an assurance or pledge thereof. In whom they were made partakers of these good things that God vouchsafed to bestow vpon them, is plain enough in itself likewise, now that wee understand that there is no atonement betwixt God and Man, nor any favour of God towards us, but onely by Christ: and therefore, that as before was noted, in that so easy chastisement that was cast on man for their sin, that it imported there was a reconciliation already made in the secret purpose of God; so in this likewise wee may see, that herein both Noah and all his company then, and the whole race of mankind since, did so much taste of the goodness of God in Iesus Christ, that even all the Children of the World that enjoy those favours( as there are none that can bee without them) are all beholding to Christ for the same. 7 In that other Story that more specially concerneth but certain of them, we haue Gen. 9: 18-27. delivered unto us one special slip or oversight that of infirmity was by one of these committed, that was so lately delivered from that fearful destruction: and some other matters of special account thereupon likewise offered unto vs. That one special slip or oversight that was committed by one of those that were so lately delivered, was committed by Noah himself: and the matter was, that planting a Vineyard, and drinking the Wine thereof, he was so overtaken therewith, that he lay in his Tent vncouered, to the shane and grief of those that wished him well and were sorry to see it. Wherein wee are more specially to consider of the fault that therein he made: and howe the same grew to bee known unto others. In the fault that therein he made, wee are to consider, that if such a Father in so fresh remembrance of so strange and heavy a iudgement of God against sin, could bee so overtaken, then may wee, if we take not the better heed, much more easily fall into such, and greater also. In that it was then known unto others( though it were but in his own Tent onely that he lay so vncouered) and since likewise is made so known unto all; wee may note likewise, that when there is any such sin committed; then may the knowledge thereof easily get forth to our own discredit though it were done but in our own houses, and those that are about us bee otherwise never so near unto us: and that if God would not spare the knowledge thereof unto him, that so for the saving of his credit it might haue been smothered at home, then may wee much less look for any other at the hands of God, but that if we also will not fear in secret to commit so shameful things, he then do spare us as little in bringing them forth unto the open light of the Sun. Those other matters of special account that thereupon likewise are offered unto us, are but such as haue some dependence on this other going before: but some of them haue it something nearer; and others somewhat farther off. Those that haue a nearer dependence on this oversight of Noah, are two: one of them, concerning Cham the youngest son of Noah; the other concerning Sem, and japhet the elder. That which concerneth Cham, is, that finding his Father so unseemly to ly, he did not himself cover his nakedness, but went forth and told his brethren of it: a naughty humour that yet also reigneth in many of us( and of late hath masked much under the idolator of a most zealous care of reformation) not ourselves to cover such faults as wee find( or suppose wee find) in many of our Fathers, but to disclose the same unto others; and not onely to disclose them, but also to lay them out to the uttermost, and the moee we can disgrace them thereby, the greater pleasure to take therein. That which concerneth Sem& japhet, is, that they hearing thereof, took it so ill, that they were not only sorry themselves, but being careful also to cover the same, took a garment on their shoulders, and turning their faces away from the fight thereof, went backward, and laid the garment thereon: A good example for others to follow, when-soeuer they do in like sort find any of their Fathers to bee so overseen, and some of their brethren to make but a game or pastime at it, or at least so to travell therewith, that they cannot rest until they haue uttered it unto others. Those that haue their dependence thereon somewhat farther off, do concern that which ensued thereon: namely, that Noah knew both the one and the other; and then pronounced accordingly of them. In that he knew( when he awaked) both the one and the other, that is, who had dealt so ill with him, and on the other side who had dealt well, it is good for us also to note, that it is wisdom to avoid the one, and to use the other; so much the rather, as hereby wee may gather, that GOD will suffer neither of both still to lye hide, but one time or other will bring them both into open light, that so either of them may then receive whatsoever is meetest for them. In that which he pronounced accordingly of them, we are to consider thereof, first as it was uttered by him: then as afterward it proved indeed. As it was uttered by him, wee see he pronounced a curse to the one: and a blessing unto the others. In the curse that he pronounced to the one, wee are to see, what it was, and unto whom it was chiefly directed. What this curse was, is first set down generally: then more specially. Generally it is said, that he is accursed: wherein wee may see, that some curse or other is due to those that shall in such sort offend. More specially it is set down to be, that he shal be a base Seruant unto his Brethren: an estate that is due to those that do so little reverence those whom they should; and yet, being so easy as it is( being in such abjection but unto his Bretheren) such as boadeth a great deal worse else-where, if they do not repent. That it was not directed unto himself that made the offence, but unto one of his sons( even to the fourth, which seemeth also to bee the youngest) as namely to Canaan, it is an example, both that a Man may offend and procure wrath to come from the presence of God for his fault, and yet he himself not bee touched therewith that made the fault: and that if ourselves offend, wee may easily overthrow our Children thereby. In the blessing, wee are in like sort to consider, who they were that had the blessing: and what was the blessing on them bestowed. In searching out who they were that had the blessing, as appeareth even at the first, that they were his other two sons, Sem and japhet, that had so covered that nakedness of his; and not put off unto their Children, but bestowed even on themselves: so may we in like sort gather, that in doing the like, we may account to meet with some blessing, one or other, such as the wisdom of God shall think meetest for us; and that ourselves in our own daies, may see some effect thereof to the comfort of ourselves and others. The blessing that was bestowed vpon them, was part of it, proper to either: and part of it, common to both. That which was proper to either, was, first as touching Sem his second Son, that the Lord his God, or the God that should bee worshipped in his line or family, was the blessed or true God: then, as touching japhet his eldest son, that God would in time bring to pass( or at least, that himself, as the iudgement of some is, doth wish the same) that japhet also should dwell in the Tents of Sem, or came to so true a profession and knowledge of the selfsame true and living God, and thereby of such better things in the World to come, that they also should account themselves but Pilgrims here, as much as any of the faithful besides, and so should dwell( both in that profession, and hope) in the Tents of Sem. That which was common to them both, was, that Canaan should be Seruant to either of them, both to the one& to the other: so that either of them should haue both the use of his service; and the honor to be his Lord. As afterward it proved in deed, we are to consider, first of the curse that here is uttered: and then of the blessing that was given withall. As touching the curse that here is uttered, we are in like sort to consider, that being pronounced, not of his own private affection, but by direction of the good Spirit of God prophetically, we must needs account, that the same was accordingly fulfilled, whether we haue the performance of it afterward set down in the Story or not: as also wee haue in the Scriptures following Iud. 1. 16. 4. 11 1. Sam. 15. 6. 1. Chro. 2, 55. diuers other such places besides. For we haue diuers places that show, that the Kenites which were of jethro the Father in Law of Moses, did afterward dwell with the people of God: but no Story at all of their first coming unto them; but rather a plain denial to join with them therein, when Moses did specially desire the same. So likewise Num. 10. 30. there is in the time of david, and towards the end of his reign, a plain relation of a slaughter that Saule in his time had made on certain of the G●b●●●ites: but 2. Sam. 21. 1, 2 yet we haue no original Story of it. And so may it be in this likewise: that wee may not look to find the full accomplishment of this curse that was cast on C 〈…〉 in any History that is left us thereof; and yet to be sure, that it was accomplished even to the full. Which it behoveth us here to mark somuch the rather, for that otherwise that which is by the learned given in for the accomplishment of this curse, the more it is considered of, the shorter may wee find that it cometh of that which the curse may seem to import. Whereunto though it bee no hard matter to add somewhat more: yet it may be, that unto those that shall enter into any set consideration of it, even all will seem to be little enough. nevertheless it shall be good to consider of it, and to see how far it reacheth: and first of that which is by the learned noted to be the accomplishment of it; then what it is that may further be conceived thereof. In that which is by the learned noted to be the accomplishment of it, we are to consider, not onely what it is: but also in what respect it may seem to be short of that which the curse doth seem to import. What it is may soon be seen, for that it is no more, but that subiection, that the Cana●●ites were brought unto, under the Israelites: when first they had destroyed so many of them; and afterward made many of the rest tributaries unto them, and some few of them( as namely the Gibe●●ites) their Seruants in deed. Though this be the thing that most of the learned account to be the accomplishment of that curse aforesaid, yet may it seem to bee short, both in itself: and in comparison of others also. In itself may seem to come short, first in respect of the parties under whom C 〈…〉 was devoted to be: then, in respect of the Nature of the subiection that there is described. The parties under whom he was devoted to be in such subiection, were first his own Bretheren: then also, to both his Vnkles besides, who were Sem and japhet. But in this subiection that yet wee haue found, besides that it was but of his posterity, even they also therein were subject to none, but onely to certain of the race of Sem: and then do we want in this, both that which should be to his own Bretheren; and that which should bee to japhet also. The Nature of that subiection that he should be in, is by Noah in such terms set down, as that wee may well look for villanage or servitude of the lowest degree, and such as wee find not in that same that now we speak of: and first if not in the Gabeanites which were in most servitude of any of them( because that both they were but a small portion of them, and in no such servitude neither;) then much less in those that were but tributaries unto them, holding as they did so many good cities, towns, and Castles, for that small tributary subiection of theirs. The comparison that I speak of, is of those Israelites themselves, first in egypt: and then in the Land of Canaan also. In egypt they were in great bondage unto that part of the race of Cham: and that same much greater, then ever was this race of Cham therein unto them. In the Land of Canaan also both the Canaanites generally, and the Aramites and philistines more specially,( whereof the former were in part descended from Canaan himself, and the latter from one of the other sons of Cham, and so were their near Kinsmen, and had a good piece of their Land) had them in so long and hard subiection, that the Children of Israell could not much more be said to haue had the Canaanites under their subiection, then the Canaanites and other near Kinsmen of theirs, had the Israelites in subiection to them. That which may be further conceived, is partly of the persons themselves: and partly of the Land which they had to inhabit. The persons themselves were, either Canaan, the common ancestor of them all: or those that were of him descended. As touching Canaan himself, because the curse is directed so specially to him, therefore it cannot bee denied or thought to be against the sense of it, if himself were of so abject a Nature, as the same were fulfilled onely in him: but of that we haue no story at all; and so we are not to persuade ourselves, that it was accomplished in him, unless we had some warrant for it. But because it was in such sort spoken, therefore we may assure ourselves, that if it were not fulfilled any way else, then was it undoubtedly fulfilled in him, though wee haue no special Story of it. Concerning those that were of him descended( in whom by most likelihood wee are to look for the accomplishment of it, because we haue not the accomplishment of the blessing neither, so far as ●●● haue any Story of it, in Sem and japhet themselves, but onely in those that descended of them) seeing the other sense that before we spake of, cometh so short, that it were good to consider of some other, if the Text do afford the same, thus much wee know by all experience, and by the allowance of the Law of God itself, that such as had any Bond-men or villains, had likewise power to use them almost as they would. Insomuch, that if they should beate any such to death, although then they were to be punished if they dyed under their hands: yet if they lived but a day or two after, then was there nothing to be laid to their charge for the same. By which, if wee measure the subiection or servitude that the Canaanites were by this curse devoted unto, then the Story is clear therein, that they were so fully given into the hands of the Children of Israell, that not onely they might utterly destroy them, Man, Woman, and Child, not sparing any; but also they were very earnestly and often advised so to do, and to leave at all no memory of them: then the which, there was never granted greater power unto any, of whatsoever Bond-men he had; though the meanest and the most abject that ever was, or that could bee conceived by any. But then this also was( as the other before) but onely to that small portion of the race of Sem: and not to his Bretheren, nor yet to his uncle japhet, as the curse that on him was laid doth plainly require. The Land that they had to inhabit, was of them( the most ancient Inhabitants thereof that are known) called also the Land of Canaan, wherein if we may be allowed to look for the accomplishment of this curse aforesaid, or but so far as we shall find the other to give us just occasion to seek further, then may we find, both that it hath been under such servitude, as may more fully answer the curse that now we speak of, in every point: and that whereas one doubt there is that may be conceived, both it may be sufficiently answered, and withall declared, that in some respect it were not amiss, so far to make the Land itself liable unto it. That it hath been under such servitude as may more fully answer this curse in every point, I take it to be apparent in the Story of it: both because it hath been very much in bondage unto foreign powers; and because it was in bondage to those that here are spoken of. Both which are so plain in themselves, especially in those four chief and principal Monarchies, and in the bipartite estate of the third, that it is not needful but onely thus briefly to point unto it. That one doubt that may be conceived, is, that then, when it was in subiection, it was not inhabited by the Canaanites, to whom this curse appertained, but by the Israelites that were the blessed: and it cannot be denied, but that so it was indeed. But then it is to be considered withall, that now we make our inquiry but onely for the Land itself, how far it may yeeelde us a good accomplishment of the curse aforesaid: and that they being the peculiar people of God, and therefore ordained to special holinesse, and carrying about with them such corruption of Nature as needed to be by such means amended, it was to good purpose, that such a special and perpetual servitude should be so allotted unto the Land that they should inhabit, that so whosoever it were that reigned, yet they should ever be in subiection, and thereby ever so taste of correction, that afterward they might the more plentifully reap the fruits of the same, unto their own unspeakable comfort. The blessing that was given withall, is a great deal more easy, both for that the latter part of it( that I mean which is common to them; namely, that either of them should haue the use& honor of Canaans service) is so near coupled to the curse of Canaan already declared, that whatsoever light it hath obtained, this also is made partaker of it; and because the former of them( that which is proper to either of them) is made plain enough by the Story ensuing: both as touching the blessedness of the God of Sem; and that japhet in time to come should be alured to his Tentes also. For as touching the former, that whereas, even as people increased, so would they degenerate, and set up many false Goddes among them, insomuch that the true God which made them and fed them, should nevertheless on all hands be much forgotten and neglected among them; yet in some of the race of Sem should be worshipped, and many ways declare himself to be their God: the Story that followeth doth plainly declare, that the Lord, that most true and living God, and ever blessed, did afterward betake himself to one special people, and choose them to bee his own peculiar, among whom also he was known and worshipped; and that the people that so he choose, did descend of neither of the other, but onely of Sem, Abram being in lineal descent the ninth from him. Whereby there was,( as it were) a Standard advanced to all, and a plain declaration of these two points, both that the true and living God would bee known in the World, and among the sons of Men; and in which of those three progenies they had to seek him: a great help to those that would gladly seek unto him; and sufficient to make all those inexcusable that did not regard him. For although the Progeny of Sem was very large, and it be not declared out of which of all those Families God would choose that peculiar people of his: yet when he did choose them, then he dealt in such sort for them, that it might indifferent plainly appear, even at the first while they were but few, and afterward most clearly when they were more, that there was indeed such a God among them. So likewise as touching the latter, of that bringing of the race of japhet to dwell in the Tentes of Sem, wee see that Europe, which way japhet did most of all spread, was brought long since to the knowledge of that true and blessed God; and haue so made their dwelling therein, that whereas the most of the others( that once also were brought to the selfsame knowledge) haue since gone back, yet do these( for the most part of them) still remain under the same. And whereas the Nature of the Word importeth, that they should bee sweetly alured thereunto, as Parents use to flatter their Children, and to bring them on by speaking them faire: so we may see, that not by force of arms, but onely by the power of the sweet and comfortable word of God, were they brought unto the obedience of the faith at the first, and thereby are still preserved in it. 8 Concerning those that descended of these, first they are somewhat sorted unto us: then, haue wee one special Story of them. And we find that they are somewhat sorted unto us, first in that they all haue their genealogies so plainly described, Gen. 10: 1-32. that wee may easily see from whom they descend: then also, in that diuers of them are sorted unto the land of their habitation likewise. In that they haue their genealogies so plainly described wee are to note two things: first, that it pleased God to show himself to haue a care to perform the promise that in those matters he made unto them; then, that we also are not to neglect( much less to abandon) the knowledge of them. The promise that in those matters he made unto them, was principally of the promised seed: but partly also of the prerogative that lately wee saw was given to certain of the line of Sem over the Canaanites. In respect of that promised seed, besides that the whole race of Sem is set down as the others are in the tenth Chapter generally, in the eleventh one line of it( that whereof the promised seed should come) is set down more specially even to the time of Abraham himself, Gen. 11, 10-26 the ninth from Sem: and so careful a reckoning of the time joined withall, that therein we may see( being laid to that which goeth before) that unto the calling of Abraham which immediately followeth, there were now spent of the world above 2000. yeares. In respect of that prerogative of certain of the race of Sem over the Canaanites, the line of Canaan is likewise more fully recited. That if wee should neglect the knowledge thereof, we did therein offend, there is no question, saving onely that else-where wee are forbidden to strive about such matters. But that is meant of those that are uncertain or needless: not tending to truth and godliness, but breeding hurtful and needless contention. Whereas these( on the other side) are such, as are most certain, and many ways so needful besides, that the neglecting thereof hath not gon so far unpunished with the greatest learned before nor since, but that thereby they haue bewrayed their ignorance in great matters besides. In the sorting of them into the land of their habitation wee are to note, that for a couple of them, it was done but generally: but for certain of the third of them, much more specially. Those two for whom it is done but generally are japhet and Sem, the posterity of the former of them being allotted unto those Countries or Regions which they were wont to call the Iles or Regions of the Gentiles, which then did ly North-west from them, and since is properly( for the most part of them) called Europe; and of the latter, from those partes East-ward. but yet so briefly, as but a small part of their habitation is there name. Those that of the third progeny of them( which are those that descended of Cham, his youngest son) had their habitation more specially set down, were two: one of the sons of Cush his eldest son, which was Nimrod; and the race of his youngest gest of all, which was Canaan. Nimrod seemeth to bee the youngest son of his Father also; but yet the first that grew so mighty and the mightiest of all of his time: so hath he his habitation more specially set down, even in the heart of the Country where then they were. Canaan his youngest son had many Children, and hath the bounds of his habitation distinctly set down: and in such sort, as that the Children of Israel might then see, what was the Land that they might look for. That special Story that wee haue of them, was, that before they divided themselves, they would needs haue made both a proud and presumptuous work, had not God defeated their endeavours so as he did. So are we therein to consider, both of that endeavour of theirs: and how it pleased God to defeat them therein. Their endeavour was, to make themselves a city and Tower of special height, both to get themselves a name; and to bee such a strength unto them, as that they should not need to bee scattered abroad on the face of the earth: so endeavouring( in the pride of their hearts) to advance themselves, and to shroud themselves under the protection of their own strength; and withall giuing unto us a right pattern, what is that inward and secret meaning, out of which all the sumptuous buildings of the world are wont to proceed. In Gods defeating of that endeavour of theirs we are to note, both what he did concerning the same: and what a token or mark thereof was left unto others in that their building. That which he did, resteth in two principal points: one, how he addressed himself unto it; the other how he did the thing itself. he addressed himself unto it, in that he took knowledge of their doings( to which end it is said, that he came down to see what they were doing) and then resolved what himself would do therein. The thing itself that then he did, to hinder that presumptuous deed of theirs, was, that whereas all were of one Language till then, he forthwith so divided their tongues that both they were fain to leave off their building, for that now but few of them understood one another, and to sort themselves together to such several companies, as wherein to they saw thereby that the Lord had sorted them now. And so by the reason hereof both they left off building, and dispersed themselves in several companies, to inhabit and to replenish the rest of the earth as it pleased God in time to increase them, and therewith to spread them further abroad. The token or mark that hereof was left unto others in that their building, was the name that now was given it, being Babel or babylon, which doth signify Confusion: giuing all men to understand, that the just desert of such proud attempts wheresoever, and that which properly belongeth unto them, is, in the end, to come to confusion; to the shane of those that did attempt them, and to make others the more wary thereby, that somuch the rather they ever took heed of such presumption. And therefore is it somuch the stranger( but yet therein a better pattern, of how incorrigible a nature wee are) that after-ward notwithstanding the building of that city and Tower was so prosecuted by others, that for magnificency or strangeness of the work, it afterward became an astonishment or wonder unto the world. But of that more( if need shall bee) when wee come to the time whereunto it belongeth. And thus much as touching the general Story of the whole world, for the space of two thousand yeeres and more, so long as God had not chosen( as yet) any one peculiar people unto himself; but only had certain several persons( now and then one, without any number that yet wee read of) whom it pleased him more specially to touch with his good Spirit, and whom it pleased him to make to shine as lights unto others, in the midst of a rude and godless people. 9 Which that wee may the better digest, to the glory of God, and to our own edifying withall, it shall be good now a part to consider, what face of a Church we may bee able hence to gather: that so searching out the same here at the beginning, and hereafter likewise having some tecourse thereunto, when need shall require, wee may the better know what it i●, and howe to bee in all respects persuaded of it, and first who they are that belong thereunto: then of what face they are amongst men, or what is their appearance unto the world. In searching out who they are that belong thereunto, wee are to take heed, that wee rest not onely in the truer members: but that wee admit into this company all others also that are outward professors, though otherwise we be not able to find any true sincerity in them. Of those that were the truer members of the Church, wee haue in all this time but few, for whom wee haue any good warrant to give that honour unto them: but diuers others of whom wee may bee so persuaded. Those that are of the former sort, are none that wee know of by name in all this time, but onely Abell, Henoc and Noah: but of the others( such as of whom we may bee so persuaded) Adam and eve, Seth, Enos, Sem, japhet, and Heber; and, it may bee, some others of the Fathers besides. Of those that were outward professors, first it is to bee noted, that in this compass of time we find no one People, city, or Family: then also, that besides those that are before mentioned for the truer members, wee find but few of whom we may bee herein assured. But Kaine certainly was one of the outward professors: and we may hope that so were all those other Fathers before recited. And if that place in the end of the fourth of Genesis bee to bee understood in the better sense, then wee may account of diuers others that then began to gather themselves unto the outward profession of true Religion. If it bee taken in the worse part: yet both itself implieth, that there were some before; and that afterward some are name to be the Children of God, it seemeth so to import likewise. In searching out of what face they were among men, or what was their appearance unto the world, wee are first to consider of the chief and principal matter: and then of certain others that may not well bee omitted neither. Of what face or appearance they were in the chief and principal matter, is to bee found in the Religion that they professed. Which that wee may the better find( and to such confusion of some, and strengthening of others, as this Age of ours doth most require) it shall bee good first to consider, what it was not: then, what it was. To find out what it was not, wee are to note, that as yet none of those points of the Romish religion( wherein they haue sundered themselves from other Churches) was professed by any: as namely, not the mass, nor praying for the dead, or to others then God himself, nor worshipping of Images, nor any other of that kind. What it was, is declared but briefly neither: but one point there is, that is plainly set down; and another that certainly seemeth to bee implied. That which is plainly set down, is, that they sacrificed unto the true and living God: as Abell, Kaine, and Noah. That which certainly seemeth to bee implied, is, that they restend or fastened their faith on the promised seed. For though wee haue it not( in all this compass) reported of any of them: yet both elsewhere it is so reported of all the godly Fathers generally; and it is an inseparable propriety of all the faithful, gladly and readily to take hold on whatsoever covenant of grace it pleaseth God to offer unto them. Whereas therefore it pleased God before to offer that covenant unto them, it doth necessary follow, that so many as sought after God, did readily also rely thereon, so soon as they got any knowledge of it: and very likely, that the knowledge thereof was carefully preserved among the better sort of them, and delivered from one to another. Those other matters that were not altogether of so great moment as this, and yet such as might not well bee omitted neither, are two: one, of what reckoning they were among others; the other, what government they had among themselves. Of what reckoning they were among others, doth chiefly appear in Abell, and Noah: and partly also in Sem, and Heber. For Abell was slain by his brother Kaine: and Noah despised almost of all. Sem also and Heber, if they were of the godlier sort as( for the one of them at least) it is most likely, and whatsoever godly people were at that time in those parts besides, notwithstanding, all that godliness of theirs: yet, as it seemeth, that they were all trodden down( to speak of) by that special usurpation of Nimrod, and made to be of no reckoning, in comparison of that gallant crew of theirs. What government likewise they had among themselves, is so much the rather to bee marked of us, as that it is certain that now there was no Pope among them, nor one general Head over all the rest; neither yet any part of that new platform, that of late was so peremptorily urged unto us: and yet notwithstanding, that God had his people among them; and so may haue with us likewise( if there bee nothing wanting besides) though in our government we haue neither of those. The better sort of them( by all likelihood) would bee in obeisance unto those Fathers that were the heads over those Families in which they were: and, when others took vpon them more then it be came them to do, yet if afterward it pleased God to establish that sovereignty of theirs, then( no doubt) would the better sort bee in obedience to them likewise, in all things lawful. CHAP. 5. 1 AS touching the more special Story of the peculiar people of God, to the end, that we be the less deceived therein, it is to bee known, that some few there are, who may seem to appertain to that company; but do not: and yet are not altogether to bee left out neither, but in place convenient to be remembered. So are wee not in such sort to deal in this Story, as that either we mingle both these together, or so follow on those which properly belong hereunto, that wee altogether leave out the others( as otherwise it were a slip, that on either side were easily made:) but first considering of those that properly belong to this Story; then are we, in like sort to consider something of the others also. again, those that now we speak of, and account to be no part of this Story, are such notwithstanding, and the consideration of them such likewise, that they may not so conveniently tarry till we haue altogether finished the other; and much less take place before them: and therefore are we, at such time as it may seem meetest to remember them, to make digression from the other to take in these; and so to return to the other again. The time likewise when it is meetest to remember these, will bee, as I take it, when those that were to be his peculiar people, were vouchsafed that prerogative so far, that both themselves were grown to bee, for the number of them, a competent people, and that the laws of God were given them. For number they were a competent people, when it pleased God, by the ministry of Moses, to deliver them out of egypt: but the giuing of his laws unto them( which was much by the ministery of Moses also) extended itself( in a manner) to all the time of Moses government, and while the people were in the wilderness; many of those laws being delivered unto them, in the first book of Moses called Deuteronomy, and towards the end of Moses life, and of their Pilgrimage there, it also being( a little before his death) his Farewell unto them. So are we first to see the Story of Gods peculiar people, so long as the government of Moses lasted: and then, for a time, to digress to those others; and so to return to these again. The better to see the Story of Gods peculiar people, it shall be good, first to consider somewhat of the whole: then to deal more specially in it. That which wee are to consider as touching the whole, doth partly respect the substance of it: and partly certain accidents thereunto appertaining. That which concerneth the substance of it, is no more but this, that now it pleased God to take unto him one peculiar people out of all the Nations, kingdoms, or peoples of al the earth, and to keep himself onely to those for a certain time. So that, as before he estranged himself unto all mankind generally, taking unto him no one people in all the World, but onely certain several persons: so now also he taketh but one, and estrangeth himself to all the rest. And it seemeth that so he did, the better to cross that common corruption that is among us, that we think ourselves reasonable good, and not altogether unmeet for the presence of GOD. For this cause it seemeth( to teach us how exceeding foul we are, and how unmeet to haue any thing to do with his Holinesse) both that he did so estrange himself then unto all generally, and now when he took one people unto him, yet kept so aloof from them also( as afterward we are more fully to see) that thereby he did mean to gather them unto a better consideration of themselves, and in this his estranging of himself from them, to find out their own uncleanness. The accidents that do belong hereunto, are especially two: one of the time: another of the books, wherein we are to look for this Story. That of the time is no more but this, that after that God betook himself unto these, and choose them to be his peculiar people, he also kept to them notwithstanding their great provocations to the contrary, for the space of about two thousand yeares: and then cast off them for their great iniquity, and enlarged his kingdom unto all Nations generally. The books wherein we are to look for their Story, are all the residue of the bible, both of the Old and New Testament, to speak of: so that all the whole bible goeth( in a manner) onely of them. 2 More specially we are to consider, first how it pleased God to raise this people unto him: then, in what estate they afterward stood. To find out, howe it pleased God to raise that people unto him, because it was not done at once, but was a work of some continuance, or asked some time in the course that God thought good to take, we are therefore more distinctly to mark, both how he began at the first: and how he proceeded until he had brought them to bee so many, that now they were( even for multitude also) a reasonable people. To find out how he began at the first, we must haue recourse to the calling of Abraham, because that in him they also had their first call unto the Dignity that now we speak of. A Story that is but briefly set down; but yet so much the rather to be considered of us, for that it is a matter of special importance: and first, as it did proceed from God; then, as it was obeied by them. As it did proceed from God, we are to consider, first of the Persons: then, of the thing itself. The Persons are, first, of him that calleth: then, of those that are called. he that calleth, is onely God, and can be none other: for that, as he that maketh a feast, is to make the choice of his Guests as himself thinketh good; so God much rather is in such cases to take to himself whom it pleaseth him. And although this calling of his be no more but an outward testification to them, of that which was determined long before in the secret purpose of God: yet both they were to account this to bee the very first beginning of their good estate towards God( and so consequently, that it was of his calling on them, and not of their seeking to him;) and we likewise are so to resolve ourselves herein, that whatsoever good estate wee account ourselves to haue in Christ, the same must be by his goodness preventing us, and not that we do any way first seek unto him. Those that are called, are principally Abraham himself: and then diuers others besides. Abraham was of the Line of Sem, and the tenth from him, reckoning Sem himself for one: and so of the line of Heber also, and the seventh from him, reckoning Heber himself likewise for one; of whom the chiefest of the people that came of Abraham, were afterward termed Haebrewes also. Which Abraham dwelled among the Chaldaans, and( as it seemeth, for it is otherwise expounded by some) in a city or country there called ur; a Man of lxxv. yeares old, when by the virtue of Gods commandment he was to leave his own country, and to sojourn in a strange Country, himself not knowing where as yet: and both his country, Kindred, and Fathers house being infected with Idolatry, not unlike but that himself was at that same time such likewise, and so do diuers places of Scripture seem joseph. antiq. li. 1. Cap. ●. Lyr. et C 〈…〉 in Gen. i● 〈◇〉 locum. to charge him, though others again do surmise and set down the clean contrary of him( but without any warrant of the word of God, or approbation of the better sort) as that he was a professor of the truth, and a reproouer of the gross Idolatry that there was used. Those others besides were of two sorts, some of them of that present time: others, that did afterward follow. Those that were of that present time were only such, as one way or other did belong unto Abram: as Terah, his Father, in goodwill; and all his own retinue, in duty. For as touching Lot, though he also belonged to Abram, yet as his near Kinsman, being his Brother Harans son, yet whether he went as of himself of good-will with his uncle, or whether Abram took him with him as one of his charge( being as yet vnder-age to govern himself) that is not so far as yet I haue found declared by the Text itself. And as for all these, though they were no part of that people with whom God made that covenant that followeth( at least, but onely for their own persons, and but so far as they claue unto Abram, and not for their Children:) yet may we account, that these also had some calling of God, though not immediately from God unto them, yet in that Abram was so called, and these did in such sort belong unto him at the time of his calling, as that thereupon they might not well leave him, and besides had( even thereby onely) an open way made them, by right to enter into the fruition of some good part of those mercies that were bestowed on Abram. A good example for us, that even to converse with those that are in the favour of God, or any way to haue our being with them, doth make us oft-times to bee partakers of great blessings with them( as with Noah in the ark before:) and that men may be of the people of God that are not of Abram by lineal descent, nor a Church that can pled continual succession of their Byshops from the Apostles. Those that did afterward follow, were principally those that were descended of him by Isaac and jacob: then in a second degree, so many besides, as of other Nations or Families, should at any time in Religion join themselves with them. In the thing itself wee are to consider, what is required of him: and what reasons are used to move him thereunto. The thing that is required, resteth on two principal charges: one, concerning that which he must forsake or leave; the other, concerning that which now he was to address himself unto. That which he was to forsake and leave, was all his whole country generally: then more specially, both his own Kindred, and Fathers house. That which now he should address himself unto, was to another country, but( not at large) whether himself would, nor as yet name unto him: but onely, which God himself should show him. An example that giveth marvelous good instruction to us: but yet such, as is not so clear neither, but that something may seem to be somewhat strong against it. The instruction that it giveth to us, is, that we in like case should leave the ways and fashions of our country, Kindred, and Fathers house, both in matters of Religion, and in life and conversation, so farre-foorth as they do not agree with the word of God: and go with God, in such sort as his word doth teach us, unto such ways as it shall please him, by that word of his to appoint us unto. That which may seem to be strong against it, is no more but this, that whereas he lead them to another people, as bad as those from whom he brought them, how it may be grounded on this, that wee also should leave so dangerous company, when as these are not forsaken here, but changed rather. The answer whereunto may be, that although the inhabitants of the Land of Canaan, were as bad as the others, and worse too; yet could they not be so dangerous to Abram, as the others might bee, for that our own country fashions are stronger against us then are the ways of any strangers whatsoever: and then the instruction that before wee spake of, may easily appear to haue groundwork enough on this. Out of which we may also gather, that whereas marriage with these was afterwards forbidden, so specially to the people of God, when as notwithstanding they might mary with others as bad as they: even we also, when wee would mary, haue greater cause to beware of the adherents of the Church of Rome, then wee need to haue of diuers others that we might haue among us as bad as they, because we are by former education in more danger of them, then in like proportion we could bee of others. The reasons that he used to move him thereunto, are all of one kind, taken of the utility that dependeth thereon, and in that case should redound unto him: both generally concerning his whole line; and more specially as touching one principal branch rhereof. As touching his whole line generally, the benefit consisteth in two principal points: one, that they should be many; the other, that they should bee a blessed people. As touching that one principal branch, it was, that among those that should come of him by lincall descent, some one there should be, in whom all the Kindreds of the earth should be blessed: which is performed in Iesus Christ. Which blessings are, being rightly considered, so very great, and in so gracious manner promised withall, that it appeareth plainly thereby, that for that small service, God did vouchsafe him a very great and rich reward. As this calling of theirs was obeied by them, we are to consider, who they were that obeied the same: and how hard a thing it was, that thereby they performed. Those that obeied were principally Abraham himself: then also, all his other company besides. Abraham himself was the only Man that was called: and he obeyed his call immediately, presently yielding himself to do as the Lord required of him. His other company besides, were but his family without any question for all but one: but one there was, who it may be, was not to bee taken as one of his Family. Those that without question were of his Familiy, were Sara his Wife, and all his Seruants( together with their wives and Children also, as it seemeth) which how many they were, wee haue not set down, but it seemeth they were a great company: both because a few yeares after, when Lot was partend from him, he was able to bring forth to the field above three hundred of his own company( as afterward we shall see) and for that it was the manner of diuers in old time so to travell and sojourn abroad with great herds and flocks of Cattle great and small, and with 〈◇〉. de Sch 〈…〉 so great families withall, as should be needful to tend them accordingly. All which obeyed this calling also: yet not immediately from God; but by the subiection that they were in to him that was called. That one, that it may be, was none of his family, was Lot his Brothers son: who if he were at his own liberty, and yet would go with his uncle Abram, then was he but as a friend or sojourner with him. But if he Lyranus. ●a●eta●us. were but at vnder-age, and so under the charge of Abram, as it were by tuition his Father being dead already) which may well stand with the Text; or that Abram had joseph. An●●q. lib. 1. cap. 8. Cbrysostom●●. adopted him, being without Children himself( which is the opinion of diuers likewise) in both these cases he might well be taken as one of his Family: and then his obedience was like to that which was yielded by others that were of his Family undoubtedly; as also on the other side, if he were but a friend, yet thē also it was in respect of his friend. The difficulty of the thing that was herein performed, did respect Abram most: but in some part the others also. It respected Abram most, because he was well strike in yeares when he was to begin this journey: being then threescore and fifteen yeares old. It respected those others somewhat withall, because it is both troublesone and irksome to most mens Nature to leave their own country, and ever to bee but strangers abroad: especially, when as there was not that promise made unto them that was unto Abram, and themselves might haue but a small part of it. Yet notwithstanding did these digest this part of their difficulty,& Abram this, and the other too, in so very good manner, that even the example of these alone doth yield us a great and a burning light to show us the way, that in all such cases we ought to walk. 3 How it pleased him to proceed, until he had brought them to bee so many, that then they should bee( even for multitude also) a reasonable people, wee haue set down in all the residue of Genesis following, that is, from the beginning of the sixth verse of the twelfth Chapter, unto the end of whole book, and in the first fourtien Chapters and one and twenty verses of the fiftienth also of the book of Exodus Gen. 12: 6-50. 26. Exod. 1-15: ●1 next ensuing, until their full deliverance out of egypt. Concerning which wee may note, that the Story divideth itself into two principal parts: one, so long as they stood free; the other, when once they were in bondage. So long as they stood free, the Story doth chiefly treat of the chief and principal Fathers, Abraham, Isaak, jacob and joseph: of which, the first two never but kept in the Land of Canaan or near unto it; the others, spent much of their time abroad in other Countries. In the Story of those that never but kept in the land of Canaan, or near unto it, wee are to consider, that some things there are, that do more properly appertain to this course or order of Story that now wee are in: others again, that do not so fitly belong there-unto; but are rather to bee taken aside from these, or to bee handled apart by themselves. Those that do more properly appertain to this course of Story that now wee are in, do either respect their seed: or themselves. That which chiefly respecteth their seed, is but one; namely how God proceeded with these, in raising up a people unto him: and first with Abram; then after, with Isaak his son. In Abram wee find, that himself did first inordinately hast thereunto: but then, that afterward God brought it about in orderly manner. he did inordinately hast thereunto, when he stepped aside to Agar his seruant: wherein notwithstanding it shall be good to consider, first of the occasion thereof( that we may take the better heed:) then after, of the thing itself. The occasion thereof doth seem to rest on two principal points: one, that God had already told him that he should grow to so great a people; the other, that not onely Sarai his wife, but himself like-wise did therein lean overmuch to human reason. That God imparted that secret unto him before, wee find that very clear, not onely in Gen. 12. 2. Gen. 12. 7. his promise at the first, to make of him a great Nation: but also, when the Land itself was promised, both at his first entering into it; and when that promise was renewed unto him again. It was renewed twice before he made this slip: once, so soon as Lot was partend from him, at which time it was also told him, that his Gen. 13. 14-17. Gen. 15. 4, 5. Ibid. 8. 21. seed should bee as the dust of the earth; then again, when as to rescue Lot, he had overcome those four Kings and all their forces, and then telling him likewise, that his seed should bee as the Stars in heaven, and confirming the same unto him by a solemn covenant. That they restend too much likewise on human reason it appeareth plainly in Sarai: and reasonable plainly in Abram also. It appeareth plainly in Sarai, for that shee, even in plain terms, did so frame her reason( namely Gen. 16. 2-3. for that shee was barren, and God did give him no Children by her) when both shee persuaded Abram to take that course, and afterward did herself bestow her seruant vpon him to bee his wife. It appeareth reasonable plainly in Abram also, for that thereupon he took Agar unto him, and therein followed Saraies aduise. Ibid. 2. 4. So the thing itself is no more but this, that they being so many ways assured, that God did mean some seed unto him, and then considering the barrenness of the one, and the great age of both, it may seem, that as reason in such case would bee ready to infer, that there was no likelihood at all of the body of Sarai already, nor of his neither, unless he took it soon now: so they did likewise yield unto it, and thereupon resolved to assay it by Agar their seruant, when now they had been about Gen. 16. 1-4 ten yeares in the Land, and as yet had no child at al, notwithstanding all those promises before. An example plain enough in itself, both of the great weakness that it in us: and how likely we are, if God do at any time show us before, what good he doth mean us, inordinately to hasten unto it. So came it to pass, that whereas both Sarai did so far aduise him, and himself did so far yield thereunto, he lay with his seruant Agar, and got her with Child, who thereupon did bear Ismaell unto Gen. 16. 16. him, when now he was 86. yeares old. How God did afterward bring it about in orderly manner, it followeth in the Story, a few yeares after: first, how he gave them knowledge of it; then, howe he performed the thing itself. In giuing them knowledge of it, wee are to consider both in what sort it was delivered: and how hardly it was received. It was delivered twice unto them: first unto Abram alone; then, unto Abram and Sarai too. It was delivered to Abram alone, what time as Circumcision was first ordained: and shortly after, to them both together, when Abram did receive those Angels that went to destroy those sinful cities. In that first delivery of it, wee are to consider first of the occasion of it: then, of the delivery itself. The occasion of it was, that God was now again renewing unto Gen. 1●: 1-14 Abram his former promise of giuing unto him so worthy and so great a posterity: and for his better confirmation therein, both ordained Circumcision unto him to be a Sacrament of the same; and somewhat altered his name with all, by adding a syllable more unto it( of Abram, making it Abraham) and did the like for Sarai also, though not altogether in the same manner, but only by withdrawing a letter from it. Vpon this occasion he told Abraham, that Sarai his wife should no more be called Sarai, but Gen. 17: 15, 16 Sara: and gave in the reason of it, for that he would so bless her, that of her he should haue a Son( notwithstanding that great age of them both) and that of her should come a mighty people, and among them even Kings likewise. In that other delivery of it we haue in like sort set down unto us, first the occasion of it: then, therewithal the thing itself. The occasion of it was, that when he saw passing by him as it were three way-faring men he both earnestly entreated them to turn in unto him, Gen. 18: 1-8. and withall gave them such entertainment as then he had, and thought meet for them. At which time though he knew none other at the first, but onely that they were but men; yet soon after he found that they were other manner of guests then he was ware of: and the Apostle seemeth to haue that in remembrance, when exhorting Heb. 13, 2. the bretheren to lodge strangers, he saith that in so doing some had received into their houses Angels unawares. The thing itself is no more but this, that Gen. 18: 9-15 they were eating, they inquired for Sarai his wife, and both told him withall, that by that time twelue-moneth he should haue a child by her: and reproved her likewise for laughing at it, adding for confirmation thereof, that it should be done by the power of the Lord himself, unto whom nothing should bee impossible. How hardly this promise was received of them wee haue likewise set down unto us: Gen. 17, 17, 18. and first for Abraham; but then after for Sarah also. For when first this promise was made, then did Abraham both secretly laugh thereat with himself( and yet, as it seemeth, not of infidelity, but rather for ioy) and, as doubting somewhat of so good success therein, he desired, in effect, that Ishmael might be he in whom God would vouchsafe to show him that mercy: and yet by and by after, when he was satisfied Gen. 17, 23. for that matter, he took vpon him and his, that part of the covenant that God commanded, and so declared that in some measure he did expect the accomplishment of it. So Sarah likewise, when this promise was again renewed did in such sort laugh thereat, that the Lord did reprove her for it, as proceeding of some infidelity: Gen. 18, 12-15 but being once reproved, wee do not read that shee stood any longer in it, but haue some likelihood that in wardly she rather yielded, for that she denied herself to haue laughed, as herself condemning it if so shee had done. And so may the faithful now bee some-times likewise somewhat doubtful of the promises of God towards them, and yet bee of the faithful also, so long as in the end they prevail in those conflicts of theirs. Howe he performed the thing itself doth afterward follow; together with another thing so joined unto it, that thereby the performance of this promise is made more clearer. The thing itself was then performed, Gen. 21, 18. when according to the promise before, Sarah conceived and bare him a child, when Abraham was now an hundred yeeres old, and Sarah herself foureskore and ten: whom, according as God had bidden him before, he called isaac, circumcised him at eight daies old, and after weaned him with special feasting. That other thing that is so joined unto it, that thereby the performance itself is made more clear, is, that thereupon, or shortly after, both ishmael and his Mother too, were both cast out or sent away: wherein Abraham might more fully see, that God meant to perform all his whole mercy unto him in his Son isaac, when now by his commandment he must abandon his other son ishmael. But because this Story is of more special importance, therefore it shal be needful here, to consider somewhat further of it: and first of the cause or occasion of that his casting out; then, howe the same was thereon performed. The occasion of it was, that Sarah saw ishmael in such sort playing with Isaak, as did then offend her, and, which afterward the Apostle termeth persecution. So that it seemeth, that ishmael understanding that isaac was to bee preferred before him, he did in such sort scoff at it, as in such case ungracious Imps are wont to do: and it may be, that in the way of playing or dallying with him, he did further also bewray his grief against the child conceived, as hardly brooking that himself should be defeated of his expectation, and of the love that he saw his Father did bear him, had not this child now in his old daies been born unto him. A right pattern, how hardly the children of the world, do at any time brook the children of adoption and grace. This occasion being given, Sarah thereupon lay vpon Abraham to cast out or to sand away, both ishmael and his mother withall: adding thereto, that with her son he should not inherit, nor part stakes with him there. Whereat while Abraham did somewhat stick, he was admonished by God himself, that so he should do: and told withall, that he also should grow to a mighty people, that so he might the better see that God had care of him likewise, though otherwise that covenant of special mercy he would establish with Isaac onely. whereupon Abraham, did accordingly sand them away as his Wife before desired, and God himself had now commanded. A very good warning to all the Children of the World, how brittle an hold they haue in those things that they look for with the Children of God: that how high soever they hold their heads among them, and often overlook them now; yet one day the time will bee, when they must be sundered from them, and clean cast out from that vain expectation of theirs. 4 In the Story of Isaac also the matter is plain, that God raised up no seed unto him, but in long process of time: and then left him but one neither; unto whom also he gave no Issue but of long time after. Which that we may the better perceive, wee are more specially to consider, first how God did exercise their patience in the mean season: yet, how afterward he did perform his promise unto them. He exercised their patience in the mean season, first by seeming utterly to cut off all hope of such matters: then, by holding them a long time after in suspense also. he seemed utterly to cut off all hope of such matters, when he called on Abraham for to sacrifice his son Isaac unto him: concerning which wee are first to consider of the Story itself: then, what other things we are to gather out of the same. In the Story itself we are to see, how far it pleased him, first to try him; then, how glad a man he afterward made him. he tried him first, both in that which himself set down: and in one accident that fell by the way. In that which himself set down, he tried him likewise both in the thing itself: and in the manner of prescribing the same. In the thing itself he did try him, in that he required of him, that he being the Father, Gen. 22. 1. 2. should nevertheless slay unto him in the way of sacrifice, his son Isaac whom his heart loved: in every point( whosoever doth mark it) a strong temptation, and a marvelous heavy burden. In respect of the manner that was prescribed, it was a strong temptation also, both because ishmael had now been sent away before, and so had he none left but Isaac onely: and for that, God did not require it there presently for to be done, but appointed so great a distance of space thence( for it was so far off, that it was the third day before that he saw it, and saw it not then neither but a far off) as that in the mean season his fatherly affections, the strangeness of the precept, the unnaturalness of the fact, the grief of his Wife, the possibility of Issue in reason extinct, and such like doubtful and pensive thoughts, might in the mean season pass too and fro in his troubled heart, and make the temptation so much the stronger, and the Gen. 22. 7. burden heavier unto him. That accident that fell out by the way, was, how his son questioned with him about his business, when they were but they two together, perceiving that yet they had nothing to sacrifice, and thereupon asking his Father, where, the sacrifice was that he meant to offer: little knowing that it was meant, it should bee himself; and( no doubt) sharply pricking the pitiful heart of his woeful Father, even with the same question alone. How glad a Man he afterward made him, doth most of all appear in the dealing of God towards him: but partly also in his own acknowledging of it. In the dealing of God towards him, there bee two matters of special moment: one, that God spared his son unto him; the other, that he promised otherwise to be so good unto him. In that he spared his son unto him, and that even then, Gen. 22. 9-12. when now by likelihood he had abandoned all hope to save him, and when himself was now at the very point to dispatch him, it was no doubt more joyful unto him, then any heart is able to conceive, but onely to such as at any time are in such like manner exercised also. That further goodness that thereupon he promised unto him, was, that Gen. 22. 12. 15-18. seeing now he had given so good a testimony that he did love him indeed, he would surely bless him accordingly for it: and so renewed his former blessing unto him again; and swore by himself, that fully he would perform it unto him. How far Abraham acknowledged this goodness of God towards him, appeareth in this, that thereof he gave the name to the place; namely, that in that mountain of the lord, Gen. 22. 14. the Lord himself would be sure to provide: acknowledging thereby, that when himself was so entangled with that perplexity, and so overwhelmed with the sorrow and grief thereof, that he could not tell which way to turn him, even then it pleased God much more graciously to bring things about, and to provide for his quieting again, then he could any way haue expected, or almost haue wished. Those other things that we may gather out of the same, are two: one, howe it was a figure of Christ; the other, how we are so follow the same. It was a figure of Christ in this, that as Isaacs life did now lye a bleeding, when his Father had bound him, and laid him upon the Altar to slay him; but then notwithstanding he came down again both safe and sound: even so Christ was in dead sacrificed to God for our sins; but yet the third day he took unto him his life again, and liveth for ever. So that in him it may most truly be said indeed, that God hath wonderfully provided when otherwise wee were compassed about with the snares of death, and had been utterly lost for ever. As it is an example for us to follow, we are to consider, what it is that wee should do: and what Issue it is that therein wee might look for. The thing that we should do, is, in our calling, or so far as God shall at any time require of us, to part with our pleasure or ioy here, or whatsoever it is that is dearest unto us: and the Issue thereof that then wee may look for must needs bee this, that God will not take our comfort from us, and will besides bestow vpon us much greater blessings. In which case also the lord will not fail to provide much better for all such, then they are ware of, and far above their expectation. he exercised their patience farther also, by holding them in suspense long besides, in that it was so long before Isaac was married: and afterward also before he had any Children. It was forty yeares before that he was married: Gen. 25, 20. Ibid, vers, 26. and twenty yeares after, before that he had any Children also. Notwithstanding all which erist of time, we do not red that he used any ill means, or made any inordinate hast, for the accomplishment of the one or the other. Wherein, the greater provocation that in the iudgement of flesh and blood he might account he had thereunto( in respect of those promises of God that such a people of him should be raised, and among others that blessed one also, by whom all the Kindreds of the earth should bee blessed) the better example we haue therein, ever in all things patiently to attend the lords good leisure, had never to use inordinate hast for the accomplishment of his good pleasure in vs. How yet notwithstanding he afterward performed his promise unto him wee haue plainly set down: first, for his marriage; after, for his Issue likewise. As touching his marriage we are to note, both how Wife and godly a care was taken by those that were dealers for him therein: and howe good success it had, or how readily it did come on so soon as ever the time was come that God had appointed. What wise and godly care was taken by those that were dealers for him in that matter, appeareth first in Abraham himself: then soon after, in his Seruant also. In Abraham himself wee find first what course he thought best for his son in that matter: then, what order he took for the effecting of it. The course that he thought best for his son therein, was, that he should not haue any Wife of the people of that Land wherein he sojourned, but of his own Kindred that he left behind him. The Gen. 24, 3, 4. reason whereof may seem to be, for that God promising that land to his seed, it was most likely thereby that God was purposed to destroy them: and therefore that it was not good for any of his line, that had to await for so special a blessing, to match with those that were like to be so deeply accursed. The order that he took for the effecting Gen. 24: 2-9. of it, was, that both he made choice of a meet man for it( the eldest Seruant of all his house, and which had the rule of all that he had:) and did not onely earnestly charge him, but also swore him, by the Lord of heaven and Earth, to bee faithful therein. In his Seruant it appeared likewise, both in the means that he used thereunto: and in his dealing in the matter itself, when he came unto it. The means that he did use thereunto were of two sorts: one, more usual; another, but seldom used Ge. 24. 10-14. by many. The usual was, that he took with him both for Ibid 32, 54. company and Ibid. 22. 53. such things as he needed, what he thought convenient to such a purpose in liberal manner: to the number of ten Camels; having all his Maisters goods under his hands. That other that is more seldom used, was, that he resorted to God by prayer. Wherein, we are more specially to consider, not onely that he prayed: but also what was the thing he desired. In that he sought unto God by Prayer, in the business that then he had in hand, it ought to teach us, not to go so loosely and want only about our marriage, as it is the manner of most men to do: but with great advisement, and in best manner to address ourselves unto it, and by Prayer to sue unto God for his blessing therein. In the thing that he desired, we haue one point of it that is but general, and such as others that fear God, would, and do in such case, usually ask: namely, that he would so prosper his journey, as that therein he would extend his mercies to Abraham his master. But another there is, that is extraordinary and very rare; but yet such withal, as argueth a special point of godly wisdom in him that made his choice thereof: which was, that he craved that God would direct him to such an one, as when he should require a point of courtesy of her( which was, that having drawn a Pitcher of Water at a Well, whereby he restend him and his Camels, shee would give him leave to drink thereof) she should of herself willingly and readily offer him more then he had craved, as to draw for his Camels also. Which indeed was such a point, as not onely might be a special token to him from God; but should argue withall, a Woman of special good disposition: and such as Christ himself did not find in that Woman of Samaria, when he asked a little Water of her to drink when he was weary; but on the John. 4. 5-17. other side, much unseasonable wrangling and gibing at her hands, to add a great weariness unto that which he had already. His dealing in the matter itself when it came to his hands, was partly here by the Well where he restend: and partly in the house where he was to haue the maid. In that his dealing which was here by the Well, we haue the occasion first set down: then, how he did follow vpon it. The occasion was, that the selfsame token, which in his Prayer he had desired, was now given unto him by Rebecca, a faire young Woman, that immediately after his Prayer so made, came thither for water, and readily yielded that courtesy unto him, that in his prayer he had desired. So just occasion being thus given, first he enquired further of her, of what stock she was, and finding her to be of that stock that his master had prescribed unto him, he bestowed certain jewels vpon her, and bowed himself and gave thankes unto God: and then further enquired whether they had any lodging for him at her Fathers house. But then Laban her Brother understanding thereof, and seeing the jewels that were given her, went forth unto him, and entreated him and his company in. At which time how he behaved himself in the house, wee are now again to consider, and that in two principal points: one, that when they had set meate before him▪ yet notwithstanding he would not eat, till he had done his arrant unto them, and 〈◇〉 seen some end of his business; the other, that when his business was done, 〈…〉 y could not entreat him to trifle out the time any longer with them. In both, a● i● hath behaved himself much to his own, and his Maisters credit; and hath g 〈…〉 in a good example to all other Seruants, howe to haue themselves in then Maisters business: so is it as strong a reproof to many of us that are of the ministry, whose service when it pleaseth God to use to get out among men a Spouse unto Christ, we seek not to God to bless us therein, nor put ornaments on those of whom wee may justly conceive good hope; but readily give ourselves unto feasting before that ever we do our business, and if wee speed some-what well sometimes, for the same wee wast much time besides. The success that this business of marriage had, was answerable to the wise and godly care, that on both hands was taken for it. As Abraham was persuaded, that God would bless and prosper the action: so did he nothing fail Gen. 24, 7. him therein. His Seruant prayed, and required a special token: scant had he done: when the selfsame token was given unto him. As himself did see, that shee was a beautiful or a comely young Woman: so when he enquired of what lineage shee was, he found her to be such, as his master desired. The matter was no sooner propounded to her and her friends, but that seeing the hand of God so plainly therein, they readily yielded to all that was demanded of them. The one day he came thither about her, and till noon wist not where to hear of any such as he should haue: but ●re night he had his desire to full contentment; and the next day went homeward with her. And howsoever it pleaseth God, sometimes for our trial or needful exercise, to hold us off long, in diuers such cases: yet the time being come that he hath ordained, thus readily can he bring about, whatsoever he meaneth to any of his. As touching his Issue, we haue there also set forth unto us, what means he used to obtain the same: then, howe far it pleased God to bless him therein. That he used some special means to obtain the same, it importeth that he was occasioned so to do: and so are we to consider, first of the occasion that he had thereunto; then, of the means that thereon he used. The occasion was no more but this, that his Wife was barren: and the means that thereon he used, was to pray for her unto the Lord. How far it pleased Gen. 25: 21. God to bless him therein doth likewise follow: namely, that it pleased GOD to grant him his desire; but yet in such sort, as whereby he did somewhat exercise them Ibid. withall. He did grant him his desire, in that shee did thereupon conceive: and was afterward delivered likewise of two sons at one birth. In that exercise that he joined withall, we are first to consider of it, as it touched them: then, as the same, giveth instruction to us likewise. As it touched them, it did first respect herself alone: then both him and her together. That which respected her alone, was, that while she was with Child, shee perceived some strange accident in her body, by the reason that the Children wherewith she went, strove together in her womb, and shee could not tell Ibid 22. what to make of it: whereupon, being troubled therewith, she repaired to the lord, and so did understand by him, what the matter did mean. That which respected them both together, was no more, but that in those Children the course of Nature or common Cen. 25. 23. order should bee a little inverted: both for that they should bee divided among themselves, and grow into two several peoples; and for that the elder of them should be inferior unto the younger. As it giveth instruction to us likewise, we learn thereby, that dissension and variance may be even in the womb of the Church itself, and among the Children of one and selfsame venture: but therewithal( to the comfort of those that are of the covenant) that the elder, and those that are here clearly in the iudgement of flesh and blood, shall bee the less and inferior to them in the favour of God. 5 having seen that which respecteth their seed, that is, howe leisurely, and in what process of time it pleased God out of them to raise some people unto him, with whom he would establish that special covenant that then he spake of: now are we in like sort to consider of such things as concern themselves. And those are( as before I noted) but onely two: namely, of what desert they were towards God; and what estate, while here they lived, he vouchsafed unto them. Of what desert they were towards God, it were but vain for any to search, as hoping to find, that by some worthiness that was in them, they had deserved these so great favours of God: for because that, of that kind it is most certain, that we could find none at all. But on the other side, our search must be, how unworthy in themselves they were, and how great infirmities did break forth in them: and yet notwithstanding, how it pleased God to work forth in them diuers good graces, for himself to crown with special favour. Which things we haue most apparent in Abraham: but partly also in Isaac his son. As touching Abraham, we are in this respect to note, first such things as of this kind to him appertain before his calling: then, such others as appertain to the time that followed. Concerning those that belonged unto him before his calling, those are especially two: one, of his own person; the other of his Marriage. Concerning his own person, it is to be noted, that we red of no special goodness or worthiness in him, when first he was called: but may rather doubt, that because his kindred were Idolatrous, and he hitherto brought up and living among them, and because that long after Idols was found in Iacobs family, he also might be such as was not altogether without al stain therein. For as for that which Iosephus setteth down of Abraham as himself Ant. l. 1. c. 8. thinketh good, or but reciteth out of others ( Berosus, Hecataeus, and Nicolaus Damascenus) or that others of later time are wont to allege out of the jewish Rabbius of Hierony. in quaest.& lo. hebr. Lyr. in Gen. 11. &c. his worthiness, zeal, and open profession of the true God before, as diuers of these things do show themselves to be but fabulous; so the best of them also do want the warrant of the written word: and both of them proceed of such Interpreters, as themselves were ignorant( at least in part) of that great goodness of God, that so often useth so graciously to deal with those that nothing deserve that favour. Concerning his marriage, it is the iudgement of many of the learned, that Sarah his Wife was the Gen. 11. 29. same that elsewhere is called Iista, and then was she his brothers daughter: and himself Gen. 20, 12. confesseth to Abimelek that she was his sister, having both one Father, but diuers Mothers. But if then such marriages, were not onely forbidden after by the law of God, but were also against the law of nature before, it cannot be avoided, but that such a marriage must needs be some special blemish unto him. Concerning those others that appertain to the time that followed, we find two special blemishes in him: one, that he denied his wife; the other, that he lay with Agar his bond-maid. In the denial of his Wife he offended twice: once, to Pharaoh the King of egypt; another time to Abimeleck King of Gerar. In both which he bewrayed infirmity in him, both in the Gen. 12: 11-13. Ibid. 20. 2. 11 occasion that he took so to do: and in the thing itself that thereon he did. The occasion that he took thereunto, was the hard opinion that he had of both those peoples: and his own fear ensuing thereon. The hard opinion that he had of both those peoples, was in effect all one in them both: namely that there was so little fear of God among them, that they would not stick to let themselves loose to inordinate lust, and to the accomplishment thereof in so full and licentious manner, as that bounds of honesty should not be able to stay them. The fear that he had ensuing thereon, was, that she being of special beauty, he thought if they did aclowledge themselves to be Man and Wife, some of them would not stick to slay him, that so they might more quietly enjoy her. The thing itself that thereon he did, was, that he forsook the just defence of his Wife: and brought hoth her, and himself withall to deny a truth; and to take such a course besides, as whereby her honesty was by themselves betrayed, had not God otherwise holpen, unwitting to them. That he lay with Agar his seruant, though it were not any thing at all of the lusts of the flesh, nor without the consent of his Wife; but rather that herself did first move him unto it, and but only thereby to enter into the fruition of those promises of God that concerned his seed: yet, in that wedlock was plainly broken thereby, it was so great and so foul a slip, as hardly might be thought at any time to bee found in such a one as he. As touching Isaac his son he also both denied his Wife, as his Father had done before him: and learned Gen. 26: 7. over much to the course of Nature in seeking to prefer the elder of his sons before Gen. 27, 1-4. the younger, when as God before had told them, that he had otherwise determined of them. Those good graces that it pleased God to work forth in them for himself, Cen. 25. 23. to crown with special favour, are diuers also: which do most of all appear in Abraham; but partly also in Isaac his son. In Abraham we haue two sorts of them: some towards God; others towards men. Towards God a special good faith: and out of the same, proceeding both obedience unto his word; and a thankful acknowledging of his goodness towards him. His obedience was seen, first in his own country: then in the land of his pilgrimage also. In his own country it appeared, in that when God did require it of him, he left the same,( being then well strooken Gen. 12, 4. in age) and came to sojourn withall that he had in a strange country. In the land of his Pilgrimage it appeared likewise, first in not sparing some part of his body: then, in not sparing his children also. It appeared in not sparing some part of his body, when he took vpon him circumcision: which besides the loss of tbat part of the skin might well Gen. 17, 23-26. be a further trial to the iudgement of flesh and blood, at all to meddle with any such covenant, as must haue the Scale therof imprinted on that part of the body, concerning which, even nature itself doth by shane chase us away, almost from all manner of dealing therewith, or speaking of it. In not sparing his own Children, it appeareth also, first in Ismaell: then in Isaac. In ishmael it appeareth, for that though he did Gen. 17, 18. Ibid. 21, 14. tenderly love him: yet, at the commandement of God, he readily did it. In Isaac it appeared much more plainly, for that when Ismaell was sent away, and now none left but Isaac onely; in whom also the promise did stand of raising up that seed that God did speak of, yet even then did he yield to part with him also: and not onely simply( or howsoever) to part with him, but even to offer him up unto death; and that to be done by his own hands also. His thankful acknowledging of the goodness of God towards him, was seen likewise when he rescued Lot, and brought back all the spoil again, both in that he gave to Melchisedek the Priest, the tithe of all: and especially when the King of sodom requiring but his people again, and yielding that he should haue all the spoil, he would in no wise haue any part of it, onely for this, least he might seem to haue been made rich with those things that were theirs, and so that God should not haue all the whole glory of all his wealth and abundance of things that he enjoyed. towards men we find in him good tokens likewise, that are very plainly recorded of him; some towards a special Kinsman of his; others, towards strangers besides. That special Kinsman of his was Lot, towards whom Abraham exercised the part of both of a Father for a time: and afterward of a good friend also. He exercised the part of a Father unto him, in that he did not onely take him with him, but also( as it seemeth) dealt so faithfully Gen. 13. 5, 6. with him in his substance, that shortly after he grew so rich, that they could not both sojourn together, but were fain to part the one from the other. That afterward he exercised the part of a friend also, it doth plainly appear, both in his manner of parting with him; and that afterward he did rescue him also. His parting Gen. 13, 8. with him was in such sort, that when there fell some disagreement betwixt their Seruants, he both entreated him, that there might bee no disagreement betwixt them, being so near of Kin as they were: and gave unto him the choice of the country, that he, though he were inferior unto him, should nevertheless make choice in what in part of it he had rather sojourn, himself contented and offering unto him, to take such part of it as he should leave. That afterward he did rescue him also, when by those kings he was taken away, therein we find not onely a special love Gen. 14. 14. 15 to his cousin: but also both valor, and wisdom too, in the performance or accomplishment of it. What care he had of Strangers also, appeareth likewise, both in his entreaty for the sinful Sodomites: and that he would in no wise be chargeable to the hittites neither. In his entreaty for the sinful Sodomites wee see it was great, Gen. 23. 3-20. craving, sparing of them if they had any reasonable number among them that had care of upright dealing: and therein descending by degrees, from fifty to ten several persons; the Lord thereunto answering, that if but so many righteous persons were found among them, he would for their sakes spare all the rest. That he would in no wise be chargeable unto the hittites, it appeareth likewise, for that when Sarah his wife was dead, and he was desirous to haue a place of his own among them wherein to bury, though willingly they would haue bestowed that upon him that he most desired without any Money; yet would he in no wise so take it of them, but with all reverence refusing their liberality and courtesy towards him, he craved that he might give them the worth of it, and so in that sort he took it of them, and then did bury Sarah therein. In Isaac we haue some things in like sort recorded, though Gen. 22. 7. ( in respect of yeares that he lived, being 180. in all) they are but few: as that when he was to be sacrificed, he knew so well what appertained to the service of God, that himself espied what was wanting therein: another time, he went out to meditate: Gen. 24. 63. 26, 25. afterward, he openly built an altar and worshipped: and though he were much inclined to Esau at the first, yet when he saw that God had turned that to jacob which he meant to Esau, wee would not then alter the same: and last of all, he 27, 33. gave special charge unto jacob, as touching the choice of his wife, and then also did bless him withall. Which things, if they seem to bee fewer and of less moment 28, 1-4 then a man would expect, in such a compass of time, of so great a Father as this( especially considering the diligence of Moses, in matters that are not of so great moment as these) he may do well then to remember, that the less desert wee find in them towards God, the greater is the goodness of God, who yet notwithstanding was gracious unto them: and that it may bee, that even for that cause he would exercise and extend his goodness towards such, to teach us to gather, that always his first mercies to us are extended towards us, altogether of his own goodness to us, and nothing at all our deserts or goodness to him. 6 What estate, while here they lived, he vouchsafed unto them, may likewise be gathered, out of the Story that of them is left unto us: and it shall be good, so much the rather to consider of it, that we may the better know what portion in such things we also may look for at the hands of God; and not by such ignorance thereof as is in many, suffer ourselves in expectation to aim at such matters as that thereby wee sow to ourselves the seeds of discouragement( and sometimes of despair) when after we find not in those matters, God to be so good unto us, as wee in our own unadvised conceit, had thought that he would. And when wee find that their estate in earthly things also was such as would content many of us, if so wee might haue it; but on the other side, failing of it, we doubt that then we stand not in any favor with God: in both these cases we are to consider, that the Church in those dayes was but young( and therefore so in those earthly things, to be dallied withall to their further training on, till they waxed more strong) that they also were chief and principal Fathers, and therefore that those things coming of the blessing of God might be much more due unto them( by the course that God hath taken) then a tenth part of them, in like proportion, could bee due unto us; and that God himself might then be disposed, for many good causes, to bee, in those matters much better to them, then afterward he would bee to those that should follow. Being in this sort advised before, now may wee enter into a more special consideration of their estate: and first, what it was generally; then, what it was in diuers particulars. Generally, it was a mere pilgrimage to them both: and yet notwithstanding much eased unto them. It was a mere pilgrimage to them both, in that they were among a strange people, and had among them neither house to dwell in, nor Land to occupy of their own: but were to carry Tents with them, wherein to harbour themselves and theirs; and to feed their Cattle where best they might without annoyance to those that did there inhabit. And so doth both God himself term that estate of theirs and Abraham likewise, did make none other reckoning of it. It Gen. 15, 13, 17. 8. Gen. 23. 4. was notwithstanding somewhat eased unto them, both in those promises that then were made them of things that afterward should be done: and in their present estate besides. Those things that afterward should bee done, which well might ease the bitterness of their Pilgrimage now, were, that their posterity should there inhabit: and that they should mightily prevail against their enemies. In their present estate besides they had like-wise to comfort them withall, two of those things that most men desire, and strive what they can to attain unto them: namely great wealth; and special honour with the people that there did inhabit. Of Abrahams substance Gen 13. 2. Gen, 13, 6. or wealth it is said, not onely that he was very rich in Cattle, and in silver and Gold: but also, that his wealth was so great, that Lots goods going with his( as for a time they did) the Land was not able to bear them both. Of which also there is a further proof shortly after ensuing, in that for the rescuing of Lot, he was able on the sudden to bring forth to the field 318. exercised men, or( as wee term it) Gen. 14. 14. trained Souldiers, of his own family. That his honour also was great among them, it appeareth likewise, both with certain of the Princes that dwelled thereby: and with those also that were of the Land where he did sojourn. Those Princes that dwelling there by did him great honour, were Pharaoh King of egypt: and Abimelek King of Gerar, among the philistines. The King of egypt had him in that reverence, Gen. 12: 19, ●0 that though he were somewhat offended with him: yet when he was to depart out of egypt, he gave special charge to his own people, for the safe conveyance of him and his, and of all that he had, out of his kingdom. The King of Gerar likewise, though he also had like cause of offence with Abraham, yet both he Gen. 20: 14, 15 gave him many great gifts( to win his favour) and the liberty of all his kingdom, to dwell where he list: and afterward also did seek unto him to be in league Gen 21. 22 32 with him, even for the honour and fear that he had him in. Of those that were of the self same Land where he did sojourn, first we find that some honour was done unto him without relation of any thing that was the occasion of it: then, much more by such occasions as then were offered. That which otherwise without recit●ll of Gen. 14. 13. any occasion was done unto him, was, that those three Bretheren, which( as it seemeth) were principal men in those parts were not onely confederate or in league with him: but accordingly also went to war with him under his conduct, in that Ibid. 24. voyage that Abraham made for the rescuing of Lot his Nephew. The occasions were two: one, that piece of service that was done vpon those four Kings, which a little before had overrun a good piece of that Country; the other, his request to haue among them a burying place for him and his. When he was returned from that aforesaid piece of service, the honour that then was done unto him, was done by two Kings: the King of Sodom; and the King of Salem. Bera the King of Sodom( one of those five that were beaten and spoyled by the other four) did both meet him when he returned, a great way off( for the Valley where it is said that he did Gen. 14, 17. Th 〈…〉 A 〈…〉. Gen. 14. 21. meet him, did begin at the South end of the Sea of galilee the breadth of three full Tribes from Sodom:) and, besides that, was content to leave him all the spoil, and craved no more but onely his people; and not those neither, but onely of good will, and by his own special suite Melchisedek King of Salem( who also, as it seemeth, was Sem, and then his ancient a great deal) did him great honour, both bringing forth Bread and Wine, as it seemeth to refresh him and his company: and Gen: 14. 18-20. being besides a Priest of God, pronouncing a special blessing vpon him. Vpon his request to haue a burying place among them, both all the Hittites generally, and Ephron a principal man among them more specially, did not onely use great reverence Gen. 23. 3-16. unto him, and acknowledged him to be of special great dignity among them: but also gave him free choice to bee where he would, in the best that any of them had; and when he had name the place unto them, they would needs haue given it freely unto him. Then coming to Isaak, wee may see, though his Story be very briefly set down, yet that he also was very rich: and in special honour besides. That he was very rich it doth plainly appear, both for that Abraham left him( in Gen. 25. 5. effect) all that he had: and for that afterward also God did further so bless him, that he waxed mighty, and still increased till he was exceeding great. That he was Gen. 26, 12-14 had in special honour besides, though it may sufficiently appear in this that he was so rich( for that it is the manner of all men generally, the greater that men are in such respect, the more to haue them in estimation) yet one other Story there is that doth more specially declare the same: namely that Abimelek the King of the philistines, Gen. 26. 26-31 come to him also to seek his favour, and to be in league of friendship with him. Those particulars which now we speak of, are onely such exercises as whereby it pleased God to keep them under, or to make trial of their Faith, as himself thought good. Wherein because it pleased him ever withall, to afford some help unto them, therefore are wee to consider of both together: that is, not onely what their exercise was; but also, how it pleased God to help them therein. First therefore to begin with Abraham, whose Story also is most largely set down, if we mark it well, wee may soon incline to think that it was in a manner a continu●ll temptation, so long as he lived, but that ever he had comfort mingled withall. And whereas the promise that God had made him, did rest in two principal points, one of the Land, the other of his Seed, we find that his trial was also in those. And Gen. 12. 10. first for the Land( one good part of the promise of God) he was almost no sooner entred into it, but that he was chased out of it again, with a special discredit to the Land itself: namely, that Famine that then did oppress it. Which also while he sought to avoid, then was he as much troubled again with a perturbation of his own that arose thereupon: so great a fear even of his life, that both himself denied his Wife( a manifest breach of no small part of the married mans duty) and made her Gen. 12. 13. likewise to do the same. When he was returned again, he was shortly after driven to adventure his life, and all that he had, about the rescuing of Lot his Nephew: and he could not do that neither, but that thereby needs must he hazard the enmity of those four Kings and of their people, that now had taken him away; and bread Gen. 14. 1. 9. himself envy at home likewise. That storm also was no sooner overblown, but that he found other trouble besides; both in his own Family at home; and in another part of the country likewise. In his own Family he found himself charged by Sarah his Wife, with the ill dealing of her maid, that despised her mistress when Gen. 16. 5. herself had conceived: whereas notwithstanding neither was he( for ought that we red, and seeing he did no further defend her) justly to bee charged with it; and herself had given the first occasion. That other part of the country besides, was that part where Abimelek the King of the philistines dwelled: where while he sojourned he was troubled again with that perturbation of the fear of his life altogether as deeply as he was before, and to his great reproof withall. So likewise for his Seed, first he Gen. 20. 11. Ge, 20. 10. 16. was kept so long from it, that not onely his Wife, but also himself, thought it needful to make supply inordinately: and was full out one hundred yeares old, what time the Gen. 16. 2-4. Gen. 21. 5. Ge. 22. 20-●4. promised Child was born, five and twenty yeeres after that the promise was first made unto him. Whereas in the mean season Nachor his Brother, to whom there was no promise made, had nine in all, besides the Children of diuers of them: and he on the other side, before he had any, in fearful manner was given to understand, that when Gen, 15, 12, 13 he had them, they should be in hard estate under others for many yeeres. And when the time began to draw near that now he should haue some part of the promised seed, first himself in that old age of his, and all his Meynie( of that Sex) must be circumcised: a Sacrament never heard of before; and imprinted on such a part of the body, as Gen, 17, 10, 11 that it must haue been an hard matter for flesh and blood, readily and soundly to yield unto it. Last of all the promised child once being given him, both the other that he had before( whom also he dearly loved) must first be abandoned and sent away: then the promised child likewise must be slaughtered by the hands of his Father( having Ge. ●1, 11, 12. none but him now, and likely to be able to get any mo) in the way of Sacrifice unto God. But yet in these did not God forsake him, but ever ministered comfort withall. Gen, 22, 2, Though in that Land he was touched with Famine, yet was he provided for in another. Though himself stood in such fear of his life, as that he used inordinate means to preserve the same: yet was he under such a protection, as that he needed not so to fear; and so did it presently show forth itself in plentiful measure. His life indeed Ge, 12, 17-20. he ventured for Lot, and( in reason) did hazard the mortal hatred of those Princes and people, that he subdued: but, besides the victory that he had gotten, the Lord himself Gen. 14. 16. Gen, 15. 1 also bad him bee of good comfort, and to stand in fear of none of them all. In that domestical blast of Sarah towards him, God likewise so ordered the matter, that first by his own discreet and moderate answer unto her, the mallapartnesse of the seruant Gen, 16, 6, Ibid, vers, 9, was chastised: and then, when thereupon for a time she fled, she was by the special commandment of God brought home unto her obedience again. In that other perturbation of his, when again he so feared to be made away for his Wife, that himself denied her as afore, and caused her also to do the like: yet then likewise he found the protection of God so ready towards him, that as again he might plainly perceive Gen: 20: 3-16. that he needed not so to haue feared; and yet not without some touch to himself. As touching those crosses that concerned his seed, though he were kept long from any: yet his expectation was often satisfied with those comfortable promises in the mean season; and it was so fully answered in the end, that thereby he might well account himself to be sufficiently recompensed for whatsoever delay was used before. And though then he heard of the hard estate of that race of his for a time: yet he heard Gen, 15, 14, withall, that after they should haue a notable deliverance, and that the Lord himself would avenge the injuries that were done unto them. In his Circumcision there was nothing irksome to flesh and blood but onely the pain: or else, the shane, so far to deal with that part of the body. The pain was not great, and that but for a few daies; and the shane was more than needed, when it was such a thing as God required: and the matter being duly considered, both they were sufficiently recompensed Gen. 17, 4-8, in the covenant that with them was thereupon made; and the nature of the covenant was such, as that no other part of the body was so meet as it, whereon to imprint the seal of the covenant. Though ishmael were to be sent away, and that must needs be some grief unto him: yet the promise that was made concerning him, was enough to countervail the other in plentiful measure. And as for the offering up of Isaac( who Gen. 21, 13, now alone was left unto him) God did no more but prove him therein: and when it came to the point indeed, he would not so take him, but sent him home with him again, Gen. 22, 11 12, 15-18. laden with great promises of wonderful recompense for the same. The Story of Isaac is much shorter, and so doth not yield us so many examples as doth the other: but yet neither is it without for the quantity of it. For he also was driven out with a Famine( to the southwest corner of the Land) there to sojourn among the Gen. 26. 1. philistines for a season; and there he also was in such fear of his life, that in the denial of his Wife, he did follow the self same steps that Abraham his Father had gon before: Ibid. 7. he therefore sustaineth the like reproof; and shortly after, is both required to get Gen 26. 9. 10. Ibi. 16. 1●-21. him thence, and divert discurtesies( about certain wells) are offered unto him: and in his Children both it was long before he had any; and he found himself exceedingly crossed by the hand of God in his purpose that he had to the 〈◇〉, and thereupon Gen. 25. 20. 26. Gen. ●7. 4. 33. Gen. 28. 5. &c. Ge. 26. 2-5. 12 was fain to lack the younger also for many yeares after. But yet in all these things God w●● with him now, even as he was with Abraham before. For though the Famine drove him out of the heart of the Land: yet in that corner had God provided well enough for him, and gave him increase of an hundred fold. he was in fear, even Ibid. 10. 11. of his life: but the event declared, that it was much more than needed, and that there was more fear of God there, then he was ware of. He was required to get him away: but, both it was, for that by the goodness and blessing of God he was grown Gen. 26, 13. 14 so great; and those that then were weary of him, did shortly after themselves seek unto Ibid. 22. 32 33 Ibid. 24. Gen. 25. 23-26. him. They did him diuers discurtesies there: but God did elsewhere give ●●m the thing he desired; and promised greater mercies unto him. As touching his children albeit the time were somewhat long before he had any: yet then he had two at once; and each of them did afterward grow to a several Nation. And though in his own purpose he were beguiled: yet because therein he yielded so much to the usual course of nature, that he went against that ordinance of God, that was before determined of them, he was more quietly to bear it; and God besides did mightily bless the other Ibid. 23. also. Last of all, though his younger son were long away from him: yet afterward he returned notably blessed, both in children and goods besides. His children Gen. 32. 9. 10. Gen. 30. 43. were, twelve sons, and one Daughter: and for his goods it is plainly said, that he was increased exceedingly, and had many flocks, and maidservants and Men-seuraunts, and camels, and Asses. Which also whosoever would more specially know, he might easily gather a scantling thereof, by the present that he sent to his Brother Esau: namely two hundred Shee-Goates, and twenty he— Goates; two hundred Gen. 32, 14. 15 Ewes, and twenty rams; thirty Milch-Cammels, with their Colts; forty Kie, and ten Bullocks; twenty Shee-Asses, and ten foals. For where such store was sent for a present, there must the whole stock be marvelous great. 7 Those other things that we haue in the Story of these, of which I said a little before, that wee must take them aside from the others, or to handle them apart by themselves, do most of them appertain to the story of Abraham: but some of them also, to Isaac his son. In the Story of Abraham we haue some other things concerning his life: and somewhat likewise concerning his death. Concerning his life, some there be that do but concern his earthly estate there: but some others there are, that are of higher consideration. Those that concern his earthly estate there, are two: one, concerning his manner being among them; the other, more Children which he afterward had. In his manner of being among them, first his abode seemeth for the most of his time at the first, to haue been only as sojourning for some short time, now here, now there, as himself thought good, or as occasion was offered unto him: but that after he made, when he grew more old, in such places as wherein he did sojourn a longer time. That at the first he made his abode in those places wherein he came but onely for some short time, it appeareth, for that we red of diuers times that so he did: and for that the Lord himself( after that Lot was departed Gen: 12. 6. 8, 9 2, 3, 18. Gen. 2. 14-17. Gen. 21, 34. Gen. 20▪ 1& 21, 23. Gen. 22: 1●, from him) did specially will him to take such a course, as would enforce him so to do. That afterward when his age was greater, he restend longer where he did soiourn, it appeareth likewis, for that it is said, that he remained a long season among the philistines( which may seem to bee at Gerar, or near unto it;) and for that it is shortly after said likewise, that Abraham did dwell at Beersheba; where dwelling, likewise may well import a long abode. Then, though he were a stranger among them; yet did he not altogether keep aloof from them, nor estrange himself so far, but that he was in league with diuers of them, as by other occasion wee haue before: an example to us, not to refuse such neighbourly help, as at any time it pleaseth GOD to 〈◇〉 us, though it be of such people, as nothing at all do join with is in purity of Religion, but rather are as far from it almost as may bee. Those other Children that afterward he had, were by K 〈…〉 another Wi●e, whom after the death of 〈◇〉 he took: by whom he had fix other sons, and among them, diuers that 〈◇〉. Ioshp●●●. 〈◇〉 the principal Fathers of other peoples, as generally the learned do note. But those Children of his, by that ●●tter Wife, he sent away towards the East, from Isaac his son, giuing them but certain portions onely, and keeping the inheritance 〈…〉 5, 5, ●. for Isaac alone: as GOD also useth oft-times to deal, sending away the Children of the world with good portions of these earthly things; but reserving those better things in the world to come, for those that are under the covenant by adoption and grace. Those that are of higher consideration, are of two sorts: some, that do concern himself or his; and some, that do concern others besides. Those that do concern but him and his, were certain special favours of God towards him: and those were, either in those promises that he made unto him; or in the means that he did use to confirm him therein, that by infidelity he should not lose the benefit of them. Those promises that he made unto him, were either of the Issue that he would give him: or the Land, whither now he called him. For his Issue it was promised, first for them all, or the whole body of them generally( meaning Gen. 22. 2. 13, 16▪ ●5, 2-4. 18 10, 14. those especially that were under the covenant) not onely, that they should bee many; but also that they should bee very blessed besides: then, for one special one among them, which was Christ, that in him all the Families of the earth should bee blessed. Concerning the Land, whither now he was called, that also did he promise, that he would give to him and his in time to come. The means that he used to confirm him therein, were diuers: first by a special servant of his; then, by Gen. 12. 7. 13. 14, 15, 17, 15, 7 himself. In that first he did it by one special Seruant of his, wee are to consider, first of such things as belong to the substance of the comfort that was given unto him: then of some circumstances thereunto appertaining. Those things that belong to the substance of it, are two: one, that came of his liberality; another that came of a principal spirit. That which came of his liberality, was, that he brought forth Bread and Wine unto Abraham: belike, not onely a token of his good-will Gen. 14, 18. towards him; but also, both to do him that honour, and to refresh him and his company, vpon their return from that their voyage. For as touching that which diuers haue gathered hereupon, to draw this fact of his unto an oblation or offering, because that he was a Priest of God: seeing that it hath no warrant in the word that there is used, by the propriety of the tongue itself, therefore we are not to trouble ourselves with it. That which came of a principal spirit, is the blessing that then he uttered: wherein first he pronounced Abraham to bee a blessed man, and to haue Ge. 26, 19. 20. that blessing of his from the most high God, possessor of heaven and Earth; and then blessed that most high God likewise, for giuing that victory unto Abraham over those his enemies. The circumstances are two: one, of the time; another of the person that did it. That of the time was, that then he had this blessing given him, when as he returned from that his voyage, wherein because by his doings and good Gen. 14. 17, 18 success therein, he might easily provoke both enmity abroad of those that he spoiled, and envy at home of his Neighbours there: therefore of necessity must this blessing come unto him so much the more welcome, because it came in so fit a season. The person that did it, or by whom it pleased God to bestow this blessing vpon him, is( as it seemeth) delivered unto us, not by his own, or proper name; but by an appellative: being called Melchi-zedek, and King of Salem; but being indeed( as is most likely) that most reverend and honourable Patriatke, the son Gen. 14. 18. of Noah, that is known by the name of Sem. Of which point, although I know there is question, not onely among the learned now, but also among the learned of old: yet, as I take it, there need to be no doubt conceived, of those that will indifferently ponder the weight of argument, that is for the opinion of those that do account the same to be Sem. And then, if it pleased God to use so honourable a patriarch to the better confirming of Abraham his seruant: needs must the comfort be so much the greater. Whereas therefore he is there said to be a king of a principal city thereby, called Salem then, but jerusalem since,& a righteous King ●●sides,( for that is the interpretation of his name) and, besides this his royalty, w●● also a Priest of the living God; hence doth it follow, that the comfort that he should give, should in both those respects be very great: that so great a man,& so good a Prince, should deal with Abraham so as he did; and that a Priest of the highest God, should so behave himself unto him. When he came himself to do it, there we find, that first he did it vpon occasion offered by Abraham; then, again, of himself alone. Where as he did it by occasion offered by Abraham, we are to consider, both of the occasion that Abraham gave:& how God thereupon did confirm him therein. Abraham gave occasion twice a once, for his seed; another time, for the land that was promised. And God likewise did confirm him therein; first for his seed: then, for the land. In the former of these, the occasion that Abraham gave to be further confirmed, was that when God by occasion had made him promise of special favour, he thereupon Gen. 15. 2, 3: replied, that seeing he had no child, but a stranger must be his heir, such special favour proceeding from God, could be to little use unto him. For that may seem to be his meaning, then that he inferred, that he might look for no great favour, when as he had not yet so much as a child to succeed him, but must bee fain to make his seruant his heir. That occasion being offered; we are to note what confirmation or strengthening was given him: and therein, not onely how God at the first did give it; but also, how he did even then reward the faith of Abraham for resting thereon. The manner that he used in giuing the same, was that he told him, Gen. 15: 4 5. that he should not need to make that stranger his heir for want of children: and therewithal bringing him forth in a starry night, and willing him to look up, and to tell the stars if he could, he told him that the seed that he should haue should be so many, that they also could not he numbered. The reward that Abraham had Gen. 15, 6. for believing the same, was, that it was accounted to him for righteousness: out of which the Apostle gathereth matter of great moment, for our free justification by Gal. 3: 17. Faith, altogether without the works of the Law. In the latter of them, the occasion that Abraham gave him, was, that when God again told him that he had brought him out of ur of the Caldes to give him that land to inherit, he thereupon Gen. 15. 7, 8. did ask him again, whereby he should know that he should inherit. Where we note by the way, that the faith of Abraham, which is commended( and that most worthily) and so rewarded a little before: yet notwithstanding may seem, in this matter to haue some doubting now. The confirmation that hereupon was given unto him, was by a set and special covenant that God would make with him. For which cause God willed Abraham to provide such things, as whereby men were Gen. 15. 9. 21. wont to enter into a set and solemn covenant one with another: and then did make the covenant accordingly with him. Which if we think good more specially to consider, then may we note, first that God would haue these things prepared: then, what use was afterward made of them. In the preparation of them are these two: that GOD himself did so require; and that Abraham did accordingly. In Mat paciscendi veter●● erat, occidere animalia& in deuce dividere partes, interque à regio●● compositas partes et fr●stra trans●re: quibus ceramonijs dign●● morte decernebatur, si quis foedus aliquando rupisset,& pacta negligeret Alois. lip. in Carenasus in Gen. 15. 9. that God himself did so require, it appeareth thereby, not onely that God was ready to strengthen his faith; but also, that therein he condescended to that manner of doing it, which in such case was used by others. In that Abraham did accordingly, it sheweth not onely his obedience therein: but also( and a matter worthy the noting) that although his faith were great, and so is to us commended; yet did he not think good to refuse this further strengthening that God did mean him. A needful lesson for many of us, that vpon the presupposed strength that already wee haue, we little use any of those means that God hath given us, whereby to strengthen our weakness withall. coming to the use that afterward was made thereof, there do we find, that some part of it was accidental, and not seeming to bee meant unto it: but all the residue, such as doth so fitly accord with the business that was in hand, as that it may well be accounted more proper unto it. That which was but accidental, and not seeming to be meant unto it, was, that when Abraham had divided those Beasts, and laid both them and the Fowle in order, awaiting when the Lord would come and go betwixt them, as the manner was, certain ravening Fowle did prey vpon them, so that Abraham was fain to tend the same, and to Gen, 15. 11. drive them away: a figure belike( and so is the iudgement of diuers) how ready the enemies of the people of God would ever be to prey vpon them, especially when they should seem to be forsaken or rent in pieces; and yet that in no wise they may hope to rest upon them, for that they haue a strong defender, and one that doth continually tend them. And that it was Abraham that drove them away, it may signify unto us, that seeing it pleased God to make that covenant with him, he doth afterward so accept of him to such purpose( and much more of Christ) as that for his sake, he ever bestoweth that goodness vpon them. Of that which doth so fitly accord with the business that was in hand, as that it might well be accounted more proper unto it, some part of it sheweth how God dealt with Abraham a little before the covenant: then, how he made the covenant itself. In the former we are to consider, first how it pleased God to affect Abraham before: then, what after he said unto him. That wherewithal he did affect him before, was an heavy sleep: and Gen. 15. 12. very fearful darkness withall. That which God after said unto him, is altogether prophetical, and concerning him and his seed: concerning which, first he setteth down their estate for a certain time generally; then, doth he more fully open certain particulars thereunto appertaining. Their estate is so set down, that somethinges are grievous and heavy: and some others again, of special comfort. grievous Gen. 15, 13. and heavy needs must it be, when he told him, that for a surety his seed should be not onely a Stranger in a foreign country, and that for the space of four hundred yeares: but also, that they should bee in bondage unto them, and entreated ill at their hands. Comfortable it was likewise, that God himself would punish those Gen, 15, 14. that entreated them ill: and that afterward he would bring them forth again with great substance. Those particulars that belong thereunto, which afterward he doth more fully open, are two: one, concerning Abraham himself; the other concerning his seed that followed. That which concerneth Abraham himself, was that this affliction should not touch him, but that he should go to his Fathers in peace, Gen. 15. 15. and be butted in a good age. That which concerneth his seed, was, that they also in the fourth generation should return thither again: and a reason given therewithal Gen. 15, 16. why it should not be by and by, for that the iniquity of the Ammorites was not full. In the latter, that is, how God did make the covenant itself, first wee haue a circumstance of the time set down: then, that which doth appertain to the substance of it. The circumstance of the time is, when the sun was set, and Vet●● Transia.& Tremel. Gen 15. 17. that it was dark night: so, as it seemeth, causing Abraham for a time to await his leisure, until the day was fully past, and the night already come in. unto the substance of it do appertain these two: the visible representation that then was given; then the opening of the same. The visible representation that then was given, was in these two: a smoking Furnace, and a burning Torch; and both those passing betwixt the halves. By which( not to trouble ourselves with the iudgement of diuers Rupertus and Cal●●ne do refer it to the estate of the people: first in their bondage; then, by their deliverance. But Tremelius and Innius, do( better as I take it) refer it to the parties betwixt whom the covenant was made: which must needs be Abraham, that desired to be confirmed therein; and God that thus did confirm him in it. herein) it should seem to be the likeliest of all, that the parties betwixt whom this covenant was made, should seem to bee shadowed hereby: and then, allotting the burning Torch to represent God the party that made it, who ever is a most clear and burning light; the other may well signify Abraham and his posterity, who, though by instruction kindled never so much, yet are they never notwithstanding but smoking. The opening of this visible representation, wee may well take to be that which followeth; for that it is, said, that God at that time did make a covenant with him: and therewithal sheweth in what words he made the same. All which tending to this end, that unto his seed he would give that Land, he boundeth forth the same unto him, first by two special Riuers: then, by the people that there did inhabit. Those Riuers were, the one of them that of egypt, coming down by the city Rinocorura, which shutteth up the borders of egypt, on the South and southwest of this Land of Canaan; the other, Euphrates, that divideth Gen. 15, 18. 〈◇〉. from the main Land on the North and northeast: the Land being otherwise bounded from the West and North-west by the Middle-earth-Sea, which in Scripture( in respect of those Seas or Lakes which they had within the Land) is termed sometimes the great Sea. The people were those which then dwelled in the Land: of Ge. 15. 19-21. whom there are certain of them, whose dwellings are thought to bee known unto us; and others again, whose dwellings we know not, but that they were of the people then. By those that are known, the South part of the Land is promised, not onely within, both the South boarder of it, as by the Kenites, and the heart of it too, as by the hittites and jebusites, but some part without also, among the Edomites, as by the Kenezites; then also, the most of tract on the other side of jordan, as by the Rephaims, Ge. 10, 15-19. Amorites, and Girgasites: and by the Canaanites, though some part of it particularly, yet even the whole generally, for that the most part of them descended of Canaan the son of Cham, and afterward went all under that name generally. The Kadomites and Perizzites as yet I find not where they were placed: but it is certain, they were in this compass; and likely also, that then they were of special account. Of himself he did it a while after, when Abraham was ninety yeares old and nine: and that, both by changing their Names; and by ordaining circumcision withall. In changing their names, he began with Abram, whom by interpretation before an Gen, 17, 5-15. Rob. Steph. in judice. high Father, him now he called Abraham, that is, a Father of a multitude, or of many: then, coming to Sarai, that is, My Lady or Mistris, her now he called Sara, that is a Lady or mistress. In ordaining of Circumcision we are to note, first that he would yet further confirm him thereby: then, in what manner he did the same. That God would further confirm him thereby, after all those promises made, and so often repeated, and now after the changing of both their names likewise, out of it we may fruitfully gather, that in matters of difficulty it is hard for men to beleeue, in such confidence and strength, as they ought to do; when as God himself, that knoweth what is in us, worketh so hard vpon us therein: and then, if Abraham needed so strong confirmation, who notwithstanding before had shewed, in diuers great trials, so notable and so rare a Faith, what staggering may not we doubt in ourselves, if negligently we use those means that the wisdom of God hath prescribed unto us, and if wee do not carefully labour to strengthen ourselves the best that we can? In his manner of doing the same, we are to note two principal matters: one, how fit a sign he took unto the purpose that he had in hand; the other, how far he would haue the same to extend. The purpose that he had in hand, was some part of it but likely onely: and some part of it were certain. That part of it that was but likely, was that God may seem to haue had some meaning to humble Abraham himself thereby, and all his people that should afterward follow: and therefore that he made choice of that part of the body, as whereunto reason would hardly yield. certain it is not, because we haue there no warrant for it, that then he had any such meaning: and yet notwithstanding it is likely enough, both because God is wont so to deal, and our Nature doth so require; and for that there be of our best Interpreters that so do take it. And then out of it we are to gather, ever to haue all our senses, and all the powers and faculties of man generally, in all things subject unto the will and pleasure of God: for that the dealing of God with his people is wont to be such, as that otherwise we are like in all things almost to stumble. That part of it that is certain, Ge, 17, 10-11. that he meant to haue it a sign of the covenant that he made with them: which covenant was recited a little before; namely, that both he would make him so fruitful, that out of him he would raise many Nations( and among them kings likewise) and Ibid, 6, 7. that he would be God unto him, and to his seed after him. In which respect( namely of such a propagation which was the chief part of the covenant then) none other part of the body could haue been so meet as it, whereon to imprint the seal of that covenant. How far he would haue the same to extend, is by himself plainly set down; namely, to all the Males of that family of his; and therein, even to the child that was eight daies old. Wherein it shall be good more specially to note, first on whom he did not lay it: then on whom he would haue it to lye. Those on whom he would not lay it, were all others that were none of that people, and among themselves, the Women-kinde also. In that he did not lay it on any, but onely on those that were of that people, we may to good use note( as others also haue done before) that we and others of the Gentiles, when wee received the Law of God, were not bound unto this circumcision, by this ancient ordinance of God: and therefore that no body need in such case to make any conscience of observing the same; though otherwise there be some other places, that( not being taken by the original) may seem to require the same of all. Women also may seem therein to be spared, not onely in respect of that other ceremony of Purification, which was afterward by the Law cast vpon them: but also, for that( betwixt the Male and the Female) such propagation doth originally or first proceed onely of the Male, and not of the Female but secondarily. Out of which there be that gather, that original sin is from the Man, and not from Catena Alois●●. Lipp●m. in Gen. the Woman: a good point to be noted, both in the Incarnation of Iesus Christ; and to help to rectify the iudgement of those that haue thought sin to haue proceeded from the Body unto the soul, and not from the soul to be Body. For if original sin proceed but from the Father( and therewithal the better part of man likewise) and onely the Body or the inferior part of Man from the Mother: then haue we a reasonable good light therein, how the Incarnation of Christ, may be without sin, seeing that he took but Flesh of the blessed virgin, and had not Man, but the most holy to perform that which otherwise by course of Nature is done by the Father. Whereby also it may appear, that Men need not so to labour to get the blessed virgin also to be without sin, that so they might find, how Christ might take his Flesh of her, and yet not haue it stained with sin unto him. For by this wee are taught to gather, that sin proceedeth from the soul or inward Man: and that the Flesh or Body is stained from it, or by the uniting thereof unto it. Those on whom he would haue it to lye, were all the Males of that people: not excluding little Children therein. If all that were of that people must use it: we also may in no wise account us the people of God, unless we dispose ourselves to observe whatsoever ordinances he giveth to vs. If it were to bee imprinted on Children also, who nevertheless were unmeet for procreation as yet: wee also need not to doubt, but that, in the way of any covenant of God, we may haue good hope, whatsoever vnlikelihoodes may be for the time. And if yet they were therein forborn for a time: we also may learn, both to bear with the weakness of others; and if ours die, before they may conveniently haue the seal of the covenant( as no doubt many of theirs did, before they were eight daies old) nothing to doubt of their estate towards God thereby. Those that do concern others besides, were some of them nearer to Abraham: but other● again, much further of. Of those that were nearer, some of them were sundered from him: but one there was, that still kept his former estate with him. Those that were sundered from him, was first of all Lot: then, a good while after, both ishmael his son, and his Mother withall. In the sundering of Lot from him, wee haue both the occasion of it set down: and in what sort it was performed. The occasion of it was, that both Abraham and he were grown so rich, that they could not both Gen. 13, 5-9. dwell together: a good example, how hard it is, for those that are rich to keep together: and how good a Tutor or guardian Abraham was to his Nephew Lot. For if Abraham and Lot could not do it, it is like to bee much more hardly performed by others. In what sort it was performed, resteth in two principal points: one, that Abraham, though the elder and greater, yet did he give the other his choice; the other, that Lot Ge. 13, 10, 11 too●● the choice that was given him, and finding the coasts of sodom and Gomorrah best to like him for the fruitfulness and riches of them, he thereupon made his choice of those. In that that Abraham was so moderate, and condescended so far unto his Inferior, it layeth before us a good example, for all men in such like cases to follow. In the choice of Lot, although it were indeed the fairest in the iudgement of Flesh and blood; yet, afterwards proving so ill as it did, it may teach us likewise, that in such case wee may choose the fairest in sight, and yet haue the worse if wee lay thereunto the proof of it after: and seeing, that even at that time also it was certainly Gen. 13. 13. known, that the inhabitant● were very bad in their ways, it may teach us withall, how dangerous a thing it is, so far to side ourselves to those that are ill. In the sundering of those two others wee find, that first it was attempted by Agar, before that ever the Child was born: but afterward effected indeed, by the appointment of God himself. When it was attempted by Agar, before that ever the child was born, it was crossed or made void by God himself, and she returned home to her Mistris again: and so for this matter, wee haue it more specially declared, both how far herself did attempt it; and in what sort God did cross it. In her attempting of it, first we haue the occasion set down: then, how she did work thereupon. The occasion was, that Sarai her Mistris now began to deal hardly with her concerning which, we Gen. 16, 6. haue likewise set down, both vpon what reason she did it: and what order shee used therein. The reason whereupon she did it, was, that Agar, after that shee had conceived by Abraham her master, now began to despise her Mistris: a matter that is so oft in experience( in cases that are some-what of that kind, but yet much farther 4 from the right of any allowance then this) as that we need so much the less to stand vpon it, and yet is it good to such end to mark it. The order that shee observed therein, was, that first shee opened her mind unto her Husband, and had his good 5 6 leave therein, before she did any thing unto her Seruant. That so she first acquainted her Husband with it, and had his express licence therein, that was a course of good moderation, and good pattern for married Women in such case to follow. But that she seemeth to haue made that complaint to her Husband impatiently, charging him to be some cause thereof( which notwithstanding she quickly found to be otherwise) in that she committed a double fault: one, that so wrongfully shee charged Gen. 1●, 5. him; the other, that she took it not to herself, as justly required, in that she did first give the occasion, both counseling her Husband to take that course, and 2 herself to that end giuing her Seruant unto him. The occasion being so far given 3 by her Mistris, she thereupon fled or ran away from her: wherein we are to note, 6 not onely that so she did; but also in what manner shee did it, fleeing into the wilderness itself. In that so shee did, shee shewed herself little to regard, that herself had justly deserved, that her Mistris should in such sort use her, for that so contrary to her duty she had made so light of her. In that shee fled into the wilderness, 4 it sheweth, how desperately she did, or how little regard shee had then of herself, that did not put herself in service to some other, nor sought to soiourn among the people, or in some city: but so abandoned herself to the solitary and dangerous Gen. 16, 17. wilderness; or at the least, took that way home-ward to egypt, which as it seemeth was not the nighest, and, being alone, very dangerous also. How it pleased God to cross it, is in such sort set down unto us, as that first we haue set down, how the angel of the Lord dealt with her in that matter: then, how far shee did yield thereunto. The angel first of all dealeth with her in that present matter: then in another of greater moment. Concerning that present matter, first he searcheth out in what case she standeth: then he doth prescribe unto her, what she shall do. He searcheth out in what case she standeth, both by asking a question of her: and by awaiting her answer unto it. In the question we haue noted unto us, in what sort he calleth her: and what it is that he inquireth of her. he calleth her by the ● name of Agar, Saraies maid: thereby giuing her to understand, that in estate shee was a Seruant, and ought to behave herself accordingly. He inquireth of her, both whence she came, and whither she would: so to gather her to a better consideration, both that she left the place that she should not; and that unadvisedly she had entered this journey, not knowing herself whither she went, or able to give no reason of it. And we in like sort are ever to mark what our estate or condition is, and constantly withall patience to abide therein: and to know withall, that if at any time wee leave it, we know not then whither we go, neither are able to give any reason for our remove. In the answer that she gave unto him, she acknowledgeth herself to bee Saraies Seruant; and answereth but the first part of the question onely; namely, that shee fled from the face of her Mistris: so acknowledging her fault therein; and confessing( in effect) withall, that she was going shee wist not whether. That which the angel doth hereupon prescribe unto her, resteth in two principal points, one, to return to her Mistris again; the other, to submit herself unto her: a very good pattern of the duty of all, in all such cases. That other matter of greater moment was concerning the good purpose of God towards her, in those should come of her: first, how great a posterity she should haue; then, concerning that very Child wherewith she went then. Her posterity he told her, should be very great: and so many that they 10. could not be numbered. Concerning that Child wherewith she went thē, first he speaketh unto her of some things appertaining to his birth or first coming into the world: then, of some others that show what kind of one he should afterward be. Those that appertain to his birth, or first coming into the world, are two: one, that shortly she should be delivered of him; and the other, by what name shee should call him. In 11, the former of which, her folly is reasonable plainly rebuked, that being so near her time as she was, she put herself to the hazard of such a journey 〈◇〉 impatiency also, in that being so near the time of her deliverance, which was like to win her favour of all, yet she did not bear for a time, especially being then so short as it was, and herself of necessity needs must know it. In the latter, we may also note the goodness of God, who himself being so great, doth nevertheless so graciously regard them: and the better to fasten this in the heart of this desolate Woman, did impose that name to her child, that should signify so much unto her. Those that are to show what kind of one he should afterward be, do show what he should be first in himself: then, towards other. For himself, it is said, that he should be a fietce and sharp man: as indeed such are the children of the flesh, towards the children of the covenant: and meetest for God wherewithal to exercise his 12. Children. What he should be towards others, wee haue set down in these two: one, that his hand should bee against all Men, and all Monnes hands likewise against him again,( and such peace is there ever betwixt the children of the world, and the true children of GOD;) the other, that( notwithstanding) he should increase and prosper, even in the face of all his bretheren, as ours also do for many of them, even to the discouragement sometimes of the faithful. How far shee yielded hereunto, appeareth in these two: first how thankfully she received Psal. 73, 2-14. this warning and favour of God; then, in her returning to her mistress again. Shee received that warning and favour of God so thankfully, that she made the place itself a memorial of it, by the name that she gave it: not onely to herself; but even to the people that did afterward follow. A good pattern for us, so to advance the Gen 16, 13, 14 glory of God in our time, that it might live among those that succeed us, when wee are gon. That shee returned to her mistress again, it is not here in plain terms recorded: but yet notwithstanding plainly implyed in that it is afterward said, both that she brought forth her son unto Abraham, and that Abram gave it the name. A good example for us likewise, if at any time wee haue slipped or started aside, from 15 our duty or calling, yet in some good time to return unto it again. How it was afterward effected indeed, and by the appointment of God himself, to the end that we may the better conceive, we are first to note the occasion of it: then, to come to the thing itself. The occasion of it was, that ishmael did laugh, or mocked Isaac: which the Apostle accounteth a kind of persecution, and saith that so it was then also; Gen. 21. 9. Gal. 4, 29. as we in like manner do find that so it is still: namely, that hypocrites in the Church of God( as ishmael in the house of Abraham) are ever grievous to the true children of God. In the the thing itself wee are to note two principal matters: one the punishment that it brought vpon them; the other, the moderation wherewith it proceeded. In the punishment that it brought vpon them we are given to understand, first what it was: then, howe it proceeded. It was the casting of them both out of the Gen. ●1, 9-14. doors: as our mockers also may not ever haue place in the Church of God. The course of proceeding was, first that it was of Abraham required: then, that it was by him performed. Of Abraham it was required first by Sara: then, by God himself. When Sara did require it, we are to see both in what sort she did require it; and what effect it took with Abraham. When she did require it, shee did it in such terms, as that it may seem, that there was some business betwixt them about the right of Gen. 21. 10. the inheritance, because Sara, when she required that the bond-Woman and her Son should be cast out, shee added withall, that the son of the bond-woman should not inherit with her son: which it may seem Agar was practising; and that the Boy himself, being now about fourteen yeares old, was by her induced to aspire unto it. So the synagogue and her children are ever ready to encroach vpon the right of those that are better then themselves, though they see their right therein to bee never so clear: as in these dayes of ours, the profaner sort do every whery almost, not seek to share or part with the ministery, but to possess themselves( in effect) of all their livings. The effect that it took with Abraham, was somewhat, though not so much Ibid. 11. as God did require of him immediately after. Somewhat it was, because it was grievous unto him on behalf of his son, to haue that required of him. And so many of the better sort of our superiors, are loathe to cast out those profane persons, that haue invaded the maintenance of the ministery: though the Church itself, yea and the glory of God withall, do never so justly require the same. When God did require it, he did add comfort withall: and so are wee to note first in what sort he did require it; then what was the comfort that he gave therewith. In that he did require it, there be two things to be noted: one that it was the very same that Sara had required Ibid. 12. before( and for the matter wee spake of before, it is not unlikely, but that our Superiors will find, that what the Church requireth now as due unto them, that also will GOD himself require then) to which end also it doth appertain, that he doth so precisely will him withall, to do whatsoever she required, both as touching the Boy himself and his Mother; the other, the reason that he giveth therewith, which was, that it was but Isaac onely, by whom that seed should bee derived, on which God would bestow those special blessings that before he spake of( and so may ours in like sort reason, that it is not that which is the needful maintenance of the ministry, but their other lands and goods that God will bless unto them.) The comfort that he gave Ibid. 13. therewith, was, that he would make the other a great people also, because he was his seed: and so may of ours hope, that if they be of the seed of Abraham, professors of the gospel but after their manner, yet will God so bless them also, in the things of this world, that they need not to meddle with the Ministers portion, no more then ishmael because of that, should need, to intercept any thing that belonged to Isaac. In Abrahams performance hereof, we are to note, first the substance of the thing itself: then, the manner of doing it. The substance of the thing itself was, that he did it Ibid. 14. as it was required: and so should our superiors too, sand away all our Ismaels, from the inheritance or portions of those our Isaaks. The manner of doing it resteth in two points: one, that he rose up betime to do it( and so should ours▪ even the same morning, Tremel. I●n. it seemeth, being that night admonished of it; the other, that he gave them so little with them for ought that wee red( though it be thought that all is not mentioned) that it seemeth thereby he did not gratify them( no more should ours) with any part of that which belonged unto Isaac, though otherwise his affection was great Gen. 17: 18.& 21, 11. to the one, and not unlikely but to be somewhat to the other also, but yet did he give them but bread and water, to enter them into their journey, and so did leave them to Gods providence. In the moderation wherewith it proceeded wee are to note, first that they were in hard estate for the time: then, that God did comfort them with better shortly after. Their hard estate for a time, was first in this their casting out: then, in some other things that immediately followed. Their casting out, was a worse matter, than, it may be themselves perceived: so to be sundered from the peculiar people of God, and from the blessings that to them were promised. Of those that immediately Ibid. 14. 15, 16. followed, one was common to them both, which was their wandering in the wilderness: others more pro[er to either of them, as the Boy ready to perish by thirst; and the Mothers sorrow thereon, getting herself somewhat out of the way, that she might not see her Childs departure. But now when they were in this distress, God came in with that his comfort unto them: first delivering them from their present distress; then, coming forth with farther favours. For their present distress, first it Ibid, 17, 18. is noted, that the Lord heard the cry of the child, called to his Mother, bad her to be of good comfort, and to go take her child again; and that he would make a great Nation of him: then, that the Lord opened her eyes, so that shee espied a fountain 19. near unto her, whereby to relieve their present necessity( as we also see not our good, in things that are nearest unto us, until the Lord do vouchsafe to open our eyes, that so wee may find it.) Those farther favours were, that the Lord was with the child after, so that he had presently a dwelling there in the wilderness, grew to be valiant and ready of his hands, and by his Mothers procurement was married to an Egyptian 20, 21. woman. he that still kept his former estate with him, was Isaac his son, of whom we haue no farther to consider here, but onely while his Father lived, during which time, the Story goeth but of his Father, and not vpon him. In whom we haue two special things to be considered: one, what crosses were in his way; the other how it pleased God to help him therein. The crosses he had, did some of them arise directly from others: and some of them arose, as it were, but onely of themselves. Those were, ishmael first, and Abraham after. ishmael, as we heard, did in such sort gibe at him Gen. 21. 9. even in his Fathers house,& without any cause given by him, that the Apostle calleth it persecution: and Abraham his own Father who tenderly loved him, bound him and Gal. 4. 29. laid him on the Alter, and was ready to slay him unto the Lord. To haue arisen of Gen. 22. 9, 10. themselves we may account these two: that ishmael his base Brother came up so fast or Ibid, 21, 20. 21& 25, 16, 18. prospered so well, while he yet stuck still in his former estate: and that he having such an issue promised, his Father notwithstanding as it seemeth did not seek to provide a Wife for him, till he was almost forty yeares old; and then had no child neither Gen. 24. 4& 25, 20, 21, 26. ( his Wife being barren) till twenty yeares after. Howe it pleased God to help him therein, is to be seen in every of them. For ishmael and his mother withall, were Ge. 21, 12, 14 presently cast out thereupon: Abraham was stayed from doing any hurt unto him; and besides had a blessing of great price given him, whereof Isaac also was to be partaker; Ge, 22, 15-18. and if it were long first, yet afterward he shewed himself to be careful of it, and to Gen, 24, 1-9. haue a special good regard unto it: though ishmael in earthly things got up very soon, yet were there better laid up for Isaac: and albeit the Ismaelites did sooner increase, yet multiplied the others shortly after exceedingly also, and without comparison were the more blessed people by far. Concerning his death it is noted, first of what age he was when he died, namely one hundred threescore and fifteen yeares old; then Gen. 25, 7. 10. withall, that he was not onely full of yeares, or as we say, of a great age, or that he had lived( in his own contentment) even to the full, but also had an hundred yeares in the service of God, to those that he had lived before( and hope that God will prolong even our yeares too in his service, albeit we be old when we come unto it:) then, that Isaac and ishmael his sons did both join together in burying of him( as not onely the Children of God, but even the Children of the World also, in such kind of duties are oft-times forward enough) and that they butted him in that very place which to such purpose before he had bought, and where himself had butted Sarah his wife. 8 Those that were farther off from him, and yet within the bounds of his Story, were most of them now living already: but some of them unborn as yet. Those that were now living already, were, first two of the Neighbour-Princes, both in one case to speak of: then, two several peoples of the same Land, in diuers cases. The two Neighbour Princes were, Pharaoh the King of egypt, for the one: and Abimelek, the King of Gerar, for the other. That they were both in one case to speak of, I therefore account, because they both would haue taken away their sojourners wife, but that the Lord did stand fast with him against them both. Where first it shall be good to consider of such things as are common to them both: then, of such others as are more proper to either of them. Common to them both it was, that for her great beauty, first they were desirous to haue had her, and yet though they were Ge. 12. 10-16. 8, 19, 10, 12. 45. Ge. 12, 19, 10, 20, 8-10, 14-16. but Heathen men, not as his wife, but as they thought shee was but his Sister: then also, that being admonished thereof by the Lord, they restored his Wife untouched to him again. And so our great men in the world, are ready enough some-times to take women unto them, not much regarding by what right they haue them, and therein to offend much farther, then either of these: and so like-wise much more boldly to deal with Church-liuings, married( as it were) before, unto the Churches whereunto they belonged; especially, when the Incombents themselves, for their own safety, or to avoid some special danger, durst not claim their right unto them. Neither do they, when once they haue gotten them, so readily part with them again, as in that case these two kings then did: notwithstanding, whatsoever reproof they find, in the better sort of the learned now, and of the Fathers themselves of old; or in the holy Scriptures, which themselves will not deny to bee the undoubted word of God. Proper unto Pharaoh it is, that he entreated Abraham well for her sake, and thereupon gave him both cattle and seruants plentifully Gen. 1●. 16, ( therein far passing in that kind of humanity, many of ours) that God did cast 17. great plagues for that fact of the King, both vpon the King himself, and vpon all his house besides( and, in this case of ours, he is without question the same God still) 18, 19, 20. and that he partend not with that booty, as it seemeth, but in great perturbation of his mind; therein giuing us a reasonable good scantling, what in such case wee may look for in most of ours, if at any time they come so far, as to part with such booties again. Proper unto Abimelek it was, that he did it singleness of heart( as the Lord himself acknowledgeth) and yet that he is specially and straitly charged Ge. 20, 4, 6-7. vpon pain of death to himself and to all that he had, to deliver to that stranger his Wife again( specially noting that he was a Prophet, and that he should pray for him, insinuating withall, that he did stand in need of it:) that when he delivered her he gave them great gifts besides; and yet just reproof to them both( so 14, 15, 16. would ours also be dealt with) for concealing their wedlock: and that till this was done, the Lord had strooken them all with barrenness, but then did cure that defect 17, 18. unto them. Those two several peoples of the same Land were the Sodomites, and their neighbours-by, for the one: and the Hittites or the sons of heath, for the other. As touching the Sodomites and their neighbours adjoining, there bee two principal things of them declared: first their chastisement; then their destruction. In their chastisement, the cause of it seemeth first to be noted: then, the chastisement itself. The cause of it is, as it seemeth, the same that goeth a little before: namely, that the men of Sodom( and so belike the residue also, because they Gen, 13: 13. were both in their chastisement, and in their destruction, partakers with them) were wicked, and exceeding great sinners against the Lord. Their chastisement was, first that they were constrained to serve another Prince bordering on them( and they that cannot better use their liberty, are worthy to be abridged of it) the space Gen. 14▪ 4. of twelve yeares: and that, when they endeavoured to deliver themselves from that Ibid 5-11. yoke of bondage, they were then overthrown in battle, and their country clean spoyled besides; saving that Abraham, to recover Lot his Nephew, did after overtake those that had done it, prevailed against them, and brought back again the Ibid. 13. 16. spoil they had taken, In the story of their destruction we haue in like sort set down both the occasion of it, and the thing itself. The occasion of it is declared to Abraham by those three Angels whom he received: and it is( in effect) as the other; Cen. 18, 16-21 namely, because they were so exceeding great sinners. But therein it shall be good to consider, both in what manner it was opened to Abraham: and what moderation is there declared to haue been used therein. In the manner of the opening of it we are to note, both that God would not conceal it from Abraham: and what the reason was why he would not. That he would not conceal it from Abraham, Ibid. 17. it is a reasonable good testimony unto us, that from those that are his indeed, he will not conceal what he is to do, of any of those things that any way concern them or theirs. The reason why he would not conceal it from him, is partly given out of the favour that Abraham was in with God: and partly out of the use that Abraham would make thereof unto others. In respect of that favour that he was in Ibid. 18. with God, the cause is given, for that he should bee a great and a mighty people, in whom all the Nations of the earth were to bee blessed; and for that he knew him, Ibid. 19. ( which seemeth to be, for that Abraham did so often give so good testemony of his faith and obedience towards God, as that God which otherwise perfectly knoweth both the ways and hearts of all, had nevertheless a more special knowledge of him) that he walked vprighly before him; a kind of knowledge that is to be wished, God might haue of every of those that more specially profess themselves to be his seruants. In respect of the use that Abraham would make thereof unto others, it Ibid. is said likewise, that to that end he imparted so much unto him, that he might charge his Children and Family after him to observe or keep the way of the Lord, by exercising themselves in iustice and iudgement, and that so the Lord might perform unto him what he promised. In that part of the story which sheweth what moderation was used towards them, wee are to note, first how it was debated before: then how it was performed after. In the debating of it before, we are in like sort, first to consider of the motion of Abraham on that behalf: then, of the answer of God unto him. In his motion on their behalf wee may note, that purposing to make some kind of intercession for them, and to that end drawing nearer unto the Lord, he then did it, when two of them were gone about that business already. So are we to consider, first of the circumstance of that time: then, how farforth Ge. 18, 22, 23. he entreated for them. In the circumstance of that time we may note, that notwithstanding they were gone, and the Lord telling him before what their purpose was, whereby he might easily gather that now already they were gone about it: yet had he that good opinion of the equity and mercy of God, that even yet he doubted not but that good might be done. coming to consider how far-foorth he entreated for them, we are to note two things: first that he made no motion at all for his Nephew Lot; then nevertheless, that he had a special care for the better sort among them generally. In that he never made any motion for his Nephew Lot( whom notwithstanding he loved so dearly that a little before he did for his sake hazard the lives both of himself and of all his company, and therein advanced Ge. 14, 13-16. himself mightily and strangely too, to an hard and venturous piece of service, as we saw before) we may take it as a good example to us, how to forget all respect of flesh and blood in the judgements of God,& in all such things besides as do specially concern the glory of God: as the High Priest is afterward directed never to moorne for the death of his friends whatsoever. Neither might Aaron the Father, nor Eleazar, nor Ithamar brethren moorn, for Nadab and Abihu so pitifully taken levit. 10, 6. Eze. 24. 16. 17. Ibid. 22, 23. away as they were: and long after that, neither might ezechiel moorn for his Wife; nor the people for jerusalem itself. That nevertheless he had a special care for the better sort among them generally, it appeareth plainly in that he bent his speech to move the Lord, first not destroy the good with the ill: then also, for a few good, altogether to spare many ill. If he should destroy the good with the ill, he doth in plain terms show, that he accounteth it such a thing, as he would never haue him Gen. 18. 25. to do: and that being the judge of the whole world, it were far unseemly for him, and plainly that it were no upright iudgement. That for some few good he would likewise haue the whole people to be spared, it appeareth most plainly, in that beginning Ibid. 23, 32. but with fifty, he nevertheless cometh( by degrees) at length to ten: earnestly moving, that the whole company might be spared for them. In the answer of God unto him we are to note, that he also saith nothing concerning Lot, though he dealt notwithstanding very graciously with him: and so may wee hope, that God oft-times is mindful of those that do appertain to any servant of his, though themselves do never desire to haue the course of Gods judgements, for them intermitted. As touching the rest, he doth graciously yield to all his demands, Ibid, 26-32. showing himself ready to spare them all, if there in those cities he might find but fifty, five and forty, forty, thirty, twenty, yea or but ten just persons among them all: and then, as having yielded to whatsoever might in any reason bee requiered, and Abraham seeking no farther neither, he departed from him; as also Abraham thereupon returned homeward again. Out of which we may gather, that God is Ibid, 33. exceeding merciful unto us, even to the uttermost that ourselves can think any reason to look for at his hands( a great deal more also, though this example reach not so far:) and that God useth to spare many ill, for some very few good among them; so making the world( though themselves do not see it) very deeply beholding unto those few Children of God that are among them. In the performance of their destruction, after that so far it was debated before, wee are to note, first how themselves, by their own exceeding great iniquity, did 〈◇〉 themselves to be most worthy of it: then, how accordingly it fell vpon them. They declared themselves to be most worthy of it, by certain foul iniquities of theirs, which broke forth of them on a present occasion that then they took. So wee are to consider, first what that occasion was: then how naughtily they dealt thereupon. The occasion was, that those two Angels of the wrath of God that were sent to destroy it, taking vpon them the likeness of men, travailing from one place to another, and being earnestly invited by Lot to take their entertainment of him, did in Gen. 19, 1, 2, 3 the end yield unto him, and so went in as to lodge, and sojourn for that night with him. A good pattern of hospitality in Lot: and how notably the same was now rewarded, in that he so received Angels, when as he thought they had been but men. How naughtily they dealt thereupon my sufficiently appear, both by the foulness of their sin itself: and by their own impenitency therein. The sin itself was most odious especially in the very nature of it: but very much also in that it was offered to such as it was. The nature of it cannot but be exceeding evil, both Ibid. 4. 5 because it was very beastly, carnally to know their own sex, and because therein it was directly against nature itself. It was exceeding evil likewise, because it was offered both unto strangers: and to such, as by one of their own city now were taken to harbour. Their impenitency therein is wonderful also, first in that which they did themselves: then, in that they would not bee said by others. That which they did themselves, was, that they came so many about it, even the whole city to speak of: and nothing shamed, in so extreme beastliness, one of another; neither the younger sort of them, nor yet the elder. Those others that would haue stayed them were, first Lot himself: then, those guests of his, the Angels. Lot, to the end Ibid. 6-8. that he might stay them, to avoid one evil, doth of himself offer another: offering unto them his two Daughters, maidens as yet, to abuse at their pleasure, so that those his guests might be spared. In which we may note some things in him: and some others, in them likewise. In him wee may find some things commendable: and some others, reprovable also. Commendable it was, that he had so special a care to preserve his guests from such villains: and that, notwithstanding they were now so very badly given( which also himself doth not wink at, nor bear with them in it) yet he doth term them his bretheren, and doth gently entreat them. reprovable it was, that he yielded so far unto them, that he allowed them a less sin, to stay them from a greater: and that therein he would haue yielded his own daughters unto their filthy lusts, whom by the nature of his charge, he above others ought to preserve. Whereby also it seemeth, that he had no remembrance of God, in that, in so great distress as this, he sought not unto him. In them may we note that they were marvelous wickedly set vpon their sin, when as neither the abuse of those young women would content them: nor that pitiful and unnatural fight, to see the Father so ready to prostitute his Daughters unto them, could make them give back from the wicked purpose they had in hand. Yet afterward the Israelites, enraged in 2 King. 3, 27: their minds against the Moabites, and in the heat of battle against them at that present, when they saw the King of Moab being then in desperate case, and very sore distressed by them, to sacrifice his own son that should haue reigned after him, to obtain in that distress some help of his Goddes, so abhorred the fact that they presently left him, and went their ways. But these are so far from relenting, that Gen. 19. 9. they bid him stand back; upbraid him that he was but a stranger; charge him that now at his pleasure he would overrule them; threaten to deal worse with him then with those others; and accordingly make towards him inforcible manner, even to break open the door vpon him. The Angels therefore now beginning to take the matter in hand, first take-in Lot, and shut-too the door against the rest: and Ibid. 10, 11. then stroke that whole company with amazedness of heart, and blindness of sight, that they could in no wise find the door, and in the end were weary of seeking it. So they shewed themselves very plainly, that they were most worthy of the wrath that was cast vpon them:& how accordingly it fel vpon them is now to be seen. Where first we are to note one special manner that God useth: never to be so grieved with the wicked, but that still he retaineth his favour to those that are his. here therefore may we see, that the safety of those whom he will preserve is first regarded: and then, are those overwhelmed with wrath, whom he meant for their sins to destroy. So are wee first to consider of those whom it pleased him to vouchsafe such favour: then of those that had no such favour offered unto them. Concerning those to whom he vouchsafed to offer such favour, wee are first to see, who they were: then, in what sort they were dealt withall. In searching out who they were, wee are to note, that such favour was offered to more, then afterward enjoyed the benefit of it. So that some there were that did enjoy it: and others, that did not. Those that did fully enjoy it, were three persons onely, and those of sodom: whereas, Gen. 19. 25. Deut. 29, 23. not onely it, but Gomorrah also, Admah, and Zeboim, three other cities, were all destroyed at this time also. And those three persons were none other, but onely Lot, and his two Daughters: whom the Story will afterward show, not to haue been so very good, but that we may see, that it was to be imputed onely to the favour of God, and nothing at all to their goodness, that they were not with the rest destroyed. To find in what sort they were preserved, wee are to note, that the dangers were two: and as the dangers themselves were diuers; so were they diversly preserved also. Their former danger was in sodom, where then he dwelled: which that they Gen. 19, 12▪ 13 15. might escape, the Angels did now plainly tell him, that they would destroy that city, for the great iniquity that was therein, and that the Lord had sent them to do it: and thereupon willed him, out of hand, if he had any there whom he would bee loathe to haue destroyed, to get them away; and themselves also to hasten away so fast as they could. And when Lot made not such hast as the danger that he was in did then Ibid. 16, 17. require, then those Angels took him, his Wife, and his Daughters, by the hands, and lead them forth, and bad them fly for their lives, and neither to look back, nor to stay in all that plain country, but to speed them soon to an Hill that they shewed him, that they might bee safe there. Their latter danger was such, as now, by that commandment of the Angels, Lot himself did fear to be towards them: namely, that if he might not be safe but till he came thither, or( as others take it) but there; he doubted it was more then they could reach in time; or else, that some ill might light on him there. hereupon he besought the angels( but gathering his speech Ibid. 18. 20. then, as onely to one) that as he had found exceeding great favour in his eyes, so to preserve his life from that common destruction of the rest: so it would please him now in that favour of his, to spare him his flight unto that mountain, least they not being able in time to reach it, might so be overtaken with that destruction with the others; but rather that he would give them leave to fly to a city that was there, but a little from them, pleading that it was but a small matter to grant them so much, or as others take it, that the city itself was but small. Whereunto the angel answered, that Ibid. 21, 22. he had now yielded to gratify him in that point also; and for his sake would spare that city, and therefore bad him to make hast thither; telling him withall, that he could do nothing till he were there. whereupon, in process of time after, the city itself was in their tongue, called Small or Little; that being the meaning of Zoar, whereby it was called. Those that did not enjoy it, though it had been offered unto them, were some as yet remaining in sodom: and one, of this company that the Angels had thus brought forth. Those that yet remained in sodom, were those two Men that should haue married those Daughters of Lot: who, when their Father in Ibid. 4. Law that should haue been, told them that the lord would presently destroy that city, and therefore willed them forthwith to get them out of it, made light of it, as though he had but jested with them. As many of us likewise, do oft-times make but small reckoning of such judgements as the servants of God haue espied, and tell us to bee hanging over our heads. That one of this company whom the Angels themselves had brought forth, and yet miscarried, was the principal person but one, even the Wife of Lot himself: who, contrary to that they were bid, looking back, Ibid, 16, was thereupon turned into a pillar of Salt; by that iudgement of hers to season others, who by so faire a warning as it, would not take any season herself. Those others that had no such favour offered unto them, were all the other inhabitants of those four Ibid, 23, 25. cities, of whom it is said, first that Lot and his company getting to Zoar, by that time the sun hegan to get up, and so being out of danger now, then presently the Lord cast down Fire and Brimstone on those cities, and utterly destroyed them withall the Inhabitants of them,& whatsoever grew on the ground besides: then Ibid. 27, 29. also, that Abraham getting up betimes in the morning, and coming to the place where he had stood before the Lord, and entreated for them, and now looking towards those cities, and the country about them, himself was in some part an Eye-witnesse of that their destruction, seeing the smoke of that fire, arising as the smoke of a Furnace; but yet that God, when he overthrew those cities wherein Lot dwelled, did remember Abraham, and for his sake, sent Lot away safe, having before made promise unto him, among other things, that he would bless those that blessed him, among whom Lot wee may easily conceive was one, being so near him, and otherwise so much beholding unto him as many ways wee know that he was. As touching the Hittites or sons of heath, wee haue in them a good example of humanity to strangers: wherein we are in like sort to see, vpon what occasion the same did arise; and in what manner it was performed. The occasion consisted of two principal branches: one, the death of Sarah, Abrahams Wife; the other, that Abraham thereupon made motion unto them, to haue a burying place among them. As touching the death of Sarah, it is declared, of what age she was Gen, ●3, 1, 2. when shee dyed, namely, 1 27. yeares old: and where it was that it pleased God to take her hence, namely, in Hebron, or the Territories of it, an ancient city in the Land of Canaan. As touching the motion that Abraham thereupon made unto them, to haue a burying place among them, we haue noted unto us, at what time he Ibid. 2, 3. did it: and in what manner he did. For the time, it was not( as sometimes with us in our idleness and vanity, omitting such needful business as then wee should do, and occupying ourselves before we need in such matters) until the time that she was already departed this life: nor, until he had done that duty of mourning for her. The manner of it was, first as touching some place or other generally: Ibid. 4. and, when he found them so willing, as to give him choice where himself would be, then for one place more specially. In his motion for some place among thē generally, he first granteth, that himself is but a stranger, and sojourner among them: and therefore would desire no more but to haue some burying place, proper to him and his among them; yet, that so much he would gladly haue. Wherein there is no question, but that he had no superstition at all in burial: but that because himself was privy, that God had promised that Land to him and his, this was a fruit of the Faith that he had in that promise of God: thus before hand taking, so far as he could, possession thereof, not by the those dead bones of hers, but by that living Ibid. 5. 9. Faith of his. When he saw them so well inclined unto that motion of his, that they gave him free choice among them, then he directed his speech for one place more specially, and name that special place unto them, desiring them that they would bee means for him unto the owner thereof, that for his money and full worth of it, he Ibid. 10. 13. might haue it of him: and, when that also was presently offered unto him of free gift, by the owner himself then present; yet, doing obeisance for their great courtesy, he still persisted, not to haue it but for his money. The performance of it was a great part of it in their readiness before: then, in the final and actual agreement of both Ibid. 5, 6, 11. 14, 15. parts after. Their readiness before, both to the first motion generally, and to the other which was more special, both in the whole company of them, and in Ephron the owner of that piece of ground that he most desired, was both an example of good humanity unto strangers: and a good pattern withall, of what dignity the seruants of God may bee, even among the strangers of this World, if they can rightly carry Ibid. 16-20. themselves among them as they ought to do. In the final and actual agreement of both parts after, the one party did set a price thereon, and partend with it; the other gave the price that was set, and accepted of it: and both these in the presence and ●●ght of all the company. Wherein both Abraham declared not onely his equity ●● that he would so fully pay for whatsoever he had; but his wisdom also, in that he ●ould not loosely do, what he thought good and meet to be done: and Ephron likewise, ●● Heathen Man, both a great and a loving regard to that honourable Father, though but a mere stranger to him; and his equity too, in affording so good assurance, for what he was willing to part with unto him. Abraham therefore, when Ibid. 19. this piece of ground was made sure unto him, did there bury that honourable Matron Sara his Wife. Those that were unborn as yet, and yet notwithstanding haue their beginning within the compass of this Story, are a couple of peoples that were great and natural enemies to the people of God( and of whom afterward there is special mention:) which were the posterity of Moab and Ammon. Concerning whom, ●●. 19, 30-3●. wee haue here set down, in what sort they had their beginning: namely, that their own Father begot them at vnwares of his own Daughters; Moab of the elder, and Ammon of the younger of them. A beginning not altogether vnmeet, for such a people, as afterward they proved to be: and, an example withall, both how easily one of the better sort may foully fall, if he take not good heed, and more in such solitary dens of ours sometimes, than among that sinful people of Sodom; and how ungracious Imps so bad copulation is ever most like to yield unto vs. 9 Abraham, now being already departed as we saw before, and such other things being remembered as to his Story did appertain, both of those that were nearer unto him, and of others farther off from him, now are wee to come to Isaac his son, and to see the Story of his time also. Concerning which wee are to note, that of him there is nothing so much set down, as either of Abraham his Father before, or of jacob his Son after: and that the compass of his time is much furnished with relation of others, partly with some mention of ishmael his halfe-brother, and of Esau his elder son; but especially with jacob the younger. So are we first to consider what we haue set down of himself: then, what we haue( in the compass of time) set down of those others. That which is set down of himself is most appertaining to his life: but some part appertaining to his death too. That which is appertaining to his life is some part of it, as it were but general: and some part of it, more special. That which wee may account to be general, is, that which concerneth his whole estate, not respecting one thing or other specially, but onely the whole: as namely, when it is said, that after the death of Abraham, God did bless Isaac his son. Which is not meant of any one blessing in particular, but that as God was with his Father before, and in all things prospered his Gen. 25, 11. affairs and ways among the people, with whom he sojourned: so was he now with Isaac his son, even as he was with his Father before. As also it doth a while after, more plainly appear, when Abimelek King of Gerar, fearing his might because he saw him to increase so much as he did, had charged him to depart out of his country. Ibid,: 6. 16, For then, not onely God himself did bid him notwithstanding to be of good cheer, and told him that he was the God of his Father Abraham, and now would Ibid. 24. be with him also, and blessed him: but even Abimelek himself likewise, together with one of his special friends, and the captain of his Army, came and desired to haue a Ibid. 26-28. league with him, even onely because they did so plainly see, that the Lord was with him. That which is more special, is most appertaining to such time of his as wherein he made no preparation yet for his death: but partly also unto such time, as when himself doubted that he had not long to live, and was therefore desirous, for one thing specially, to take some order before. That which belongeth to the former of these, resteth in two principal branches: one concerning his marriage; the other concerning his own habitation. Concerning his marriage, first the time onely is noted: then, some other things of greater moment. For the time it is said, that he was Ibid, 25. 16. 20. 26. full forty yeares old when as he was married to Rebecca; then, that it was twenty yerees more, before he had any child by her also: a special good example to teach all men with much patience to await the performances of Gods promises towards us, when as notwithstanding those great promises before, concerning a great posterity to be from his Father and him derived; yet, as his Father had not him till five and twenty yeares after, so he also was now threescore yeares old before he had any. Those other things of greater moment, are some concerning himself; and some others concerning Rebecca his Wife. Such as concern himself were these two: one that he humbly besought Ibid. 21. the Lord on the behalf of his Wife because she was barren( a good pattern Ibid. 21. for us also, in all our necessities to seek unto God;) the other, that the Lord was entreated of him, so that his Wife soon after conceived, and was with Child by him. As wee in like manner need not to doubt, but that God will hear us likewise, in such things as are needful for us, if wee shall truly seek unto him. Such as concern Rebecca his Wife, are those things that did befall her, both while she was wlth child with those twins with whom she then went: and when shee was delivered of them. While shee was with Child with them, shee sensibly perceived, that the children strove together in her womb. Whereupon being troubled, and somewhat dismayed Ibid. 22. at the straungenesse of it, shee inquired of the Lord what the matter meant( a good example for Women in all cases of Child-birth, and for us all besides to follow, in all our troublesone thoughts likewise, and whatsoever other necessities at any time wee haue:) and the Lord then told her, that there were two special peoples Ibid. 23. in her womb( and so ever in the Church here) as a reason sufficient, that it was no great marvel if they did not better agree; and that the most usual or ordinary course should so far give place in them, that the younger should grow the mightier, and the more worthy, and that the elder should accordingly bee in subiection unto him. A comfortable pattern to those that are the more despised sort in the world here, if they do soundly cleave unto the Lord: that though the world malign them and can never let them be quiet by them; yet are they the better with God, and so shall be acknowledged too, when the time by him appointed shall come. When the time was come, that shee was to be delivered of them, the former of them came forth ruddish and hairy: and therefore, seeing that being so hairy now, even at his birth, he attained to that which other children commonly haue not till they be of Ibid. 24, 25. some growth, nor then neither but in much scanter manner, therefore they called his name Hesau, as already come to perfection. After whom came forth the other, holding his brother by the heel: and for that cause they so termed him jacob, signifying Tremel. jun. to hold by the heel. Concerning his own habitation or being, we are first to Ibid. 26. consider where it was: then, what was the manner of it. As touching the former, wee are to note, that hitherto having remained in this Land where Abraham left him, and which was promised, in time to be theirs, now by occasion he left the same, and went unto Gerar a city of the philistines, and was of purpose( as it seemeth) to Gen. 26: 1-6. haue gon thence unto egypt, as Abraham his Father on the like occasion had done before. The occasion of which his removing was a Famine, that now in his time also( as in Abrahams before) fell on that land wherein he sojourned: for avoiding of which, being of purpose to go into egypt, but admonished by the Lord that he should not so do, he went but onely to Abimelek King of Gerar and sojourned there. A sufficient example, both that God doth sometimes prove his dearest Children with such necessities: and yet that themselves may not shrink from them neither. But being there, he was not able thereto continue, but after a time was fain to return into the main Land again, the philistines having but an out-side of it. So are wee more specially to note, what was the Story of his being there: then, what followed when he came thence. Being there it is very plain, that God did exercise him diversly: but yet therein also did show himself very gracious unto him. The exercise was, partly by his own infirmity: and partly, by the envy of others. Of his own infirmity it was( and the same very great) that he also now denied his Wife, as his Father had done before, first in egypt, then here also. But this was great infirmity in him, not onely because that he might well haue been warned by that infirmity Ge. 12: 12. ●0, 2. of both his parents before, and by that reproof which they had for it: but also, because the Lord himself had promised to be with him, and to bless him; and gave such prerogative to his seed besides. And if such infirmity were found in so great Gen. 26, 3, 4. Fathers as those, and in such matters withall: wee are the less to bee discouraged, if the like now and then fall out in vs. Of the envy of others it was, that when they saw him so mightily to increase, they then quarreled with him about trifles, and Ibi. 12-17. 20 ●1. would not rest till they got him forth from among them. That nevertheless God did show himself to be very gracious unto him in both, it doth in itself very plainly appear: first in that time of that his infirmity; then, in the time of that their envy. In the time of that his infirmity, he did not onely preserve his wives chastity in the Ibid. 8-11. mean season; and otherwise brought forth the truth of the matter( which himself concealed so much as he could:) but also put such a fear into their hearts, of some special vengeance to be cast vpon them, if any of them had done that villainy unto her, as that strait order was presently taken, that they should be safe from all such danger. In the time of that their envy, God did not onely preserve him safe, that they did him no hurt to speak of, but onely some little trifling displeasures: but did specially bless him besides. Those trifling displeasures wherewith he suffered him to bee exercised by them( while otherwise he preserved him from all special hurt) were of two sorts: one, by the King himself, or by them all generally: the other by particular persons onely, and those inferiors. By the King himself, or by them all generally, he was commanded to depart thence: and the reason is given, for that Ibid. 16. he was grown much stronger than they. By particular persons, and those but inferiors, there were two pelting displeasures offered unto him: one, that they filled up with earth those old wells or watering-places, which the seruants of Abraham Ibid. 15. his Father had in Abrahams time digged before; the other, that the shepherds or herdsmen of Abimelek strove with his seruants twice about others, newly digged Ibid. 19-21. by him, challenging those to be theirs likewise. That special blessing that God besides bestowed on him, was either concerning his own substance: or else concerning those hard neighbours of his. Concerning his substance, it is plainly noted, both Ibid. 12-14. that sowing in those parts, he reaped an hundred fold increase, and so did marvelously increase: and that in his greater and smaller Cattle, and in his own family besides, he was now grown exceeding great. Concerning those hard neighbours of his, first God himself did then again appear unto him, and bad him be of good Ibid. 24, 25. comfort, assuring him, that for Abraham his Fathers sake he would haue a special care of him, and in all his distress ever be with him; and this so comfortably, that Isaac himself being well encouraged thereby now, there builded an Altar and worshipped: then also, he put that fear of him into the heartes of Abimelek and some Ibid. 26-31. others of the chief about him, that they came soon after unto him, and sought to haue league of amity with him, which also he did not onely confirm unto them; but having before set his seruants to assay if they could not light on some spring there, and they now bringing him word, that they had light on a good fresh spring, he thereupon, by the oath of amity or good neighbor-hood, which at that time passed Ibid. ●2. 33. ●●t●●xt them, gave name to that place, and so calling the place Shibah, that is, an Oath, the city that afterward grew up there, was thereupon termed Beer-shebah. When himself doubted that now he had not long to live, and thereupon himself was desirous for one thing especially, to take some good order before he departed, he called his elder son unto him, and told him, that now being old and not knowing the time when God would call him, he was now purposed, while yet he lived, Gen, 17-3-6. and was of good sense and perfect memory, to leave a special blessing unto him. So he bad him take his Bow and quiver, and go and kill him a piece of flesh, that he might haue such meate as was to his appetite,& so would he bestow that blessing on him. Esau did as his Father bad him: but by the policy of his Mother, both his Ibid, 7-31. Father was beguiled, and himself prevented therein by his Brother. Whereby it may seem▪ that God was therein disposed to haue a special preservative for the people of Israel that were out of jacob to be raised, against the pride that otherwise might arise in their hearts, in respect of the prerogative that they should haue, not onely above those that came of Esau, but above all others besides. For though God himself did mean the same to jacob: yet did his Mother and he hast so inordinately thereunto, that thereby it was notably stained to him and his. That which is set down of his death, is no more but at what age de died: and, who did bury him. he dyed at the age of one hundred and fourscore yeares: and was butted by Esau and jacob his sons. As touching those others that in this compass of Isaacs Ge. 35: 28, 29. time are mentioned also, and first to begin with those that are less remembered, who are, as we said, ishmael and Esau, of ishmael we haue no more in effect set down but that as God before had promised Agar his Mother, and Abraham his Father Gen 1●, 10. 11. 12, ●7: 20. afterward also, that he would bless him and make him great, that twelve Princes should come of him, that he should grow to a mighty people, and take-vp a great portion of those partes to dwell in, as also that they should bee a Martiall people, having war in a manner with all men, and in a manner all men again with them likewise: so haue we here a likely beginning, towards the accomplishment of all that was promised. For here it is said, that he had twelve sons( who also are by name recited) that they became Princes of their own peoples, and had a large Gen. 25, 12, 18 part of those Countries to dwell in: which albeit Adrichomius doth as it were confine In Pharan, 43, or straighten close to the red Sea, on the East side of that Sea; yet Tremellius and Iunius do much farther enlarge it, even to Susiana, lying on the Persian Sea, In Gen. 10, 7. and bordering on Persia itself. In his life also, being 137. yeares, there is a good probable token of some special favour of God towards him. Of Esau we haue some-what more then so. But as the Apostle did afterward account him a profane or godless person; so haue wee nothing of him( to speak of) but that Heb. 12, 16. which doth much tend thereunto: and yet notwithstanding, both that jacob his Father did affect him more then the other; and that God did vouchsafe to give him a special blessing besides. That we haue nothing of him to speak of, but such as are probable arguments that he was profane indeed, may indifferent plainly appear, first in the whole course of his life: then, in certain particular actions of his besides. The course of his life seemeth to be, that he gave himself to Hunting, being, Gen. 25. 27. as he was, so skilful therein: a great wasting of precious time, which under so godly a patriarch as his Father was, no doubt might haue been much better spent. Those his particular actions besides, that bode such a matter, are of two sorts: some that argue a small care that he had, in certain matters of weight that did much concern him; others, that he had but small feeling of his own sin neither. Of the former sort there were two: one that so easily, or fond rather, he partend with his birth-right; the other, that he did in such sort mary. As touching his Birth-right, his Brother did no sooner move him in it, but he was as ready to yield Ibid. 29-34. it unto him: and though he was at that time hungry, yet, besides that it came unto him for lack of better government; both he might otherwise haue supplied his want therein, and he might well haue conceived, that his Brother would not haue failed him in that point neither, though he for that matter had stood to his own. In his marriage he did not onely match himself with a couple at once, and afterwards took him a third besides: but also made his choice of such, as, Ibid. 26, 1, 2. 28, ●-9. for the better of them, he had little comfort in the promise of God, being as she was, of Ismaels race; and for the others, being of the inhabitants of that Land, nothing at all, but discomforture onely, because they were an accursed people, Gen. 9, 25, 10, 15. Ex. 23, 23, 27 should be in servile estate unto others, and were in the end to be destroyed. That wherein he seemeth himself to haue little feeling of his sin, was extreme hatred to his Brother, for preventing him of the blessing, purposing with himself to Gen, 27, 43. kill him for the same. For himself parting with his Birth-right before, and by likelihood understanding since, that the blessing was to go to his Brother also: as in the latter of them he was to rest in Gods ordinance, and to hold himself contented therewith, though himself had deserved none other; so in the former he might plainly see, that by his own folly before, he had justly deserved now to be excluded. Yet he considereth not his own sin: but boileth in wrath against his Brother: That his Father did affect him more then he did the other, is plainly set down: and less marvell should it bee unto us, if good men sometimes do Gen. 25. 28. bear a natural affection more unto such, as in whom they see no great matter towards God; then to such as themselves do know to be much the likelier, to be of far greater price with him. That God did vouchsafe him a special blessing besides, it is plain likewise, both for that he grew so fast to so great a people, that soon after they became a kingdom: and had eight kings one after another( but Ge. 36. 1-4●. of diuers families) successively reigning, before there was any King at all, in the line of jacob, or Israel. A manifest example, that in earthly things God is oft-times more liberal to the Children of this World, then unto those whom himself by adoption and grace, hath taken a great deal nearer unto him. That which we haue set down of jacob, is( as I said) without comparison, a great deal the ●●re, occupying many whole Chapters itself alone: but yet extending itself oft-times to such particularities, as that, in the course that wee are in, it may well be abridged. It is i● effect no more but this: that now by occasion he was fain to leave this his country for a time; and returned not again, but a little before his Fathers death. So that his whole story, within this compass, is but of that journey of his: first setting us down the occasion of it; then, the story of his journey itself. The occasion of it, was first of all the hatred of Esau his Brother: but then also, a special regard of his own bestowing in marriage. The hatred of his said Brother was such towards him, as that Rebecca his Mother feared he should haue been slain if there be had stayed. Whereupon seeking in time to prevent it, shee first laboured to get her son in mind to withdraw himself out of the way for a time: and then, to persuade her husband also, himself to sand him forth likewise. She sought to persuade her son to get him out of the way for a time, by showing ●●. ●7, 44-47. the danger that he should bee in staying there, his Brother being resolved to slay him. But then, coming to her husband, we do not find that she spake any thing to him of that matter( and then haue wee therein, a pattern in her, of a special good moderation of her affections: and so consequently, both a proof of her wisdom; and a care that she had not to cast her Son Esau clean out of favour:) but onely uttered what regard she had, to haue jacob matched in marriage, better then was Esau before. Therefore concerning that regard that they both had to bestow him better in marriage, as she did take this opportunity to move him in it, and he did readily yield unto it: so it is good to mark withall, how ready a way there was before laid forth unto both. For we red before, that those two wives of Esau which he had taken of the women of that Countrey-breede, were a great Ibid. 1. 2. heartbreak unto them both: and therefore less marvell, and no new thing neither, that now she plainly told her husband, that shee for her part could haue no ioy to live, if jacob were in such sort matched; nor that Isaac did thereupon so readily Ibid. 48. call him, and, without any longer drift of the matter, sent him away. So by this occasion Isaac calling for him, and now of his own voluntary and free consent, Gen▪ 28, 1-5. confirming unto him those blessings, which before, being himself beguiled he bestowed indeed vpon him, but thought that he had bestowed them on his elder son Esau, and charging him not to match himself with any of the Canaanites; but to go to his uncle Laban, and there to mary some Daughter of his, besought the Almighty God to bless him, that he might increase and grow to a mighty people, and inherit the Land, that God before had promised to give unto Abraham and to his seed, wherein he had been but a sojourner yet. In the story of this his journey we find, that for a time he was( in comparison) but in bare or mean estate: but afterward that he was greatly increased. He was( in comparison) but in bare or mean estate, both at his going thither: and for most of his time there. As touching his going thither, although himself were then in mean estate: yet is it very apparent withall, that God was then also very gracious unto him. That himself was then in mean estate, may sufficiently appear in this, that whereas we haue no mention of him at all, but onely at his setting forth, and in two places besides as he was on his way, in none of those haue we any mention of others with him, much less of any attendance:& himself doth afterward Ibid. 10, 11, 29, 1, 2. confess, to the glory of God for his great increase then, that at this time that now we speak of, he passed over jordan but onely with his staff, as scant a furniture as any way lightly can by conceived. A matter( in my mind) that is not lightly to Ibid. 3●. 10. be regarded; considering withall, that at this time he was sent to provide himself of marriage: and therefore more specially to be considered, both in what respect it may seem strange unto us; and, what ourselves may gather out of it. It may seem strange unto us, that he was sent forth so barely, both in respect of the common usage of all( to speak of) in all such cases: and in respect of some things also that did concern that case of his more specially. The common usage of all( to speak of) is known to be, if Parents sand forth their Children, any thing far, and to their friends, ever to do it, something like, as themselves are able: especially, if it be about their preferment in marriage withall. The things that more specially concerned that case of his, were of two sorts: one, time past; others of the time then present. That of time past, was the example of Abraham a little before, whereunto Isaac himself was privy. For when Abraham was above such a matter for his son Isaac( who also was then almost out-right forty yeares Gen. 24. 〈…〉. 22, 32. 53. old, and therefore not to be conceived, but that he minded in what ●●re his Father went about that business) he sent the chief Steward of his house about it▪ who also had with him ten Camels, and other attendance of men besides: and went so provided, that he gave jewels and rewards very liberally as occasion was offered. Those that were of the time then present, were two: the one, how convenient( if not clearly needful) it might seem for jacob now, to haue been sent forth with much better regard then so; the other, how able Isaac was, so to haue done. How convenient it might seem, that jacob had been sent forth with much greater regard then so, ariseth out of two principal considerations: one, that now it appeared that God had made choice of him, on whom to bestow that special blessing: the other, the danger that he might be in by the wrath of his Brother. Seeing that God had now made it known, that he had made choice of him for that special blessing, he was accordingly to bee regarded: though not for outward pomps sake; yet so far as was requisite, that his parents might therein show, that they also reverenced that council of God resting on him. Seeing also that he was in some danger, or at least might bee, by the wrath of his Brother, though it may be that other-waies they provided for it: yet that also might in such a case, in good respect, justly require a better attendance, at the least for that first part of his way, if not that necessity did so require, yet for the outward conveniency of it to such as knew not how the danger was otherwise prevented, or might be intended not to know it. How able Isaac was, so to haue done, besides that, there may be no question of it with any, for that he is so generally known to all to haue been mighty and rich, the consideration of two onely things, may bee sufficient to clear it to all: one, the reckoning that Abimelek made of him; the other, the time when this was done. The reckoning that Abimelek made of him, was in plain terms, that he was then grown a great deal mightier then he; and thereupon, notwithstanding Ge. 26. 16-28. the discurtesitie that then he did him, soon after he sought to haue a league of amity with him: and yet was Abimelek himself a King. It was at such time as Isaac was so old, that now he thought he had not long to live, and as it seemeth, about an hundred seven and twenty yeares old: in all which time, having Ibid. 25: 5. all his Fathers substance before, and the blessing of God so resting upon him, as afterward it did, it could not( lightly) be, but that in substance or goods, he far exceeded Abraham his Father. All this notwithstanding, jacob is sent forth from home as bare as may be, or, as we say, like No-body else. What ourselves may gather of it, is now to be seen: and first, if it did arise from beneath; and then, if it did come down from above. If it did arise from beneath, it may seem to come, either of the simplicity of those dayes: or else of some set purpose. If of simplicity of those daies, not regarding things of that kind, in such sort as the manner of the world now is: then, haue wee in that example a great reproof to many of our doings now, when as simplo and mean men to speak of in comparison of Isaac, must haue such attendance on their Children, and must haue them so set forth to the eye of the World; and not onely in so weighty business as was this, but in every trifling occasion whatsoever. If of any set purpose( and yet from beneath) then is it likeliest to bee of some peturbation, which notwithstanding wee may rather hope to bee far from such parties as those. But men are men: and the best of all, subject sometimes to human passions. If it should be so, I see not any peturbation that should work such effect, were so likely to arise unto any as Isaac himself: both because it is plainly set down, that he bare more affection to Esau, and his Wife unto jacob; and because Isaac was beguiled so far Gen. 20, 28. as he was by Rebecca and jacob together. For first as touching his affection, inclining ●●●e to the one then to the other, it is in al reason so pardonable ●● all that such 〈◇〉 of it by any, may well be allowed( among men) for just cause of offence. Then also, that they so joined together to beguile her, they being both by the ●●we of God and of Nature too, his Inferiors, and such as should in all 〈◇〉 manner h●ue entreated him rather, and haue used reasons to persuade him,( especially having ●● g●●d as they had) then so to work vpon him in that want of his fight, and so to led him, contrary to his own mind, as themselves thought good▪ this also might easily bee▪ ●●ken for so disorderly dealing in them both, as that ●● were not to behardly censured by any, if he were thoroughly offended at it. For albeit God had indeed determined on that which they sought for: yet, both they when they had better means, did seek to achieve it inordinately; and God himself could otherwise haue brought it to pass, and nothing needed that inordinate course of theirs. If in such displeasure he now sent him away so barely, and yet not altogether in the way of reuenge, to that inordinate dealing of theirs, but in some part of just punishment of it: as it were no more, then they both deserved, so may we gather, that in all such inordinate dealing of ours, wee may well expect a seourge, even of the best men that are, and most ready to yield to Gods holy ordinance when once they know it( as we see that he then did, for that he would in no wise vary) and though the ordinance of God himself were Gen 27. 35, 37 39. for the thing that so we sought, but inordinatelie. If it did come down from above, that might it do, either by some good mind in the parties: or else, immediately from God himself. The good mind that I conceive might bee in the parties, was, if so they restend on the providence of God, that either Isaac and Rebecca did thereupon in such sort sand him away; or jacob himself did thereupon take that course that he did: which if they did, whethersoever of them it was that should do it, there is no question, but that very commmendably they might so do. And as therein they did notably humble themselves: so were they thereby as much exalted afterward for it. If it came immediately from God himself, therein also haue we a notable Document, not to be grieved when God doth offer to abase us, when as we may see, that in his secret purpose( as the event doth show, when it cometh) there is so notable exaltation to ensue thereupon. That God was now also very gracious unto him, he gave sufficient proof thereof, both near unto the beginning of this his journey: and near unto the end of it again. near to the beginning of it, it was, that God appeared unto him at Bethel, where the first night he took up his lodging. At which time, jacob was fain to take up his lodging in the fields( not being able to reach the city which was before Ge. 28. 10-15. him) and when he was fain to make the hard stones( laid to such purpose, or couched together, so well as he could) to be his bolster or stay for his head, and in Gen. 35. 3. that his distress called on God, as it seemeth, by that which followed. God thereupon, even that very night in so comfortable manner appeared unto him, as that thereby both in visible demonstration, and in plain terms besides, he gave him to understand, that not onely for that journey he would be with him, both going and coming, and bring him safe to his iournyes end, and home again: but also would give him that land where then he lodged, make his seed to break forth to the East, West, North, and South; and that in it all the Kindreds of the Earth should be blessed. Which also was so comfortably done, and so far affencted jacob himself, that not onely he acknowledged that there was in that place a Ibid. 14-22▪ more special presence of God then he was ware of; and thereupon termed it the house of the Mighty God, and the Gate of heaven: but also even then presently raised up a memorial of it, of the stones whereon he had restend, and after a sort consecrated them thereunto; and bound himself likewise in respect of those great promises of God to him then made, that the lord in the mean season giuing him what to eat, and wherewithal to be clothed, bringing him home in peace to his Fathers, then he should bee his GOD, and that place should then bee unto him the house of God, or that he would worship there, and that he would truly give him a tithe of all he should bestow vpon him. In which it shall not be amiss, more specially to note some-thing as touching that apparition of God unto him: and then, how himself was affencted at it. As touching that apparition of God unto him, by a ladder that from the earth reached up unto heaven, by which the Angels of GOD went up and down; as in particular it might assure jacob for that his journey, GOD giuing his Angels charge of him, both as he went forward, and as he should return again: so in general it may bee very well a figure of Christ, GOD, and Man, coupling heaven and Earth together, and reconciling God and Man: by whom also the graces of God descend unto us, and by whom onely our Thankesgiuinges and Prayers, and our whole service of him besides, do from hence get up unto him. Neither did those present favours, nor promises of good things to come, any other way descend unto jacob at a present, but only by Christ, ordained then in the secret purposes of God, though he came not till long after, in the Flesh: as also God himself doth afterward direct us, by him to derive whatsoever favours they are he bestoweth vpon vs. As touching jacob, how Esay 7. 10-15. he was affencted at it, it is good to note, that as here he did show himself to haue a good Faith towards God; so it appeareth in like sort, to bee not a little clogged with his own infirmity. He did show himself here to haue a good faith towards God, in that he did so readily aclowledge such a presence of God there, and yielded himself to be so well affencted therewith, as then he was. That nevertheless it was not a little clogged with his own infirmity, appeareth likewise, in that he doth put over the matter so much as he doth, till he see the accomplishment of it so far as to that his journey appertained; and, having so great promises as he had, nevertheless doth so specially stand vpon this his( so needful) bodily maintenance in the mean season. near to the end of his journey, which was about some three hundred miles or better( for all which space wee hear of no farther comfort given him: and that which is given us by Christ already, is to serve us for all our Pilgrimage here) it pleased God again to give him another taste, that he did prosper this his journey unto him. But here where the Text saith, that he went, as our translations are, into the east-country, and the original itself doth say, that he went into a Land of the Children of the East; and our Interpreters hereunto add for expositions sake( as in in other such places besides) that Haran was East from whence jacob came; and yet in truth, it is rather northeast, and some-what more bending to the North, then to the East: Here it were good to note, once for all( as also for that place of Numbers 23: 7.) that in such places it seemeth, that the cost of the world is taken by the Text more generally; namely, that all those Countries are counted the East in respect of those other two principal partes of the World, and not in respect of this one little country more specially. That other taste that now God did Gen. 29. 1, 13. give him towards the end of this his journey, was, that not onely now he found himself to be come right to the place where he would be: but also, that there at the first he heard that his uncle Laban( to whom he went) was well; and presently met with one of his Daughters there in the field, by occasion whereof himself also was fetched in by Laban himself. So it pleaseth God to ordain to his Children very often, even in the things of this World also, that having had in the way of his service some heavy beginning, they nevertheless find a comfortable ending. Being come now to the time of his being there, where he was( for the most part of his time) but in hard estate likewise, we are now to see the Story of it: but first, how he was at the first kindly received; then, how afterward he was ill entreated. For his first receiving it is clear, that he was very well used. For besides, that Laban did Ge. 2●. 13-1●. readily and gladly receive him, and when he heard by what occasion he was so driven thither, though he found him to be but in bare estate, yet he acknowledged him to bee his near Kinsman: he had not been past a month with him, when himself began to break with him what Wages he should give him for his service, during the time of his abode with him( alleging withall, that though he were his Kinsman, yet was there no reason he should serve him for nought) and when he understood that he required rachel his Daughter in marriage, he also did not deny her unto him. But now immediately after began his hard usage by his uncle: and yet, on his p●●t towards God, not altogether vndeserued neither. Yet was that no excuse unto Laban, who dealt indeed very hardly with him: first, in his marriage; then, in his Wages. In his marriage the hardness that towards him he used, may seem to be no more but one point of hard dealing onely; but being better considered, so it appeareth, that there was another in it besides: one, that most readily sheweth itself at the first; another, that dependeth thereon. That which most readily sheweth itself at the first, is, that when he had covenanted with him for rachel, he in her steede, unwitting to him, giveth Lea unto him: a matter that might Ibid. 18, 23. more easily be done as the usage is said to bee then, bringing them in to their Husbands both without light, and covering them with a vail besides; so far yielding unto the shamefastness of young Women, as loathe belike thereby to teach them to be ouer-bold, or to put away shamefastness from them, or, as wee say, to make shipwreck of it. By which his doing, he did not onely a manifest wrong to his Nephew: but also shewed himself to make but over profane an account of marriage, and from thence did a wrong unto the ordinance of God itself. That which depended thereon, was, that he drove jacob thereby to a second marriage, because he had set his affection on rachel before: who otherwise, it may be, at least for any thing that he may be entented to know to the contrary, would haue contented himself with one alone. As touching his Wages he shewed himself at the first, to be a good upright man in all such cases: but afterward it proved not so indeed. he seemed to be an upright man in all such cases, for that himself first began to put jacob in mind of bethinking himself what wages he would look to haue for doing Ibid. 15. him service: granting, that albeit himself were uncle unto him, yet was it no reaso that he should take his service of him for nought; and so advising him, to bethink himself what he should give him. So is it with diuers of us likewise, who in general do ever seem to mean every man his due at our hands: and in our own mindes find not oft-times that we haue any other meaning; and yet when we come to particulars, then start wee from the rule of equity clean, either altogether blinded, or else very partial when it toucheth ourselves. That so it fell out with him also, notwithstanding this faire show of his at the first, doth plainly appear, first in deceiving him in that very party for whom he had covenanted his first seven yeares service, as we haue already seen:& afterward, in his other Wages besides. Concerning which other wages of his, how hardly he dealt with him, we haue not set down originally, but yet rehearsed by jacob twice, and in such sort, as it seemeth he would not do it, unless it were true: and farther adding, that God himself did in effect aclowledge so much also. He repeated unto his wives first, that their Father had much deceived him in his wages, and very often to his prejudice and loss( so far as Gen. 31, 7, 8. in him lay) altered the same; and then told his uncle himself, that he had oft changed his Wages, and, but that God did provide otherwise for him, he would haue Ibid 41-42. sent him away empty also: both which, were so privy to the dealing that passed betwixt them, that it is not likely that he would say otherwise to them, then the truth was indeed. That which he allegeth God himself to haue acknowledged, resteth in these two points: one, that Laban dealt hardly with him; the other, that Ibid. 9-13. God himself brought it to pass, that Labans flocks did still so breed, as was so much to Iacobs behoof. That this hard dealing was not altogether on his part towards God vndeserued, it seemeth to bee reasonable plain likewise by the means that he used to attain to the favours that God did promise him: both concerning his posterity to come; and his present estate then. Concerning his posterity to come, whereas God had promised him it should be so great, that in his seed all the Gen, 28, 14. Kindreds of the Earth should bee blessed: he both hastened thereunto by taking that liberty to haue many wives( then indeed much used, but ever swerving from Gods holy ordinance;) and besides that, seemed to haue over slender regard of that holy seed, in imparting himself unto so many, on so small occasion as then he did. For he meant no marriage at all to Lea, at the first, though afterward he continued Ge. 29. 28, 35 with her, and among others, by her had judah: and Bilha first, and Zilpha afterward, Gen. 30. 1-4, 9 were brought unto him in emulation. Concerning his present estate, then it restend in two principal points: one, to attain to the wages, that for his service was covenanted with him: the other, his return home-ward again. To obtain the Wages which to him was promised, or rather to better it all that he could, he might Ibid. 37-42. seem to use inordinate ways, when he provided those speckled branches, and set his spotted Cattle before the others: and especially, that he used such policy about the best and strongest of his Vnckles goods. For his return home-ward he took his journey secretly on the sudden, not onely unwitting unto his uncle, Gen. 31, 17-21 under whom he had so special a charge: but also when he was about special business far distant from him. In all which things he had so plain and pregnant promises of God, and so good experience of his power to perform them, and of his great favour to him besides, that the less it would become any child of God by such means to seek to attain his desire in any thing whatsoever, the more unseemly was it in him, and shewed his infirmity to be the greater, that in such sort he sought the accomplishment of them: a manifest pattern, that it was not any special good thing in him, for the which God was so favourable unto him, and so stood with him; but onely of his own mere goodness towards him, and for that he had promised Abraham to use such favour to his posterity. And how truly might Balaam, even Num, ●3. 21. onely in this respect say, that God saw no iniquity in jacob, no transgression at all in Israell? So his bare estate being finished, and now the time being become, wherein he was much increased, the Story so lieth, that first it directeth us to consider of that his increasing: then, of his return thereupon. Concerning that his increase, we are to note, what it was: and whence it came. What it was, is set down unto us, not onely generally: but more specially also. Generally it is said, that he did Gen. 30. 43. exceedingly increase. More especially we find that increase of his to be set down unto us, both in the people to him appertaining: and in his goods or substance besides. His people were, first such as were nearer unto him: then such as were somewhat farther off. Those that were nearer unto him, were Lea and rachel; Zilpha Ibid. 29, 16-30 Ibid. 31-35. and 30. 1-21. and Bilha: and those Children those that now already he had begotten of them, which were eleven sons, and one Daughter. Those that were somewhat farther off, were all those his Seruants, both Men and Women, that he had to attend his business, wherein he is said to haue abounded also: and himself confesseth, that now Ibid. 30-43. Gen. 32, 10. he was grown into a couple of bands, or company enough to cast himself into a couple of reasonable battailes if need should bee; as also, the substance he had importeth, that his servants must needs be many. For( now to come to it) although it be not set down what it was: yet the present that he sent his Brother of that which presently came to hand, sheweth that his substance therein was great: Ibid, 13-15. those being of so many several kindes, and all so plentiful in themselves. In his return wee haue set down, first the occasion of it: then, the manner. The occasion of it wee may conceive to be, partly in himself: but plainly wee find in to proceed of others. Wee may conceive it partly to be in himself, for that all men generally are desirous to return to their Country, and unto their natural friends( and so doth Laban, who may seem to know his mind therein, directly Gen 31, 30. tell him:) especially, when they haue attained to a better estate then before they had; and when themselves may so bee free, whereas they were in service before. Those others were, both men beneath: and God above. The men were, first Labans sons: then Laban himself. His sons repined at Iacobs wealth, as having abide, 1. gotten it all from Laban their Father, and enriched himself by their Fathers loss. Laban himself also bare him not now the like countenance that he did before: and likeliest to proceed of that cause also. God also himself( ever Ibid, 2. ready to help in time of need, all such as he hath betaken himself unto) did now bid him return again to his own country, and kindred: and withall promised, that himself would be with him. In the manner of his return, wee are to consider, how he began it at the first: and how he prosecuted the same to the end. He began it so at the first, as might indeed yield him some commendation of wisdom among men: but would note him withall of great weakness in faith towards God. He might haue commendation of wisdom among men, for that he did carry himself therein so cunningly as he did: both in taking so fit a time; and in using it so warily too. he took a fit time to his purpose, for that it was when his uncle Laban was forth, about special business: and, three dayes journey off besides. Gen. 30, 36. 31, 19-22. He did warily use it, both in preparing the way to his purpose: and in taking the benefit of it when it was prepared. He prepared the way unto it, in that both he sent for rachel and Lea to come unto him where he was in the fields: and in that he used such speech unto them as he did, when they were come. That he sent for them thither, rather then broke the matter unto them at home, was a great deal more Ibid, 4. fit for his purpose, both for security; and, if they should consent unto him, then to haue then in readiness also. In his speech unto them he seemeth to endeavour to persuade them in these two things: first, that they had just occasion now to depart; then, that they had need so to do it, as that their Father might not hinder them neither, so near as might be. To persuade them that they had just occasion now to depart, he allegeth; first, that of late their Father did not bear him the like countenance, now, that he was wont to do before( and that might bode, that he was Ibid, 5. half weary of their company now:) then also, that God had now been with him,& had willed him to depart thence unto his own country again. To persuade them, Ibid.& 13. that they need so to depart, as that it were not to bee left to their Fathers courtesy, whether he would hinder thē or not, first he layeth before them certain hard dealing of his before, so to put them in some fear of it at this time also: and then removeth a certain let out of the Way, that might otherwise bee some hindrance unto them. To show their Fathers hard dealing to him before, he referreth himself to their own Gen. 31, 6. knowledge; first, whether himself had not to the uttermost of his power served their Father: then, how hard their Father had dealt with him again. As touching the former of them, it is a clear thing in the iudgment of al, that the good& faithful service of any, is well to be regarded of those that haue the benefit of it. As touching the latter, he noteth two things in him: first that he mocked him, which was, as it seemeth, Ibid. 7. 8. in not keeking covenant with him: the other, that oft-times he changed his Wages, so to wring him ever to the worse. The let that might hinder them from this persuasion, was, that by some ill means of his he might so far haue enriched himself of their Fathers substance. Concerning which, first he telleth them generally, that it was Gods doing, and not his: namely, that God did not suffer him so to Ibid. 7, 9. wring him to the worse, by so oft changing his wages, though himself would fain haue done it; and that it was God, and not he, that so took away their Fathers substance,& bestowed the same on him. Then, more specially he acquainteth them with a special vision he had concerning that matter, and some what else concerning their present business then. Concerning that vision, that God himself on a time called on him by night, and bad him see, howe that at Ramming-time those that engendered, Ibid. 11. 12. were all such or so marked, as was to him for his Wages allotted; and that himself did then see it to be so indeed: and withall told him the reason of it, which was for Ibid. 10. that Laban did deal so hardly with him. Concerning their present business, that he told him besides, that he was the same God Almighty that appeared unto him at Ibid. 12. Bethel, unto whom he erected a Monument, and made a vow: and now willed him, Ibid. 13. to get up, and to depart thence, and return home-wards again. By which speech of his, they were both so fully resolved, that themselves did aclowledge, that they Ibid. 14-16. had nought else to look for at the hands of their Father; that he had dealt unkindly with them, making sale of them to his own advantage: now therefore, that whereas God had given them that which they had, to the use of themselves, and of their children, it was no reason that he should use the same at his pleasure. So their conclusion is, that by their assent he should readily do whatsoever the Lord had appointed unto him. They being thus persuaded, and so a ready way being now made unto his return, he did as readily take the benefit of it. For presently he made away, taking his wives and Children with him, and all the Cattle and goods that there he had gotten, and got not onely over Euphrates the river, but even to Mount Galiad,( about Ibid. 17-21. three partes of five, of all the way that he had ●o return, before that he could come to his Father) before that Laban did overtake him. For Laban hearing of Ibid. 2●. 23, 25 it the third day after, and presently following with such forced as he was able to make, after seven d●●●● travell, came thither also: jacob having made a stand, and pitched his Tentes there before; there belike, to refresh himself and all his company, and his Cattle withall, after that their journey. In this sort to haue begun his return, howe it may note him of weakness in faith before God, if now wee would find, it shall be good to consider of this his doing: first, as if it had been but the common case of any; then, as it was more proper to him. If it had been the case of any, yet both Equity and civility had required, that hired servants, and friends that had been of so near alliance, if a● any time their occasions required that they should depart, or otherwise were so disposed themselves: yet, they should do it in good manner so near as they could; seruants taking their leave of their Maisters, and friends not parting with any of their friends, ●ut in civil and friendly manner. And though the case be such, that those masters or friends, haue already sufficiently declared themselves, that they would not willingly part with such Seruants or friends: yet is it ever to be hoped, that by goods means they may he entreated; especially, if their occasions bee just, or but their own mindes resolutely bent thereupon. As the case was more proper to him, he had taken his Maisters Daughters and Seruants in marriage: and had special promises of God besides. having taken his masters Daughters and servants in marriage, though himself( not being so near) had farther liberty: yet both his wives and their Children did owe more duty, from the which he might not well exempt them. having so good promises of God as he had, both before at his first setting out, and now again, when he was to return, howe much better and Gen. 28, 15, 31, 3. more seemly had it been for him, so confidently to haue restend thereon, a● that in no wise he would depart, but in the best manner he could devise, to the glory of him that in all things stood so fast unto him, and for his own credite withall? Might not he haue hoped, that God would much better haue blessed any orderly and honourable dealing of his, then this his inordinate and base departure? His return being thus begun, now are we see, how he did prosecute the same to the end: first, how he dealt with two special impediments in the way: then, how he held on the course of his journey. Those two impediments that were in the way, were one of them this pursuit of his late Mast. his uncle Laban: the other of his brother Esau. This pursuit of Laban stood for a time in some contention betwixt themselves: but ended at length with good agreement. While it stood in some contention betwixt themselves, each of them disburtheneth his grief to the other: Laban first; and jacob after. Laban disburdened his stomach to jacob not onely in word but also in deed. When he doth it onely by word, he then receiveth an answer from jacob: where we are to consider, first what he layeth to Iacobs charge; then how jacob doth give him his answer. That which he layeth to Iacobs charge, resteth in effest, in two principal points: one of them, much amplified also; the other( to speak of) but briefly touched. In that which is so carefully amplified, it is not amiss to mark, not onely what it is: but also what may seem to be the reason, why he was so careful to amplify it. It was no more but this, that he stolen away so secretly from him. That which may seem to be the reason, why he was so careful to amplify it, was, for that himself did know, that by the reason that so Ge. 31: 26-29. often before he had dealt so hardly with him, he had in that least advantage against him: as thereby having given him so just cause to doubt him, that now of necessity he must think less with him, that so he sought to clear himself of him. And experience doth often teach, that such is the manner of the Children of the world, in many of their dealings with the Children of God, readily to make Mountaines of molehills, when they are disposed to quarrel with them. In that which is but briefly touched, it is in like manner good to mark, not onely what the same was: but also, what may seem to be the reason why he was so short therein. The charge itself was, that he had stolen away his gods too. That he was so short Ibid. 30. therein, it was, as to me it seemeth, not that himself made not great reckoning of Ibid. 33-35. them( for he made great search for them;) not for that he thought it would bee but a scorue with jacob, for him to show that he put any confidence in such( for jacob himself doth show by yielding to death for him that had done it, that he also Ibid. 32. made not so light of such matters neither:) but onely for that he thought himself therein to haue the advantage against him, in as large manner as he could wish; and the same so plainly too, that it would be clear beyond the help of any excuse. For so also the Children of the world resemble running waters, making most noise where they are the shallowest, and being the stillest, where, by their depths, they are most daungerous. The answer of jacob to this his Vnkles charge, was 〈◇〉, and plain: first showing the cause why he got away so secretly from him; then, yielding for the matter of theft, altogether as much as himself could desire. That so secretly he fled away from him, he could him the reason Ibid, 31. was, for that he feared that some way or other he would deal hardly with him: and, it might be, even by force take away his Daughters from him. As concerning that matter of theft, he craveth no sparing, but readily yeeldeth that it bee punished with death, if it found with any of his: and further addeth, that he would not haue him to spare, but to search through all his things, and if he found Ibid. 32. any thing at all that was his, with good will to take it unto him again. That Laban, not onely in word, but also in deed, dis burdened his stomach to jacob, may appear plainly enough in this, that he made so great a search throughout the several Ibid, 33-35. Tents of every one: not onely of his own Daughters and maidservants, with whom he might be the boulder( albeit that now, having given them in marriage, he had so far abandoned his authority over them) but also of jacob himself too, which, of the two, was much the harder. Now therefore jacob, when his uncle had made such search, and yet found nothing to charge him withall, hereupon began to disburden his heart to him likewise: both as touching his former dealing with him before; and as touching that present dealing with him then also. As touching the former, it shall be good for us to mark, not only what it was that was said: but also, what wee may gather thereof, in respect of Ibid. 36-41. the parties to whom it was spoken. That which was said, was in effect no more but this, that he had painfully and faithfully served him twenty yeares-long: and Ibid. 36-41. yet, that ever he dealt unkindly, and hardly with him. Being spoken, as it was, to Laban himself, and in the presence of his friends he brought with him, and of his own company besides( who by all likeli-hood knew for the most part of them, whether he spake truly or not) we are not to doubt, but that he spake the very truth: and then haue we therein, both a good pattern of a good Seruant in him; and withall how God is wont oft-times to try them. A good pattern we haue of a very good Seruant, in that he dealt so well with his master: when his master notwithstanding dealt so ill with him. he dealt well with master both in his faithfulness, and painfulness too. His faithfulness was such, that in twenty yeares space, he never so chased either those flocks of sheep, or herds of Goats Ibid. 38, 39. that he had under his hands, nor otherwise handled them either so hardly or so unskilfully, that at any time they cast their young: neither yet suffered his master to haue any loss in his stock, neither himself at any time taking any part of them; nor making his master to bear what wild beasts or theeues had gotten, but himself making good unto him all such casualties whatsoever. His painfulness also was such( a good example for all Seruants generally, and especially for so many of us as fear God in the ministry) that he spared not to attend his charge for any distemperature of wether, neither for the burning heat of the day, nor for the could frost in the night: and that himself broke his sleep so oft in that his business, that he brought himself to that case thereby, that he could not rest when feignest he would. How God is wont oft-times to try good servants also, doth here likewise indifferent plainly appear: when as this man did so hardly deal Ge. 30: 27, 28. with so good a seruant, when as himself did sensibly feel that he was so much increased by him, and therefore was so loathe to part with him; and when as he was his uncle besides, and now his Father-in-Lawe likewise. But when God had tried him a while, he did plentifully reward him after: whereas on the other side, the world never so rewardeth those that serve it most, but that it depriveth them( for all their service) of much better things then it doth give them. As touching Ibid. 36, 37, 42 the latter, that without any sufficient cause he had thus hotly pursued him,& made such search: and even now, if God had not stood with him, he would surely haue sent him empty away. Thus having both disburdened their mindes each to other, then began they to fall to agreement: Laban first offering the same; and jacob then joining with him therein. But seeing the motion came first from Laban, Ibid. 29. who notwithstanding, as it seemeth by his own words, was at that time the stronger in the field, it shall bee good to consider, what may seem to haue given the occasion, that he should first make this motion: then, what was the motion itself. The occasion may well seem to be, that the Lord met with him the night before, Ibid. 24. and did plainly show himself to take part with jacob against him: which also himself in plain terms confesseth. A point of wisdom, which many in our 29. age cannot yet learn: when they plainly see, the word of God to justify that profession which goeth under the name of the gospel now, yet never regarding to come to agreement with those that profess it, and withall, stand to the maintenance of it; but still continuing enemies unto them. The motion that hereupon he made was for good neighbour-hood and friendship betwixt them: concerning which, first he sheweth how he can now quiet himself towards jacob for this his so privy getting away from him before: and then cometh forth with the motion itself. He sheweth that now he can quiet himself towards him, because that his wives being his Daughters and their Children, in effect, or in some Ibid. 43-45. manner, his likewise, and so all their substance, in that sense, much respecting him also: he could not now be any way avenged of him for that his disorderly departure, but that he must therewith also give a wound unto himself. In the motion itself we are to consider: first, of that which concerneth the substance of it: then of one other accident, that after a sort itself also belonged unto it, and immediately came in thereupon. In that which concerneth the substance of it, it shall be good to note; first, howe either of them dealt therein apart by themselves: then of that wherein they joined both together. For the former of which it is declared, that Laban first made the motion: then, that jacob did readily accept of it. The motion as Laban made it, was, that there might bee a covenant betwixt them, to put them in mind, from that time forward of good and friendly dealing betwixt them: wherein wee are more specially to note, what good dealing it is that he doth more specially require; and in what sort he would haue the same to be ratified betwixt them. The good dealing that he required, was in two principal points: one to bee performed by jacob onely; the other to bee performed by both. That which was to be performed by jacob onely, was, that he should take unto him none other wives: but onely rest contented with those that now already Ibid. 50. he had of Laban. That which was to bee performed by them both, was, that neither of them should pass over that Hill to the hurt of the other. he would haue Ibid. 52. the same ratified betwixt them, not onely by the God of Abraham: but also by the Goddes of Nahor; yea, and by the Goddes of Terah too, the Father of them Ibid. 53. both. So it seemeth they are all alike with him( as well, as with such like, in this age of ours:) and yet can hardly think, that having them all, he hath any to spare, but rather that yet also he hath not enough. As touching jacob, Laban had no sooner moved the matter, but that he by and by, was as ready to rear up a ston for a Monument Ibid. 45, 46. of it: yea, and to will his company also to do the like, who accordingly quickly gathered and laid together an heap of stones meet for the purpose, That wherein they both joined together was in the covenant itself, and in the Monument of the same: both putting to their hands to the erecting of it, and both agreeing Ibid.& 47-49 51, 53. in the Name whereby it should after be called, and jumping together in the sense and meaning of it, saving that either of them used their own language therein. That other accident, that( after a sort) itself also belonged unto it, and immediately after came in thereupon, was the kind dealing of each to other: jacob feasting his uncle Ibid. 54▪ 55. and his company there; and Laban likewise the next morning, before his return, kindly taking his leave of them all. In that other impediment, which was of his Brother Esau, we are likewise to see, what the impediment itself was: and how he got himself cleared of that also. The impediment itself was, the fear that he had of his Brother Esau, which now as it seemeth, did arise unto him, partly, out of that old displeasure of his Brothers against him: and partly, out of a certain report that lately he heard. That old displeasure of his Brothers against him, was about his Birth-right and blessing; both which jacob as wee saw before, had gotten from him: and Esau again, though he made no great business for his Birth-right, yet when he saw he had beguiled him of his blessing also, then he was so grieved with him, that he purposed to slay him for it. A good pattern, what manner of Dregs they are, that sin is wont to leave behind it: plunging our hearts in some special fear, when feignest we would be freed from it. The report Ibid. 32, ●. that then he lately heard which increased the same, was, that when himself had sent his Brother word of his return, and how God had blessed him in that his service abroad, he heard by those that he sent him, that his Brother met him with four hundred men. How he got himself cleared of this his fear, that now we may the better find, we are to note, that as there were( as it were) two branches of it; so did he likewise endeavour to clear himself in either of them: in the former, by so kind sending unto his Brother; in the latter, by diuers other good means besides. In such sending before to his Brother( giuing him to understand Ibid. 3-5. where he had been all this time of his absence, and how God had blessed him) he did therein, as it is the manner of the dearest friends to do, acquainting one another with their estate as occasion is offered: and so witnesseth unto his Brother a loving and dutiful heart towards him; so the rather to procure the like in his Brother to him again. In those means that he used in the latter, that is, when his former fear was by that report of his Messengers confirmed and increased in him, we are first to see, what comfort he bad before against it: and yet notwithstanding, what means he used. The comfort that he had, was, first in those former promises of God: but thē also, in that late vision of Angels which ther he had. Those former promises of God, were of great security to him, both when first he was entred into this journey,& when now he began to return again: of which also he had for the time good experience already: the vigour whereof ought yet to haue been so strong in his hart, that he should not haue been so much afraid. In that vision of Angels, which it pleased God then to vouchsafe him( for the Angels of God, as by the Ge. 32, 1, 2. distance of the place it appeareth, did meet him, soon after that Laban went from him, as also in the Text itself it followeth immediately after) he might also gather, both that the Angels of God were nearer unto him then he was ware of: and that then especially they were made to appear unto him to some special comfort, and in token of Gods protection; and therefore most likely, seeing that was now his greatest fear, that it was to strengthen him therein. The means that nevertheless be used, were diuers and good: wherein we are to consider, not onely what they were; but also what success they had in the end. Seeking out what they were, there we find, that first his care was to save but onely some part of that which he had; but yet, that by and by after, he advanced himself to the care of all. To save but onely some part of that which he had, he presently vpon that message being strucken with great fear, divided all that he had both people and stock, Ibid, 7, 8. into two parts; to the end, that while Esau should fall on the one to destroy it, the other might scape in the mean season: a manifest token that yet he was weak, and did not put any great confidence in those notable promises that God had given him. That nevertheless he by and by after advanced himself to the care of all, it appeareth in that which presently followed: first seeking to God by Prayer; then coming down unto inferior means besides. In his prayer he acknowledgeth, Ibid, 9-12. that he is altogether unworthy of those favours, that God had already bestowed on him; whereas he went over that river jordan at the first, but onely with his staff in his hand, he now was grown so very great: but then, whereas it had pleased him before, to vouchsafe to bee the God of his Fathers, Abraham and Isaac,( when as indeed he was the Lord over all) and now since he had been so favourable to him also, that not onely for that present time, himself had willed him to return, and promised to be with him, but also for the time to come, had promised to make him a great people; it would therefore please him, to deliver him out of the hands of his Brother Esau, least that he in his wrath might happily put them all to the Sword. having in this sort sought unto God, and then coming down to inferior means, we find those to bee two: one, the presentes that he sent before; the other, a fit behaviour besides. As touching the presents that he sent before, we haue set down; first, what he did therein: then, what comfort immediately after he received thereon. That which he did therein, we find to be this, that the selfsame night he took forth unto him two hundred Shee-Goates, and twenty He-Goates; two hundred Ewes, and twenty rams; thirty Milch-Camels, with their Coults; forty Kine, and ten bullocks; She-Asses twenty, and ten foals: and these he sent away before him, by several Messengers, and in several companies, with some reasonable distance betwixt them, to be all delivered to his Brother Esau, as a token and present from him. A present sufficient in itself, to witness that he was grown very great: and out of which Esau might likewise gather, that his Brother had a brotherly and a loving respect unto him. The comfort that he immediately after received thereon, was, that now passing over the river Iabok, and getting over the rest of his company and Cattle besides, and being alone, an angel, in the likeness Ibid. 2 〈…〉▪ of Man, came and wrestled with him, to the end that himself might gather, that having stood in the hands of an angel, or prevailed with God, he need not to doubt, but that he should also prevail with Men; and now withal gave him the name of Israell, thereby the better to confirm him therein: but yet he so touched one of his sinews( partly to chastise his infirmity before, and for the time ensuing, to be a preservative to him against Pride, whereinto otherwise he might haue fallen by this) that thereby he came halting away, and so continued all his life after. Which his posterity following, might better haue applied to their edifying, by humbling themselves in the infirmity of that their Ancestor: then, in forbearing to eat of that sinew, in such beasts as they fed vpon. The fit behaviour that wee speak of, was partly appointed by him to others: and partly performed by himself also. Those others to whom he appointed such behaviour as the case now required, were first those Seruants of his whom he sent before him with his present to his Brother: then also, his wives and Children. That which he appointed to his Seruants, was, to go in Ge. 32: 16-20 such order as he appointed, every company by itself, keeping a reasonable distance betwixt them: and, when they met with his Brother, to do all dutiful reverence unto him; and in their speeches to term him the lord of jacob, and jacob his Seruant. His wives and Children he also directed unto their order: and by likelihood, directed them also to that dutiful reverence, that immediately after, when they came in Esaus presence, they yielded unto him. That which was by himself performed, was, that he also behaved himself most dutifully and lowly unto his Brother( notwithstanding those promises of security before: as many of us, on any part of such Ibid. 3. ground of security otherwise, would not) often bowing himself unto him before he came at him; and in all his speech with him, calling him Esau his Lord, and himself Ibid. 5. 8, 13. 14, 15. his Seruant. A very good pattern, how we should humble ourselves one to another when we haue offended: even the Children of God that haue the promises, to the Children of the World that haue them not. These good means of reconciliation being by jacob used, now are we to see what success they had in the end: and first, at the very first meeting of them; then, in the residue of that small time that they were together. The first meeting of them was comfortable, for that so soon as they drew some-what near, Esau ran to meet his Brother, embraced and kissed him very kindly, and wept for ioy: and beholding his wives and Children, gently enquired of them also( and by likelihood yielded some courteous welcome to them Ibid. 4. 5. likewise▪ according to the manner that in those partes was at that time used) as also of the presents which he had met, in courteous manner offering therein, not to bee so Ibid. 8. 11. chargeable unto him, yet, at his instance, gently accepting them in the end. In the residue of that small time that they were together, he offered to his Brother two other courtesies before he departed: one, that himself and all his company would go on with him,& clear the way before him; the other, when jacob had desired him not Ibid. 12. so far to trouble himself, that yet he would appoint some of his company to attend him. Which when jacob, but in dutiful manner refused also, then he returned Ibid. 13-15. Ibid. 16. home-ward again. So may Esau bee a good pattern to us, not to maintain enmity still: especially when as in any good manner we are sought unto to be reconciled. These two impediments being removed, now are wee to see, how he held on the rest of his journey, returning home-ward. Concerning which, although it be not certain in what time he finished the rest of his journey, yet it seemeth that he made no great hast to get home: but yet notwithstanding went on forward still, till in the end he attained unto it. That he made no great hast to get home, it appeareth both by building an house at Succoth, and by buying a parcel of Land at Sichem: Ibid. 17. Ibid. 19. and so may it be some instruction to us against that immoderate desire that Parents and Children sometimes haue of being together, and of the idle visiting that friends do oft-times make one of another; in the mean season omitting diuers more needful points of their duties: especially where as jacob was, when now he came from his uncle Laban, fourscore and seuenteen years old, and Isaac his Father one hundred fifty and seven. How notwithstanding he went on forward still, till he got home in the end, wee are to note, that for a time he held on the strait or direct way thither: but then was he turned a little aside. he held on the strait way thither, first to Succoth, near unto jordan, but yet on the East-side of it: then to Sichem on this side jordan, and a good way within, in the heart of the Land. At Succoth he builded an house for himself to sojourn in for the time, and Ibid, 17. booths for his cattle: belike conceiving well of the place to such a purpose, and so giuing it the name accordingly. To Sichem he came safe, himself and his; and there bought a parcel of ground, and worshipped God: but there did he find some trouble now; first in a villainy done to his Daughter, then also, about the reuenge of it by two of his Sons. As touching that villainy done to his Daughter, it is good to note, what may seem to be some occasion of it:& then, what was the villainy itself. Gen. 34, 1. It may seem to be some occasion of it, that her parents did suffer her, and herself would needs go forth into the city, to see the young women of that country: and then is it a good warning to us, that such as profess a care of religion, and of an honest and orderly carriage of themselves in all their ways, to take good heed, so near as they can, that they never come into the company of the loser sort: not, but that oft-times it is done without hurt ensuing thereon, by the goodness and help of God; especially, when any way wee haue just cause so to do: but that, when as of lightness or vanity we do it, having no just cause unto it, wee then step without the bounds of Gods protection; and he oft-times doth not let it escape unpunished. The villainy itself was, that she was deflowered; and that by one of the chiefest in all the city: and yet not otherwise, but that withall he did afterward very earnestly desire Ibid, 2-6. to haue her in marriage. In the trouble that he found by occasion of the revenging of this villainy, we haue set down; first, what was the reuenge itself: then howe he was troubled at it. The reuenge itself was, that Simeon and levy, the Bretherrn of Dina, being very much grieved with it, and yet dissembling the same Ibid. 7-29. for a time, and in the mean season, seeking to frame an occasion that was offered, to serve their own cruel designs, within few dayes after getting all the men of the city within their danger, put thē all to the Sword, utterly spoyled the city besides, and took away their Sister with them. A very strange and fearful example, what wonderful great measure of wrath may in the Iustice of God bee due, even unto whole peoples and cities, for the offence and trespass of one: and that not done to any of their own, but to a stranger; and the famed much mitigated again( in the iudgement of flesh and blood) by a special love to the party most wronged, and an earnest desire, in the noblest of them all, to haue her in marriage. The trouble that jacob found herein so far as himself did 〈◇〉 the same, was for the danger that now he found himself to be in: which was, that the odiousness of this strange and barbarous cruelty of theirs, would make all the people thereabout to gather Ibid. 30. 31. themselves together, and utterly to destroy them all; which notwithstanding was little regarded, by the executioners of that fierce and strange reuenge. Hitherto, keeping the readiest way, his journey still lying towards the South, and some-what inclining to the West, now by occasion he is turned aside, much towards the East: but then he thence goeth forward again. When now he is turned towards the East, we are first to consider the occasion of it: then the Story of that part of his journey. The occasion of it was, that God now did will him to go to Bethel, where G●●. 35, 1, God before appeared unto him, when he fled from the wrath of his Brother Esau: there to make his abode for a time; and there to erect an Altar unto him. Thus was God, in great mercy ready now to give him directions what to do, when he was in great perplexity,& doubted heavy things to be towards him. The Story of that part of his journey, divideth itself into two principal parts: first, their going thither; then what was done there. In their going thither, we are to note something concerning themselves:& something concerning others. That which concerneth themselves, is, in how good manner they addressed themselves thither, both jacob himself,& al his company so far as they went: wherein notwithstanding it may seem, that something was by them omitted. That yet nevertheless they did very well so far as they went, appeareth first in jacob himself: then in his company. For jacob himself gave commandement Ibid. 2. to all his company to put away from them all the strange Goddes they had among them; then also, to cleanse themselves, and to change their raiment, or to put on their better or cleaner apparel: giuing them withall to understand, that Ibid. 3. now they would go up to Bethel, there to Sacrifice to the mighty God, who had heard him in the day of his trouble, and was ever since with him in all his journey. His company likewise thereupon, forthwith delivered unto him not onely all those their idols themselves: but also all their ear-rings beside, which( belike) they had used in some Rite or Ceremony of such Goddes as they served before. Which when jacob had secretly butted, to abolish the memory of them, then setting in hand with their journey, they readily came to the place they desired: both he, and all his company with him. That which may seem to be omitted, was, that wee red not of any repentance, sorrowing, and special cleansing; or else with-drawing of themselves to be enjoined to Simion and levi, that presently before had done that great slaughter on the Sichemites, and had made such a spoil of all that they had. So that this must either be accounted by them no more then a just reuenge for the villainy done unto Dinah: or else, had it also need to haue been specially regarded when they went to worship God; being otherwise such a strange out-rage as it was, and so freshly bleeding as yet. That which concerneth others, was, that God did put such a fear into the hearts of all the people thereabout, that none of them made head after these to be avenged on them for the barbarous cruelty, as they might take Num. 23, 21. it done to their Neighbors: another pregnant Testimony, that God seeth no iniquity in jacob; no transgression in Israel. That which was done there, did most of it concern their present business: but one thing there was of another kind. That which concerned their present business, was first no more, then for the which he now came thether: but then, by occasion, some-what else besides. That for the Gen 35. 7. which he now came thether, was no more in plain terms, but onely to build an Altar unto the Lord, which also he did; but no doubt, implyed withall, that both he and his company there worshipped also; and that the reason was, because God had so comfortably shewed himself to him there, when he did flee from the wrath of his brother. In that which he did more as occasion was offered, we are to consider; first, what was the occasion that was given: then, what it was that he did besides. The occasion that then was given, was; that God did now again so comfortably appear unto him there: which also we find, both in the manner of his appearing unto him; and in those favours that at this present he did vouchsafe him. As touching the manner of his appearing now unto him; whereas it is after Ibid. 13. faide, that when he had done, be then ascended up from him, thereby wee perceive, that he did not now appear unto him so high from him, as he did in that place before: but more familiarly and nearer unto him on the earth beneath. The favours that at this present he did vouchsafe him, were, in that little space at two several times delivered unto him. For first he blessed him: and confirmed unto him now again that new and more honourable name that before he gave him, which was, Ibid. 9, 10. that thence-forth he should not onely bee called jacob, but Israell also. Then again Ibid. 11. 12. he told him, that he was the God almighty; and willed him to increase and multiply: giuing him to understand, that much people should come of him, and, among them, even Kings too; and▪ as touching that land wherein he was, as before he had given it to Abraham and to Isaac, so did he confirm the selfsame grant to him likewise, namely, that his seed should haue it indeed. Which being said, then there he left him. That which hereupon jacob did besides, did partly respect Ibid, 13. the time present: and partly also the time to come. For the time present, he reared up a monument hereof, of the stones there: and thereon made an offering besides. Ibid. 14. For the time to come, he honoured the place with the Title or Name of Ibid. 15. The House of God. That one thing that was of another kind, was, that Debora the nurse of Rebecca( who, as it seemeth, having before returned to her Country again, for good will to her Nursse-childe, was now coming back with this her son jacob to see her again) dying here, they butted her under an oak there,& called that three the oak of Lamentation. Concerning which, although there be Ibid. 8. no more said in the Text, yet because the name of that three doth directly led us to this, that there they made some lamentation for her; it seemeth there were some special good parts in the woman; at least, some special kindness towards them. For she could not be but of very great age, jacob himself being now almost an hundred year old, and, Rebecca his Mother about forty before she had him. But as this consideration of her age might in some respect give them reasonable contentment, not to take her death so heavily: so doth it the stronglyer lead us to gather, that seeing yet notwithstanding they did so lament it( and we red of no such lamentation Ibid. 19, 20. for Rachel shortly after, whom notwithstanding he specially loved) both that there was some special cause why so they did; and that jacob and his company, so far as in them was, did kindly and thankfully requited the same. Hence going on forward in his journey, we haue mentioned of two places yet before he came home: the former of them, not far from Beethlem; the other, beyond the Tower of the flock, which was near unto it also. In that which was not far from Bethleem; Rachel traveled, and brought forth another son, whom herself would haue Ibid. 16-18. termed the child of her sorrow( for shee dyed of him) but his Father termed him dear unto him, and so was he called benjamin. So jacob butted Rachel there: and erected a Monument in memory of her. In that which was beyond the Tower Ibid. 19, 20. afore▪ said, reuben his eldest son committed that fault with his Fathers Concubine Billa, for the which he was afterward deprived of the right of elder-ship:& so had jacob the end of his journey mingled with sorrow. Immediately after which( for any thing we red of, that came betwixt) jacob came to his Father to Hebron. But Gen 25 37. neither is the certain time known when it was; and sure we are, that some things that follow, were done before the death of Isaac, though here so closely the return of the one, and the death of the other, do join together. 10 The Story that doth properly appertain to the time of jacob, after that Isaac is now departed, is altogether in a manner, about their going down into egypt: but yet, some few other things interlaced withall. About their going down into egypt, wee haue delivered unto us, first howe God provided for them there; then, how he brought them down unto it. The provision that God made for them there, was by the means of joseph the youngest son of jacob but one, whom to that end he sent thither before: very much humbling him first; but then exalting him a great deal more. In the Story of his humiliation, wee haue first set down the occasion of it, then, the thing itself. The occasion of it was diuers: partly of God; partly of Men. Of God it was, that he had two such dreams, as did plainly▪ insinuate, Gen. 37, 7 6. that some way or other he was to be advanced above them all: one, that gathering together sheaves of corn in the field, his sheaf stood upright, and all their sheaves came round about it, and did all bow themselves unto it: the other, that the sun and the moon, and eleven stars, did all bow them themselves unto him. So far as it was of Men, it partly came by jacob, and joseph himself: but chiefly; by those brethren of joseph. It came partly by jacob, because he loved joseph more than the rest: partly also by joseph himself, because he was wont to tell his ●ather of Ibid 3. 4. such disorders as were noted in them; and himself did tell them how he had dreamed. But it came chiefly of them for that their own looseness made them so much Ibid. 2, 5, 6, 10. Ibid. 2. 4, 5, 8, 11. to mislike his telling of them: and because they had in their hearts such envy against him, that neither could they like, that their Father did then bear more affection to him, than to the rest( insomuch that they could not speak peaceably unto him: an Ibid. 4. ordinary fruit, of that naughty roote) nor to hear of those dreams, that seemed to bode such aduancement to him. In the thing itself wee are to note, what opportunity they had unto it: then, how themselves did work thereon. The opportunity that they had unto it, was, that jacob sent him unto them where they were Ibid, 12-17. tending their cattle and sheep, very far from the place where then he lay, to see how they and their Cattle did, and to bring him word thereof. In their working on this opportunity wee are to note, that first they intended great mischief against him: but then performed it, not altogether with such rigor as first they conceived. Ibid. 18. 20. As touching that great mischief that at the first they intended against him, it is noted, that so soon as they saw him a good way off, they consulted among themselves of killing him out-right: so to see what his dreams would come unto. That they did not perform this evil meaning of theirs against him, altogether with that rigor that first they conceived, it was by the better advice of some of themselves: but yet notwithstanding, they afterward performed it badly enough. That better advice that was given by some of themselves, was given by reuben first: then, by judah. reuben was the eldest of them, who before had committed very foul incest; as judah Gen. 35, 22, 45, 7. also did a while after sin very foully: but now they saved the life of him, who afterward saved the lives of them all; besides, that of judah, Christ also himself did afterward come. A good caveat to us that follow, that no way immoderately we altogether abandon the worst men of all: not knowing what good in time to come, it may please God to bring forth of them to our use. So reuben first, perceiving them to be so deadly bent against him, dissuaded them from that cruel fact; and admised them rather to put him into a dry pit there by: hoping by this means to deliver him Ge 37. 21. 22. out of their hands, and to bring him safe to his Father again; which advice of his was by and by followed. For so soon as he was come unto them, they stripped him of his vpper-most garment, and put him into that dry pit that was by them, there to end his woeful dayes: themselves nevertheless so little touched with any feeling Ibid. 23-25. thereof, that they presently after sat down to their meat, as if there were nothing therein to grieve them. Being so set( little regarding the anguish of their Brother now in the pit; or rather, for ought that he knew to the contrary, or they did mean him, even in his grave) they spy a sort of merchants coming towards them, as Ibid. 25. 32. their way did lie to go into egypt, there doth judah now come forth with his advice also: namely, that it would be no benefit to them, thus to destroy their brother, though they kept their doings therein so close as they could. His advice therefore was, to take him forth of the pit again, and to sell him to those Merchants: as also they did,( but reuben not being privy unto it, and much sorrowing for him) for twenty Siccles of silver( about two shillings and sixe-pence a piece, after the rate of coin with us) now to bee a boud-slaue for ever; and therewithal dipping that vpper garment of his in blood, they sent it to their Father as a token that his Son was like to be slain with some wild beast. Whereupon jacob being so persuaded, did take it very heavily,& could not be comforted: as also his Father Isaac, grand-father to joseph, is noted to haue done; this bad part of those his Nephews Ibid ●3-35. being committed against their brother about a dozen years before Isaaks death Trewel. jun. A special ●●aine unto them all, that seeing their Father, and their Grand-father too, ●● those great yeares of theirs to take it so heavily: yet notwithstanding none of them all would at any time be& 〈…〉 the truth was in deed, so to yield them that miserable comfort that yet was last them. In the story of his exaltation we d●e find, that it was not presently done, but in good process of time: God 〈◇〉 giuing him some comfort in that hard estate, that now his Bretheren had cast 〈…〉; then, after that, exalting him also. His hard estate consisted in two principal branches: one, his servitude; the other, his imprisonment. To make his servitude more easy unto him, God so prospered him in the service of him to Ibid. 3●, 39. 1-6. whom he was soul●, that his master liked very well of him,& committed all that he had into his hands As touching his imprisonment we haue noted unto us, first how it came: then, how God did help him therein also. It came by the false accusation of his Lady, or Mistris: who being herself desirous to haue been 〈…〉 -29. nought with him, but refused by him, cried out vpon him, and charged him to haue offered that villainy unto her; and so, by the fond credulity of her husband withall, got him to be cast into prison for it. Wherein the likelier it had been, that by growing so great with his Mistris, he might soon haue attained not onely 〈◇〉. 20. to his liberty, but also to great preferment besides: the better example hath he left unto all( and shortly after notably rewarded) ever to avoid al such bad compendious ways whatsoever. The help that God vouchsafed him here, was not onely, as before, the Iailers favour: but also, that he endowed him with a special gift besides, whereby at length he was delivered. The favour of the Iailer was such towards him( for that he saw the Lord to be with him) that he also committed Ibid. 21-23. the whole charge unto him. That special gift besides wherewith it pleased God to endew him, was the interpretation of dreams: and it pleased God at length to work his deliverance thereby, first by making it known to the King of Egypt that he had such a gift; then, by affording the use or benefit of it to him also, not onely to his full contenment, but even to admiration withall. It was made known to the King of Egypt, that such a gift was in joseph, by the relation of one of his principal Officers that did attend him namely, that both he and another Gen. 40, 1-●3. 41, 9-13. fellow of his being then in prison, and each of them dreaming, so as themselves were troubled with it, he presently opened the same unto them; and that so it fel-out with them both, as he before had told them it should. unto the King himself, was the use and benefit thereof afforded likewise, not onely, as I said, to his full contentment, but even to admiration also, when as about two yeares after( all which time the Officer aforesaid had joseph in very vnthākfull oblivion: belike, that he might be beholding to God alone) it pleased God by a couple of dreams to trouble the heart of Pharaoh also. Now therefore the time being come that he was to be exalted, wee are to note, what was the occasion of it: and how it pleased God thereby to do it. The occasion was, first those two dreams themselves that now Pharaoh had: then also, that himself was disquieted with Ge. 41, 1-8. them; and could get none that could show him the meaning of them. This occasion being given, now it pleased God so to work thereon, that joseph was sent for, his prison-garments taken from him and others put-on, and so set before Pharaoh, to expound those his dreams unto him. unto whom when he had expounded Ibid. 14-32. them, namely, that those seven fair and wel-liking Kine, and those seven ears of corn that were large and full, which first appeared, did betoken seven yeares very fruitful, which immediately after the Land should enjoy, and that those other seven lean Kine that devoured the fat, and that those other seven ears that were so thin, and likewise devoured the better, and yet neither of them both were( to see too) the better for it, did signify other seven yeares of dearth to follow the former, which should consume all the overplus of the others, and yet be little the beter for it, also that the same should certainly and presently be done; Ibid. 33-36. Ibid, 37-46. and therewithal advised him what to do: the King by and by, conceiving well of his interpretation, and aduise withall, and not thinking to find any other so meet as joseph himself to preforme that charge, made him chief next under him in all his Kingdom, changed his name, and bestowed an honourable marriage on him, when he was now full thirty yeares old. joseph likewise, according to Ibid. 46. 49. the authority and trust to him committed, did very carefully gather together, and laid up in the cities of egypt, whatsoever might bee spared of those plentiful years to haue it in a readiness, against the time that need should require to bring it forth. But in those his doings, two things there are of special note: one, in what sort by this occasion he dealt withall the Land of egypt; the other, howe favourable he was to certain of them. Dealing so as he did with the whole land Ibid. 47. 13-21 of egypt; first, getting up all their Money, then their Cattle, thirdly their lands and themselves too, to bee the proper goods of Pharaoh the King, and utterly to extinguish all opinion of propriety in any thing they had, translating them al from one city to another, and then ordaining the fift part of their increase to be a perpetual rent or tribute unto the King for such lands as they had returned to them again; though, whether for the wisdom or equity of the devise, or for the dignity of his person, it bee favourably interpnted of many: yet for my part, I cannot see, but that he inclined too much to the benefit of the King, and regarded the people too little; though yet notwithstanding the deciding of it might best be performed, by such as haue the best in-sight into the whole. How favourable he was to certain of them, appeareth in this, that of all others their lands were spared, and themselves specially respected by such order as the King had taken. But who these were, is a question with some now: the general opinion of Ibid. 22. most men being, that they were the Priestes; some others of late, that they were Tremel. and Iunius. certain Officers or Deputies of the Kings. The word indeed doth signify both: but not onely the egyptians especially, but all other Heathen peoples also, much after the same manner did make special reckoning of their Priest-hoodes, and vouchsafed them great immunities above others; and not unlikely, but that the Kings special Officers were otherways provided for by the King himself. Again, such Officers were ever lightly but personal, and went not as Lands did, from the Father unto the child; but to such as were thought the meetest for them: and then could there be no lands of such so like to be privileged as the lands of the Priestes; unless for such also there were a perpetual or standing maintenance set forth( which is not so likely) as for the priesthood was wont to bee. The onely objection is, that it is not likely, that joseph would be so careful for that Idolatrous Priest-hood of theirs. But that persuasion of his knowledge and zeal on that behalf is but presumed, without any warrant in the word for the same: and, if the egyptians had that special regard to their Priest-hood, as the Stories do witness they had, he could not be in that authority and credite with them, unless he also did in all such special matters hold-on the selfsame course with them. So that it seemeth as the iudgement of the most part of the learned is, that they were the Priestes, and not other Officers that so were spared: and to me besides, that whereas Iunius joined with Tremellius in that translation, that note should seem rather to come from Iunius, who diuers times sheweth himself to bee some-what out of temper in such matters; then from Tremellius, whom I do not otherwise find, but to bee of the better iudgement. But as the word doth signify both, so if they would haue taken in these as well as the others, wee would not much stick with them then: but if they will needs so unkindly exclude them altogether, then they give us occasion to examine their iudgement; and as not able to abide the trial, to return it to them again. In his bringing of them down to this provision that before he made for them, wee are to consider: first, howe they were occasioned unto it: then, how they were themselves brought down. Occasioned they were; first, by strict necessity, to seek to that country for help: then, by it and other motives besides, much better then it, themselves to go thither, there to inhabit. Of strict necessity, they were occasioned to seek to that country for help, twice: first, onely for victuals; then, not onely for them again, but now also to redeem one of their Bretheren that lay in prison. In their first journey when they went down for victuals onely, we are to note the occasion of it: and what success it was they had there. The occasion of it was, that there was so great a famine in all those Countries adjoining: and that they heard Gen. 41, 57, 42: 1, 2. withall, that there was corn to bee had in egypt. The success that they had there, was part of it good: but some part of it hard likewise. Good it was, that there they got corn to relieve their family withall: and had all their money that Ibid. 3-36. they had paid for it, given them into their sacks back again with them, they knew not how. It was partly hard likewise, for that they were by so great a man as joseph then was there, charged all to be spies, roughly for a time handled in word and deed: and one of them besides kept in prison as pledge, for a matter that hardly might be performed. In their second journey when they were to go and get their Brother to be delivered besides, we are to note, first how hardly the same was obtained of jacob: then what success they had therein also. In that jacob was so loathe to let benjamin go with them, until by extreme want he was driven unto Ibid. 36-38.& 43, 1-10. it( by which they were for all that time hindered of this other journey) there is one thing to be noted very apparent: another also that may be doubted. That which is apparent; is, that he bare a special great love to benjamin, when as the imprisonment of his other son Simeon could not work so effectually with him, till he was by famine also urged unto it▪ an example of the great love that parents oft-times do bear to their children; and a good inducement to all the Children of God, to assure themselves of far greater there by many degrees. That which may be doubted, is, that it may seem his faith towards God, was not now so strong, when as notwithstanding all those promises of God towards him, and many great proofs thereof besides, he yet doubteth such peril in sending benjamin with his other Bretheren. For the success thereof we are for part of it first to begin at the land of Canaan: then to go down into the Land of egypt for the rest. That part of the success that Ibid. 11-15. we find in the land of Canaan, was altogether good: Namely, that first they got their Father to like of it, and to yield his consent thereunto; then that he sent them away in so good manner, both with a present of the best things the country yielded, and well furnished with money also, with double to that they had before to make their provision, and with that which they found in the mouth of their sacks besides. That other part of it that wee find in egypt, was first but moderate: but soon after far exceeding. That part of it that was moderate, did withall very comfortably incline unto good. For they had their brother at the first brought out of prison, and restored unto them again: and had very good, honourable and Ibid. 16. 34. kind entertainment besides. That which soon after far exceeded, was first exceeding heavy and grievous unto them: but immediately after as joyful also. That which so far exceeded in heaviness and grief unto them was, that they were no sooner dismissed with their corn out of the city, but that the chief Ruler of Iosephs house did hotly pursue them, and charged them to be very bad men, that notwithstanding their good usage, had now stolen away with them a principal Gen. 44, 1-34 piece of his Maisters plate: and finding the same with one of them to the utter dismaying of them all( as indeed they were guiltless of it) brought them all back again into the city, there to abide such punishment and shane, as to such a fact was due. And that worse was, it light chiefly on him, on whom it might worst of them all: namely on benjamin his Fathers darling; and with whom he was so loathe to haue partend. joseph belike for the affection he bare him, was desirous to retain him longer with him;& great men stick not oft-times, without any sufficient cause to charge their inferiors as themselves think good: but true and just dealing is ever the best; and in it we ever haue means enough, to accomplish whatsoever is meet to be had. And Seruants in such case are for the most part ready enough to do as their Maisters prescribe unto them: as here we may see an example in this one, boldly charging them with Theft( because his master had so commanded) whom himself did certainly know to be clear of it. But while they were in this heavy pickle, then cometh in that, which as far exceeded in ioy: most of all, and first from joseph; but then also, in part from Pharaoh. As abide. 45, 1-15. 21-24. touching joseph, he could no longer dissemble: will he, nill he, his affections now will needs break forth. He told them plainly who he was: his tears also plentifully witnessing his Brotherly and tender affection towards them. He bad them not be dismayed, that they sold him to be a bond-man, for that is was not they but God that in his providence thus sent him before them, to provide for thē against this time of famine, that so they might live and not die. He told them, that yet there were five years more thereof to come: willed them to hasten home to their father, to tell him of these things, and to entreat him to come over unto him, he and all his family to dwell there; that so doing he should be placed in the best part of all egypt: and withall loaded them home with provision and Chariots, both for himself and all his family. That which came from Pharaoh the King, was to Ibid. 16-20. the same end: himself also desiring, that jacob and all his family would come thither; and to that end, both offering unto him the best of the land of Egypt to dwell in when he should come, and in the mean season commanding joseph to sand him provision and Chariots to fetch him. How by this famine yet enduring, and by other good motives besides, jacob and his company were occasioned to go down into Egypt there to dwell, will now soon appear: first, by relation of those his sons when they returned; then by those things that now they brought with them. They told him that joseph his son was yet alive, and now the chief Ibid. 25-26. Lord in all Egypt under the King: and withall did the residue of their joyful message unto him. himself also did see and behold the provision, presents,& Chariots that to that end were sent unto him. Which things, when he had heard Ibid. 27-28. and seen, though at the first he was astonied, and was ready to soound for ioy that his son yet lived: yet soon after he came to himself; was a glad man that joseph yet lived; and presently resolved to remove his dwelling, and now to go down to Egypt unto him. being thus occasioned, and thereupon resolved now to take his journey thither, he cometh from Hebron first to Beersheba: and then into Egypt. In Beersheba, the first part of his journey, and about twenty miles towards Adriconi in Bersabe. Egypt, there we red, that himself sought unto God: and that God did comfortably appear unto him. He sought unto the Lord there, by offering unto him certain Sacrifices: which, it may seem, were, either of thankfulness, that joseph Gen. 46, 1, his son, was yet living; or to obtain the goodness of God towards him and his, in this his journey. God likewise appeared comfortably unto him, in that first telling him who he was, even that mighty God the God of his father, he then bad him not to fear that his going down into Egypt, for that there he would increase Ibid. 2-4. him to a mighty people, and himself go down and come up with him: also that joseph that was supposed to be dead, should close up his eyes at his death. Thence proceeding in his journey towards Egypt, we haue delivered unto us, how he finished his journey thither: and in what estate there he afterward lived. His journey thither may we account then to be finished, when as soon after his coming into the country he had dove his duty first to the King, and then was dismissed of him to his own where he was to dwell. In which compass of time we haue no more but these two: First, how he met with joseph his son; then how he came to the presence of the King. For the former it is noted, that going on his journey Ibid. 5-30. from Beersheba, he and all his company and possessions with him, threescore and six persons of lineal descent from him proceeding,( himself, joseph and his two sons that were in Egypt already, making up the number of threescore and ten) coming belike some-what towards his journeys end, or when he saw the time to be meetest, sent judah before unto joseph, to advertise him of his coming, and to acquaint him with his journey. whereupon joseph addressed himself to come and meet his Father Israel: and when he came so near that his Father might discern him to be the same indeed, he then made his father a glad man of him. For his coming into the Kings presence, joseph would first go to advertise the King of his coming, and belike to know his pleasure withall: but first, he advised his brethren and all the Ibid. 31-34. company, if Pharaoh should ask them what trade of life they had used, plainly to aclowledge the truth indeed, that they had used none other but onely to rear and tend Cattle; that so they might the rather haue the land of Goshen for them to dwell in. For besides that the land itself was meet to such a purpose, it lay at an out-side of Egypt, and next unto the land of Canaan: and so the meetest for them in those respects; especially, when as the Egyptians had withall a special dislike of that kind of life, and of those that used the same. They being thus admonished, joseph took with him five of his Brethren, and went to the King, advertising Gen. 47, 1, 6. him, that his Father and Brethren, and all their family, together with all their goods and Cattle, were now come thither, there to sojourn: themselves also then entreating, and the King condescending thereunto, and giuing charge that it might be effected, that they might haue the land of Goshen wherein to sojourn. After which, he brought his Father also before Pharaoh, who shortly after( in respect of his age as it seemeth) dismissed him again, to repose himself to Ibid, 7-10. his own best ease: being at that time, as himself acknowledged to Pharaoh, one hundred and thirty yeares old. Their journey being in this soft finished, in what estate he there afterward lived, wee haue set down but generally: but withall some particulars more specially mentioned. Generally, we may conceive, that he lived in good case there, being so welcome to the King as he was, and having so able and so careful a man to provide for him there, as then his son joseph was: and it is plainly set down, both that they were placed in that good and Ibid. 11, 12, 27 fruitful corner of the land; and that Iosephs care and providing for them was, as if, like a Mother or Nurse, he should put the meate, as if they were children even into their mouths. Those particulars that are more specially set down, are such things as went a little before his death: and then how long he lived there. Those things that went a little before his death, were three: one, before that yet he sickened; other two, when now he was sick already. Before that yet he sickened, Ibid. 19-31. he called for his son joseph, and required him to swear( a sufficient Token to show, how earnestly he was bent to haue the same performed indeed) that when God should call him, he should not bury him in egypt, but where his elders were butted before: and when joseph had given his Oath, that so he would, he thereupon worshipped, as having obtained a special good favour therein. Whereby it seemeth, that he did both profess his faith in those promises of God that his seed should inherit that land; and stir up his posterity also, not to fasten their affection to egypt, but to haue the promised Land in continual desire and expectation. When now he was sick already, he delivered many things, as in the way o● a blessing or prophetically, that should afterward be accomplished, or come to pass in those his children: and first, to joseph, who purposely at that time came unto him; then, to all the others besides, whom to that end himself did call for. unto joseph he delivered, what God had promised concerning the Land of Canaan, Gen. 48, 1-22. to be the inheritance of his posterity; and then withall, took in those two sons of his which then he had, into the estate and number of his own, as if they had been begotten by him: and when joseph did then bring them unto his Father, that his Father might to that end lay his hands upon them, he did so also; but not in such order as joseph had thought that he would, but preferring Ephraim the younger, before Manasses the elder. In taking of whom into his number, it may seem, that there was respect had( if not by jacob, yet by God himself, who directed the action) unto those sufferings of joseph first; and to his good deserts after: it may be also, to the wrong done unto rachel, when her Sister was preferred before her; and to make some supply, in that she was nothing ●o fruitful as her Sister was. unto all the rest of his sons, he shewed what was like to bee Gen. 49, 1-7. 13-28 Ibid. 8-12. the estate of their posterity for the time ensuing: and more specially which of them it was by whom the promised seed should be derived; and that in his line there should be( till then) a tolerable estate and government, howsoever that others should oft-times be plunged in great confusion. The time that he lived there, was seventeen yeares: and so being now one hundred forty and seven yeares old, he dyed. Those few things that are besides interlaced withall, are but Ge. 47, 27, 28 49-33. about judah onely, and but to such as in effect came onely to thi●; that he, by some occasion, dealing fraudulently with his daughter in Lawe Thamar, not yielding ●en: 38, 1-30 that marriage unto her, which by custom& usage of the Country then, and his own promise was due unto het, was so by Thamar circumvented, that at unawares he lay with her, taking her for an Harlot, and at that time begot of her, one of the Ancestors of Iesus Christ: a Story of no small reproach unto judah, who being himself the onely son of jacob, by whom the line of Christ was to be derived, did nevertheless so abuse himself( as he thought) with an Harlot; but of some special comfort to us, that he is like enough not to cast off such as repent them of their sin, and seek to his mercy, when as himself that could haue otherwise provided, if so he would, nevertheless disdained not to descend of so contaminate Ancestors, as his Holinesse had, not onely of this, but of many others. 11 joseph was brought into this Land, as we heard before when he was but young; and hitherto whatsoever Story we had of him, it all came within the time of his Father jacob: since whose departure we haue little remaining of him. But that which we haue, we may as I take it, thus best distinguish: first, that we mark what things wee haue of him recorded; then also that wee note, that one thing there is, that we red not of him. Those that are of him recorded, do partly respect others: and partly himself. Those others whom part of his doings do most respect, are, his Father deceased: and his Bretheren remaining. As touching his Father deceased, both for the time present he imbawmed him, and mourned for him, as the manner Gen. 50: 1-3. of the country was: and shortly after, when that solemnity was finished, obtaining leave first of the King, to go and bury him in the Land of Canaan, he very Ibid. 5-14. honourably performed the same. As touching his Bretheren remaining, whereas Ibid. 15-18. they were now afraid, that their Father being gone, he would some way remember the wrong they had done him; and thereupon came to him in the name of their Father( as he having willed them so to do, while yet he lived) humbly desiring him to pardon all that bad dealing of theirs towards him: he on the other side, spake very comfortably unto them, both showing them to howe great good purpose God had Ibid. 19. ●●. done it; and promising on his part, to haue that care of them and theirs, that therein they might see, that he retained no displeasure towards them. himself it concerned, first that during his time among them, as himself had promised, so it seemeth by that which followed immediately after, for that they increased so fast as they did, that Exod. 1: 7. for his time he had a special regard to them indeed: then that when he waxed old, and saw that now he must shortly die, he also made the chief of his Family or Kindred to swear, that when God in time to come, should visit them, and haue them Ge. 50: 24, 25 thence unto the country, that he had promised their Fathers to give them, then should they take his bones with them also. And so having long dwelled in good estate in the Land, having also seen his Childrens Children, and being now of the age of one hundred and ten yeares, he also dyed: and as the manner of the country Ibid. 22, 23, 26 was, his body was imbawmed; and yet not buried, but chested onely. That one thing that I thought was good to note, that it is not mentioned of him, is, that now before his death, he did not offer to bless any of the people according to their Tribes, as his Father had done before: nor so much as his own Children neither. Abraham had certain special blessings to bee derived to some part of his posterity; such I mean as should descend from Isaac: and of those some of them belonged to all that company; and one, but unto one portion of them. Those that belonged to all that company, were two: one, that they should bee his peculiar people; the other, that they should inhabit the Land of Canaan. That which belonged but to one portion of them only, was, that of them should come the promised seed. All which had Isaac likewise, to such as should descend from him by jacob. jacob had no such limitation, for the two former of them, from any of all his sons descending of him; and therefore, though he had twelve in all, yet from that reckoning doth he exclude not one of them all: but for the other he had, and therefore did he as it were appropriate that( as by God he was directed) unto the Tribe of judah onely. Abraham therefore, being made acquainted with Gods purpose therein, though we red not, that he used any set form of confirming or establishing those blessings to Isaac( which notwithstanding he might if he would:) yet he took such a course as tended thereunto, when he sent away ishmael first, and afterward his other Children also with their portions; and left unto Isaac onely, both all his substance to speak of; and there to sojourn. But Isaac was desirous( as well he might) to use some set manner to confirm those blessings to one of his sons: but therein so fast bound with the Bias of the most usual or ordinary course, that therein he had gone clean wrong, had not God prevented him of his meaning therein, turning it aright to him that should heue it, though himself did never mean it unto him. jacob also having many,& finding the two former to belong to thē all, seemeth secure of that matter: and therefore purposing, in some set manner also to bestow some blessing on them all, he doth no more but give them such admoniton or comfort, as in the spirit of prophesy( wherewith then he was endued) he thought to be most meetest for them. But then coming to the other, that doth he leave unto the Tribe of judah onely. After which time we do not red, that either joseph or judah( which notwithstanding were principal Men; and then much less is any such thing to be looked for of others that followed) did use any such set form of blessing: or directed their children to look for any such thing at their hands. saving that Moses, but not as their Father( for he was but one person of one of those twelve Tribes himself) but as endued with a principal spirit, uttereth much like to the most of them, as jacob had done before to them all. But afterward God directed the ministry Num. 6: 22-27 that he then ordained, how in some set manner to bless the people. now if the case so were, that they had any such custom among them, to direct their children to ask them blessing, whether the example of the former, or prescript of the latter had been more available, would then belike haue been examined, and so for that matter haue left us better light, then many of us( it seemeth) haue light on as yet: whereby then also might better bee seen, whether those many Christian Churches, that use it not, should not draw unto them that which doth use it; or that one, that onely doth use it, doth therein led the way any better, then those that do not. CHAP. 6. 1 THese Fathers aforesaid, and so many as were of them descended, being yet free, now begin to grow into bondage. Concerning which, whereas it pleased God afterward to deliver them thence, wee are first to consider of that their bondage: then, how it pleased God to deliver them from it. In that their bondage wee are to consider in what sort they came into it: and then, what was their estate therein. In what sort they came into it, we are therefore the rather to consider, that so we may the better see, by what right it was that now they were in that estate: whether themselves had so deserved; or whether unjustly it was imposed vpon them. If themselves had so deserved, then must it bee, either by some fault of theirs: or else by their folly. That it was by no fault of theirs, whereby they had trespassed against the egyptians, the matter is clear, for that they were another people, of another country; such as never had any dealing with them, and were altogether unknown unto them: and so far, all manner of ways, from deserving ill at their hands, as that on the other side, by one of their company, they had deserved marvelous well. That it might be their folly, might of the two bee rather conceived, for that themselves came down thither, there to inhabit, among a mightier people then they: and, that more is, much sundered from them, partly in their manner and Trade of living; but especially in their Religion. nevertheless, in this also they are thorovghly cleared: partly by the Nature of their case; and partly by good warrant besides. In the Nature of their case wee find; first, that they were driven thither by strict necessity: then, that they had a special friend there also besides. The warrant that otherwise they had, was partly from beneath: but chiefly from above. That which was but from beneath, was nevertheless the word of a Prince; then the which there is not lightly any security greater on earth: and yet was that farther strengthened besides, even by those great deserts of joseph, both unto the whole Land of egypt; and especially, to the Dignity and Coffers of the Princes themselves. That which was from above, was the authority of God himself; both encouraging the leader of them, not to fear to remove thither; and telling him withall, that himself would go down with him thither, and afterward Gen. 46, 3, 4. bring him thence also again. So it remaineth, that it was unjustly imposed upon them: a sufficient pattern to show unto all, what courtesy the Children of GOD, whatsoever their deserts may bee, may at any time look for at the hands of the World. What was their estate therein, that we may the better find, we haue need to consider; first, what is was by the malice of Man: then, what it was by the goodness of God. What it was by the malice of Man, wee are to gather out of the ill dealing that was used towards them: and out of the time that it continued. The ill dealing that was offered unto them, was, partly before there was motion made for their deliverance: and partly after. In that which was before, wee are to consider, what it was: and, whereupon it was that so they were dealt with, what it was is plainly enough declared, both for the substance of it: and for the manner of their proceeding therein. The substance of it was, to diminish and lessen the people of Exod. 1, 8. 16. Israell, whom now they saw to grow so fast vpon them: and to obtain their purpose therein, not to spare any oppression or death itself, that themselves should think needful to such a purpose. Their manner of proceeding therein, was first such as might haue some other pretence to shadow their doing: then, such as bare none other face, but plainly shewed itself what it was. That which might haue some other pretence to shadow their doings, was, that their oppression of them with immoderate labour: wherein notwithstanding they might seem to haue none other meaning, but onely to haue their own business done. That which bare none otherface, but plainly shewed itself what it was, was that cruel course of theirs, to destroy their man-children so soon as they were born: which nevertheless for a time walked more secret; but afterward shunned not the open light neither. It walked more secret, when underhand they would haue had the midwives to haue Ibid. 15, 16. Ibid. 17-22. done it. It shunned not the open light, when as God so wrought with those Midwiues, that they would not be the Instruments of so barbarous cruelty: taking order then, openly to do it howsoever. That whereupon they so dealt with them, restend on Ibid. 7. Ibid. 8-10. two principal branches: one, that they multiplied or grew so very fast; the other, that the egyptians themselves began now to conceive some fear of them. That ill dealing that they had after that motion, was made for their deliverance, was no Exod. 5, 4-18 more but the exacting of much more of that servile labour of them then before, and that clean beyond all reason: and sharp punishment notwithstanding when they did it not, though far above their ability to do; nor any thing holpen therein by Pharaoh when they complained thereof unto him. The time that this their misery continued, is not certainly known: but we haue good Story of it, for above the space of fourscore yeares. For it was begun before Moses was born: and Exo. 1: 2. 2: 1, 2 himself was fourscore yeares old, when first it pleased God to set in hand with their deliverance by him. A good pattern to show, how needful a thing patience is for Acts 7, 23, 30. the Children of God: and that in the best of us all there is more evil then wee are ware of. For if God do use oft-times to put his Children to so great sufferings here, and for so long a time together, and none of us all may account ourselves exempted from it, then need we all to be provided: and that cannot be, but onely by some rare and special good patience. again, because God is wise and gracious, and in his wisdom best knoweth what measure of such exercise we all do need, and in his goodness will not afflict us farther than for our good is needful for us: hence may we gather, that the evil that is in us( even in the best of us all) is marvelous great, when God findeth so great afflictions so needful for vs. What it was by the goodness of God, we haue it two principal points declared: one, while as yet he suffered not the egyptians so far to execute their malice against them; the other, when he did let them loose unto it. He suffered them not to do it, when as he so wrought with those Grace-Women or midwives, that they would Exo. 1, 17, 20. rather disobey the King( excuse it as they could) than commit so barbarous cruelty on filly Infants; and in that for so doing he blessed them for it, it sheweth howe well it pleased him, that so they did. He did let them loose unto it, when as their malice now did so far obtain, that at their pleasure they might drown in their Riuers all Ibid. 22. the man-children of the Israelites, from time to time as they should be born. But even then also did he show his goodness towards them, both in that he did nevertheless Ibid, 7. 20. so much increase them: and besides, that in that their distress, he gave them the harts to seek his favour, and to bemoan their case unto him; and himself thereupon Ibid. 23. 24. Ibid. 25. did in gracious manner consider upon them. A good assurance to us also, that it is of the special favour of God, if either he so uphold us, when any way wee are assaulted: or give us an heart, in the time of our affliction, to seek unto God, and to entreat his favour towards vs. 2 How it pleased God to deliver them from that their bondage, to the end that we may the better find, wee are to consider; first, in what manner he wrought it: then, how in the end it was effected. In his manner of working it, wee are also to note; first, how he provided the parties by whom he would do it: then, how he set in hand with the work itself. The parties were two, Moses and Aaron, Bretheren: Moses being the younger, but the principal party in this business; Aaron being the elder, but not coming in to this, but by occasion. In Moses the cheese and principal party, wee are to mark, first howe he did preserve him from death: then, how he did farther frame him unto the business that afterward he had to do for him. he preserved him from death, in that being at that time born, when the Male-Children( by the kings commandment) were so busily sought out to be destroyed, he nevertheless gave the heart( at least) to one of his Parents, to endeavour to keep him so long as they could: and then himself provided otherwise for him. That which his Parents( or at least his Mother) did for him, was, that he was secretly kept within by them, for three months: and then laid forth in a Basket( provided for the purpose) in the side of a river, among the flags, Bul-rushes, Exod. 2, 14 or such like, growing there, leaving his Sister a good pretty distance off, to haue an eye unto him. That which himself provided otherwise for him, was, that Pharaohs Daughter, coming that way by other occasion, should find the child, and take it for her own: and so by her favour give it protection and safety from death; and yet notwithstanding( though unwitting to her) leave it with the Mother to be Nuiced for her. How he did farther frame him unto the business that afterward he had to do for him, we haue set down briefly( and so far as is sufficient) in the word of God: but else-where also, in some few points, more specially. That which wee haue set down in the word of GOD, is part of it in the original Story: and part again, in the recital of it after. In the original Story we haue no more( that we may certainly gather thereon) but onely that he was afterward brought to Pharaohs Daughter, and was as her son: and that after it, in process of time, he was endued with a mind, desirous to see how his Bretheren did under their burdens; Ibid. 11-22. and that he could not well abide, either any iuiury done unto them by the egyptians, or disorderly dealing among themselves: but that after that, God did humble him a long time after, putting a fear into his heart, to get himself thence to save his life, which now was in danger for the egyptian which he had slain:& thenceforward to become a shepherd to another in a strange land for a long time after. Both which were good praeparatiues unto that business: such an inclination unto his Bretheren, the better to regard their hard estate when afterward he should be employed to help them therein; his humiliation, to be a needful check unto him, for attempting it with blood so inordinately before the time, and( as it seemeth) in confidence of the earthly credit and reckoning that then he was in, God meaning another course, and more to the aduancement of his glory therein. In the recital of this Story after, by Saint Stephen in that his Apology, and by the Apostle to the Hebrews, we haue further delivered unto us, both that he was some-what farther furnished: and the precise time of certain principal matters therein. His farther furniture is noted to be; first, that he had education in his youth, that being come to mans state, Acts. 7. 22. he was learned in all the wisdom of the egyptians; and was mighty in word and deed: and that that going forth to visit his bretheren, was not of an ordinary desire onely, as wishing them well, but of a special zeal, refusing to be accounted the son of Pharaohs Daughter, choosing rather to suffer adversity with the people He. 11, 24-26. of God, then to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season, and esteeming the rebuk of Christ greater riches than the Treasures of egypt, having respect unto the recompense that in saith he saw afterward to follow. Those principal matters in the Story, which haue here their precise time annexed unto them, are two: one, his departure out of egypt, at what time he is said to bee forty yeares old; the other, A 〈…〉 7, 13, 30. how long he abode in service and keeping of sheep, which is noted to bee forty yeares more. That which else-where we haue noted in some points more specialally, is no more but certain of that which Iosephus noteth of him, not disagreeing from the Scripture itself: but farther explaining or opening the same. For first, as touching his education, he saith that it was as carefully and as thoroughly performed, Antiq. lib. 2. cap. 5. as they were able: as like enough then, when he was most likely of all others besides, to succeed the King in his kingdom, the kings Daughter having already adopted him to be hers, and she having no Children of her own. Then, for his greatness besides, that the Ethiopians ouer-running the Land of egypt, the egyptians were directed, and themselves thought good to make him the general of their Army against them. Who being so appointed, and perceiving that the enemies suspected no danger from the wilderness towards them, because it was full of Serpents and venomous Creatures, by a policy came that way vpon them with all their forces at unawares, and so giuing them a great overthrow there, and pursuing his victory into their own country also, he so delivered the egyptians from their tyranny, and set them free from them again. Whereby he became so great and famous among them, that the King himself having him in iealousy also, they accused him of that slaughter of the egyptian, and meant so to haue put him to death, but that he in time got from them before. And because the Apostle saith, that he preferred the Heb. 11, 26. rebuk of Christ, before the treasures of egypt, it appeareth thereby, that some way or other he was in the way of good possibility or likehood rather, in time to come to enjoy those treasures, in the course that then he was in: and so are these Histories of him the more they make for this point, so much the more to be regarded of us; as opening unto us in particular, that which the Apostle doth set down but generally. 3. How he set in hand with the work itself of their deliverance, to the end that we may the better find, we are to note, first what passed betwixt God and Moses about that matter: then what passed betwixt those whom it pleased God to use in that business, and those with whom they were to deal therein. In that which passed betwixt God and Moses about that matter, we are to consider, first in what sort to that end he appeared unto him: then, how he dealt with him in the business itself. In that his appearing, we are in like sort to note, first what he did of himself: then, what he did farther, by such occasion as Moses gave him. Of himself he appeared, in a bush, all on fire; and yet nothing at all consumed: a very fit manner of appearing in respect of the business that then was in hand. For it may be probably thought, that Moses, if not at that present, yet very often was careful on behalf of the people, who now had been so long so hardly dealt with Exod. 3, 1, 2 by the egyptians: and God doth now so appear unto him about their deliverance, that even out of it Moses might gather, that although they were hardly dealt with; yet were they not thereby diminished. A Bush also is fuller of branches and twigs for the bigness of it, than most part of Trees are: and so, in that respect too, so much the f●●●er for such a purpose, because the children of Israel did so exceedingly multiply, as shortly after it did appear. In that which farther he did by such occasion as Moses gave him, we are first to mark what occasion it was that he did give him: then, what it was that he did thereupon. The occasion that Moses gave him, was, that he began to draw near, to see what the matter was: and it is both wisdom and duty for us all( when God doth represent Ibid. 3. them unto us) to haue a good eye to all the works of God, and to see what wee may gather to our own edifying out of the same. That which God did hereupon, restend in two principal points: first, directing him how to behave himself there; then giuing unto him his reason why. He directed him, not to approach Ibid 4-6. over near; and to put off the shoes from his seete: so stirring him up to a special reverence of that presence; and with the inward reverence of the heart, to join the outward usage withall. The reason that he gave him why, was, because the ground whereon he stood, was at that time holy, for that himself by his presence did sanctify it then; and to that end( and withal to make a way to that which followed) he told him that he was the God of his Father, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of jacob: whereat Moses hiding his face, may teach us also, highly to reverence his presence in all our assemblies; and, if he hide his face from his countenance onely, then that we should not curiously( or malapartly rather) search out his secrets. As touching the business itself for the which now he appeared unto him, it was to let him understand, that now he meant to set in hand with the deliverance of the people of Israel, and that he would use his service therein. Which he did no sooner impart unto Mrses, but that presently he shrunk from it( himself to be any dealer in it) all that he could. So that there was much business with him before that he could be persuaded to meddle with it. So are we to note, first how God did now impart his purpose unto him: then, with what difficulty Moses at length yielded unto it. The purpose of God, which now it pleased him to impart unto Moses restend in two principal points: one, that now he meant their deliverance; the other, that he would do it by Moses. As Ibid, 7, 8. touching the former, first he telleth him, that he is not ignorant how ill they haue been dealt with there: then, that now he is come down to help them; and to bring them thence, into a special good Land to dwell in. As touching the latter, he first repeateth the former member to him again: and then telleth him, that he Ibid. 9, 10. resolved on him to do it. With what difficulty Moses at length yielded unto it, to the end that we may the better find, we are first to note, what business there was in the mean season: then, how he was in the end resolved. The business that was in the mean season, was that Moses alleged so many difficulties: and that the Lord was fain to satisfy him in every one. So are we to see, what are the difficulties that he allegeth: and how the Lord doth satisfy him in every of them. The difficulties that he allegeth, were, one of them, as touching the whole matter generally; others, as touching certain considerations thereof more specially. As touching the whole matter generally, his difficulty was, that himself was no such person, as was any way meet to such a purpose. So that how ready soever, in flesh& blood, he was before to haue taken vpon him the deliverance of the people, while he was in that ruff in the Court( which it seemeth, by killing that Egyptian; reproving Exod. 2, 11. 13. a wrong doer of his own people;& by the conceit that he had of himself, supposing his brethren would haue known, that by his hands God would deliver thē, he could Acts. 7. 25. haue been content, readily then to haue taken in hand:) yet now when he hath his calling indeed, and the forwardness of flesh and blood is abated in him, he is in spirit( whereby he better seeth and weigheth the burden of it) very unwilling to meddle with it. As touching which difficulty of his, the satisfaction that the Lord doth give him for that matter, is, that first he telleth him that nevertheless Exod. 3, 12 he must pluck up his heart to do it; and addeth this reason, that himself will be with him: then, the better to confirm him in it, he telleth him farther, that that his manner of appearing unto him may bee sufficient to resolve him in it; and that Tr●●●l. he should so assuredly deliver them thence, that he and the people should afterward worship him there, near to that mountain. Those others that touched certain considerations thereof more specially do some of them respect the credite of his message with the Children of Israel: others seem rathers to respect the dignity of it with Pharaoh the King. Those that respect the credit of his message with the children of Israel are two: one, of a defect that he conceiveth, that the message itself was not clee●ed off as yet; the other, that he doubteth would after arise of their incredulity. That which he conceiveth, the message itself was not cleared of yet, was, that God not having told him his name yet, as he conceived, when he should come to the children of Israel with that message from the God of their Fathers, if they should ask him what his name was, himself could not as yet tell them: so now he asketh what in such case he should say unto them. So, in this his unwillingness to be thus employed, he doth not content himself with the Ibid. 6. name that God in his own hearing, did give unto himself before, when he said he was the God of Abraham, Isaac, and jacob; not with that which Moses himself did attribute unto him immediately after, calling him the Lord: but now inquireth Ibid 7. of some other name of God that should be more peculiar and proper unto him, whereas indeed neither of these could be attributed to any other but only to him. Ibid, 13 So now must he haue, as the proverb is, A joint in a Rush: or otherwise, a Rush itself shall be no Rush with him now. God nevertheless in this also will yield unto him. For first, he doth satisfy his desire therein: and then informeth him farther, as touching the message he had to do. He satisfieth his desire therein, in that he giveth himself another name: and yet not so, but that he continueth the others withall. That other name which now he giveth unto himself, is in the Ibid. 14. Hebrew Eheje: as ever being of himself; and of whom all others haue their being for the time that they are. Those other names that he retaineth withall, are, The Lord; and that he is the God of Abraham, Isaac, and jacob: adding farther Ibid. 15. withall, that this should be his memorial, or, as we say, his style of Honour, for ever. A wonderful goodness, that to be the God of so silly men, should haue such a place in the honourable style of so glorious a God. As touching the message that he had to do, his information is, first as touching the children of Israell: then, as touching the King of Egypt. As touching the children of Israell, how he must deal with them: and what effect the same should take with them. His dealing with them must be this, first he must go and gather the Elders of the people Ibid. 16-18. together: then, he must tell them, that the God of their Fathers hath appeared unto him, and said, that he had good regard unto them, and to the sufferings they had in Egypt; and therefore, that now he would bring them forth thence, and give them a very good land of their own. The effect that this should take with them, was, that they should well accept of that message, and gladly receive it. As touching the King, he and the Elders of Israel must go together unto him, and tell Ibid. 18.& 5, 3 him, that now the God of their Fathers had appeared unto them, and commanded them to come forth a three dayes journey into the wilderness adjoining, and there to Sacrifice unto him; otherwise, that one way or other, they should be in danger to kindle his wrath against them: that therefore they desired him to vouchsafe them that favour, that with his good licence so they might. What effect this should take with him, the Lord himself before hand doth tell them: namely, that he would Ibid. 19-22. not let them go, till he should be by the strong hand of God upon him, compelled unto it; yet in the end God would make them so gracious, or give them such favour with the Egyptians, that at their departure, requesting whatsoever precious things of them they would, the Egyptians should so readily bestow the same upon them, that thereby they should haue with them( in a manner) even all the whole spoil of the Land of Egypt. That which he doubted, would after arise of their incredulity, was Ibid. 4. 1. that when in this sort he should come unto them, nevertheless they would not beleeue him: nor that the Lord had appeared unto him. A marvelous matter, that he should yet put so manifest doubt in this, when as the Lord himself a little before, in plain terms had otherwise told him: and that the Lord did so quietly put up, that he was so directly crossed by him. The satisfaction that the Lord doth give him in this, is very great; furnishing him with three great signs and wonderful works, to testify unto them, that his vocation therein was( without question) of God indeed: whereof he gave him present experience for a couple of them: and affured him of the like certainty for the third besides. Those two, whereof he Ibid, 2-8. gave him present experience, were, one of his staff, by casting it down presently to be turned into a Serpent, and by taking it up to be turned into his staff again: the other, by putting his hand into his bosom, to be taken out leprous; and then, putting it into his bosom again, and pulling it forth, to be as whole as it was before. That wherein he assured him of the like certainty, was, that if need should be, they not crediting the two former, then should he take up in the fight of them some water Ibid. 9. out of one of the Riuers, and poure it on the dry land, and it should be turned to blood. Those others that seem rather to respect the dignity of his message with Pharaoh the King, were other two: in the former of which, he nameth a special impediment in himself, whereby he is a great deal more unfit to bee sent of any message, then that he may become such an office unto a King, and from so great a majesty as his; in the other he doth not name any thing in particular, but seemeth to stick on that point still. That which in the former he doth specially name, is the impedement of his speech: a thing indeed, in the common iudgement of all, as unmeet Ibid, 10 for an ambassador to be employed from one Prince to another, especially, if the Princes be great, as lightly any other is taken to be. The satisfaction that in Ibid. 11-12. this God doth give him, is, that he knew well enough of his impediment, and could haue made him otherwise if he would, but that he would take him as he was,& himself would so be with him, as that he would sufficiently supply whatsoever want was in him thereby. A very good caveat unto us all, to take heed that we never be over curious in such Seruants of God as it pleaseth him at any time to sand unto us; as to reject them, or to be offended in them, for some special impediment that in them we find: when as that mighty King of egypt, must be content with stammering Moses; and that from the God of all glory, who of all others was able to haue sent much better furnished if himself so would. In the other he nameth nothing, but seemeth Ibid. 13. to rest on that still: and so beseecheth GOD to make choice of some other more meet for his purpose, and more beseeming the worthy Honour of him that sendeth. At which his tergiversation the Lord was now offended with him: and yet so beareth with his weakness therein, that he joineth Aaron his Brother in Commission Ibid. 14. 17. with him, Aaron being of ready utterance; but so, as that he must first direct him what he should say, and that Aaron should then deliver it. In which one example, those that are discontented with such alike thing now among us( namely, that when in so many places the needful maintenance of the ministry is so much withdrawn from it, that there is not sufficient remaining to maintain an able man in every of them, there bee now, by the more able sort of the ministry, certain Homilies or Sermons provided, by the meaner sort to bee to the people delivered) might find wherewithal to content themselves: that provision of ours, having, in this, so pregnant an example for it, as need to be; and so much more pregnant, as that GOD did not then need, to use the help of a couple, for the labour of one in that, so much as the Church now doth need it, in this. 4 Those that it pleased God to use in that business, were, as now we see; Moses, and Aaron his Brother, and so now to find what it was that passed betwixt them and those with whom they dealt, we are to see; first, how these addressed themselves to that business: then, what passed betwixt them and those others. Howe these addressed themselves to their business, is declared unto us, first of either of them a part by themselves: then, of them both together. A part by themselves; first, it is shewed how Moses addressed himself unto it: then, how the like was done by Aaron also. As touching Moses, being now in the wilderness, and having there( as it seemeth) his family with him, he would first return to his Father in Law: and then, set forward thence into egypt. So first addressing himself to go to his Father in Ibid. 18. 20. Law, and so taking his Wife and Children with him, two special things did befall him by the way: one, that now again the Lord( assuring him first, that all those were dead that before sought his death) gave him special warning, both to do all those signs that he had willed him to do( but yet that himself would Ibid. 19, 21, 23 harden his heart, that he would not let them go:) and at length to tell him, that Israel was his first born, and that for detaining of him, not suffering him to go to serve him, he would therefore destroy his first born also: the other, that the Lord was offended with Moses, for that his son was yet uncircumcised Ibid. 4●-●6. ( and so it may seem there was not that care of Religion in Moses, that he ought to haue had) especially when now he should go about this so special a service of God: and when he was thereupon circumcised, then was his wife so much offended with him, as that for that cause it seemeth he then left her behind him. In which Ibid. 27, 28 mean time, God had willed Aaron to go meet his Brother Moses in the wilderness; which Aaron also accordingly did: and so Moses and Aaron met together on the way; and Moses imparted the matter unto him that now they both were to go about. So coming first to the Children of Israell as they were directed, and now to mark what passed betwixt Moses and Aaron on the one side, and them on Ibid. 29-31 the other; first, they found them in very good tempet: but afterward out of temper clean. When Moses and Aaron came first unto them, and did their message, and confirmed the same with the signs appointed, both they believed; and, for those great favours of God, worshipped also. Out of temper they were, when Moses and Aaron having been with Pharaoh, and he imposing more labour vpon them, they made suite to haue the same remitted, but yet obtained no favour therein, and were besides worse entreated than before. For then, first lighting Ibid. 5, 20, 21 on Moses and Aaron, being in their way, with open mouth they cried out upon them: and, when afterward they came unto them again from the Lord, to assure Ibid. 6, 1-8. them of that which before was told them, and did now deliver the same more specially unto them, they nevertheless did not regard them, for the oppression and anguish that now they were in, by their grievous servitude now doubled upon them. And so it is the manner of us also, though at the first we be glad of deliverance offeted unto us: yet when persecution cometh withall, then to withdraw ourselves again, and to storm against those by whom our deliverance was so attempted. coming to Pharaoh the King, they haue a great deal more business with him: nevertheless they give him not over, but follow on him still, until in the end they haue obtained. But the business they haue with him is diuers: the King first becoming more grievous unto the people thereby; then, but framing himself to hang off from the obedience that is required. In both which we are to note, in what sort Moses and Aaron on the one side, and he on the other, prosecute the course that they haue in hand. In the former of these therefore, Moses and Aaron come unto him, and had as it were two encounters betwixt them. For first, they required, in the name of the Lord, the God of Israell, Ibid. 5, 1. that he would let the people go, to hold feast unto him in that wilderness that was near unto them. To which the King answered, that he knew no such Lord Ibid. 2. at whose command he should let Israel go: and therefore neither would he let them go. Then they told him, that their God, the God of the Hebrewes, had appeared unto them, and required, that they should go▪ three dayes journey into the wilderness, and Sacrifice unto him: and thereupon, did also beseech him, that he would give them leave so to do, least for neglecting the same, God did cast some punishment on them. Which when they had said, then did Pharaoh not only give an hard answer to them: but also took present order, for the farther straightening of all the people. His answer to them was, that the people were many; and therefore it was no wisdom to give them spare time from their labour: Ibid. 4. 5. that themselves did ill, to put such things into their heads; and therefore himself commanded them now, to return to their burdens again. In the order that he presently took for the further straightening of all the people, we are to consider what it was; and how immovable himself was to alter the same. To find out what it was, we are to note, what it was as it proceeded from him: then, what it was as it was executed on them. As it proceeded from him, the self same day he called for the overseers of the people, and first told them what he would haue them to do: then, he sheweth them, what was his meaning or purpose therein. That which he would haue them to do, was, that they should see to it, that Ibid. 6-8 there were no more Straw given to the people: and yet that no part of their wonted task of ●rick that they made, should, for it, be diminished unto them. His purpose and Ibid. 8, 9. meaning he shewed to be, because they would needs haue leave to go and sacrifice to their God, he would now haue those labours of theirs so increased vpon them; for that he perceived they were but idle, and this would be a good ready way to make them little to regard such vain toys. A notable pattern of the children of the world, whether Princes or others, first how loathe they are to let those that are under their charge, to haue any good convenient liberty or time to serve the Lord: then, how they account the service of God to be but as a needless thing, in comparison of their other meaner affairs; and to bee given thereunto, is but the fruit of a weak and an idle brain. himself goeth some-what farther, giuing( most wickedly) Ibid. 9. the very lye unto the manifest truth of God: accounting, that such as are Religious, do no more but pretend it, having no such meaning in them indeed, measuring others, belike, by themselves. And such are our worldlings too, in the inward secrecy of their hearts: but Pharaoh professed no regard of the lord, and therefore was so much the more open hearted therein; ours profess both the knowledge and fear of God, and therefore are loathe in such cases to say all that they think. As this his Commandement was forth-with executed on them, they were so pinched with the rigour of it, that the people of Israel were fain to disperse themselves over all the land of Egypt, to pluck up Stubble, where they could get it, Ibid. 10. 14. to serve their turn instead of Straw: and yet notwithstanding were punished besides, for that they wre not able to do. How immovable himself was to alter the same, is evident enough, in that when they came and complained thereof to the King, he sent them away as they came, charging them to be idle, and nothing at all Ibid. 15, 18. casing them in that unjust and grievous vexation they had. 5 When he did but frame himself to hang off from the obedience that was required, we are to see, first in what sort it was required by them: then, how it was denied by him. It was required by them, first but onely by one sign that they did before him: but then after by the smart of punishments cast vpon him and his. When it was done by that one sign, we are to note, first what was done by Moses and Aaron: then, what was done by the King himself. As touching Moses and Aaron we are also to note, first how Moses, being somewhat discouraged, by that farther vexation of the people, and by their clamorousnesse against him and his brother thereupon, doth now som-what stagger, till he be by the Lord again confirmed. So it shall not be amiss, to mark how he is again( as it were) renewed: then, how he doth proceed in his business. To find how he is again renewed, wee are to note, what it is whereon he complaineth: and how God doth satisfy him again. He complaineth first, that God, as it were, hath not done well to sand him about it, when as the people haue thereby since been in worse case for it; and yet himself Ibid. 5, 2●, 23 hath nothing at all delivered them yet: then, when again the Lord would sand him, that now again he objecteth that impediment in his speech;. and that Pharaoh thereupon Ibid. 7. 3. will nothing regard him. To the former of these God doth tell him, that nevertheless, now he shall see, that he will give them a mighty deliverance: and Ibid. 5: ●4. Ibid. 6. 1-7. then doth he more specially set forth the same above any work of might or power that yet he had done for their fathers before. For the latter of these, that he had Ibid. 7, 4-8. already appointed him to be as Pharaohs God, and Aaron to be his Interpreter: and so yet would haue him but acquaint Aaron withal, that he should say unto him; and that Aaron should deliver the same unto Pharaoh. Moses therefore being thus resolved, now both he and his brother do more readily take direction again of the Lord: and then proceed in their business itself. The direction that God gave Ibid. ●. 12. 7, 1, ●, 5-8, 11, 12 them, was the same still that he gave before, and onely repeated to them again: as, himself continuing the selfsame course that before he was in, how much so-euer they would now hang back from the s●me. Th●●● proceeding w 〈…〉 in the sign that they gave him: and in that did Pharaoh 〈…〉 the obedience that was required. In the sign that he gave him 〈…〉, first of this story itself: then, how it may and 〈…〉 f●●●y itself, the 〈◇〉 that they gave him 〈…〉 their message 〈◇〉 him as the Lord 〈…〉, and 〈…〉 reckoning Ibid. 7▪ 13. of it 〈…〉 did before, Aaron 〈◇〉 the 〈…〉 Moses; 〈…〉 in the sight of them all, and it was turned 〈…〉 Serpent. That Pharaoh 〈…〉 Ibid. 14-1●. stiffly hang off from the obedience that was required ●● plain 〈…〉 he sought ●●● Inchantors to do the like, so ●● obs 〈…〉 the glory of the Mi●●cle 〈◇〉 was wrought before him: then especially, when Aarons r●d devoured 〈…〉 so took back again( with a mighty hand) the glory to God; yet notwithstanding he remained disobedient still. That farther ●pplycation is, that where●● when the Romish magicians of these daies do see, that, for the 〈◇〉 against 〈◇〉, we bring both Scriptures and Fathers, they then, to the discredit of the Truth, 〈◇〉 to retain their followers still, do, after a sort, the like ●oo, and so harden the h●rt● of their followers still: but then, on the other side, ●● that Serpent of Moses devoured theirs, so those Scriptures and Fathers that are brought for the Truth, do quickly decipher and devour those that are pretended and forced against it. The punishments, cast vpon him and his, were many, but most of them, until he did dismiss them or let them go: and one after, when he would haue taken them back again. Those that were cast vpon him and his until he would dismiss them ●● let them go, were all done by the ministry of Moses and Aaron together ● but some of them chiefly by the hand of Aaron; the residue, chiefly by Moses alone. Concerning which, it shall be good, first to note somewhat out of this order that God observed: then, to come to the story of those punishments which by either of them was on the Egyptians inflicted. Out of this order that God observed, doing all those great works not only by Moses, but partly by Aaron also; and more specially using the hand of Aaron onely in certain of them, we haue a good caveat against that backewardnesse that we find in many, to undertake the service of God: especially when the same is of some dfficulty, and seemeth to bee overgreat a burden for us to bear. For in such case wee commonly shrink from it; or never lightly yield our obedience unto it, until we haue, to our own contentment some help adjoined. So was it with Moses in the business that now we haue in hand, as we saw before. God would haue used his ministry only therein: but he still hung off, till Aaron his elder Brother was put in Commission Exod. 7: 10. with him. Had he taken it upon him as the Lord did call him, there is no question, but that he should himself haue been sufficient enough unto the burden, because the Lord promised, himself to be with him, and he is not wont to lay more on any than himself doth give them strength to bear: and so should he also haue had the glory of it that God did mean him. But now hanging off so much as he did, so it came to pass, that not onely Aaron was now joined in Commission with him: but also that by his hands chiefly, diuers of those great works were performed. nevertheless when God had sufficiently s●●bbed Moses therein, and he withall did patiently take it, then did God afterward use the ministry of Moses especially in all the residue. 6 So coming to the story of those punishments that by their ministry were cast on the Egyptians, the first three of them were done by the hand of Aaron chiefly: the others by Moses. In those that were done chiefly by Aaron, it seemeth that God would vouchsafe unto Pharaoh a very strong call by those three plagues, that by his ministry especially he cast vpon him: the two former of them, in some things agreeing together; the last, in those things varying from both. Those things wherein they agreed, are two: one, that Pharaoh was warned of them, before they were cast vpon him; the other, that when they were so cast vpon him, then were they crossed by those Sorcerers. In that Pharaoh was 〈…〉 they were ca●● upon ●●●; the other, that when they 〈…〉. In that Pha●●●● 〈…〉 of GOD: 〈…〉 strongly, ●● that he 〈…〉 by 〈…〉 the 〈◇〉 before; and the 〈…〉 power there●●: I● that they 〈…〉 by 〈…〉 recompense unto 〈…〉 the truth of God obsc●●ed by them: But ●●, in 〈…〉; so i● some other they vntryed also: the one of 〈…〉; but the other, making him somewhat 〈…〉 so 〈◇〉 regarded, we are to note; first, what it was▪ 〈◇〉, how it was 〈…〉 regarded. It was, that for the space of seven dayes all the 〈◇〉 of egypt, 〈…〉 and standing, were ●● once turned into blood, 〈◇〉. ●▪ 1●-28. and all the F●sh therein 〈◇〉: a good ●inde of punishment, to put them in mind of that barbarous cruelty of theirs, in drowning so many Children of the Israelites in those their Riuers; turning so bloody now to themselves, whom they had made to bee so bloody in others before. That it was but little regarded, it shall be good to consider, not onely, that so it is said: but also, whereunto it is ascribed. It i● plainly s 〈…〉, that his heart was so hardened, that nevertheless he returned home: and 〈…〉 little before he made no reckoning of another great work done before him, ●● now did he make as little of this. It is ascribed unto the illusion ●●id. ●: 25. T 〈…〉. of those Sorcerers, for that they also turned some Water into blood: such belike, ●● they had taken out of some of those pits, that the egyptians were fain to dig, to supply their necessity in this want of their Riuers. But herein we are to consider farther, that he had faire odds in this also, if he had had the grace so to haue taken it. For it was but their inchantmentes on the one side wherein he builded; and those are ever known unto all, to bee but a base kind of work, eue● unto those that seek unto them, and to the workers thereof themselves: and on the other side, they every where had a very evident and strong declaration, that the other was a work of a mighty power indeed, when as the egyptians throughout the whole Land; were fain to dig them Ibid. 27. pits for Water, to preserve themselves and their Cattle alive. Hereby therefore it may appear, that we are so corrupt by Nature; that we attribute more oft-times to such base conceits as ourselves do know to bee but little worth: than unto those undoubted truths which ourselves do see to be of undoubted credite. In that other that made Pharaoh somewhat to stoop, wee are likewise to note; first, what it was: then, how far forth he stooped unto it. The plague itself, was Ibid. 8: 1-6 that strange and wonderful number of frogs that came out of their Riuers( so soon as Aaron had strooken one of them) which not onely covered the face of the Earth: but also annoyed all the people in the country, in their houses, and in all their Chambers, Vessels, and such like; and even in the kings palace likewise. How far forth Pharaoh stooped hereto, that we may the better find, wee are to note, that first for the time after a sort he yielded: but then, shortly after, turned on it again. He so far yielded, that calling for Moses and Aaron, he both desired them to pray for him, that this strange scourge might be taken from him; and Ibid. 8. promised them withall, that now he would let them go to sacrifice to the lord their God: and yet notwithstanding had those Sorcerers by their Incantations before the like in his presence. In his turning on it again we are to note, not onely Ibid. 7. that so he did: but also, that he did it against a special good help that he had to stand better unto it. As touching the former, the Text is plain, that after he Ibid. 15. was eased a while of that plague, he quickly turned unto his former bad Bias again. The help that he had to stand better unto it, was, most of all in the manner that was used in taking of this aforesaid plague from him: but partly, in a sensible experiment that was left behind it, showing how noisome a thing it was, when it was vpon them. The manner that was used in taking it from him, was, that Moses Ibid. 9-13. would needs haue Pharaoh himself to appoint the time, when he would haue him to pray unto God, to g●● the plague re 〈…〉; to the end that ●●e might know, there was no God like unto the Lord that God of 〈◇〉 and 〈…〉 appointed the next day, Mos●● ●●●st promised th 〈…〉 it accordingly. The sensible experiment 〈◇〉 was 〈…〉▪ and pl●●●●ly enough shewed, howe noisome ● thing it was when i● lay vpon them, 〈…〉 there was stick a multitude of them, that when now they 〈◇〉 d●●d, they were fain to gather them to certain heaps: and then were they so gr 〈…〉; Ibid. 14. that the whole Land was amnoyed with the 〈◇〉 of them. I● the 〈…〉 of those plagues, that it pleased God by the hands of Aaron, especially 〈…〉 vpon them, we are to consider of it; first, as it was inflicted on them: 〈…〉 Pharaoh was affencted at it. As it was inflicted ●● thē, it did ●● I said, something ●●●ry from both the others: and so are we to consider what it was i● itself;& wherein it varried from both the others. It was in self an exceeding great 〈…〉 Ibid. 1●. of Lice, vpon Man and Beast: then all the Dust of the Land being tur 〈…〉 that kind of filth. It varried from the other two, in two principal things▪ one, Ibid. 16. that now there was no warning before hand given unto Pharaoh of it; the other, that the Sorcerers were now to seek, not all of them able to 〈◇〉 bee 〈…〉 Ibid. 18. among them; and so, their best skill very plainly 〈◇〉 herein. Howe 〈◇〉 Ibid. 19. was affencted at it, we need not much doubt, he i●●uer so like to himself. For though now the Sorcerers themselves did plainly find, and so acknowledged ●● Pharaoh himself, that it was the hand of God: yet notwithstanding he would not yield, but remained as afore, disobedient still. In those that were done by the hands of Moses; especially, it seemeth that it pleased God to vouchsafe him two other special and mighty callings, much like after the same manner: in either of them first given him warning twice; then, bringing ● third vpon him without any warning. In the former of these two callings, and in the first of those plagues that by the ministry of Moses were cast vpon him, he did for a time some-what relent: but not in the others. In that wherein he did something relent, we 〈◇〉 to consider; first, of the plague that was cast vpon him: then, of his relenting themupon. In the plague that was cast vpon him, we are also to note, first, how he was admonished of it: then, how he was accordingly strike with it. That he might bee admonished of it, the Lord willed Moses to get up betime, and to go unto Pharaoh, and in his name to require him to let his people go: otherwise, that the Ibid. 8: ●0-24. next day he would sand in vpon him and vpon all the Land, an innumerable multitude of noisome and hurtful Creatures( the common translation calleth: them flies) so that all the Land should be filled with them, and the Earth itself corrupted by them: yet that in the land of Goshen, where his people dwelled, there should be none: that so he might the better see that he was the Lord. Which fore-warning taking little place with him, the next day was that plague brought in upon them. His relenting was, that now calling for Moses and Aaron, first he was content, that they should go& sacrifice to the Lord in that Land of egypt: but, when that was by Moses refused, then he yielded they should go and do it in the wilderness; but, by the intercession of Moses, being eased of those noisome Creatures, then would he not perform his grant unto them. The two others were; first, a Ibid. 9: 1-1●▪ great murrain of Beasts: then, strange and painful Biles and blains on Men and beasts, in neither of which we find, that he relented any thing at all: although that in the former of them, both he had a warning before, and afterward saw, that the Israelites again were not touched with it; and in the latter, that the Sorcerers themselves were not able to stand before Pharaoh, for those botches that themselves also had. In the latter of them the plagues were so strange and fearful, that in every of them he somewhat relented, less or more. In the former of those whereof he had warning before, which was of rain, hail, Thunder, and Lightning, in very strange and fearful manner, mingled together( insomuch, that the wise man saith, that those Creatures then, for certain of them, did forget their own Nature, or as we say, went clean out of kind) we are to note; first how earnestly Wis. 19: 17-20 he was moved to better advisement: then, how little pl●●● it took with him. he was earnestly admonished; first, for his person: then, for his Cattle 〈…〉 he had in the 〈◇〉. For his own person, that if he would not ●●●. 9: 13-1●. 〈◇〉 himself, yet the Lord would cast so fearful plagues vpon him, as should 〈…〉 even to the heart: and that he might haue destroyed him before, when by that ●●●ren he destroyed so many of their Cattle, but that the Lord reserved him to heavier judgements. For his Cattle and whatsoever else he hath in Ibid. 19. the ●●●●des, he is wa●●ed to get them in: and otherwise given to understand, that whatsoever should bee left in the field, whether Man or Beast, it would by that 〈◇〉 of hail be destroyed. How little place it took with him; we see most in himself: but partly, in diuers of his Seruants. In himself, that although he Ibid. 22-35. now saw his own Land, and the things that were thereon to be much destroyed; with that strange and grievous storm; and the Land of Goshen untouched therewith: yet went his repentance no farther, but onely to sand for Moses and Aaron, and when they were come, to aclowledge that God was just, and he and his people Sinners, desiring now, that they would pray for him, and promising they should tarry no longer; and so, when he was once eased of it, then was he the same that he was before. In diuers of his Seruants we see likewise, that although others of their Fellowes held on the same course with their master; yet they were so far Ibid. 20. 2●. touched with it, that they fetched in their Seruants and Cattle, to avoyde the evil that was threatened: and yet, neither was the word so directly sent to them, as to him; neither did it so much import them as it did him, by many degrees, In the l●●●er, which was by those Gr●shoppers that so overwhelmed the face of the earth, Ibid. 10: 1-20. and destroyed the most part of that which the storm had left them before, Pharaoh had a good& a strong call, not onely by Moses and Aaron, but also by many of his own Seruants and Subiects, who were earnestly in hand with him about the same also: and yet, when by their means Moses and Aaron were brought back unto him again, to haue some farther talk of the matter, both then he broke with them in a very small matter; and afterward, when himself was fain to seek unto them to be eased of that scourge also, though he promised faire if he might obtain it, yet when he had sped, he went from it again. Now therefore, without any warning before given unto Pharaoh, the Lord biddeth Moses to address himself to the Ibid. 10: 21-28 third of this call, which was a thick and palpable darkness for three daies together: yet only on the residue of the Land of Egypt, and nothing at all wheresoever the Israelites dwelled among them. Concerning which, we are first to see how far the same worketh with Pharaoh: then, to note some special things here in Moses besides. As touching Pharaoh, though he were so terrified with it, thet now he sendeth for Moses again about that matter: yet for a small trifle he breaketh with him now again also; and chargeth him besides, never to see his face any more. As touching Moses, they are two principal matters, that are to bee more specially noted in him: first, how little in one point he yielded to Pharaoh; then, how readily he joineth with him in another. That wherein he yeeldeth so little unto him, was in Pharaohs demand to leave their Cattle behind them: and that so, both themselves Ibid. 10-24. and their Children might now go forth and worship the Lord as they desired: whereunto Moses would not yield, so much as to leave one hoof behind them. Ibid. ●5, 26. A point of constancy that hath of late been wanting much, with many of the greater sort of ecclesiastical persons among us, when their just and needful livings haue been so deeply called in question: which if they had had, it could not haue been so ill which the estate of the Church among us as already it is, and like to be daily more and more. And as Moses was nothing the longer ovid in egypt, for that he would nothing yield herein: so it may bee that ours haue so much the more hastened the overthrow of themselves and others, as they haue been ready to yield, what profane covetousness would not stick to demand. That Ibid. 28, 29. other wherein so readily he joined with him, was, when he charged him to see his face no more: he presently telling him, that no more he would; and then by and Ibid. 11: 4-8. by after opening unto him how it should bee performed, but nothing at all to his contentment. Wherein Moses had a particular knowledge whereon he spoken; yet is there a general warrant for all true Ministers, if occasion be in such sort offered, then also to do the like: namely, if the great men of the world grow to that loathing of them, or unto that indignation against them, that they abandon them from their presence, then, to give them to understand, that soon they may haue their desire therein, but to their confusion withall. 7. How in the end it was effected, wee haue delivered unto us, first, in that which the Lord did in that matter on their behalf; then, in that which was by themselves acknowledged. That which the Lord did in that matter on their behalf, was, first to make the Egyptians themselves to let them go: then, to free them out of another danger of them, that himself did afterward bring them into. That whereby he made the Egyptians themselves willingly to let them go, was, that sudden death of all the first born of men,& of the first bread of their cattle, throughout the whole Land of Egypt, to come vpon them that night ensuing; but yet, that all the children of Israel should bee freed from it. Concerning which, wee are to note, first in what sort it was denounced unto him: then, how it was accordingly performed. In the denouncing of it unto him, wee are to note, that Moses doth so readily join with Pharaoh, not to see his face any more, as Pharaoh then, in menacing manner, had forbidden unto him, that thereby it appeareth there was some special cause whereupon he did it. So are we first to examine, whereupon it may seem that he did it: then having that groundwork, in what sort he did it. That, whereupon it may seem that he did it, and the groundwork he had unto it, was, as it seemeth, that God had now made him privy what he would do: which was, that now he would so very speedily, and in such sort sand them away, as that indeed it was not likely, that ever he should see his face again. For whereas it was now the fourteenth day of that month, when Pharaoh and Moses had this talk Ibid. 11: 4. betwixt them, and in such sort partend( for now he said unto him, that the next night following should this plague be cast vpon him) and it is plain by that which followeth, that God had made him privy unto it, before the tenth day of that present: hereby Ibid, 12: 3. it is likely, that of that foreknowledge of his, he was now so ready so to ioyn with him. So we haue something to note as touching this thing itself: then, somewhat beside, of another thing concurring with it. As touching the thing itself, it is to be marked, that although Moses himself had a particular knowledge thereof: yet he imparted not so much unto Pharaoh. That himself had a very particular knowledge of it, it appeareth in this, that he was directed to haue the people in such a readiness against that time, as that they had to make a quick dispatch that night even of their Supper. In that he did not impart the particulars of that his Ibid. 11. knowledge unto Pharaoh, but onely the effect or substance of it( which notwithstanding he then did deliver very plainly unto him) and used( that we red of) no special persuasion or entreating of him, in time to see to it: we are to note, that in many of the judgements of God that are towards us, it may very well be, that we also haue no more, but onely a plain denouncing of them, and no entreaty nor persuasion at all to avoid them; no, not of the best Seruants of God that are. That other thing that concurred withall, was, that the people were now also before hand directed, Ibid. 11: 1-3. to ask of the Egyptians whatsoever precious things they had that they liked; that so their long service not yet considered, might now at the length be somewhat better rewarded: and were assured withall, that they should readily obtain what they desired. In the performance of it, we are to note, first how God provideth for the safety of his own people: then, how he poureth forth his wrath on the others. In that which was done for the safety of his own people we are to consider, what was therein appointed for themselves: and what for their children. That which was appointed for themselves, was for their safety then: wherein, wee are to consider, what course was taken for the accomplishment of it; and how available it was unto them. The course that was taken for it, was, that now by this occasion he ordained and appointed unto them their other Sacrament, the paschal lamb: a figure of Christ, and sending us all, for all our safety, onely to him. Wherein Exo. 12: 1-28. we are more specially to note, that whereas it might bee of either kinds of their smaller Cattle, that is, either lamb or Kid( for the word, with them, signifieth both) yet needs must it be without blemish: and then to be used as was appointed. In that it must be without blemish, wee are given to understand, that it is only Ibid. 5. the most holy and mighty God, in whom there was any safety to be found; and that they could in no wise be holpen therein, by men nor angels: all men being sinners by nature; and God finding some imperfection in his Angels also. The use of it that was to them appointed, was first, but onely for the blood of it: but then, immediately after, for the lamb or Kid itself. The blood thereof, was to be sprinkled on the posts of the doors of all the Israelites, and they that were within, must Ibid. 7. be safe thereby. And true it is, that the blood of Iesus Christ being sprinkled in our hearts by faith in him, wee also are safe under that protection. The lamb or Kid itself, that is, the flesh thereof must be not so idly gazed vpon, or worshipped, but eaten: as we also must so feed on the flesh or man-hoode of our lamb Ibid. 4, 8. Iesus Christ. But herein are we more specially to consider, who they were that must eat thereof: and in what manner it must be eaten. As touching the parties we find, that both all are called unto it; and yet, that exceptions are taken to some. In that all are called unto it, and under pain to be rooted out or cut off from among Ibid. 47. Num. 9: 13. the people, it is plain thereby, that God will not haue the works of his wisdom at any time neglected by any of his( especially, not so special a work as this:) a thing that had need to be better regarded, of all our Recusants and Non-communicants; and of all godless persons besides. The exceptions that are taken, are, first of foreigners: then of the Israelites also. foreigners were not to bee at all Ibi. 43-45, 48 Numb. 9: 13. admitted unto it, till first they were circumcised and so become Israelites by profession with the rest. Neither do our Sacraments appertain unto any but only to those that are of the Faith, or profess themselves to bee Christians. When exception is taken to the Israelites themselves, as to some of them exception is taken: Num. 9. 6-12. so is there a remedy ministered unto them; and by that occasion, to others also. The exception that is taken, is unto those that are Legally unclean: a plain document to us also, that so long as we are in our uncleanness, not repenting us of our sin, or wonted corruption, in Religion or life, so long are we unmeet to come to the holy Communion. The remedy that is ministered unto them, and by that occasion to others also, is, that both those that were then unclean, and such as were in their journey, should both sorts of them( on pain aforesaid) take the selfsame day of the next month ensuing. A plain and fearful conviction to those that so long absent themselves from the holy Communion, whatsoever pretence it may bee they haue to their own contentment. As touching the manner of it, we are first to consider of the preparation that was to go before: then, of dispatching the thing itself. The preparation that was to go before was partly of that which was to be eaten: and partly of those that were to eat it. That which was to bee eaten, was chiefly the lamb or Kid that now we speak of: but partly also, the bread that was to be used with it. The lamb or Kid must not be sudden nor raw, but roasted with fire: and must bee whole, in no wise partend to several houses; nor so much as one Exod. 12: 8. 9 bone of him broken. And truly the lamb of our redemption, Iesus Christ, was roasted indeed, being made the object of Gods Iustice and wrath for us: but is in Ibid. 4-46. Numb. 9: 12. no wise to be divided, but to be eaten in one house onely, and others if they will to come unto him, and to make part of that household the Church, but he to be divided to none other. As also that we may the better see, that it was he that was thus prefigured, it is plainly noted, that not a bone of him also might be broken. The John 19: 36. bread that was to be used there-with, might not be such as was most commonly used Exodus. 12: 8. 15-20. with them, and to the most part of men the most toothsome, which was such as was leavened; but unleavened onely, such as the most part little used, not so acceptable to most mens taste, and yet the daintier bread of the two: and this must bee used all the week following. even as we also coming to feed on our Pascal Iesus Christ, or professing him should not abide in our wonted mediocrity of zeal towards God, and regard of our ways among men, though that stand best with most mens liking; ●t w● should press to bee very singular in them both, a far better course by many degrees: even all the whole time of our feasting here in Iesus Christ. In those that were to eat it, we find, that being to go a journey, they were to be accordingly provided. Their journey was, presently to depart from the land of Ibid. 31. 41. egypt, and to go( by the desert or wilderness of Arabia) unto the Land that God promised to give them: as we also in like sort are, vpon the eating of our paschal Iesus Christ, to depart from all evil, and( by the wilderness of this World) to hasten to our true Sanctification here, and to that most blessed estate which is already provided for us in the World to come. Their preparation was, most of it ho●e they should bee furnished: but part of it also, with what speed it should bee dispatched. The furniture also that to them was appointed, was most of it onely for their better dispatch of the way: but part of it not onely for it, but against the enemy too. That which was onely for their better dispatch in the way, was, that their Ibid. 11. loins must be girded; and their shoes on their feet: as we also are to take in ●●r affections unto the things of this world; and to address ourselves patiently to suffer, whatsoever cometh in the way of our calling. That which was not onely Ibid. 11. for it, but against the Enemy too, was, that they should haue their staues in their hands, whereby they might, both ease themselves so much the better in the way, and in some reasonable manner to bee able hold off the Enemy also: as we in like sort by the Scriptures may both ease and comfort ourselves, when we begin to faint or bee weary; and very well repulse the enemy also. The speed Ibid. 11. that was to be used herein, was, that they must dispatch that meal of theirs in hast; so to be ready forth-with to be gone, so soon as opportunity thereto should bee offered unto them: as wee also should ever make a quick dispatch of all our bodily necessities; that so we also might be in a readiness to all opportunities, for better matters, the best that wee can. The dispatching of the thing itself, or spending of it, was ordained to be such, that they might not haue such respect to themselves therein, as Flesh and blood is wont to usurp; whether to feed our own pleasures when wee come to the daintier meats: or in a kind of thriftinesse also to make store thereof. To prevent the former, there was order taken, that they should Ibid. 8. eat it with bitter or sour herbs: for the latter likewise, that they should leave Ibid. 10. nought till the morrow( but take in of their Neighbours to help to spend it, if their own Family were too little) so to prevent all miserable sparing in the worship of Ibid. 3, 4. God. How available he made the same unto them, may sufficiently appear, not Ibid. 13, 23. onely for that the lord so promised; and Moses accordingly delivered the same to the people: but also, for that the people are before-hand taught, so to aclowledge Ibid. 27. Ibid. 13: 1, 11-16. in the ages ensuing; and for that the Lord doth thereupon claim the first born and bread of the Children of Israel to bee his for ever after. That which was appointed for their Children, was, that those their Parents should teach them the mystery and meaning of it: as a matter of special moment; and every year, Exo. 12: 26, 27 13: 8-10 at the time appointed, to be observed. Wee also should teach our Children the mystery and meaning of our Sacraments, as matters of rare and singular moment, and never to be neglected by any: a course that in these daies were so much the more needful, at every where we find it too rife, that, for want thereof, notwithstanding that in our infancy( when we could not otherwise do) we all received the one, yet many of us do very much neglect, and others altogether refuse the other; a shrewd probability, that if baptism were to bee again received, those that make so light of the Communion now, would then make as light of baptism also. His own people being thus set in safety before, he presently thereupon so poured forth that wrath of his upon the egyptians, that there was not an house, wherein there was not one dead: insomuch that they presently got up; cried out amain; gave the Ibi. 12: 29-36 Children of Israell leave to depart; hasted them forward; and gave them whatsoever they asked, to be rid of them now. The danger that the Lord himself did afterward bring them into, was partly, while yet they were in egypt itself, but yet going out of it: and partly in the read Sea when they left the Land of egypt. While Ibid. 37. yet they were in it, whereas from Rameses where they were, they had a ready way betwixt two Seas( one, on their right hand, and another, on their left) lying East-ward from them, it pleased God, not to carry them that way, being the usual and readiest Ibid. 13: 17, 18 way, least if the people should be encountered with the philistines that dwelled in those partes, they might so be discouraged( a good example to haue regard to those that be weak: and a good warning withall to the Children of the World, that they do not rashly judge of the government that God useth oft-times among his people; as the egyptians and Pharaoh himself shortly after in this thing did:) but ●ed them clean down farther into the Land towards the South, along by that Sea side, that Ibid. 14: 3, 5. on the right hand came in vpon them, where they set forward, which now they altogether held on the left hand onely. In this their passage, it pleased God to vouchsafe them two special favours: one, that he gave them the same extraordinary guide, by that cloud and pillar of Fire; the other, that when they were closed up( as it Ibid. 13: 21, 22 were) in the jaws of death, having the read Sea before them, mighty rocks on the right hand and on the left, and their Enemies pursuing vpon them hard behind, Ibid. 14: 1-22. and so closing them up on every side, it pleased God now to open unto them miraculously a passage by Sea. Those in the read Sea, were two others likewise: one, Ibid. 23-25. that he so lingered the egyptians closets and Forces, that although they hasted after them to overtake them, yet they were never able to do it: the other, that in Ibid. 26-28. the end he quiter overthrew them there in the Sea. A comfortable pattern for these dayes also, that whereas that injurious usurpation of Rome, having of late under their bondage those that are the more reformed Churches now; and diuers there be that fear, seeing it doth so hotly pursue them still, it will one day get them under again: by this example( and by the course of Scripture besides) there is very good hope ministered unto us, that although they never so busily labour it still; yet notwithstanding they shall never haue their desire therein, no more then Pharaoh obtained in this. That which themselves acknowledged, was, that vpon this their deliverance, sorting themselves according to their sex ( Moses himself leading the Exo. 15: 1-21. Men; and Mary his Sister, the Women) they altogether, with Songs, Timbrels, and dances, gave thankes unto God for those his mercies. CHAP. 7. 1 IN what estate they afterward stood, to the end that wee may the better find, we are first to consider, to what a people now they are grown of whom wee speak: then, what hath been that their estate. They were now grown to such a people, that they are noted to be about six hundred thousand men, besides their Children: Exod. 12: 37. they also not being wont in such cases, to reckon their Women. So that parting those four hundred and thirty years which Exo. 21: 40, 41 Gal. 3: 17. are spoken of in diuers places of Scripture, into two equal partes, it is certain, that in the former of them, from the calling of Abraham, to the time that jacob came into egypt, the peculiar people of God were then( of lineal descent) but threescore and ten; whereas now, but so much time more( just as it seemeth) hath multiplied those to above six hundred thousand: the former also being no way hindered of their growth; but these very much oppressed, and whom their hard lords endeavoured( for a long time) clean to destroy. So the Bush indeed burned: but was not consumed. What that estate of theirs hath been, that we may the better find, we are to know, that long they were his peculiar and onely people( to speak of) in all the World: and for most of that time, even al that whole people generally; but that afterward he reserved unto him but part of them onely. While they were all his people generally, for a time he kept them here in this wilderness, joining on the read Sea, whereinto now he hath newly brought them: but afterward he gave them a Land to dwell in, and they accordingly did long enjoy it. In this wilderness they were but a while as their necessary occasions did require: but yet long by their own default. While they were there on necessary occasions, it pleased the Lord now that he had brought them thither, and had them onely under his government, otherwise to spend somewhat better than one year with them: but then, to led them on towards the Land he had promised before to give them. In that time that before he spent with them, somewhat better than one whole year, the effect of all seemeth to be this, that he was disposed to teach them( and us by them) a couple of lessons: one, in all their necessities to seek unto him, and there to rest; the other, to be an orderly people. The sooner of these he teacheth them, by bringing them into certain wants: and then, himself supplying the same unto them. Those wants or necessities of theirs wherein he would haue them so far to depend vpon him( so far as these Stories do led us to gather) were most of all as touching their sustenance: but partly the safety of their persons also against their enemies. As touching their sustenance, they came so provided out of egypt, for a good part of it yet, that the first thing they wanted, was wherewithal to cool their thirst: but afterwards they found want of both the main parts of needful sustenance, both what to eat, and what to drink. When first they wanted to cool their thirst, we are first to consider, of that Story itself: then, of another thereon depending. In that Story itself we are to consider, how the Lord proved them for the time: and how soon after he holp them again. His trial of them was, that now they Exo. 15: 22 25 were three dayes in the wilderness, and could find no Water; and then, at the length finding, it was so bitter that they could not drink of it. In the help that he gave them, wee are to consider, that they so murmured against the lords doing herein, that they did nothing at all deserve to be holpen: but yet nevertheless that he did help them( showing Moses how to make those waters meet to be drunken) notwithstanding that they so ill deserved the same. That other which depended Ibid 16. thereon, was, that hereupon( to strengthen their weakness, it seemeth) the lord did make a covenant with them, that if they would indeed bee careful to please him, they should ever find him a good and gracious God unto them. One Station or place there was where they pitched their Tentes, wherein wee do not red of any Ibid. 27. such business; but rather that they were daintily provided for( or at least had some taste thereof) even in that wilderness: but in both the next they quickly returned to their bent again: first for meate, then for Water. In that wherein they murmured for meate, we are to note how impatiently they did it: and yet, how graciously the Lord dealt with them therein. How impatiently they did it, it appeareth, in Ibid. 16: 1-3 that it is said to be the fault of the whole Congregation: and that they wished rather to haue dyed in egypt, then to be under such a government there. How graciously Ibid. 4▪ 36. notwithstanding the Lord dealt with them, appeareth likewise partly in that he doth not lay this their sin to their charge: and partly, in that he doth so readily relieve those their necessities. In that he doth not lay this their sin to their charge, needs must it bee a work of great mercy, both because the sin was foul in itself: and for that they had before so great experience of his power and goodness towards them. He did also relieve those their necessities so readily, that the selfsame evening he gave them abundance of quails for that time to satisfy their desire: and the next morning a new kind of sustenance that should continue with them all the while they were in the wilderness. In that he did so readily give them flesh to their desire, and that same so dainty, and such abundance of that kind, it did sufficiently show what he was able to do if he would: and so did leave unto them to gather, seeing they had so good experience of his goodness towards them besides, that in his whole government of them, he ever did that which in wisdom he knew to be meetest for them. Of the other wee are to consider, first according to the letter: then according to another more secret sense that lieth therein. According to the letter we are to note; first, that God provideth for their necessities: then, in what manner he doth it. In that he provideth for their necessities, here in this wilderness whether ●●● brought them: wee are to gather, th●●●● whatsoever wilderness, discomfortable, hard, or bare estate that he shall at any time bring us unto, in that also will he provide for us, and will in no wise fail us therein. The manner of it doth rest partly on such things as God would do; and partly in such as should be done by them. Those things that God would do therein, were all concerning the giuing of it: and first, that it was an extraordinary sustenance given from heaven: then, as touching the times wherein it was given, even every day, excepting the sabaoths. In that it was an extraordinary sustenance given from heaven, it sheweth, that if the earth should fail to give convenient help to the Children of God, the heauens should rather make supply, than they should want: or that, if ordinary means at any time fail, yet are not the extraordinary thereby excluded. In that he gave it every day, it is a good token to all, that every day is blessed to our relief: and a warning withall, that we need not be careful for to morrow, when we see that to morrow also is cared for by him. In that he gave none on the Sabbaoth, a plain token it is, how loathe he would be we should haue any thing to hinder us from those better exercises on the sabaoths: and if nny be so worldly minded, as otherwise to employ them to their own benefit, yet all things considered, or first and last being laid together, their labour therein doth not prosper, the Lord not being( as that day) disposed to give it. On their partes there were two things to be done: diligent gathering, the one; and orderly distributing the other. For their diligent gathering it was ordained, that all should gather: and so with us should none be idle, but every body employed, one way or other, in honest and godly labour. And though some of us be not( by infirmity, or age, too old, or too young) so able as others: yet such of us also should ever bee doing so well as we can; and never make that disability of ours in part, to be a protection of such idleness of ours in the whole. For their orderly distributing of it, it seemeth( as order also doth necessary in such cases require) that every company was to bring that which they gathered unto certain common heaps for the time: and then, that thence should every one haue his allowance given him, which was about our pottle a day for every one. So that although some could gather much more, and others nothing near unto it( as no doubt there were many of both sorts among them) yet must every one haue so much for his portion, though in gathering, he were not able to reach it: and none must haue more( to the hurt of any: for otherwise, the elder and younger sort among them, needing not their whole allowance, such as needed more might that way be easily holpen) though in their special strength and agility they had gathered never so much. So likewise for us if God haue blessed any of us so, that we haue gathered and gotten together the things of this world in greater abundance than others haue, we must take heed we think not, that we may haue all the same to us and ours: but that we are Gods Stewards therein to the use of others; and therefore, that so moderately wee take out what ourselves& ours do need, that others also may haue their full allowance with vs. Whereas notwithstanding it is the maner of the godless sort, to spend so largely on themselves and theirs, that thereby onely many are very much straitned. The needier sort are not indeed to take it as they list themselves, where it is, as many( it seemeth) are persuaded they may: but those that haue it should, as they are able, supply their want; or otherwise they make themselves answerable for whatsoever those others do need. For which cause, I mean, that they might be more willing so to distribute, it would not keep wholesome nor sound so much as from one day unto another: saving onely where Gods ordinance went withall, as for the sabbath, to be spent then; and for that which was reserved for posterity after to see. So the provision that God giveth us from year to year, hath but a time; and in that time is to be taken and spent: unless it please God to give some just occasion to keep it longer; and that the necessity of others do not call it forth sooner. That other more secret sense that lieth therein, is of that spiritual Manna, where-with it pleaseth him to feed all that bee his, in the wilderness of the world: and first what it is that God doth give; then, what is our duty therein. The Manna that to this end he giveth, is onely Iesus Christ and his word: and this Manna he giveth, chiefly on the sabaoths; but then also on the other festival dayes, and exempteth no time from it. Our duty also herein i●, partly in gathering: and partly in distributing of it. In gathering that we bee diligent and industrious therein: not omitting any holiday( so nere as we may) or other good opportunity thereunto; but especially providing that nothing hinder us, but that on the Lords sabaoths we wholly attend it. having diligently gathered this Manna, then that we do not keep it in, least so it corrupt; but that carefully we distribute the same as need requireth: those that haue any special charge to all such as are of their charge; and all others, one to another, by the link of Charity, or Neighbourly duty. In that wherein they murmured now for water again, we haue else-where occasion given to consider som-what further of this, and of some other Stories already mentioned a little before: and so are first to consider, of this onely, as it standeth here by itself; then as we are else-where occasioned, both of this and those others together. As it standeth by itself here, we are to consider, first of this their murmuring: then, how God notwithstanding did help them. Their murmuring is, that now they are all angry with Moses; Exod. 17: 1-4. and, as himself complaineth to God, even ready to ston him: as of his own mind, having brought them out thether( though the Text doth plainly say, that they came thither at the commandement of the Lord) to kill them, and their Children, and their Cattle with thirst. God notwithstanding, never chargeth them here, with Ibid, 5-7. this their sin( bearing with them belike, as not sufficiently instructed yet) but readily helpeth them in this need: giuing them plenty of water out of an hard and dry rock( as Christ also, as unlikely to see to, in the iudgement of flesh and blood, to such a purpose, as it unto this, being strucken by the hand of his Father, and by those that were thereunto ordained, hath yielded out, in most plentiful maner, the water of life to all believers) and that by the Ministry of Moses, with whom they were so offended now. As we are else-where occasioned to consider both of this and those others together, we may note, that the Apostle in such sort speaketh of the Cloud, and of the Sea, of their eating of Manna also, and of their drinking of this rock, as that out of the same we may gather two such things as in these our daies do need to be observed: one, that seeing the Apostle there speaketh but of two Sacraments( and yet in the course of speech that then he was in, it had been to his purpose to haue spoken of mo, if mo there had been) it appeareth thereby, that the Apostle knew no more of that reckoning; the other, that if those Fathers could feed on Christ so sufficiently then, so many hundred yeares before he was come in the flesh, or had a body, then is it not so absolutely needful, as the latter church of Rome doth urge it, to conceive such a bodily receiving of him as they obtrude al christendom over. As touching the safety of their persons against the enmity of others, by occasion that the Amalekites came forth against them in hostile manner, it pleased God so to deal in the overthrow of these their first enemies( since they came first out of egypt) as might be a perpetual document to them all, for ever after, how in such case to rely vpon him. So are we herein to consider, first how it pleased God to give this document to them all: then of some hold that was taken of it. In that course whereby it pleased God to give them this document to them all, we are likewise to bethink ourselves, first of this enmity of theirs against the Israelites: then, how they were dealt with for the same. In their enmity, first of their persons: then of their doings. As touching their persons, they were near of kin to this people, being descended of Eliphaz, the son of Esau, the Brother of jacob, ancestor Gen. 36: 1, 2, 10, 1●. to this people: but of Hada his wife, an Hethite, and so one of the Canaanites appointed to destruction. So we also, in the profession of Christ, must look to haue enemies, of those that in reason should be near friends unto vs. Their doings were, that vnprouoked they came forth to fight with them: and smote the hindmost Exod. 17: 8. Deu. 25: 17, 18 and feeble amongst them, when the army was faint and weary. How they were dealt with for the same, we haue set down unto us, both for that present time: and for a time long after to come. For that present, first what ordinary forces were opposed against them: then, what extraordinary course was taken besides. The ordinary forces that were opposed against them, were twelve thousand of them appointed Exod. 17: 9, 10 to the warres; josuah being the leader of them. In the extraordinary course that was taken besides, we are to see what is was: and how, joined with the other, it prevailed. It was but this, that Moses with the staff of God in his hand, together with Aaron his Brother, and Hur who married Mary his sister, Ibid. 9. would all three( Old men) go up to the top of the hill: and there would Moses hold up that staff of the Lords in his hand, as the lords standard, while josuah with his forces, should encounter with the enemy beneath. At which time it Ibid. 14. was perceived, that while Moses held up that standard of the Lord, Israel prevailed, and when Moses being old and weary, did sometimes( to ease himself) let it down, then the Amalekites prevailed. For remedy whereof, Aaron and Hur took a ston, and did set it under Moses for him to sit upon; and themselves stepped unto him, on either side one, and help up his hands till even: and so josuah continually prevailed against the Amalekites, and bare away the victory of them. In that which was done for a time long after to come, we are to note, what it was that in this case was done: and how it may bee farther derived. That which was Ibid. 14. in this case done, was, that now at this time God did determine, in time then to come, utterly to destroy that people from the face of the earth: and therefore willed him, both to set down the same in record; and besides to make josuah( who was to govern next unto Moses) a living witness of that resolution. It may bee well farther derived to all such like, that any time are grievous to the people of God: yet albeit God do spare them for the time, for causes best known to himself; yet do heavy judgements abide them, and in their time, will undoubtedly seize upon them. Though God gave this document to them all: yet red wee not of any, but only of Moses, that took hold of it. But he both glorifieth God for the same: and assureth all men, that heavy things abide them for it. He glorifieth God therein, in that thereupon he buildeth an Altar: and dedicateth it, by Ibid. 15. name, to The Lord[ the upholder or advancer] of his standard. He assureth al men that heavy things abide them for it, in that he doth so peremptorily deliver unto us, Ibid. 16. that seeing the Amalekites had thus bent themselves to overthrow the sceptre of the Lord( in opposing themselves against those his peculiar people:) therefore the Lord himself would haue mortal war with them for ever, from generation to generation. 2. To frame the Israelites themselves to be an orderly people, first he establisheth a better form of civil government among them, than as yet they had before: then, he giveth them certain most holy precepts besides. he establisheth a better form of civil government among them than they had before, by the aduise of jethro Moses his Father in law: who coming to see him and bringing Ibid. 18: 1-12 with him his wife and his sons, whom he had left behind him when he went into Egypt, and hearing now what great things the Lord had done for them, himself also glorified God, and there did offer Sacrifice unto him. So are wee now to note, first in what sort it pleased God to establish this government: then, some other things that are worth the marking withall. It pleased him to establish the same, first by a sound aduise thereof given by jethro: then, by a special readiness in Moses to follow the same. In the advice that jethro gave, we are to note, first vpon what occasion he did it: then, what was the aduise itself. The occasion was, that seeing Moses( to so little purpose) to busy himself in deciding the causes of the people, and howe the people also were fain so long to attend the Ibid. 13. deciding of them, all of them coming through his only hands, he perceived this to be a very simplo and troublesone course, and so thought good to admonish him of it. In giuing his aduise we may note, that to the end it might be the better received, first he maketh some way to that purpose: and then, bringeth in his aduise itself. The way that he maketh unto it, is to show how defective the other was that Moses used: and that doth he, first by admiration, wondering that ever he Ibid. 14-18. would so do( as well he might;) then, by showing the great inconvenience, and the impossibility of it. In bringing in his aduise itself; first he plainly sheweth what himself thinketh best: then, in good manner he referreth the same to the approbation of God himself. That which himself thinketh best, doth first respect the greatest and weightiest causes: then, other matters of meaner importance. The weightiest causes would he haue him to reserve to himself alone: but for those other Ibid. 19, 20. matters of means importance, those would he haue him to put off to others to bee Ibid. 21-23. decided; but those men would he haue to be well chosen to such a purpose. So that in them it is good more specially to consider, how many subordinate sorts he would haue of them: and what manner of men he would haue them to be. The subordinate sorts of them would he haue to be four: some, over thousands; others, over hundreds; others, over fifties; and others, over tens. In those qualities or virtues that he would wish them to haue, to whom this business should bee committed, wee may note great wisdom in him: having as it seemeth, regard first, to such good virtues as without which Men can never bee enabled well to deal in such causes at all; then, to one other, without the which, were they for a time never so good, they might soon bee quiter corrupted. Those good virtues, without which Men can never bee enabled well to deal in such causes at all, are, one of them general to sorts of al causes whatsoever: and two of them, it seemeth, more special, somewhat more specially respecting some sorts of causes. That which is general for all, is, that he would haue them to be men of courage: such as would not bee daunted, either with the high looks or vain terrors of the greater sort; nor yet with the difficulty of the business itself. Those which are more special, are two: one, fearing God; the other, given to deal truly, or( as the propriety of our speech is) uprightly indeed. By the former of which, both causes of Religion would thrive the better: and the Magistrate himself would be better preserved( how little soever sovereign authority did see unto him) from doing any ill. By the latter, matters of common equity and civil order should bee well dispatched to the comfort of the good, and weakening of the ill: and the Magistrates themselves should so bee found to govern indeed, as others would bee thought that they also do. That one without which, they would soon degenerate, or be corrupted, were they never so good before, is the hatred of covetousness: which one virtue, where it is indeed, doth readily stop all the wonted passages to misrule and wrong; and layeth open, a marvelous direct and ready way unto all good order and right. In that he doth refer the same to the approbation of God, wee are to note; first, that without question he doth it: but then withall, in what manner Ibid. 23. he doth it. In that he doth it, he doth it both dutifully, and wisely likewise: first, because God onely is wise, and knoweth best what is meetest for every one; then also, because it might be, that of purpose he would not( for the time) haue any special government among them( as Christ for a time would haue his Disciples to go forth Math. 10: ●. Luke 22: 35. without any provision, of such things as they were likely to need by the way) thereby the better to teach them, what he could do without means, and that they were still to depend on him, whether at any time it pleased him to use such ordinary means or not. In his manner of doing it, we may easily see, that that cometh in, but as it were by the way; and not as any main or principal part or point of his aduise: which very well might be a strain of Flesh and blood; and yet without question he might therein also haue a very good meaning. It might bee some strain of flesh and blood, for that it is the manner indeed of the natural Man( yea, and of the Children of God too, so far forth as at any time they are swayed by their own nature) to make no such special reckoning, in civil policy of Gods direction. Yet might he haue a good meaning in it, for that God, not being the God of confusion, but of order and orderly dealing in all things, he might make no question, but that God had already so far commended the same unto us by instinct of Nature, as that no Religion or duty doth since require, that we should doubt whether it be his pleasure or not, that we should haue order among us, until he be specially sought unto in it. In that special readiness that we find in Moses to follow the same, wee are also to note, not onely that he did it: but also in what manner he did it. That he did it, there is no question; the Text is plain: and it is the manner of all the godly-wise Ibid. 24-26. with good will to follow, in any of their ways, whatsoever better advice they find in any. As touching the manner, we do not find, that he enquired first of the Lord, whether he should do it or not. It may bee implyed; yea, and presumed too: but it is not specially noted. If he did it, then haue wee in him an example of special carefulness, even in the plainest matters that are, and such as apparently carry much greater good with them, yet to inquire of the Lord whether we should do them or not. If he did it not( which in such case might very well bee) then doth his example therein led us to this; that in such matters as God hath given by instinct of Nature, we are not to account ourselves void of his direction, except it be particularly touched in his written word. Those other things that are worth the marking withall, are of two sorts: some appertaining to all; one other, but onely to the learned. Those that appertain to all, are two: one, arising out of the whole generally; another, that doth more properly respect some special thing herein contained. That which ariseth out of the whole generally, is, that here at th●e time was found better direction in that Heathen Man; than in any of the people of God, or in Moses himself, that rare and special Seruant of God: a good warning to us, that wee despise none whatsoever they are; and that ever we keep with us that point of wisdom, in whomsoever it pleaseth God to offer any good unto us, not to neglect, much less to disdain, in such to take it. That which doth more properly respect some special thing therein contained, is, that here we may see, that in that Heathen Man there was more wisdom a great deal, to govern or set down good order in it, even for the people of God themselves, than at this time we find in all the people of God besides. What a pitiful thing was it, to see Moses, to so little purpose, from morning to night so to toil himself and the people of God, to decide such matters as fell out among them: or rather, what a wonder was it to consider, that as yet they had not espied, how cumbersome and defective that manner of proceeding was? But so do we see in these dayes also, by the platforms that haue been attempted by many, and yet are by some, that diuers of those that otherwise haue in the Church of God special good gifts, yet, in matters of church-government, do( in good truth) but puzzell about it. That one that appertaineth unto the learned, is, that diuers making Treatises of Religion and religious duties( such specially, as are somewhat out of temper, either by the former Romish leaven, or by the late humour of innovation) do find no place for the Magistracy or civil government, but onely in the end of those their Treatises: whereas God, to haue that people of his an orderly people; first, establisheth civil government among them; and then giveth his laws unto them. And true it is, both that civil government doth well prepare to some kind of obedience, against the time that the Law of God do come to require the same in more perfect manner; as the posting or squaring of Timber, and the scabling of ston goeth before any perfecter workmanship in either of them: and that whosoever they are that do not invre themselves to such inferior obedience first, they never lightly come to that more perfect obedience after. 3 When he is about to give them those other( and those most holy) precepts, we are to consider; first, how he dealeth with them before, about that matter: then, in what sort he dealeth with them in the thing itself. Concerning his dealing with them before about it, it shall bee good to note something of it generally first: then afterward, to consider of it more specially. Generally wee may note, that it was such, and so strange, and in such sort carried and prosecuted by GOD himself, that even by it onely wee may well perceive, that now, he was about some special matter: and so consequently, that those precepts( which wee commonly call the Ten Commandements) are of very special importance, and of wonderful great moment unto us; and very far unworthy to bee of so small and slender reckoning, as too too great experience teacheth, that with us they are. coming to consider more specially of it; first, he will haue a message from him done unto them: and see what answer they will give him: and then proceed farther with them, as occasion shall so be given him. In the message that first he will haue done unto them, we are to consider; first, what the message was: then, what time it was sent unto them. In the message that he will now haue done unto them, wee may note two principal points: one, respecting the time past; the other, the time that was to come. That which respected the time past, was, what he had done for them already, in that their great and mighty deliverance out of egypt: so the better to move them, to haue good regard to that which would be now expected of them. That which respected the time to come, hath two principal branches: one, what God would haue them to do unto him; the other, what recompense he would vouchsafe them for it. That which God would haue them to do unto him, was, well to mark what he now would haue them to do: and diligently to do the same. The recompense that he would vouchsafe them for it, is first set down( as it were) generally: then more specially. Generally, it was, that although all the Nations of the earth were is, yet they only should be his peculiar people: and so his chief treasure, or the most esteemed jewel of all the World unto him. More specially, that they should be unto him a kingdom of Priestes: and an holy Nation. The time wherein this message was done unto them, hath a double respect: one, as it is more precisely taken; another, as it is taken more at large. As it is more precisely taken, it sheweth some good reason, why Pentecost( one of their principal feasts) should be appointed so near that time, as shortly after this, it was: this time being Exod. 19: 1. the beginning or first day of the third month, since they came out of egypt; one month and a half, or seven and forty dayes now being spent already, since they did eat there paschal there. As it is taken more at large, it is noted to be four hundred and thirty yeares, since God had first taken these and their elders to be his people: a manifest token, and plain demonstration, that they were not the people of Ibid. 12: 40. acts 7: 6. Gal. 3: 17. God for their own righteousness or works( for as yet he never offered to set them a work, to speak of; not all the whole people generally, nor any of them but onely their first Ancestors in some particulars onely) but onely by the free mercy and goodness of God. Whereby we are also taught to gather, that the love of God towards us, whereby he maketh us his by adoption and grace, is not like the love of one friend or Neighbour towards another; it being in respect of some friendship or neighbourhood had already or hoped for: but like unto the love of Parentes towards their Children, before that ever they see how they will prove; but then loving them more, if afterward they prove to their liking. The answer that they Ibid. 8. gave hereunto, was very good: namely, that whatsoever the Lord should appoint them to do, that would they do. That farther proceeding with them that hereupon the Lord used, is some part of it to give them to understand what he will shortly do: and some part again, to signify unto them, what he would haue done in the mean season. That which he giveth them to understand he will shortly do, was, that he would come the third day thence, and, from the top of Sinas, in the sight Ibid. 11. and hearing of all the people, give unto them those precepts or laws of his, which he would haue them to observe and keep. That which he would had done among them in the mean season, was part of it to be done by themselves: and part of it, by Moses for them. That which was to be done by themselves, was, to be ready against that day, in such manner as becomed them to be: whereof in particular God himself prescribeth some things; and Moses one other. Those which God doth in Ibid. 9. 11. particular prescribe unto them, are, that in the mean season they sanctify themselves, and wash their clothes: the former of these directing them, in that mean time to stir up themselves to some special holinesse( the want whereof in us is one of the greatest causes, why all this while wee haue so little profited in the word of God;) the latter of them, to come then, even outwardly also, in the most decent manner they can. That other that Moses( but most likely by Gods appointment) delivereth unto them, was, that in the mean season they were not to come at their wives: a Ibid. 15. branch of the former of those that God before required of them; and such as implieth a very good reason, why though marriage be ever lawful and honourable too, Ibid. 10, 12, 13, 21. yet at some times it may be inhibited. That which Moses was to do for them, was to call vpon them for this sanctification: and to set them bounds howe far they should come. Which sanctification was the same that was of them to be performed. In the bounds that were to be set them, and in the strait charge that was given them withall, that they should not presume to break within them, wee may farther note, that as on the one side, we are of duty to go so far as the word doth led us; so is it very offensive to God, to presume or press any farther: and this so much the rather, for that it was required, not onely of the common or vulgar people; but even of the choice and chiefest of them. How he dealeth with them in Ibid. 22, 24. the thing itself, being now to bee seen, when the third day was come, wee are to note, howe the Lord dealt with them, not onely as it proceeded from the Lord towards them: but also, as afterward it found to work in them. As it proceeded from the Lord towards them, we are to make; first, what he did; then, what he said. That which he did, was in effect no more but this, that in fearful manner he appeared unto them: and we are therein to consider, both in what manner he appearen so fearfully unto them; and to what end the same may seem to bee done. The manner of it was, both to their sight: and to their hearing. To their sight, that Exod. 16: 16, 18, 19. Deut. 5: ●3. 23 25. H●. 12: 18-21. cloud and darkness, lightnings or flashes of fire, and the mountain burning and trembling exceedingly: to their hearing, a strong and fearful sound of the Trumpet and Thunders, and the most fearful voice of the Lord himself. The end whereunto these things were done, way seem to bee for two principal causes: whereof one is plain enough in itself; the other is not so easily perceived. That which is so plain in itself, is, thereby to humble them, that so they might the more fruitfully hear that which should bee delivered unto them. That which is not so easily perceived, is notwithstanding plainly implyed, and doth necessary follow: namely, that if the giuing of the Law at the first be so fearful, then will the sentence against vnbeleeuers( and much more the execution of it) be much more fearful, and full of deadly horror inevitable; and therefore to be in time regarded. 4 In the thing itself, that is, in giuing those precepts unto them, we may note, that in his own person first he dealeth with them: but that afterward, by occasion, he dealeth further with them most by Moses. In his own person while he dealeth with them; first, he useth a kind of preface or fore-speech: then, he giveth those precepts themselves. In his preface he giveth them to understand, that whereas he had now brought them out of the Land of egypt, out of the House of bondage, he Exod. ●0: 1, 2. by good right may command them; and they of duty ought to obey him: a plain conclusion to us also, in both those points, having bestowed a greater deliverance on us in Iesus Christ, than was that of theirs out of egypt. In those precepts or commandments themselves we may easily find, that in them we haue the effect of all Religion or duty whetsoeuer: and first, who it is, to whom we are to yield all duty: Ibid. 3. then, what duty it is we owe unto him. Concerning the former, they do plainly tell us, that wee must put by all Creatures in heaven or Earth; and all conceits or opinions of our own or others: and give over ourselves wholly to GOD alone. Concerning the latter, they deliver the same unto us; first, very briefly: then, more Ibid. at large. Briefly they set it down to be, to haue him to be our God: and to be our God, is to be all in all. More at large they divide this our duty, which originally is but one in itself, into two principal partes: whereof he taketh one to himself; the other, he assigneth over to our Neighbour, or to the society wherein wee live. That which he taketh to himself, is, that we love him with all the powers that are in Ibid. 4-6. us; unto which appertain the three next commandments; of which, the first of them doth teach us what kind of worship or service we must do unto him, as touching the effect and substance of it; the others do show us, in what manner it must bee performed. For the effect or substance of it, this commandment doth not onely show what it is: but also addeth a reason besides, wherefore wee should use that, and none other worship to him. It sheweth the effect or substance of it to be, Ibid. 4, 5. not to worship him as ourselves, or others think good: but onely, as himself in his Word hath appointed. In the reason that he addeth thereto, he sheweth his great Ibid. 5, 6. wrath towards them that otherwise worship; and his greater mercy to those that are careful so to worship,& not to add any other mixture unto it: terming also the one sort of them haters of him; and not allowing any but the others, either to love him, or to keep his commandments. As touching the manner, there be two special branches required: one, required by the third commandment; the other, by the fourth. Both which also do not onely require the duty itself: but likewise allege some reason for it. The duty that the third commandment requireth, Ibid. 7. is, that the worship or service we do unto God, be sincerely or truly done: without hypocrisy or dissimulation. The reason that he giveth therefore, is, for that the Lord will not hold him guiltless, that in his worship beareth any outward appearance, otherwise than in wardly he meaneth indeed. The duty that the fourth requireth, is, that it be zealously or fervently done: not coldly, or but of course. To which end it doth not onely require, that wee remember or haue a special care to Ibid. 8-11. keep holy the lords sabaoths: but also sheweth good reasons therefore. It requireth to keep the sabaoths holy, that so doing wee may come to such holiness and zeal, as whereby we may zealously do, whatsoever worship or service it is we do unto God: which otherwise we can never do. The reasons are, two of conveniency: another, of utility. Of conveniency, because wee haue the other six dayes to our other affairs; and therein to serve ourselves first: and because that God hath given us example therein; and, by mentioning the Creation of all things then, seemeth to point us to that duty, that we should take that time to enter into due consideration of those his works. Of utility it is, and beneficial to us if we can take it, that God hath left his blessing vpon it. That which he assigneth over unto our Neighbour, or to the society wherein we live, is, that we love him as ourselves; unto which appertain two principal duties: one, required by the fift commandment; the other, by all the rest ensuing. In the fift commandment, wee haue likewise not onely the duty that is required: but also a reason to move us thereto. The duty is, that we so reverence each other, as that thereby wee knit together in Ibid. 12. godly unity. The reason is, that so wee may long enjoy the good estate that God doth here bestow vpon vs. In the residue wee are to note, what is the duty that they require: and, how they would haue us qualified, that so we may the better do it. The duty that they require, is, that we carefully uphold the good estate of every Ibid. 13-16. one. First, as touching his life, or good estate generally: then, then more specially; first, as he is coupled with another, that we leave unto him his wedlock undefiled: then, as he standeth by himself, that we also leave unto him his substance vndiminished, and his good name unblemished. In that which teacheth us howe wee ought to be qualified to such a purpose, we are to consider; first, what qualification it is, that hereby we are taught to haue to such a purpose: then, of certain other Ibid. 17. accidents besides, that are found to haunt the Commandement itself. The qualification that hereby is required to such a purpose, is, that wee so content ourselves with our own estate for all earthly things, be it never so mean, that we never so much as in heart covet any better; that so we neither trouble nor prevent any other in his. Those other accidents that are found to haunt this commandment besides, are two; one, that it is generally more easily expounded; the other, that it is otherwise by some divided. In that it is generally more easily expounded, wee had need so much the more to take heed, that we be not therein deceived. In that it is by some divided, it is good to consider; first, that at no time such dividing of it could bee warranted: then▪ that in these daies it is not urged but onely upon a naughty meaning. That such dividing of it could never be warranted, we may easily gather, first by the sense of the commandment itself: then, by another recital of it. The sense of the commandment itself( being taken at least, as it ought to bee) is clearly but one: and then the commandment cannot be two. That other recital De●●. 5: 21. of it setting that which is the former member here, the latter there, and contrariwise, that which is the latter here, the former there( and these two members being those that should in their iudgement make two several commandments) ●o●▪ plainly bar them to be at any time so bold as to resolve, whether of them should be the ninth, and whether the tenth: a thing though not absolutely needful; yet in diuers good respects very convenient. That in these daies it is so urged, the reason is, for that themselves that so do, are maintainers of Images, and of godly honour to be given unto them: and for that cause ever lightly leave out the second commandment( as included in the first) because it is so much against them; and then, to make up the number again( for they are plainly said to bee ten) would gladly part the last into two. How naughty a meaning they haue therein, may sufficiently appear, not onely in this last commandment, Exod. 34: 28. Deut. 4: 13. 10: 4. that they do so mingle-mangle or rent in two: but also in that other, that so they do not so much include in the first, as they do plainly exclude it from all the whole company of them. For what is it that herein they do so strive for, but onely for the credite of their Images, and of the worship that they haue taught us to do unto them? A thing, that, put the case it were not forbidden in the word of God( as very often, and plainly it is) yet is there none of themselves that do say, that it is therein required: and then, of no such importance with them neither, but that without hurt it might bee omitted, but that their own credite might therein bee something touched, for maintaining it so inexorably as they haue; yet for this, must the last commandment be so mangled: and the second clean excluded. In mangling the last, what other place of Scripture haue they, or what one point of divinity is there, that thereby they think the more to commend unto us, or to make more plain in itself? What else is it, but that by tearing it asunder, they hope to get some Clout thereby to cover their nakedness in the other? In excluding the second, they do in plain sight a double wrong: one, specially respecting our youth: the other, the whole Church of GOD generally. The wrong that therein they do to our youth, is, that in these their principles of Religion they leave the gap so open unto them unto Idolatry, by taking that commandment away, ourselves being so proane thereunto, as by Nature we are generally. That which they do to the whole Church of God generally, is, in that they defraud it of a very notable and needful point of Doctrine, by including the second commandment in the first. For the first commandment is plain and pregnant enough in itself, that we are to haue none other Gods but him alone: and little needeth that Images should bee, to that end, so specially mentioned there, which all men( in a manner) do know( even those that most esteem of them) to bee no Gods, but onely representations, and means to derive the worship they mean to such as are represented by them. But an orderly kind of teaching it is, when first we are altogether directed to God alone; then also, to be taught, that we must worship him as himself hath appointed, and not with Images, fixions, conceits, or fancies of any brain of man, our own or others: a needful doctrine ever to stand in the Church of God; and the very true meaning of that Commandement. So that themselves must of necessity grant( on better advisement) that those commandments must be two: or else, that in one, GOD hath couched or laid together two such main or principal points of duty( and those very diuers) as he hath not done in any other of the commandments besides; but rather for our better understanding,( so to make it plainer to us) hath divided one point of duty( as in four of the last but one) into mo commandments. 5. When afterward, dealing farther with them, by occasion he doth it most by Moses, we are first to consider of the occasion of it: then, of that farther dealing of his with them. The occasion was, for that the people being affrighted with that fearful manner of giuing the Commandements, did now themselves desire, that God would no more speak unto them in that fearful voice of his, least they died, Exo. 20: 18-21 Deut. 5: 12-31 as not being able to bear it: but that he would deliver his mind unto Moses;& that themselves would be ready to do, whatsoever he by his direction, should deliver unto them. In this it pleased the lord not onely to grant their request unto them; but also to aclowledge, that therein he liked very well of them: wishing, that ever there were such a heart in them, to observe his laws: though( for the Deut. 5: 29. most part) they should not haue them delivered unto them by himself, but by some of his seruants, and such as themselves it may be oft-times, would little like off. And so may we assure ourselves, that if we be careful to observe and keep the commandements of God, and that by the direction of those that he sendeth unto us, he liketh well of such obedience,& ourselves may haue good comfort in it: but on the other side, if we profess an obedience to God himself and his word, and yet make little reckoning of those that it pleaseth him to sand us, though it may be we do of others, and would do of these two, but for some infirmity or want that in them we haue( or think at least that we haue) espied; yet neither do we please God, neither haue we any sufficient ground as yet, where-on we may hope well of ourselves. In that farther dealing that God had with them, we may note, that some part of it was, about this motion of theirs: the residue, about such other things as now he had to deliver unto them. About this motion of theirs no more but this, that now accordingly by Moses he dealeth with them; and so in fact confirmeth that order unto them: a good occasion for us to gather, first out of this place, how we may account the Lord will teach us; then, out of a warning of Christ himself, how wary notwithstanding we should be therein. The Lord, out of this place we may gather, hath now taken that order once for all, that now having condescended, at their request, to take that order by men to teach us: neither may wee ever look that he will teach us now by Angels or Saints, apparitions, dreams, or such like; neither may wee ever in the course of our ways, in such affairs as wee haue to do, neglect the direction that in them he reposeth for vs. The warning that Christ giveth us, is to take heed, that nevertheless we be not by men deceived: telling us withall, that we need not if we take any heed, for that by their works or fruits wee may easily know them; those works or fruits that there he speaketh of not being such as are required generally of all, as godliness of life, but such as are pro[er to them, as their Doctrine or teaching. As also it is not amiss to mark, that God hence-forward using the Ministry of Moses onely, is such a thing, as afterward we find in Christ likewise. For as God here first gave the ten commandments, which were the effect of all that should follow, and the Touch-stone whereby to try all other Doctrines whatsoever, onely by himself, and used the ministry of Moses in the rest: so Christ also came with the gospel, and having delivered the same to the world once in his own person, doth ever after use the Ministry of others therein. Both which leave this lesson to us: ever to esteem( as we ought to do) of those that are sent; and yet withall still to haue an eye to the pattern itself. About those things that God had now to deliver unto them, it is to be noted, that God called up Moses unto him twice, farther to inform him in particular about such matters as yet he had to deliver unto him, though in effect he had set down all, in the commandments given before: and those were, first how the people should live together one towards another, or otherwise how their transgressions were to be punished, and are therefore called the Iud●cials; then, of certain principal matters appertaining to the outward worship of God, and so are part of those that are ceremonial. In which it shall bee to good purpose, that we first note some-what in this order of their delivery: then, that wee do more specially consider of those things themselves. In this order of their delivery, no more but this, that seeing God doth first take order for their good carriage one towards another, before he take order for his own external worship, it may be to teach us to gather, that he needing our worshipping so little as he doth, accounteth it a matter of greater price with him, carefully to nourish love and good dealing, among ourselves. In the former sort of those things themselves, we find, that Moses both acquainteth the people with those laws; and got them withall( it Exo. 24: 12. may be partly, so the rather to establish, now at this his first dealing with them, since themselves desired that so it might be, the authority of his Ministry among them) actually to enter into a covenant to observe the same: and it may seem, that the giuing of these two Tables of the Ten-commandements, which soon after were given, were to be a testification on Gods part, that he also made that covenant with them; both because it is called the ark of Testimony, and because that here( immediately after the covenant is on their part made) God told Moses, that coming Exod. 25: 22. 24: 12. up unto him, he would deliver him those two Tables. 6. In the latter sort of those things themselves, we haue but certain of those that are ceremonial spoken of here: but by occasion of these, it shall be good, after that we haue spoken of the chief of these, then to consider somewhat summarily of the chief of the others also. As touching the chief of these, namely the Sanctuary, and such things as thereunto appertained, we are to note, that as he was delivering his mind unto Moses for those matters, for a time his proceeding with them therein was broken-off: but that then he went forward with it again. until the time it was broken off we are to consider, first what was done in the mean season: then, of that breaking-off that ensued. That which was done in the mean season, was, that he took order, first how the matter whereof it should bee made, was to be gotten; then, in what manner it should be framed, both it and the things there-unto appertaining. To get in the manner whereof it should be made, the Ibid. 12-17. and 25: 1 8. Lord called up Moses again, and willed him to speak to the people to bring him in a free-will offering, such as themselves could give of their own accord; and the same to be of such things as should be needful for the work, whereof some were of the richest things they had, and others again almost of the meanest; that so all sorts might give as they were able, or as their own hearts could afford. In what manner it should be framed, both it and the things thereunto appertaining, first he sheweth generally: then, more specially. Generally, according as he should show him: even so to make the Tabernacle itself, and all things else thereunto appertaining. Ibid. 9. When he declareth the same more specially, the most of his speech is altogether of those things themselves: but part of it also of some others thereon depending, or belonging unto them. In that part of his speech that is altogether of those things themselves, it seemeth by diuers of them, that Moses did not deliver them altogether in that same order, in which he received them of God; but as his own memory did serve him: yet that he did it most faithfully notwithstanding; and left out nothing in the end, nor added any thing of his own thereunto. And, it may bee, that of purpose he left it to Moses so to do, to be some protection unto his seruants, if at any time they or any of them shal by infirmity omit some things in their pro[er places, or not observe so perfect an order in their discourses, as some others do and commonly is expected they should. Sure it is, he doth not approve any confusion, nor alloweth of such as in his matters presumptuously deal beyond their skill, or with profane negligence or rashness, do audaciously dull the ears of their hearers, with those disorderly and very fruitless discourses of theirs; to no small discredit of the place they haue taken; yea,& of the matter too that they haue in hand. But yet in this kind, as in many other things besides of special moment, no doubt he yeeldeth very special favour and gracious censure, to all those that he hath called thereto, and do unfeignedly seek him indeed, though otherwise in profound or orderly proceeding, they be no way comparable to many others. But as touching those matters themselves, first he giveth order for the place: then, for some things to be done therein. under the place we are to comprehend, not onely the site& outward frame or form of it; but withall, such principal things as were therein; as God himself also beginneth with them, and then doth come to the out-warde building: and so are we first to begin with the Tabernacle itself; then, to come the Court thereunto appertaining. As touching the Tabernacle itself, and first, such principal things as should be within it, we are directed first to begin with that which should be in the in-most place or that which he called thc Most-holy: then, to come to those others that should be in the out-most, called the holy, or the Tabernacle of the Congregation. That which should be in the in-most was the ark, which he would haue to be a plain Chest of Sittim, a kind of good and Ex. 25: 10-16. durable wood, of the quantity of two cubits and an half( or an Ell) long, one cubit and an half broad, and one cubit and an half in depth or height, all ouer-laid, without and within, with beaten Gold: with two rings of gold on each side at the ends, and bars of the same durable wood, covered over with gold( whereby to bear it) put through the rings, on each side one; and so to continue ever to be ready for the carriage of it: which Chest he ordained for those two Tables of st●●e, wherein the Ten-Commandements were to be written: and so he gave charge to Moses now, afterward to put them into it. A lid also would he haue thereunto, Ibid 17-22. but loose; of length and breadth meet for the chest itself, but all of beaten Gold: with two Cherubes, that is to say, Images of men( of the same) reared up at the ends thereof, at each end one, looking down towards the midst, and one towards another; with wings also, and so eatended one towards another, that meeting in the midst, they do as it were cover the lid betwixt them. From which place betwixt their wings( called thereon the Mercie-seat and Oracle) he also promiseth to speak unto them, and to give them answer as need should require. Of those others that should be in the out-most place, two of them are remembered here: and one of them a good while after. Those two that are remembered heer, are the Table of showbread: and the great standing lamp or candy stick. The Table would Ibid. 23-30. he haue to be of the same timberwork within, but ouer-laide with beaten gold; and but two cubits in length, one in breadth, and one and an half in height. This Table he would haue to be with a border beneath, to keep it steady on the frame, and with a crown above for ornaments sake: with rings also and bars, as in the other, for the more convenient carriage of it. The great standing Lamp or candlestick Ibid. 31. would he haue of beaten gold, to the quantity of one talent( with some things thereunto appertaining:) to spread forth in three several branches on eithet side, and so to be seven in all, fairly wrought, and a lamp on the top of every one. That which is remembered a good while after, is the Altar of Sweet Perfume, which was to be two cubits high, and one cubit square: of timberwork within( as the Tabernacle before) but both it, and the horns, and the bars to be ouerlaide with beaten gold. with a crown or border of gold round about it; and to be placed in the midst next to the vail of the in-most place, and so, nearer unto it than either of the other before. As touching the Tabernacle itself, first he beginneth Exo. 30: 1-6. with the coverings thereof above: and then cometh to the frame itself beneath. The Coueringes were one of them onely for beauty: and the others for necessity. That which should bee for beauty, he would haue to be of fine linen twisted, and to be faire wrought with Cherubims of embroidered work of silk, Blew, Purple, and Scarlet: which should bee of that number and Exod. 26: 1-6. measure( ten in all; and every one of them two yards broad, and fourteen long) that being fastened one to another( first by fiues, then those two fiues joined together by blew silk Laces and Taches of gold) and cast cross over the frame, should cover it clean over, and hang down towards the earth about half the way round about, though some be of opinion, that at the East end, and on both the sides it should hang much lower. Those that were for necessity, were, as it seemeth, all the rest; namely, to bear off the weather: whereof one of them onely is described of what proportion or quantity it should be; and the others, but onely required. That which is described of what proportion or quantity it should be, is the Ibid. 7-13. next or second: which should be eleven( five of them being coupled together for one parcel, and six for another, and then both those joined together in one, but these but with taches of brass) and thirty cubits long; so to hang down lower then the other by one cubit or half a yard, round about. That this must bee of Goats hair, belike it was to avoyde the freting and straining of the in-most that other-wise might easily haue been by either of the other that were above it. Those Ibid. 14. others that are but onely required, and not described, were two: one, of rams skins coloured read, the other, of the skins of Taxes or Badgers. But these by likelihood should observe the proportion of the latter: and so cover the Tabernacle round about within two yards of the earth, though some conceive them to come nearer to the ground on the West end, and both the sides. The frame Ex. 26: 15-25. beneath( the strength of the whole) was to bee erected of certain planks made fast together, and so to be as it were the walls of the house. Concerning which we are to consider, first of the frame itself: then, of the parting, and closing of it. The frame itself consisted of eight and forty planks of that aforesaid good and joseph. durable wood, all of them of the length of ten eubits, and about four inches thick; and all, but two, of one breadth also, every of them being one cubit and an half broad. Of two of them there is some question for the form and breadth of Lyra. them, some of them accounting these to be a great deal narrower than the other: and the Text itself doth in deed set them down by themselves, as to close up Ibid. 24. 23. the Corners on the West; yet not to be differing from the other in measure. But the odds is no more but this, that if they bee not of much less measure than the others, the frame itself cannot be but some-what more than the third part of it in breadth, to that which it is all in length, which is the proportion which they do conceive that it should hold: whereas on the other side, if they were all of one measure and form, then would it fall out, to be six yards broad, for fifteen in length, whereas they would haue it but five. How be it, besides that the Text setteth down no other measure for them, than for the other, it doth plainly appoint as many sockets to them as to the other: which would not keep so good proportion. For so those two borods, which according to their opinion should be but half a cubit and four inches broad, which according to our reckoning, were but one foot and an inch( and so but onely one third of the others) should haue two Tenons on them, and two Sockets thereunto appertaining, as well as the others which were seven and twenty inches broad, or( as we reckon) one yard and three inches: an unequal proportion. But for any thing that I see to the contrary, those two boards or planks that are severally mentioned in the Text, and thereby allotted unto the corners, may very well be of another form, than any that yet I see haue conceived: both by the nature of the work; and by the words of the Text itself in the original. That other form is, that either of them should be a right Angle; altogether of the same measure with the others: but one half of it plying to the end, and the other to the side of the whole frame. And each of these might be either an entire piece of itself, hewn out of purpose to that use: or made of two sides well fastened together. With the nature of the work I conceive it may well stand, because so it would be( as I do take it) much better to the strengthening of the whole( and that, in the Text, is much respected) than if they were two several parcels. If we come to the words of the Text itself in the original, there be two principal words that present themselves most to our consideration, and do both seem to import the sense that I speak of. myself haue little skill therein: but it may suffice to this purpose, if I can so express my meaning, as that I may propound it to others that are better furnished, that they may consider more fully of it. The former of those words is Tomim, which with us is interpnted joined; signifying that they were to be joined together: and yet not speaking of joining these two corner boards that there are spoken of; but of joining each of themselves together in one, above and beneath, or to make them fast together throughout. Which may seem to import that which we speak of: at least, that way they are best joined together to the strengthening of those parts of the Tabernacle whereunto themselves were to be joined; the one, at the one corner, the other at the other. But now the propriety of the word, as Santes Pagninus In Epis. Thes●●. ling. sanct. doth interpret it, proceedeth farther; namely, to signify, that these two boards should be Twins; not each to other, but in themselves. And thereunto accord Ari. mount. Trem.& jun. our best interpretations since likewise; which being granted, it is plain in itself, that they can be as twins, in no other sense, so well as in this. The other word is, that which is interpnted a Ring: and that is so interpnted not only by our usual translations and those of the best; but also by the Hebritians themselves that before I name. How be it Santes Pagninus openeth the way to a better interpretation as I do take it, if he be well marked. For first setting down the root whence that word cometh, Tabagh, among other significations thereof, he sheweth that one of them is to Fasten or make steady: and then coming to this derivation of it, which we so commonly interpret to be a Ring, which is Tabaath, as he granteth that it is used for a Ring; so he addeth withall, Quod digito infigatur sic appellatus: that is, therefore so called, for that it is fastened unto the finger. So it appeareth thereby, that the substance( as it were) of the sense that belongeth to this, is to Fasten or to be Fastened: and that a Ring hath no place here, but onely so far as it might fasten. But that we see plainly, may the more firmly be done by the other: and therefore that other( as I do take it) may seem the rather thereby to bee meant. Whereunto we may add, that, where as these Corner-boordes also were to haue two sockets a piece as well as the others( which with any good proportion they could not haue if they were so narrow as others would make them) in this sense that now wee speak of, each return of each board having one, they answer with the other as fitly as may bee. But by this means the Tabernacle would be three parts of a foot, or which is all one, nine Inches longer than just fifteen yards, and even so much broader than five: but neither is there any thing that I do find in the word against; and the curtains or Coueringes( even the least of them all) are large enough, in comely maner, and proportionably to cover the same, and the utmost of them sufficient withall, by their sidenesse to stay both themselves and the in most from the force of all weather. All which boards or planks were appointed to haue at their neather end both Tenons and Sockets, of each sort two: and their Sockets are by others( and that with good probability) conceived to haue been sharp beneath, so to stick fast in the ground. But whereas those planks were all to be ouer-laide with beaten Gold, all over, and so might seem to bee all of gold, all their Sockets were but of silver: a base Mettall; yet so much the more suitable to be thrust so far into the earth, as should be needful to take some reasonable good hold, as to such a frame should be needful. Besides which their fastening into the earth, they had other helps also of strengthening the whole frame together: some, set down in the Text itself; others conceived. Such as are set down in the Text itself, are those Bars and Rings that there are spoken of: whose manner of placing is notwithstanding otherwise conceived, than the Text may seem to describe it. For by the Text it is clear, that the Bars Ibid. 26-30. must bee five, of Timber work also, but over laid with beaten Gold: and that there should be Rings of Gold in the boards, conveniently placed for those Bars to pass through; so to hold the whole the better together. And so it might seem thereby, that those bars should bee some-what better than fifteen shepherds long, and about one foot, so many of them as were for the sides, which were ten; and the rest five and about one foot, which were for the end: and that one of them should go through the heart of all those planks, edge-long, and in the midst of them, by holes that were made through them for that purpose; and that the other four should go through but by the Rings on the out-sides only, two of them above the midmost of them, and two beneath, in convenient and equal distance. But now others conceive, that onely one of the five on every side, was so long as to go Rab. Sal. Lyr Tremel. Iunius. through the whole, and that it went not through the heart of them neither, but only by the Rings without: as also that the others were but of half the length of the former, and that meeting together in the midst, and the one being let into the other, two of them made as it were but one, and so seemed to be but only one above, another beneath, and three in all. Those other helps which are conceived, which the Text doth not so plainly set down( and yet some do seem thereon to gather it) were as it were certain Staples above( others call them also Rings) of gold to be let into the boards or planks at the top, by certain holes or mortases to that end provided: so that one foot of the Staple should be let into one board towards the edge of it, and the other into that which was next unto him; so the better to keep them all fast at the top together. And so this frame being thus set up, was at the East end altogether open as yet, and so all the top: but other-wise close every whit of it, within and without, bars and all, all of beaten Gold to see too, saving onely that rue of Sockets or bases which were beneath, which also was very sayre and sightly, and yet those but of silver. As touching the parting and closing of it, it was divided into two principal parts, leaving ten cubits of it unto the West, and the rest unto the East: of which two the greater was called the Tabernacle of the Congregation or the Holy, and the lesser the most holy place. And the division hereof Ibid. 31-35. was made, not by such planks as whereof the Tabernacle was reared, but onely by a faire and rich hanging, hung on four pillars of Timber, covered with gold, and standing on four sockets or bases of silver, for that onely purpose ordained. Closed up in like manner it was not by planks as the residue of it, but onely by a faire hanging Ibid 36, 37. hung on five pillars covered with Gold as afore, but these having their sockets but onely of brass. As touching the Court wherein it stood, it was an hundred cubits long, and fifty broad: so that the Sanctuary being reared up towards the East Exod. 27▪ 9-15 end of it, might leave about two parts of the breadth of it, or twenty cubits space betwixt it and the far end, and both the sides; and the whole East half of the court to the service and business that was there to be done. But whereas it could be but fifty cubits square that was so left, and had some things besides to be placed therein, thereby it may seem, that God did not mean that little room to the whole Congregation, neither did look that it would bee much frequented by them. It was Ibid. taken in by twenty pillars at a-side, and ten at an end: and hung about with twisted linen, five cubits high, on those pillars aforesaid; saving onely at the East end where the entrance was, for twenty cubits space in the midst, which was to be supplied with a fairer and richer hanging than it, on four of the middlemost pillars. Where again it is good to mark( and that so much the rather, because I do not find it noted by any other) that whereas it is so plainly set down, of what length the hangings must be( namely, one hundred cubits on each side, fifty at one end, and thirty at the other, besides that supply of the richer hanging making out the length of the other) it doth Ibid. 16. seem to show us, that the number of the pillars is to be taken not to the full number that may seem to be there required, but to want four of them: yet ever leaving twenty at each side, and ten at each end; accounting every corner pillar both one of those that are for the side, and one of those that are for the end. For so will those hangings Ibid. 18. be fit: which otherwise would be very short if four pillars more were in like distance placed therein, whether in the sides, or at the ends, or howsoever. All which pillars were to be of timberwork, of that good and durable wood, whereof the Ibid. 17. other things also were made: all of the measure of five cubits in height; and both furnished with brazen sockets or bases beneath, and adorned or beautified with silver hooks and fillets above. The hangings also that were hung thereon, were of the breadth of five cubits, of twisted linen: and as some are of opinion, in workmanship L●ra out of 〈…〉, w●●●h Tremel. and Iu●. by making those ●●petes to bee ocel●atos, may seem to confirm; though adding ●●●tura tantum, themselves yet seem not to bee so minded. so voided withall, and so like to Net-worke therein, that the people might at their pleasure without, behold what was done within. The principal things that were in this Court( besides the Sanctuary itself) were two: the Altar, and laver. The Altar hath his measure and making set down, as that it should bee of timberwork likewise, of the same good and durable wood of Sittim, five Cubits in breadth and length, and three high, hollow within, Exo. 27: 1-8 Ex. 30: 17-21. and horns ar every corner of it: but all covered with brass. Within it also should it haue a grace of Networke all of brass whereby the ashes might fall down as need should be, and not choke the fire: and all the instruments thereunto appertaining of brass likewise; but the bars whereby to bear it to be no more but covered with it, and not to bee all of the mettall itself. The laver hath not his measure nor making set down, but to be all of brass, both the head and base thereof: and that the brazen altar being first placed in conuement distance before the Sanctuary, then should this laver be likewise placed behind the Altar, betwixt it and the Sanctuary; and that Aaron and his sons for the time being( and such others as should succeed them in the Priest-hood) should there wash( and yet, as it seemeth, when they had already offered their sacrifice before, so precisely woule God haue us to aclowledge our great uncleanness before him, even when wee haue most devoutly worshipped) both hands and feet, before they should enter into the sanctuary, on pain of death. As touching those things that heer he mentioneth that he would haue done therein; first we are to consider, of those by whom he would haue them done: then, of the things that should bee done by them. In those by whom he would haue them done; first, who they should be: then, how they should bee thereunto appointed. They should be Aaron and his four sons( so far as yet it pleaseth him to make Exod. 28: 1. mention of any: and those that were afterward called besides, he would haue to be inferior to these) Nadab and Abihn, and Eleazar, and Ithamar: for these it pleased him to will Moses to call unto him for this purpose; namely, to serve him in the Priest-hood. How they should bee thereunto appointed, that wee may the better perceive, we are to consider: first, what their furniture must bee: then, how they should be entered into their office. Their furniture must bee certain faire and beautiful garments( especially for Aaron himself; and partly also for his sons besides:) but some of them common to all; and some more proper to certain of them. Common to all, were some without question: but one there is whereof may be some question made. Of those that were out of question, some were for their bodies; and one for their heads. For their bodies a couple: one, a plain linen Garment under their other apparel; the other, a faire Girdle aloft on their clothes, to tie them together. That which they had to wear under Ibid. 42, 43. their other apparel, was to cover them round about, from their loins or wast, down to their knees: that so their nakedness, in that their business, might never be seen, though at any time their other clothing, either by the wind or other casualty, as they should do their business there, should fly open, as such kind of loose apparel may oft-times easily do. For their heads, they were to haue Ibid. 35, 40. ( after the manner of the people of the East, as the Turkes and others use yet) mitres or bonnets faire and beautiful, and to haue them on in the time of their ministration: not being any token of reverence with them, to uncover their heads, as it is for men among us: but using to express it by stooping or bowing of their bodies, less or more to those that they reverence( according as their meaning is to show themselves dutiful unto them) and sometimes to prostrate themselves flat on the ground. That whereof there may bee some question made; is the vpper Garment of the inferior Priestes, which was but of linen, but as it seemeth very faire, and that there was good workmanship thereon bestowed: but the question is, whether this were all one with that nethermost Garment of Aaron, which also was of linen. For some there be of opinion it was; and yet the Text in mine joseph. ant. lib. 3. cap. 8. Lyr. opinion, is rather against them. For whereas it is plain, that they should bee their uppermost Garments, and that of Aarons the nethermost to him; and whereas Exod. 28: 40. it specially set down of their bonnets, that they should be of special beauty: it may probably be thought, that the Text doth import them to be much fairer than the in-most Garment of Aaron, of which there is no such charge given, and for that so they would be more suitable to those bonnets of theirs withall. More proper to certain of them were those that were appointed for Aaron, farther than those that he had common with them: which were first in his apparel; then also, in other ornaments besides. In his apparel he had not onely a linen Garment, as had the others: but also had two others besides. His linen Garment was embroidered, Exo. 28: 4. 39. Tremel. Iunius Exo. 28: 31-35 or of chequer work, as others do read. Of the other two, the inmost was of Violet or Purple colour, and the same of silk, as it seemeth, and some do red: upon the skirts whereof should hang the likeness of pomegranates, and bells of Gold intermingled together: the one, to teach how full of fruit, Esay 46: 13. 56: 1. 61: 10, 11 Col. 2: 3, 9, 10. ( or nothing but fruit) our High-Priest is: and how fruitful we also should be unto him: and the other howe unpossible it is, but that he should earnestly cry to God his Father in al his intercession for us, in all the daies of his ministration; and Heb. 5, 7. how we should do the like for our Bretheren also, every one as he hath charge. That other Garment of his, was very costly and faire: of fine twined linen, Exod. 38: 5-8. silks and Gold, of diuers colours, richly embroidered, shorter and closer than the other. The ornaments that he had besides, were two: one annexed to this his vpper-most Garment; the other, unto that his bonnet. unto this his uppermost garment was annexed, that his jewel or breastplate, of rich embroidered Ibi. 15-21. work about an hand breadth square, and double: richly set with twelve precious stones of several kinds, in four rewes, and every ston having the name of one of the Tribes of Israell engraven therein. Which jewel, that it might remain steady Ibid. 22-29. in his place( as did most become the excellency and honor of it) it was fastened to this Garment by certain chains of Gold, both towards the shoulders above, and towards the sides beneath: but above, to a couple of faire and rich embosments of Gold, either of them having a large Sardonik ston set therein, and the names of the Tribes graven in them again, six Tribes in the one, and six in the other. Which kind of ston is not onely aptest for engrauing( and GOD would haue his people to bee well and perfectly engraven in his High-Priest) but also of that price or estimation withall, that when Polycrates the Prince of Samos, Pli. ●●●. hist. lib 37. cap. 1. ● al●bi. had continually so good success for a time, that he thought it best for him, voluntarily to undergo some special loss, least that good success of his should altogether turn upon him, having his Signet of one of that kind, he threw the same into the Sea, as one of the best jewels he had, and might after a sort encounter or hold weight on the one side( though he could not so part with it: for a Fish had taken it; that Fish was taken,& brought to his kitchen; and his Ring brought unto him again) with all his good succcsse on the other. Into which jewel, Ibid. 30. ( when so it was made) was Moses willed to put in Urim and Thummim: two several kinds; and both delivered in the plural number. But what these should Sanct. Pag●i. Trem. Iunius. be, neither the Hebrewes themselves, nor others the best learned since, can yet determine; saving that by the propriety of the words most do think, that he should mean Light and Perfection( for as touching that conceit of Iosephus, a jew himself, and one of the Priestes, that it should bee a special and miraculous shining Nic. de Lyr. from those precious stones of old proceeding, but gone and ceased two hundred yeares before his time: or that of Rab. Salomon, that it should bee that great Name of God, Tetragramaton, they haue no ground, and are but impertinent in themselves:) urim signifying Lights or Illuminations; and Thummin, Perfections. Sanct. Pag.& Ari. mount. Wherein it is not unlikely, as things are figures of some excellency in Christ, so the simplest and safest meaning may bee, and most agreeable to other Scripture, that God thereby did mean, that it should be exceeding beautiful and perfectly wrought; the Stones to be as orient and faire in their kind as might bee gotten, and the workmanship as good as any art could reach unto: and that Moses had a special charge, that so it should bee. And this, so much the better to teach, that they could not so load that jewel of Aarons with beauty and workmanship, but that the High-Priest that was to come, should come much more replenished with the truth indeed: and that those two from him should descend( to all that are his) in plentiful measure. It was indeed double; and it may bee, not onely for the strength of the thing, that it should not be Lithwak or weak, but stiff and steady: but also to contain somewhat within it; as it is the manner of men of old and ever since, in their Tablets or jewels to carry some kind of perfume, one or other, such as themselves do best like of, or are able to reach. But that it was to that end left hollow, for Moses to put somewhat else into it, which should be of that kind as such a place were meet to receive, and yet withall might go under the name of Urim and Tummim( as some haue in part conceived) that do I think Tremel. Iunius were hard to find any groundwork at all. For that the charge was so given unto Moses, it may well bee none other, than as it is attributed to Parentes, to prolong the daies of their dutiful Children, and many such like. unto his bonnet did Exod. 20: 12. appertain that Plate of Gold, wherein was engraven Holinesse unto the lord: showing thereby, that the High-Priest who was to come, of whom this Aaron was Exo. 28: 36-38 but a figure, should be so perfectly holy, that by his holinesse he should perfectly sanctify all the holy offerings of all his people; and to make themselves also acceptable to the Lord besides. Their consecration and entering into their office, should be by the ministry of Moses: but some other things that should be needful thereunto, were to be before provided; and then were they to be consecrated unto the function to them enjoined. Those that should bee needful hereunto, and were to be before provided, were, some of them but such as were left to their own discretion: but some others of that regard, as that for them the Lord himself doth give special direction. Those that were left to their own discretion, were all such Instruments, Vessels, and other Implements, as did appertain to the principal things before mentioned: as Incense-Cups; Chargers or Boales for the showbread; Vessels for oil that was to maintain a continual light, and such things as were needful to furnish and dress the lamps withall; Ba●ons, knives, Fire-Shouels, tongues, and such like as should bee occupied about the Brazen Altar; Towels for the lavar; cords, pings, and Mallets, for the enclosure of the Court. Those others that were of such regard, as that for them the Lord himself doth give special direction, were three: one of them, for one onely use; the others for more. That which was for one onely use, was oil for the lamps: and the direction Plin. ●●t. hist. lib. 15. cap. 6. that he gave for the same, was, that whereas it was to bee drawn out of the olive, and the common way was by pressing of them( as wee haue our Wine of Grapes, Pirry and Cider of pears and apple, and Verioyce of crabs) he would Exo. 28: 20, 21 now onely haue such, as should bee beaten out( as bruising fruit first, we make the juice thereof more ready to flow) so to be of the purest that might be had. Those that were for mo,) were the anointing oil; and the sweet Perfume: the former Exo 29, 26-30 and 40: 9-15. of them being to anoint diuers things of the Tabernacle, and the persons that should Minister therein; the other, not onely for the Altar proper unto it, but afterward also used, both for a trial( as it seemeth) who it was to whom the Priest-hood Num. 16: 4-7. Ibid. 46-48. was given, and to entreat God for the offenders in that controversy. And the direction that God gave for both these, was in effect all one: namely, that either of them should bee most perfectly and exquisitely made; and that neither of them Ex. 30: 22-38 should be in any other use among them, nor any such made by any. As the truth is, that there is none but Iesus Christ, in whom we can be made acceptable or savoury to God: and in him, so many as truly rest in him, are most redolent and sweet unto him. That part of his speech that is of some other things, thereon depending or belonging unto them, resteth in two principal points: one, that he had Exod. 31: 1-11 furnished men with skill to work those things that he required( he faileth not in the like in these dayes also;) the other, that nevertheless in all this business( Church-worke though it were, as we do term such like sometimes) they mlght never for Iibd. 12-17. it break any of his sabaoths, but diligently observe them all. A manifest admonition to us, that God will in no wise allow many of those things that wee do on his holy sabaoths, wherein wee notwithstanding think ourselves very excusable. Of all which when the Lord had delivered his mind unto Moses, then also he gave Ibid. 18. him the two Tablets of ston, wherein himself had written the Ten-Commaundements, to take them down with him. 7 Concerning the breaking of that ensued, wee are first to see what it was: then, how it was pacified, and made up again. Going about to find out what it was, we are first to note, what was the occasion of it: then to consider of the thing itself. The occasion of it, was that long absence of Moses: though about Gods business, Exod. 32, 1. 19 19. 24: 12, 24. and their own; and though he had sufficient Deputies among them in that his absence. The thing itself we find partly in them; partly in the lord: in them, that they committed a foul sin; in the Lord, that he was highly offended with them for it. Their sin proceeded most from themselves: but yet partly, from Aaron also. From themselves it proceeded, that they would needs haue such a visible representation made: yea, though it were to a special charge unto themselves; and accordingly Exo. 32: 1, 3, 6 worshipped, when they had obtained. From Aaron likewise, that though Ibid. 2, 4, 5. he required such jewels of them( and as it may seem, the rather to stay them) yet, on their so doing he yielded, made an Altar for it, and appointed the next day to be holy unto it. The Lord hereupon was so offended with them, that first telling Moses Ibid. 7-10. how ill they they had done; he then telleth him also, that he saw very well, that they were but a naughty people: and therefore not amiss, utterly to destroy them; and to raise up a mighty people of him. The pacification or making up of this breach again, was presently attempted: but could not bee as yet obtained. So are wee to consider; first, howe it was in the mean season attempted: then, howe it was in the end obtained. Attempted it was first at this present: then afterward also. At this present, before he departed, he earnestly besought the Lord for them: and pleaded on his own glory, and former promise. Before he did assay it with the Ibid. 11-13. Lord again, he first himself made some good way to obtain: then after, he assayed it again. He made some good way first to obtain, both that he was himself so grieved with it: and that he did so punish it also. himself was so grieved with it, when he saw indeed what was done, that he cast away the Tables& broke them: Ibid. 15-19. either not witting for grief what he did; or condemning them as unworthy of so holy a Law, who now had so foully broken the same. In punishing of it, he first Ibid. 20, 29. destroyeth the idol itself with great detestation, making them to drink of it also: and then roundly reproving Aaron for his facility therein, nothing sparing him for that he was his elder Brother, on the others that most offended he did a good execution besides, to the number of about three thousand persons. This way being made, and the people( as it may seem) being now brought to some profession of repentance for it, he goeth up to the lord again, to see what might Ibid. 30-35. and 33: 1-3. be done: but could not obtain. At this time it seemeth he alleged that profession of the peoples repentance, because the Lord doth now( as it were) take exception against it. For he willeth them to lay aside their costly raiment: as if he Exod. 33: 5. should more plainly say unto them, that their using of it still did plainly show that there was no repentance in them. A needful lesson for us also, for that such trimming up of ourselves doth plainly show, that then wee haue good liking of ourselves: whereas true repentance doth ever carry with it a special great dislike of ourselves; as nothing worthy to bee so cherished. Whereupon Moses coming Ibi. 7-11, 4, 6. down to the people again, now removeth his Tent from among them( as we also should put a special difference in all such cases:) and the Lord appeareth familiarly unto him. Which sight, as it seemeth, so wrought with the people, that now they repented better, and laid aside their costly apparel. Obtained it was not all at once, but by degrees: first, that they should not be destroyed; then, that himself would also go with them. That they should not be destroyed, was obtained Exod. 32: 14 by Moses at his first intercession for them, before he came down from the mount. The next day also, at his second request, he obtained, that they might go on forward Ibid. 30-35. and 33: 1-3. as they had begun; and that he would sand his angel, with them: but yet would he remember them, as occasion should serve, for that their transgression. But now the third time, when the people did better repent, and Moses renewed his suite again, it pleased the Lord to promise to do it; and to give him some token of it, such as himself did then desire: but for a time, it was no more but promised to Moses; but afterward performed unto the people. While it was but promised to Moses, first we haue that which concerneth this matter itself: then, that farther confirmation that was given him besides. That which concerneth the matter itself, is, that Moses again entreated for it; and that the Lord was entreated Ibid. 33: 12, 17 by him: willing him then to provide two other such Tables as he had before, promising again to writ the Commandements in them; and himself next Exo. 34: 1-3. morning alone to be with him, meaning him then that farther confirmation that he desired. Which farther confirmation was a farther manifestation of himself unto Ibid. 18: 23. and 34: 4-8: him, which accordingly he did vouchsafe him. When it was to bee imparted unto the people, Moses first again remembereth the Lord about it: and the lord again telleth him, that he will not fail to do it; but yet looking that the people Ibid. 9. 10. should in like sort yield in some other duties to him likewise. The duties that God did now require of them, were but some of those again which he did inioyn them before, and whereupon he made with them the former covenant: now not charging them with any new; and contenting himself at this time, but with few of those. And if we mark, they all are such, as wherein it is evident, that it was not so much any service to him, as their own good estate that he respected therein. For first he requireth, that when they come into the land which he was now about to give them, they should for their own, sakes rid it of that corruption, which they should find in it when they came thither: then he directeth them, in what sort themselves should live therein, so to enjoy the benefit of that his favour now recovered to them again. As touching the former, he giveth them to understand, Ibid. 11-16. that himself doth mean to make a clean riddance of the ancient inhabitants of the Land: and therefore willeth them, that they on their parts also take heed, that they make no covenant with them; but vttetly to destroy those idols of theirs, and the whole manner of that their worshipping. The reason to be, for that other-wise, themselves also might sometimes be invited and feast with them in their Idoll-feastings; and that taking their Daughters in marriage, they might so corrupt their children: whereas they ought to worship none but him; and he being a jealous God, they could not so do, but to their own overthrow. As touching the latter, two things there are that he doth forbid: all the rest he doth require. he forbiddeth Ibid. 17, 26. them to haue any Gods of mettall: and to be, either so unthankful towards him, or so intemperate in themselves, as when they are to give their first-linges unto him, they obtrude them unto him when they are too young; or when they would fare more daintily, they wantonly eat of such things, before they be meet to be eaten. Those that he requireth, do all tend to this end, that they be dutiful worshippers of him: and that, first in such festival times as he had appointed unto them; then, in yielding unto him some part of that, wherewithal it pleased God to bless them. The festival times that before he had appointed unto them, and which now he did require, were first the Sabbaoth: then, those three principal Feasts of the year besides. His sabaoths he would haue them so duly to keep, that he would not haue them to meddle with them, neither in their seed time, nor harvest. Those Ibid. 21. other three Feasts he doth likewise require to bee duly observed, promising also to preserve their Coasts in the mean season; and farther, giveth more special direction Ibid. 18, 22-25 for the first of them: Namely, that they use no leaven then; nor leave ought thereof till the morning. As touching that wherewithal it pleased him to bless them, he doth now again require, that they yield some part thereof unto him: both the firstlings that before he required; and some-what besides when they came to worship. For their first-lings he would haue the first, not onely of their Cattle, and fruits of Ibid. 19. 20, 25 the earth( and the unclean, to be redeemed with a clean:) but even of their Children too. That which besides he required when they came to worship, was, that Ibid. 20. every one should give some-what: yet not prescribing any thing unto them; but leaving it wholly to their own discretion. On these conditions( which also himself Ibid. 27. willed Moses to set down in writing) how fully the Lord did yield to be their good and gracious Lord again, himself declared, both by renewing those Tables Ibid. 28. again: and by clothing Moses with so special glory now. In those new Tables that were now provided, again he wrote the Ten commandments: and gave them to Moses to the use of the people. Moses also he clothed now with so special glory, that they were not able to behold the brightness of his countenance,( though unwitting to him) but fled away from him: till he, espying what was the Ibid. 29, 35. cause, cast a veil on while he talked with them. And truly, the glory of his true servants, is always great, though he make it not so to appear unto others. 8. This breach being thus made-vp again, and the work that was in hand before, being now to proceed, Moses, according as now he had received directions already, first, setteth in hand to get all those things ready that God required: and then, doth rear, or set up the same, as he also appointed. To get those things ready, first he provideth against a danger that the people( by putting their hands unto) might easily incur by immoderate zeal, if they were not before admonished of it: and then requireth that they also would be helping therein, so far as to them should be appertaining. He provideth against that danger, when as now being to require of them, both themselves to bring in such things as were needful, and to help to work them besides( so many of them as should be found able so to do) he first requireth, that nevertheless the Sabbaoth be duly observed of them all: which Exod. 35: 1-3. otherwise themselves might haue thought had not been so precisely to be kept, but that in such work as this, even by the nature of the work itself( being to erect a Sanctuary unto him) or at least, for the more speedy dispatch of it, they might on their Sab●oths haue done something therein, In which place, because he forhiddeth them so much as to kindle a fire thereon, and yet elsewhere alloweth needful sustenance to be prepared, it seemeth the fires that here he speaketh of, were such as they should use about their works, as in melting their metals: though others there be, that more strictly take it; and that which is delivered of Manna, may seem Tr●●.& I●●. Exod. 1●: 23. to incline thereunto also. He requireth that they would be helping therein so far as to them doth appertain, in that both he requireth that free-will offering: and 〈◇〉 3●: 4-19. 36: 2. 〈◇〉. 20 29. 3●: 4 7. urgeth all those that haue skill to be working thereon. The people accordingly so readily brought in their Free will offering, that they soon brought in much more than needed( a good example for us, so far as is needful, in such case to follow) and were fain to be stayed, from bringing any more, by proclamation. The workmen likewise so applied theit business, that they made all things as to them was Ibi. 35: 30-35 36: 1▪ 3●: ●●. that ●●, all these four chapters. 36, 37, 38, and 39. prescribed; even by the confession of Moses himself: insomuch, that he blessed them for the same. As touching the rearing or setting of it up, we are first to consider of the thing itself: then of some other things thereupon ensuing. As touching the thing itself, first let us see how it was performed: then, because it was a work of special moment. therefore it shall not be amiss, that we again consider some-what farther of it. For the performance of it, unto the direction that GOD had given to Moses before, in what sort to set up and place all things thereunto appertaining, he addeth now special points more: one, for the time; another for one point of the manner of it. For the time, he appointeth that it be done the first day of the first month of the second year since they came out of egypt: which Exo. 40: 1-8. was as the first day of March with us; and so some-what within the year, after that great deliverance of theirs. That one point that respecteth the manner of doing it, was, that having reared it and set all things in order, then was he to anoint both Ibid. 9-11. the Tabernacle itself, and the things there unto appertaining, with the brazen Altar and laver without,& the Instruments thereunto appertaining, with that sweet& holy oil, which God had caused him to that end to provide: a very good assurance to us, that not only the Church in general,& the chief& principal members therof; but every member in particular also, even the meanest of al, are by faith in christ made acceptable and sanctified to God the father. And whereas not only the place itself,& the things thereunto appertaining were by Gods ordinance thus anointed; but Aaron Ibid. 12-16. also& his sons, when they were washed and revested to enter into their holy function( the Priest-hood being but only a figure of the Priest-hood of Christ, and the virtue and power of it being onely in Christ) hence also may we gather, that in the priesthood of Christ alone, all that beleeue haue so full atonement with God, that they never need to seek to any other help whatsoever. Now, if ourselves think good to consider any farther of this special and beautiful work of God, being without it, we see nothing else but onely a small quantity of ground taken in: and the vpper part of a building( flat in the roof, and in colour gray) reared In length▪ 100 cubits: in breadth, 50. Exo. ●7: 9-19. 38: 9 ●0. On each side, 20, each end 10. up towards the farther end of it. The ground we see to be taken in, neither with Ditch, Hedge, nor Wall: but onely with hanginges of fair linen, purposely wrought about; two yards and a half high or near thereunto. Which linen hangings we find to be hung on fair pillars of wood, of convenient distance betwixt; having their bases or feet of brass, and by those pitched into the earth: but their hooks where on those hangings were hung, to be of Slluer; and the heads, of those pillars also to be beautifully garnished with silver besides. And that these might stand more steady, we find those pillars to be stayed up on every side likewise, with cord( after the manner of pitching Tents) and all the pings, together with the Mals to drive them in, and to knock them out, to be of brass also. This enclosure or new-in-take we find to bee coasted, the sides towards the North and the South; and the ends towards the West, and East: neither do we find any entrance thereunto, but onely at one end of it, and that on the East. But some are of opinion, that those hangings were in the workeman-ship of them throughout so voided, that those that were without, might every where look in at their own discretion and pleasure. At the East end where the entrance was, wee find the front thereof towards the Corners of it to bee closed-vp but as the rest of the Court besides: but for ten yards of the midst of it, and for the space that the four middlemost Ibi. ●7: 16. and 38: 39 pillars had betwixt them, that do we find to bee closed up with a richer and fairer hanging of twined linen, and Blew silk, Purple, and Scarlet, and the same throughout to be wrought with the Needle: but in height to be but even with the others. Which, as it seemeth, yielded unto men two places of entry: One, on the right hand, betwixt those two hanginges, the richer and the meaner on the North; the other, on the left hand towards the South, at the other end of this rich hanging. When we are come in, then do we see the Sanctuary itself, erected towards the farther end of the Court; but some things to be placed betwixt us and it: and those to be two. One, the brazen Altar, some reasonable distance on this side Exod. 27▪ 1-8. 38: 1. 40: 6, 29 Ibi 30: 17▪ 21. 38: 8. 40: 7, 30▪ of it: the other, the brazen laver a little beyond it, betwixt the Sanctuary itself and the Altar. Then drawing near to the Sanctuary itself, if we take the course to walk about it, to see the out-side of it, there wee find room, betwixt the outside of the Court and it, somewhat better than eight yards broad on both the sides of it, and so belike at the West end also: save ostely so far as the Cords and pings that hold up the pillars, do encumber to such use some part of the room. So going about it, now we do plainly discern the vpper covering to he of Badgers skins, to bear off the weather: and the frame itself to stand upright, all of gold to see too, from beneath the covering towards the earth, saving onely that near to the earth we find it to be vnder-laid with silver; and the workmanship of both, though but plain, yet very orderly and faire. If we look nearer unto it, or mark it better, then we find, that neither that Golden frame itself, nor that vnder-laying that was of silver, is of one entire or whole framing, but that either of them consisteth of diuers parcels. For first, that rue of silver beneath, we find to consist of one& forty parcels on either side; and of fourteen at the West end of it; all of one workmanship, and of like distance one from another, substantial and fair; and, as it seemeth a good part of them Pike-wise descending into the earth, as well as we find a good part of them in sight above, and the same of convenient breadth, strength, and framing to sustain the frame thereon imposed. On these Bases we find to bee set, and by certain Tennons to be let in, as it were, an whole main wall of gold, both on the sides and West end of it, and the same about five shepherds high. But giuing better eye unto it, we spy all to be of several parcels; but yet to be all in proportion and order: twenty of those parcels at each side, and six at the end, all of one measure, form, and beauty, every one about ten cubits high, and about one and an half in breadth; every one likewise by two several Tenons to bee firmly let into those silver Bases beneath. At the end we find( as we do take it) that both the end and sides are joined or coupled together in one, just at the two Corners of it, by other two parcels of the like measure, and beauty: but of diuers form from the others. For either of these we take to be all of one piece,& in effect as broad as the others: but to be framed to a right angle: one half of their breadth so extended, as may most conveniently meet fit with the sides; and the other in like sort, as may on both sides join fit with the end. Those parcels also wee note to haue two Tennons a piece, in either of their moieties one: each of them letting in those Tenons of theirs, into those Sockets or Bases that are next to the corner, on either side of the Corner one; and so letting in one a piece into the sides( which doth make the odd that we spake of) and another in the end where they are, which also maketh out the number aforesaid. We found likewise, as we do remember( for others of us there bee Supra, Sect. 6. that are of other opinion herein, some in one point, some in another, whom wee would be loathe to prejudice) that these several parcels had every one of them( that were of one form) four Rings of Gold, set strongly in them; and those two corner Ex. 26: 26-29 parcels of other form, in each of their wings or leaves, as many: from the midst upward a couple, one about three quarters of a yard above the midst, and the other of like distance upward from it again; and from the midst downward another couple, in like distance also. By which said four rewes of Golden rings, there passed four bars of such wood, as to such purpose was meetest; but every of them clean ouer-layde with beaten gold: being all to fasten the frame together. Wee heard likewise, that whereas there was a double distance left in the midst, to any other part of it besides, that not onely it was supplied by any other such bar passing through the heart of them all within; but also, that as by the bases they were fastened beneath; so by certain couplings, which coupled one of them to another, they were likewise fastened at their tops above. So having thus far found the outward face or show of the Tabernacle, for both the sides and farthest end of it, and now drawing towards the entrance of it, there wee first find, in the Court before it, these two principal things that before wee briefly mentioned: the Altar of Burnt-offerings; and the standing lavar. The Altar we find to bee as it were, brest-hie, and of convenient or competent length and breadth to the use for Exod. 27: 1-8 the which it was ordained, and to see to, four square, hollow within but supplied with a grace, both apt to hold up the fuel and fire,& such other things as should be laid thereon, and yet not to stay the ashes, blood, and the like, but that such thin●●, might haue thence ready passage: which also we find to be made for carriag 〈…〉 king faire and strong Rings by the sides, and bars put through meet for that p 〈…〉 ose. All which may seem to be altogether of brass, together with the ho●●es ●●at at the Corners thereof are erected: but that we understand the frame of it to be but of wood, for the more tolerable carriage of it; and yet with brass faire ouer-laice, and so the bars also whereby to be born. The laver we find( as it Ibi. 30: 17-21. were behind the Altar from the sight of the people; namely, betwixt it and the Sanctuary: all of brass, and very faire; both the laver itself, and the base whereon it standeth. A piece of workmanship, for the fairness and comeliness of it, be●●●●full enough in itself: but yet more admirable, when once we hear whereof it was made. For it is said, that whereas God, when the people a little before had sinned, required of them, before he would be reconciled to them again, that they should lay aside their costlier apparel, as over great testimony against themselves, that so long as they braved in it, neither was there, neither could be any true repentance in them: ●ow, even the women that most of all are given to the vanity of apparel▪ Lyr. Trem. jun and to that end were wont to trim up themselves by their glasses( which it seemeth they had of brass, as we haue the like of steel; and that they had as good and re 〈…〉 y a way to work them of the one, as we haue to make them of the other) so 〈…〉 that their wonted vanity, that they freely gave them unto the work that 〈…〉 hand, and that so of them onely this laver was made. For as touching 〈…〉 terpreted by some, that this lavar was made of steel, true it is that the He 〈…〉 ●●d signifieth both: but then, because brass is a great deal more meet to Trem. I●●. Exod. 27 ●1 3●, 3, ●0. 〈…〉 ose▪ and more suitable to the rest of those things that to that place apper 〈…〉 en by their own interpretation also) for which the other would be nothing 〈…〉 et( at least for diuers of them) therfore I rather marvel that they would so interpret, than conceive any reason why we should rather follow them than others therein. Gather. 〈…〉 the l●●●th of them. Exod. 2●: 2. 8. Exod. 26: 36, 37.& 36: 37, 38. 40: 28. The end of the Tabernacle itself, from the vpper-part downward, till it come within two shepherds of the earth, or there-about, wee find to be shut up with those faire Coueringes that were cast aloft above the frame, and so did cover the vpperpart of it round about; but the neather part of it, with a faire rich hanging wrought with the Needle of twined linen and silk, Blew, Purple, and Scarlet; hung on five faire pillars of Timber, but their Chapters and hooks of gold, and their Bases or Sockets of brass. By which hanging, at both the ends of it there was convenient entrance into the Tabernacle itself. Entering into it, wee find it,( for the length) to bee partend in two: and the higher room to bee much greater, than the farther may seem to be. In this hither room, considering first of the place itself, we find it to be about a five shepherds high, as much in breadth or somewhat better, and the length to be as it were double, clean covered above, with that faire rich covering of twined linen and silk, Blewe, Purple, and Scarlet, Exod 26: 1-6. 36. 8. 13. 4●: ●9. consisting of diuers parcels, but reaching throughout from side to side, all of one size, and all fairly embroidered with Cherubims: and by the sides to be closed, Ex. ●6: 15-25. 26▪ 20-30 ●●▪ 18 with even and faire walls, as it were of beaten Gold, the neather parts as it were a small Boarder beneath, onely of silver; neither of them being one entire thing, but consisting of several parcels, yet all one measure, uniform, and faire. Then casting our eye to the chief things that were therein( wee find them to be three:) none of them all of any great quantity, but proportionable unto the room for the which they were ordained. Of these three, two of them were opposite one to the other: the third somewhat beyond them both, towards the midst from side to side,& of much like distance from either of them. Those that were opposite one to the other, were, on the right hand towards the North, the Table of the showbread, Exo. 25: 23-30 26: 35. 37: 10-16. 40: 4, 22, 23. with bars unto it, ready for carriage, all of clean Gold to see too, with a dozen of Bread thereon, rather resembling Cakes than loaves( as they are made with us) six towards the one end, and six towards the other, in faire covered Dishes or Boales of gold, to that end ordained: on the left hand towards the South, the standing candlestick of beaten Gold, with three branches on either Ex. 25: 31-39. 20: 35. 37: 17-24. 40: 4, 24, 25. side spreading themselves forth by the sides of the room in convenient manner, and one in the midst, fairly wrought, and meet to such purpose, and every of the seven having a lamp at the top continually burning. That which was somewhat beyond them both, and of much like distance from either of them, was an Altar of Incense or sweet Perfume, with bars unto it ready for bearing, to see to Exod. 30: 1-9. 37, 25-28. 40: 5, 26, 27. likewise all of Gold, and fairly wrought, together with an Incense Cup thereon of Gold likewise: on which Altar, morning and evening when the lamps were dressed, a most precious and sweet Perfume was daily burnt unto the Lord. All Exo. 25: 29, 39 37: 16, 24. which three principal things of the room that yet wee are in, had diuers other Vessels and necessary implements to them appertaining, of gold likewise, and fairly wrought. Betwixt this, and the in-most place, wee find a rich hanging, Exo 26: 31-33 36: 35, 36. 40: 3, 21. from side to side, of the like work to that other above, where-with the whole frame was first covered: having on four pillars, all of gold to see too, having their Sockets all of silver. The in-most place we find to bee, but about the one joseph. antiq. lib. 3. chap. 5. Exo. 26: 15-30 half of the other, for the roomth or quantity of it; but otherwise of the same height, and covered above as the other: and in this, not onely the sides as in the other, but in the end also to be as it were all of Gold, saving that neather boarder of it, and that to be onely of silver, of several parcels, and yet all uniform, and faire as the other before. In this roomth wee find but one thing onely; but that the chief of all the rest, as it seemeth, by the place that is vouchsafed: namely, a Exo. 25: 10-21 37: 1-9. 40: 3, 20, 21. Coffer and a Chest, without feet, plain and square, about an Ell in length, and of breadth correspondent, with bars unto it, for the carriage of it, with two Cherubims, or vpper bodies of men, and wings of Angels, arising up on the heads thereof, setting their faces, and extending their wings each towards others, unto the midst of the lid whereon they were framed; but to see to, all of Gold, very faire and perfectly wrought; which so rich a Chest or Coffer, in the Scriptures Exod. 25: 21. 40: 20. called an ark, we understand to bee made onely for those two Tables of ston, wherein the Ten-Commaundements were written: an evident testimony unto all, of what price he would haue those commandments to bee, to all his people. From out of which Chest, as it were from those Ten-Commaundements, and so as it were ftom between the wings of the Cherubims, we understand, that the Exod. 25: 2●. Lord being sought unto, would oft-times graciously hear them, and give them answer; and thereupon was the vpper part of this Chest, which was the lid or Exod. 25: 17. 18. 37: 6. covering of it, called the mercy-seat, and the vulgar Translation, the Oracle also. 9 truly a notable sight in itself: and to the outward or bodily eye, such as I think could hardly be had( of this kind) in all the World, in that age that now we are in. But if wee consider, that as all things were in figures and shadows then, and did betoken better things that were to come in ages ensuing; so these things also might be of that Nature, and praefigure to us much better things than we find in themselves: so might wee find the beauty of them, far to exceed, not onely the beauty of all that then were, but also of all that ever were since in all the World. Not, that now I seem to approve, that which diuers of our Leaders before haue thereof conceived and commended unto us; that the Court should signify the neather part of the World; the out-most place of the Tabernacle, Ly●. 〈…〉 s. or the Tabernacle of the Congregation, the Heauens withall the Ornaments thereof, as the sun, the moon, and the stars; and the most holy or in-most part of it, the highest Heauens where God and his saints are in glory, and such like. Matters a great deal too far fetched, and far too base( for diuers of them) to haue at all any place here: especially, when as there are others of greater dignity a great deal, to whom these are to be reserved: namely, Christ himself, and all the company of faithful, or his true members here on earth: showing in what sort they are united or joined together; and what they are, both in the sight of others, and in themselves, and what notwithstanding by his goodness towards them. For first, as touching the roomth or space that was taken up, we see it was The small 〈◇〉 of it. but very small: and of all the great and infinite numbers and multitudes of most populous Nations and peoples of the World, they are but few, and very few too, in comparison of the rest that consecrate themselves to any special regard of God indeed; and so may seem to be taken in to bee any piece of this his Sanctuary. again, the people were, by estimation, about 200000. persons that belonged unto it. For those that were at mans state, able to bear arms, or at the age of twenty yeares, or above, were better than 600000. their Women of that age wee Num. 2: 32, 33 may by likelihood account as many or more, for that it broke no square with them to haue more wives than one; and the younger sort, both Men and Women, something capable of instruction in the way of godliness, so many more as are like enough to make up that number. But here was not room for one thousand of them, at once to come in, and worship there, if at any time they were so disposed. The Priestes and levites that were soon after taken in to that service, were themselves so many, that the room was in a manner little enough for so many of them as in their course should there do their service. So it may seem by this proportion, that God himself also made no other reckoning of that his people, but that, although they were his onely people of all the world, and themselves were a great people too: yet few of them would at any time( to speak of) much regard to visit his Sanctuary, or to tread in that Court of his; not onely, not in the way of any true devotion indeed, but also but seldom, howsoever. The fence of this sanctuary, after the manner of the World, was of no strength at all; no more in The weakness of the fence. effect, but a piece of linen hung round about it: but it had an invincible strength from above. And the sense that his Church, or better sort of his people haue here, by the great carelessness that is in all the great estates of the World generally, is marvelous weak; and, for any good help, that at any time lightly they haue thereby, that ever lie open in a manner to the spoil of all: as even now also in the daies of the gospel, and in those that themselves do most profess it, is plain to be seen. But undoubtedly they haue, a strong and sure avenger above. Approaching nearer with mind to go in, wee find the entry very faire: a good The entrance into it. allurement unto all; but yet little regarded by any. And yet notwithstanding, it is very certain, that even the very entrance itself unto the Lord, in any good manner, is very faire and beautiful to him: and, in the way of singular blessing. Neither are any men so far past all regard of God, but that they also account it a thing of special beauty in any, and a special ornament unto them, to be devoutly given: but the wiser, and better sort among them, do undoubtedly know it so to bee, and accordingly make that reckoning of it, that to be truly religious towards GOD, is the only ornament of true honor and beauty that any can haue in all the world;& that without it, whatsoever other good or commendable things are in us, either they are of no reckoning at all, as wanting their Grace, or else are foully blemished besides. When once we are in, and do but begin to look about us, in what order, and how decent are all things there: And truly God is not the Author of any confusion The decency of it. or disorder, whatsoever: but hath all his works, in a marvelous faire and beautiful order, correspondent, and suitable one to another. neither are they any part of his mystical Tabernacle, that either are authors of such confusion, or so iumble things together: or are but themselves disorderly patches, nothing suitable unto the Garment whereto they are set. coming unto the Altar of burnt offerings, The brazen Altar. there we find, as it were, in faire and large capital Letters, and very plainly engraven thereon, that wee are all, even the choice people of God, and the best of those also exceeding sinful; and that the same sin of ours is in no wise to be done away but onely by blood: and yet that it is not our own blood that would serve; but that it must bee the blood of some other. necessary thereunto appertaining, wee find both a Sacrifice: and a Priest to offer the same. The Sacrifice must be The 〈◇〉. some such as hath not offended: it must be living, that it may die; it must be clean and without all blemish, or it will not serve. In the Priest, who is the chief Actor The Priest. herein, even at the first we find very much: we find him to bee such as God himself hath appointed, or called unto it; and such as he hath accordingly furnished. Our poor harts, ever as we feel the burden of sin, and more seriously consider, how fearful wrath is from the iustice of God due unto it, would gladly find, by what good means wee might bee reconciled to him again, to the forgiveness of those our sins, and to the escaping of those his judgements: or, who it were, that we might hope, could well undertake that business for vs. In which careful thoughts of ours, we can no sooner find, that God himself hath appointed one to that purpose, but that a good part of those fearful remembrances do presently vanish away, and our hearts are much relieved thereby. Viewing him better, and more specially marking how he is furnished, even at the very first we find, that his ornaments The glory of his ornaments. are so many, and so rich, that he is exceeding glorious thereby: and therefore it cannot be, but that wee may haue very great contentment in him. More specially wee find, and that but even in the skirts of his clothing, that his pomegranates betoken some fullness or special abundance, whether of righteousness, or of the favour of His pomegranates and bells. God towards those, on whose behalf he is so called unto that Priesthood: and that he cannot address himself or bend his course to enter the Sanctuary, to make inter session for his people, but that though himself hold his peace, yet even his bells yield a golden sound in the ears of the Lord. Raising up our eyes somewhat higher. Among his other ornaments, we find on his breast a rich and precious jewel, showing His Tablet. the names of all his people to bee as it were engraven in his heart, and there likewise to be most pretiously set: and the felfe-same Tablet or jewel to hang from his shoulders, from two faire imbossements of Gold, either of them set with a faire and large precious ston, in which the Names of the 12. Tribes were written again, six in the one, and six in the other, the better to teach us, and to make it plainer unto us, that he also on his shoulders doth bear his peoples burden before the lord. And though it be as faire and perfectly wrought, as the skill of man could reach unto us( as the Lord himself, if we conceive his meaning aright, did plainly require, when urim& Tummim. he did so specially charge Moses to put both urim and Tummim into it, requiring thereby, as we do take it, that it should not onely be most faire to the eye, but also as perfectly wrought indeed, as might be devised:) yet because God did so specially will him to put such Beauty and Perfection into it, we apprehended much more thereby, than any fullness or skill of man can yield unto vs. Besides this, we find another special Ornament on his head, that crown or plate of Gold, wherein was engraven Holynes unto the Lord: being given thercby( as we do take it) to understand, The Golden crown. not so much that such as follow in that kind of function should be holy before him( for it was set on the fore-part of his head, not within the reach of his own eyes, so to direct that lesson unto himself; but onely in the sight of others, so to let them see, what was on their behalfs to him imputed) as that, whereas on their parts it was absolutely needful, that true holinesse should be exhibited unto the Lord for them, there might they all see, even in that most honourable parsonage, and in the most conspicuous part of him too, a very comfortable demonstration of it. In the laver beyond the Altar, whereat these were ever to wash, before they did their service to The Lau●r. God, wee find likewise delivered unto us, and that very plainly as wee do take it, both that we are to cleanse ourselves so much as we may, before wee approach to the presence of God: and this especially besides, that whereas notwithstanding all those 〈◇〉 and attributes before rehearsed, himself also notwithstanding must w●●h, even that onely in itself is sufficient to give us warning, that wee rest not in him; but that by him we suffer ourselves to be directed unto some other. In him therefore, and in his glory, in all his ornaments, and in every of them, do we, to our great and singular comfort, behold him that was then to come, Iesus Christ the Son of God, the onely lord: whom onely it hath pleased GOD to appoint to bee our Friest; whom also he hath furnished withall sufficiency; yea, and absolute fullness thereunto appertaining. And so coming to the Sanctuary itself; first, we note, 〈…〉▪ of the T 〈…〉 cle. even the out-side of it, to be to our great and singular comfort. For every of those parcels( whereof the whole frame chiefly consisteth) though they bee but Timber within, yet are they all, and every of them, ouer-layed with beaten Gold. certain it is, we all are Sinners, not onely the meaner, but the better sort also: but being ouerlaide with that beaten Gold, of his holinesse and righteousness before God, our sin is clean covered, and wee are altogether faire and beautiful to him. And though wee bee several in ourselves, yet are wee so coupled one to another, by the means that he hath ordained. The bars whereby a special part of our uniting The bars. is performed, are of two sorts; one passing the midst of them all; others, by the out-sides onely. And so it pleaseth him, not onely to use means without, to join us together: but also to frame our hearts within to incline unto it. But in this they agree, that these also are all of them clean covered with that beaten Gold aforesaid: both those hearts that are so inclinable thereunto; and those others that work it without. And the whole being covered in such sort as it is, so beautifully within, and so providently without, we also therein may conceive, that we are under such a The coverings of it. protection of God, as being to ourselves exceeding sweet and glorious, is nevertheless both stern and rough enough unto all the intemperate weather of the world whatsoever, that at any time goeth about to impair the tranquilitie and peace of that his Sanctuary. coming now to the fore-front of it, there to enter, and to The entrance of it. consider of the things within, first we see the front itself to be very faire: and sure we are, that not onely any true entrance towards God is faire in itself; but also discloseth many things of inestimable price to such, that others do never attain unto. Being entered in, there find we all to be full of glory: and sure it is, that the The glory within generally. lords holy place, even here on earth, though it consist but of sinful men, yet hath he adorned the same with so great beauty of spiritual graces, that it is exceeding glorious indeed. More specially we find therein, a very good assurance, on the side, that being in him we haue our sustenance, even all things needful, ever ready, The Table. both for our bountiful maintenance here, and to feed us to life everlasting: on the other, that he also is a perpetual light unto us, both to direct us in all our ways here, The Lights. and especially in those that are to bring us to his endless glory. There also we find, that albeit all things we do unto God be exceeding short, imperfect, and stained too too foully; so that by right, his holinesse and iustice might never accept of any thing that we do unto him: yet are they so perfumed by Christ, and by that incomparable The Altar of Incense. and exquisite scent, that out of his holinesse and righteousness doth ever arise unto the Father, that now they are not onely accepted of him, but also become most welcome unto him. The Inner place, or the Most-Holy, we find to bee The vail. separated from us, by that faire and rich hanging: but the beauty of it without, doth bid us expect a far more greater beauty within. For there do we find, what special The ark. great reckoning it pleased God to make of the Ten-Commandements: first, in that he provided such a Casket to keep them; then, in gracing them so far as he did besides. For the Casket that was provided to keep them in, was the ark, that faire and rich Chest, all overlaid with beaten Gold: the lid of it of pure gold; and gloriously decked with those two Cherubims of Gold likewise. It is true, that some other things were afterward put hereunto also,( as afterward we are to see:) but originally, or at the first, that rich, faire,& sumptuous Coffer, was provided onely for these. It pleaseth God specially to grace them, two several ways besides. One was, that this was vouchsafed to haue the chief and principal place in the Tabernacle, or to be accounted the very chief and principal thing thereunto appertaining: and therefore in all their journeys the honour of precedency or going before, was given unto it. The other, that the Lord himself made it, as it were the place of his abode or being among them, his Cloath of estate, or royal throne; even between the wings of those two Cherubims: and thereupon directed them; when at any time they would ask any question of him, that thither they should repair for resolution, and there attead to haue his answer; and told them withall, that thence he would give it, even as out of those two Tables, The Ten-Commandements. And true it is, that the Ten-Commandements, are another manner The ten commandements. of piece of Scripture( as also may appear by the manner of giuing of them) than they are commonly taken to be, even by our Leaders themselves, and those oft-times of the greatest too. And seeing the lord would thence give all his answers, what letteth, but that we also may well assure ourselves, that there is no point of duty or Religion at all, which is not very directly in them, if not in plain terms, and at large, yet( after their manner) implicatively and summarily delivered unto us? So there also do we behold, though not in particular, yet in good measure, and very clearly, a wonderful excellency of all holy wisdom and knowledge in those two Tables: either leading or driving al unto Christ; and so, to all fullness in him. Lastly, we understand likewise, that all this whole building, All anointed with sweet oil. Ex. 30: 22-29. 40: 9-11, 16. together with the chief and principal things that were therein, and the meaner instruments that did belong unto them, were all anointed with that most sweet and precious oil of sweet perfume: and so, in such plentiful measure sanctified in Christ, that both this whole building itself, and every member and parcel of it, and whatsoever is either to it, or to any of those( by that ordinance of his) appertaining, is all made holy and most acceptable to God the Father, though other-wise such, as his Iustice could never spare, nor his holiness ever abide. 10. Reared up in this order it was( as God himself also commanded) in the Exod. 40. 1-33 beginning of the second year of their deliverance out of egypt, even the very first day of the same, they beginning( in such respect) their year in the Spring,& so, as it were( for there is some odds) in the beginning of March with us: the first year( all but the first fourteen dayes of the same, which they spent in egypt) being now spent in coming out of egypt, and in coming thus far into the wilderness; but the most part of it, in providing and making these things aforesaid. But now when these things were provided, and the Tabernacle accordingly erected, then, shortly after, they were appointed of God to remove thence, and to go on in their journey again. So are we first to consider, of such Stories as belong to the place, where yet they are: then, of such as belong to their removing hence or going forward. That wee may the better find out what things belonged unto the place where yet they are, wee are to note, that here they abode, until the twentieth day of the second month, of the second year, since they came out of egypt: and therefore, that such things as we haue in the end of this fortieth chapter of Exodus for the last five verses of it, and all that we haue in the whole book of Exod. 40: 34. Numb. 10: 10 Leuiticus, and in the first nine Chapters, and the first ten verses of the tenth, of the book of Numbers, do all appertain unto the time of their abode here. In which time we haue som-things appertaining unto the Tabernacle for the erecting& dedicating of it,& some thing of other matters besides. unto the Tabernacle for the erecting& dedicating of it, it doth appertain, first that God did so declare his own approbation, or his gracious acceptance of it: then, some other things that at Ex. 40: 34, 35 the first erecting of it were to be done by others. God declared his approbation or his gracious acceptance of it, both by a plain visible Testimony to al: and, by some private talk that then he had with Moses besides. The visible testimony was, both in that fire came from him and devoured the Sacrifice; and in that he so covered the same above in the sight of them all, with that cloud, and so filled the place within with his glory●, that Moses ●●● a time could not enter into it. That private talk that then he had with Moses besides, was as touching certain laws that then he did prescribe unto him: and so most fit to bee remembered together with others, in another place ensuing. Those other things therefore, that were now there to be done, were diuers: some, appertaining to this present; others, to a time soon after ensuing. Of those that were to be done at this present, we are are first to see, what was to be done by Moses himself: then, what by others besides. Of those things that were to be done by Moses, some things are in plain terms appointed to be done by him: and one thing there is besides, that it seemeth was for the time to be done by him likewise. Those that in plain terms were appointed unto him, were the Consecration of Aaron and his sons to the Priest-hood; and the cleansing of the Altar: the former of which is distinctly and plainly set down how it should be done; the other, nothing so plainly as it. As touching the Consecration of Aaron and his four sons ( Nadab, Abibu, Eleazar, levity. 8: 4, 5 and Ithamar) unto the Priest-hood, when there-with he was to sent in hand, he first called the Elders and people together, and assured them, that that which now he was to do before them, was by the special appointment of God himself: so( belike) to prevent all sinister conceit in them, that he had some partial meaning therein, as being affectionate carnally unto his Brother, and to his Nephews. Then calling them unto him, and setting in hand with their consecration, he washeth Exo. 28: 1. 29: 4-9. 40: 12-16, 31. levit. 8: 4-36. their hands and feet at the laver; putteth on their holy Garments; and anointeth them unto their office with that oil of sweet perfume. This being done, then a sucking calf, and two rams without blemish, together with a basket of Bread, Cakes, and Wafers, all unleavened, and of fine Flower( the bread Ex. 29: 1-3, 10 other-wise but such, as, it seemeth, as was ordinary, or such as was used to be eaten with meate, but the Cakes tempered with oil as the manner is to use Butter with us, and the Wafers laid over with oil too) being before to that end provided, were now presented unto the Lord. Of which three Beasts, and of that which was in the Basket, part must be offered unto the Lord: and part must remain to Aaron and his sons, for them to feed on. But if they marked, as then it was evident that they had bodily sustenance by that which did redound unto them: so had they good and needful instruction by that which was offered. For first they must haue( notwithstanding that so they were called by the appointment of the lord himself; had already washed; and were revested now with those holy Garments) a Sin-offering sacrificed for them, which was that sucking calf: on which themselves Ibid. 11-13. all must lay their hands, to aclowledge their own guiltiness before him. Then must the innocent beast be killed, as it were for their sin: his blood being taken must Moses put, or some little part of it, even with his finger on the horns of the Altar, there to remain as a witness against them( though the one was his Brother, and his elder too;& the others, his Nephews) and the rest, as of no worth to such a purpose, but onely in figure, must he power forth at the foot of the Altar: the kidneys also, and all the fat of the inwards must Moses burn on the Altar before them. And the better to give them to understand, how exceeding odious they were unto God by their sin; yea, and how unworthy also to haue any place at all among men, such as are the people of God: not onely the excrements Ibid. 14. and skin, and the other parts of the beast that were the more homely, and to less use, but even the whole weal besides, though otherwise good and whole-some, and dainty meat, must bee had away, as an execrable thing, and so burnt without the host. Then also in the next must the Lord onely be served: themselves must there haue no part at all yet, having already acknowledged their uncleanness unto the Lord by the other, and now having offered in this apacificatory sacrifice on their behalf, and the Lord himself giuing his Testimony of it, that it should be an acceptable Sacrifice unto him; herein may they to their great comfort see, that notwithstanding their unworthiness, and extreme insufficiency to bee any Priests unto him; yet of his goodness it pleaseth him to accept of themselves, and of the administration of that their function. So the next Sacrifice must bee one of Ibid. 15-18. those two rams, which being presented before the Lord, then must Aaron and his sons lay on their hands on the head of it also, as beseeching the Lord, in the blood of that guiltless Beast( but that being but onely a figure of a more precious blood than it) to accept of them and of their Ministry in those holy things about him. Whereupon, the Beast being killed, his blood must be sprinkled round about vpon the Altar: a more evident Token, that they haue no interest there, nor any likelihood of acceptance with him, but onely by blood. Then must the sacrifice( in some good and decent manner) be cut in pecces; the inwards and legs thereof first washed, and laid in some order together, must bee wholly burnt unto the Lord: himself assuring them, that it should bee an acceptable Sacrifice unto him. But now cometh the third wherein Aaron and his Sons had a good portion; even all the flesh almost, and almost all the Bread, Cakes,& Wafers in the basket besides: which was the second of those two rams, which now in the third and last place was thus to be sacrificed. First, both Aaron and his sons were to lay their hands Ibid. 19-26. on this also, and so to present him unto the Lord as to bee a Peace-offering, or a Sacrifice of thanksgiving for them: and so they had very good cause, as well for teaching them to account themselves to be very great and detestable sinners, as nevertheless for giuing so good assurance unto them, that he accepted of them to this so great and holy a function. They having thus giuen-in that ram to bee their Sacrifice, then was Moses to kill it, and not onely to sprinkle the blood of this vpon the Altar, as in the other: but also to put some little part of it on the laps of the right ears( as to be a special ear-ring to them) on the thumb of the right hands,( as their Signet of gold) and on the great to of the right feet, both of Aaron himself, and of his sons with him; and mingling another part of it with some of that oil of sweet perfume, to besprinkle both them, and their Garments therewith. A thing of greater price, belike than those faire and rich Garments of theirs; even those of Aarons also, which were most royal: and those drops, or sprinkling of blood mingled with that oil aforesaid, as they were of a fragrant scent, so to be most precious unto them, and the fairest jewels in all their Garments. This being Ibid. 22-2●. done, then was only the right shoulder and rump of this, together with the Kidnyes and fat of the inwards, as in the sucking calf before, one loaf, one Cake, and one Wafer out of the Basket, to be burnt on the Altar before the Lord: but first, all these together were to be given into the hands of Aaron, and into the hands of his sons, and they were jointly to heave them up, so to present them unto the Lord, as coming from them or being their present: and then was Moses again to take them, and to make the offering of them. But here, whereas most of our Translations either add shaking too and fro withall, in the Text itself, or in their Annotations thereon, and then withall yield to Rab. Salomon, that it was a munting or waving Lyra. of it unto the four quarters of the world, East, West, North, and South, as claiming thereby on the Lords behalf the signory or sovereignty over the whole( and it doth not appear to what end, nor how conveniently, all those parcels should other-wise be shaken of them too and fro:) it would be as I take it worth the labour, to those that are skilful in the tongue, well to examine, whether that sense of the word itself be not unproperly urged here. For as heaving or holding up, that is very proper to the Nature of this kind of action; all men using, when they bring any present, so to make some show of it unto those to whom they bring it: but as for shaking too and fro( and so to turn them about in this) I do not see what use it may haue in such kind of actions; and God we may think had no other meaning in it, but onely to appoint such things to be done as to such actions did most appertain. nevertheless good probabilities there are, that to the word that there is used there is such a sense appertaining. For first of all, those that haue added to Calepinus his latin Dictionary, first the French, Italian, and Spanish words, then also, the Hebrew, greek, and Germaine. do for his Agito, as, in latin set down Henah Calepinus. and Henidh in Hebrew: and for his Elevo, as, in latin Nasa, and Herim. Then also, saints Pagninus in his epitome Thesauri lingna sancta( not mentioning the Sanct. Pagni●. roote itself that now we speak of) doth nevertheless set down these two words, Hi●a● U●●in●●, to signify Hither and thither, which may seem to import a shaking too and fro. Lastly Arias Mont●●●s, and his associates since, haue not altogether omitted that Latin Interpretation of saints Pagninus; but having the words twice, once in the four and twentieth, and then in the six and twentieth Verses again, Arias Montanus. in the former of them they interpret it of shaking, & agitabit, but in the latter of heaving onely, & eleuabit; though in the former of them they set eleuabit in the margin, but not agitabit in the latter, so far giuing the advantage rather to heaving up, than to shaking. Now before Moses made this offering of those parcels aforesaid, Ibid. 26. he was in like sort to take out the breast of the Mutton, and to heave that likewise before the Lord, and then to lay it by for himself, the Lord allowing that for a peculiar portion to him. But that is to be understood, as in the right of the Priesthood, he now executing that office, till Aaron and his sons were invested in it. And so should the shoulder haue remained too, but that this oblation being now made for the Priests themselves, it pleaseth God to exempt but onely the breast unto Moses: whereas both now the Lord did sanctify or appoint both the one and the Ibid. ●7, 28. other( from that time forward) to bee as the pro[er fees for the Priests; and afterward also maketh mention thereof again unto the people, that they may see what levit. 7: 31, 34 36. in such cases they were to give to them as their due. But now in this case, when the Shoulder and Breast were to bee taken out from amongst the rest, as the portion which GOD allowed unto the Priestes, seeing they were to bee taken out by the Priestes themselves, who might bee partial on their own behalf, there might bee some use of shaking, so to make it more plain to those that offered the Sacrifice( who should haue the rest) that they took no more but their own, and that if any more did at any time happen to cleave there-unto, yet by such shaking it might easily fall off from it again. And so Dyonisius, being deposed Pl●●ark●. from his kingdom, and then living as a private man, when on a time an old acquaintance of his came merrily unto him, opening his gown, and shaking the same, when first he came into his presence( as the manner was then to come before Princes, so to show that they had no secret weapons to do some mischief on the sudden) I pray thee, saith he, shake thyself so when thou goest out again, that so I may see thou hast stolen nought with thee. All the rest of the Mutton must bee sod Ex. 29: ●1-34. there; and both it, and all the rest of the bread in the Basket, must remain unto Aaron and to his sons: but to be eaten by them alone, and not by any Stranger besides; and if they left any until the Morning, then was that also to bee burnt, and might not be eaten by any of them. God so teaching, that they especially should ever depend on his providence, and not to be so doubtful of it, as to make their allowance they got at one such Sacrifice, to serve them for victuals so long as they could, least no body came a good while after to offer the like. These were the things that should be done for their consecration; but then they were not to bee so Ex. 29: 35-37 done one day onely, but full out seven dayes together. In which place also there is special mention again of the calf which was their sin-offering; but of neither of the rams, nor of any of the rest: belike, the better to show, that their sin was not such as might so easily be purged; least other-wise Moses might haue conceived, that that Sacrifice being the first day offered, needed not so often to be with the rest reiterated. For, by nature we easily conceive, that we are not so very foul, as indeed we are. As touching the cleansing of the Altar( a thing that is not so plainly Ibid. 36, 37. set down, as the other) the obscurity is, whether there was any special cleansing that must be performed, but onely some part of this, or al the whole, that under other name is delivered unto us, and that which necessary thereunto belongeth. If there were any other, I do not yet see what it is; neither do I see, that it is needful so to take it: but rather conceive, that it is to be referred to that which already is spoken of; and, as it seemeth, partly also to that which followeth, the daily Sacrifice. Concerning which, the question is by whom the same was first to bee performed: whether by Moses; or by those that now were entering into their Office. If not but by those that now were entering into their office, then ought it not begin till the eight day, before which time they were not fully invested therein; ●● else it must goody done by them before they were fully allowed to that function: neither of which me thinketh are likely; and it is certain, that wee haue neither of them to us so plainly delivered( if at all) as that wee may thereby grow to such resolution. So it seemeth, that this also was the charge of Moses for the time: both because it is now required, before the others were invested, and the speech thereof so directed to Moses, as that it seemeth now to respect him onely therein; and because we haue no farther direction for that matter, till long after the time that they had Num. 2●: 1-10 the first use of it, and often besides, as wee may probably think for many yeares, even all the time almost that they were in the wilderness. Allotting it therefore to bee performed by him for the time, until the others were fully invested in that new office of theirs, then was he also to offer every of these daies the daily Sacrifice: the very chief and principal Oblation, as I do take it, which to this Altar did appertain, and so is it also taken by others. Concerning which; first, we are to consider of the Sacrifice itself: then of the Reasons that there are used, Lyr. to move them to haue good regard unto it. In the Sacrifice likewise, we are to consider, whereof it consisted: and, in what sort it was to be used. It consisted partly of a living Creature: and partly, of other things to go withall. The living Creature was a lamb, of the first year, after that once it was eight daies old: and the same without blemish; that is, such as had all the Limbs and members perfect; though it were not all of one colour. Those other things that were to go withall, were, a certain quantity of Flower& oil, for an Oblation or meat offering, and a certain quantity of Wine for a drink offering. The Flower is accounted to be about a pottle or a quarter of a perk of our measure: the oil and Wine, either of them but about a quarter so much by some, accounting the same but to a pint; but esteemed much more by some other. How the same should be used, I find no question at all in others, but that altogether, not onely the lamb, but the Flower, oil, and Wine likewise, should all bee burned unto the Lord: and that to be made plain enough by the names that are given unto it, as of Holocaust from the greek, and of Burnt-offering in English, and one of the words that is used for it in the Hebrew( for the other importeth the Ascending of it) which is as much to say, as consumed by fire; though some there be that conceive, that the Wine should be poured forth on the Altar, as the Text indeed doth plainly talk Numb. 28: 7. of pouring it forth, where it is again repeated. But now, if it may so stand with the Text, that it should be but onely the lamb that should bee burned, and that Exod. 29: 42. Num. 28: 6, 8. the name of burnt-offering be given to the whoie, but in respect of the chief and principal part thereof, which should wholly bee in such sort consumed; and that the pouring forth to the Lord that there is spoken of, may bee meant of pouring forth from the common vessel wherein it was brought, into some holy vessel of the Tabernacle to that end ordained: then might we herein see, whence might arise some provision for those that served at the Altar; especially, if the oil and Wine may be conceived to bee answerable in proportion to the Flower, as there Tremel. I●●. in C●●gi●. are of the learned that are so persuaded. There is no question, but that as God took order for them, they had great allowance besides; but yet for the most part but casual onely: this was not much, and might but hardly serve some very few; but it was standing, and twice to be had every day. again, being called a Meate and drink offering, the Name we may see would easily bee favourable to such an Numb. 28▪ 8. Interpretation, if otherwise it may stand with the Text itself. The reasons that there are used, do strongly conclude on that for which they are brought, in that Exo. 29▪ 42-46 they offer so great favours thence to them all. They show, likewise how some of our translators haue been deceived. That kind of cleansing of the Altar that did necessary appertain to the performing of these aforesaid Sacrifices, was but such as is incident to all such actions: as first, to make the Altar clean again of the Ashes, blood, and other foulness that it got by the Sacrifice before offered, before that they offered any other on it. Those others besides were the Priestes, and Princes. The Priests being now in those seven daies consecrated to their office, were on the eight to take their business in hand: but some of them soon offended therein to their own ruin. The business that now they had to deal in, was( from this time for 〈◇〉 the execution of the Priesthood, in al things thereunto appertaining: and so were they now to sacrifice, both as this present occasion did require; and as otherwise also was incident unto them. As this present occasion did require, they 〈◇〉 to Sacrifice first for themselves: then, for the people. When first they were to offer for themselves, Aaron being the chief among them, was himself also to be the principal Minister therein: the others, to be attendants and assistants unto him. Aaron therefore, being first admonished to haue such things in a readiness, Levit. 9: 1-5. as for the sacrifices of him and his sons should be needful, and then to admonish the people what they also must haue ready for them, and now having all things ready; first, setteth in hand with those sacrifices for themselves; then, for the people. For themselves he offered( as he was directed by Moses, and he from God) two Ibid. 7-14. several Sacrifices: a calf for a Sin-offering, for the one; and a Ram for a Burnt-offering, for the other. For the people when he was to offer, he did not onely offer their sacrifices for them: but also told them of another matter that might whet them on to that business. For them he was to offer more than for themselves: but first such as he offered for themselves; then, a Peace-offering besides. their sin-offering, was an He-Goat; their Burnt-offering, both a calf and a lamb: Ibib. 5: 15-17 both which Sacrifices he had offered for himself and his sons before. But here in this Burnt-offering of theirs, is mention made of a Meate-offering also, as of Ibid. 17. course going withall, though there were no mention thereof before, but onely in their Peace-offering: and so is it the iudgement of others, I mean, that they should concur, or go together. Their Peace-offering, which they offered more ●ib. Angl. in L●u. 2: 1 Tre.& I●n. in Liu. 9: 17. levit. 9: 4, 18-21. Ibid. 4-6. for them, than for themselves, was a bullock and a ram: and their Meate-offering besides. That other matter whereof he told them to whet them on to this business, was( as Moses also had told him before) that the Lord that day would appear unto them: whereupon also the assembly drew near, and there awaited that favour of God. Besides these, it was otherwise also incident unto him to offer the daily Sacrifice, which also is noted that he did: and the proper Sacrifice of the Prince Ibid. 17. Num. 7: 10, 11 that fell for that present. Those that did so soon offend, were Nadab and Abihu, the two eldest sons of Aaron: concerning whom, wee are first to consider of that accident itself; then, of something else that came in thereupon. In that accident itself we are in like manner; first, to inquire, what their offence was; then, to consider of the iudgement, that for the same did fall vpon them. Concerning their offence, it is not altogether unlikely, but that the occasion of it also may here be noted( as also it is the iudgment of some that so it is:)& then are we to consider; first of the occasion of it; then of the offence itself. The occasion of it, is by some supposed to be, that Rab. Simeon. Lyr. they had ouer-shot themselves in drinking;& that opinion resteth on two principal grounds: yet but one of them of any force indeed;& the other of small importance. lieu. 10: 8-11. That which is of some force indeed, or at least may seem so to be, is, that the Lord seemeth thereupon soon after to forbid thē( during the time of their ministration) wine, and strong drink: and addeth the reason, to the end that they may the better discern all such things as belong to their duty. That which is but of small importance, Arreptis. is, that whereas the vulgar Translation useth a word that importeth an inconsiderate, rash, and disorderly catching or snatching up of their Incense-Cups, when they were therein to offer up sweet perfume unto the Lord; and such a kind of behaviour, doth import the party that in such case should use it, to be far out of temper: Lyr. hence it is gathered, that they were in drink when they did set in hand with that their business; and that the Text itself likewise doth import it. But the original V●●ab. Tremel Inn. Bibl. Aug. S●●ct. P●g●i●●●. is so far from yielding that sense, that such as haue with greater diligence and more advisedly translated since, haue not been so bold so far to charge them and the word itself that there is used, hath no such sense ascribed unto it. The offence itself, is noted to haue two principal heads: one, very certain; the other also, to lieu. 10: 1. Num 3: 4. and 26: 61. haue good likelihoodes of it. That which is certain, is, that they offered with strange fire: and so are they most commonly charged. But then wee are herein to consider, that without blame, such fire was used before: and that, as yet, we read of no commandment given, of taking the other. So it may seem their fault to bee, no manifest breach of that commandment; but onely this unadvisedness in them, that being now to burn sweet perfume unto the Lord, notwithstanding that GOD had now sent fire so strangely from his presence: yet they did not think it material what fire they took for this matter; nor that it was any thing needful, so to inquire of the lord for that. Not much unlike, as it seemeth to me, to that defect that was in the figtree, when Christ being hungry, came to bee relieved by it, Mat. 11: 12, 13 but found no help at it, because as yet the season did not serve to that purpose. For truly even Nature itself should haue yielded, without respect of accustomend seasons, to the onely Lord of Nature and all: and these two sons of Aaron, being now so graciously taken so near unto him, and to so honourable a service of his, should not onely haue taken heed, that they did nothing against any thing that himself had commanded: but also, that they did nothing at all unto him, neither great nor little, in the way of his worship, but onely that which they were most assured that himself prescribed; and therefore, that if in any thing it was not yet known, what was his holy will and pleasure, in any wise they first inquired, before that ever they presumed to do it. And therefore the sanctifying that there is spoken of, seemeth levit. 10: 3. not to be so much referred to God; as unto those that attend his service: and so the sense to be, that so many as are vouchsafed to be taken near unto him, or that are employed in his holy service, are ever to haue a special regard to all their ways, that in all things they aim at his will and pleasure so near as they can. That which is not so certain, but yet hath good likelihood for it, is, that they had a meaning Tremel. Inn. with them to enter into the Most-holy place with that their Incense; whereas God had yet set them nothing at all to do there, and shortly after shewed what was his mind for that matter: namely, that onely the High-Priest should come in thither; and that but once a year, and then with diuers special Ceremonies also. The likelihood lieu. 16: 1-34. whereupon it standeth, is, that upon the mention of their death, the lord doth afterward advertise Moses, how to instruct his Brother Aaron, that he also run in no danger therein. For seeing that Aaron is so specially warned how to enter in there, vpon the death of his two sons before, it may bee conceived, that they had some such meaning with them; though others there bee that do not so take it; and Vatab. Lyr. Bibl. Angl. do otherwise apply it besides. Their iudgement that did fall vpon them for it, being, as it was a sudden and a fearful death, is itself a warning sufficient to all, how odious a thing it is unto God, not much to regard what he prescribeth, but in levit. 10: 2. his matters to follow our own mindes also: when as wee see it punished so roundly here; and on those who but then entering into their office, could not yet be well acquainted with it. But this is not all neither. For wee are farther given to understand, that the iudgement of God was so just therein, and he on all hands so to bee justified for the same( with what face then will those worshippings of men at that day appear?) that neither might the Brother in that case mourn for his Brother, no Ibid. 6, 7. nor the Father for his son. Those things that came in thereupon, were, that both Aaron and his sons forgot themselves in other things also: insomuch that Moses was fain to reprove them for it, and to set them right again. And it is lieu. 10: 12-20 no rare thing, that the rashness or negligence of some should disturb the service of God unto many: even to those that are most careful of all. The Princes perceiving that the Tabernacle was then to bee erected, and thinking it their partes( at that time especially) to give some testification of their duties, did then come in with their offerings also: but as they were herein of good mind to glorify God; so it pleased God to honour them. The offering that they were purposed to make, was, first by them all jointly together; then, by every one a part by himself. jointly together Num. 7: 1-3. their offering was six Chariots covered: but of no greater quantity or burden, but that one yoke of Oxen( which the Princes also did give withall) might bee able to deal with one of those Chariots, and with the burden thereof thereto appertaining. These did the lord himself will Moses, to take of them to the use of the Sanctuary: and he, so doing, did shortly after bestow them among the levites, Ibid. 4-9. when they were taken to the charge of the Sanctuary. severally they were of purpose to offer a-part by themselves( every one like unto other; and that belike, to prevent emulation among them) a silver Charger of about 130. ounces in weight,( the common Sickle being about half an once in weight, and the Sickle of the Sanctuary being double unto it) a silver Boale of twenty ounces, both full of fine Flower mingled with oil for a Meate-offering; and an Incense Cup of Gold, of ten ounces full of Incense: all which( the Flower and Incense being to be spent as it came with their Sacrifices which they brought withall) were thence-forth to remain to the use of the Sanctuary. For their Sacrifices they were of purpose to offer besides, Ibid. 15-17.& 1●-●●. every of them; first, in the way of devotion, or exercising their Religion or Faith towards GOD generally, a young bullock, a ram, and a lamb, for a Burnt-offering: then more specially, both a He-Goate for a sin-offering so to aclowledge their own vnworthynesse; and two bullocks. five rams, five Hee-Goats, and five Lambs, for a Peace-offering, so to testify their acknowledging of the favours of God towards them, and their rejoicing in him again. The honor that God did them herein, was, that whereas they meant no other, but all to come on one day, it pleased God to give a several day to every of them: a good comfortable token, that whosoever they are that honour God, those also will he honour; and then less marvell, and less matter too, albeit he let others slip to some special disgrace, who haue little regarded to honor him. 11 Those other matters besides, were but onely the keeping of a passover in the due time thereunto ordained, which now approached: and that it pleased God now to acquaint them farther with his mind and pleasure for many things else. As touching the passover, whereas this solemnity of the dedication of the Tabernacle reached so near to the time that was appointed to it, that the people were in danger to haue forgotten it, if they had not been remembered of it, it pleased God Numb. 9: 1-5 before-hand to put them in mind of it: and so it was orderly kept in the time appointed. But then there fell out another matter thereupon: namely, that some being Ibid. 6, 7. at that time Legaly unclean, and in such sort that then they might not hold that Feast as their bretheren did, they opened their case unto Moses, and desired some remedy for it. whereupon Moses inquiring of the lord, had this direction for Ibid. 8-12. them and others, that if any of them at any time after should be so polluted by a dead body( for in such case a Sacrifice were first to be offered, as it seemeth, which would levi. 5: 2. 21: 1 Num. 5: 1-3. ask some longer time for those that were in such sort polluted, but immediately before the paschal was to be offered) or should be far off in a journey, so that at that time he could not keep it, he should do it the same day the next month following, but otherwise observing the order prescribed: and that whosoever should otherwise Numb. 9: 13. of negligence slip it, or not regard to observe that Feast, he should bee cut off from the people. A good warning to many of ours: not onely to such as do so little regard at all to communicate; but also to such, as at sometime being unmeet, do not get themselves meet within such time as here is appointed. Those other things wherein it pleased him now to acquaint them farther with his mind and pleasure, were many and diuers; but such as in my mind do most of all tend( a very few onely excepted appertaining unto the Priestes, and therefore reserved to their proper duty) to one of these two: either to set some good order for the whole body of them: or else to frame them all in particular unto such a course, as wherein they might bee most acceptable to God. To set some good order for the whole body of them, we see that care to be taken for them, both Ecclesiastically and civilly also. Ecclesiastically, first in that order that was taken about the levites: first, in exempting them, from the rest of their bretheren, to the service of the Sanctuary; then, in distributing their service unto them. Concerning the exempting of them, from the rest of their bretheren to the service of the Sanctuary, God doth both tell them by Num. 3: 5-10, 11-13. 8: 17. Numb 1: 47-54. 3: 12, 40-43. Ibid. 3: 14-21. what right he may so do: namely, because their first born did fall to be his, because he spared all theirs, when he destroyed the first born of the Land of egypt: and then accordingly made his claim for them, and took them unto him. But whereas the number of the levites, of a month old and vp-ward, came not to so many as the first born of all the rest of the Israelites did, by 273. the levites being but Ibid. 3: 3●-43. and 4: 1-49. Ibid. 3: 44-51 22000. the others being 22273. the Lord appointed, that the Israelites should farther give for the redemption of that overplus, after the rate of five shekels for every of them, 1365. shekels in all, which( accounting the Shekle of the Sanctuary with them, to be about five shillings with us) came to about 340. pounds, and somewhat better: and that both the levites themselves, and the Money that the overplus came unto, should be given to Aaron and his sons. The levites being thus Ibid. 3: 5▪ 10. 48. 8: 16-19. exempted, then was there farther order taken, both at what age they should begin there to serve: and, what was the service that then they should do. The age when they should begin, was five and twenty yeares: and so now( at the first) was Moses willed to take so many of them as were of that age, and to purify them to their business. The manner whereof was such, as that thereby they were given to understand, Ibid. 8: 5-26. that of themselves they were unclean to such a purpose, as also themselves must actually aclowledge: and the whole Congregation must make an actual delivery of them unto that service. But then they had no charge to bear the burden of the Tabernacle till they were of the age of thirty yeares: and then again, when they came to fifty, they were delivered from all laborious work thereunto appertaining. For which cause it was farther appointed, that the sum of so many Ibid 4: 1-49. of them, as were of the age of thirty yeares, and not exceeding fifty, should bee taken severally of the three Families of the levites: the Koathites, Gersonites, and the Merarites; and their several services and places set down unto them. Whereby it was found, that the Koathites of that age were 2750; the Gersonites 2630; and Ibid. 36, 40, 44 the Merarites 3200: in all 8580. Of these the Koathites were appointed to bear Ibid. 4-15, 17-20, 24-28. 31-33. the most holy things, but not to meddle with them till the Priestes had leapt them up: and the other two Families of them, all the rest: the Gersonites, the biles, coverings, and Hangings; the Merarites, those planks ouer-layde with gold, together, with all the pillars, Bases, Pins, and cords. The Koathites also were appointed Ibid. 3: 23, 29, 35. to pitch or camp next to the Sanctuary on the South; the Gersonites on the West; and the Merarites on the North: the East-ende, where was the entrance of the Tabernacle, being left for Moses and Aaron, for them and theirs, as meetest place Ibid. 38. for them, for others to repair unto them, especially in matters wherein they were to deal with the Lord. every of these Families had their several Heads-man, the Ibid. 3: 24, 30. 35. better to keep the rest in order: Elizaphan for the Koathites; Eliasaph for the Gersonites; and Zuriel for the Merarites: Eleazar( a having another special charge Ibid. b 32: ● 4: 16, 28, 33. besides) b being chief over them all generally; and Ithamar over the two latter, more especially. For Eleazar and Ithamar, both were of the Koathites: and so it may be, they fell by order unto the charge of Eleazar as the elder of them; or else were more left unto their own proper Heades-man, being the chief of those three Families. But it is plain, that the two others were appointed to Ithamar the younger: and so he thereby made somewhat equal unto his brother. Then was there Num. 10: 1-10 another thing that took part with both, the ordinance of those two silver Trumpets: but yet because they were in the only custody of the Priestes, and were to bee used onely by them, therefore may they be so much the rather taken into these also. The use therefore of these, was, so far as appertaineth to the matter that now wee are in, to bee founded by the Priestes in certain of their solemn feasts: and at some of their Sacrifices also. Those solemn feasts are but some onely name: but some others, as it seemeth, implied besides. Those that are name, are the beginning Ibid. 10. levit. 25: 9. of every month: and once in fifty yeares, the tenth day of the seventh month also. At the beginning of every month, belike so to stir them up now and then, to more special consideration of themselves, and to the worship and service of God: on the tenth day of the seventh month to publish the worthily then approaching, for which we haue a place a little after, more specially to consider on it. Those that seem Numb. 10: 10 to be implied besides, are not name unto us: but it may seem, that some such there were, both because they were directed to blow them in the time of public gladness, and in some other feasts besides immediately after, but yet not name. Those Sacrifices of theirs wherein likewise they were directed sometime to sound them, were both Burnt-offerings, and Peace-offerings also; but belike not such as were ordinary Ibid. or often used, but the more principal or rarest of them. The order that was civilly taken, was most of it concerning themselves alone; but part of it concerning others withall. That which was concerning themselves alone, was most of it also concerning the whole people generally: but some part of it, concerning certain of them more specially. That which concerned them all generally, was, the order of their camping and marching as occasion at any time should be offered. Concerning which, first they were numbered: then sorted to their standards and places. In that they were numbered first, before they were sorted, Numb. 1: 1-54 Ibid. 2: 1-34. seeing God was therein disposed to give a more honourable place to some than to others, and that not according to the common course neither, that course may serve well to prevent the envy of some who might even in the number of such as were so preferred, see that there was, for the strength and safety of all, good reason in it: to which end also, as well as for their help in their business, it may well be, that the Heads-man or Prince of every Tribe, was by special commandement joined with Moses and Aaron therein. In the numbering of them it is found, that the Num. 1: 4-16 Tribe of reuben, was( of men only, and such as were 20. yeares old or above) to the Ibid. 20, 21, 22, 23. 24, 25. 26, 27 2●, 2●. 30. 31. 3●. 33. 34. 35. 36, 37. 38, 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44-46 number of 46500: Simeon, 59300: Gad, 45650: Indah, 74600: Issachar, 54400: Zabulon, 57400: Ephraim, 40500: Manasseh, 32200: benjamin, 35400: Dan, 62700: Asser 41500: Nepthali, 53400: in al 603550. These 12. who were every of thē able to make a good battle by itself( though some of them were a great deal greater than some other) the least of them 3000. strong; yet were they partend into four great battels: whereof judah had the leading of the first; reuben, of the second; Ephraim, of the third; and Dan, of the fourth. Now, judah was but the fourth son Ge ●9: 32, 35. of jacob,& reuben the eldest; but judah was the greatest in number: he being 74600; the other, but 46500. Again, in the third battle, Ephraim had the leading, whereas Ibi. 48: 18, 19 Manasseh was his elder Brother, and joined with him in the same battle: but then Ephraim was 40500. whereas Manasseh was but 32200. In the fourth battle the Leader was Dan, and he was the son but of one of the hand-maids: Ibid. 30: 6. but then was he the mightiest Tribe next unto judah, being 62700. Those four main battels therefore were these: judah, Issachar, and Zabulou, being in all, Num. 2: 1-16. 186400, for the first; reuben, Simeon, and Gad, being in all, 151450, for the second; Ephraim, Manasses, and benjamin, being 108100. for the third; Dan, Asser, and Ibid. 18-34. N●pthaly, being 157600. for the last. That these may orderly take their places, they are first directed how to do it in their pitching or Camping about the Tabernacle where they are yet: and after that, how they are to march forward in their iournyings, whensoever they are to remove. In their pitching about the Tabernacle where they were yet, leaving convenient space betwixt them and the Tabernacle for the levites, judah and his company were to be on the East; reuben, on Numb 2▪ 3. 10, 18, 25. the South; Ephraim, on the West; and Dan on the North. When they were to remove, we are to consider, not onely of these four main battailes themselves, but of others besides: some that were Leaders unto them; others that were mingled among them. Leaders unto them were, the cloud and the ark: mingled among them were the levites. The Cloud that we speak of, was first given unto Exo. 13: 21, 22 them in the land of Egypt, as they were to depart out of the same: and, as it was in the day time a Cloud, so was it in the night time a pillar of fire. When they were to remove, this Cloud would then advance itself and be going forward, that Nu. 9: 15-23. way that they were to go. Thereupon must all prepare to remove. The Priests Ibid. 4. 45-14. 17-20. Ibid. 15. 20. Ibid 24-28. must come and fold or lap up the holiest things of the Tabernacle: and the Koathites must be ready then to take them to carry. The Gersonites must take down the Vailes, coverings, and Hangings, lap them up, and make them meet for carriage: and the Merarites pluck out the bars, take up those planks and all their Sockets or Bases, then also the pillars together with the Sockets, Pins, and Cords, Ibid. 31-33. thereunto appertaining, and make them all ready to carry. The lapping up of the holiest things of the Tabernacle was, to see too, after one manner; unless the lapping up of the Atke did in one thing vary from the others: but it rather seemeth that it did not, saving that inwardly it had one lapping more. For the ark must first be folded up in that faire vail that hung before it: then must it haue another Numbers 4: 5. Ibid. 6. covering of blew silk; and one of Badgers skins besides. Whether of these two latter should be the outmost, is the question, for that most of our Translations so dispose of the order of their speech, as though it should bee the blew silk covering: but others there be, that make it that of the Badgers 〈…〉, Trem.& Inn. which was indeed the metre to bear off the weather, and so it was with the others besides, the Table of Shew-breade, the standing Gandle-sticke, the Altar of Sweete-Perfume, and the Instruments to these appertaining, every of them having a covering of blewe silk cast over them before: then, Ibid 7-14. another of Badgers skins after. The people also must all generally prepare to bee going. This warning being given, then was the ark to bee Ibid. 9: 21. Ibid. 10, 33. Ioshua 3: 6. josh. 3: 4. carried for-most next after the cloud, and, as it seemeth by the direction that josuah in such case gave, a good reasonable distance before, that so the whole people might better see how they were to follow. Who they were that first did bear it, is, not to be so plainly gathered. For that seemeth by most places to bee the Deut. 31▪ 9. Ios. 3: 3. 6, 8, 13-15, 17. 6: 1●. 1. King. 8▪ 2, 3. Deut. 10: 8. 31. 25. 1 Chr. 15, 2 charge of the Priests: and though sometimes the levites be generally name unto it; yet that seemeth to be but in respect of the other Tribes, and the meaning to be that they should be such Priests as were of the levites. But as yet there were but two Priests that we red of, besides Aaron himself the High-Priest: and the Ark, being all covered over with beaten Gold, without and within, with a lid and two Cherubes on it of pure Gold, those two Tables of ston, and some things else being in it, and those three coverings on it, may well seem to be a reasonable burden( as God was wont to deal with them, making all their burdens but easy) for four men. Whereas therefore the Koathites are allowed to bear all the most holy things generally( of which number this that we speak of was certainly one) Numb. 4: 15. it is most likely, that these did it, if not altogether( because those that were Priests indeed, Elezar and Ithamar are plainly appointed to be overseers to all the levites, and to some other such business besides as could not stand with this, as by and by we are to hear) yet for the most part without all question. And whereas Ios. 6: 4, 6, 8, 12 a while afterward, we haue mention in josuah of so many Priests, that out of them might be chosen enough to bear the ark, and seven more to blow those Trumpets to the walls of jericho, and yet we haue no such mention( nor likelihood neither) of any such number of Priests to haue in so short a time descended of the sons of Aaron, or otherwise to be taken to that function: it is most likely that the chief of the levites, especially of the Koathites that dealt with the things that were most holy, are meant to be the Priests that are spoken of there. These being gone on, Num. 10: 8. Ibid. 5. then must Eleazar and Ithamar, the sons of Aaron sound their Trumpets to give warning to the first main battle, which was of judah, to set forth, and to be going, and to march on after the Cloud and ark going before: and when they were gone on, or set forth from among the rest, then were those sons of Aaron Ibid. 6. the Priests, again to sound their Trumpets to give like warning to the second host to address themselves to follow, and then to set forth, which second main host was that of Reuben and his associates; and so were they to do for the rest. This service Ibid. therefore being so specially appointed to those two Priests the sons of Aaron( for which cause also it seemeth, that there were but only two Trumpets as yet appointed Ibid. 1, 2 because there were no more yet that might use them) it may easily appear thereby, that at this present it was not they could bee employed in bearing of the ark also, but that they were of the Koathites onely that did bear it now. But another is here of greater difficulty: Namely, in what sort the Tabernacle and levites were sorted among them. For in one place it is said, that the Tabernacle of Numb. 2: 17. the Congregation shall go with the host of the levites in the midst of the camp: again, that as they pitched, so should they go forward, every man in his order, according to their standards. For so is that Verse distinguished, by the vulgar translation, by Vatallus, Tremelius, and Iunius, and by the second of their four chief Kings, as Arias Montanus readeth, in the original itself:( for although it haue not such force in al the books of the Bible; yet is this none of those wherein I●ā. Cāp●● in his G●st. fol. 153. it is directly affirmed to be of force so to distinguish) though two English Bibles that now I haue with me, do both omit it, and join together, that they must bee in the midst of the camp as they haue pitched, which notwithstanding may bee but onely the escape of the Printer. In another place it is likewise set down in the Text itself, that when first of all they removed, and were then to put in ure Num. 10: 17. this that was newly prescribed unto them, two of the three families of the levites, which were the Gersonites and the Merarites, went forward with the Tabernacle and the things thereunto appertaining( so far as their charge reached) immediately after the first main army: and that the Koathites, the third family of the levites, who bare the rest of the most holy things( the ark being gone already before) Ibid. 21. followed after reuben and his company, who made the second of those main battailes aforesaid, and so left those other two main armies remaining( which were of Ephraim and Dan) both behind them. again, on the former of these two places we haue a note in one of our English Bibles, that seemeth to import In Numb. 2: 17. &c. that the Tabernacle and al the levites attending the same should all be in the midst of those four battels: and those that did set that note, did not so much trouble themselves as it seemeth in what sense they should take the midst to be appointed to those, as, taking it up at the gainest, to endeavour to give some good reason for it; so determining that it was so ordained, that it might bee of equal distance from each one, and all might indifferently haue recourse thereunto. By which note of theirs it seemeth that they conceived, that they all should march in their journey, in such sort as they pitched( for otherwise it is the Text itself) as that the levites and Tabernacle should be in the midst, and those 4. main battels round about them: one before, another behind; a third on the right hand,& a fourth on the left. For how might it be otherwise, that the Tabernacle could be in equal distance from each one? But I cannot conceive how this should be but by confounding the order of their first setting forward, and matching after. For it is plain, Numb. 10: 5, 6, 14, 18, 22, 25. that they should set forward in this order: first judah; then reuben; thirdly Ephraim; lastly Dan. But now whereas they were to travell for the most part North-ward( for so the wilderness and the land of promise do bear, the one from the other) judah, that should be on the East, by going foremost should be on the North; reuben who should be on the South, must now take either East or West: Ephraim who should be on the West was likeliest to haue that left unto him, if reuben should rather take to the right hand( as being the eldest he was most like;) and Dan, who should be on the North, must now shut up all on the South. So, that equality, it seemeth to me, would make great odds in the Text itself. Others there bee Trem.& jun. A●●● 1593. that seem to conceive, that the Tabernacle and the levites should in such sense be in the midst, as that it and the levites should haue two of those main armies, on each side of them: and so, that all should fall up by file, as( I think) souldiers do term it: that is, that the host of judah being gone on first, the host of reuben which was next to follow, should go up close besides them, till they came cheek by check, but giuing( belike) the right hand unto them, not onely of honor, but also that judah might so keep his cost: next unto them should go the levites with the Tabernacle, and the things thnreunto appertaining, siding themselves close to the Rubenites; after whom should Ephram come up, and join themselves in like sort to the levites: and lastly Dan, coming up so too, should join themselves unto the Ephramites, and close up all. So, by this order, all the whole army should be one main square battle, consisting of five principal parts, judah, reuben, levy, Ephraim, and Dan; and every one of those suitably of three parts again, because there were three families of the levites, as well as there were three Tribes in every of the other four battles betwixt which they were. But then making themselves even for length, both before and behind, needs must some of them be much thicker than the others: and the right side from the levites, thicker than the left. nevertheless it was indeed a very faire order, if we might bee affured so to take it. And, if every Tribe of the children of Israel, had their several standard, Numb. 2: 1, ●2. as the Te●t itself may bear it( though wee haue a note, on behalf of those Bib. Angl. four that were the chief, that there were to them all no more but those four) then haue we in this order four standards in front, 3. in flank, and one more besides for the midlemost row which was of the levites, to be in that row placed, as the best order should require, whether before, or whether behind, or in the midst. But that this order was their meaning, it seemeth to me, that their own words can give no other. For first conceiving that the latter part of the verse doth direct those Armies to come and place themselves at the side of the Sauctuary( as neither the vulgar Translation, Num. 2: 17. nor our English, nor Fran. Vatablus, nor Arias Montanus do) then they add in their margin, Quasi dicat, Sunto castra quadrata: quorum medium obtineat Tabernaculum; sic vt nemo ante eat Leuitis, said omnes ad latus corum procedant, faciantque castra: that is, As though the Lord should say unto them, Let your camp bee a foure-square: in the midst whereof you shall so leave to the Tabernacle, that none do go before the levites; but that all go forward a-side by them, and a-side by them Camp likewise. Allowing none therefore to go before them, but setting all to march a-side by them, it is plain enough in itself, that that is the order that they conceive to bee required hereby. But first of all the Tabernacle, and the levites could not so precisely bee in the midst neither. For as I noted before, all those five portions or battailes could not be of like bigness; but were in plain sight, diuers of them much bigger than others. Insomuch, that the right side of them would cast the Tabernacle and the levites so far from the midst towards the left hand of them( conceiving ourselves to be as yet in the place whence they removed; and to cast our eye after them, to see what order they keep in their journeying) so far as the moiety of threescore and twelve thousand, one hundred and fifty men( by which number, the right side in that course would exceed the left) could bee able to cast them; which moiety onely wee may conceive, to bee about twice so much as themselves: and then would the whole cast them far a-side, and make the form so far out of fashion, as I think wee find not in any course that God hath ordained to set things in order. Then also, if we look to that the people did, though I do not account them, well to haue followed the direction that God did give them: yet neither do I think them so wide, as this would set them. For in their first practising of the direction that God had given them, most of the levites, even two parts, of three, did plainly put themselves in their journeying betwixt judah and reuben, the Num. 10: 17. two first Armies of the four: and thereby do plainly show us, that it was not so understood then, by themselves or others, that they should haue been in the midst of all. And when we look what they say to that place, to see how they reconcile the one to the other, there do wee find nothing at all that they allege in strengthening this their opinion here: but contrariwise even by their own Translation wee find the time to be so specially noted, by Tunc in the verse before Ibid. 18. alleged, and by Postea in the next that followeth, that themselves do thereby grant, that it is out of doubt, that those two parts of the levites in that journeying of theirs, took their place betwixt those two for-most battailes of all. Which if they must grant that they did indeed, then, is it great likelihood, that by their so taking it so generally, that though it may be they did not fully hit the course that was appointed unto them: yet therein were they nearer unto it, than this course of theirs would haue set them. That it may the better appear, if an hundred men, make ten square; and so, an hundred thousand in all, ten thousand square: then, six hundred thousand, must likewise make threescore thousand square. To whom, if we allow rateably to every man one place, such as whereof a thousand make a mile: so may wee see, that they must bee allowed threescore miles breadth to march in; or else that they may not be such a square, as they do seem there to conceive. And in that breadth what help might bee conceived for their direction, either of the ark that going about a mile before, or almost of the cloud either, unless it should advance itself much higher( yea, and above the height of other clouds also) than it seemeth it was wont to do? As also if they should lengthen their Files, double, triple, or fourfolde, so to take in or shorten their front: yet so also would it fall out to be over great a breadth, still to be served with convenient passage; and yet besides haue a daungerous and cumbersome length to trail so long after them, as so they should be forced to do. But to shut up this matter, the truth is, that though that conceit do go under the name of them both, yet it is but the latter of them that may truly be charged with it: as may plainly appear by those Bibles that was published by them both together, while the former also lived; and namely in that which was printed with vs. For in those neither haue we in that former place that Translation that I noted, to vary from all others in the Text itself: nor that note in the margin that I shewed to bee Anno. 1585. set vpon it. But contrariwise, in that other place which followeth, both wee haue Num. 10: 17. the Translation itself strong against that opinion, by so precise setting down the time, when those two Families of the levites did first set forward: and in the fourth verse after, the Text speaking of those two Families of the Leuiets again, themselves do Ibid. 21. plainly set down in the margin, that they had taken their place before immediately after the first company. So it appeareth, that while they were both together, the consideration of both those places kept out that conceit that afterward followed: but when the one of them was departed, then, the other ventured upon it; but withall forgot, to take some farther order for this which was like to bewray it. So to verify the proverb unto us, that more eyes see more, than any one commonly doth. But if neither of these seem to be the sense or meaning of that going in the midst that there is spoken of, then are we farther to consider, what other sense may seem most likely to stand there-with. Wherein I for my part could go no farther, but onely so to take it, as though it had been the meaning of God, that the Tabernacle and the levites, should all go betwixt the second and the third of those four battailes: especially, because it is said, after the first two are gone before, Then the Tabernacle of the Congregation shall go, &c, so noting the time when they were to set Num. 2: 17. forward, that it might seem impiety for any, so much as to go about to look for any other. And so, not onely our English, but others also of special reckoning, Fran. Vatabl●● Tremel. jun. do certainly red. But then on the other side, it is sure again, that the original is not such, as doth necessary so require: the particle() having many significations; and being most commonly used for and, or but. And besides the often use of the places themselves that show it, Calepine hath it in that sense also: and both of old, I● et,& antem. and now of late, it is so taken. The vulgar Translation readeth But: Arias Montanus, And. So, by them that place is not taken to show us When the levites( together with the Tabernacle) should take their place: but that they also were to haue place among them, and that they were the levites onely that should meddle with it. And whereas the English translation doth plainly appoint the midst of the camp for their place, and the best of the others agree thereunto, and in effect the vulgar too, it is good to note withall, that the Hebrew word that there is used, doth not onely signify the midst, but also amongst, and within. By which we gather, that if the levites together with the Tabernacle, haue their place amongst or within saints Pag●●. those other battailes, there is nothing in the original to prescribe unto them, either the precise time when they should take it, or that precisely they should be in the very midst. Which also is indifferently well confirmed by their practise at the first before touched. For if they had taken it, that they should not haue taken their place, but onely after the second battle was gone forward, it is not likely, that so many of them would haue taken place before: and if they had understood it, that whereas there would be three spaces betwixt those four Armies, they should precisely keep to the middlemost of them, it is as unlikely again, that so many of them would so readily haue taken the first. The levites therefore having this liberty left them, now are wee to see, how they might best use it to the furtherance of their business they had in hand. Where first we see, it was best for them, in all their iournyings, ever to be within the strength of their Bretheren: as also they were very plainly thereunto directed by God himself. Then, when they should pitch, and rear up the Tabernacle, they were to bee in such readiness for it, as best might serve to the good and ready dispatch thereof. This( it appeareth) they plainly endeavoured, when those two Families got before, to get the place in a readiness, against the principal things should come, which yet were behind with the third Family of them. But herein they missed of the readiest way, that they went both of them together, when as the one of them could do nothing( to speak of) till the other had done. For the Merarites must first do their business, before the Gersonites could meddle with theirs: and those that could not yet bee occupied, were likely enough one way or other, to be a cumber to some of their Bretheren that either were occupied, or but coming up to take their place appointed, and so be no better than a confused company by it. Whereas, on the other side, there were three several spaces betwixt those four Armies, if but the Merarites had taken the first, the Gersonites the second,& the Koathites the third, then had they not onely placed themselves amongst their Bretheren, according to the direction of God, yea, even in the midst of them, if any delight rather, so to red: but also they had so been in best readiness, orderly to perform what they had to do. And so wee may hope that after they did: though, as the manner is, at the first they something missed. As also this course doth better agree to the latter part of Gods direction, than did their former. For Num. 2: 17. he doth there plainly tell them, that as they pitched or encamped before, so should they afterward also march or go forward: but they pitched in three several companies; and so haue they amongst their Bretheren( belike to that end) three several places for them. So omitting the opinions of others who haue not so much regarded the Text itself, thus we conceive for this matter, that after the first of those Armies lead by judah, the Merarites followed with such things as to them belonged: after reuben, the Gersonites; after Ephraim, the Koathites; Dan immediately after shutting up all, and therefore called the Gathering host, as having charge to leave Num. 10: 25. none behind, but ever to see that they take all with them. So likewise when they were to pitch and camp again, that the cloud first staying there, those that bare the ark, made a stand likewise. Then, that all the rest came up in their order, those of judah taking the East, a good distance from the ark, whom the Merarites following, Num. 2: 3. went towards the ark, and there set up( orderly coasted) all the pillars of the Court first, then the Boardes or planks of the Tabernacle, together with the pillars thereto belonging; and then went themselves, some reasonable distance off, to the North. That those that were of the host of reuben, coming up next, took their place in much like distance towards the South: and that the Gersonites following Num. 2: 10. after, and approaching towards the ark, covered the Tabernacle, and hung up the vail for the entrance of it, and then hung up the Court likewise, together with the vail at the entrance of it, and then went themselves some convenient distance of, towards the West. Then, that those that were of the host of Ephraim coming Num. 2: 18. up next, and placing themselves, about such like distance from the Tabernacle,( beyond the Gersonites) on the West, the Koathites following; first did the business to them appertaining: and then took their place as was appointed. Their business was now not like to al: for, some of the Koathites, we must conceive, were yet with the ark, as those that had the carriage of it: others, now to bring in the residue of those things that belonged unto their charge. But when they had brought them, they might not unfold them or take them out; but now the Priests the sons of Aaron must come, and either dismiss them vpon their coming, and do the rest themselves; or at least themselves unfold all, and hang up the vail before the ark, and sand the others away with their coverings. Which when they had done, and such other things as belonged unto them, then were they to part two several ways: Moses& Aaron with their families( being themselves of the Koathites also) towards the East, a convenient distance from the enteraunce into the Tabernacle; and the rest of the of the Koathites towards the South, betwixt the Tabernacle, and those of the host of reuben beyond them. Next after whom came up Dan, the last battle of them al, and the greatest but one; who had also the charge to leave none behind if any fainted Num 2. 25. by the way, but to bring all such with them: and took his place on the North, in like distance from the Tabernacle as others before. Which distance of theirs from the Sanctuary, before mentioned in the Camping of every of them▪ though the Text doth not declare: yet may any conceive some such convenient distance as was most seemly to bee observed, and most meet for the people themselves; as not urging them, either to thrust themselves over close together, or to pitch, over far asunder. And such as haue any reasonable in skill martiall affairs, especially what quantity of ground an Army needeth to camp in, may easily conceive of what distance it was like to bee. One there is, who, by the space that joshuah afterward 〈◇〉. Io●i●●. ●● N●●. 2: 2. appointed to be betwixt the foremost of them that followed, and the ark going before, iudgeth, that this also should bee the like: but that would make but about two miles square, which I doubt would be much to little for so many to camp in, never knowing how long they were to abide before they removed. And these things concerned the whole people generally. That which concerned certain of them Numb. 5: 1-4. more specially, was no more but the order that was taken for putting forth from among them certain infectious and unclean persons: so to preserve the rest so much the better, both from infection, and pollution withall. So likewise, that which concerned others with them, was no more but that Law of aequalitie, or of one kind of dealing and Iustice, both for the Israelite,& for the Stranger that dwelled among them: which being given before for one particular of their profession, was now also Exod. 12: 49. Num. 9: 14. renewed again on the selfsame matter especially, but yet stretching more largely unto them in other things also. CHAP. 8. 1 TO frame them all in particular unto such a course as wherein they might bee most acceptable to God, it seemeth to me, that he was careful to teach them but two Lessons onely: one, in such sort to carry themselves in all their ways( in holinesse and righteousness before him) as might become the profession they held; the other, so to moderate their affections within, that howsoever God may seem to deal hardly with them, yet that they do quietly bear it. But these things do, in their particulars so much appertain to matter of Doctrine, that having another place fitter for them, we are here, for this time to let them alone, and to reserve them to that other place more proper for them. Now therefore as touching their removing hence, and going forward in their journey again, till they so offended, that they were turned back into the wilderness, there, with a long and irksome Pilgrimage, to reap the fruits of that their disobedience and unbelief, wee are first to consider of this their journeying: then, of such things as fell out therein. In this their ioyurnying likewise we haue occasion given us, first to consider, who they were that now took their journey we speak of: th●●, of the journey itself. Considering who they were; first, there is no question of the people of Israell themselves; but that now they all took their journey together generally. But others there bee that went with them also, of whom wee haue here either no mention at all, or else but doubtful. Those of whom we haue no mention at all here, were a great multitude of sundry sorts of people, who as it seemeth, now also went with them, though here wee haue no mention of them. For it is certain, that such joined themselves to this people when first they came out of egypt; and shortly after Exod. 12: 38. doth the Story make mention of such again to bee among them: and wee haue no mention at all of any departing away again of those that came first; N●m. 11: 4. nor of the coming in of any others, who might bee those that are mentioned after. Those of whom wee haue but doubtful mention here, are the Father in Lawe of Moses and his company: and the doubtfulness that wee haue of him and his, for their being here now among them, is, for that being now when they were to set forth, desired by Moses to go with them, we red he gave him N●m. 10: 33. a plain nay, but red not of his return unto him again; and yet haue we diuers places that afterward seem much to import, that now he went with them. Some therefore do so take it, as though this request of Moses had been made before, when he Tremel. I●●. came unto Moses first, and that this answer of his, giuing him the nay, was then also given him: and that not simply or absolutely denying to go with them then, but Exod. 18: 1-7. taking this course, that first he would go home and take order for his things there, and then return to them again. But, seeing when first he came, it is certain that then he returned again, by the Text; and that here he made no promise of coming back to them again, but that themselves by adding a word, did think good Exod. 1●: 27. so to interpret( which neither the vulgar, nor any English, nor Fra. Vatablus, nor Arias Montanus, nor any other, that I know, haue done:) in both these respects I think it the safest, to make no certain reckoning, that he and his company did now go with them. That afterward we find some of that Kindred to be among them, it importeth no more, but that sometime or other they came unto them: and it may bee, after these had past their pilgrimage, as likely as now. Moses Father in Law must by all likelihood now bee well strucken in yeares, Moses himself that married his Daughter being now some-what better than fourscore yeares old:& then as Barzillay( at those yeares said to be a very aged man) did afterward excuse Sam. 19: 32-37. himself to david, but yet sent Chimham his son with him; so in this also is it not unlikely, but that the old man himself would resolutely free himself from such journeying now, and rather incline to finish his dayes among his own people at Cal●. in Har●●. home, and yet sand some of his line to enjoy such favours as Moses and the people of Israel would bestow vpon them in the land of Canaan when themselves came there. Tnis inclination of all the elder sort generally, seemeth to me to be the most learned Interpreter of all, for all such places. So it it certain, that the Israelites were of this company; and in a maner certain too, that those other strangers( or many of them) that came out of Egypt with them, were with them now also: but for Hobab and his company, such at the least as he thought good to take with him back again, I see no great likelihood to find them here now in this their journey. As touching the journey itself, that now they went three dayes journey, and the people in that order that before is described, there is no question: the Text itself is plain for them both. But whether at the first they traveled all that whole time Num. 10: 33. 14-28. without intermission, or taking any rest betwixt; or traveled but in the day time onely, and in that sort three dayes together: it is not in the Text so plainly decided; and probabilities it seemeth, there be for both. For seeing the people murmured immediately after, it may seem thereby that their journeying now was great: though that also might be vpon their traveling three dayes together, though they had the nights to rest in, having laid in one place before so long as they did. On the other Num. 10: 33, 36. side, because the Prayer which a little after Moses is said to haue made, when the ark went forward, and when it restend, is so set down, as if at such times Moses was wont to use it, and not for once onely: he could not so haue used it yet at several times, if this had been but one entire journey, all those three dayes and three nights, without intermission. Their Cattle also, especially such as were young, or were with young, and their young children, and the more aged and weaker sort among them may seem not to be able any way to perform it, but with some intermission or rest betwixt. So likewise, in what sort the ark went in this journey, is not conceived alike withall. For whereas the Hebrew word,( 〈…〉) as Arias Montanus doth Interpret it, doth signify Before them,( as also the vulgar translation did interpret it before, our English Bibles, Vatablus and calvin since; and, that most is to be marked, both Tremellius and Iunius too:) now, since at that time, Iunius Anno. Dom. 1585. doth vary, and having first set down a note of his own( as before I noted) that the levites should so go in the midst of all the people, as that none should go before them, but onely on either hand besides them; now framing his Interpretation here to his purpose in that also, he doth interpret it, In their sight, and then bearing us in hand, that the ark went there also in the midst of the camp, he Anno. Dom. 1593. referreth us to that place for our warrant therein. So he is of mind now, that the ark did not go before them, but in the midst of them and in their sight: and that so good company of it among them, did make the people go that three daies journey all at once without intermission. But it seemeth to me, that the general iudgement of others besides how to take the original therein, the practise of it by josuah and the Priests after, and his own taking it so before, while he was Ios. 3: 3, 4, 6, 11, 14, 17. by that more likely direction hedged. in unto it, might well haue been sufficient to haue stayed him where he was before: or at least to satisfy us, rather to rest with him in his former iudgement, than to vary with him in the latter. The things that did fall out therein, are nothing else in a manner, but onely a naughty murmuring against God and Moses for this his government, and for their estate there: for the which first he chasteneth but certain of them; but then afterward he doth punish them all together. When he chasteneth but certain of them, he was notwithstanding provoked unto it first by the whole people generally: then, by certain of the chiefest of them. By them all generally, twice: first, as it seemeth, for being now lead so painful a journey; then, about their victuals again. When N●m. 11: 1-3 they murmured, as it seemeth, for this their journey, the Lord kindled a fire among them, and consumed of the utter-most of them: but when they cried unto Moses, and he to the Lord, the fire was quenched; but such a name was left to the place, as might afterward be a warning unto them. In that wherein they murmured about their victuals, there fell out another matter thereon, of special moment: so are we first to consider of that in itself; then, of that other that fell out vpon it. In that their murmuring itself, we are likewise to note, first their fault: then their punishment. In their fault likewise, first the occasion of it: then what it was that by that occasion they fell into. The occasion of it was, those strangers that came forth with them out of Egypt; who having kept themselves now a long N●m. 11: 4. time reasonable well( for ought we hear of them) beginning to murmur about their victuals, make the rest of their people to murmur also. As among us, such as haue been before brought up in ignorance and error, though for a time sometimes they hold: yet easily and soon they fall out again. That which the people by this occasion fell into, was that the rest of the people murmured also, yea Ibid. 4-9. and wept besides in the grief of their harts that they were so dealt with: as indeed it was an irksome thing to flesh and blood, all the whole year to be kept to one kind of sustenance without any change; enough to make the most daintiest food that could be conceived, at length to be loathed. Their punishment was, even in the thing that they desired: God giuing flesh unto them to their own desire in great abundance; but then sending his plague withall. So we also, if wee hold Ibid. 18-23. 31-34. not ourselves content with some lower and meaner estate that God hath given us, may indeed oftentimes obtain some better: but then let us also take heed, that some fearful hand of God do not follow vpon it immediately after. That other thing that came in hereupon, was, a farther augmentation unto the government that already they had among them: in which also we are first to consider of the occasion of it; then, what it was that was done thereby. The occasion was, that now also Moses became impatient, and in his impatiency did expostulate with God, and Ibid. 10-15. find himself much grieved, that God should still so trouble him with the government of that unruly people. In that which was done thereby, wee are not to consider, what it was: but also to note the maner of it. It was a supply of many more wise and discreet men, such also as otherwise were of special reckoning among Ibid. 16, 17, 24, 30. the people for their prehaeminence and dignity among them, to assist Moses in the government of the people, to the number of three-score and ten in all: a form of government, that, as it seemeth( and for much of the time is apparent enough) did hence-forward stand and continue with them( especially when they had no Kings of their own) so long as the people themselves did stand. The maner of it was, that God did take off the same Spirit or measure of grace, where-with Ibid. 25, 26. he had to that end before endowed Moses, and divided to every of them apart thereof, so to enable them unto that business together with him. Which as it was a snub unto Moses, for charging God to ouer-charge him above the ability that he had given him: so is it a lesson to us, not to repined at any burden that God layeth on us, but assuredly to know, that ever he giveth ability correspondent; they all having no more now( and yet the same working mightily in them) than onely Moses had before, though himself now had not that consideration, that so wee may ever now and then find, that Aliquando bonus dormitat Homerus. The offence that was made by certain of the chiefest of them, was that same which shortly after wee find was committed by Mirian or Mary, the Sister of Moses, and a prophetess Exod. 15: 20. herself: and by Aaron the High-Priest his Brother. What their fault was, seemeth not to bee in the Text itself fully declared. For whereas it seemeth there were two principal branches of it, one about a marriage of Moses, and the other about his pre-eminence, the former of them is wrapped up in silence, and the latter only imparted unto vs. Concerning the former, the most( and the best that I do know) are out of doubt that the Aethyopian wife that here is spoken of, was none other but Zipporah: and the reasons they give, why being a Midianite, he should Antiq. lib. 2. cap. 5. be called an Aethyopian, are some of them good. But when Iosephus doth plainly say, that while he was a great man in egypt, he married an Aethyopian lady indeed: I do not see, but that this might rather bee meant of her; and find withall, Lyra. ibid. that others haue been of the same mind also. And this seemeth to stand, not so much on the report of Iosephus, as vpon the Text itself. For after that Moses hath told us, that they murmured or spake against him, because of a woman of Aethyopia that he had married: he addeth again, for he had married a woman of Aethyopia. which form or manner of speaking he doth not seem so much to speak of Zipporah whom he had there, a woman( no doubt) sufficiently known to them all( especially Ibid. if she were so rare a woman as there be of the Hebrewes that report she was) as of some other of whom they all had not so perfect knowledge, and therefore himself doth now aclowledge it also: namely, that such an one sometimes he had. Tremellius and Iunius do indeed something incline their Translation unto the sense that they conceive, in that second member of it; and the vulgar translation doth leave it clean out: but the original hath it; and so doth our English, Arias Montanus, Vatablus, and Caluin plainly distinguish. Now what it is, that, as touching her, they charge him withall, neither is it set down, neither then do we need to use any ghesses of our own: but for any thing that I do find, if in Aethyopia he did so mary, it were hard I think for any to say, that ever he did come at her again, though well we may hope, it was some reasonable course that therein he held, notwithstanding it be unknown unto vs. Concerning the latter, that do we find to show itself more plainly unto us: namely, that it was emulation in them, not taking it well, that he should, as it were engross all the doings unto himself. As in this Num. 12: 2. age of ours we also haue seen combining together, of some not so vehement, but of other importunate spirits mingled withall: who notwithstanding haue both sorts of them joined together, against such as God himself hath placed, even for the fathers of the Church among vs. But as such repining at his greater place of those that were so near unto him, might well put himself in mind how unadvisedly he charged God to lay over heavy a burden on him: so might the people as plainly see, that it was no pack among themselves, that those two Brethren had the two chief places betwixt them; the one, the government, the other the Priest-hood. But because in this Mary onely was punished, as also in this action she is first name; and Ibid. 5-15. Aaron is but onely reproved, and besides was bold to make intercession for Mary when he saw that shee was strucken: therefore it seemeth we may safely gather, that for this matter the greatest fault was onely in her. When he doth punish them altogether, therein also we are to consider, first of their fault: then of their punishment. Their fault had two principal heads: one, that they would sand in some of their own to search the Land; the other, that then they plainly refused to enter at all, and would needs turn back to egypt again. In that they would sand in some of their own to search the Land their fault likewise( no doubt) was double: Deut. 1▪ 22. Numb. 13: 2. first, in that themselves did first desire it; then, in that they refused the land when God was content to yield it unto them. For in that they did first desire to haue that search, it was a plain token of their Infidelity, and a manifest fruit of the same, God having already told them, both that the Land itself was good; and that he would give it unto them. Now therefore doing thus, they put God on his trial, to be tried by a jury of theirs, whether he said truly or not: much like to a sort of false-hearted Christians among us also, who haue likewise as slender respect to the word of God, unless they haue some of their own to approve it. nevertheless, seeing so they would haue it, he yeeldeth unto it, and himself doth set Moses about it: and Moses, acknowledging that he also liked the motion well, Num. 13: 2, 3 Deut. 1: 23. accordingly setteth in hand with it too. But they might haue done a great deal better, therein to haue given such another example, as david afterward did about the waters of the Well of Bethlehem: which though in his thirst he earnestly desired, 2. ●2. 23: 15-17 yet when he saw into what icopardy those three Worthies of his had put their lives to fetch it, his heart would not serve him then to drink it. So, though these had made that motion before, and resolutely were bent with themselves so to haue it, yet when they had time to bethink themselves better, and consider what indignity thereby they should offer to the Truth of God( of which they had already had so great experience, and of his great goodness withall unto them) to put it to the trial of lying men, and to be of no farther account with them, than they should approve it: what could haue been more agreeable to their duty, then, how could they haue given a better example to those that followed, wherein could they more haue glorified God, and what could haue been more honourable unto themselves, than utterly to haue relinquished that request of theirs now, themselves to haue stamped it under their feet, and altogether with one voice, with blubbred eyes,& bleeding hearts, to haue desired God to forgive them, that ever they made it, that ever they thought it? But that other fault of theirs that followed hereon, far exceeded. For therein they actually gave, even as it were, diffinitiue sentence against God himself: preferring that ungrateful, and false, and blasphemous, and vile report of those searchers of theirs, unto that which God himself in his most certain, and inviolable truth, had before delivered unto them. And then breaking through the bounds of all loyalty, yea and of all modesty, and of all good nature Deut. 1: 27 too, they charge God that he hath done it of hatred unto them to destroy them, and to make their wives and their children a pray to that people: wishing Num. 14: 1-4. 10. Deut. 1: 28 rather they had dyed before they came thither; mutinously banding themselves to make them a captain to led them back to egypt again; and ready to ston all that should stand in their way therein. When he came to punish, as their faults were two: so were they punished two ways also. For whereas first they did not rest on that which God had said unto them, but learned so much to the iudgement of men first God himself did yield that course unto them, that so they might eat Num. ●3: 2, 3. of the fruits of their own faithless ways: then, also, those that themselves so trusted( though they had a couple of their whole jury that gave in a better verdict; 〈◇〉 7 ●0 32 3● 〈◇〉. 1● 26. N●m 〈…〉 -21 〈…〉 4 ●-9. Num. ●4▪ 11. 12 20 21 23, 2●▪ 30. 35-37. Deut. ●: 35. Ibid. 31▪ 34 Deut. 1▪ 39. Ibi. 24. 30. 38 Deut. 1. ●6. 38. Num. 14 5. 13 19. Ibid. 39. 40. Deut. 1. 41. and though the rest were choice men also, and by Moses instructed, and brought a good token) even they did beguile them( a notable caveat to us that follow) and hardened their hearts to that disobedience that then they shewed. Then also, whereas they refused now to go in, when they might( besides that then they endangered themselves with present destruction) they were by the final decree of God excluded for ever: yet with this great moderation and mercy, that their children( after they had born the iniquity of their parents in that wilderness forty yeares, as in their unbelief they had been searching the Land forty daies) should enter thereinto, and enjoy it; all the rest perishing there in the wilderness, saving onely those two, josuah, and Caleb, that gave the land a good report, and encouraged the people unto it. And though Moses and Aaron became very earnest suitors to God on their behalf; and the next morning the people themselves forethought what they had done, and offered themselves now to go in: yet would not God by any means reverse that part of his Sentence, but bad them back into the wilderness again; and, when yet notwithstanding they would needs adventure, Nu 2● 41-45 Deut. 1: 40, 46 4●-45. he, to the overthrow of many of them, gave sufficient proof unto them, that he was resolved firmly to keep, that which now he had determined of them. So now are they returned into the wilderness again, there to consume their daies in dishonour and heartbreak, for that their infidelity and wilfulness: so to receive a due, though an irksome reward to themselves; and in all ages to bee a pattern to such, in what case they do undoubtedly stand before God. 2. As touching the residue of their time in the wilderness, which GOD now ( by their provocation) hath taken, before he will bring them into the land of Promise, there bee two principal partes of it: one, in a manner altogether void of any Story in comparison of the quantity of it; the other, that wherein the Story is plentifully revived again. That which is so void of History, is almost all the residue of their time in the wilderness, until the last, or fortieth year: insomuch that whereas there is yet but one year spent, and a little more of the next, since they came out of egypt, there must yet remain almost eight and thirty yeares, before the fortieth year begin to come in. unto which time we find no more of the Text to Deut. ●: 14. appertain originally, that we may undoubtedly think, to bee thereunto ascribed, but onely five Chapters of the book of Numbers: beginning with the fifteenth, and ending with the nineteeth of them. Within which compass, first we haue some things that may seem to come in, partly by occasion of this last Story going before: then, certain others, that haue no relation at all, or respect unto it. Those that seem to come in, partly by occasion of this last Story going before, are certain laws that immedialy follow: in which we are to consider; first, how they may seem partly to come in, in respect of that last Story aforesaid; then, what they are. They may seem to come in, partly in respect of that Story going before, because they are so specially name to bee such, as do appertain unto that time, when they shall come into the Land which God shall give them. For being no doubt in great heaviness now( so many of them as had the grace to consider accordingly of it) as by their Nu. 15: 1, 2, 18 own folly, excluded that good Land which now they might haue entered into: it might bee a special comfort unto them, that hereby God did so plainly give them to understand, that nevertheless he would in time give it unto them. And it may very well be, and is most likely, that God himself had the selfsame meaning with him: being ever wont, in the midst of his wrath, to remember his goodness, and still to mingle his judgements with Mercy. What the laws themselves are, appertaineth to another place rather to consider: and so wee are here to leave them. Those others that haue no relation or respect at all unto the Story going before, are two Stories, with such things as are to them appertaining: one, of him that gathered sticks on the Sabbaoth-day; the other, of a special mutiny among them. In Ibid. 3●-34. the former it is to bee noted, that both those that espied him so doing, did not conceal it, but brought him to the Magistrates: and again, the Magistrates, though as yet they were not fully resolved, as it seemeth, that he had thereby broken the Sabbaoth, yet do they not let him go neither, and bid him do no more so, but put him in Ward, till they might be farther informed of the Lords pleasure therein: and Ibid. 35 36. that the Lord did plainly for it condemn him to death; and so was he accordingly executed. hereunto belongeth, as it seemeth, the Law that immediately after followeth Ibid. 37-41. of having Fringes and ribbons on the edge of their Garments, to bee a remembrance unto them, not to follow after their own ways, but to take good heed to do all that he requireth: so to be some preservative unto them for the time ensuing to keep them from sin. And the better use that men might so make of such trimming up of their Garments: the more strange and pitiful it is, that for the most part such as most do in such sort trim-vp their Garments, seem of all others least to regard to frame their ways according to the laws of God. The latter is a larger Story, and hath much more thereunto appertaining: but first of the Story itself; then, of those things that belong unto it. In the Story itself; first, their fault: then, their punishment. Their fault was, the most part of it, apparent or plain: but it may be doubted, that there was more, which nevertheless doth not plainly appear. That which is apparent or plain, is, that in so mutinous sort they banded themselves together, and came and strove about the Priest-hood, making light Num. 16: 1-15 of Moses and Aaron, and having them in contempt withall; and putting forth themselves unto it: and then, when they were by Moses reproved, yet nevertheless persisted in that their ambition, and in contumacy against him besides. That which doth not so plainly appear, and yet may be doubted to haue lurked in some of them also, is the desire of the government too, because they were of the Tribe of reuben, Ibid. 1. that were partakers in this action ( reuben being by his birth, the eldest Son of jacob, and so having some pretence that way, to be something forth-putting about it)& because these did find fault with Moses government: and so is it the iudgment of some. Their punishment was, for the greater sort of them( saving that we haue herein no Ibid. 13, 14. Lyr. I●●. mention of On, who was one of them) that the earth opened and swallowed up those three great Captaines, themselves and theirs, and all that they had: and Fire coming from the presence of the lord, destroyed those other two hundred and Nu. 16: 23-34 fifty: and for the rest of the people, who the next day murmured against Moses and Ibid. 16-22, 3●-40. Ibid. 41-50. Aaron as destroying the people of God, he presently sent a quick and ready plague among them, destroying them very fast, till Aaron by the direction of Moses did step in among them, and( therein bearing a figure of Christ) made atonement for them, and did stay it, having already destroyed 14700. of them. A good pattern to be kept in remembrance of all such as are rebellious or mutinous persons, and of all their adhaerentes with them. Of those things that belong to this Story, one there is, that necessary and plainly belongeth unto it: and others besides, that less or more may seem likewise to haue their dependence on it. That which necessary and plainly belongeth unto it, is the same that next doth follow: how God by the Miracle of Aarons rod or branch in one night flourishing, all the others remaining Num. 17: 1-11 void as they were before, did establish the Priest-hood unto him. A very good figure, that the Priest-hood or Mediation betwixt God and Man, is to bee left to Christ alone: who onely flourisheth in the beauty and fruitfulness of holinesse and righteousness; all others being but helpless stays, fruitless branches, and rotten sticks before him. Those others besides that seem to haue less or more their dependence hereon, are all that remain of these five Chapters: and first, howe the people may seem to be by these things affencted; then, what course it pleased God to take thereupon. The people seeing these judgements of God poured forth so roundly on those offenders, were, as it seemeth, in great consternation or amazedness at it: doubting they could not approach to the Lord, but to put themselves in Nu. 17: 12, 13. Trem. I●n. danger of his displeasure. The course that hereupon( as it seemeth) it pleased God to take, was that which followeth: first, about the priesthood; then, about the purifying of them all generally. But these again do so properly appertain to matter of Doctrine, that wee are to reserve them to another place more fitter for them. 3. That other part of their Pilgrimage, wherein the Story is plentifully revived again, doth likewise divide itself into two principal partes: one, the first ten months of it; the other, the two last. And these first ten months may we best divide according to the manner of their journeying in them. For first they came, as they were then in the wilderness, parting with Ezion-gabar, and Elath the two Nu. 33: 36, 37 Deut. 2: 3, 8. Adrich●● in Phar●●. and thirtieth, directly North-ward( in a manner) to the wilderness of Zin and Kadesh, their three and thirtieth Station; and so on forward to Mount hoar their four and thirtieth Station, bearing on that cost still: so holding on their course then, that if they had so continued, they should haue butted or fallen vpon the South end of the Land of Canaan, where afterward the Tribe of judah was placed, and ouer-against Mount Carmel there. But, from thence, the course and cost of their journeying Num 20: 21. 33: 41, 42. Deut. 2: 5. Adrich●● Ibid. was altered; they being turned East-ward for a while; then after, North-ward again: so to compass these three, a part of Edom, that corner of the Land itself, and the dead Sea about; and to make their entry on the East-side of the Land, as after they did. So are wee first to consider, what things fell out in this Northe●lie part of their journey now: then, to come to that other part of it, when they were twined to another cost. In this Notherly part of their journey they had two Stations: this present, where they are now; and the next that immediately followed. Where they are now; first, wee haue some Story of certain of themselves onely there: then, of some dealing they had with others. Of themselves, onely two Stories: one, of one person only; the other, of many. That which is of one person only, Num. 20: 1. is of miriae, or mary, the Sister of Moses& Aaron; whose Story is, that now shee died here: a pattern and warning what others might look for, that yet remained of the old people, when as God now beginneth to lay down those that were nearest unto him. But if it were she that watched Moses, when being a child he was laid Exod. 2: 4. In Hor●. v●t. test. in Num. 20: 1 Deut 34: 7. in a basket in the water, as Master calvin is of opinion, then must she be of so great age now ( Moses being at this time, ●t the point of sixscore yeares old) that it is more strange that she lived so long, then that she should die now. nevertheless, there be that are of opinion that she was such an one indeed, as we may well if shee were such( and it is certain she was a prophetess) account her to be very dear unto Exod. 15: 20. Rab. Salomon. Lyr: in Num. 20: 1. God. For they say she was a very good one: and that for her sake we do not find of a long time before, but that the people had water enough, whereas now immediately after her death they wanted. That which is of many, doth follow immediately after: a special great murmuring again for want of water; but their need quickly and strangely supplied. Their murmuring now did not only touch themselves: but it set Moses also out of temper, driving him to some impatiency too. As it touched themselves onely, their fault was great: not seeking to the Lord in Num. 20. 2-8 that their necessity; but misliking of his government, despairing of his goodness, and laying the blame on those his seruants. Whereupon Moses and Aaron, humbling Ibid. 6. 8. Ibid 9-11. themselves unto the Lord, were by and by directed what course to take, to make supply. But being thus directed, and readily setting in hand to make supply, thetein they did so far offend, that now they also are for it excluded the Land: though notwithstanding the people had their necessity relieved. But two things there are, that here would be more specially noted: one, what was this fault of Moses& Aaron; the other, that nevertheless the people were holpen. What was their fault it is good to mark, seeing they were for it excluded, as well as the others that more offended. In searching out what their fault should be, so far as it respecteth the Rod that was now to be used, the matter is not great, that there is some difference Tremel. I●n. betwixt the learned: some accounted it to be the Rod of Aaron that now they were willed to take; the residue making no question of it, but that it was that other of Moses, by which great works were done before. They account it to be the Rod of Aaron, because it was appointed to be laid up by the ark for Nu. 17: 10. 11. Ibid. 20: 9. a memorial: and because it is said, that they did take that Rod that they took, from before the Lord. And it is not unlikely, but that, because this had lately budded and flowered, and had brought forth ripe fruit all in a night, and was of fresher remembrance than was the other, and not otherwise brought forth to use again Num. 17. 10. that we do red of( and yet was willed before to be kept for a remembrance to the children of Israel, and to cause their murmuring to cease) this indeed might well be the Rod that is spoken of now: though it be not unlikely neither, but that Moses after that he saw that it pleased God so to work by that other Rod or staff of his, he would not afterward make any use of it, but leave it there ready before the Lord still to be used as it should please him to appoint it. The Translation of those two former is such, as seemeth rather to point to Aarons Rod: but neither the vulgar Ibid. before, nor Fra. Vatablus, Arias Montanus, nor Master calvin since, do find any matter in the original. But the fault of Moses was his behaviour at the rock. For whereas they were willed to take that Rod with them, and, in the sight and hearing of the Elders of Israel, to speak to the rock to give the people water, as very well assured that it should so be: Moses now doth not speak to the rock as he Num. 20: 7. 11 was directed, but moved with the peoples unruliness in that perturbation of his mind within, himself did make some doubt of it, whether they should do it or not, and together with his impatient and doubtful speeches with the Rod that then he had, he smote the rock twice, whereupon gushed out plenty of water; and Aaron all this while being by, did nothing at all better that defective course of his brother. So far were they both at that time from going about their business, with that moderation towards the people and confidence in God; and therefore charged, that they did not glorify him: as giuing them to understand thereby, that though all the people had thus murmured, and were ever doubtful that God did forget them; yet should they as better acquainted with his ways, and most assured of his mindfulnesse of them, most resolutely and with a mighty courage assure them, that he could not forget them, and now did no more but onely make some proof of their faith, and occasion them to call vpon him. If Moses and Aaron were excluded for this, many of us had need to take heed. That, notwithstanding Moses and Aaron were so defective here, yet pleased it God even by their ministry so far slipped by them, or at least so hardly performed, to supply the want of the people, it is a very good lesson to us, that neither in the word nor Sacraments, is the force of Gods operation to vs-ward impaired, though the Ministers themselves bee unworthy. In the dealing that here they had with others, we are to learn, moderately to put up such vnkindnesse as others may offer unto us, far otherwise than wee would think that we should. Which that we may the better perceive, we are to note, what cause they had to bee offended: and, how they did quietly put it up notwithstanding. The cause that they had to be offended, was, that sending first to the Edomites their Bretheren( for those Nu. 20: 14-18 were a people descended of Esau, as these of jacob) to obtain licence to pass through their land, because it was a great deal their nearest way; and when the Edomites made danger at it, either on behalf of the Canaanites their neighbours dwelling within them, or of their own security in it, then they assured them besides, Ibid. 19-21. that they would but pass the high street only,& truly pay for whatsoever they had or took, even for the water that themselves and their Cattle did drink: yet, notwithstanding that their consanguinity before,& their reasonable offer now, they would in no wise afford them that courtesy and kindness that now they desired. That they did quietly put it up notwithstanding, it appeareth not onely in this, that then they quietly turned a-side from thence, and went that farther way about: but Ibid. 21. also for that when the Lord had warned them before, that they should not meddle with any part of their Dominions, yet nevertheless telling them then, that he Deut. 2: 4, 5. Ibid. 6, 7. having blessed them so as he had, they should truly pay for whatsoever they should need or take of them as they passed, out of this they might with some probability Cal●. in Harm. ●n Deut. 2: 4. haue gathered, that if such courtesy were denied unto them, then might they haue made so much the bolder with them. In which respect, both the Translation itself some-what, and the marginal note in some of our English Bibles, is so much Deut. 2: 4, the rather to be headed: the translation, for that it may seem to import that they should go through the Land of the Edomites which we do not find they did, but Lyr. ibi. in ●. 2. onely along by the borders of it; and the marginal note, for that it maketh two several motions of this matter, and this that we are in of the book of Numbers to be the former, whereas we do neither red of any more, and diuers circumstances of the Text declare, that that which Moses afterward speaketh of, was the same and none other. Therefore others do better note thereon, that Moses there doth not observe the order of times as things were done. And that which occasioned Tr●●●l.& I●●. in Deut. 2: 3. Lyra. those that did it, to set such a note there, may seem to be, that diuers haue been of opinion, that either this or such another message was sent from Kades-Barnea, whence they sent their espyals to search the Land before: and that Franciscus Vatablus may seem to bee of much like opinion also. But both master In Deut. 2: 3. In Harm. Caluin joineth both these in one, this of the Numbers, as the Original that of Deuteronomy as a recital of it again: and the Text is plain, that their sending thus to the Edomites, was not till they had been at the farthest part of their journey backward, Esion-gabar, on the Red-Sea side, and were now come up thence Northward Nu. 33: 35-39 again to the wilderness of Zin, called Kadesh also, and that their next journey thence, was to Hur, where Aaron dyed. But Kadesh-Barnea is set to be near to Deut. 1: 19. Christ. Adri●●●●. i● P 〈…〉. the borders of the Land of Canaan, and to be a period or principal stay of their first journeying after that the Law was given: insomuch that though it bee not name among their Stations( it belike being a city then, and so granted to bee a Adric. in Paran I●●i●●●● Num 13 26. Num. 11: 34, 35. ●3 ●1. while after, and they camping but some-what towards it) yet haue we no mo Stations name, before they sent those Searchers thence, but onely Kibroth-Hataana, Hazeroth, and the wilderness of Paran, which by a note in one of our English Bibles, is interpnted to be that, which indeed doth follow next after in the text where the recital is set down of them, namely, Rithmah. In which respect, not Numb. 33: 18 onely the description or Map that we haue in diuers of our English Bibles, annexed to the three and thirtieth Chapter of the book of Numbers: but both Tremelius and Iunius together, are to be farther examined, as I do take it, and Iunius likewise by himself again. For first that plot in our English Bibles doth hold them but about the midst of the wilderness for all those thirty and eight yeares which they spent there after that for their infidelity and disobedience they were turned back into it again to finish out full forty yeares, as in that Infidelity of theirs they had been searching the Land forty dayes. But it doth not bring them back again Numb: 33: 35 Deut. 2: ●. so far as to the Red-Sea: and yet it is certain, that thither they came. For they came to Esion-gabar and Elath. But now we red that Ezeon-gabar was( as it seemeth) an Hauen-Towne on the Red-Sea, and that Eloth was besides it: for that 1. King. 9: 26.& 22. 48. 2. Chr. 8: 17. 20: 36. Salomon first had his navy there, and after him jehoshaphat also, which by other occasion was there also crushed or broken, so that it was made unmeet for the journey that was intended. Tremellius and Iunius likewise, make in one place many, ●● Bibl. 1585. In N●. 13; 1, 26 in another, eighteen Stations betwixt this and Kadesh-Barnea: whereas that Story of sending in their espyals, doth not come in after many, nor after few, but immediately after this present Station in Paran, Rithmah as it seemeth, where now they are. Iunius by himself doth afterward refer this Story to the self same place Anno. 1594. of the book of Numbers that now we are in: which they both did by a marginal quotion before; and now himself in plain terms after. So it seemeth to In Nu. 33: 36. In Nu. 13: 26. me, that they conceive but one place onely to bear the name of Kadesh: and rather make their choice to haue it the same that is spoken of the twentieth Chapter of the book of Numbers, than to haue it this that is spoken of in the thirteenth. But the order of the Story, and diuers circumstances besides, are, as it seemeth unto me, plainly against it: and themselves against themselves too so far, that I do not see how they may be reconciled. For in the beginning of the twentieth Chapter they grant( as the truth is) that now it was the fortieth year. But certain it is, In Num. ●0: 1 Num. 14: 34. Deut. 2▪ 14. Deut. 1: 2, 46. and 2: 1 that from that Kadesh that is spoken of in the thirteenth Chapter, more than eight and thirty of those forty yeares were then to come: and themselves do make the people of Israel, by occasion that Moses did first set down, that it was but eleven dayes journey from Horeb to Kadesh-Barnea, and after-ward told them that they had tarried a long time there at Kadesh, to make their abode at that Kadesh of theirs In Deut. 1: 2, and 47. those eight and thirty yeares aforesaid. And Christianus Adrichomius Delphus purposely writing of that country and places adjoining, so far as appertaineth to this purpose, maketh two special places of that name, one to bee betwixt their In Theatr● ter sanct. in Paran. 22, 24. fifteenth and sixteenth Stations; the other to be the three and thirtieth: and setteth all their Stations down much more likely, as it seemeth to me, to agree with the Text, than any other that I do know of. Now, whereas they talk of thirty eight eight yeares spent in their Kadesh, it seemeth to me, that the guess of others, though there be no certainty therein neither, yet is the more likely for the other Kadesh-Barnea, the former of them, on the latter part of the last Verse of the first of Deuteronomy, which the vulgar Translation leaveth out clean: namely, that they restend Deut. 1: 46. Rab. Salomon. Lyr. as long there as they did spend in al their other Stations that followed. Which dividing the whole time of 38. yeares aforesaid, left nineteen yeares to either of them. That other Station that was the next, and immediately followed after this, was by the mountain hoar, where two special matters befell them: one, the death of Aaron; the other, the hostility that then they had with one of the next Num. 20: 22 Kings of Canaan. As touching the death of Aaron, it was now imposed upon him as a punishment or chastisement rather, for his fault with Moses at Meribah: Nu. 20: 23. 28. but he was of great yeares now, 123. yeares old; and so the chastisement so much the more easy. again, as he went up, the High-Priest in his honourable Robes, so Eleazar his son came down in the same apparel and office: a good figure to us, of the Ibid. 28. eternity of the Priest-hood of Christ, of which those things being but a shadow, do notwithstanding, even in death itself, ioyn so closely together. And though the people Ibid. 27. did often bear themselves hard against him before: yet make they great mourning for him now. As touching the other, K. Arad, one of the kings of the Canaanites, Num. 21: 1-3. Tr●●el. I●n. dwelling thereby, came out against them, and howsoever he used the matter( belike by ambushments) took many Prisoners of them: at which the rest of the people were so nettled, that presently they vowed unto the Lord, that if it would please him to give them an hand against them, they would then take no part of the spoil to themselves, but utterly destroy them and their cities. And so the Lord giuing his people victory against them, they performed their promise so fully, that the place itself did afterward take the name thereof, as a place accursed unto the lord, or for his sake altogether abandoned to utter destruction. A good pattern unto them, how far the people of God by such bad dealing( for they did not provoke them first) may bee so far enraged, that resolutely they may bend themselves to the utter destruction of such Enemies of theirs: and that God himself, that is most merciful, may nevertheless in such case abandon all Mercy too: and that, if now they were so little able to stand in their hands, when yet they were not to enter in, much less should they afterward do it when that time came; and therefore a faire call of them to repentance now. again, it seemeth wee may probably gather thereby, that although the Edomites would in no wise suffer the Israelites to pass by them to the Land that God would give them: yet were they content to let those Canaanites pass by them, so to assault the Israelites as they did. For this was the very next Station to that, whence they sent to crave passage before, where they were denied,& Num. 20: 22. 33, 37. Chro. adrichom in Paran: Salmona, P●●●on, Ob●th. Num 33: 37. Num. 21: 4. by the description of those Countries, the Land of the Edomites was in that place also, betwixt the Israelites& the Land of cannon: and for two or three Stations more besides. But as for this their Station at hoar, it is plainly set down in the Text, that it was in the edge of the Land of Edom: as also the Text doth probably imply, that those three that follow the next after, were on the borders of Edom also, not onely because then they were said to compass the Land of Edom; but also, because it doth not name any to be of another cost, till it cometh to the Iie-abarim the the fourth Station after, which indeed it termeth to be on the borders of Moab. And this is often seen in the world, that the Children thereof are a great deal Num▪ 21: 11. 33. 41-44. more favourable to their own kind, though in blood farther removed, than to those that are of God indeed, though in blood they be nearer unto them. 4. When they were turned to another cost; first, for a time they bare East-ward onely, so to leave Edom untouched; but then afterward, Northerly again: and so doing, they left the Dead-Sea, and the South part of the Land that they were to go into, on their left hand, and were to come in now on the East-side of it. In which their journey, they had no notable stay till they came to the plain of Moab, Num 21: 4, 10 20, 36: 13. over against jericho, where they were to make their entry: but for our part of this mean time betwixt, some part of that sentence or iudgement of God of their perrishing there in the wilderness, seem to remained as yet vnaccomplished; but then shortly after it seemeth, that it was performed unto them. until the time it was accomplished, they tasted now and then of some severity as they gave occasion: but after that, it seemeth his Iustice was satisfied for that matter; he still dealt so graciously with them. They tasted of some severity as they gave occasion, at two several times: one, in the beginning of this their journey; the other, after they were come to the plain of Moab aforesaid. In the beginning of this their journey, they murmured again, because of the way; but then, as their manner was, they put in Num. 21: 4. 5. their other discontentments withall: as that they were brought out of egypt; and had neither Bread nor Water there; and that they were so cloyed with Manna, that now their stomachs did utterly loathe it. But seeing it was the way, whereat they took occasion first to murmur, it may seem to be, that they were grieved that they might not make their entrance into the Land there where they were now, having made so good an impression into it already, by vanquishing King Arad, and destroying his cities: but now must leave that faire opportunity, and all that labour, and go about again they cannot tell whither. But the truth is, that God therein provided better for them, than they were ware of, by this means giuing them two other Ibid 24, 25, 31, 35. kingdoms more than he promised, as afterward the Story will show; yet so long as this was unknown unto them, needs must it be a strong temptation, but only to such as were very well assured of the goodness of God towards them. Their punishment Num. 21: 6. for this matter was, that there was sent in vpon them a kind of Serpent( that which is properly called the Dipsas,) as it seemeth being a greek word, and coming of {αβγδ} signifying to thirst: for that this kind of Serpent is said, by his poison so to lucre. Lib. 9. consume all moisture in those whom he biteth, that he setteth them all in an extreme thirst and heat; and so destroyed many of them. A strange and fearful kind of punishment: but yet so much the metre for those that having so good experience of the wisdom and goodness of God to them-wards, could onely vpon the sense of their own reason so hardly censure his government of them, and so vily reproach it besides. At length they were sorry and sought his favour. Yet then, though Moses Num. 21: 7-9 entreated for them, he would not take those Serpents from them, as he had quiter removed other plagues before: but onely would give them a remedy against them, by that brazen Serpent which he willed Moses to erect for them; vouchsafing, that all that were stung with those fiery Serpents, as soon as they looked on this, should then recover. A needful document, in some good time to make an end of sinning, least God at the length take such a course with us also: not at any time to take away from us any such plague, as for our sin he casteth vpon us, but onely to help so many as seek unto him; and not these neither, till so they do. A notable Figure of Christ likewise; who being altogether without sin, yet in the similitude of sinful Flesh, hath by his death destroyed the power of sin( unto those, that here in the wilderness of this World, themselves feeling the burden of sin, seek unto him to be eased of it:) but afterward is the abolishing or breaking of it, recorded among the virtues of one of the good kings of judah, for that the people had then 2. King. 18: 4. used to do worship unto it; and so teacheth us thereby, that our Superiors also do well, when they remove such stumbling blocks out of the way. How they tasted Num. 22: 1. of his severity again in the plain of Moab, is a larger story, having many other things going before, as the occasion of that their sin, and punishment of it. So are wee first to consider of the occasion of it: then, of that their falling into the displeasure of God. The occasion of it was, that unhappy counsel that Balaam is said to haue given against the people of God, when Balak the King of Moab, had a little before sent for him to some such purpose. Where again we are to consider, what it was that occasioned the King of Moab so to do: and what it was that he and others did thereupon. That which occasioned him thereunto, was the overthrow of those two kings that dwelled near unto him: Sihon, King of the Ammorites; and Og, the King of Basan. Whose Story is this. When the people came to the boarders of those Amorites, they sent unto one of those kings, to him that Nu 21: 21, 22. was next them, to crave licence to pass through his Land in peaceable manner. Who not onely denied them, but also came forth with his forces against them. So was Ibid. 24-32. he and his people overthrown, and his cities and towns, with all the spoil, fallen into the hands of the Israelites. After which the people going on forward towards Bashan, Og the King thereof came out likewise against them with all his power, Ibid. 33-35. whom also they slay, and possessed themselves of al that they had. That which the K. of Moab did hereupon, was, that doubting he could not make his part good Num. 22: 2-4 with them by plain force, he would assay( as that great usurper at Rome doth, against those Princes and peoples that profess the gospel) what he could do by other secret and wicked practices. He adviseth himself of a certain Prophet as it seemeth, in Mesopotamia, but he belike making no other reckoning of him, than as of wizard or Wise-man( as we commonly term them) whom he thought to be very skilful in the Blacke-Art( as we term it) or very expert to be witch or enchant as pleased him: and so he would see, whether he in this case could any way help him. he communieateth this his advice with the Midianites his Neighbours by: who liking well of it, join with him therein. So they sand unto him men of special reckoning in both those Nations, with the accustomend reward of Sooth-saying( so Ibid. 5-7. much, no doubt, more liberal now, as they thought it lay them in hand, now to obtain of him the best help that he had) to bestow vpon him for that present, and to load Ibid. 37. Ibid. 8-14. him with great promises besides( as it seemeth) for the time to come. They come unto him, he inquireth of the Lord( whereby it seemeth, he was a Prophet indeed, though not so good a man, as best might become so holy a calling) and finding that God was in no wise willing that he should accurse them, he refuseth to go with them, and doth so dismiss them. The King, not so content, sendeth again, Ibid. 15-21 and greater Personages than before; and with great promises besides: the Prophet would fain go; but not unless the Lord would give him leave. He trieth again, and doth obtain it: but yet on condition, he should go no farther than he did allow him. The Prophet is a glad Man; he getteth up betime, and goeth Ibid 21-35. with them: as a Bloodhound on his game, he hotly pursueth the scent of promotion. But now the lord thought good to school him by the way, and to bring him to better temper: and so he did, using also the ministry of his ass therein. Balak Ibid. 36-41. being advertised that Balaam was coming, be goeth to the utmost borders of his Land to meet him( a rare honour in these dayes, by such great States, to bee done to such Seruants of God:) he expostulateth with him his not coming before; but taketh him home with him, and the next day they set in hand with their business. Their manner of working was, by many sacrificings, now in one place, now in another, and by much devotion of that kind, to assay if they could obtain the favour of God, to join with them in this their desire. But they could not obtain it: and in stead of cursing that was intented, they were fain to yield them( when they had Ibid. 23, 24: 13. often assayed, and done therein what they were able) a very great, and immutable blessing. Such, no doubt, is, and long hath been, even our case also: even of all such, as now in these daies more sincerely profess the gospel. Many times, and very busily haue the aduersaries been attempting against us, and by much base and more wicked means than these: as for Massinges in every corner, and Ora pro nobis, in the open audience of all, there hath no store of them been wanting. But as yet,( God be thanked) it will not be: and never, and trust, as they would haue it. neither Ibi. 24. 14-24 did Balaam onely discharge himself well in this: but further also did give them to understand, as touching many of their Neighbours about them, and themselves withal, that many heavy iudgment; were towards them. In al which things, the King of Moab was so little pleased that now his Mountains, by a strong consumption, were so clean turned to molehills, that he dismisseth his Prophet with no such promotion Ibi. 10, 11, ●5 as before he spake of, but, as it seemeth, just with nothing,& telleth him besides, it was the Lord that kept him from honor. Neither is it an easy matter I think, for any Menpleasers of ours, to come into any special favor with that sort of people, though indeed they had the gift of prophesy as much as Balaā here we see had: unless either already they serve even the basest humors they haue; or put thē in hope, that so they will. Hitherto we find no worse thing in Balaā, but only that having, as we use to speak, a special good gift, he also gaped for promotion: a common disease with many of us much meaner than he. But now before he departed it appeareth after, he gave thē very unhappy and shrewd advice: to lay some such bait for the Israelites, as whereby Num. 24: 14 31: 16. to entangle them in sin; that so they might haue some hand against them. Which also it is most likely he did( for that is the manner of such Prophets with us, even against their own Brethren& Fathers too) either for some reward that some of them Ibid. 13: 8. gave him; or, thereby the rather to move them to haue that regard unto him: and afterward had his reward with those, that by his advice did put it in practise. Certain light Women therefore of Moab and Midian, entice diuers of the Israelites, by affording Ibid. 25: 1-3. 17, 18. them the unlawful use of their bodies, to bee with them at their Idol-feasts also, and so to commit Idolatry to Baal in Mount Peor. And one especially among others of the Children of Israell( Z●●●s by name) one of the chiefest of the Tribe Ibid. 6, 14, 15. of Simeon, very andaciously in the sight of all the people, to the great offence of many, did then also bring in with him, one Cosbi, a Midianit●●● Lady, into his tent, there to take their pleasure together, even to the full. But Phinebas the son of Eleazar being exceedingly moved to see so shameless a part, caught a javelin, ran after,& Ibid. 7, 8. thrust thē both through their bellies, as it seemeth, even as they were in that their sin. By which extraordinary zeal of his, the Lord was so pleased, that even for it he Ibid. 10-13. did highly reward him, and besides that, remitted a great part of his indignation against the people that so grievously had offended now: and yet notwithstanding he would haue some farther Iustice done vpon the greatest offenders: and so there Ibid. 4, 5, 9. perrished, for that sin, to the number of four, and twenty thousand. This being done, it seemeth his Iustice was now satisfied towards his people, for that their infidelity and disobedience( almost forty years since) at Kadesh. Barnea, for that now hence-forward we haue no me so fearful and grievous executions of them, but very mild and gracious dealing a long time after, all his dealing with them( in a manner) boding now, that he had kept them long enough in the wilderness, and that now he would straight-way bring them into the Land that long before he promised unto them: some of his dealing( notwithstanding) not so plainly as yet showing the same; but other tending more directly unto it. Such of his dealing with them since, as doth not so plainly import that matter, is part of it such order as he took in diuers things now: and partly in certain laws which it pleased him now to give them, or at least to put them in mind thereof being given before. The order that now it pleased him to take in diuers things, was most of it publicly or openly done: but more privately the other. That which was more publicly done, was first concerning the whole people: then, concerning certain of them. Nu. 26: 1-4. That which concerned the whole people, was, that now the number of them must be taken again: a good probable token, that now there was not any great execution to be done on them hereafter; when GOD is now disposed to let them see how many he hath left them, notwithstanding all those executions that one way or other he had done unto them before. Being therefore numbered, they fall out to be as many as before, and somewhat more: the Tribe of reuben, 43730: Simeon, Ibid. 5-11. 12-14. 15-18. 19 12. 23-25. 26, 27, 28-34, 35-37, 38. 41. 42, 43-44. 47. 48-50. 51. Ibid. 57-62. Ibid 62. Ibid. 52-56. 22200; Gad, 40500; judah, 76500; Issachar, 64300; Zebulun, 60500; Manasseh, 52700; Ephraim, 32500; benjamin, 45600; Dan, 64400; Asher, 53400; Nephthali, 45400; in all, 601730. besides the levites, who notwithstanding were numbered a-part by themselves, all the males of them from a month old upward: and were found to be 23000. These were numbered by themselves, for that they were not to haue any part of the land with the others: but to those others which were now grown up instead of their Fathers that were numbered before, was the whole land to be divided; more of it to those that were more, and less of it to those that were fewer, but yet by Lot. Wherein also we haue one thing specially noted unto us: namely, that of all these thus numbered by Moses and Eleazar Ibid. 63-65. now, there was not one man left of those that were numbered before, saving onely those two that had that promise before made them, josuah and Caleb. That which concerned certain of them, was, that by occasion that Zelophehad, one of Ibi 33. 27: 1-7 the Tribe of Manasses, had no sons but Daughters onely, and they( being five) came and made request to Moses and Eleazar, and to the Princes of the people, that they might not be neglected, but haue some portion of the Land unto them as others had: it was by the Lord himself ordained, both that they should haue Ibi. 27: 8-11. their part of the Land as well as the rest; and that it should be a perpetual Law among them, that if any had no sons but Daughters, then should his Daughters inhaerit before any other of his Kindred or blood. A manifest check unto the course that the Children of this world do commonly use: rather to make choice of some of their name, though they be not so near in blood; than to suffer their lands to descend unto their daughters. And whereas the lord himself acknowledgeth, that the Daughters of Zelophehad, demanded no more but their right therein: it may be the other course is before God a manifest wrong. At least it is an unkindly course( for a foolish pomp and pride of the world) so to prefer others before their own natural Children, so long as there is no cause in them so to vary: praeposterously choosing, that look what blessings it pleaseth God to allot unto them h●●re( whether authority, riches, or honor) such as are of their name though farther, than those that are of their blood and nearer, should haue the fruition or benefit of them. A kind of vnkindlynesse, that( I think) we find not in any living creature besides: and a s●re charge withall; that pride and vanity do clean overrule, the instinct of Nature and equity too, in those that do it. Now, in that it pleased God, by that occasion to take that order at this present, it might be enough to lift up their minds to this good hope, that now shortly the Land was to be divided among them. That which was more privately done, was, that Moses Ibid. 12-17: being told by the Lord, that shortly now he should go up to the Mount Abarim and there die, when first he had seen the land that God would give unto the people, Moses then besought the Lord to aduise himself of one to govern the people after him: and the Lord again told him whom he would haue,& in what Ibid. 18-23. sort he should be called unto it. The laws that it pleased him now to give them, were most of them as touching his public worship in the Sanctuary: but some of them, but onely about their private devotion at home: but as we said of the others before, so are we to resolve of these also; namely, to reserve them to another place much fitter for them. Such of the Lords dealing with them as more directly tendeth to show, that they were shortly now to enter the Land promised unto them, doth first concern some of the people of those parts by them: then, their own affairs about the same. The people by them, whom first this dealing of his concerneth, were the Midianites: concerning whom, wee are first to see the story itself; then, some orders( in the nature of laws) that then were taken. As touching the Story itself God willeth Moses to take reuenge of them on the behalf of the Children of Israel, before he die: that is, to execute his iudgement on Num. 31: 1, 2 Ibid. 3. Ibid. 4 12. them, for their bad dealing with his people. whereupon of every Tribe one thousand, 12000. in all, are sent against them under the conducting of Phinehas the Priest, who notably prevailed against them, destroying all the males, and five Kings of them, and Balaam withall, burning their cities, and bringing home with them a very great booty: beeves, 72000. Asses, 61000. sheep 675000. and Ibid. 32-35. young Women, 32000. And notwithstanding the great destruction that they made of the people, and this great spoil that they brought away with them, together with abundance of jewels besides, when the Captaines took muster of their Companies to deliver them home again, or to dismiss them, they found not one man of them all wanting: and thereupon, perceiving the great favour of God towards them in that his preservation of them, they voluntarily brought in Ibid. 48-54. a great offering unto the Lord of the jewels that they had gotten for their own part, besides all such as their Souldiers had to themselves, 16750. Shekels of gold. Another example of the severity of Gods Iustice, against such as are grievous unto his people: as these enticing them unto sin, made many of them to bee destroyed. The order that now( in the Nature of laws) was in diuers things taken with them, was some part of it such as wherein it seemeth the lords mind was, that in such cases so they should do afterward also: some part again, but such as was prescribed but in this case only, but such as out of which themselves might well take direction in other such like cases besides. Those that in such case were, as it seemeth, to stand stil, were two: one, for themselves that came from the wars; the other, for the booty that they brought with them. As touching themselves that came from the war, because they had saved the married women and man-children alive, it seemeth as yet, Moses was offended with them, and bad them go Nu. 31: 13-20▪ 24. and slay them also: and, for a time to tarry without the host, and to purify themselves and their garments too, according to the Lawe. As touching the booty which they brought with them, it it no more but this, that Eleazar she Priest doth show them how it also was to bee purged: the mettall by fire( a good way withall to abolish such superstition, wantonness, and vanity, as it is not unlikely but that Nu. 31. 21-23 many of their jewels were stained withall) the rest by water. That which it seemeth was but for that time onely, but out of which themselves might well take direction in such other cases besides, was the division of the rest of their booty( or that which was left, after that they tarried out of the host as was appointed:) and therein, how the High-Priest was to be considered out of the one part of it;& the levites out of the other. It was to be partend into two equal parts: one, to the Souldiers themselves; the other, unto the rest of the people. Of that which Ibid. 25. 41. fell unto the Souldiers, the High-Priest was to haue, of every five hundred, one: and so his part was 675. sheep; 72. beeves; 61. Asses; young women. 32. Of that which fell to the rest of the people, the levites were to haue, one of every fifty, Ibid. 42-47. and so ten times so much among them all, as Eleazar had to himself alone: that is, of sheep, 6750; of beeves, 720; of Asses, 610; young women, 320. Such of the Lords dealing as concerned their own affairs there, did partly respect that side of the country where now they were: but chiefly the other which was beyond jordan, whether shortly they were to go. As it respected that side of the country where now they were, some part of it was about the settling of some of them there: and some part again, about that long journey of theirs, that now they were at a point to finish. About the settling of some there, it was that two Tribes and an half were allowed, on certain conditions, to haue their portions on that Nu. 32: 1-4● side of the river: a good and probable likely-hoode, that now the rest also were soon to be placed, when as these had their places allowed here. But as it may seem, it was not so well moved by these: nor so well granted by the others neither. Not so well moved by these, because they divided themselves thereby( so far as they did) from the rest of their Brethren: and there-in from the Tribe of judah, and from the exercise of their Religion. Not so well granted of the others neither, because they knew not yet, what people they should need to inhabit the country on the other side: and needful it was, that they had enough to inhabit it, that so they might better expel the Canaanites, even by their multitude, not leaving them place to inhabit there. If any had spared, they might haue taken the best to themselves, and haue left the rest unto them: but so themselves might haue kept and dwelled together, which in many good respects had been the meetest; both for the one, and for the other. And not onely Moses did now soon after tell Deu. 7: 1. 9: 11 them, that those which inhabited there before, were a greater people than they,( and then were all those few enough there to inhabit:) but God himself also told them in effect as much before, by giuing them to understand, that they had need Exo. 23: 29. 30 to bee increased to a greater number before they should bee enough to furnish the Land with Inhabitants sufficient for it to bear. That which was about that long journey of theirs that now they were at a point to finish, was, that now by Gods Nu. 33: 1-49. appointment all their journeys and places of their abode or Stations, were to be set duwne by Moses, which also he did: a very good token to them, that now their journeying was almost at an end, when thus their journeys were to be set down; as in casting an account, it is a Token, that the particulars are all come in, when the total sum is gathering. A good pattern also to them and to us too, what manner of Pilgrimage we haue here in this world: oft changing our Stations, but every where( lightly) leaving some token of our folly behind us: would God it were so, that we never removed nor settled again, but onely as the lord should direct vs. Such of his dealings as respect the other side, whether now shortly they were to go, do some of them concern the whole people: and some, but certain of them onely. Those of his dealings with them that concern them all generally, are two: one, about the ridding of the land from the former Inhabitants of it; the other, about dividing or parting of it among themselves. If the charge be now so specially given them to destroy or drive out al the inhabitants of the Land, it is a plain token, that God doth mean them it now: Nu. 33: 50-56. and in that they were willed to drive them out for their own good, it is a special good warning to us when we come to profess Christ, so to deal with our home-enemies, the motions of our corrupt Nature; and to all Magistrates besides, to clear their people( so much as they may) of all the enemies of the gospel among them. For the dividing of it among them, he first doth show them what it is, Ibid. 34: 1-15 Ibid. 16-29. that so they might divide it among them: then, who they are that should divide it. If now they haue so special charge of dividing it among themselves, that also is an evident probability, that now shortly they are to enjoy it. And seeing the bounds that are set down unto it, do plainly show, that the whole Land that God did yet mean them, lay on the West side of jordan, and the Dead-Sea, extending unto the great Sea( which since is called the Middle-earth-Sea) Westward; as also, from Edom on the South, to Lib●●●s on the North: hence may wee more fully see, that the two Tribes and an half that seated themselves on the East side of jordan, and that Dead sea, may account themselves, to be much of their own placing; and that therein they did not so well for themselves, as other-wise they D●●●. 1: 7. 11: 24. Ios. 1: 4. might haue done. For although the bounds of the Land be extended East-ward sometimes to Euphrates, yet, because now, when they are to enter, and to divide so much among them as the Lord doth mean them, it is all on the West side of jordan, that he speaketh of unto them: it rather seemeth, that those places are not to be taken, as though the dwelling of the body of the people should at any time extend so far, or any thing near( for then, for the truth of the promise of God, by likelihood there would haue been some order now also taken for it) but only, that a time should be, when their Dominions should be so far extended, as afterward 2. Sam. 8: 3. 1. King. 4: 21 2. Chro. 9: 16. Esra, 4: 20. it is true they were, albeit the same lasted but for a while. True it is, that Moses to the people, and God unto josuah in those places before recited, do both so far extend the bounds of the Land, after that the two Tribes of reuben and Gad, and that half Tribe of Manasseh had made their request for that part of the Land on the East of jordan, and had the same granted unto them:& so might some conceive, that the bounding of the Land on the West side of jordan was framed accordingly, on presupposal, that those others should haue their places before, and it should be onely for the nine Tribes and an half that remained. But the truth is, that although Moses did utter those words after, yet in the former of those two places of his, he doth but recite the speech of the Lord which was uttered long before, almost in the beginning of the second year of that their pilgrimage, as it appeareth by the next verse immediately going before. So it seemeth Deut. 1: 6. that the abounding of the land on the West of jordan, was not, as onely for those nine Tribes and an half that remained: but for them all, for the body of their dwelling; and so for those other two and an half also if so they would, but that they now had rather haue their place on that other side of jordan as is declared. And so do their own words seem to import also, when as they make so special suit for it, and in that respect renounce their part beyond jordan: plainly implying, Num. 32▪ 5, 19, 32. that that part onely which was beyond jordan, was that which was ordained for them; for all the whole people generally, and so for them also among the rest. Those his dealings with them, that respect but certain of them onely were, first, for the levites: then, for the Daughters of Zelophehad. For the levites, the order that it pleased him to take, was, that whereas they should now come unto all the cities of the Canaanites( which are noted to be about six hundred) they C●●man. Fli●shpa. de N●sc. M●ss●a. L●b. 3. Cap. 3. Num. 35: 1-5 7, 8. should set out eight and forty of them, wherein the levites should dwell with the others that dwelled therein, and haue certain grounds about the same, whereon to keep their Cattle, which grounds the Text calleth by the name of suburbs. But as touching these grounds or suburbs, the Text itself is so hard to understand, that there be diuers opinions of it: the Text first setting down one thousand Cubits onely, out-right from the walls round about, to be for those grounds or suburbs; and by and by setting down two thousand mo( as it seemeth) in like sort also. In which variety, it seemeth to me, that out of Rabbi Salomon we may best Lyra in Numb 35. Li●●ra. G. gather the meaning of it: namely, that the levites suburbs or Grounds should be those thousand that are spoken of first; and that the second two thousand that are spoken of after, is but to show, in what sort or manner they were to bee laid out. Which was, that measuring out two thousand Cubits right from the walls, the next half of these, or one thousand of them next to the walls, should bee to the common use of all the city, but not to build on, but to reserve such a space about them to other uses, and for their exercise and pleasure: and the farther thousand of these two, to bee for the levites, peculiar and pro[er to them for their Cattle. Out of which Leuiticall cities he ordained likewise, that there should bee six of Num. 35: 6, 9-15. them( three on the one side, and three on the other of the river jordan) set out also for cities of refuge: and setting down the use of them; he doth by that occasion set down certain things likewise concerning the shedding of blood. The use of them was, that if it should at any time so fall out( as it was like over often to be) one man should slay another, then might he, for his own safety, haue some place of refuge, till his cause might come to indifferent hearing: and not be tumultuously slain by some Kinsman and friend of the other party, in that their heat, as otherwise it is often seen. But whereas we see here, that there are allowed as many cities of refuge to the East-side of jordan, as to the west( in length, indeed, teaching almost as far as the other, but in breadth, but about the fourth part of it,&, as it seemeth, scantly so much) out of this may be probably gathered, both that there was like to bee as much disorder of that kind, in that one quarter as in all the rest besides( and that might bee so the rather, for that the chief public exercise of their Religion was to to be on the other side, whereunto they could not, as now they placed themselves, so well repair:) and that this might haue been a faire warning unto them, not so easily to divide themselves so far from their Bretheren as now they did, even in that respect also, though there had been none other but it. Those things, that by this occasion are set down concerning the shedding of blood, are in effect but to show, in what case such protection by those Cities of refuge was to be allowed:&, in what case not. But then by occasion thereof, there are diuers particulars besides: some of them most respecting such as should judge of those cases; others, most respecting the parties themselves. To such as should judge in those cases it was prescribed, that if any might seem unto them, rather to haue deserved death, than to haue such protection allowed, yet that no man should be so condemned, upon the witness of Ibid. 30. one man onely: and when they had found, whether a man were to die, or to bee allowed that protection, then were they to do execution accordingly, and in no wise Ibid. 31-34▪ to take any ransom or fine of such offenders, either for sparing of their lives, or to enlarge them from the praecinctes of their refuge-Citties. For the parties themselves it was provided, that they had no protection, but onely within the praecinctes of those cities: and, that there they were to abide during the the life of the High-Priest Ibid. 26-28. Ibi 25. 28, 32 that then was. A comfortable figure of the death of Christ our High-Priest, to all such as are distressed about their sin: and, a reasonable plain warning withall, that the more wee are partakers of that anointing with him, the readier should wee bee hence to depart, when as by affording such Malefactors the benefit of his Ibid. 25. death, his life must needs be so much the more in danger by this. For the daughters of Zelophead, the order that was taken, was, not onely for them, but for all others also that should afterward bee in such like case, as wherein these were now: namely, that whereas, by order taken before, they did inherit, now was it provided Nu. 36: 1-22 for likewise, that they should not mary out of their own Tribe( and that so it should be for all others also) that so the Land of any one Tribe, might never go forth to be joined unto another. Which, it may be, might likewise prove a notable good bar, to the immeasurable greediness of diuers, if in other States, or among other peoples it were used likewise, that by such means no land should be as it were transported, out of one province, county, or Shire, unto those that haue their chief abode in another. 5. In their Story of the last two monthes aforesaid, we are to see; first, howe Moses maketh an end of his course: then, how joshuah beginneth his. As touching Moses, being already put out of doubt, that he should not go in with them into the Land, and being very jealous of them, that after his time they would be in danger to fall away to Idolatry, he thought good, now to labour them so much as he could, to leave them( as it were) fast unto God: and God likewise doth help him forward in the same course, before that he doth take him from among them. So are we first to consider of those his employments: then, how he finished his course among them. Those his imploymentes were all of God, and all occasioned by the brittleness of the people, all being to this end directed, so to establish and settle, and so to leave the people with God, as best might help so to keep them, that never after they should fall from him again: first, by such things, as he would presently haue to be done among them; then, by one other that he would haue left unto thē for the time ensuing. Those things that he would presently haue to be done among them, were two: one, that they should be specially called vpon, to keep fast unto God; the other, that he would haue the covenant, that was made betwixt God& them, now to be( on his part) renewed again. For the former, as God would haue it, so doth Moses set himself to perform D●●●. 1▪ 3-5. it, even in the best manner he can: both by his own speech unto them; and by his earnest prayer for them. By his own speech unto them, he so laboureth them in it, that whosoever doth but a little enter into the consideration of it, may reasonable plainly perceive therein, that he doth it not onely as directed thereunto of God, but also, out of his own most inward and hearty affection withall; bestowing a notable farewell vpon them therein, and so earnestly labouring them about it, that it is most evident, himself was desirous of it. A very good example to all that are in yeares, or any way else find themselves to bee wearing away, to be careful, before they go hence, to leave all such as they leave behind them, especially those of whom they haue a more special charge, as fast unto God as possibly they are able to do: and not to bestow their whole care on that behalf of those they haue, and that little time that then is left them, onely about ordering( as most men do) their earthly affairs and estate unto them. But the common sort of men are so void of godliness themselves, that it is no marvell if wee find no such thing in their deaths when as their lives were altogether destitute of it. In what sort Moses did labour them in it, to the end that we may the better find, we are more specially to look into the course he observed therein, and so wee shall find, that although he diuers times intermingle one with another, as the earnest affection of his own hart( both in good will towards them, and for the love of the business he had in hand) did now and then led him: yet, for the most part he doth first earnestly exhort and labour them to continue in that their duty and service to God; and then doth put them in mind likewise of many of those things, wherein that duty or service of theirs was to be performed. When he doth exhort and labour them in it, yet doth he both put them in mind of diuers favours of God towards them before: and himself earnestly moveth them to do their duty, and to persist and abide therein. The favours of God towards them before, that he doth put them in mind of now, were, one of them in Aeygpt, and in the wilderness joined together: the others, in the wilderness onely. That one in egypt, and in the wilderness jointly together, was, that whereas they went down thither but onely threescore and ten Gen. 46: 27. Deut. 10: 22. persons, God had brought them now to bee like to the stars of heaven for multitude: being then, as wee saw before in the last Section but this, above 600000. able men to the field. Those others that were in the wilderness onely, were, some of them of farther remembrance: and some, much nearer. Those that were of farther remembrance, we may account to be all such as were before they were turned back again into the wilderness, when otherwise they had liberty given them to haue entered into the Land of Promise, and were moved so to haue done: and of these we find, that he maketh mention of one which was before the Law also was given; and others after. That which he mentioneth now, and yet was done before the Law was given, was that better order that he took with them for the hearing and determining of their Causes and controversies, and for the better government of them all generally, by aduise of jethro his Father in Law, as we saw before. Those Ex. 18: 13-26 Deut. 1: 9-17. which were after the Lawe was given, were, some of them ensuing thereon: and some again, about that their turning back into the wilderness. Such as ensued the giuing of the Law, were two: one, about a motion that themselves then made; the other, about a great sin, that shortly after they committed. The motion that themselves then made, was, that being afraid of that fearful voice of God, they Ex. 20▪ 18-21. now desired, that God would speak no more to them, but onely show his mind unto Deut. 1: 18. 4: 10▪ 14. 15: 22-27. Moses, and that they would do, as he should direct them: which also was granted unto them. That which was about the sin, that shortly after they committed, was, that when they had worshipped the golden calf, and the Lord was so offended with them, that he would haue destroyed them for it, he did earnestly entreat for Ex. 32: 11▪ 14, 31, ●2, 34▪ 33: 1-3, 1●-17. 34 1 4. 9. 2●-35. Deut. 10: 1-11 them, attending the lord about that matter, forty dayes, and forty nights, and at length, got pardon for them, had the Tables renewed, and liberty to go forward in the journey again, with the lords good favour. About their turning back into the wilderness, he putteth them in mind, how the Lord from Horeb would haue had them go and enter the Land, how he departed from Horeb, and coming Nu. 13: 1-14: 4●. Deut. 1: 6. 8, 19-21. Ibid. 22-33. Ibid. 34 40. Ibid. 41-46. to Kadesh-Barnea, he offered and exhorted them to make their entry: but that they would then haue Searchers, and, by their discouragement, did plainly refuse then to go in: that thereupon the Lord was very sore displeased with them, and would not then give it unto them: though the next day after they were sorry that so they had done, and offered to enter, but yet were repulsed; and that so they had continued there a long time. Those that were much nearer, or of latter memory, were of two sorts: some of them, appertaining to that time of Gods displeasure, after that they were turned back to the wilderness again, until the time that God gave those two Kings of the Amorites into their hands; others, to the time ensuing, after that the said displeasure of God was now assuaged towards them. During that time of his displeasure, and until the time came, that he made them victorious against those their Enemies, and gave their Land and cities unto them, the things that now he putteth them in mind of, are but few: as, that from the time they were turned back to the wilderness again, it was thirty eight yeares before they could get over the river Zared, in the Frontiers of the kingdom of Sihon King of Basan, and entering into the Dead-Sea, about the midst and East-side of it; that Aaron in that time died, Deut. 2: 14, 15 ●●ro. adrici●●●. Deut 10: 6-9 Eleazar his son succeeded; that the levites were taken to the ministry, and should haue no portion among their Bretheren; that they were forbidden by the Lord to move war against the Edomites their Bretheren, as also against the Moabites Deut 2: 1-13. Ibi. 16-33, 37. Ibid. 24, 25. and Ammonites, for that God would give them no part of their Land; that yet nevertheless he would give unto them the Land of Sihon, one of the kings of the Ammorites; and howe the Lord punished those that did so foully offend at Baal-Peor, and yet notwithstanding preserved the rest. When the time of that displeasure Deut. 4: 3, 4. was now overblown, the things that he mentioneth thereunto appertaining, were; first, the obtaining of that part of the Land on the East-side of jordan: then, for the time that themselves did afterward lie therein. As touching the obtaining of it, he putteth them in mind in what sort it pleased God to give it unto them: as that sending to Shihon, first for leave to pass quietly by, and not onely being therein Nu. 21: 21-35 Deut. 2: 26-36. 3● 1-11. rejected, but with all his forces encountered also, being so provoked they set upon him, and prevailed against him; and so proceeding against Og likewise, coming against them with all his power, they overthrew him in like manner, as they had the the other before. For the time that themselves did afterward lye therein, which Deut▪ 3: 29. was, as it seemeth, some reasonable time, he maketh some farther recital of that Land: and then speaketh of some others concerning the other whereunto they were going. The farther recital that he maketh of that Land, is, but how it was bestowed Nu 32: 1-40. Deu 3: 12-20 on the Rubenites, Gadites, and half the Tribe of Manasses: and what cities in it should be the cities of refuge, which were, bezoar among the Rubenites, Rama●h-Gilead among the Gadites, and Golan in that half of Manasseth. Concerning the Deu 4: 41-43 Ibid. 1: 7-9. 12 10-12. Num. 20: 12. Deu▪ 3: 21-28 4: 21, 22. Ibid 11: 31. 7: 7. 8. Deut. 4: 1. 5: 1. 6: 1-3. 8. 1, 6. Land whereunto they were going; first, as touching the Land itself, that it was a marvelous good Land: but then, as touching himself and the rest of the people, that himself was denied for their sakes to enter in, but was willed to encourage Ioshua who should succeed him, which also he did; but that they should go i● and possess that good Land, yet not because they were more than others, but onely of the love of God towards them. himself doth earnestly move them to do their duty, and to persist and abide therein; first, but generally: but then after more specially also. Generally, that they would harken unto the ordinances and laws that he reposed unto them, and taught them; themselves and their Children: that it might go well with them, and that their daies might be prolonged, and themselves mightily increased, in the Land which the Lord God of their Fathers did give them, and which flowed with milk and Hony. More specially he willeth them to inquire, if Deu. 4: 32-38 ever any people had such favours, and were so dealt with as they: so to be delivered out of such bondage as they were in, and now to haue such Nations cast out before them, that they might be planted in their rooms, that nevertheless this was not for any worthiness or righteousness in them( they being a very bad people, as their doings about that calf, and at Kades-Barnea might witness) but for that the lord Ibid. 9: 1-29. had a love unto them, as they might see in all the way that he lead them, wherein though he might seem sometimes to deal some-what hardly with them, to let Deut. ●: 1-20 themselves see what was in them, yet he did them no hurt, but as a Father nourtereth his child, even so dealt he with them also. Then, that they did in no wise forget Deu. 4: 10-13 ●: 1-5, 22-27. that day wherein the lord in so strange and fearful manner, gave unto them his commandments, and entered thereby into covenant with them: at what time themselves were so affrighted at the fearful things they saw and heard, that they desired that he would no more speak unto them in that fearful manner of his, least then they died, as not able again to abide it, but that he would deliver his will unto him to bring unto them. Especially to remember, that the Lord is God alone: and Ibid. 4: 15-20. 23, 24. 25-31. 39-40. 6: 10-19▪ 7-25. 26. 8 7-20. 12: 1-7. seeing they saw no similitude, in no wise to make any Image of him, nor to worship any Idols, but utterly to destroy them, they being delivered out of egypt, to bee a peculiar people to him: otherwise assuring them, that they should undoubtedly perish, the Lord their God being a jealous God, and withall a consuming fire: and in no wise to do after the ways of the former people, in any of their service to him: but to come to the place that the Lord should choose, and there to worship: but as for that people themselves and their Idols, not to spare the people, and utterly to roote out their Idols, because that otherwise they should bee to their own destruction. Ibid. 7: 1-26 And not onely to bestow all their Religion and zeal in detestation of Idolatry, but especially to give themselves to perform and do whatsoever the Lord requireth of them, framing all their ways agreeable thereunto: to which end he doth not only oft-times exhort them unto it( and sometime joineth the Priestes and levites with him therein) but also giveth them to understand, that it should bee for their own Deut. 4: 1, 2. 5: 32, 33. 6: 3.( 27: 9, 10) 11 22 28, 32. 26: 16-19. 28: 1-14, 15-68. good, to the riddance of their Enemies, to the enlarging of their own enjoying of that good Land, and in all their ways, and in all their affairs, to be most blessed, but otherwise to bee most miserable. neither doth he onely exhort them thus to do generally, but with all, doth put them in mind of some chief and principal branches thereunto appertaining: as, not onely to fear him, and to walk in his ways, De. 6. 4-6. 10▪ 12, 13, 16. 29. 11: 1. 12: 8-14 and to that end to circumcise their heartes, and to harden their necks no more; but also to love him with all their heart, with all their soul, and with all their might, to make much of those his ordinances and laws that now he gave them, and when the Lord should in their promised Land choose a place whither they should repair unto him, thither then to bring their offerings, and to rejoice in him, and, as it were to make merry with him. To which end he doth put them in mind withall, that although Ibid. 10: 14. 15 1●: 2-12. 7▪ 12 15. the heaven, and the heaven of Heauens, were the lord their Gods, yet made he choice of their Fathers and them, mightily delivered them out of egypt, preserved them from the strange and fearful ruin of others, and now did give them a notable good Land to dwell in: and assureth them besides, if they would so do, that he also would set his heart vpon them, increase them, and bless them, and remove the plagues of egypt far from them. Which that they may the better do, he directeth them farther to certain acts of such nature as may better settle it in themselves, and derive it to others besides: both at their first entrance into the Land; and for afterward also. At their first entrance into the Land, again joining Deu. 27: 1-8. others with him, even the Elders of Israell, he directeth them to set up great Stones, and to plaster them, and then to writ the laws of God thereon, to bee a remembrance unto themselves how to walk there, and to bee a direction to others also: and coming to the Mountaines of Gerizim and Hebal( a little within the borders of the land, where they were to make their first entry) there, besides Ibid. 11: 26-32. 27: 11-29 the rearing up of such Stones, and an Altar withal, they should in set and solemn manner, pronounce both the blessings and curses of the Law upon themselves and others, the blessings on the one mountain, and the curses on the other, themselves also being indifferently or equally partend on them, and by answering Amen to every of them, so to conclude upon themselves, either to their good or evil, as their ways or doings should be. For afterwards also he Deut. 4: 5-9. 6: 6-9. 20-25 11: 18-21. protesteth unto them, that he had taught them such Ordinances and laws as the Lord had willed him to teach them; that they were their wisdom and understanding( and their righteousness before God) in the sight of all people, who would readily grant, that they onely were a wise people, and of understanding, and a great Nation; and that by those they so far exceeded all other Nations, as that none of them all was compareable unto them: that therefore they should writ those laws of God on the posts of their houses( as the best vp-holding of them, being well observed withall) to make their usual talk of them, and diligently to teach them unto their children, yea and to sharpen them therein, that Tremel. I●●. in Deut. 6: 7. so they may afterward haue some good edge in them for such matters, and not to leave them so dull or Leaden as in those matters al others commonly are. As touching those things wherein that duty or service of theirs was to be performed, and of which Moses doth put them in mind for many of them, they are most of them such as from God he had given them before: and yet because they are here again remembered, therefore it is meetest for us here again to consider of them: especially, seeing that, before they are in the Text set down, wee are so plainly admonished, Deu. 4▪ 44▪ 49 Nu. 22: 1. 33: 48▪ 50. Tremel.& jun. that all these were given by Moses in that valley or plain of Moab, over against Beth-Peor, on the East side of jordan, after that they had subdued the Amorites there: which note there be of the learned, that refer to the laws that followed; though somewhat too much restraining the same to the repetition of the Commandements soon after ensuing. Whereas Moses in that note seemeth not so much to speak of the commandments themselves, which were given long before, and there but onely repeated to them again: as of those that after-warde followed, when first by reciting certain favours of God towards them,& by earnest exhortation thereupon to cleave to the Lord, he had so much the better: prepared them to haue the more regard unto them. But as touching those laws themselves, because we haue another place metre for them, therefore do we refer them to it: and therewithal a farther consideration of that Prayer of Moses also. Of which at this time we consider no more, but onely that by that his earnest Prayer for them, he did not only for that present so entreat God for them, but left the same in writing besides to remain among them: therein first acknowledging Psal. 90. the great goodness of God toward that his people,& withal bemoning their hard estate by their own frailty at that present; but then entreating that GOD would take compassion on them, and renew them again to his glory. 6. As touching the covenant which was made with them before, and God would now haue renewed again, we haue no actual renewing of it on behalf of the people: but onely on the behalf of God. And it may bee, that the actual consent of the people, is not so much regarded now, because of their great frailty or brittleness in cleaving to God, so often declared: and therefore, that God contenteth himself, by the Ministry of Moses to show them, that he notwithstanding is the same towards them that he was before; and so now reneweth the selfsame covenant that he did make with them before. So first he putteth them in mind what experience they haue already had of him, as a thing that should so fully content them, as that now they should make no question of him: then, he laboureth them, that they would accordingly cleave unto him. The experience that already they had of him, was part of it in their Fathers dayes: and part, in their own. That which was in their Fathers dayes was that wonderful and fearful dealing Deut. 26: 1-4. of his, on their behalf, in the Land of egypt: so very notorious, that although none of those to speak of that then remained were themselves privy unto it, yet was the memory thereof( even to that day) so fresh among them, that none of them all could be ignorant of it; and yet that they were even to that day so senseless therein, that they notwithstanding were little or nothing the better for it. That which they had in their own time, and whereunto themselves were privy, was part of it in that long journey of theirs in the wilderness: and part of it there, where then they encamped. In the wilderness they had found, that notwithstanding they had been held therein forty yeares; and all that time had no repair Ibid. 5, 6. of apparel, nor the help of ordinary sustenance: yet neither was that apparel of theirs yet worn out, not themselves consumed, nor in ill liking for want of the sustenance which then they had not. In that place where then they were, they had found likewise, that God had delivered those two kings of the Ammorites, Ibid. 7, 8. and all that whole country of theirs, and their cities into their hands: and that they had already disposed of them, giuing all the same to the two Triber of reuben and Gad, and to the one half of the Tribe of Manasses. having put them in mind of so special good experience of him and coming now to labour them, that they would accordingly cleave unto him, first he doth it but after an usual or ordinary manner, laying such matter before them, as might be of force to persuade them: but then he ascendeth to an higher kind, or much more mightily ariseth vpon them, by shutting up with earnest protestations. After an usual and ordinary manner he doth it, laying such matter before them as might be of force to persuade them, first by using some exhortation, and othet good motives, so to keep them unto him, as that never they fall away from him: and then, if nevertheless they should fall from him, that yet they would return unto him again. So to keep them unto him, as that never they fall away from him, he first exhorteth: and then, useth some reasons to move them unto it. he exhorteth them, to haue special regard to the words of that covenant, both to observe Ibid. 9. and keep them well: and to practise them in all their ways; that so they might prosper in all that they do. His reasons are sorted unto the matter of the covenant, which is first set down but generally: then, more specially. Generally, there was no more required of them, but that they also would enter into covenant with him: and to move them to it, first he putteth them in mind of their own readiness thereunto; then, how God would graciously extend it to their children also. As touching their own readiness thereunto, he putteth them in mind, that now they are all to that end assembled or gotten together, even from the highest unto the lowest: that he may establish Ibid. 10-13. them to be a people unto himself; and that he may be, as before he sware unto their Fathers, a God unto them. As touching the extending of it unto their children, he now also telleth them, that the benefit of this covenant is not to redound to themselves onely, but also to al their posterity ensuing, even as fully as to themselves. Ibid. 14-15: More specially it was required, that they should not fall from him to any of the Goddes of those Nations: and to that end they were put in mind that themselves had seen the vanity and the abomination of them; and that, if so they should, it would bee an heavy burden unto them. As touching that knowledge Ibid. 16-18. of their own, they are referred both unto egypt where they were born& bread;& to certain other Nations by which they passed in that their journey: being now given to understand, that God had therefore let them see the extreme folly and naughtiness of them, that themselves should never make any reckoning of them. That if they should, it would certainly bee an heavy burden unto them, it is first set down but generally: then, more specially. Generally, that it would bee Ibid. 18. found to be a root, that would bring them forth gall and wormwood. More specially, first for every one particular person: then, for the whole, or most part of them. For particular persons, that though such an one might persuade himself, that nevertheless in so doing he might do well enough: yet certainly the wrath of the Lord should lie sore vpon him, and utterly root him out from among the people. Ibid. 19-21. In setting down how heavy the wrath of God would be unto them, if the whole or most part of them should so offend, we are to note, not onely what these judgements are: but also, in what sort Moses slippeth into the mention hereof. In noting what the judgements themselves are, we shall find, that they are grievous: and then, that whereas there might in the minds of some, arise a doubt thereof, Moses sore-warneth( as it may seem) how to resolve it. They are noted to be so grievous and fearful, that the posterity to come, and very Strangers thereabout Ibid. 22-28. should all stand astonied thereat: and should readily ascribe it to the sin of the people that dwelled therein. The doubt that might arise thereof, was, as it seemeth to me, that they had not so grievously offended, as so grievous punishments might seem to import: and to that end it may seem, that Moses doth so directly here refer things secret to the Lord himself; and withall setteth down the things revealed Ibid. 29. to be the rule that we should follow. It may be also, that he would give them to understand thereby, that howsouer they stood excused for all such matters as God had not revealed unto them: yet for those that he had revealed( and such they were, that he spake of now) they were in no wise to be excused. That Moses Ibid. 21, 22. speaking but only of some one particular person or other before, doth nevertheless, even in the next words of all, so speak of punishing the whole land, as if there were some general apostasy, of all or of most going before( which he doth not lay to their charge) it may seem to be therefore done, to give them to understand, that if any one of that kind be born with or spared, it may bee the ruin, if not of all generally, yet of so many, as may bring those plagues vpon all. If nevertheless they should fall from him, that yet they would return unto him again, he doth not only exhort them thereunto: but also useth a very good reason( out of the Doctrine itself) to move them unto it. Being of mind to exhort them to return to the Lord again, first he layeth a good groundwork before: and then, cometh in with Ibid. 30: 1-7. the exhortation itself. The groundwork that he layeth for it before, is, that he putteth them in good assurance, that if then they shall return unto him, he will most graciously receive them again. His exhortation thereupon is, that therefore Ibid. 8-10. they would turn unto him, that so in all things the Lord might bless them, and do them good. The reason that he useth out of the Doctrine itself, is the facility Ibid. 11-14. and readiness of it. He ascendeth unto an higher kind, and much more mightily riseth vpon them, by shutting up with earnest protestations: first, by urging them to consider, that he hath set before them life and good, death and evil: good if they Ibid. 15-1●. Ibid. 19, 20. should obey; otherwise most certain evil, then, calling heaven and earth to witness, that he hath set before them life and death, blessing and cursing: exhorting them withall, so to make their choice, that ever it may go well with them. 7. That one thing that he would haue left unto them for the time ensuing, was that Song that he appointed Moses to deliver unto them. Concerning which because it was to serve their use after his departure, and to bee delivered unto them but a little before, therefore haue we some such things first set down, as best may make the way unto it: then, we haue the thing itself. Those things that we haue first set down, so to make the readier way unto it, are such as are first performed by Moses: then, some others performed by God. As touching Moses, as he knew that he was not long to tarry among them now, so doth he frame his doings accordingly: first, as touching the covenant aforesaid; then, as touching this Song ensuing. As touching the covenant aforesaid, according as God before had willed him, so did he truly deliver it unto the people. As touching the Song ensuing, Deut. 31: 1. that so it may be more welcome unto them, as coming unto them in a time most needful, when he should be taken away from them, he doth not onely tell them of his departure: but doth so employ himself besides, as is correspondent thereunto. In telling them of his departure, both he giveth good reason of it: and doth farther comfort them therein. The reason that for it he gave them, was, first of his own Ibid. 2. disability now, not able any more to do them that service he was wont to do, being now an hundred and twenty yeares old( whereas before himself had set down, that usually the age of man was but three-score and ten, and that if his constitution or Psal 90▪ 16. strength was such that he could reach to fourscore yeares, yet would that overplus be but labour and sorrow:) then, that the Lord had plainly told him, that he should not go over with them. The farther comfort that he giveth them Deut. 31: 2. Ibid. 3. therein, was, from above, that the Lord himself would go over before them, and destroy their enemies before their faces: from beneath, that josuah should succeed him and go over with them, and that the Lord would be with him; and, that they Ibid. 3-5. should certainly do unto the people on the other side, as on this side they had already done to those two Kings of the Ammorites. whereupon also he willeth them to pluck up their hearts: and to bee assured, that God will neither fail nor Ibid. 6. forsake them. His employments besides correspondent hereunto, that is, such as did show he was now drawing away, were two: one, that dealing of his with josuah; the other his dealing with the Priests the levites also. His dealing with josuah now was, that he called him before the people, and there assured him, that Ibid. 7, 8. he should go over with them, that the Lord would be with him, and that he should give them the land which the lord before had promised to give them. His dealing with the Priests the levites was, that whereas himself had already set down the Law of God in writing, now doth he deliver the same unto them to Ibid. 9-13, 24-27 keep, and chargeth them withall, that every seventh year, in the Feast of Tabernacles, they gather together the whole people, men, women, and children, yea, and the strangers that sojourned with them also( so Lay-people then, yea women and children, were accounted such as were to be acquainted with the written word of God then, albeit those things of the Old-Testament, were much harder for their capacity▪ then any thing almost of the New-Testament is since)& that thē they red the Law unto them, that so the people might both hear it,& learn it of them, that so al things might prosper with them: giuing thē withall to understand, that being so brittle as they were while yet he was with them, he could conceive no otherwise of them, but that after his death they would much more show themselves in their kind, than yet they had done. As touching God, he willed Moses to call josuah,& then both to come together unto him: at which time the lord first dealt more Ibid 14, 15. specially with Moses; then, with josuah. His dealing with Moses was, to let him understand, that the time being now at hand, that he must sleep with his Fathers, Ibi. 14, 16-21 the people soon after would fall to Idolatry, and should be for the same grievously punished: therefore his pleasure was, that now they should haue some special warning given them thereof( so to preserve so many of them as should haue any care to stand) and that this special warning for them should bee contrived into a Song which he would haue him set down in writing, as he did there give it unto him. Which Moses also accordingly did. His dealing with josuah was no more Ibid. 22. but onely to encourage him, and to assure him, that he should bring the Children of Israel into the Land that he before had sworn to give them. coming then Ibid. 23. to the thing itself, first he getteth the people together: and then reciteth the song unto them. To get the people together he imposeth that charge on the Priests Ibid. 28, 29. the sons of levy, but especially for the Elders and Officers of them: and giveth unto them the reason why, both out of their own common frailty; and out of the wonted hand of God against such dealing. In reciting the Song unto them, we are to consider, not onely howe Moses discharged his duty therein: but also, what is the effect or substance of it. That Moses discharged his duty therein, we Ibid. 30. are assured, that he delivered by word of mouth, in the hearing of all the Congregation, the words of that Song until he had fully ended the same. The effect or substance of it is, to be a set admonition or warning unto that people, how evil their ways were before God: and how bitter fruits in time they would yield unto themselves. Both which things that they might suffer to make deeper impression in their minds, and so might better conceive the same, first he useth a preface or fore-speech thereunto: and then doth come to the matter itself. In the preface he purposely calleth on the heauens and earth to give ear, as having no hope Deu. 32: 1-3 of convenient audience among men; and appealing to all, whether he hath not just cause so to deal with them as he doth: and then both assureth them, that that which now he hath to say shall be unto them( if so they can take it) as the comfortable dew of heaven, to the plants that grow on the Earth, and unto the glory of God; and thereupon requireth of them, that they also give glory to GOD. coming unto the matter itself; first, he setteth down the same bat generally: but then doth prosecute it more specially. Generally, he giveth them to understand, Ibid. 4, 5. that GOD in all his judgements upon them standeth so clear, that he in nothing is to bee charged: but that they had corrupted themselves towards him; not being his Children, but a froward and crooked Generation. More specially; first, he chargeth them with great sin: and then denounceth heavy judgements against them. To the end they may find out their sin the better; first, he sheweth how graciously God hath dealt with them: then, how unkindly they haue dealt with him again. As touching the gracious dealing of God with them, he is no sooner entering into the consideration of it, but that he wondereth, that so they could deal with him again: and so beginneth with a grievous expostulation with them about that matter. Then he willeth them to call to mind and to consider, Ibid. 6. that in his secret purpose he did not forget them in the distribution of possessions Ibid. 7-9. and Countries to other peoples, but at that time also, and now shortly to come to light, he provided for them, though as yet he had not given it unto them: and that, Ibid. 10-14. when they were in need and destitute, he supplied their necessity, and in the end brought them unto a rich and wealthy estate. As touching their unkind dealing Ibid. 15-18. with him again, he giveth them plainly to understand, that when they were so well reared, and grown fat& well liking, then became they wanton& stubborn against him: and gave themselves to so gross Idolatry, that so they seemed clean to forget him, and to cast the memory of him, and of all his benefits towards them, in vile contempt, even at their heels. In denouncing his judgements against them, we find in the end, that nevertheless he willeth other Nations to haue that people of his in special regard: so that belike he doth not otherwise find how to demand iudgement against them; but that he findeth much mercy mingled withall to those that are his. So it shall be good first to consider in what sort he denounceth those judgements against them: and then may we the better see, on what ground it is, and how far-forth it is required, that other Nations should make such a reckoning of that his people. In what sort he denounceth those judgements against them, wee can no sooner endeavour to find, but that we spy withall, that indeed he mingleth great mercy with them: and so are first to consider of those his judgements: then, of such mercies as wee find to bee mingled there-with. The consideration of those his judgements yeeldeth unto us two principal branches: one, whence they do proceed; the other, what they are in themselves. As touching the former, they are shewed to come, of a resolute and determinate purpose of God. As touching the Ibid. 19, 20. IbiI. 21, 22. latter, they are of two sorts: one, that as they provoked him with those that were no Gods, so would he provoke them with those that were no people, and such a people too, as in whom there was no likelihood at all, ever to put them in hazard of that their Dignity; the other, that both at home and abroad their estate should bee very heavy, even of all the sort of them. The mercies that wee find to bee mingled with these his judgements, are of two sorts: first, that he dealeth not so hardly with Ibid. 23-25. them, as, but in some respect, he otherwise would; then, that at length he taketh part with them also, against their Enemies. In that he dealeth not so hardly with them, as, but in some respect, he otherwise would, wee haue delivered unto us, what it is that otherwise he would haue done unto them: and what reason he had, both of that his forbearing of them; and that other-wise so he might, and would haue dealt with them. That which otherwise he would haue done unto them, was, even Ibid. 26. to haue scattered them abroad, and utterly to haue abolished, from the face of the Earth, the memory of them. The reason why he did forbear them therein, was, Ibid 27. least theit enemies should wax proud thereat, and not to impute the same to the Lord, but to their own power against them. The reason that otherwise he might Ibid. 28-35. and would haue dealt so with them, was, that they were so foolish and evil( which also was a special hindrance unto them in the mean season:) and that the lord had undoubted experience of it. That neuerthelsse at length( when he hath, to his good pleasure, humbled his people) he taketh part with them against their enemies, Ibid. 36. 42. that also is very plainly set down: to the just terror of those that at any time become enemies to the people of God; and to the singular comfort of those that are his. Ibid. 43. Out of which that warning in the end doth fitly arise, to all Nations besides, to make special reckoning of the people of God: for that he auengeth the blood of his Seruants, and is exceeding merciful to them and their land; but of fearful vengeance to all their aduersaries. Which Song when Moses had recited in the hearing of the Ibid. 44, 45. people, and in the presence of josuah, who now soon after was to succeed Moses in the government of them, he farther willed them to haue a special regard thereunto, Ibid. 46. and not onely to motion it, but even to command it unto their Children: assuring them, that it was no matter so little concerning them, as that they needed not much Ibid. 47. to regard it; but that it was to great and singular good use unto them. 8 How Moses finished his course among them being now to be seen, wee are to note; first, how he was called vpon about it: then, how he also did readily address himself unto it. He was called vpon about it, the selfsame day, as it seemeth, wherein he recited that Song unto them: being then directed whither to go, Ibid. 48. Ibid. 49, 50. Ibid. 51, 52. to behold the Land, and to finish his life; and being then told again, what the cause was, why he should not enter with the rest into it. he readily addressed himself unto it; first, by doing some things beneath before he ascended: then, by ascending thither unto it, as he was prescribed. The things that first he did here beneath, were two: one, that he blessed the Tribes of Israell; the other, that he laid his hands on joshuah. In that his blessing of the Tribes of Israell, it shall bee good for us also more specially to mark, some things that belong unto them all▪ and some, that belong to certain of them. For those that belong unto all, do for many of them show what estate wee also are like to haue under the government and protection of God: such being( for that point) the Communion of saints, that what interest the people of God haue at any time had in the lord before, the same may any of the people of God look to haue in him still, both now and ever, while the World endureth. And whereas, some of them there were, whose dignity and function is yet( in diuers good& great respects) in force, it shall be good, that out of them also we gather, what we shal find to give any needful Lessons to vs. Omitting therefore such things as are peculiar to thē, and casting our eyes but unto such as do more specially concern us also,& so first beginning with those that did concern thē al, we find some things thereunto appertaining( as it were) in the preface, or in the beginning of that his blessing: and some again, in the conclusion or ending of it. In the preface or beginning Deut. 33: 1-5. of it, he puts thē in mind how graciously the lord did vouchsafe to impart his comfortable presence among thē more and more, ever since they came out of Egypt to that present: as also it hath pleased him, since he set in hand with our deliverance, out of that Aegyptiacall bondage, that of late the Church was in, ever more& more to clear up his gracious countenance towards us; and still to bestow new benefits on vs. towards the end he assureth them, that being( as they were) under Gods protection, Ibid. 26-29. they were the happiest people under the sun; safe, and victorious against their Enemies, and notably furnished with earthly blessings: a very good and sound provocation to all to come in, that yet stand out or hang off from the profession of the gospel; seeing what benefits they may assure themselves to obtain, if truly they can join with their Bretheren therein. Those that belong to certain of them, are those that wee find in judah and levy; judah having the sceptre and kingdom unto it, chiefly before allotted, and levy the priesthood: matters of great and special moment at all times else; and so, by that reason, with us likewise. As touching judah, we are to note, what two things in him are coupled together: one, that prayer is made for him; the other, that nevertheless there is great hope of safety and victory to him ascribed. In the prayer it is desired, that God Ibid. 7. would both hear him when he calleth vpon him: and( belike when he hath to deal with the Enemy) bring him home safe to his people again. The hope of safety and victory to him ascribed( as the original itself doth give it) resteth in two principal ●rias mount. Ibid. points: one, that himself contendeth( with the Enemy,& doth not give over, nor bear with him;) the other, that the Lord himself doth help him against al those that endeavour to straighten him. But these two do well agree together. And so with us, although it be certain, that such as are of the kingdom of Christ, both themselves do strive, and haue a sure help in the lord( for there are never want, that would straighten the bounds of his kingdom:) yet is it needful ever to join Prayer withall, both that God would ever hear them; and ever bring them safe to their people again. For levy, it seemeth, he is altogether in Prayer: but first, onely for such things as do more specially belong to his function: then, for such as are for his maintenance and function withall. As touching such things as do● more specially belong to his function, wee are to consider, what it is that on that behalf he doth desire: and what reasons they are whereon he pleadeth. The things for Ibid. 8. which he prayeth are, that integrity of life, and knowledge of Doctrine, may ever be with him. The reasons whereon he pleadeth, are either of Aaron the chiefest of them: or else of the levites themselves. Of Aaron, for that God had sanctified Ibid. 8. him unto it: and for that he was so moved with the untowardness of the people, that then he broke the bounds of patience thereby. Of the levites, for that Ibid. 9, 10. they had before done that special service to God( nothing at all therein respecting their kinsfolk or friends:) and for that they were to teach his people, and ever to Minister before the Lord. As touching such as were for their maintenance,& function withall: first, he desireth, that God would both bless his substance,& accept of the Ibid. 11. work of his hands: then, whereas ever he should haue Enemies to both( both to his maintenance,& to his ministry) it would please God, to smite through the loins Ibid. of such as should rise up against him, and of so many as did hate him, and that in such sort, that they never might haue either heart or power to rise up again. Wherein if we come to our ministry also, there is no question, but that on all hands it were to be wished, that holinesse in life, and knowledge in doctrine might ever go with it: if integrity of life, good training up before, and good choice after, may not be omitted; if some special learning withall, the reward of learning should not bee so curtold, as now it is. If none be meet for it, but such as can so far remove from them all private respect, they are not those ordinary gallants, that will serve to such purpose: no nor so much as to take any pains to teach the people, or to attend their ministry before the Lord. And no question at all, but that God needeth to bless their substance, and to accept the work of their hands, when as so commonly, even among those that profess the gospel, they are so fleesed in the one, and put to such disgrace in the other, as daily they are: as also there is no question, but that unless God do mightily beat down indeed such as are so grievous unto them, it is not likely, that ever they would find( so long as there were any power in thē) but that still they might make as bold with it, as yet they do. That Moses laid his hands on joshuah, though we haue not the original Story here; yet haue we a plain relation of it: and thereby it appeareth, that as God had willed Moses so to do, and as Deut. 34: 9. Nu. 27: 18-23 it is recorded there that so he did, so it may seem( as being the fittest, and most likely) that now is the time that it was done, for that Moses was now to part with the government clean, and josuah to succeed him therein. So Moses took josuah, set him before Eleazar the Priest, and before the Congregation, laid his hands on him so to commend him to God and to the people,& to invest him in that his office, and than gave him charge what he was to do. The which as it did come from God, it sheweth, that the care of succession is also of him: and as Moses readily yielded to put him in place, so should that bee, in such like case, grievous to none. These things when he had done beneath, then, according as he was directed, he Deut. 34: 1-7 went up to the Lord, who there did show him the Land that the people were to enjoy; but told him again, that himself should not go with them into it: and so Moses died and was buried there, at the age of 120. yeares; but the place of his burial unknown to them all. A sufficient token, that God had no such liking, as many of us haue since conceived, that it was so acceptable a thing unto him, to haue such relics of the bodies or clothes of the Saints departed. CHAP. 9. 1 BEing now to digress unto those others that are none of the peculiar people of God, and yet might seem to be of that company, wee are first to see who they are, and the Story of them: then, howe to apply the same to our use. Those that we speak of, are but few of them known by name: but by these few it may probably seem, that there were many more besides. Those few that are known by name, are job himself, and the chief of those others of whom his Story maketh mention, Elephaz, Bildad, Zophar, and Elihu: all Gentiles, and none of that people, that it pleased God to make his peculiar people; but yet the most of them, it seemeth, descended of Abraham, or of such as were near unto him. For Bildad being there termed a Shubite, giveth likelihood, that he descended of Shuah, one job. 2: 11. of the sons of Abraham, by Keturah his second Wife: as Elephaz likewise, being there termed a Temanite, may thereby seem to haue descended of Esau the son Gen. 25▪ 2. of Isaac, the son of Abraham, by Teman the son of Eliphaz, the son of Esau. But then, as that first Eliphaz the son of Esau, left us this Elephaz that Gen. 36: 11. now we speak of, of the Line of his son Teman aforesaid( and as it seemeth, by lawful wedlock) whose knowledge of God, and regard to his glory, this story will show to haue been very commendable: so by Timna his Concubine, he left us that ungracious seed of Amelek, an Ancient and mortal Enemy to the people of Gen. 36: 12. Tr●●el. jun. Exod. 17: 8. Iud. 6: 3. 1. Sam. 30: 1. Est. 3: 1. Tr●●el. I●●. job. 2: 11. Ge. 22: 20, 21 Ibid. 1: 3. Gen. 25: 6. God, often bending themselves against them. A thing very often found in experience, that the Issue of unlawful copulation prove wicked and troublesone things in the World. Elihu also, being termed the B●zite, yeeldeth like probability, that he descended of the second son of Nahor, Abrahams Brother bearing that Name. As for job himself, and Zophar one of his friends, we haue not so great probability for them, whence they should be in particular: but, because job himself is said to be the greatest of all the Men of the East, whither Abraham sent his other sons to inhabit, and seeing he could not be far from his friends, nor his friends from him, seeing also, that the country where he dwelled, might take the name of the first son of Aram of the selfsame Name, and Aram himself inhabited Syria, and gave Name unto it, therefore is there good probability that he was of those Gen. 10: 23. Countries, and like enough to haue been either of the line of Aram and Uz before, or else of Abraham by Keturah after. Zophar also could not be but in those Ibid. 2: 11. partes too, because he was of the more special friends of job, and agreed with the others to come and visit him in that his distress. 2 The story of those is of two principal matters: one, that is commonly noted by all; another, that is noted I think but by few, as the worthiness thereof would require. That which is commonly noted by all, is, what a trial it pleased God to make of job. That which is so little noted by others, is, what knowledge of God and what special regard to his glory, there was then found even among those that were none of that peculiar people which God had chosen. But the later of these is so mingled with the former, that wee cannot in any wise gather the one, but that we must deal with the other also. In the trial therefore that it pleased God to make of job, we are first to consider, how low it pleased God to bring him: then, how be raised him up again. To find out how low it pleased God to bring him, wee are first to note, in what estate he was at that time when God did make this trial of him: then, how far under the same he brought him. The estate wherein he was when God made this trial of him was very good: first in such things as are plainly set down; then, in some others that were implyed. It is plainly set down that his estate was good: both towards God; and the world also. Towards God, he was, first for his own person upright or just; so that both he job. 1: 1. feared God, and eschewed evil: then, so careful of the ways of his children likewise, Ibid. 5. least they by offence some of theirs in their feasting should provoke the wrath of god, that ever in such case he sanctified them,& offered burnt offerings for every of them. Towards the world he was likewise in especial good estate, not onely in his substance: but also, in his children. His substance was noted to bee, seven Ibid. 3. thousand sheep, three thousand Camels, five hundred yoke of Oxen, and five hundred she-asses: and his family so great, that he was the greatest of all men of the East. His children were not only a comfortable sort for the number of them, being seven Sons and three daughters: but having the world so much ●t their Ibid. 2. Ibid. 4. wils, and being at such concord and love among themselves, that they usually feasted together by course, one after another. Those others that are but implyed, are of his wife and friends: his wife belike being comfortable before in his prosperity, who soon after grew so far out of temper in his adversity; and his friends, Ibid. 2: 9. Ibid. 11. by gathering themselves together to comfort him then, sufficiently thereby declaring, that indeed they were friendly, or bare him good will. But though these be but implyed here; yet is there great probability of both, by the most usual course among us: men having such comfort of their wives, as for the most part men haue; and the greater sort( such as job was yet) ever lightly having friends enough. And for the latter of them, job himself doth afterward sufficiently declare, that he was Ibi. 29: 21-24 in that reckoning with the people about him, that needs he must bee very well friended. 3 So was job now in so special good estate, that when it pleased God to bring him down( especially so far as he did) he had then the greater fall: and therein are we first to consider vpon what occasion he did it; then, how far it pleased God thereon to do it. The occasion was, that satan moved the Lord twice against Ibid. 1: 6-12 2: 1-6. him: once, for all but his person onely; then after, to seize on his person also. Out of which we may assure ourselves, both that satan is ever busy enough against us and yet that he can do nothing at all, but so far as it pleaseth God to allow him. It pleased God thereon to do it, in great measure: first giuing satan full liberty in those things that he desired; then, adding farther vexation besides. For those things that satan desired, he gave him great liberty: but with special charge, to proceed no farther. But therein we are not onely to see, what was done thereupon: but also, in what sort job did take it. That which was done, thereuppn, was Ibid. 1: 13-19. that presently job was bereft of all his cattle great and small, and of his servants that did attend them, and of all his children; and that in strange and fearful maner: Ibid 2: 7, 8. then also, that on his own body was cast very great anguish and pain, and he left with a very poor and miserable help to himself. As the former of which Ibid. 1: 20, 21 though then he gave himself, not onely to inward, but even to outward, and to actual lamentation; yet both his own words did well enough witness, that he quietly took it: and the Text itself doth give him that testimony also. In the latter of them, we do not find, that he complained any more of this, and being Ibid. 22. destitute belike of others( abhorring the filthiness that he thereby was in, and not able himself to use the nails of his own fingers therein they being smitten as the rest of his body was) he quietly yielded to that poor and miserable help that was Ibid. 2: 8. left him, with a potsherd or shell to help to ease himself of some of his pain in some of his botches or sores, and to rest himself on the earth or Ashes, whereunto Ibid. 1: 20. he had betaken himself in the way of lamentation before. 4 That farther vexation that it pleased God to add besides, was by his wife and friends: wherein wee are to consider, what it was; and in what sort himself did bear it. Of that which came by his Wife, the Story is short: but that of his friends occupieth almost the rest of all the whole Story of job. That of his wife Ibid. 2: 9. was a naughty prejudice in her, that her Husband had served God in vain, to bee thus requited by him: and that she made so bold with him, as, out of that profane conceit of hers, bitterly to upbraid him therewith. Which temptation no doubt was strong: especially, proceeding from one that was so near unto him, and so privy to all his doings, that she above others might know the integrity of all his ways. And it may be that satan, having power of all besides his own person, and leaving unto him not one of his children to comfort him withall: as nevertheless he left him some of his seruants, to help to break his heart by the strange and sorrowful tidings that they should bring him; so to that end he left him his wife Ibid. 11 15, 16, 17, 19. also, to upbraid him with that his rare integrity, in so bitter and spiteful maner, as now she did. Whereby also it may appear, as before I noted, that by likelihood she was a loving and a comfortable wife unto him before, because satan reserved her to his purpose now, as thereby the metre instrument for this his purpose. This temptation, strong though it were yet notwithstanding did job bear marvelous well: as may appear, both by his own words again; and by the testimony that the Text itself doth give him. Ibid. 2: 10. 5 That farther vexation which came by his friends, and occupieth so great a part of the Story, was, that they also, on the like prejudice, did so much condemn him, that he had two great conflicts with them: first with those three that were, as it seemeth, of greatest reckoning; then, with a fourth, who was as it seemeth of lesser account, and so for a time but a stander-by. Yet may it seem, that he was strongest of them all in the business he took in hand: for that, as it seemeth, job did put all those others to silence; but by this fourth was put to silence himself. So was job soundly baited by these, two several times: first by those three that specially go under the name of his friends; then, by the fourth, that did set vpon him a-fresh when they had done with him. To begin therefore with those three, we are first to consider of such things as are common to them all: and then to come to the several Stories of every of them. Common unto them all it is, that they came as friends to comfort him, and for a time, were in great astonishment and sorrow for Ibid. 11-13. him: but afterward altering their mindes, they became heavy aduersaries unto him. They came as friends to comfort him, on a settled persuasion of him, that he was a marvelous just and Godly man. They became so heavy aduersaries unto him, for that when they saw him so notably afflicted as he was, and cast down so very low, they then conceived, that they had been foully beguiled in him, and that he was but a notable hypocrite: else that it could not be, that God would ever haue laid his hand so strangely and so heavy vpon him. 6 To come to the several Stories of every of them, wee are to note, that none of them all contented themselves once to haue bent themselves against him; but for a time still renewed their forces vpon him: yet the first two of them, once more than the third. For each of those made three several speeches against him: and he, but two. But they were all answered by job, even every of their speeches severally. So that the vexation that arose unto job, from these, came not all at once, but in several portions, and at several times: and therefore are we more distinctly to mark, what vexation it was that out of every of those speeches arose unto him; and in what sort his answers may show how he did bear it. Where wee are likewise to note, that none of them did utter their speeches against job at once, but as it were successively, one after another: every of them, when at one time he had once spoken; yielding the place unto the others to say their mindes also. So that all three came vpon him, one after another, observing one and the selfsame order, twice: at the third time, but two of them onely, the third of their company then falling of, and prosecuting the cause no farther. And the order that still they observed, was, that Eliphaz began, Bildad followed, and Zophar kept the third place twice, but then, gave over. When Eliphaz therefore first began, wee are to consider, what vexation in that his first speech arose unto job: then in what sort job did bear it. But then that Eliphaz bee not farther charged than there was cause, we are likewise to mark what cause job gave him thereunto: then, how Eliphaz dealt with him thereon. The cause that job gave him hereunto, was, that now indeed he cursed the day of his birth, and uttered diuers impatient Ibid 3: 1-26. speeches of that kind: after that, besides those his losses before, his body also had now a seven-night been in such anguish. The vexation that out of the speech Ibid. 2: 13. of Eliphaz did hereupon arise unto him, seemeth to be; first, that charging him to chapped. 4.& 5. bee of a base mind, in that he took his affliction no more quietly; and so defending the Iustice of God, as if job had impeached the same: he so calleth job to repentance, as if there were no question, but that how well soever they had thought of him, yet was he, no doubt, marvelous bad, that had so heavy a iudgement on him. Which so grievous condemnation of his so closely given, job did not so quietly take, but that he standeth fast unto it, that he had good cause so to poure forth chapped. 6.& 7. the anguish of his soul as he did, and reproveth his friends that so unkindly they fail him now:& then renewing the complaint of his afflictions again, after a sort he chargeth God to deal hardlyer with him, than he hath given him strength to bear. Whereupon Bildad taking his turn next, chargeth him, overmuch to lay injustice chapped 8. to God: and so doth set forth the Iustice of God against Sinners, and his favour towards those that seek him, that the secrecy of his conclusion sheweth itself to be, that job was not the man he seemed to be, but such as those strange and heavy judgements had now bewrayed. Which reproof of his job so taketh, that although he chapped. 9. plainly aclowledge the great Iustice, wisdom, and power of God; yet coming to his own afflictions, he still bindeth much now and then on this, that his deserts were not such, as those his afflictions might seem to import: and then returning to the bitter sense of his afflictions again, he pitifully, and impatiently too, chapped. 10. chapped. 11. bemoaneth the same to God himself. Whereupon the turn being come to Zophar, he plainly chargeth job, so to justify himself before God, that no man might abide to hear him; and then plainly telling him, that those his afflictions were but for his sins; and as in respect of Gods iustice he suffereth him not to look for any other so long as he abideth in sin; so nevertheless he assureth him of favour, if he can repent and turn unto him. By which speech of his, job finding now by experience, that they all were feathered of one wing, all condemning him for so great an offender( and withall for so close an Hypocrite) as those his great and strange afflictions Ibid. 12, 13: 1-16. Ibi. 13▪ 17-28, and 14. did seem to import, is much nettled there-with, and rejecteth them now, as very partial against him: and then, turning to God, he so pleadeth his cause with him, in that his perturbation and grief of mind, on his afflictions, and their prejudice, as that though he speak many things well; yet diuers such things do slip him withal, as out of which he might easily be very hardly censured. 7 having thus baited him once, yet once more they all set on him again, in the same order they held before. Eliphaz therefore taking his place first again, according Ibid. 15. as he had occasion given him by the last speech of job, as in the way of answer to Zophar; so he did accordingly take it: and now more plainly condemning him than before, doth so lay before him the judgements of God against Sinners, as plainly sheweth, that in his iudgement, job was there to take up his place, and no where else. hereunto job granteth, that indeed the lord hath smitten him, and Ibid. 16, 17. that so sore, that he maketh no other account, but therein to finish those his miserable dayes: but still he rebuketh those his friends, and chargeth them with an unkind and unjust prejudice of him; and shuneth not therein to come to his trial with God, but plainly professeth, that he earnestly wisheth the same. Bildad then taking Ibid. 18. the second place again, again reproveth job roundly for that great presumption that he conceived to bee in him; and very well discourseth of the miserable estate of the wicked, but yet still on their aforesaid supposal, that that must bee the Ibi. 19: 1-4. case of job. But job again reproveth him, and the others withall, for that their bad prejudice of him, and for those bitter reproaches which out of that prejudice of theirs, they did so plentifully poure forth upon him: and then coming to the truth of the cause, there again, not onely he acknowledgeth that the hand of God Ibid. 5-22. was heavy upon him, but himself at large describeth the same; but therewithal, Ibid. 23-27. Ibid. 28, 29. both declareth, that he hath good confidence yet, and warneth them( if needs they will so peremptorily condemn all the wicked unto the Sword) to take heed to themselves. nevertheless these things so little prevail with them, that Zophar, whose turn came now again, was so far from slipping it yet, that he seemeth rather to hasten unto it, as himself also granteth. Where first he taketh it in ill part, that job returneth his prejudice back to him and his fellowes, and doth not yield himself to haue been so bad a man, and so deep an hypocryte, as he and the others had Ibid. 20: 1-3 now lately conceived him to haue been: then coming unto the matter again, he sheweth, that ever it hath been the manner of God, in all their ways to Ibid. 4-29, afflict, and in the end quiter to roote out all the wicked themselves and their ungracious posterity; not putting him in hope of mercy now as he did before, but altogether urging the hard estate of the wicked unto him, as the onely company whereunto he had in truth to sort himself. Whereunto job replying, both in the beginning and in the end of this his speech, reproveth those his friends for such Ibid. 21: 1-3, 34. Ibid 4. their dealing with him, instead of comfort giuing unto him such plenty of gull. and as touching the cause they haue in hand, first acknowledging, that if he had no farther comfort, but so far as he could clear himself in the iudgement of men, he had but a loose handfast of it indeed: then he declareth, both that the wicked flourish for a time, but haue in the end an heavy iudgment; and that himself Ibid. 5-33. Ibi. 16, 27, 28 hath nothing to do with them; and that they do him great wrong to sort him unto them. 8 Being thus baited twice by them all, he cannot so rest, but is set on again by a couple of them. Where first Eliphaz, taking him in hand again, maketh( as it seemeth to me) but a scorn, that job should account himself to stand so clear, and not as they conceived him to do; and then plainly chargeth him( yet Ibid. 22: 1-4. belike not that himself knew any such thing by him particular, but because he was become so mighty before, and the hand of God was now so sore vpon him) that he Ibid. 5: 20. had been an hard man and injurious to many, yea and profane to God himself: Ibid. 21-30. Ibi. 23: 1-12. but withall exhorteth him unto repentance, and so assureth him to be restored and set up again. Whereupon job, seeing his friends cannot, or will not bee otherwise persuaded of him, holdeth himself contented for them, but then appealeth unto God; and yet there also maketh no question, but that in his unsearchable wisdom he hath his own just designs, which also he will not fail to execute as himself Ibid ●3-17. Ibi. 24▪ 1-17, 21-23. thinketh good: and then coming to the common ways of the loser sort ( which also he recounteth by name in many particulars) he granteth, that those indeed are such, as if they were persuaded that God did not see them, nor know what they did; but sheweth withall, that God will find them out in the end. Then b●. 18-20, 24 cometh in Bildad also: but as the third, at this third time saith nothing at all; so this also saith but little. But that which he saith, is of that conceived opinion, that job accounted himself clear before God: which now he sheweth, was so gross a Ibid. 25. thing in itself, that looking but little unto the great majesty of God, both in itself and by comparison of other excellent creatures, he might easily find himself to be far out of the way. unto this job doth give him a short answer: but when he seeth that none of them all replieth again, then himself proceedeth. In his answer unto him, he will not take that speech of Bildads, as if he reproved him as justifying himself before God( which notwithstanding was Bildads meaning) Ibid. 26: 1-4. but as if his meaning was to help God, and objecteth it, as it seemeth, in the way of a scorn unto him: and cleareth himself, not to haue had it in his purpose Ibid. 5-14. any way to impeach the glory of God, by a farther declaring and acknowledging his wisdom and power in all his works. himself proceeding hath two other speeches: in the former of which, he yet presseth those his friends somewhat farther; but in the latter he doth but bemoan his present estate. In that wherein he presseth his friends yet somewhat farther, he so defendeth his own innocency Ibid, 27. 1-7 now, and that God hath some other meaning in sending those afflictions unto him, that he chargeth them to be bad men in having and holding that prejudice of him: and then, both he sheweth, at large what will be the portion of such( and that belike to teach them to be better advised); and sheweth, that the wisdom and Ibid. 8-23. ways of God are unsearchable or past finding out( and that in like sort, it seemeth Ibid. 18: 1-28 to help to persuade them, that in the meaning of those his afflictions, they might easily be so wide as they were.) In that wherein he bemoneth his present estate, Ibid. ●9-31. first wishing that he were now as before he had been, he sheweth what his prosperity and honour was then, and what his misery or reproach was now: and yet that his ways were such, even in his most stourishing estate, that he would gladly come to his trial, and wisheth to God, that so he might. 9 The fourth that did set vpon job a-fresh, when the other three had done, was Elihu, a man for his yeares( and, it seemeth, in other things also) not of like account unto those others: but yet for the business he now taketh in hand( the rather of the two) somewhat more able to discharge it than the others. This man therefore now taking job in hand, after that he had said some part of his mind unto him, giveth him leave, if he list, to answer: but when job would not( it may be even in the grief of his mind when he saw no end of contradiction, content n●w they should say their pleasure, and that he would quietly bear it: for otherwise this also dealeth no otherwise, in effect, but as the other) then he proceedeth as himself thinketh good. In that part of his speech wherein he affordeth job liberty to answer, first he useth a Preface before: and then cometh to the matter itself. His Preface he directeth, first unto them all generally: then, unto job himself more specially. In that which he directeth to al generally, he sheweth whereupon he refrained to speak before; and, whereupon he resolved to speak now: and so Ibid. 34. craveth audience of them. In that which he directeth to job more specially first he requireth audience of him: and then telleth him withall, that he meaneth not but Ibid. 33: 1-7 good dealing towards him; and that he is but like to himself,& so but such as himself before desired to haue at the hands of God, one with whom he might be able to deal. coming to the matter itself, first he repeateth to job certain of his hard speeches, as charging him with them:& then gathering( it seemeth) out of them al, Ibid. 8-11. that job perceived not, wherefore the Lord had so laid his hand vpon him, he both sheweth him that God is wont so to do for our good, to give us warning, and to Ibid. 12-30. get us right again when we are wrong; and having made this entry with him, he willeth him if he think he hath any thing to say against it, not to spare him, if not, Ibid. 31-35. then to let him alone, and so he will proceed farther. job therefore giuing no answer, and he thereupon proceeding farther, first he directeth his speech unto those friends of job, and to job together: then afterward, unto job alone. In his speech that he directeth unto those friends of job, and to job together( but most unto those his friends, as by their wisdom, at least in opinion, best able to judge) first Ibid. 34: 1-4. he hath another little Preface to them: then, coming to his matter, by occasion of Iobs justifying of himself, he sheweth that God cannot do but justly, and therefore Ibid 5-37. when he punisheth, it is certain there is good cause; yet granteth withall, that he would gladly that job had his best trial even to the full. In his other speech that he directeth but to job himself, he breaketh off once, and beginneth again: first using but a short unto him; then, a longer. In that shorter he chargeth him Ibid. 35▪ 1-3. deeply with that his justifying of himself before God, and seemeth so to take it, as if he were persuaded, that he had done God better service, then was now required: Ibid. 4-8. and therefore telleth him, first, that seeing the heauens and the clouds are so far above his reach, therefore he may be sure, that God is so far above him, that neither he can hurt him with any evil he can do, neither pleasure him by any of his service whatsoever; then, that such hand of God is wont to be on many, for the Ibid. 9-16. violence they do unto others, though themselves do not see it. In his longer speech unto him, first he useth a Preface again: and then cometh unto the matter. In his Preface requiring his plyablenesse first to be instructed, he assureth him Ibid 36: 1-4. of good dealing on that behalf at his hands. coming to the matter, he assureth uing relation unto the death of those two principal men before: first, of Aaron, and then of Moses. For God had not ordained, that either of those should bring that people into the Land that before he had promised to give them: but had reserved that for josuah, who now followed after. So to give those that followed after to understand, that neither Aaron that figurative High-Priest with all his sacrifices, but figures also; neither yet Moses with the righteousness of works, could ever bring the people of God into his eternal kingdom: but that it was wholly reserved to our true High-Priest higher than Angels, then to come, our josuah indeed, Iesus Christ. Aaron when the time of his dissolution came, quietly yielded and made no business at all about it: but Moses would fain haue gone in also,& made much entreating for it. And true it is, that all men can easily yield( the Iewes onely excepted; though they also now now do not stand much in it neither) that Aaron and his sacrifices could never do it: but there is so erroneous a persuasion that naturally groweth in our hearts, that the righteousness of our works should do it, especially of those that are of the richer and deuouter sort therein, that not onely the Iewes before, but even our wise Maisters of Rome also, even to this day make much business about it. But Moses gained no more in the matter, for all his entreating; than Aaron did by his ready yielding: and must the best righteousness of works that wee haue, bee content to give place( notwithstanding all the wrangling that our Iustitiaries make about it) and bee known to so many as know the truth, to be no more able to help us, than Aarons abolished sacrifices are. As touching the Story and order of it, we are first to note, how it pleased God now to authorize him unto that function: then, how josuah set in hand with it. In that it pleased God now to authorize him to that function, we are likewise to note; first, that he doth it: then, in what manner he doth it. In that he doth it, we are( to our comfort) to mark, that he doth not so soon take away one, but that readily he giveth another. Moses was no sooner gone, but that the Lord then turned to josuah, Ios. 1● 1. and did set him up in his room. This was written in the year of our Lord 1602: soon after which we had that comfortable experience of it, which now we enjoy:& God grant that long we may. Nu. 27: 15-31 Mat 6: 32. Whereas therefore ourselves, as our case now standeth, haue many doubtful cogitations, how we are like to be sped of a Leader, after the daies of such, as( God be thanked) yet wee enjoy, and long may wee do, if so it may stand with his good pleasure: out of this wee may conceive good hope, that whensoever that time shall come, we shall not find, but that God hath thought of us also therein. josuah was before provided; and afterward, when the time was come, brought forth unto them: and our trust is, that God hath the like goodness in store for us also, to bee revealed and brought forth unto us, when need shall require. As Christ dehorted the people of his time, to bee so carking for the things of this life, giuing them to understand, that their heavenly Father knew well enough, that they stood in need of them: so, no doubt, he knoweth as well, that wee shall then need a Leader also; and so our trust is, that he provideth accordingly for vs. If wee in the mean season can serve him, and depend on his good providence for that matter; and when the time shall come, readily yield ourselves unto such as it shall please him to appoint: there is good hope, that he will continue the selfsame his goodness towards us, by that other Instrument, that all this while he hath done by this. But he that was appointed now, was at least a voluntary attendant if not in a manner, even a Seruant to him that was in place before: and that was like enough to be, no small heart-burning to many of the Heads-men among them. Yet were they to hold themselves there-with contented: as also if they laid the one to the other( how it pleased God to bless him unto them, unto the meanness of his estate before) they had no cause to the contrary, but well so they might. So it may bee with us also, that in one respect or other, wee may think much( when the time shall come) to submit ourselves unto such, as, it may be, God will appoint: yet even then also, without all question, it will be the best that so we do. We haue a Story, that on a time when care was taken what was like to befall this Land, when the line of Mat. Westm. in Ann. Dom. 1055. pag. 4●2 Edward( before the Conquest) began to fail: answer was given, that England was Gods kingdom; he would not fail to provide for it. And the more that we may account it to be Gods Kingdom now, when his truth is much better professed among us, and his holy name more truly called upon throughout the whole, than in those dayes it was, when the power of darkness so much praevailed: the more also may we hope, that he will haue the same care of us now, that he had then, and still account it as peculiar to him. If it bee hereunto replied, that right well may that answer bee doubted whence it came, when as the event did show, that a Conquest ensued, which also could not but he accompanied with many heavy things, to those that inhabited here before: to it may it truly bee said again, that in comparison of those evils that before it sustained( of the Romaines, a foreign Nation, and far off from us; and then of the Sa●ons so many heads, and so divided among themselves; and lastly of the Danes a little before) it might well bee accounted to come of the love and goodness of God, so firmly to settle this Land of ours to one onely line, for so many yeares ensuing. And then, as every one in that might see, that in respect of those troubles before, it was to good purpose so settled then, notwithstanding the hardness that it also brought with it: so not unlikely, but that the wiser sort will then also see, that in respect of those evils that were otherwise like to ensue, it will be clearly the best to yield unto such as God shall sand us, notwithstanding that even they also are like enough to bring somewhat with them that may go much against our stomachs, if they be not the better moderated before. In what manner it pleased God then to call josuah unto that function of his, wee find set forth unto us in two principal points: one, a comfortable and gracious encouraging of him; the other, that he did direct him and teach him, what to do. In his encouraging of him, we are first to see, what it is: and then to note certain other things besides. The encouragement that he giveth him, is not onely that he biddeth him Ios. 1: 3-6, 7▪ ● to be of good cheer; but also, that he sheweth him good cause why: namely, that in such sort he would be with him, that none should be able to withstand him, al the dayes of his life; and that he would give unto him and to the people, all the whole country whereunto they should come. Those other things besides that we may there note, are first such as lye reasonable plain: then, one other, that it may bee, would not otherwise be so easily noted. Those that are reasonable plain, are, first, Ios. 1: 9 that wishing him to be of good courage, it doth plainly declare, that such as are in authority, had ever need to bee of good courage: and telling him withall, that he Ibid. 5: 9. will be with him, it doth teach when his courage must be, and pointeth to the only fountain of all other good valour besides. That other, which it may be, would not otherwise be so easily noted, is, that commending unto him, in all things to do Ibid. 7. according to the Law, he therein requireth again, that he bee of good courage: which giveth us plainly to understand, as experience also continually teacheth, that even such as are in authority, and haue the power of Earth in their hands, yet often they fear to do as the word of God requireth of them, unless they bee endued with some special valour. He directeth and teacheth him what to do, both for his first entering into the Land: and what course to take ever after, in the place whereunto now he was called. As touching his entry at the first, he did give plain liberty Ibid. 2. now, to himself, and to all the people to enter in. The course that he should afterward keep, in respect of the place whereunto now he was called, he doth not onely give him in charge: but sheweth him good reason withall, why he should haue regard unto it. The course itself was, diligently to study the Lawe of God Ibid. 7, 8. all the dayes of his life, and to meditate therein day and night: that he never turned aside, neither to the right hand, nor to the left; but that still he observed and did, according to all that is written therein. A marvelous good, and a needful course, for all Christian Princes and Gouernours: and not to bee so abandoned from them, as with many of them it is. The reason why josuah should haue good regard unto it, was, that so he should prosper and haue good success in all his affairs whatsoever. A very good motive, especially to such, as with whom respect of duty little prauaileth. 2 To find out in what sort josuah, being called to this charge, did set in hand with it, it appeareth that some part of the Story thereof doth appertain to the East-side of jordan, where yet they were: but most part of it unto the other. On the East side of jordan where they were yet, we haue two places of their abode, and, when we see what is done in either of them, then see we all hereunto appertaining. The former of them was the plain of Moab, or Sethim, because that plain was near unto Sethim, their two and fortieth or last Station, where Moses dyed, and where Num. 31: 49. Ios. 2: 1. Ios. 3: 1. the Lord( immediately after) appointed josuah to succeed: the other was near to Iordan-side, and is not otherwise name than so. In the former of these we find they abode a while after: and then removed to the other. They abode here till some what after the spies that were sent returned again: so first of the sending of those spies; then, that which was done here immediately after. In the sending of those spies, first what time they were sent: then, what may be thought of Iosuahs doing therein. What time they were sent, is therefore to be more specially marked, because the order of the text might seem otherwise to import: first speaking of the warning given to the people to get themselves ready, after three daies to Ios. 1: 10, 11. Ios. 2. 1. Ibid. Ibid. 16. 22. pass over jordan; and afterward speaking of sending the spies. But the text is plain they were sent from Sethim: and those three daies that they were fain to hid themselves in the mountaines as they returned, together with the time of their going thether and coming home again, do sufficiently show, that they must haue a longer time to that their business, than those three dayes of the peoples warning were able to yield. And if needs he would sand in any spies at all, it is most likely, both that he would sand them, and that they returned again, before he gave the people that warning for their entering so soon: this being his resolution, and the other, the groundwork whence it proceeded. What may bee thought of Iosuahs doing therein, though most men make no question of it, and some account it fully approved: yet seemeth it to me, to bee very doubtful. There is no Tr●●●l. I●●. question, but that in most cases it is good policy notwithstanding the promise of God to prosper, yet to use all lawful means withall, to accomplish the business we haue in hand. But that in this case there may be doubt of infirmity also, there may be some things that may seem to imply: and such others as may seem to approve it, may nevertheless be otherwise taken. Those that seem to imply it do some of them go before: and some follow. Those that go before, are two: one, that great displeasure of God for sending in spialls before, and the inconvenience that came therof, the people being utterly discouraged by the most of them& Num. 13: 2-14: 38. for their disobedience then( for a long time) excluded; the other, that great assurance, that a little before God himself had given him for that matter. Those which followed, were in the success that those spies had, first being fain, by the Ios. 1: 2-9. danger that so they fell into, both themselves to make promise( and, after a sort, to Ios. 2▪ 14 Ibid. 6: 22-25 make josuah and all the people liable thereunto) to spare certain of those whom God often before( for their good) had specially advised thē to destroy: then that, the spies themselves were so ferretted and pursued, that they could bring with them no Exod. 23: 32 33. 34: 12-16 Nu. 33: ●0-56 Deut. 7▪ 1-6 Ios 1. 2-9. intelligence at al, to speak off; yea plainly nothing, in comparison of that which already God had given him. Those that seem to approve it, and yet may be otherwise taken, are two: one, that it is no where by name misliked; the other, that Rahab that woman, though none of the best then, yet afterward became one of the ancestors of Christ. That it is no where by name misliked, so are there many others besides: being sufficient, if they be condemned generally. That God vouchsafed Rahab that dignity, there may be diuers good reasons of his doing therein:& yet the fact altogether vnwaranted to them. And it may be, that as when david had so inordinately 2. Sam. 11: 2, 3, 27. 1. Chro. 28: 4 5. ●9: 1. gotten Vriahs wife, al his other Sons he had before were discarded from succeeding him in the kingdom, and one born of her preferred before them: so because they spared these whom otherwise they were to destroy, therefore should, even that light one among them, be thus among his own people advanced before many thousands of them. That which was done here immediately after the return of these spies, was partly concerning all the people: and partly concerning certain of them. Concerning the whole people it was, that josuah caused proclamation to be Ios. 1: 10, 11. made throughout the host, to prepare them vitals: and to let them understand withall, that now after three dayes they should pass over jordan. It was well that so he resolved now: But as Christ afterward said unto Thomas, Because thou hast John. 20: 29. seen thou believest; blessed are they that haue not seen, and yet haue believed: so had it been so much the better, or least more out of question, if he had taken up that resolution, onely vpon the assurance that God a little before had given him, and had not stayed to haue withall the report of those his spials. Those others that were not the whole people but certain of them, were the two Tribes and an half, that by covenant before were bound to go armed before their brethren: and not to leave them till they had subdued their enemies on the Nu. 32: ●0-33 other side, whether they were to go shortly now. These doth josuah put in mind Ios. 1: 12-15 of that their promise: and now requireth the performance of it. Who answer again marvelous well, not only that they will do so much as they promised; but also, Ibid. 16-18. that they would be obedient and ready in all things else, as much at his commandement now, as they were at the commandement of Moses before, yielding also no less punishment then death itself to those that would not: and desire likewise, at the hands of God, that he would vouchsafe to be with him now, as he was with Moses before: and of himself, that he would be strong,& of a good courage. This being done there, then josuah getteth up early( ere those three daies before mentioned Ios. 3: 1. Ibid. 5. were fully spent, and as as it seemeth the last of the three) and cometh down he and all the people nearer to the river side, in such sort that they lodged there before they went over. And that which was now done here, was partly the doing of josuah: and partly, of God. That which was the doing of josuah, was no more, but that now those three dayes being spent, he taketh order for their passage over: first giuing certain instructions for the people; then setting in hand with their passage. The instructions that he gave to the people, were, first to sanctify themselves, or to stir up themselves to some special holinesse, because the next day after Ios. 3: 5. the Lord would do so wonderfully in their sight, that so they might assure themselves he was present among them: then, for the manner of their journeying, Ios. 3: 2, ●. when to set forward( which was when they should see the ark going before them) and what distance the foremost of them should leave betwixt them and the Ibid. 4. Ibid. 6. ark( which was about a mile) that so the residue might better see the way that they were to hold. He setteth in hand with their passage, in that he willeth the Priests to take up the ark and to go forward: which they also accordingly do. That which was the Lords doing, was, that now when josuah had entred so far already( so far, as it were proving what he would do of himself) then he cometh in with special comfort, giuing him to understand, that he would begin Ibid. 7. that day to magnify him before all Israel, that they might see, that as he was with Moses before, so would he be with him also now: and so willeth him to charge the Ibid. 8. Priests, when they come unto jordan, not to fear to enter into it; yea, and in the bottom of it to make their stand. unto that part of the Story that belongeth unto the other side whither now they are going, we may account to appertain, first their passage thither: then, such things as were done there. As touching their passage thither, we are first to see the manner of it: then, how the people of the land were touched with it. As for the manner of it; the people are already warned to take their direction from the ark, when to set forward, and how to follow: the Priests likewise that bare the ark, are willed already to take it up, and to bee going; and the text doth bear them witness, that so they did. Now therefore the Priests that bare the ark, are set forward: and the rest of the people haue set themselves in order, every one in their place to follow after, and as it seemeth, are somewhat entred into their way already. And the Priests coming to jordan while yet the people were as it seemeth but in their way thitherward, in such like distance as to them was appointed; josuah giveth the people to understand, that by that mighty work of God at that time, in giuing them passage on dry ground Ios. 3: 9-11. through that great river, they might bee assured, that the Lord would cast out their enemies before them: and therefore willed them, out of every Tribe to make a man, to take up every of them one great ston, to pitch or set up in the midst of Ibid▪ 12: 13. the channel when they came there, for a memorial of their passage over in that place, on dry Land. The Priestes therefore that bare the ark, entering into the Ibid. 14-17. river( which, at that time of the year, was wont to bee greatest, and to fill all his banks) the Waters presently gave them place: those that were on their right hand above them, drawing back and standing on an heap; and those that were on their left hand beneath them, hasting away from them a-pace. So the Priests come to the channel, and there make their stand till all the people had passed over. At which time, though it be not declared in what manner they passed over: yet because Ibid. 17. 4: 10 Ios. ●: 4, 8, 13 Ibid. 9, 13. the seven Priestes that blew the Trumpets, were to go immediately before the ark, and the forty thousand Armed, of those two Tribes& an half, were to go before the rest of the people, therefore it seemeth, that the Priestes that bare the ark having taken their stand, then those that blewe the Trumpets followed next, and first went over; then those forty thousands armed, and lastly all the rest of the people, every sort of them in such order as before was to them appointed. In which time of their passage, it seemeth, that those twelve men that were appointed to bring with them from the East-side of jordan, every of them one ston to pitch up in the bottom of jordan, were now occupied in pitching them up there. And josuah again, as by Ios. 4: 9. the Lord he was directed, caused other twelve men( of every Tribe, one) to take Ibid. 1-8. twelve stones out of the channel, and to carry them with them to the place where they should encamp or lodge that night to be set up there: which being taken out, then josuah, as in this also he was directed, caused or gave leave to the Priestes that Ibid 14-17. bare the ark, to come forth out of the channel. Who also were no sooner come up out of the course of the Water, but that the Waters flowed again, and fell into Ibid 18. their wonted course. Which passage of theirs was on the tenth day of their first month much agreeing to our March, and so but Spring-time with us, though harvest Ibid. 19. with them: the distance and site of these diuers Countries ordinarily yielding such variety in those matters. On which day likewise coming to Gilgal, to encamp Ibid. 19. or lodge there, then, as it seemeth towards the evening, did josuah cause those twelve stones that they took out of jordan, to be pitched up there: and taught the Ibid. 20-24. people then present, how to deliver the Story of them, and the cause of their setting up there, unto their posterity ensuing. How the people of the Land were touched with it, to the end we may the better find, it shall be good not onely to mark what the Tent saith thereof: but withall to note, that one other thing there might in such case be expected, of which notwithstanding we haue here no mention at all. The Text itself saith, that all the kings, West of jordan, were utterly dismayed and out Ios. 5: 1. of heart, at this strange entrance of the people of Israell. That which in such case might be expected, of which notwithstanding we haue here no mention at all, was, that they never repented them of their sins, nor turned to God to obtain his favour: and yet it seemeth by the Text itself, that themselves acknowledged it was Ibid. the Lord that did it. So hard a thing is it when we are grown old in sin, truly to repent and turn unto God: even when wee ourselves do see, that his hand is stretched out against us to cut us off clean, if in no good measure wee will not in time turn unto him. 3 In this sort they being come over, and wee being now to see, what is the Story of their doings there, we quickly find, that most of their doings do most concern the whole people: but some of them, but certain of them. Those that concern the whole people, are chiefly about the dispatch of that business for which they specially came thither, which was to make a Conquest of that Land, and to take it unto themselves: but first we haue other things going before; then, how they got the Land unto them. Of those other things going before, there bee two sorts likewise: some, that albeit, as it fell out, they were done here, yet by the Nature of them they were not proper to this place, but might haue been done any where else: others, that were proper to this very place, and so of right were here to be done. Of those that were not proper to this place, but might haue been done any where else, there be but two: one of them, now required by God himself; the other, yielded of his people, as the time did then put them in mind. That which was now by God required, was, that all the whole people, in a manner, should now Ios. 5: 2. be circumcised. Concerning which, some things there are that are plain enough: others, that haue some difficulty in them. Those that are plain enough, are, that they were uncircumcised before: but that they must be circumcised now. That they were uncircumcised before, it is not onely plain in itself( foot the most part of them) but as strange withall, that so special a point of their profession, even one of they: Sacraments, should be so generally, and so long together, omitted by all, in a manner: especially, at that time also, in the wilderness, when by the Law of the Passeouer it was so strictly required, and one passover( we are sure of) was held then lieu. 12: 3. Num 9: 1-5. Ex 12: 43, 48 Num. 9: 13. generally of them all( whereof the uncircumcised might not bee partakers) and special threatenings cast forth against those that at any time held it not when it was to be holden; and when so fearful judgements were now and then cast upon diuers of their transgressions. But thereby may we see, that they were exceeding careless of this point of duty: and that God bare very much with them, so to spare them as he did, when they notwithstanding were so great offenders in this. That they must bee circumcised now, in their Enemies Land, to their very great disadvantage, if the enemy should set upon them, it is a good trial of their faith; and a reasonable check to the former slackness: a trial of their Faith, in that it made proof of them, whether they could so firmly rest on Gods protection, as that now they could yield to put themselves to such disability of resisting the Enemy if need should be; a check to their former slackness, in that seeing they had so little regard of it before, when safely they might, now must they do it in special danger. Those Ios. 5: 5. that haue some special difficulty in them, are two places of the Text itself: one, that all the people that came out of egypt, were circumcised; the other, that after it was done, the Lord himself said unto josuah, that he had that day taken away Ibid. 9. from them the shane or reproach of egypt. As touching the former, if the Text may bear it, to bee spoken according to the common reputation, or as they were taken( as if the sense were, that of those that came out of egypt, there was no question made of them, but that they were circumcised; but that in the wilderness circumcision was for the most part omitted) that may seem to bee more agreeable to the Story of them: and to that speech of the Lord himself. In the Story of them, both there is no such thing recorded of them: and their estate was( for the most part of their time) such there, as that by likelihood circumcision was with them but little regarded. The Story of them( of their first going thither to sojourn; of their estate while they were there; and of their deliverance thence( beginning with the six and fortieth Chapter of Genesis, endeth with the fourteenth of Exodus: and the Text in all that compass mentioneth no such matter of them. jacob himself, his Ge. 46: 1. Ex. 14: 31. twelve sons, and all their Issue Male, when they went down theither, being, with joseph and his two sons, which were there before( to the number of three-score and ten) were, no doubt, all circumcised( certain of them, without question; the Gen. 34: 14, 15, 22. rest by likelihood) unless it were then wanting in those two sons of joseph, being as then he was so settled in egypt: and so by likelihood al the rest, so long as joseph and the chief and principal Fathers among them lived, and had not clasped about their necks that yoke of bondage. For while they were well( as they were for a good time at the first) it is most likely, they did so comfortably enjoy that their estate in God, that they looked to enjoy the rest of his promises unto them, and so the more diligently kept by that Sacrament, in their own bodies, the memory of them. But when after they were used as bond men, and that in very hard measure too, and better than fourscore yeares together, whatsoever was more( for so old was Moses before their deliverance, and at his birth they were exceeding hardly used, as also we know not how long before) how far Act. 7: 23, 30 the most part of them were like to slip such matters then, even the example of Moses himself may give us a reasonable faire guess, for that himself had one of his Exo. 4: 24-26. sons uncircumcised, when he was of the age aforesaid, and when God did sand him about their deliverance. nevertheless so many of them as feared God indeed, did by all likelihood( for the most part of them) diligently observe that Sacrament: and because it was ministered unto them while they were children, and so before themselves could take knowledge of it, and in such case men are wont to presume the best of themselves, therefore might they all be accounted as circumcised, though so it were that many of them were not. This also is termed Ios. 5: 2. Ge. 17: 9-14 23-27. the second time of ministering circumcision, in so set and general manner: and we haue no Story of any other, since that of Abrahams. For as for that other which by certain of the Hebrewes is pretended to haue been, immediately before they departed out of egypt, besides that we haue no authority for it, wee haue very Lyr. ●● Ios. 5. strong likely-hoods against it. But hitherto I haue said nothing but onely if the Text itself may bear such Interpretation: and that must I refer to such as are better able to deal therein. So far as myself do see, the weight of the matter for it, doth lie in the word(): and that do I find to bee interpnted with Epi●. Sanct. Pag.& I●●i●s. some by Quum, and Quamuis. Which if they may stand, then, though more do otherwise red, yet may the sense( of the original) very well bee, that whereas they that came out of egypt were circumcised before( not plainly affirming it, but not setting the case there) or, although those that came out of egypt were all circumcised( a kind of speech that hath no meaning to include the affirmative, but is farther off from it than the other, which notwithstanding is far enough also:) yet were not those, that afterward were born in the wilderness. And then is not the Text against it. As touching the other, namely, that speech of the lord himself, that then he had taken away from thē the reproach of Egypt, the difficulty Ios. 3: 9. of it onely is, if the other be an affirmative, or do plainly say, that all the Israelites that came out of egypt were circumcised. For then it appeareth not, what the reproach of egypt should be: and it would be rather expected, that the lord would in that case haue termed it the reproach of their wandering estate in the wilderness. Which difficulty hath brought to pass, that sundry interpretations ( and those far enough off) are brought by the best Interpreters we haue: even to the darkening of the Text itself. Whereas if it may bee taken, but as not meddling with those that came out of egypt, wherher they were circumcised, or not; and that the Lord, by this his speech, may be presumed to tell us the truth for that matter: then, may we easily perceive what the reproach of egypt, was; and that the Lord might rather term it the reproach of egypt as being learned of them there, than the reproach of their wandering estate in the wilderness, where they did but put in practise what they had learned before. But that then they did put it in practise, and that in great and strange measure, is very plain, for that being none but their children that were then to be circumcised, and those but from time to time as they came, one after another, and severally, that might they haue done very easily, not onely when they did rest, but also when they: rauelled most: their children at that age being ever carried, and ways to carry them so easily, that the wound should be no more painful to them when then traveled, then when they restend. And therefore was it a wonderful oversight in them, who so easily and so long a time slipped so great a duty: and that, when the eye of the Master was most vpon them; and the rod ever tied, as it were, to their back. That which was yielded of his people, as the time then did put them in mind, was the observing of the Pas-ouer, immediately ensuing. For on the tenth day they came in, and this was to be solemnized the fourteenth day at night; the Feast of unleavened Bread continuing seven dayes after. But in this we haue not onely this Story itself: but also another appendent unto it. This Story itself Ios. 5: 10, 11. is no more, but that the people did not then omit that holy solemnity, or that part of their service to God, notwithstanding that now they were in the land of their enemy, and at this their first entering might in reason look for whatsoever hostility the enemy was able to force vpon them. A better example for us to follow, then such direction as flesh and blood doth in such case minister unto us; telling us oft-times, that such matters are to give place for the time, and then to be attended of us, when wee haue better leisure unto them: as if to bee careful of Gods service( of whom onely cometh whatsoever good success wee haue in any thing, whatsoever it is we haue in hand) were no good way to come to the end of our desire. And it is very true, that in such case such service of God is sometimes to give place, as unto some greater service of his: but then must it bee greater indeed, and ungodly profaneness must never give us any part of our direction therein. That which is but onely an appendent hereunto, is that ceasing of Manna: and that, by occasion that the people being to keep this solemnity Ibid. 11, 12. with unleavened Bread, they, to that end, took of the corn of the land( being harvest time then with them) and so entering into the fruition of the fruits of the land, now they had Manna no more. And God is not wont to fail any of his, in such things as are needful for them here, until he bring them to those better things, that in the land our inheritance he meaneth to give vs. 4 Of those that were proper to this very place, and so of right where here to be done, some of them were done by God: and some by his people. Those that were done by God, were two: one, that now at the beginning he would give them a taste, whence all their victories were to proceed; the other, in what way or course of theirs they might account to enjoy his favour. The taste that now in the beginning he would give them, whence all their victories were to proceed, was in his manner of giuing jericho, the next city unto them: wherein first wee are to note, what direction he gave unto josuah for the obtaining of it; then, how accordingly he gave it unto him. In the direction that he gave him we are to consider, first of his appearance to that end: then, of the direction itself. In his appearance he did nor onely show himself to josuah: but withall, gave him some private instruction unto himself. He appeared unto him, first but showing himself to the eye: but then soon after, telling him plainly who he was. When he did but show himself to the eye, he appeared as a man of arms, of some special note, or as some captain, Ios. 5: 19. with his sword in his hand drawn. At which time josuah did no more but went unto him, and inquired whether he was to be with them, or with their enemies. When, by this occasion, he told josuah what he was, then josuah both fell down and worshipped him, and inquired what it pleased him to say unto him. In the Ibid. 14. private instruction he gave to himself, we are to note, not onely what it was: but also, what time it was given unto him. It was, to loose his shoes from his feet; telling him withall, that the ground whereon he stood was holy: thereby teaching him( as he taught Moses before) to stir up himself to some special reverence. Both which if we lay together( the one of Moses, the other of josuah) that being a gesture of outward reverence with them▪ as the putting off of the vpper bonnet with us, hence may we gather, that the Lord requireth, in his holy assemblies, such outward reverence, not onely of meaner men, as of Moses before, but also of the greater sort too( even of the greatest of al) as of josuah now. The time wherein this was given unto him, was when he had humbled himself already even to the ground: a sufficient warning to us, that when we humble ourselves most, even then are wee a great deal short of that which we should. coming unto the direction itself, it was about jericho, a special city thereby, now shut up for fear of the Israelites, but yet soon after given into their hands, without any policy or force of war. Concerning which, first we are to note, in what case that city stood yet: then how the people of God were directed, what course to take notwithstanding. The case wherein they stood as yet, was no more but this, that they did not seek unto God( that wee read of) but gathered themselves under the protection of their own Ios. 6: 1. strength: shutting up their gates, that neither any of the Israelites might get in; nor any intelligence come forth unto them. But as there is no wisdom nor strength against the Lord: so their shutting up availed them nothing at al, in the course that God meant towards them. For the course that josuah must take, was, that all the men of war among them should every day once for six dayes together( a faire Ios. 6: 2-4. time given them to repent, if they could) compass the city round about: the forty thousand of the two Tribes and an half first, then the Priests, both those seven that bare the trumpets, and those others that bare the ark, and after them the other Ibid. 6-9. four battles in their wonted order; the Trumpets onely sounding, and all the rest keeping silence. Which when they had done, then were they the seventh day to compass it in like manner seven several times: and at the last, when the Priests that bare the Trumpets( should at the seventh time continue their blast long) then should all the people give a shout withal, the best that they could, whereat the walls of jericho should fall round about; and then were they all to enter, every Ibid. ●. one against the place where they stood. In that he did accordingly give it unto them, we are to consider of it, first as it is an earthly blessing: then as it may figure another of better account. As it is an earthly blessing it was, as it were, the first possession of this land given unto them: but yet, not to bee enjoyed of them, but to be to the Lord abandoned; and yet some few of them to bee spared also. For when the Priests sounded their Trumpets, and the people shouted thereon, the Ibid. 17-19. Ibid. 20. w●●● of jericho round about fell to the ground, and every where gave entrance to the enemy without, to their own destruction within: as not able to abide the power that it pleased God then to put into the blast of those few trumpets, and to the shout of those his people ensuing thereon. The abandoning of it unto the Lord altogether from their own private use, was but as touching the spoil of it: sentence being already given of all the people, not onely of this city, but elsewhere also, to be destroyed. But for the spoil, it was in such sort to bee abandoned unto the Lord, as that themselves were not to meddle with any part of it: and Ibid. 17-19. the Lord himself would haue into his treasure, but onely the mettall( as gold, silver, brass, and Iron) such as was able to abide the fire; appointing all the rest( as their cattle both great and small, and most of their householdstuff and apparel) to be utterly destroyed. Whereunto josuah, making an utter destruction of it for that Ios. 6: 21, 24, present, stayed not there, but by the spirit of prophecy also, as it appeared by that which followed, laid a farther curse vpon it for the time ensuing: namely, that Ibid. 26. 1. Kin. 16: 34. it might never rise again, but to some special ruin of the builder of it. In those few of them that were to be spared we are to consider, not onely who they were; but also, whereupon they were spared. They were Rahab the Harlot, that victualling woman that received and hide those two spies of josuah, together with her father Ibi. 22, 23, 25 and mother, her bretheren also and family, and al that she had: josuah himself giuing charge to those young men that had been his spies, to go and see her and all hers brought forth in safety; and they performing their charge accordingly. The reason whereon they were so spared, was the promise or Oath that those two spies Ios. 2: 2-21. had made unto her, for helping to preserve them, from the danger that then they were in. A good example, not onely to all, to see how God provideth for those that sort themselves to the good of his people: but also for those half bretheren of ours the Church of Rome, and their adherents; who, by the virtue of their profession, make so little conscience of their oaths, even of allegiance to their natural Princes, whom otherwise in duty and nature they ought by all good means to preserve, though they never had made any oath at all; when as these so religiously observe their oath made to their inferiors, to heathenish Idolaters, and to those, whom( for their own good) they were allowed, and advised too, by the Lord himself, utterly to destroy. As this entering of theirs to that earthly possession, may figure another of better account, there be diuers conjectures, that the ruin of Babylon, and the dissolution or end of the world, is not far off now: and one special token is, that the earth is so lightened as in these dayes it is by the gospel of Iesus Christ; and that it proceedeth with such power, as it is clear that it doth. Whereby Ma. 24: 27, 30 Ma. 13: 26, 27 luke. 21: 17. 2. The. 2: 3, 8. Apoc. 18: 1, 2. it shall not be amiss, if we also conceive, that as when the Priests blew their trumpets, and people by their shouting accorded unto them, then the walls of jericho fell: so, when the seruants of God in the ministry, sound their trumpets, by publishing and delivering the word of God unto the people, and the people applaud or consent unto it, in religious and zealous manner, the walls of this jericho, first of Rome, then of the world, will also come tumbling down at once. In what way or course of theirs they might account to enjoy that favour of God which then was towards them, is plainly declared in that which followed immediately after, the business of Ay, by the sin of Achan; the Lord, for one mans sin, giuing a bitter snub unto all: so to teach them, that if they would enjoy that his favour, they must( all the sort of them) diligently keep themselves from all such offences, as himself should expressly forbid them. So are wee first to consider of their hard success in attempting of Ay: then, how it pleased God, in the end notwithstanding, to give it unto them. In their hard success in attempting of it, wee are first to see what it was: then, what was the occasion of it. The thing itself was, that sending thither three thousand men to take it and sack it, according as they had learned Ios. 7: 2-9. before( by such as they sent to view it) that such forces would bee sufficient, they were put to flight, and six and thirty of them slain: to the great discouragement& sorrow, not onely of the common people; but also, of the Elders,& josuah himself. A good warning to all, not slightly to attempt any special business, though it may seem never so easy to be accomplished: it also seeming to be one of the errors here committed. For, a while after we red, that there were slain of all sorts of them twelve thousand: of which, if but the third part onely had been able to make resistance Ibid. 8: 25. ( and that may wee conceive must needs be so, and many more rather) yet these being in the city within, must needs be a great ouer-match for three thousand to assail it without. The occasion or cause of it was, that Achan one of the company at the overthrow of jericho, purloined away to his own private use certain Ibi 7: 1, 20, 21 things that he ought not to haue meddled with, being before forbidden to all: some of them such, as should haue gone to the Lords treasury; and one that should haue been destroyed. Those that should haue gone to the Lords Treasury, were, that tongue or wedge of gold, of the weight of fifty Shekels: and the two hundred shekels of silver. That which should haue been destroyed, was that goodly BABYLONISH garment: nothing at all the more to bee spared before the Lord for the beauty of it; but the rather, as appertaining to the pomp of pride, to be destroyed. The much like fault that many of us are of long smitted withal, having taken away to our pro[er use much of the needful maintenance of the Ministry, that before was well and orderly given unto it: and daily yet doing it more and more: little regarding, in comparison of our own profit, pomp, or pleasure, either that those things should still haue remained to the Lords Treasury; or that the use that we do make of them, is already condemned unto destruction. But if he, being but one, brought so heavy an hand of God on them all: what may wee justly doubt to be towards us, that are so many; so great, so often, and grossly therein offending? How it pleased God in the end notwithstanding to give it unto them, to the end we may the better find, we are to note, how it pleased God, first to make a way unto it: then, how he did afterward yield it. He made a way first unto it, both by framing them to seek unto him: and by removing out of the way, that which otherwise might hinder them in it. To the end they might seek unto him, he first Ibid. 5. 9. touched their hearts with amazedness, discouragement, and sorrow: then, did he put that also into their hearts withall, namely, to seek unto him, in whom the good of their whole estate they found to consist. That which other-wise might hinder them of it, was some part of it in him that offended: and some part of it in themselves Ios. 7▪ 10-12. Ibid. 13-21. Ibid. 22-26. now. That which was in him that offended, had hindered them before, and( as God himself told them) would hinder them still, till it was amended: and therefore did he both direct and help them to find it out; and caused it to be accordingly punished. That which was in themselves now, was that discouragement that they had of that hard accident before, and it may bee, some conceit yet abiding with them, that that being so small a city, they should not need any great forces yet to gain it. God therefore, first for the former, both encourageth josuah, and assureth him Ios 8: 1: 2. to give him the city; and alloweth the people now, to take the spoil thereof to themselves: for the latter, both he willeth josuah to take all the men of war with Ibid. him; and teacheth them to use policy also. Which if wee can rightly apply unto ourselves, needs must we grant, that although God, by his great and infinite power, be able to do the greatest things that are, without any means, even with a be●ke: yet are we so weak in ourselves, that wee had need to use both all our strength and policy also, even in the least duties we haue( that he enjoineth) rightly to do them. having made this way unto it, then to yield them the thing itself, Ibid. 3-17 Ibid. 18-29. both he frameth them to use the means that he appointed: and himself doth prosper the same, to the full effecting of it. Those that were done by those his people, by josuah and the rest of the Israelites, were of two sorts: one, whereby they directed some worship towards God; other two, whereby they derive instruction to men. That one whereby they directed some worship towards God, was the building Ibid. 34, 31. of that Altar, doing it in such sort as God required to bee but momentane or for the time( to leave the honour unto the other that was to stand:) and their offering of Burnt-offerings, and Peace-offerings thereon. Those other two, whereby they derive instruction to men, were one of them, that writing of the Law or Ten-Commandements on those stones plastered for that purpose: the other, the reciting Ibid. 32. Bibl. Angl Annot. in marg. Ibid 33-35. of those blessings and curssings, at those two Mountains Garizim and Ebal, in such sort now, as God himself had appointed before. And if we when we come to such earthly blessings here, as it pleaseth God to give us( as they now had this their first entering into that habitation of theirs) should in some set and actual manner in such sort worship: as it should be so much the more aunswereable unto the pattern that God here prescribed to them, so were it most likely to prove, both commodious and comfortable to us and ours. 5 How they got the Land unto them being now to bee seen, wee are to note, that they were no sooner left in that matter( as it were) to themselves, but that soon they made a foul slip therein: but afterward notwithstanding, did acquit themselves reasonably well. The slip that they made, was with the Gibeonites: who, when all the rest of the kings and States of that country, hearing what the people of God had done already, determined, altogether to make war on Israell, disposed themselves to another course, which was, to assay, whether they could handle the matter so cunningly, as to get a league of the Israelites. Concerning which, the Story doth show us, that although they made a slip therein: yet soon after did it turn to their good. As touching their slip therein, wee are first to note how cunningly they were dealt with: then, how they were overtaken with it. In that these Ios. 9: 1, 2. Ibid. 3-13. turned to cunning and subtle dealing, we may first note, that now we haue two sorts of them, most of them that seek to make their party good by strong hand, others that fly to craft and subtlety; neither of them truly repenting, nor seeking unto God for his help: then also, as touching the manner of it, that they used false outward shows, and plain untruths in speech, that so they might more easily deceive. In that the Israelites( at least josuah himself, and the Elders) were overtaken therein, wee are to note, what may seem to be the cause: and, how far they were overtaken. The cause seemeth to bee the same, that is noted in the Text itself: Ibid. 14, 15. namely, that they believed that smooth tale of theirs,& did not ask counsel of God. A good warning for many of vs. For this subtlety of theirs, was( in a manner) but a very toy: and, on the other side, josuah and all the Elders of Israel we may account to bee altogether as wise, as are any of those affectioned ancients of this latter Church of Rome, or their adherents. less marvel then, if they bee so foully beguiled as they are, in matters of Doctrine and Faith, though their illusions were grosser than they are( if grosser might be) seeing they do not forget, but witting, and of set purpose refuse, in those their conceits to ask counsel of God. Howe far they were overtaken with them, it is good to note, both for that which afterward they did unto them: and for that which neither they did offer unto them, nor durst before God to attempt it. That which afterward they did unto them, was, Ios. 9: 16-27. that they made them as Bond-men, to do servile work for them: a chastisement little enough for so great dissimulation as it; and well that they had so much liberty left in their hands, whereby they might chastise so fraudulent dealing. The people of God in their simplicity, are easily oft-times circumvented by the Children of the World: but God oft-times abaseth them for it; and leaveth in the hands of his, whereby to chastise such dealing with them. That which they durst not( even before Ibid. 18, 19. God) offer unto them, was, to break the Oath that they made them: though they were such, as God had, if not strictly willed to be destroyed, yet at least advised his people so to do; and they had gotten it onely by fraud. A good example for the adherents of this latter Church of Rome, in all Countries and States whatsoever that profess the gospel, so easily breaking their Faith as they do, both to their Princes and to their country: and the same in no ill manner obtained of them; but such as both duty and Nature, before God and Man, do strictly require. How it turned soon after to their good, wee haue in the next Story ensuing. For seeing they had made peace with the Israelites, the rest of their Neighbours joined together to make an utter destruction of them. As with us also it falleth out, that wee cannot truly leave the society we haue with the World, and in our ways cleave unto those that are the undoubted Children of God, but that easily we bring upon us all the rest of our wonted friends, now to be our Enemies also: or, at least, so far forth to divide themselves from us, as we therein divided ourselves from them. Neither could we haue so reasonable friendship of them as commonly we haue, but that whatsoever we would seem to profess, yet the truth is, that wee make but little( if any at all) separation from them: neither do they see any at all, unless their mindes be less or more alienated from vs. All the forces therefore of these parts being by this occasion gathered together against the Gibeonites, and they by that occasion seeking to their new confederates the Israelites for help, so falleth it out, that josuah hath them all gathered together, whom otherwise he might haue been forced, with great labour, and long drift of time, to haue sought out, if they had still kept in sunder. 6 This slip though they made at the first, yet nevertheless, that afterward they acquitted themselves reasonably well, the Story sheweth us, that they did well prosecute their business, till they had done whatsoever seemed to lye on the charge of all generally: but what they did after, wee find not so worthy of commendation. That which seemed to lye on the charge of all generally, was, first, to get the Land unto them: then, to make such distribution of it as was appointed. They got the Land unto them, in a manner, by striking two battles with them: and by one piece of service besides. Those battailes were, one in the South part of the Land, where now we are: the other, in the North. In the South, by what occasion those Kings and their forces were gathered together, we haue heard already. These therefore being come together and besiedging Gibeon, the Gibeonites being ouer-matched with them, sent unto their new confederates to come to their aid: whereupon the Israelites come and join battle with them, and do give them a great overthrow; and not onely to those that then were assembled, but to many others besides. But here it shall bee good more specially to consider; first, of the coming of josuah with the rest of the Israelites unto the aid of these Gibeonites now: then, of the success they had therein. As touching their coming unto the aid of the Gibeonites now, it is good to note; first, that they came: then also, the manner of their coming. That they came, there is no question: but whereas wee red withall, that Ios. 10: 7, 8. Tremel. I●n. God encouraged him to that expedition, which in the Text followeth after, but is conceived by some to haue gone before, either of those considered a-part by themselves, may give severally instruction to vs. For if josuah and the Israelites resolved, and set in hand with that voyage first, before the lord gave them any such encouragement, then haue wee two lessons therein: one, in josuah and the people; the other, in the Lord himself. In josuah and the people, that now they had a faire opportunity( if they could dispense with themselves, for their promise and oath made unto them) to be utterly rid of that whole people, that had so beguiled them before, and thereby were to enjoy a good part of the Land( and even in the heart of the country) which otherwise GOD had given to the Israelites: because if they had stayed their hands, those other forces that came against them, were likely enough soon to haue made an utter riddance of them. So should they praesently haue been freed of their Oath made unto them, and haue seen the overthrow of those that had so ill beguiled them: and shortly after, haue had their Land in possession also. But having joined with them in league before, though not a little to their prejudice then, and discontentment immediately after, yet they will not fail them now: leaving to us a notable example, ever to detest such infidelity and faithless dealing, as so usually is found, as with al the Children of the world generally, so especially( in these dayes of ours) with this latter Church of Rome, and their adherents. In the Lord, that he staying till they were resolved, would first see what themselves would do, before he would step in with them: and then encouraging them so well as he did, doth therein seem to reward that good and faithful dealing in them. But if that encouragement of the Lord went before, then seeing they go now to help the Gibeonites, by the virtue of Gods special appointment, thereby may wee gather, that it was not a precise commandment, that they should desttoy all the Canaanites( as before wee saw:) but rather, that they were, both allowed so to do; and, for their good, seriously advised also, not to suffer any of them to live among them. In the manner of their coming, it is plain, even by the course of the Text itself, that first they had that encouragement of GOD, before they did actually finish or Ibid. 8, 9. perform this voyage: and yet notwithstanding they used their policy and industry in it, travailing towards them all the night, that so on the sudden they might come vpon them. And so, though we haue never so faire promises of God: yet must we take heed, that we use such means as he hath ordained, an I never despise any works of his wisdom. The success that they had therein, was some part of it in the overthrow of those forces that under those five kings of the South were now gathered together: and part of it, in the overthrow of others besides. In the overthrow of those forces that were now gathered together, the success that they had, was, partly against them all generally: and partly, against the kings more specially. The success that they had against them all generally, was, partly but such as is usual in such overthrows: but other part such, as was peculiar or proper to this. That which is usual in such overthrows, was, that the Israelites in such sort pursued Ios. 10: 10, 19 20. Ibid. 11. them, that most of them that day were overtaken and slain. That which was peculiar or proper to this, was, both that God himself cast upon the Enemy such a storm of hail, and the hailstones thereof so very great, that exceeding many were slain thereby: and, that he allowed josuah to stay both the sun and the moon, for about twelve houres above the earth, longer than was their ordinary Ibid. 12-14. course, that so he might haue time to prosecute that execution, to the uttermost that they were able. That which they had against the kings more specially, was, that Ibid. 16, 17. whereas they had hide themselves in a cave altogether, josuah both got understanding of them, and making them fast there till he had ended that daies pursuit, caused Ibid. 18 21. Ibid. 22▪ 27. them then to bee brought forth unto him, and making his Captaines first to set their feet on their necks( the better to embolden them against those that remained) he then did execution on them, and left to posterity a monument of it. Those others Ibid. 28-42. besides, were certain chief and principal cities in those South-parts, together with their kings and peoples: and another King and his Army, who came to the aid of one of those cities distressed by josuah. Which cities were, Makkeda, Libnah, Lachish Eglon, Hebron( together with other cities to it appertaining) and Debir. All which in that voyage he took and destroyed, and put the people thereof to the Sword: and so subdued, in that one voyage, all that South part of the country. Which when he had done, then he returned with all his host to Gilgal again, where yet they encamped. Of that in the North, the discomfiture that Ibid. 15, 43. the Canaanites had in this, may seem to be the first occasion. For thereupon it is said, that jabin one of the kings there, and such as of old bare a principal sway over all the rest, sent for all those other Kings( to the number of four& twenty, as Ios. 11: 1-5, 10. it seemeth, or there about) together with the forces of every of them, and gathered them together to the Waters of Merom( the first Sea, more, Lough, or Tarn, that jordan maketh, spreading itself into a great breadth there) to fight against josuah and the Israelites: all which being gathered together, besides that they had exceeding many Horses and Charets, are said to be( for their multitude) like unto the sand of the Sea, and by others noted to be, footmen 300000. Horse-men 10000. and A 〈…〉, in Neph. num. 12. Charets, some but 2000. others 20000. These being thus gathered together, if now he would see what became of them, we are first to see what became of this whole company being yet together: then, what became of their several forces, when once they were broken. While they were yet together, josuah being first encouraged Ibid. 6-9. by the lord, and assured of victory, both he and all the men of war with him, came suddenly unto them, set vpon them, praevailed against them, destroyed many of them, houghed their Horses, and burnt their Charets. As touching those several forces, that after remained, it is said, josuah had long war with them, which, Ibid. 18. Tremel. I●n. Ios. 11: 10-17. 23. Ibid. 19, 20. together with the former, is deciphered to be somewhat better than six yeares: but yet that he praeuayled in the end against them all, utterly destroying the people, and taking the spoil or prey to themselves. Where also it is specially noted, that none of all these sought any peace at the hands of Israell, and that the Lord left them to their own wilfulness therein, that so they might haue no mercy shewed them, but that they might utterly perish. So came it to pass, that the Israelites mightily praevailed Ios. 12: 7-24. and destroyed one and thirty kings of that people( such as they were, but of several Territories onely) together with all their forces to speak of: and now became so fearful to those scattered forces that yet remained, that none of them durst make head against them. That other piece of service besides was, that these two jo. 11: 21, 22. battailes being thus strike, he went next against the A●akins( Men of extraordinary stature and strength, and, as it seemeth, but of one stock, or some few others besides, such as go under the Name of giants with us) and so praevailed against them, that neither in judah nor Israell he left any remaining: taking it belike, to bee a needful thing to be done while yet their forces were altogether, because such are so usual a terror to the common people, and therefore not to bee left, to the particular force of every Tribe by itself. But whereas it is plainly said, that some of that sort were yet remaining in certain cities of the philistines, and those Territories of Ibid. 22. the philistines, are else-where reckoned up as part of the country that was to bee possessed by the Israelites: it may seem, that he was somewhat defective therein, if Ios. 13, 3. witting he left any of them at all remaining, in any of those Coasts that were to be the portion of Israell. 7 As touching such distribution as was appointed, the most of it was of the Land itself: but some part also of certain cities thereunto appartaining. As Mat. Beroald. M. Broughton. F●●ct. Codom. Ios 13: 1-7. touching the Land itself, by this time was josuah about an hundred yeares old, though some others account him to want of those yeares yet: and the Text itself doth affirm, that he was old and strucken in yeares. Now therefore doth the Lord both put him in mind, that there is much Land yet to be gotten into their possession: and doth set him in hand, now to divide all among them, that every one of the Tribes may know their portion,& what it is that they may require as due unto them, that yet is kept by the Enemy from them: which when he hath accordingly done, then do the Israelites give unto him his portion also. As touching which division Nu. 34: 16. 29 or distribution, order was taken before, who should be the chief doers in it: namely, Eleazar the High-Priest( and he hath the first place in it) and josuah their governor now: and, with them, one principal Father of every Tribe; which also are all name before by God himself. And albeit these were like to be as indifferent and wise as could be chosen, yet to content all parties the better, and to show withall that what God hath foreshowed, would stand vnmooueable even in the Nu. 26: 52-56.& 33: 54. casualty of lots also, order was in like sort taken, that it should be done by lot: yet in such sort, that wheresoever the lot did fall, there if they were more people, they should haue so much the more Land to inhabit; and if they were fewer, so much the less. According to which order, it seemeth they set in hand with this distribution, soon after that God had called vpon them about it: but that some way or other it broke off, and was not finished at that present. For first, it seemeth, they Ios. 14: 6. Ibid. 18: 1. began in Gilgal, where first they encamped: and then afterward set in hand with it again in Siloh. And of Siloh it is said withall, that the whole company of the Children of Israell brought the Tabernacle of the Congregation thither, and set Ibid. it up there, after the Land was subject unto them. josuah likewise at that time findeth fault with the people, that they were so slack to enter into the possession Ibid. 3. of the Land which God had given them: but seemeth to mean it, but onely in respect of those seven Tribes, that as yet had not their portions set forth unto them. Whereas therefore other two Tribes and an half( besides those that had Ibid. 2, 5, 6. Ios. 14: 6. 15: 10-3 Ios 14: 6. 16: 1-9. Ios. 14: 6. 17: 1-18. their portions allowed them on the East-side of jordan before) had their portions set out in Gilgal; namely, the Tribe of judah, the Tribe of Ephraim, and the other half of Manasses: it seemeth, by the situation or placing of them, that these did settle themselves to their portions first; and that the others did but shuffle in themselves among them( for there was so much room in a manner among them, as wherein three other Tribes were afterward placed) or as near unto them as well they might. For these two Tribes and an half that had their portions set them out in Gilgal, were so placed, that judah had a great part of the South end of the Land, especially the East-side of it, and that very large, having the length of it Ios 15. Adric●● in Theat. ter. sand. Ios. 19: 9. Ios. 16. 1-10. Chr. Adric▪ North and South: Ephraim likewise had his place near thereunto; but a pretty distance off( so much as afterward was all the portion of one Tribe) but towards the North and heart of the Land, and being coasted cross on the other, having his length from the East to the West, and reaching throughout the whole breadth of the Land, from jordan unto the West-Sea. And as for this half of Manasses, it was placed on the North of Ephraim, close unto it, and occupying al the breadth Ios 17: 1-18. Chro. A●tic. of the Land for the length of it, even from jordan unto the Sea. So it seemeth, that these having their lots thus given forth at Gilgal, did thereupon sort themselves thither, and began there to inhabit: and then soon after brought the Tabernacle of the Congregation to Siloh, a mountain with a city thereon in that middle space betwixt judah and Ephraim, and as it were in the midst betwixt them: having judah, a great Tribe, on the South of it, and that other Tribe and an half on the North. Which Siloh notwithstanding did appertain to the Tribe of Ephraim though it stood out of the bounds of it, a● an exemtion or peculiar jurisdiction with us: or as, by our Maps, ford and Thorncomb lying in the bounds of Dorsetshire, do nevertheless appertain to devonshire; Shipton likewise, and diuers C●●. Sa●●●●, in D●●se 〈…〉 Ibid. ●n Wor● o●●ers in the bounds of warwickshire, Paxford, Cutsden, and Aulston in several parcels, but all within the bounds of gloucester, do all notwithstanding appertain to Worcestershire, and diuers such like. These two Tribes and a half having therefore ●● this ●ort taken their place there, and erected the Tabernacle among them, the rest of the people( which were the other seven Tribes remaining; and those forty thousands of the other two Tribes and a half beyond jordan, who yet were with them to help them to subdue their Enemies) had great reason to sort themselves there about also so near as they could: those seven Tribes, till they had their portions also set forth unto them; and those forty thousand( but when they were else-where employed in service) till they were dismissed, as now shortly after they were. hereupon it is, as it seemeth, that josuah now findeth fault with Ios. 18: 1-3. those seven Tribes( for the Text doth show it was done in Siloh) that they were slack to take into their hands the Land that God had given them: in whom it seemeth he had noted over great carelessness of that matter as yet. But whereas he farther requireth that they would bring unto him three men of their own choice, Ibid. -46 out of every Tribe of them, whose help he might use in the matter, it may seem, that diuers of those twelve that God before had name, were now deceased: or else, that josuah would use these as a farther help of assistants unto them. howsoever that matter went, now doth that business sort itself to an end indeed: both for the placing of those seven Tribes aforesaid; and for some other such like things besides as were to be done. As for the placing of those seven Tribes, when those one and twenty indifferently chosen out of them all, had taken the view of the land Ios. 18: 8, 9. that remained, and having set down the particulars of all into a book, brought the same to josuah being now at Siloh, he commending the same to Lot before the lord, it so fell out, that Beniamins place fell out to bee in that void space betwixt Ibid. 10. Ibid. 11-28. judah and Ephraim, beginning of jordan and being brodest there, and running down West-ward towards the Sea but coming short of it, and that end being the narrowest: the Lot of Simeon coming forth next, fell out Ios. 19: 2-9. to bee much of it mingled with the Tribe of judah, especially on the West side of Ibid. 10-16. the East end of it: Zebulon the third, next but one beyond that half of Manasseh that last was placed, on the North side of it, and so coasted as it was, from jordan or the lake of Genasereth on the East, unto the main sea on the West: Isachar the Ibid. 17-23. fourth, betwixt the last half of Manasses on the South, and Zebulon placed before on the North, altogether coasted as are those betwixt which it lieth, from jordan unto the main Sea. So that these four, Ephraim, that half of Manasses that last Chr. Adric. was placed, Isachar and Zebulon lye all alike together, of one cost, and all having their length from jordan unto the Sea, as four long beds in a Garden, or four corn lands that are of one fore-shot or flat in the field. These four being placed, there remain but three: for which three we haue but the North end( about half so big as of the two other parts on this side of jordan, towards the South) of this main land, and one void corner besides. The North end was crossed in two ouer-thwart Chr. Adric. to those four that were mentioned last, the line going from the South( or mid-side of Zebulon) unto the North: and so casting the one half of this North end, unto the West, close to the Sea; and the other, unto the East, close unto jordan. Of these two, Asser having the fift lot, had the west part: and Nephthalie by the Ios. 19: 24. 31 Ibid. 32: 39. Ibid. 40-48. sixth lot, the East. The seventh remaineth, which fell to Dan, who by it had that void corner that before wee spake of: on the West side of the North end of judah, betwixt the chief part of the lot of Simeon on the South, and of Ephraim and part of benjamin on the North, joining on the West to the Sea: but this was found to be too little room for them; and so they holp themselves with more, shortly after. That which the Israelites gave unto josuah for his portion among them was Ios. 19: 49, 50 a city that himself desired: Timnath-serath, in mount Ephraim. An example of good moderation in him: who notwithstanding the place that now he was in, neither would he be his own carver, nor first served; but served them first, and afterward stood to their reward also. The cities thereunto appertaning, of which there was a kind of distribution likewise to be made, and now was to them prescribed, were, to one purpose, but six: to another, those six again, and two and forty more besides. That former purpose, whereunto it is first required, that six be appointed, was, for the preservation of life: in case when one had slain a man by Ios. 20: 1-9. casualty, and some friend of the party slain would in his rage avenge it on him. In which case, his remedy was, to speed himself to one of those Cities, which he might be able best to recover, there to be safe, till his cause should come to indifferent hearing, or to the death of the High-Priest that should be in those dayes. Of which, three of them were appointed before, on the East side of jordan: Bezer, Deut. 4: 41-43 among the Rubenites, Ramoth, among the Gadites; and gallon, in that half tribe of Manasses which on that side of jordan was placed. Whereunto there are three more added on the other side of jordan, for such casualties as should fall out there: Ios. 20: 7. Kedes, in Nephtalie, a little beneath the midway betwixt the Waters of Merom and the lake of Genasereth, Westward; Sichem, in the tribe of Ephraim, even in the heart of the land in a manner; and Hebron: in the tribe of judah, and about the midst of it. That other purpose, whereunto those six again, and other two and forty were to be set out, was, that the levites might be sorted unto them indifferently, Ios. 21: 41. Num. 35: 6. Ios. 21: 42. for the better instruction of the people. Concerning which, we are in this case not onely to note, that such Cities are given unto them: but also, in what sort they were given. That such were given them, it is plain enough in itself. For the chief fathers of the levites coming to Eleazar the High-Priest, and unto Ios. 21: 1, 2. josuah the governor, and putting them in mind, what order God had alrready taken for that matter, by the ministry of Moses, while yet they were not entred their land, they presently set in hand with the matter, and fully satisfied them therein: yielding to afford them their habitation in so many Cities, together with the Ibid. 3. 8. suburbs of them; and, to the better contentment of themselves withal, they committed the same to Lo●, as they had done for the whole land before. whereas therfore there were three families of them, the Koathites, the Gersonites, and the Merarites, and the family of the Koathites consisted partly of the Priests, and partly of levites besides,& were the greatest family of them al, those that were Priests of that family had by the first lot to them appointed, out of the tribes of judah, Simeon& benjamin, thirteen cities:& the residue of that family, which were but levites, other ten Cities Ibid. 4: 9-19. Ibid. 5, 〈…〉. besides, out of the two tribes of Ephraim and Dan, and out of that half tribe of Manasses which to them was adjoining. The Gersonites and Merarites in like manner being all but levites, had for their portion, the former of them, out of three tribes, of Isacher, Asher, and N●phe●a●●●, and out of the other half tribe of Manasses, thirteen cities: the latter out of the three tribes remaining, reuben, Gad, and Ze●●l●●, twelve cities. So were they in all forty and eight: and all severally situate Ibid. ●, ●7 33 Ibid 7, 34-40. Ibid. 41, 42. indifferently throughout the land, that so the Priests& levites which were therein, might better instruct the people about them, and altogether the whole country. In what sort they were given them, we are likewise to mark, not onely for that we may see good sparks of the glory of God therein: but also, for that it seemeth some are in that matter deceived. Good sparks of Gods glory appear therein, because although they were appointed by lot; yet in all things they fell out so fit for Ios 21: 4 5, 6, 8. 10. Ibid 9, 13-19 the purpose: the Priests being placed so near to the place that God afterward choose whereon the Temple should bee builded, and the rest of the Koathites( who had, next to the Priests, most to do with the holiest things of the Tabernacle yet, and Temple after) so near unto them; and that none of the Cities fell out Ibid 42. to bee in a cluster together, but all several, a-part by themselves. The error, that it seemeth is conceived herein, is, that the levites should haue all those forty and eight cities to themselves alone: which because I find in some of special reckoning, and seeing that one conceiveth thereby, that Cal● i● Ios. 21 41 & alibi. T●●●●l I●●. in Ios. 24. 1. pro Hebr●●●. the Cities of diuers other tribes, were many mo then are name unto them( and that notwithstanding may be so indeed) when as the levites, the least tribe of all by far, had themselves so many, therefore was it needful here to say something thereof more specially. But so he doth conceive likewise, that the cities of Refuge were not given, until they were assigned to the levites first: and yet it is certain, Ibi. in Ios. 21: 1 Deu. 4: 41-43 that Moses set out three of them in his time, when as there were none given to the levites; and that here the setting out of the cities of Refuge, is recorded before the other. As also less marvell, if provision for saving of life be first made; and for instruction, to come something after: yet, as close unto it as may bee, even in the Chapter next ensuing. But for the matter that now wee are in, I marvell much he could so conceive, first in respect of that which may bee gathered of them all: then, in respect of that which in one of them we haue plainly set down unto vs. That which may be gathered of them all, is, that they were but to dwell with others in those their cities and not to haue those Cittes wholly unto themselves: both for that the levites were a great many to few to furnish or people Num. ●6. 62 so many cities; and for that the Subburbes allowed unto the levites were no greater. First, for their number, it is plain, that all the males of them, towards the end of their Pilgrimage in the wilderness, from one month old and Ios. 21: 41. above, where but three and twenty thousand. Now their cities were forty and eight, and those none of the least, but of the greatest, as may bee gathered for many of them, and is most probable for most of the rest: which if they were one thousand mo, yet could they make but five hundred apiece one with another, of a month old and above for every city; over few, a great deal, to such a purpose. A● was but a little one: and yet were there, out of the inhabitants of it Ios. 7: 3. Ibid. 8: 25. onely, as it seemeth, of both Sexes slain, no less then twelve thousand. What their suburbs were is else-where declared, in a place more pro[er for it: namely, but one thousand cubits forth out-right, from the city to be proper to the levites, after one thousand cubits likewise next to the walls for the common use of them all Which Num. 35: 4. 5 by proprotion may plainly show, that they were not many, for whom that measure was ordained: and give great likelihood, that there were many others there besides, that were to occupy all the rest of the grounds or fields, that to that city were In Harm in Num. 35: 4. Ibid. appertaining. For that master Caluin seemeth to allot it to other bordering cities adjoining, to eat up these even to their Gates( saving onely for one thousand cubits next to the walls: for so doth he take that also) me thinketh it is not like to his iudgement in other things. That which in one of them wee haue plainly set down unto us, is, that of Hebron it is said, that the Land of the city, and the Villages thereof, were given unto Caleb to bee his possession. Which place albeit Tremelius Ios. 21: 12. In Ios ●4: 1. and Iunius do so interpret, as if the whole city were exempted from him and his, and given unto the levites onely: yet, do I take it to bee as a Key to open this lock, both for itself, and all the rest; teaching us thereby to gather, that the other Tribes also were to dwell in those cities, but that they were not to fraght them so full of their companies, but that they might withall receive so many families of the levites, as should befall them. This place master Caluin in a manner, omitteth In Ios 21. Ibid 21. 4. in his interpretation: and a little before, speaking of that city, Qua pri●ari; saith he, aequo animo passus est Caleb. So that he seemeth to take it, as if Caleb and his company were content to give place to the levites, leaving it wholly unto them, as if they might not both dwell together: and thereupon he giveth him special commendation a little before. In which persuasion being so settled as he was, he conceiveth In. Ios. 27. In H●rm. in Num. 35: 4. that the levites must be the iudges of the cases of Refuge: and that therefore the Cities of Refuge should be none other, but such as were appointed for the levites. And true it is, that the cities of Refuge were none other but six of those that were appointed for the levites also: but the cause may as well be for their bettar instruction there, as to haue their trial and iudgement by them; neither do we red( to my remembrance) that matters of life and death were to them committed, Ios. 14: 6-15. a-part from other Magistrates besides. But as touching Hebron, it was the portion that he so specially required, and as it seemeth by his speech, the same that Moses, and the same that the Lord himself did mean unto him, as the recompense( of that kind: for there was a better reserved for him) that they did mean him for Ibid. 9: 12, 14 Ibid 9. Ibid 14. Ecc●. ●6: 9. 10 1. Mac 2▪ ●6. 2. Sam. 2: 1 3 his good and faithful service before: and it is there termed the inheritance of him and his children for ever; and that so it was to that day when the Story was written, which seemeth likewise to be the thing, that long after went under the name of his heritage for that his service. Sure it is, that when david( who was no levite) was to come to his kingdom he being directed by God himself to go to Hebron, and to begin his kingdom there, went up thether, himself and his company, together with their families, and dwelled there and in the cities thereunto appertaining: which it may seem, would not haue been so, if that place had been by so strong and so ancient right, for the levites onely. Debir also, or Kinah-Sepher, as before it was called, of the Tribe of Simeon, was a Leuiticall city too: and Ios. 21▪ 15. Iud 1: 11-15. Ios. 21: 17. Ibid. 10▪ 2. yet did Caleb give it to Othniel in marriage with his Daughter Aksah: and together with it the springs or grounds, both above and beaneath. Likewise Gibeon, of the Tribe of benjamin, was another( and the same a great one too, greater than Ay, and so not proportionable to so small a company:) and may wee think Ibid. 9: 18. 2. Sam. 21: 2. 1. S●m. 9: 1, 2 that the Gibeanites also gave place unto the levites, to be there alone? They were an eye-sore unto the people, to dwell in the heart of the Land among them; and afterward Saul, being a Beniamite himself, to please the people, destroyed certain of them: but it is probable enough, that their heart-burning would not haue been so great against them, if so they had partend wtih the principal seat that they had. Sichem was another of them, of the Tribe of Ephraim, and a city of refuge withall. but seeing the Sichemites strove so soon, to haue a King of theirs to reign over Ios. ●1: 21. Iud. 9. 1. b, ●2. Ibid. 4, 46. the rest, and so manned it forth for the time; and before that time had received Idolatry also: as the former of these plainly declareth there were many mo than the Leuitet there; so the latter may as much imply, that such levites as were, could bear but little sway among them. So far off must it be thence( though wee had no more but this) that it was a city of the levites onely. But now the truth is, that it is plainly said to be possessed by the Sons of joseph: and then not otherwise by the levites, but as dwelling with them. Of the rest much more I think might be said Ios. 24: 32. to this purpose also, but that this I hope is sufficient. That which afterward they did, we find not so worthy commendation, is first set down of certain of them more specially: then, of them all generally. Those that are more specially noted, are judah, Ephram, and Manesses, three of the mightiest Tribes: so belike, leaving unto ourselves what to judge of the rest. For if the mightiest of them all, nevertheless failed in that point of duty of casting out the Canaanites, then may we conceive, that the same fault was much more to bee found in the rest: as afterward, in the Story of the Iudges wee haue farther place to declare. But here it is said concerning these, that Ephram did not cast out the Canaanite out of Geser, one of their cities, but only made them to serve under tribute: and that judah and Manasses Ios. 16: 10. could not cast out, the one, the jebusites out of jerusalem; the other, others of the Cannanites out of diuers cities of theirs. Of them all it is said generally, that Ibid. 15: ●●. Ibid. 17: 12. Ibid. 13. when they were strong, they put the Canaanites under tribute, but did not wholly cast them out. 8 Of those their doings that concern but certain of them, we haue but little Story remaining: but that which we haue, is first of those two Tribes and an half, that came over to help their Bretheren; then, of certain other particular persons. That which we haue of those two Tribes and an half, resteth in two principal matters: one, how they were dismissed or sent away; the other, of a special care that themselves had, never to bee disclaimed by the rest of their Brethren. As touching their dismissing or sending away, we are to consider first of the time, when it was done: then of the manner of doing it. For the time we haue but two limitations of it: namely, that it was not till the Tabernacle was brought unto Siloh( which was before the Land was fully divided, as wee saw before;) nor till the Land was in rest from all their Enemies. For the former of these the Tabernacle was brought unto Siloh in the eighteen Chapter: and these are not dismissed but in the two and twentieth. At which time also, it is not to bee doubted, that the Tabemacle was at Siloh, both because these two Tribes and an half were dismissed thence, and for that the Congregation assembled thither immediately after. In like sort, that it was Ios. 22: 9. Ibid. 12. not till the Land had rest, is as plainly set down a little before they were dismissed. A manifest token of their good dealing with their Bretheren, in that they stayed so Ios. 21: 43. 45 constantly with them from their own homes so many yeares: fully performing whatsoever Na. 32. 20 33 Moses had given them in charge, and they had promised. In the manner of their dismissing wee are likewise to note, in how good sort josuah did it: and, howe they accordingly departed home-ward. That he doth it in good sort, wee may easily see, both in that he calleth vpon them to that end: and much more, in that which proceedeth from him, when he hath so called them. In that to this end he calleth them, it doth sufficiently argue, that having done their duty already, he would not Ios 22: ●. trouble them any longer. That which proceedeth from him is partly in word: and partly in deed. In word, both he acknowledgeth that they had very well discharged that point of their duty: and giveth them a good exhortation withall, howe to Ios 2-●. Ibid 5, 8. Ibid 6. 4, ●. behave themselves after. His dead is, that he doth bless them,& dismiss them: and in dismissing them, doth likewise let them so go, withall that great and rich prey which they had gotten: a thing that diuers Captaines since would much haue stuck at. They being thus dismissed, do accordingly repair home-wards. As touching the care that themselves had, never to be disclaimed by their Bretheren, there began Ibid. 6, 9. to bee some business about it: but then taking a moderate course, it was quickly stayed. There began to be business about it, in their manner of uttering of it: and in their Bretheren mistaking of their meaning therein. Their manner of uttering Ios. 22▪ 10. that fear of theirs that they conceived, and their devise to prevent the same, was, that on the one side of jordan as they went over( for the Text doth not to certainly show on whether side it was, but that the learned vame about it: though it seem unto me, there is greater likelihood, they should do it on their own side rather than on the other) they erected a large Altar( in the way of a Monument) such as easily might be seen some good distance off. In doing of which, although they had no such ill meaning as was conceived: yet was it such as was very subject to such suspicion; and therefore not so advisedly done, without the privity of their Bretheren, as had been expedient. Their Bretheren did so far mistake it, that they were in Ibid. 11, 12. great fear, that they had turned themselves from their profession, and were setting up Idolatry among them: and therefore gathered themselves to war upon them. But then inclining themselves to some more moderate course, in the mean season Idid. 13-34. they sent to their Bretheren to understand their meaning therein; and( so perceiving that it was not done of any such purpose, but onely set up as a monument unto posterity, that although they dwelled on the other side of jordan, yet were they all one people with the other, both in lineage, and in profession of Religion) they were contented, and so departed: leaving a notable example to us, the one sort of them, to nourish in us a singular care, both for ourselves, and for our posterity, ever to keep fast unto God; and the others, in no wise to bear with any starting from the truth of Religion, no not in our Bretheren, nor when our variance about it might bee extremely( as with them it was) dangerous to both. That which we haue of certain other particular persons, is most of josuah himself: but something of others. That which we haue of josuah himself, is but how well he did close up the course of his life: and then, of his death. In the closing up of the course of his life, wee find, that as he was careful( in all the time of his government) of them, to keep them to God: so now at his death he was very desirous to leave them with him. A good example for all: when we see that our time cannot be long here now, but that God will shortly take us hence, then to haue some special care of such as we leave behind us, especially of those of whom wee haue charge, to leave them with God the best that we may. A point of duty that on all hands is of us neglected: the most part of us having had so little respect to godliness in our life time for ourselves, that wee haue it not in us at our deaths for others; but dropping away altogether as senseless of such matters at our deaths, as wee haue been careless thereof in our lives. In what sort josuah sought to perform that good piece of service to God, though the Text bee plain enough for the sustance of it; yet in one point of less importance, master Caluin on Ios. 24: 1. one of our best Interpreters otherwise conceiveth than seemeth to bethe iudgment of others generally: namely, that whereas by the course and reading of the Text, it seemeth, that josuah called in the heads of the people two several times about this matter; and some there be, that in plain terms set down their iudgement so to be, Lyr. in Ios. 23.& 24. ( one, taking the former of these to show the disposition of josuah in the time of peace, the latter, at the time of his death; others, plainly using the word iterum, again, for that which we haue in the four and twentieth or last Chapter of josuah) Fr. vatab. in Ios. 24: 1. Chro. Adrichō. in Chron. in an. 2499. he notwithstanding taketh both those to bee but one, and the latter to bee a farther declaration of the former. But because, beside his own iudgement( which in most things indeed is great, and not lightly to be aesteemed) he bringeth no other reason, but that it was not Consentaneum, bis eadem de causa populum extrahere in alienum Ibid. locum: that is, That it was not meet to draw the people so far from home, twice for one matter, I do not see but that according to the iudgement of most men, and as the Text itself doth seem rather to incline, wee may safeliest take it, as done at twice: both because the matter is of so special importance, that none of them had any just cause to think much to bee called together twice about it; and because the course of proceeding in the one going farther then the other, doth yield that kind of variance betwixt them. At the first time therefore, because it appeareth not they gave him any answer, it may well be, that his good admonition took not such place with them, as on their partes it ought to haue done: and that, for that cause the rather, he took some other time shortly after, to see if yet he could praeuaile any farther with them; and that God then did vouchsafe him a blessing of good success, even to his own heartes desire. In the former of them he frameth all his whole speech unto them, but as from himself: in the latter, the most part of it from the Lord. In his former speech which he uttereth unto them but as from himself, first he speaketh unto them of his own declining age: and then cometh to the matter that was in his mind to deliver unto them. Of his own declining age( it seemeth) he speaketh, as now wearing away so fast, that he cannot long be with them: Ios. 23: 1, 2. and therefore would gladly disburden his mind unto them, in that which now he had to deliver. The matter that now he would deliver unto them tended altogether to this end, to draw them to bee of mind, soundly to settle themselves to the Lord: and never to depart from him again. To the end he may settle them soundly to the Lord, first he teacheth: then, he exhorteth. That which he teacheth, is of Ibid. 3-5. the great goodness of God towards them: that of it they had good experience already, both in his hand on those other Nations for their sakes, and that now they had the whole Land divided unto them; and should haue more, in expelling the rest, that themselves might haue quiet possession. he exhorteteh two several times: first, some-what more largely; then, but briefly. In that which is more large, wee are to consider whereunto he did exhort them: and what reasons he used to move them thereto. To find out whereunto he did exhort Ibid. 6. them, we are to note, that first he requiereth but generally, to observe and do whatsoever is written in the Lawe, and not to turn aside, neither to the right hand, nor to the left; and therefore to bee of a valiant courage( insinuating thereby that such valour is to nothing more needful, than to the observation of the lawe of God:) Ibid. 7, 8. then more specially, that they haue no society with those Canaanites that are left, nor ever incline to their ill ways; but ever cleave fast unto the Lord in such sort, as( for that matter) yet they had done. The reasons he useth are two: one, for that he so stood with them hitherto against their enemies; the other, for that he would do so still. In that wherein he doth it but briefly, he requiereth no more, Ibid. 9. 10. but that they take good heed to themselves, that they love the Lord their GOD. To the end they never depart from the Lord again, he letteth them understand how Ibid. 11. great evils shall in that case befall them: and howe they may assuredly know, that they cannot escape them. The evils that should find them, were, that God would drive out no mo of their enemies: and that, being left, they should become exceeding Ibid. 12: 13. grievous unto them. They might assueredly know, that they could not escape them( though himself must be gone, and could not tarry to give them warning, or Ibid. 14-16. protest unto them) by those things which already they saw to be accomplished: the consequence being very infallible, that as( now that they stood in some fear of God) he had performed all that he promised unto them, as themselves could witness; so whensoever they should leave him and turn unto Idols, then should all those evils be likewise as certainly cast vpon them. In the latter, the most part whereof he uttereth unto them from the Lord, first for a time he keepeth the speech to himself onely: then after, he joineth with them in mutual conference about the same that he had delivered unto them. While he keepeth the speech to himself alone, first he speaketh unto them in the name of the Lord: then, in his own. That which he speaketh unto them in the name of the Lord, resteth in two principal points: one, that of his own goodness he had taken them unto him, when there was no desert Ios. 24: 1-3. in them, but were deeply sunk into gross idolatry: the other, that ever since he had stood a good and a gracious Lord unto them, first where they were but strangers, in Canaan, and Egypt; then, bringing them to a country that he would give them to bee their own, both in the wilderness as they came thither, and in their Ibid. 3-7. Ibid. 7-13. country when they came there, both on the one side of the river, and on the other. Speaking in his own name unto them, most of that he saith concerneth them: but some part of it, himself also. That which concerneth them, is another exhortation unto them, to cleave fast to the Lord, which that he may the soundlier obtain of them, he first exhorteth them unto it: and then nevertheless doth leave them unto their own liberty in it. In exhorting them unto it, he doth not onely Ibid. 14. require them sincerely to serve the Lord: but also( as a thing that inseparably goeth withall) to put away the Gods that their Fathers worshipped before. In leaving Ibid. 15. them unto their own liberty in it, he taketh the way, that may more surely bind them unto it. For now they could not, in that fresh memory of Gods great favours towards them, nor in the presence of so reverend a parsonage, for very shane betake themselves to any other: and yet taking it vpon their own choice too, needs must they cleave faster unto it. That which concerneth himself, was, that whatsoever choice they should make, whether the Gods of their Fathers of old, or of that people whereunto they were come now, himself notwithstanding, and his family, Ibid. would serve the Lord. Hitherto having kept the speech to himself( a thing to be wished, that such as among us do ever delight themselves to be heard, would bee provided of so godly and gracious speech as josuah now used) now doth he as readily join with them, about the matter he hath moved unto them: the effect whereof was( as also of his speech before, as it seemeth) to draw them to make a covenant with God. Wherein we may see, first, that certain speeches thereof passed too and fro betwixt them: then, that the thing itself was after effected. Of those speeches that thereof passed too and fro betwixt them, the first was of the people, giuing in their answer to this aforesaid speech of josuah: but then some other besides, as josuah did after give them occasion. In this their answer to that former speech of his, first they desire God to forbid( and God forbid it to all his people, Ibid. 16. now also) that they should forsake the Lord to serve other Gods: then, they show whereon they ground that resolution of theirs, vpon those great deserts of God towards them, both in times before passed, and then also; and so conclude, that he was Ibid. 17, 18. their God, and they would serve him. In those others besides, as josuah did occasion them, we are to consider what occasions he gave them: and how they thereupon gave him answer again. Those occasions were, one of them( as it were) to hold them off: others, but in some sort to receive them. First he did( as it were) hold them off, so to make them prease-on more earnestly: telling them, that they were too reckless or careless, or at least too brittle a people, to serve him, for that he Ibid. 19, 20. was an holy, and jealous God; and therefore neither could he, nor would he bear with their sin, when they offended. But to this they answered, that they would not so bee held off: but that they would serve the lord. The other occasions that josuah gave them, were both to this end, that but in some sort he did receive Ibid. 12. them. So first he gathered them to this consideration, that now they witnessed or spake much against themselves, in that they would needs make their choice of the Ibid. 22. Lord, if they should not afterward do accordingly. To which they granted it was so indeed. Then he willed them, to put away their strange Gods, and to bow their Ibid. hearts unto the Lord the God of Israell: as if otherwise, they did but in vain profess Ibid. 23. Ibid. 24. him. To that they did not fully answer: saying nothing of putting away those strange Gods that josuah conceived they had among them; but yet protesting, that the lord their GOD they would serve, and that his voice they would obey. Whereby it way seem, that either they had none, as he conceived: or else that they were not so ready yet to part with them; as indeed it is the manner of men to conceive they may do both, as those sorrel. israelites before, and our Romish catholics 2 King. 17: 29, 32, 33, 40, 41. now. howsoever it was, whether they had none indeed, or whether josuah could get no better of them, and so thought good to take what they gave( rough hauer, of ill debters) he thereupon grew to the covenant with them. The thing itself therefore was now effected, josuah making a covenant with them on the Ibid. 25-28. same: and both setting it down it writing, and pitching up a ston( with the peoples consent too) for a Monument of it, and so dismissing the people withall. As touching his death, there is one thing that followeth so close vpon it, that although it respecteth others besides, yet seeing we find it there to be placed, and there is non that had better interest therein than he, therefore may we most safely so take it. So are we first to consider of his death itself: then, of that other, that doth follow so close vpon it. In his death itself wee haue no more, but that, after those things, being an hundred and ten year old he died, and was butted in his own possession Ibid. 29, 30. Iud. 2: 8, 9. Ibid. 31. Iud. 2: 7. at Timnah-Serah. That other thing that followeth so close upon it, is that Israell served the Lord all the dayes of josuah, and all the dayes of the Elders that outlived josuah, who had known all the works of the lord, that he had done for Israel. So blessed a thing is it for the people to haue good Leaders: and especially such, as haue seriously given themselves, out of the word of God to learn, how it hath pleased God from time to time to deal with his people. Those others that are but two: joseph, and Eleazar. joseph had given commandment to his Bretheren in Ge. 50: 24-26 Egypt, when they should go thence to the Land of promise, then to take his bones with them, to bury them there: and he took them sworn thereunto. So they did Ezod. 13: 19. balm him and Chest him then: and when they went out of egypt, they likewise took away that Coffin with them. This now they bury in a parcel of ground Ios. 24: 32. near unto Sichem, that jacob had bought in his time long before. Wherein as joseph had witnessed his Faith then: so did these well discharge themselves of that their promise now. Of Eleazar the son of Aaron, and High-Priest for his time Ibid. 33. after his Father, wee haue no more, but that he also about that time dyed, and that they buried him in the Hill of Phinehas his son, which was given him in Mount Ephraim: the second High-Priest among men that hath dyed; but therein a sufficient Testimony, together with Aaron his Father before( two Witnesses being by the Law of God, sufficient) that wee may not look to haue an everlasting High-Priesthood among men, but for the same must ever come to Iesus Christ, the onely begotten son of God. CHAP. 11. 1 IT shall be good here to remember how far we haue gone. It pleased God to take unto him one people of all the world, to be a peculiar people to him: and, out of Abraham to raise the same. To Abraham he made( among others) two special promises: one, of the Land wherein he sojourned; the other, of the Promised seed. That of the Land, is now already performed unto them: the Land of Canaan being given to the Israclites, and they having it now( at the death of josuah) in quiet possession. And in this part of their Story it is not amiss to mark, that with this his people he dealt at the first, by faire means onely: as Parents use to deal with their Children in the time of their infancy, until they come to some understanding. This he did till they had been his people four hundred and thirty yeares: and till the time that he had given them the law, with all the Ceremonies and ordinances thereunto appertaining. But after that, though still they were in special favour with him; yet did he then diuers times mingle correction withall as they gave him occasion: which, as wee haue seen in the wilderness already; so may wee see hence-forward also, wheresoever the people themselves are. Now at this time we are to see, what is their Story in that Land of theirs, until that Blessed seed( the other of those two principal promises) be given unto them unto them: and first, so long as they stood one whole people; then, when after they began to be divided. They continued one people, under all their Iudges, and under one of their kings also: but after that, they began to be divided. Their Iudges were all those Magistrates, Captaines, Leaders, or governors, that it pleased God, after the death of josuah to raise up unto them as occasion was offered, until they had kings( at their own motion) give unto them: of the most of which Iudges, we haue the Story in this present book of the Iudges; but of part of them, in another ensuing. As touching this present book of the Iudges, one particular Story there is, which appertaineth to the time of these Iudges, and yet is nothing at all mentioned here in this book: but followeth next after in a little book by itself. So are we first to consider of the Story of them, as by this book we are directed: then, to come to that other particular, in that other book next ensuing. As touching the Story of them, so far as this book delivereth it unto us, wee find they were such, that the estate of the people under them, was reasonable good for a while at the beginning: but variable after. For a while at the beginning wee find diuers things commendable in them, and so boding their estate then to bee good: some, that concern the whole people; others, that concern but certain of their. Those that concern the whole people, are two: one, that had his time immediately after the death of josuah; another, that en●●●ed somewhat after. That which had his time immediately after the death of josuah, was, that then the people besought the Lord to show them, who should be their Leader now. A thing very commendable in Iud. 1 ●1. them, for that now they did so well depend vpon God: and that none of them were so ambitious, as themselves to usurp the place unto them In the answer that God gave unto them we are to note, not onely that he did show them who it should be: but that he sheweth them withall, how bee would prosper unto them that his government. He telleth them that it should be judah that should bee their Leader now: so, directly telling them, which should be the Tribe; and implicati●ely leaving unto them that the H●ad●man Ibid. 2. ( or chief therof) should command or lead for the time. Which seemeth to me, to bear a farther sense, then for this time onely; and to haue some special relation unto that which jacob uttered of judah Prophetically, a little before his death: and so to direct them for the time following to be under the government Gen. 49: 8, 10. of judah, unless it should please God at any time to appoint them some other. For whereas the Text seemeth to incline, a though the question were asked but for that time onely, as if they had desired but to know who should the begin to sight with the Canaanites, or first fight against them, as diuers there be that seem so to take it: I should rather think that to begin, as there it is meant( so: so is the original Art Mo●tan. Fr. Vatatlus. Tremel. I●n. Bibl. ●ngl. V●●lgata ●dit. In. Iud. 1 in. 〈…〉. indeed, or seemeth at least so to indine) is not so much to be referred unto the time, or such an order of proceeding, as who to begin for this time first, and who to follow then next after, as to the usual maner of marching in battle, the Leaders going first, and the rest following, as also it is so taken by some. Lyra likewise sheweth, that there haue been diuers heretofore that haue inclined to some such meaning as if there had been a kind of perpetuity so: leading in battle given unto the Tribe of judah. himself( I grant) doth not like, that so it should be taken because diuers others were leaders after, who were not of that tribe. But that is no sufficient reason, for that if these did slip the duty to them appertaining, then might others be after appointed in their default: and yet by Gods ordinance, that dignity given unto them before. As touching that he addeth withall, of what force the government of judah should be unto them( telling them that Iud. 1: 2. he had given the land into his hands) the more comfortable that that might be unto them, the more careful should it haue made them, to haue yielded themselves to that direction. For, that some restrain it to be meant not of the whole land generally, Tremel. jun. but of the kingdom of Bezek onely, as yet in the enemies hands, that seemeth to me to be nothing agreeable unto the text: both because the question was asked in general, and not particularly for it( and at Sichem, it seemeth, and not near Bezek); and because there is no mention of Bezek yet, for that relative to haue relation unto. That which endured somewhat after, was that while the elder Iud. 2: 6-9. sort remained that had seen many of these great works of God, the people were kept( and so continued) in the service of God. How long that was, wee haue Num. 1: 3. not set down: but seeing all that were twenty year old and above, when they came new into the wilderness, for their transgression perished there, saving onely Ibid. 14: 29. Ibid. 26. 64. josuah and Caleb, therfore the Eldest of these besides could not bee but about threescore year old when they came first into the land; and so might diuers of them live many yeares after the younger of these. Those that concern but certain of them, are most of this people: but one of certain strangers among them. Those that are of this people, are of one couple joining together: and of two others that are but single. The couple that joined together, were the Tribes of judah and Simeon. For at soon as Iadah was name unto the leading of the rest, Iud. 1: 3. he moved Simeon to help him in his Lot, or in the portion of his inheritance: offering unto Simeon withall to do as much for him in his. And because afterward Iud. 1: 17. we read that he went with Simeon indeed, therefore it seemeth there passed such a league betwixt them: and so is it taken by some. But if now wee consider what it was, that, by these two so joined together, was at this present done, though some part thereof we shall find to be plain enough in itself: yet some other that may seem now also to be done, we shall find to lye somewhat doubtful therein. That which is plain enough of itself, is of two special Stories: one, that voyage of theirs against Bezek; the other, that which they made against the philistines. In Ibid. 4-7. their voyage against Bezek they so prevailed, that they slay of the people of those parts ten thousands, took the Lord or King thereof, and served him as he had served many others before. In that other voyage of theirs against the philistines, they took at that time three of their cities, Azzah, Askelon, and Ekron, with the Ibid. 18. coasts or territories unto them appertaining: but how soever it came to pass, shortly after( as in those affairs it is often seen) it appeareth they had them not. Ibid. 3: 3. As touching those that lye so doubtful, it shall be good, first to see, whence that doubtfulness ariseth unto them: then, what those services themselves are. The doubtfulness that ariseth unto them( so far as myself do yet see) cometh out of two principal heads: one, the mentioning of them else-where in the Text; the other, the interpretation of others thereon. Being elsewhere mentioned, as in the book of josuah before, it may be thereon more easily conceived, that they were done then, rather than now. If unto that semblance or likelihood of the Text, the interpretation of those that are of reckoning, do sort itself also, then do we account it so much the more likely, that in truth it should be so taken. Both which will appear more plainly in the places themselves that wee are to deal in. Those places therefore that of this kind we are to deal in, are all of such services as by them were done, but whether at this time or before, that is the question: but some of them, for the right of the tribe of judah; and the rest, for the right of Simeon. Those services that were for the right of judah, were two: one, that of jerusalem; the other, that of the Hil-country. As touching that of jerusalem, some do read, as if that piece of service were at this time done. But now Iud 1: 8. vulg. ●dit Ari Montan. Ios 12: 10. Ibid. 15: 63. Fr. Vatab. Tremel. I●●. Bibl. Angl. 1594. Iud 1: 8. Ibid. 9, 10 19. the truth is, there is mention before, in the daies of josuah, of the overthrow of the King of jerusalem: and of the Iewes inhabiting part of jerusalem. Hereupon it is, as it seemeth, that others do red, as if that which of that matter is spoken of here, were but then onely done, and not now: and to that end use the Praeterpluperfect tense as they call it, as speaking of a time more than perfectly past; whereas the others use the perfect-tense only. The English Bible hath another miss besides( but that may well be the Printers onely) in that it setteth down Israel there, instead of judah. As touching that of the Hill-country, and of Hebron as one city in those parts, and of the good success that God did give them therein, both against the ordinary sort of people, and against those Giants withall, those other again, Vulg. ●dit. Ari. mount. Fr. Vatab. Tremel I●●. and one mo now, do in such sort read, as if those things were at this time done: but there be of these that so frame their reading in this place also, as if those things were not done now, but onely before. The rest that were for the right of Simeon, were other two also: Debir, the one; Zephath the other. In both which Iud. 1; 11, 17. Vulg. mount. Vatab. Tremel. jun. the usual reading again is, as of a Story of this present: and yet those others are in their Preterpluperfect-tense still, so turning them over to the former onely. But now to examine the same a little, first it is clear, that the propriety of the tongue itself doth most properly yield, that we may so read, and that such is the usual reading: namely, as of Histories of that present, and not of a former time before. If then we may so read, and most men so do, if any should in such sort vary, they had need to haue some reason for thē why so they would vary. Then also, it is most likely, that this part of the book as well as the rest, was most intended, to show what was the Story of the people at that very time of which it treateth( and this Iud. 1: 1. doth plainly show itself, there to begin when josuah ended): and not to bee a recapitulation, or a recital of other Stories passed before. Which if it should be, it should leave very little for the Story of that present: and seem to defraud many of those that then lived of that commendation that by right was due unto them. Both which considerations do appertain to all the places that haue been noted, indifferently. But now if we enter into a more special consideration of the places themselves, true it is, that the Kings of jerusalem, Hebron, Debir, and Chorma, were all overthrown before, and that the Israelites in Iosuahs time made great spoil of Ios. 12: 10, 14 Ibid. 10: 29-42. the Hilly Country. But might not the enemies that escaped nestle again, and make those that now lived much business also? Are not such things in all conquests very usual and rise? Is not one place, or one people in diuers cases, sundry times impugned and subdued, before they can bee brought to be quiet? Or is there any thing spoken here, that may not be a several Story from those others before rehearsed? Or may it not go for a reasonable conjecture, that therefore they set fire on jerusalem now, and put Zephath to utter destruction, because they would Iud. 1: 8, 7. not yet be quiet for that which before was done unto them? So it seemeth to me, that those also are Stories themselves, and several from the others before recited. Those two others that were but single, are those that we haue here set down of the doings of Caleb at Hebron: and of the house of joseph at Bethel. Of Caleb it is Ibid. 20. said, that he expelled from Hebron those three giants, the sons of Anak. Of the house of joseph likewise, that they got Bethel which before was called Luz: saving Ibid. 22-26. that here that Praeterpluperfect Tense is again very busy; and much more, as I do take it, than it needeth to be. Those that were but strangers among them, were the Kenites, defended of Moses father in Law, of whom we read, that they went Ibid. 16. up with the children of judah to dwell among them: yet, as it seemeth, but in the wilderness or wast grounds near unto them; more wise therein, then most of the people of God themselves, esteeming so little as many of them did, of such society with the tribe of judah. 2 That their estate was variable after, the whole Story doth plainly and plentifully declare: but first it shall be good to consider, what may seem to be the reason of it; then, what estate it was, that so they brought themselves unto. As touching the former me-thinketh there was a farther cause than is commonly conceived by others, or myself do know to be noted by any. That which is commonly conceived by others, is that they spared the inhabitants of the land so much as they did: and thereby brought themselves to great inconvenience. How they spared the Inhabitants of the land wee haue set down but of certain of them in particular: and of them all generally. In particular, but judah, benjamin, Manasses, Iud. 1: 19, 21, 27-33. Ephraim, Zebulon, Asher and Nepthalie, are noted to bee faulty therein: and one of them, the greatest tribe of all, is( after a sort) half excused in it, because it is said, that he was not able to do it. But the reason is no more but this, because they had Ibid. 19. many Iron Charets. Which no doubt they had before, when nevertheless they were not able to stand against them. So that of reuben, Simeon, Isacher, Gad, and Dan, we haue no such fault remembered in particular: saving that being said that the Ammorites drove the tribe of Dan( the greatest tribe next unto judah) into the Ibid. 34. mountain, though it do not necessary conclude, that they spared theirs( for they might be others that so straigtned them); yet notwithstanding it is most likely, that they also were faulty therein. Generally it is said of them all, that when they were strong, they did not expel them wholly, but onely made them tributaries unto Ibid. 28. them: and so it is said of diuers of them in particular, as Zabulon, Nephtalie and Ibid. 30, 33, 35. the family of joseph. The inconvenience that thereby they brought themselves unto, was more, than may be well conceived; but especially two principal heads, and whatsoever came in by them: one, that thence forward they should not bee able to cast them out; the other, that thereby themselves did fall to Idolatry also. By the former of which, it would come to pass, that they must be exceedingly troubled and vexed by them: and by the other, that God would poure forth his wrath vpon them to their destruction. Of the former they are so seriously, and with such Iud. 2 11-5. contestation admonished, that they were wonderful heavy to hear it, and poured forth tears so abundantly thereupon, that that one accident gave name to the place where it was done. But it had been good, they had wept before, and a good warning it is unto us, now that we are come to this promised land of Christian profession, utterly to destroy those ancient Inhabitants of our land also, all the bad motions of our corrupt nature; otherwise to assure ourselves, that we cannot but be much encumbered with them, in whatsoever work of godliness at any time after we haue in hand. The latter tarried not long after the former. For quickly they Iud. 2: 10-25, were by them corrupted: and for the same plentifully tasted of Gods displeasure. That farther cause that we find not noted by others, doth so deeply touch them all, that few of them I think did stand clear of it: especially, not the tribe of judah; then also it seemeth, none of the rest. The tribe of judah I take to be faulty, for that they did not take vpon them, according as God himself had called them. So are we to see, first how it pleased God to call them: then, how far they failed therein. It pleased God in such sort to call them as that they especially ought to haue had a special good regard unto it: both for the direction that now was given them; and for some other things before concurring therewith, The direction that now was given them, was( as we heard before) that when the question was asked Iud. 1: 1, 2. vpon the death of josuah, who should be their Leader next ensuing: answer was given, that it should be judah. By which answer wee may easily conceive, that the Heads-man or Prince of that tribe was then to come in, and to take that charge vpon him: and, if among themselves there had been any question, who was the chiefest( which it seemeth there was, not because we red of no question of it) God no doubt, would haue answered that point also. But there is a farther matter to bee noted, that God there nameth the whole tribe, and not the chief and principal Father of it( as before, when the people were to be numbered, or when after the Land was first to be preached, and then to be divided among them): but Num. 1: 7. Idid. 13: 7. Ibid. 34: 19. now as appointing a set government to be among them. For the principal Fathers die, one of them still succeeding another: but the tribe itself was ever to stand until the promised seed should come, who should then take the government vpon him, and of whose kingdom there should be no end. So that hereby it seemeth, he rather pointeth to a continual succession of Gouernours, even until the time of Christ, then unto any one for that present; commending unto them that tribe, as the stock, family or line, that ever should yield their Leaders unto them: that even as levy should yield their Priest-hood; so should judah bear their sceptre. Those other things before that concurred with this now, were two: one, that prophesy of jacob; the other, a matter of fact a little before. The prophesy of jacob, for that dignity of judah, is more plain, than that wee need any thing to Gen. 49. 8. 12. urge it: and the plainer it is, the better it should haue been remembered now, and the more readily( on all hands) applied to such resolution as now we speak of. And seeing that in all ages it was so embraced of the godly-wise, for a special good prophetical description of the dignity and line of Christ, it might well haue been looked for of those also, so to haue taken their light thereby, on the occasion that now was given, as that even their form of government might haue lead them from time to time, as it whereby the hand unto him. That which was but a matter of fact a little before, was, that the Tribe of judah was already appointed to the first place, both for their encamping or pitching of their tents; and for their Num. 2: 3. Ibid. 10: 14. Marching likewise in their array: whereby in reason they might be thought, to bee so well enured to take some state vpon them, that when now it was in plain terms appointed unto them, it should haue been much better regarded. That nevertheless they much failed herein, is made reasonable plain unto us by the text itself: first in that which we haue not; then, in that which we haue therein. That which wee haue not, is, that we haue no mention made, that either the rest of the Tribes did so yield themselves unto judah( as to such case did appertain) as vpon the death of Moses they did unto josuah before( at least, those two Tribes and an half;) or, that judah itself, or the chief of that Tribe, did so take vpon him, Ios. 1: 16-18. as their general, or as the Leader of them all. That which wee haue set down thereof, is no more in effect but this: that judah now joined with Simeon, mutually to help each other in their own peculiar portions; which any other Tribes Iud 1: 3. might likewise haue done and most likely that so they did. Which kind of dealing, being so private as it was, is a reasonable good Testimony in itself( especially, seeing there is no mention of the other) that they did relinquish the public, or, not so much as meddle with it. So it seemeth to me, that according to that prophesy, of jacob, now did God, having already in the wilderness set them in some way towards it, offer the full accomplishment thereof unto them; and so, that they were no sooner possessed of the land wherein they should dwell, but that judah was then also appointed to bear that sceptre or State among them: and that they even all the sort of them, having a singular blessing therein offered unto them, did nevertheless deprive themselves of the benefit of it, either for that they did not so understand that answer of god( which no doubt, was strange, having so good helps to led them thereunto as they had;) or else because they were nothing so disposed( neither judah to take it vpon them, nor the others to yield it unto them) and that was stranger. The blessing that I mean was offered unto them threin, was that better government( both for civil order among thē, and for preservation of Religion) that by likelihood they should this way haue had, in much better measure( God ever blessing his own ordinance) than afterwards we find they had, by such as it pleased God, in default of these, to give them, being also oft-times without any at all for a season. Which things will appear plainly enough in the story itself. 3 Now therefore as touching the latter, that is, what estate it was that so they brought themselves unto, wee haue the same set down unto us, generally first: more specially after. Generally wee haue set down, first that the people Iud. 2: 11-15. by sparing their enemies and by conversing and matching marriages with them, grew to very gross idolatry, and much provoking God thereby, were sold over into all their enemies hands round about them, to be a spoil to them at their pleasure: then, that nevertheless he oft-times raised up Iudges to deliver them, Ibid. 16-23. and to help them out of the troubles that they had brought themselves into; but that after those Iudges were dead, they quickly returned unto their former ways again, and ever grew worse therein than before. A notable pattern in them, of the great corruption and frailty that is in vs. More specially, wee haue the same set down unto us; first, in the body of the Story itself that doth go on all the people: then in certain other particulars that do touch but certain of them. In the body of the Story itself that doth go on the whole people; first, wee haue set down, what were those Nations that were left among them: then, what were the calamities of the people, by staining themselves with their infection. The Nations that here are noted to be left among them, are but such( as it seemeth) as occupied some main part of the Country, that the Children of Israell should haue taken unto themselves, but now was still held by these: and not any of those that yet held any cities or holds in the several portions of those Tribes wherein they were, against whom they afterward praevailed, and made them tributaries unto them. For those that here are name, are but the five Philistian Princes, and all the Territories in the Iud. 3: 1-4. South: and all the North part of the Land, from Baal-Hermon in that half of the Tribe of Manasses which was beyond jordan, and on the East-side of it, unto Emath in the Tribe of Nepthalim West-ward, and almost in the uttermost West-part of it, nere unto Libanus; together withall that hilly country of Libanus itself. For as touching the philistines in the South, they abode till the time of david, and al that 2. Sam. 5: 17. time were mighty till david took them down: and, in the North, Salomon in his time was fain to crave and use the help of the people there, by Hiram their king. 1. King. 5: 6. So that in the daies of these, neither were those Territories of the philistines, nor these North partes, as yet become the possessions of any of the Israelites. The calamities that the people got by staining themselves with the infection of these, and of such others as they suffered to dwell among them, were all such as people subdued unto a mighty and grievous Enemy, under those Enemies of theirs, and at their hands are wont to sustain: though first, not so much to the offence of God, but that he did readily help them so soon as ever they sought unto him; albeit that after they so offended that he would not easily help them. When he did so readily help them, it was the three first times that by their Idolatry they brought themselves into their Enemies hands: first, into the hands of strangers; then, into the hands of the Canaanites also in their own land. Those strangers were of two sorts: some of such as haue their Story set down withal; others that haue not. Those that haue their Story set down withall; were the Syrians, and the Moabites. The Syrians were on the Iud. 3: 5-8. North of them: and when the people dwelling with these Remnants of the Canaanites so learned their ways, and betook themselves unto them, then the lord first delivered them into the hands of the King of these Syrians, who held them in subiection to him eight yeares. But when they cried unto the Lord, then he stirred up Othoniel, and gave him so great success against the Syrians, that he delivered the Ibid. 9-11. people out of their hands, and governed them at home, in peaceable manner, all the time that he lived. The Moabites dwelled on the South-East corner of them, and at this time was Eglon their King, into whose hands, when the Children of Israell again offended, the Lord did deliver them, so that they were in subiection to Ibid. 12-14. Ibid. 15-30. him eighteen yeares. But when the people cried to the Lord, he stirred up Ehud, who killed the King, gathered the people together, went against the Moabites, praevailed against them, slay ten thousand of them, and so delivered the Children of Israell from their subiection. In whose Story one thing in particular is, that when Ibid. 20. coming in to the King, he told him he had a message unto him from God, the king then arose out of his Throne, in dutiful reverence, to give ear unto it: an example of an Heathen man,& an Enemy unto the people of God, hard to be matched among the Christians now, withall the greater sort in a manner, though very far inferior to him. Those that haue not their Story set down withall, were the philistines, who, in what sort, or how long they vexed the people, or had them under, we cannot tell: but it is said, that Samgar slay six hundred of them with a Goad, and delivered Israell; Ibid. 31. Ibid. 5: 6. and that in his daies it was so dangerous for the people to traiuaile( because of their Enemies) that the highways lay vnoccupyed among them. again it seemeth Samgar was but of very short time, because where he is set down to be next Ibid. 3: 31. after Ehud, in the next verse after he is in a manner omitted: being there said, that the people began again to do wickedly; and the same being said to bee after the Iud. 4: 1. death, not of Samgar who succeeded, but of Ehud that went before. Into the hands of the Cannanites they were delivered, when next they sinned against God, Iud. 4: 1-3. who now( by their sparing of them) were grown so strong, that they had nine hundred Charets of Iron( whom might they thank for the same, but themselves?) And verysore vexed them twenty yeares. But when they cried unto the Lord, it pleased God to stir up Deborah, a Woman, who sending for Barak from out of the Ibid. 4-9. Tribe of Nepthalim( even from those boarders, where the Canaanites were grown so strong now) appointed him to be the general of the field, or Leader of the people for that present, and told him withall, that it was of God, and how he should behave himself therein. So he, according to her direction from the Lord, gathered Ibid. 10-23. out of the Tribes of Zabulon and Nepthalim, next adjoining unto the Enemy, ten thousand men to come unto him to Kedes in the face of the Enemy. But from thence, as he was directed, he drew back to Mount Thabor, in the South-edge of Zabulon, and near unto the river Kison( the bounder betwixt Issakar and Zabulon, from the Sea of galilee on the East, to the main Sea on the West) whither Deborah told him, that the lord would draw their Enemies, lead by Sisera Iabins general. Sisera therefore following after thither, had there a great overthrow, and himself was slain by the way as he fled. Whereupon Deborah and Barak gave thankes unto Ibid. 5: 1-31. God: and the people of Israell hence-forward praevailed more and more against Iab●● King of Canaanites, even to his utter destruction in the end. But being thus Ibid. 4: 2●. delivered now, they so offended shortly after, that he brought a sharper scourge vpon them, and would not so easily deliver them neither, when they sought unto him: yet first, but onely reproving them for their so offending; but shortly after( for a time) refusing to help them. When he did but reprove them, it was, when for Iud. 6: 1-10. their revolting again, he had brought the Madianites on them: who, taking unto them the Amalakites, and others besides, came in great multitudes into the Land, yearly eating up( with their Cattle, that they to that purpose brought with them) the increase of the earth from the Children of Israel, and ever spoiling them of their Cattle besides; being so many, and of such force and strength, that the Israelites having no hope to do any good by encountering with them, made themselves Dens and Caues in the Mountaines, wherein they might hid themselves from them, and fled into them. A very heavy and pitiful sight, that the people of God, should now be so greatly distressed by foreign power, and yet haue neither force nor heartes to stand against them, but fain so basely to run into holes, to hid themselves from sight of the Enemy. But such are the miserable fruits of sin. So when they sought unto the Lord, they got nought but a just reproof. nevertheless he did set in hand immediately after with their deliverance, and shortly after that performed the same. In which deliverance of theirs, wee are to consider; first, of this deliverance itself: then, of certain particulars therein. This deliverance itself was very miraculous, altogether showing that it was not obtained by force of Man, but only the extraordinary power of God: and yet, a special scourge withall to diuers of them. Miraculous it was, both in Gideons calling unto it: and in the manner of giuing the victory. His calling unto it was miraculous, both in his appointing at the Iud. 6: 11-40. 7: ●-15. Ibid. 7: 1-8, 16-22. first: and in his confirmation and strengthening after. The manner of giuing the victory was miraculous also, both in the choice, and use of those few Men: and, that they were no otherwise furnished. For they were but three hundred in all, and furnished but with a toy to speak of: and yet notwithstanding, even by it onely in effect, was, that great company discouraged and broken; and by weak and small forces immediately after, were two of their Princes, and two of their kings, taken and Ibid 7: 23-25. 8: 4-12, 18-21. stain, and all their forces discomforted and destroyed. That as these above others, had taken a wicked and merciless way to distress the people of God, and had thereby distressed them more than other before: so might their overthrow be so much the more steeped in lishonour and blood, and laid open to the reproach and derision of all. A scourge it was, both praesently after this his victory: and after that himself was deceased. immediately after this victory, this raising of Gideon was a scourge unto the people of Succoth and pennel, who conceiving it to bee a matter unlikely Iud. 8: 5-9, 13 17. for him to praeuaile against those he pursued, denied to give them any relief, but for the same were sharply punished at his return. A good warning to us that follow, not to bee so hard-hearted to those that are employed in any service of God, howe weak or simplo soever their endeavour or purpose may seem to be, or never so much destitute of earthly forces in the eye of the world: as also to take heed, that wee never discourage them; especially, that wee haue them not in derision. After his Ibid. 2●-27. decease, he was likewise( after a sort) a scourge, both to his own house by that Ephod he made: and by leaving so ungracious an Imp behind him, as Abimelek his base son was, both to his own more lawful Children, and to many in Israell besides. Of those particulars that I wish to bee considered also, some went before the victory aforesaid: and some did follow. Of those that went before, some concern Gedeon himself: others, the Souldiers that he brought with him. In Gedeon himself wee haue two things to bee noted: how he must begin; and, what weakness was in him. He must begin with the overthrow of the idol there: wherein also is to bee Iud. 6: 25-27. noted, that to pled for that idol, was by joash accounted worthy of death: as thereby showing, that they accounted so basely of him, as not able to help himself. That Ibid. 28-32. Ibid. 36-40. 7: 9-14. Ibid. 6: 12. there was great weakness in him, it is plain by the tokens he required, and by that farther supply that God gave him out of that dream: and yet is he saluted by God himself a little before, as a man of special valour. A very good example to show, that these two may lodge together; great magnanimity,& great weakness too: and that magnanimity not onely that is of Flesh and Blood( for it is not likely, that God would vouchsafe it such commendation) but even that also, that is of Gods holy spirit; that being the special gift of God, and the weakness that lurketh with it, our own corruption. Those that concern the Souldiers he brought with him, are two: one, that such as were afraid of the event of battle, or to put themselves in Iud. 7: 2, 3. hazard, had liberty given them to repair home again; the other, that when there was but few left, yet God himself caused the greedier sort of them also be dismissed, Ibid. 4-7. to the sending away of nine thousand and seven hundred, and leaving but three hundred onely. A sufficient warning to us, that as it is to little purpose to haue companies or ranks never so well stuffed of men, unless their hearts also bee such, as the action requireth: and that such as are greedily minded, and so either impatient of hunger and thirst, or bent on the spoil, are like also to do but little good service. Of those that did follow the victory, some did follow immediately after: others, not till a good time betwixt. Those that followed immediately after were two: one, of Ephraim; the other of Gedeon. That of Ephraim was, that they were so quarreling Ibid. 8: 1. with him, when they saw he had sped so well, that he had not called them unto it before: they being so near unto that whole business, even in the heart of all to see, how they provoked God to displeasure: then, how he thereupon dealt with them. They provoked God to displeasure, as before, by leaving to serve him, and giuing themselves to much Idolatry: of which kind there is more reckoning here, than in any of the others before, and, in a maner, even all the Idols round about them. Of which because it is so plainly set down, that they served those, and forsook the Iud. 10: 6 Lord and served not him: it is good for us also to mark, that howsoever we may be persuaded, that we may serve the Lord and others too, or that the true worship of God and the worship of the later-found-Images may stand together; yet in truth they do so badly agree, that we can never take them together. His manner of dealing with them hereupon was, that first he shewed himself offended with them: but yet after took compassion on them. He shewed himself offended with them, first by giuing them into their enemies hands: then, by refusing to help them, when they sought unto him. The enemies into whose hands it pleased God to deliver them now, were two nations adjoining unto them: the philistines on the southwest, in Ibid. 7. part of the Land which should haue been theirs; and the Ammonites, out of the proper bounds of their Land, on the northeast. Of the philistines wee haue no Story here; and therefore do some make the bondage of the people under the philistines, Tremel.& Ion. in Iud. 10: 7. to concur with that under the Ammonites: as though, when the Ammonites afflicted them one the East, at that time also did the philistines prevail against them on the West. Which also is the reason, why they set the childrens of Israels subiection under the philistines( for that space of forty yeares that after is spoken of) to begin before the time of jephthe, as we saw before. But we haue diuers things Iud. 13: 1. mentioned in the Scriptures, of which we haue in particular no original Story: as we haue of the selfsame philistines a little before, a manifest token that in Samgars Iud. 3: 31. time they were grievous to the people of God; and yet haue we no Story of them, but that Samgar slay six hundred of them with nothing else but onely a Goad. As also we haue mention of a former deliverance out of the hands of the philistines, immediately after: and yet haue we no Story of it, unless it be that of Samgers time. Iud. 10: 11. So it is not to be doubted, but that now also the philistines were very troublesone and grievous unto them: and yet we find not, that this was any part of the forty yeeres that are mentioned after. And seeing it is so plainly set down, that the Land of the philistines should also appertain to the children of Israel, we may easily conceive, that the philistines would ever on all occasions, seek to molest and suppress Ios 13: 2. Iud. 3: 3. them, that so themselves might ever enjoy their own seats the better. But of the Ammonites we haue the Story in particular delivered unto us, how,& in what maner they were grievous to the people of God; as namely, that they did oppress and vex them eighteen yeeres: first, but on the other side of jordan onely; but then after, on this Iud. 10: 8, 9. side also, and therein the chief of them all. By whom they were so very sore vexed, that in the end they sought the Lord: at which time though he refused now to Ibid. 10. help them; yet shortly after he took such compassion vpon them, that nevertheless in the end they were holpen. In this refusing to help them now, he did both tell Ibid. 11-14. them the reason of it, for that he had so oft delivered them before, and yet was so little regarded by them: and willed them also to go seek for help at the hands of those Gods whom they had chosen. But yet when they did seek the Lord still, and put away the strange Gods from among them, and served the Lord, then the Ibid. 15, 16. Lord had compassion on their misery: and shortly after( though himself would not bee seen in the ordaining or choice of the party, whom notwithstanding he prospered) Iud. 11: 29, 32 they had by jephthe a good deliverance. Concerning whom wee haue more especially delivered unto us, in what sort he was taken to that charge: and, how he acquirred himself therein. He was taken unto that charge, first but by some part of the people: but afterward, as it seemeth, by all. That part of the people that made the first choice of him, were the Gileadites that dwelled on the East-side of jordan: and in that part of his calling unto that place, wee haue declared, what might seem to move them to make choice of him; and on what condition he yielded unto them. That which might seem to move them unto it, is part of it plain enough in itself: but other, that it is not so fully cleared. plain enough it is in it Iud. 11: 1-3. self, that he was a valiant man: and that, because he was but basely born, he was driven out from among his Bretheren; but yet followed by a sort of loose and idle people. Whereby being put to his shifts, he got unto the Land of tub, and there as it seemeth, carved for himself, or lived on the spoil: that being in such case the most mens usage; and that being the iudgement of some, that so it was with jepthe Lir. in Iud. 1●. in lit ●. Tremel.& I●●. now. By which course of life he might in seed give such proof of his valour, as they might the rather account him to bee a meet man to bee their Leader. That which is not so fully cleared, was, that having seated himself in tub, which seemeth to be betwixt them and the Ammonites( as Adrichomius also doth place it towards 2. Sam 10: 6, 1. Mat. 5: 13. In Theat. ter. sanctae, in God. that cost, but a little within the Land itself) they might well fear, that he would join with their Enemies against them, if they did not give him some satisfaction or contentment for their discourtisies done unto him. Which also may seem to be their meaning, when as, he expostulating that former dealing of theirs against him, they answer again, that therefore they came in unto him now, to seek his savour to Iud. 11: 4-8. be their general and Leader against the Ammonites, and to be their governor too. The conditions whereon he would condescend unto them, and which they as readily Ibid. 9. 10. accepted, was, that if he praevailed against the Ammonites, and came home safe, then, from that time forward should he be their governor. This being done betwixt Ibid. 11. him and the Elders of Gilead, it seemeth, that after they went to the rest of the people on the West-side of jordan, and there transacted with them likewise on the same condition: and for the better dispatch of the matter, did it at Mizpah before the Lord, there also reciting the covenant betwixt them. Another Mizpeh, I Chr. Adric. pag. 33. 1. num 31. grant, there was in Gilead itself, in the Tribe of Gad; wherein also it is ●●●e, that jephthe dwelled, when he judged Israell six yeares: a thing indeed most likely, because the Ammonites in his time( the philistines before being set by for a while) were the most dangerous Enemies unto the Israelites, and that city was in the Frontiers of the Land of Gilead towards the Ammonites, and so the meetest for him to make the place of his most abode. But in this wee do not red, that the Tabernacle was at any time placed; neither was it meet for such purpose, being, as it was, in the outside of the Land: and Phinehas, together with those other ten, which were sent to Ios. 22: 19. the two Tribes and a half about their new erected Altar, do so appropriat the west part of the Land( wherein most of them dwelled) to bee the seat for the Tabernacle, that( since they came over jordan) they deny the place thereof to bee in the East. And whereas samuel afterward assembled the people to Mizpeh, and their prayed 1. Sam. 7: 5. 11. for them against the philistines( coming in with their forces against them, to surprise them there) and so had a fair day against thē: both the nearness of that place unto the philistines, and Eben-ezer the bounder ston showing how far the lord Ibid. 12. Chr. Adricom. pag. 23. nu. 42. did help them against their enemies, do both of them witness, that it was that Mizpeh where the Tabernacle was now likewise to be. To see how he acquitted himself of the charge that now he had taken vpon him, wee are to know, that most part of it, is of martiall affairs: but some part of it, of peaceable also. Of his martiall affairs, one onely piece of service it was that was intended: but another there was that on the sudden broke forth besides. That which was intended, was to repress the force of the Ammonites: which that he may the better do, first he assayeth what he can do by faire means onely; and, when so he can do nothing, rhen he addresseth himself to the battle. The faire means that he used, were, first, that he sent to the King of the Ammonites, to know what cause he had so to come in Iud. 11: 12. hostile manner into his country, then, when he understood what cause he pretended, he sendeth unto him again to let him understand, and to make it plain unto Ibid. 13-27. him, that in that praetence of his, he had no just cause to move war against him; and therein appealeth to God. When this would take no place with the King of Ammon, but that he was fain( for his just defence) to praepare himself unto battle, Ibid. 28. we haue likewise delivered, how he addresseth himself unto it: and how he performeth the action itself. In addressing himself unto it, he did something well: and something ill. That which he did well, was, that he went unto it with courage; and withall as it seemeth, was careful to take those forces of his with him, that were Ibid. 29. next adjoining unto the Enemy: matters that are usually subject to the natural man, and such as the natural man can readily deal with; saving that we else-where understand, Heb. 11: 32, 33. that he had Faith in some measure mingled withall. That which he did ill, was a matter of higher consideration: such as the natural man can never behave himself in as he ought; but ever is wrong, one way or other. he knew, that the High power of all was in such case to be sought unto; and so to be dealt with, as that he would prosper the action: and this might he know, onely as a mere natural man. But in what sort that was rightly to be done, of that he sheweth himself very ignorant: Ibid. 30, 31. and so doth guess accordingly at it. The action itself was not onely his encountering with the Ammonites now: but by his own unadvised dealing, it had another appendent unto it, and the same, as it seemeth, very pitiful also. As for his encountering with the Ammonites, God did so prosper him therein, that he praevailed Ibid. 32, 33. much against them, and brought them so low, that now the Children of Israell were safe enough from them. What that other appendent was, the learned themselves are not yet agreed: most of them taking it, that it was the sacrificing of his own Daughter; others( of late) that it was but vowing her unto virginity. Of which two opions Fra. Vatabl●●. Tremel. Ion.& M. Broughton ●n an. 2819. Ibid. 34, 35. whether of them it is that may seem more likely, myself is not able to judge: saving that, at I take it, the likelihoods are more and greater for the former, than for the latter. For the great sorrow that the Father conceived vpon the first sight of his Daughter, remembering then what he had vowed unto the lord, and his words suitable thereunto; that special request of the Daughter, for so long a time, for herself and for her fellowes to go and bewail( and that in the Mountaines, as a thing Ibid. 37. Ibid. 38. forlorn) her case in that matter; that she and her fellowes so did indeed; and that it grew to a custom in Israell( not onely of his own house, or of the Tribe whereof Ibid. 39, 40 he was) that the Daughters of Israell( as afore) did yearly lament, for four dayes space, the case of that virgin: all these I say, and every of them do seem unto me to bode a matter of greater sorrow, than her perpetual virginity, or, for all her life to be a Nazarite to God, could be unto any of all the company. again, that request of hers of bewailing her virginity first, seemeth rather to import, that it was somewhat else that she conceived should be inflicted on her, than perpetual virginity: for that if it had been nought else but it, she needed not to haue taken time before but might easily haue seen, that to such purpose shee had time enough after. That which seemeth to make for the latter, so far as I see, is but one: namely, that whereas the vulgar Translation, and out English bible readeth to lament or bewail Ibid 40. the Daughter of jephthe, the original seemeth rather to yield, that they did go and talk with her as it is translated by some, or did go and speak unto her as T●emel.& I●●. it is translated by another; both which may import, that she lived still, and do most Arias mount in incline to that opinion. For as touching the Coniunction, that it may signify Or, though for the most part it signify and, that availeth no more, but that so it may bee: Ibid. 31. Tremel. I●●. it tendeth not to prove that so it is. The commendation of Faith likewise, that else-where is given him, is not so to be taken, as if he might not therefore commit He. 11: 32, 33 so gross errors as cyther of these: no more than it excuseth Gedeon, samson, and david( there also in like sort name) from those gross slips that broke out in them, in Iud. 8: 27. Ibid 16: 1, 17, 30. Gedeon, to the destruction of him and his house: in samson, to the utter defeating of the service he had to do; and to his own overthrow in the end: in david, to the great trouble and hazard of his own state after, and to the overthrow of many of 2. Sam 11: 4.& 15 18. his own house and of his people. Neither is it doubted of Iudas, but that so long as he kept his place with the rest, he did such works of Faith as the rest did, preaching Christ, and doing great works, when they were sent out to do that service: as also it is certain, that Saint Peter had faith, though he would haue stayed Christ from his Mat. 10: 1. Ibid. 22. Ibid. 26: 70, 72, 74. sufferings; and thrice together denied his master. And though it were so, that he did not make her a sacrifice, but onely addicted her to perpetual virginity, yet was that also against Faith, though not so odious, nor in so high a degree as the other: being such a thing, as no where by the word of God is commanded unto vs. But whether of these soever it was, there is no question with any, but that he offended Rom. 10: 14, 71. greatly: both in making so unadvised a vow at the first; and in the performance of it after. Another example, howe far wide, in the truth of Religion, our best politicians and Martiall-Men may bee: and so much the rather to bee marked, as these daies do more abase those by whom the truth of Religion may bee best preserved as accounting, that they haue enough in those others, both for the one and for the other. That other that on the sudden broke forth besides, whereby jepthe was occasioned to proceed somewhat farther in Martiall affairs, was that quarrel that the Ephramites did take against him, at his return from the overthrow of the Ammonites. Concerning which wee haue more specially set down unto us, how far they provoked jephthe to try it with them: and, how it pleased God, by his hands to chastise them for it. They did much provoke him unto it, in abusing themselves so much as they did, both to his own person, and to his company. On his own person they were not ashamed to lay their reproof: and then added threatenings besides. Their reproof likewise they did not onely lay vpon him at the first: but afterward also, when he excused himself unto them, yet did they not accept of his answer. Their reproof was, that he did not call vpon them when he went against Iud. 12: 1. the Ammonites, as they had quarreled with Gedeon before, for not calling them against the Midianites. Whereunto jepthe answered, that he had called on Ibid. 2. 3. them, but they came not; and so was he fain himself to deal with them so well as he could: therefore that they had no cause, thus to come forth in hostile manner against him as they did. This his excuse the event doth declare, that they did not accept of: and the Text doth plainly declare, that they had added threatenings besides, Ibid. 1. even to burn his house vpon him. His company then, were, as it seemeth, most of the Gileadites: and those did the Ephramites reproachfully upbraid to bee runagates. Ibid. 4. The chastisement that it pleased GOD, for these quarrelous and insolent parts of theirs, by his hands to cast vpon them, was a present overthrow, and great Ibid. 4-6. slaughter of them in the chase besides. For the Gileadites, being so nettled with them, as before they were, not contented to give them the overthrow in the field, intercepted from them the passages of jordan besides, and there likewise put to the Sword so many of that side as they found to bee Ephramites indeed: so that there fell that day, of that company onely, to the number of two and forty thousand. A faire warning to all, not to stand so much in conceit with ourselves, as that wee cannot well abide that others haue good atchiuements besides us; especially if they bee our Inferiors: at least, that wee do not quarrel with them, nor use any reproach to their persons. Gedeon had put up such a matter at their hands more quietly before: but men may not look, in any such case, to bee spared still; but that one time or other Ibid. 8: 1-3. they will bee remembered, if they take not up the sooner. That part of his charge which was more peaceable, was his government all his time after: of which we haue neither good nor ill; but onely that it was six yeares in all. coming to that other, wherein it pleased God to prevent them, here again wee haue some other going betwixt: then, the Story itself that wee speak of. Those others that go betwixt, are of three several Gouernours that were next jephthe, Ibzan, Elon, Iud. 12: 8-15. and Abdon: they judging Israell every one his time, the first seven yeares; the next ten; and the third, eight. Of whom wee haue nothing else recorded; saving that two of them did much brave it: the first of them, in sons and Daughters; and the last, in sons and nephews. But so it is the manner of many to govern, that besides their effeminateness, and Peacocks-taile, there is nothing worthy of memory in them: and those things not worthy neither, but of most silent and dark oblivion. nevertheless, even this their braving is great probability, that those forty yeares of the philistines oppression of the people, were none of these, as we saw before, that some did reckon: because it is not likely, that these could haue born their heads so high, if the philistines were then lords over them; the one of them, seeming to haue his seat but in Bethlehem in judah, and the farther of them, but in Ephraim, both of them near unto the philistines. The Story itself that now we speak of, is how it pleased God to deal with his people, when now again they did offend him: and, so first of the peoples offending; then of Gods dealing with them. As touching the peoples offending, here wee read, that again they behaved themselves wickedly towards God, and at this time so continued in that their wickedness very long: at least, that we read of no repentance in them until the time of samuel the Prophet. And a perilous thing it is, when at any time wee haue professed repentance, and to abandon the sins we are in, yet after to return unto them again. For so cometh it to pass oft-times, that thence-forward wee settle ourselves therein, without remorse or feeling of them. The dealing that God had with them therein, was some part of it appertaining unto their chastisement for the same: and some part again, to his gracious favour. For their chastisement he delivered them over into the hands of the philistines for the space of forty yeares. Concerning which, Ibid. there is some question made by the learned, at what time those forty yeares should bee: one being of opinion, that it is uncertain, where to place them; or to find, Co●. Polli●. in Iud. 13: 1. where to begin them, or where to end them. And yet the nature of the Story doth require, by the reason of other reckonings, that do in some part depend on this, that if it may be, the certainty thereof were to be sought out, and set down more plainly for all. Of those that vary in this matter, some there are who leave no special or proper place for those forty yeares of the philistines oppression of Israell, to stand by themselves: but there are others that do. Of the former sort, Lyranus accounteth, that those forty yeares are to be reckoned from the time of samson and Helie( a speech somewhat doubtful): and giveth in for reason, because that by In I●d. 13: 1. ●● lit. b. samson the children of Israel were not clean delivered out of the bondage of the philistines, but only that the Tyranny of them was restrained. Tremelius and Iunius likewise as by other occasion wee saw before, would haue them all to bee taken In Iud. 13: 1. backward; and so to begin from the fourteenth year of jair going before, and to end with the last year of Abdon, next and immediately after samson, which indeed, taking in that fourteenth year of jair, make forty in all, besides those twenty yeares given unto samson next ensuing. Functius in his chronology, Fol. 43. in ●●. M●●●i. 2794. doth in like sort( out of Luther) leave no time for those forty yeares of the Philistimes oppression of Israel, to stand by themselves, but filleth all the time that he doth count of, with the times of the Iudges: but supposeth, that those yeares may best bee understood, of all Sampsons twenty yeares, and of twenty mo that are ascribed to ely. he also accounteth that the place in the Acts of the Apostles, for the which men are the more ready to take the advantage of greatest reckoning in the time of the Iudges, is by the writer made more then it should be by the likeness of the Greek Ibid. 44, 45. Act. 13: 20. Mat. Beroald. Chron. lib 3. cap. 4. pag. 118. L●●r. Codoma●. Chron. lib. 2. Qu●. 16. Ibid. Ibid. Act. 13: 20. 1. Sam. 7: 6. words Triacosiois and Tetracosiois. But others there bee that do assign a proper place for those forty yeares of the philistines oppression of Israel: namely, betwixt Abdon and Hetie. But yet in this they vary also, that the former of them alloweth the yeares of samson to haue place by themselves likewise, and immediately after the philistines forty: and the latter alloweth them, not to stand by themselves, but to be included within those forty of the philistines. How this variance may best bee composed I do not see: at least, unless that Samuells time also, might be taken into the time of the Iudges and so understood in that place of the Acts, inclusively, as diuers do term it; and it may not be denied, but that Samuel is said to haue judged Israel. If that may be granted, then, because the matter were not hard, rightly to set down that time of oppression, if either we haue the beginning or ending of it, I think we might soon resolve ourselves, where to place it: namely, with those yeares of ely. For we haue some reasonable good matter to lead us to think that it ended immediately after his time, For then did the people grow, by the means of Samuel, to a special repentance: and then had they so faire a day against the philistines, that it is plainly said of them, that they were so brought under, that they came no more again unto the coasts of Israel, and that the hand of the Lord was against 1. Sam. 7: 13. them all the dayes of samuel. If that be the end of it( and there is no question, but that it is of all others that we know of, the likeliest) then must the beginning of it be but forty yeares before: and so haue wee both the beginning and ending of it. But then there bee two doubts which may easily bee conceived here: one, of that which is said of samson; the other, of that which is said of ely. That which is of Iud. 15: 20-16: 31. samson, is that he judged Israel twenty yeares: and that those yeares were in the dayes of the philistines. And the doubt that is of this matter, is, that if the oppression of the people by the philistines should be allotted to the time of ely( which being forty yeares also, would take up, the whole time of the philistines): then, how could Sampsons twenty yeares, be said to be in the philistines dayes? To this I can say no more but thus, that as the philistines, it appeareth, were busy before in the dayes of Samgar and jephthe, and before that samson was yet born: so not unlikely, but that Iud. 3: 31. 10: 7. 13: 15. now also they were a good while brogging about it, before they could so fully-preuaile against them, as to haue them in subiection unto them. In which mean time it seemeth that samson was a let unto them, and there had his twenty yeares. Which notwithstanding, I grant, is not unlikely, to be so meanly accomplished by him, that it Tremel. jun. in Iud. 12▪ 7, 8, 9, 11, 13. is less marvell that others, out of the self same word in the Original, that themselves still interpnted to judge Israel before, when they come unto him, can find no more in it, but that he avenged some wrongs that were done them. That which is of ely is, that if the philistines in all his time had the children of Israel in subiection unto Ibid. 15: 20. 16: 31. Iud 4: 18. them, how then may ely be said, all those forty yeares of his to haue judged the people of Israel. To which I know no more to be said neither, but onely this, that he being but the High-Priest, it is not unlikely, but that the philistines might tolerate him to judge the people in such matters as concerned their laws, and inferior matters of civil government also, thereby to keep them more easily, in subiection unto them: as Alexander, for his time afterward did; and after him, the Romans likewise. In gracious favour he gave unto them some little help and hope in the mean season( and that without any seeking unto him on their part for it): and then after, a farther deliverance. The help and hope that in the mean season he gave them, was by samson, who forgot himself so much in that his duty, that he did them but little good: and yet was, in diuers things, a figure of Christ. So are wee first to consider of him as the Story goeth of himself: then, as he was a figure of Christ. As the Story goeth of himself we are to consider, first how far it may seem, that he was called to be some special help unto them: then, how far it may likewise seem, that he did forget himself therein. It may seem he was called to be some special help unto them, first by such dealing as the Lord had with his Parants before: then, by such as he had with himself after. His dealing with his Parents before was such, as that( by all likelihood) they had fully acquainted him therewith: both for the substance; and manner of it. The substance of it was, but to signify unto them, what a child they should haue: and how far the Mother was to forbear her own freedom in some few things( otherwise lawful) in the mean season. The child they should haue, he gave them to understand, should be a Nazarite unto the Lord from his birth: and should begin to save Ibid. 13: 5. Israel out of the hands of the philistines. The Mother was now thenceforward( until she should be diliuered of him) to forbear to eat any thing that grew on the Vine; and every unclean thing whatsoever: and to drink no Wine, nor Ibid. 3. 4, 12-14. Ibid. 2-5. Ibid. 4-14. strong drink. The manner of it was such likewise, as might help well to confirm him in it both because it was twice delivered unto them: and because therein they were used with so great favor besides. It was first delivered unto the wife alone: but then, she telling her Husband of it, and he desiring the Lord, that he would vouchsafe them some farther direction how to use the child when they had him; by that occasion, the angel appearing to the woman again in the field, and she running for her Husband, he told the Husband the same again, but in one point a little more fully. The favourable dealing that was used therein besides, was so much the greater, if it were the Lord indeed that so appeared unto him, as some do take Tre●●l. Iu●. it: but being no more but onely an angel( as I see not any sufficient reason otherwise to take it, and yet not vpon our English translation, setting down Manoah to haue known that he was an angel of the Lord, which is defective, but likeliest to Iud. 13: 1●. 1594. Ibid. 15-23. be the fault of the Printer) he nevertheless dealeth so favourably with them, that whereas themselves began to fear( according to the common opinion then) that having had so extrordinary a vision, they were not like to live long after it; they took unto them better heart therein, even onely out of that favourable dealing that to them was used. One thing also there is, that, if he were but an Angel, may very well put us in mind, and gather us to some consideration of the great odds, that is betwixt those celestial, and these Terrestrial bodies here; namely, that when Ibid▪ 17, 18. 〈◇〉 asketh his name, he telleth him( after that first he asked of him wherefore he enquired thereof) that it was wonderful, or secret to us: thereby giuing us to understand, as it seemeth, that there is so great odds betwixt their estate there, and ours here, that there is as it were, no affinity or likeness at al betwixt them; in such Mat. 22: 30. sense as Christ telleth the saducees, that in the resurrection there was no marriage but that men should then be as the Angels of God in heaven. The dealing that God had with him after, was altogether gracious al his life long to speak of: at the first( indeed) none other then might well be expected vpon those promises made before; but afterward exceeding al expectation. That which was none other than might well be expected vpon the promised before made, was, that God did bless him in his childhood in such sort, that thence he grew unto very great and incredible strength: yea and to an heroical mind also, as some do take it; but myself do Ibid. 1●: 24. Tremel.& I●●. In Iud. 13: 24. not see, how the same may be soundly gathered. That favour of God towards him afterward, which exceeded al expectation, was, as it seemeth unto me, of two kinds: one, to call him to better ways, and more agreeable to his vocation, than such as he took; the other, that he did so graciously preserve and assist him, in those meaner ways that himself did rather choose. Of the former sort, one there is, that, as I take it, may best be thought to be of that kind, though we haue no express warrant so to take it: and one other besides, that is more expressly warranted to bee one of that sort indeed. That which seemeth to bee of that nature, as that so it might best bee taken, though wee haue no express warrant for it, is of the lion that met him out of the Vineyards roaring vpon him, as he was Iud. 14: 5, 6. going down to Timnah to match himself with a Philistim there: which the Lord at that time gave into his hands. Concerning which, there is one thing, I grant, that seemeth to cross directly the sense wherein I do take it: and therefore are we first to see, what that sense is; thē, what may be said unto that which seem to cross it. The sense that I speak of, is, that because God did so directly forbid all the people Exod. 34: 12. Deut. 7: 3. to make any marriages with the people of that land,& had chosen this man to be of so special regard unto him; he therfore did not well, now to make his match there:& Iud. 13: 5. that therfore the Lord sent the Lion as his Messenger, to challenge him as it were for his prey; and yet that he gave him into his hands, that he being preserved from him, might afterward take some better course. As before that time God himself both came roughly vpon Moses as though he would haue killed him, because there was a Exod. 4▪ 14. fault in him: and yet meaning to haue his service, did him no hurt in the end. That which doth seem to cross it, is, that it is ascribed unto the Lord, that he was so wedded to match there, so to seek occasion against the philistines. But it is sufficiently Iud. 14: 4. known, that God may well use the inordinate ways of men, to execute his judgements: and yet not approve them to those that do them. God may well 1 King 22: 22. job. 1. 16. Hab. 2. 13. use the greatest sins that are committed( and in that sense may they also be said to be of the Lord) and yet hath no man excuse with God, but onely in following the rule prescribed. That which is more expressly warranted to be one of that sort indeed, is that his dealing with the philistines in Ramath-Lechi, where he slue a thousand of them with the Iaw-bone of an ass. The story is, that being provoked by Iud. 15: 15. the philistines before, he had without any weapon at all mightily praevailed against many of them, by Horse-play onely( as we term it) even with his soot: and then Ibid. 6 8. went to the West parts of judah, having there a rock and a cave for his defence Adric. In Iuda, ● 27. and harbour, and a faire river near adjoining. The philistines followed with great forces to Lechi and there pitched, somewhat short of the place whether Samson was gon. The inhabitanes of judah sorry to see the philistines to bee come so Iud. 15: 9-13. near unto them, because they had then gotten the Mastery of them, understanding the cause of their coming to be but for Samson onely, for their own quietness delivered him bound( and with his own consent withall) into the hands of the philistines: who being thus delivered unto them, suddenly broke the new cords wherewith Ibid. 14-16. he was bound, caught the Iaw-bone lying thereby, and so performed that execution. The reason why I take this to be of that sort, rather than the rest, is chiefly the Text: and partly one conjecture besides, that, by circumstance of the time, secmeth to led to that sense also. The Text is, that immediately before showing that Ibid. 13: 24. Ibid. 25. 24: 6, 14. God did bless him, it doth presently follow, and afterward again, that the Spirit of God was it this time with him: as also at the destroying of the lion, that in the Text doth follow next after. But now it is else-where said, that the spirit of God another Ibid. 14: 19. time also came vpon him, when his action by our rule, was not so good: at which time it seemeth to signify no more, but onely, that God raised up his heart extraordinarily, or gave him special courage against them; yet not as unto a piece of service by his word approved, but to such reuenge as they at Gods hands deserved. Whereas in those others before, it is spoken of such actions, as by the word are very allowable, his own needful and just defence: first against the ramping lion; then against the philistines, seeking his ruin as much as the other. The circumstance of time that I speak of, is, that when he had run a good piece of his course now, as it seemeth( this being one half of his story) and done so little good in his chief and principal business, that the philistines were yet rulers over them: hereby it seemeth( by such other works of God of like nature, as by the Angels meeting Ibid. 15: 11. Num. 22: 22-31. joh. 1: 1. 1-3: 2. so roughly with Balaam, and by jonas his casting into the Sea) that God did therefore bring him into that danger, and then set him free of it again; that he might thenceforth give himself better to his vocation than yet he had done. That some do account this to haue been done in that place of the country, that is properly called the Tents of Dan, by the reason of that expedition that is afterward described Con. Pel. Fra, Vatab. Tremel.& I●n. in Iud. 13: 25. Iud. 18: 11, 12. that the Danites had towards Lais, they deceive themselves in not heeding the Text. For the place that now we speak of, was betwixt Zorah and Estaoll( as themselves also read) the two first cities that are name to the Tribe of Dan: from whence the five men whom they first sent to search out some other dwelling place, and those six hundred that went after to win it, began their journey, and whither Ios. 19: 41. Iud. 18: 2, 8, 11. the five in their first journey returned to their bretheren again. But where first they pitched their tents, as by likelihood it should be some good distance from those two cities, and North ward from them, about so far as might serve for the first daies journey, considering the cumber of the first getting together and setting forth: so the Text itself saith, that it was near to Kirtath-iarim in the Tribe of judah;& so nothing near betwixt these two cities. Adrichomius doth indeed set the city Ibid. 12. Kiriath-iarim within the bounds of Dan; making his pricks of division to go a compass to fetch it in: but in his description he granteth it to bee of judah though it bee in the bounds of Dan. In that therefore, that In Dan, 17. the Text saith, it was in the Tentes of Dan, the other description( of being between those two cities aforesaid) doth not suffer it to bee taken of the place that properly was so called: but teacheth us to understand it generally, as that it was in that part of the country where the Danites did inhabit, and so might in some sense bee called the host or Tents of Dan; especially, when they had so little room, that it is not unlikely, but that many of thē dwelled yet in their Ios. 19: 47. Tents. What moved Lyra so to Interpret, himself doth not show: but that doth he give to bee the reason of that place, because, saith he, at that time they dwelled in In Iud. 13. in. lit. ●. Tents. It may seem likewise that samson did much forget himself in this his calling; first, if we consider of his Story but generally: then, much more if wee enter into particulars. If we consider of it but generally, we are diuen to understand twice, Iud. 15: 20. 16: 31. that he judged Israel twenty yeares: or at least, as I noted before, that some did red, so long avenged them of their enemies. But what haue wee in all his story, that may in any good measure import either of these: at least the former, which is the thing that the Text doth most require? So it seemeth, that because he was a Man of so rare a strength, and a professed Nazarite withall, many repaired unto him, had many of their causes decided by him, and were ever in hope of some special deliverance dy his hands to be obtained. But that he did any thing worthy of memory of that kind, that wee find not: and yet is it likely, that such things would haue been remembered if any such there had been, altogether as soon as most of those that we haue recorded of him. That God did make him such an Instrument of his, in many of those his actions to show forth his displeasure and power against the enemy; which also himself could, never haue attempted onely by his own force Ibid. 16: 17. ( were it never so great) against so many, but onely by Faith in GOD withall; in that also he outwardly bare that testification of his profession towards God; Ibid. 15: 18. 16: 28. and in that, in his necessity he could so readily seek unto GOD, both in his life, and at his death: all these are very good tokens, that much was in him; but yet exceeding pitifully ouer-layd by his own infirmity, even as a little fire raled up in a great heap of Ashes. If we go to particulars, when do we find, that he bloweth the Trumpet, encourageth his people, stoppeth the ways, layeth his Garrisons, or any such like, as the case of the people did then require, and is usually done by such as profess themselves to be their Leaders against their Enemies? Or when doth he hold any assemblies for Execution of Iustice among them: or but to call upon them in some good time to seek the Lord, that he may bring down their Enemies before them? In stead of these and such like, what else do we find, but that he giveth Ind. 14: 1-5, 7, 17. 15: 1-8. 16: 1, 4. himself most unto Women( and that, not in any honourable manner, but basely rather) and to such private quarrels and procedings as by them he entangled himself withall, sometimes performed as basely too? As, when his Wife was given to another, Ibid. 15: 1-5. because he left her before in displeasure, besides that it was nothing heroical, nor so beseeming one that was of such force, to deal by such wil●ss, by so many fires to make so great destruction of the philistines corn, how unadvisedly also may it be conceived the same was done, in respect of his own people the Israelites? For it Ibid 14: 4. Ibid. 15: 11. goeth a little before, that at that time the philistines reigned over Israel: and it followeth a little after, knowest thou not, said the people of judah, when they came to bind him, and to make delivery of him, that the philistines are Rulers over us? As also wee may assure ourselves, that the Tribe of judah would not haue yielded to haue delivered him into their hands, as they did, unless they had been strongly overmatched with them indeed. Then being so that the philistines had Israell in such Ibid. 12, 13. subiection, could he so destroy the philistines corn, but that the Israelites must needs make up that want with theirs? Now in that inordinate lust of his unto Women, do we find, that at any time he took up and left them? Or may wee not rather doubt, that seeing he was so much besotted with them as we find that he was, both in uttering to one the secret of his parable to his own dishonour and loss, and especially in uttering to another of them wherein his strength lay, to his own utter overthrow( and that when he had so often found before, that her meaning was to betray him into his enemies hands) may wee not( I say) rather doubt, that, seeing by occasion hereof he did so much neglect his calling, and would not take any warning before, therefore God himself also did now take no pleasure in him, and would no longer work by him, and so gave him up to so dishonourable and great a ruin? A very good pattern to all that are called to any special service: either in some good measure to perform it indeed, or else to look for none other at the hands of God, but to be swept out as the dust of the Floower, with as great reproach, as ever they were taken in unto it with honour. But he at the best, was but a figure: and meet it was wee should haue no full contentment in him; that so more readily wee might pass over unto the other, whose figure he was, and to seek it onely in him. Now therfore as he was a figure of Christ, there be diuers things in this his Story, that we may apply to our comfort: one, who that stood with him all his whole life; others, no more but certain of his particular actions. That one that stood with him all Iud. 13: 5. his whole life, was, that God had appointed( before he was born) that he should be a Nazarite to him, even from his birth, and so to stand( as his Mother acknowledged) Ibid. 7. to the day of his death: that is, that in very special manner he should ever bee separate from the world unto God; and ever bear with him in the hair of his head, some open testification of it. The vow of the Nazarite wee saw before: that was but for a time, at the parties own election; but yet for the time it made them like bright stars among men, glorious in themselves, and good examples unto others. But this being for all his life, had he rightly performed the same, it had been exceeding glorious to himself: and a great condemnation to the looseness of others. And then, though the Lord did in plain terms promise no more, but Ibid 5. onely that he should begin to save Israell out of the hands of the philistines: yet it is not to say what wonderful deliverance, God by his hands, was like enough to haue given unto them. For that subiection of theirs under the philistines being but a figure or shadow of a greater subiection, that both they and we were in under sin, and the curse of the Law for the same, from which we could no way bee delivered but onely by him that was to come, that onely true Nazarite indeed: although he had delivered the people then never so fully, never so gloriously from those their Enemies; yet had all that been but onely some little beginning by that Nazarite then, in comparison of the other to bee performed by the true Nazarite after. And to what end may wee conceive, that GOD endued him with so rare and invincible strength, but to perform some rare and wonderful deliverance then, to some special aduancement of the glory of GOD the giver of it: and to raise up the hearts of his people to an assured and joyful expectation of that greater and more wonderful deliverance( into which even the very Angels, which daily 1. Pet. 1: 12. see the glory of God in heaven, for the strangeness and excellency of it, desire to look) which in time succeeding should bee by the true Nazarite performed? May we conceive: that he had no farther meaning in it, than for the accomplishment of those atchiuements wherein onely he did employ it: being lightly none other, but quarrels and brables of unbridled lust, and some others that came by occasion of those? So no doubt that rare strength was given him, to haue manned forth the dignity of that his separation to God, and to haue adorned it with the bright beams of some rar● honour and glory: so to be a figure of that most holy Nazarite to come, Heb. 7: ●6. separate from Sinners; and to raise up the heartes of all his people, to expect some wonderful deliverance in him. True indeed, that there was no such absolute deliverance to be expected, but of him that should be an absolute Nazarite: and in that respect it was needful, that the figure should give place unto the truth. But even that figurative Nazarite also might well haue done whatsoever heroical and honourable exploits in that piece of service which that rare strength of his( though that service of his had been greater) might haue reached unto, and so haue made himself more glorious in the Church of God: and yet haue left room enough for that other to haue gone beyond him infinitely,& with his brightness to haue eclipsed his glory more, than the Sun in his brightness obscureth the dimmest star in the element. But seeing we see, that doing this good to the people here, is not joined but with separation, let us also take this lesson unto us, that in any wise we must be Nazarites, or separated from the love of the world, ourselves, if ever we shal do that good unto others, that in duty we owe unto them: and that no man, whatsoever good gifts he may haue besides, doth any good duty to his neighbour, but so far as he hath yielded himself to be a Nazarite also. Those particular actions of his were two: one, while he was at his own liberty; the other, when he was in his Enemies hands. While he was at his own liberty, for the love of an Harlot, it seemeth, he went Iud. 16: 1, 2. down to one of the chief cities of the philistines, but there being known, they made fast the Gates against him for that night, meaning to fall vpon him and kill him in the morning. But he rising up betimes in the morning pulled down the leaves of the Gate, and the posts whereon they hung, together with the Bars therof: and laying them all on his shoulders, carried them al to the top of an Hill beyond, whence, Hebron in judah far off from that place, might be decerned. And true it is that Iesus Christ coming down among us for the love of men, Harlots to him, was here among us closed up to death: but yet that he by his own mighty power made himself away from death, and took unto him his life again; and hath left open that way to others also. When he was in his enemies hands, by yielding Ibid. 25-31. himself unto death, he destroyed many of them; even all the Princes of the philistines,& much people besides: Christ having by his death, not only destroyed the whole power of the enemy, head and tail; but also having brought by the virtue of it, infinite numbers of people to God. 5 Those other particulars which do touch but certain of them, are two; both of them witnessing great corruption and disorder among them: one of them, chiefly in matters of Religion; the other in life and conversation. That which chiefly tendeth to show what corruption was among them in Religion, seemeth most ●● aim at this, to show how it came to pass, that Dan was one of those places in which jeroboam afterward placed the one of those two golden calves that he 1. King. 12: ●9. erected: belike, as a needful help to that his new invention, to make choice of that place, for that it was a place of devotion or public worshipping long before; especially, seeing it was at an out-side from the rest of the people, and so had need, so much the more, otherwise to be of some special credite. And this may bee a good pattern to us, in what manner such places of adulterate worship, did first grow up unto that credit that since they were in. So the Story declareth, first in what sort that adulterate corrupt kind of worshipping grew up in the Family of one man: then how it came to pass, it was afterward received of one whole city. To find out how it grew up in the Family of one Man, wee are first to consider what it was that was done: then, at what time it may seem to haue been. That which was done, was, that in one private house there was gotten up an house of Gods, or a private Oratory or chapel: and so to that end, both Images themselves and their furniture ordained; and a Priest provided for them. In the ordaining of the Images themselves and of their furniture, we are to consider, from whom that devise did first proceed: and in what manner the same was prosecuted. It proceeded of a Woman Iud. 17: 1-5. of Ephraim, as it seemeth: in whom we see there was a kind of devotion; and yet great impatiency withall. A fountain of no special likelihood to yield pure Waters of this kind: God having appointed, not the Ephraemites, but the levites to teach the people; and his usual manner being in those matters, to deal by Men, and not by Women. In the manner of prosecuting of it, it seemeth, that first there was an intent or purpose so to do, that for a time lay but in meaning onely: but yet was effected after. While there was but onely an intent of such a matter, it was but onely in the Woman: and then there came such an accident betwixt, as shee by most likelihood might haue taken to haue been a check from God to that her purpose, because that Money-nest of hers, by which she made her reckoning to do it, was( while she had that meaning) conveyed from her. When afterward it was effected, it was then done not onely by the Woman, but also by a Man, Micha her son: but then are we to mark, what infirmity wee find in each of them before; then, how they agreed in this notwithstanding. In Michah we find, that he privily took, or stale away that Money-nest of his Mothers, being eleven hundred Sickles of silver, every Sickle being almost half an ounce sterling with vs. In his Mother we find great impatiency, cruelly cursing and banning him that had taken it from her. unto their agreeing afterward in it, it doth appertain; first, how the money came home again: then, how they jointly dispatched the business intended. The money did Michah himself bring in unto her vpon the fear that he had of those her curses: thereby showing himself to haue a more pliable heart to amend whatsoever he had done amiss in that kind, than many of us in these dayes haue, in higher matters a great deal, of the selfsame kind. For many of us haue taken away much of that, which already was well dedicated( and not onely purposed) not unto Idolatry, but to the true worship of God:& cannot be ignorant but that by the word of God it is an accursed thing so to do; and that the wisest and most godly learned in all ages since, haue by their actual and public denunciation, given sufficient warning thereof unto all. And yet neither is there any such reverend regard in them toward their Mother the Church, nor to the glory of God, or Soules-health of others, nor any such fear of the curse wherewith they are already strucken, as with a sentence of condemnation, and which ere long must haue execution accordingly done( if so they persist) as that they are by the one alured, or by the terror of the other urged, justly to bring in again, that which they haue wrongfully taken away: but, on the other side, most of that crew still hold on the same course; yea, more and more; and by their example led on many others to do the like, that all may see how infectious a blame Sacrilege is. It being so brought in, they both joined in the business that was intended: bestowing, as it seemeth, nine hundred of those Lyr. in ●●d. 17▪ 〈…〉. C●●. Pel. ●n Iud. 17: 1-5 Ibid. 17: ●. Ibid sickles on mettall and stuff for the Images and things thereunto appertaining; and the other two hundred for the woorkemanshippe of them. Which when they had thus gotten together, then did they set them up in some such room ●s to such purpose they thought the meetest. For a Priest to attend these new gods of theirs, they held themselves at the first contented with one of their own( and good enough for gods of their own making) one of the sons of Michah aforesaid: but afterward, a straggling spaught or young man of the Tribe of levy, racking Ibid. 7-12. on that way to seek some service( the same jonathan it seemeth, that is afterward spoken of) they hired him, and made no question but that all was well now, when Ibid. 8. they had gotten one of the levites to Priest-it with them. But it seemeth there were of the levites( and not onely such youths as this, but of the Elder sort also) as likewise there be such like among us, that, though they should be leaders to others in al true godliness, yet those were and ours are ready enough for advantage, to lend their hand to Idolatry also. As touching the time it is plain that it was, when they had no King among them: and thereby it seemeth, it was when they had no judge neither. Which being granted, then falleth it out, by al likelihood, to be immediately Ibid. 6. after the dayes of josuah. For afterward it is said, that this Idolatry, being after transported to the city of Dan continued there al the time the house Iud. 18: 31. of God was in Siloh, which began, as we saw before, somewhat before the death of josuah, and ended soon after the death of ely. again it is plain, that this was before the next Story ensuing, both by the placing in the Text, and for that the city of Dan was then possessed by the Israelites. But that Story was soon afterward also, as, when we come to it, will better appear. Others there bee that do Iud. 20. 1. Tremel. jun Iud. 17: 1. otherwise gather this Story of Michah to be about that time, by another conjecture: namely, because that jonathan( this Priest) is said to be the son of Gershom, the son of Manasseth, and that Manasseth to be the son of Moses. A conjecture altogether without warrant, so far as yet I was able to find. True it is, that, by some, Moses is set in the place of Manasseth: and so the reading made to bee Vulg. ae●ti●. Lyr. Conrad. Pellic. in his genealogy. num. 47-53. Ari. mount. C●●r Pel. Fr. Vatab. that this jonathan was the son of Gershom, the son of Moses. And by the iudgment of those two former, Master Broughton, as it seemeth( for he allegeth no other authority but this: and that is very strange unto me, that he should be of that mind also) maketh jonathan to be the son of Manasseth the son of Gershom, the son of Moses, even of these others. But in the original it is Manasseth not Moseh: saving( that is set a little higher by the most( it seemeth); and clean over the head, by some, vpon such reasons) as are there alleged, needles to be recited here. And one other before, that wrote of the genealogy of Christ long before Master Broughton meddled with it, and a very careful man, it seemeth, Camman●us Flinspachi●●, in Genealogia Christs, Geneal 6 a. pa. 39. hath no such matter, but setteth down Subael to be the son of Gershom( as he there doth call him) and goeth no farther in that Line. That afterward this idolatry was received into one whole city, it shall bee good first to consider, that so it was: then in what sort the same was performed. In that so it was, we may see how contagious Idolatry is: and that may we see so much the more in the example that now we are in, because we see it had so inconsiderate and base a beginning. But such is the corruption of our nature, that nothing can bee of that kind so senseless and base, but that soon may it get into credit with vs. It being of the nature of fire, to feed on such things as are apt matter for it( so that even some little sparks sometimes haue grown to that head, that they haue consumed or defaced whole cities:) wee, on the other side, are as apt and meet to receive it, as it is by nature inclined to work vpon vs. The manner wherein the same was performed, was therefore( wee need not doubt) easy enough: but such withall, as wherein we may see the just iudgement of God to haue concurred. easy enough we shall find it to bee, if wee mark in the Story how it proceeded. The Story is this. The tribe of Dan, one of the greatest Tribes of all, being so Ios. 19: ●7. Adricom. I● Dan. placed at the first, that they were straightened on every side, by judah on the East, by Simeon on the South, by the philistines on the West( by strong hand keeping a great part of that, which to the Danites was allotted) and by Ephraim and benjamin on the North, sent forth five of their company, to search and discover some other Iud. 18: 1-7. place for them, whither some of them might go to inhabit. Those five in their way light on the Priest of these new Idols; desire him to inquier what success they should haue in their business; haue answer to their good contentment; and so proceed on in their journey. They light on a city, for the site of it, and commodiousness for habitation, to their desire: and such as they see they may easily get. They return, and bring word to those that sent them: who preaesently sent Ibid. 8-21. forth from among them, six hundred able men with their families, there to inhabit. By the way( admonished by those five that were their guides) they stay a while till those go in, and take forth of Micahs house, those new Gods and all their furniture, and persuade the Priest that did attend them, to go with them also: and then go on in their journey again. Micah heard of it; followed after an angry man; Ibid. 22-26. called for his Gods, but might not haue them; and was advised to keep him quiet. He therefore seeing, he was no party, to deall with so many, was fain to give over. They go on; come to the city; easily get it; make it their own; and there set up those new-found Gods that thus they brought with them: and, like enough, as giuing them the honour, that they had sped so well in this. So these were in credit, and sought unto, a long time after. In which, if wee mark, we find it plain, that it was by the means of those five men that were sent before: they making the motion of it; and the residue consenting unto it. Of all which Iud. 18: 14-21. company there were none of the Priests of the levites, nor any of the levites neither( for they were but of the tribe of Dan;) neither were there any of them that had any religious regard that we read of, but most likely to be men of base quality a great deal: one sort of them, subtle to spy out, where others were weak; the residue, as ready to take the advantage. And yet notwithstanding, it must needs be strange, that, of all that company we read of none that stood against it, nor so much as did dissuade it. The just iudgement of God to haue concurred, is plain likewise, for that when those five men would needs haue that Idol-Priest to inquire of his Idols, what success they should haue in their journey, they were encouraged I●id. 5, 6. to go on, and plainly told, that the Lord would guide them: God so ordering the matter therein, that seeing they would needs seek to those Idols, they should light on that, which might bring them in bondage unto them. And yet the evil spirit that gave the answer( though not unlikely but he would gratify them too, so to keep them more regardful to those his Idols) may well bee supposed, to haue done it, rather to haue set them on forward to shed the blood of the people of Lais than to haue done that pleasure to them, being, as they were in duty,& themselves professed, the people of God. At least, themselves might plainly haue seen, that now they were brought in mere bondage unto those Idols: when as that foolish and paltry Idolatry began with them so soon, and afterward reigned so long with them. For it is plain, that this Idolatry had place there, in that city of Dan, all the while the house of God was in Siloh: and it is before recorded, that judah, Ephraim, and the other half of Manasses, having their portions Iud. 18: 31. before set out, while the Tabernacle was in Gilgal, the other seven that remained, had not their partes set out unto them, till the people had brought the Tabernacle to Sect pag. Siloh, which was in the dayes of josuah himself, Which being brought thither in Iosuahs time, was there in the daies of Helie also: of whose time it is recorded, and Ibid. 18. 1. very nere to the end therof, that the ark was brought thence into the field unto the people, to aid them against the philistines, then. After which time, because the Ark was then taken thence,& fel into the hands of the Phlistims, and so, was kept else-where 1. Sam. 4: 3, 4. many years after, it seemeth, that it also after decayed. Insomuch that samuel immediately after gathered the people, not to Siloh now, but unto Mizpa: and Salomon at his first coming to his kingdom, went to worship the Lord, not to Siloh neither, 1. Sam. 7▪ 5, 6. 1. King. 3: 4. 2. Chro. 1: 3, 5. but unto Gedeon, the Tabernacle itself, and the Altar of Burnt-offeringes then being there. That which sheweth what corruption was among them for life and conversation, is the Story next ensuing, wherein are many things worth the marking: some, I grant, but of less importance; but others, of greater. Of less importance I account a couple, both of them found in such dealing, as diuers times passeth betwixt friends, and giuing one good lesson to either: both unto him that giveth entertainment; and to him that is entertained. It is the manner of such as give entertainment, to be sometimes so importunate with their friends, as in no good time to let them depart: and of such again as are entertained, to bee so resolute on their departure, as that they will in no wise bee stayed, though by lingering their time before, they see they haue not time left them, now to set forth without some danger. here we haue an example of both. The levites Wife( by occasion) went to her Iud. 19: 1-9 friends before: the levite himself shortly after goeth thither also to bring her home. He is very welcome, and so doth stay accordingly with them. But when now they were to depart, and were gotten up betime for the purpose, needs they must stay yet somewhat longer, at least till they had gotten their Breake-fast. That being done, then was it to late for them to go forward that night. So they must needs stay till the morning, and then be doing so soon as they would. That morning being come, yet might they in no wise go, till they had eaten: and then was it again to late, that night to set forward. So those that gave entertainment, were loathe to part with them. Now the levite that was entertained, cometh in to play his part also. What occasion he had we cannot tell: but we see that here, both he& his might haue been welcome. Yet he would in no wise stay any longer now: but, Ibid. 10. late though it were, would needs bee going. So taking the time of his setting forth so late as he did, he was fain to lodge by the way, which otherwise he needed Ibid. 11-1●. not to haue done: and, as the estate of the country was then, he could not tell where to bee safe; but needs would aim it so well as he could. The Issue was Ibid. 16-●●. this: notwithstanding the courtesy and help that he found where he took up his lodging, much more than himself might well haue expected, in pitiful sort he lost his Wife, and was fain to take with him her dead Corpes home; and was in great danger himself besides. Those that are of greater importance, are diuers: most of them discommendable; but yet certain commendable in them. Of those that are discommendable in them, some there are that are clear out of question for that matter: others, that are not so very evident, and yet haue good probability with them so to be taken. Those that are clear out of question for that matter▪ are certain detestable sins by them committed, and by the just judgements of GOD accordingly punished: one, of one particular person; the other, of many. That one particular person was the levites Wife: and her sin was, that detestable Ibid. 2. sin of Adultery, the abuse of her body in wanton lust. The iudgement of GOD that shortly after did befall her, was, that shortly shee was by a certain kind of necessity, to withstand a great villainy, given into the hands of so Ibid. 22-27. many to be abused, that her life was not able to bear it, but was fain to give place unto it. A fearful iudgement: and so much the rather to be marked of all, as they find those unbridled lusts of theirs to be strong upon them. Those that were many, were two sorts of the Beniamites: one, those beastly rakehells of Gibeah; the other, the Heads-men, or chief among them. Those beastly rakehells of Ibid. 22-26. Gibeah, did first require the levite himself, that they might against nature haue had the abuse of his body: but obtaining his Concubine onely, her they abused all the night, insomuch that praesently shee dyed thereof, in a manner under their hands. Those that were the Heads-men or chief among them, did two ways offend: one, in that themselves had not their people in better order; the other, that when the rest of their Bretheren would haue had them to punish, they would rather be enemies to those their Bretheren, and suffer it to be a quarrel of mortal war, than deliver in Ibid. 20▪ 3, 14, 21. those offenders unto thē. The iudgement of God that hereupon did fall vpon them, was, that soon after the whole Tribe without regard of Sex or age, together with their cities and goods were all destroyed, excepting six hundred Men onely, they Ibid. 41-48. having then brought forth to the field six and twenty thousand,& seven hundred, Ibid 15. 16. and having many of these very able to do special good service against the Enemy. Those offences of theirs that are not so evident, but yet haue such probability with them, that they are most likely so to be taken, are first again, of one particular person: then, of many. That one particular person was the levite, who, in the iudgement of some, himself abuzed that Concubine of his, shee not being his lawful Wife. Not that I account, that the reason that there they use for it, is sound, namely, T●●●●l. Ion. in Iud. 29: 2. that then they had not consent of her Parentes, nor that they haue any warrant to gather, that as yet they had it not, but soon after had: but that he was so desirous in so short a time after to haue her again, himself going for her, and that he took it so ill when shee was thereby destroyed; and that the original itself doth charge her, both to be his Wife or Concubine, and at that time to haue played the Harlot too. Whereupon it seemeth to me, that if she were but his Concubine, and played the Harlot, and seeing the Text itself doth not lay it to any other, it were then most like, that their Copulation was not lawful: but diuers there are that do interpret it a Wife; and one, more specially considering of it( and the same very skilful in the original) V●lg▪ ●dit. Bibl. A●gl. Ar. Mon●●●. Co●r. Pellic. doth say that indeed shee is said to haue been his Concubine, but yet that it seemeth she was his Wife. That I hold not their reason sufficient, it is upon this that the most and best divines do rather hold, that the consent of Parentes or principal friends, is rather of the decency, than of the substance of Matrimony,( meaning, that it is convenient in most cases it should so be; yet that as the case may be, marriage may be lawful without it:) and that the Law doth so determine. And as for that place that they bring in for it, it doth not show, that there can be no marrige ●●o. 22: 16, 17 without the consent of Parents: but that, when another had abused any mans daughter, albe it so doing he ought to mary her; yet in that case is it left to the election of the Father, whether he will so bestow her or not. Otherwise if a lewd fellow could entice a young Woman to be nought with him, so might he get her to bee his Wife also, were she never so much to good a match for a much better than he. So the Fathers consent is there set, as a bar to such bad dealing: and not to show, that absolutely it must be had in all lawful marriages whatsoever. But to return to the levite again, it may very well bee, and is most likely, that he it was that offended with her: and then less marvel, that himself afterward came into such danger to bee abused; and that others should execute that, even to the depth of all iniquity, that he had begun unto them before. That he took it so very ill when she was destroyed, Iud. 19: 29. and was so enraged with it, that not regarding humanity now, nor womanhood neither, he did so divide her, bones and all, and sent her abroad, to show what villainy was done unto her, and the better to stir them up to reuenge, as it is like enough to witness, that he would not haue had that affection to her that should so enrage him now, if she had imparted her body to any other but to himself: so nevertheless he seemeth to be faulty also, at least inconsiderate, so to set the whole people on fire about it. For we do not red, that he sought to the Heads-men of the Beniamites first; but unto all the people generally: nor that he sought unto them, according to any orderly course of proceeding, but by a strange and barbarous Fact, hewing the dead body of a Woman in pieces, and sending to every Tribe apiece, to witness, that she was forced to death. For I do not see that it is warranted, as it seemeth it is conceived by some, that it should bee such a like matter, as was the Con. Pollic. in Iud. 19: 28. zeal of Phineas before: this having so great interest in the party destroyed, after an human and carnal manner; and the other nothing at all in that kind, in either of those whom he then took in so naughty manner. These many are, even all the whole company of the Children of Israell generally: and first in some part of their doings against the Beniamites; then, in some others, against the inhabitants of Iabes-Giliad. In their dealing against the Beniamites, it seemeth, they had some slip or other, because the hand of God was against them so much as it was; and if wee take that hand of God against them, to led us to that assurance, that some way or other they did offend, then haue we diuers things in them, that may well be called in question: even their assembling together at the first; and much of their proceeding after. When they assembled together at the first, we do not read, that either they sought unto the Lord to know whether they should so do or not; or sent to their Bretheren the chief and principal Fathers of the Beniamites, to see first, whether they would not take some order in it: but that themselves, without either of these, Iud. 19: 30. 20▪ 1, 2. did venture at it, at the onely instigation of him, who probably might bee intended to haue urged them so unto it, altogether as much of private affection in his own jealous indignation, as of any love of Iustice, or to haue disorder punished; whom also they might doubt, by sending his Concubine peece-meall unto them, to bee out of temper, and of whom they had not yet heard, that he had sought unto the Heads-men of the Beniamites first. Neither can I aduise me self where they had any direction or warrant, so to assemble themselves together in such a case as this. If any Deut. 13: 12 18. should forsake the Lord, and fall to Idolatry, they had good direction to do it: but for the administration of ordinary Iustice, in deciding of causes, and punishing disorders, they had every where Magistrates of their own appointed( at least, were directed Deut. 16: 18. so to haue) and we do not read, that if one Magistrate neglect his duty, the rest were then to set vpon him to force him unto it. That part of their proceeding after, which now I speak of, was part of it, in what sort they sought unto God about that matter: and part of it, how they resolved with themselves. They sought unto God about that matter, in such sort as may seem to bee faulty, twice. First, which of them should first led against those Beniamites: not asking the Lord, whether Iud. 10: 18. they should go against them, or not( having already determined that of themselves) but what order they should( in that disorderly attempt which they had) for that point observed therein. So less marvell, when they took so much to themselves, Ibid. 19-21. and left so little to God, both his answer, and their success, where correspondent. The other time they came indeed before the Lord and wept, before Ibid. 23. they would encounter the Beniamites again: but first they had plucked up their hearts Ibid. 22. and encouraged themselves to set on them again; yea and set their battle in array against them, even in that place also where they were foiled before; and, when they had of themselves gone thus far at first, then did they ask of God after, whether they should go forward with it or not. Therefore less marvell hoere again, as they mended their ways but little, so both their answer and their success were but little better than it was before: now being allowed to go( but without any promise of victory) and then losing but eighteen thousand. The Parenthesis therefore in the Englsh Bible; the reading and ordering of the Text itself in the vulgar 1554. Heuten. 1 69. Fr. Vatab. Tremel. jun. translation, both in the other verse going before, and in this immediately following; and the changing of the tense in others( all to make, that they sought to the Lord at this time, before they addressed themselves to battle, so to make their doings more orderly) are, as I take it, disagreeable unto the sense of the Text: as also the original is by some, both delivered, and interpnted also. That resolution in themselves Ari. mount. Co●r. Pellic. that now I speak of, restend in two principal points: one, very plain in itself; the other, that out of it may bee gathered. That which is plain in itself, is, that they bound themselves with an Oath that none of them should give his Daughter Iud 21: 1. to be Wife to any of the Beniamites: which notwithstanding they themselves did in effect afterward break, when they taught them how to speed themselves of Ibid. 16-22. the young women of Siloh. That which may be gathered thereof, was, that they were before purposed to slay( without mercy) not onely the men, but the women also, and to leave none of them living. Yet women and children were nothing culpable of the outrage committed on the levites wife, which before was all the quarrel they had: but now, being enraged, thus far they exceed their bounds therein. In their dealing against Iabes-Giliad they behaved themselves much like Ibid. 8: 11. also, altogether destroying man, woman and child, saving onely the young women to be wives for the Beniamites: and yet neither children, nor married women, nor impotent folk, were any of those that should haue come up to Mizpah unto them to haue gone with them against the Beniamites. But so far haue they let loose to themselves, in this their hot blood▪ the bridle now. Thus far, may their doings be called in question by good warrant of the Rules that we haue, as I do take it, and I do think it so much the more needful to mark it, because others, not heeding these, charge them with other things, without any warrant, so the better to justify GOD, for those two overthrows that they had. Namely, that they trusted too much to their own greater forces: and that themselves, one way V●lg. ●dit. Lyr. Bibl. Angl. C●●r. Pellic. Tremel. I●●. Bibl. Angl. Fr. V●●abin. I●d. 20: 23. Hos. 9: 9 1019. or other, were as great sinners as the Beniamites, and therefore should haue cleansed themselves from their own sin first, before they should deal with others in theirs. One also I find, that sticketh not resolutely to set down, that so they perished, because of the Idolatry then in Dan. But whether these were the things that the Prophet did charge their posterity with, or not, it appertaineth not to this place to beat out: but as likely as any, that these were part of the Prophets meaning; because not the Beniamites only, but the whole people are charged therwith. Now though these things were reprovable, yet were there others commendable in them: first, even when they were so moved against their Bretheren; then, when their grief was afterward slaked. When they were so moved against them, even thereby it appeareth, that they had a detestation of the villainy done, and thereupon so readily came together; and took order for their continuance there, till they had done the good Iud. 19: 30. 20: 1, 2 3 11. Ibid. 8-10. Ibid. 3-7. Ibid. 12, 13. Ibid. 18, 23. Ibid. 26-28. Ibid 21: 2-4 6, 15. Ibid. 5, 7-14, 16-24. Ibid. 5, 8-11. they had intended: and that they might more orderly do it, both they enquired of the party himself, how the truth of the matter was, and accordingly sent to their Brethren for the offenders; and when that way no good would be done, but they saw it needful to repair unto God for his direction, part of their direction they took of him at the first, and afterward yielded themselves wholly unto it. When their grief was afterward slaked, both they were sorry, that they had almost destroyed one Tribe from among them; and therefore sought now to raise them again:& whereas the Inhabitants of Iabes Gilead had disobeyed the public authority of them all, they did well in that service also, so far as to a just chastising of them was needful. Which good things were notwithstanding so ouerlayed in them with ill, that herein haue we a good pattern, how a multitude or a mere popular Ibid. 19: 1. 21: 35. state( we might fear) would deal in matters of Iustice, though otherwise they were such as had some special regard to God: so confusedly sometimes, and so much on the spleen, that irksome it were, and a pitiful thing, so to be yoked. 6 That other particular, in that other book next ensuing, is of Ruth, a Moabitish Woman, whom it pleased God to bring in to be one of the Ancestors of Iesus Christ according to the flesh. But seeing it hath pleased God in this Story to set down, not onely the thing itself, but also the means whereby it was compassed, therefore is it meetest for us to consider of both: both of the means that were used therein; and how the thing itself was in the end performed. The means that were used therein, were some of them such, as it pleased God often to use towards his children: and some them again, such as seemed to come of the common infirmity of our nature. Those that were such as God often useth towards his children, were that he exercised them with calamity before: both with the want of bodily necessities; and with the want of other succours besides. In that he touched them with the want of bodily necessities, we are to consider, first, how he touched them therewith: then, what help he gave them withall. He touched them therewith, first, out of question, when they were fain to leave their Country because of Ruth. 1: 1, 2. that famine, and from thence to be ten yeares together: then also, as it seemeth, when the widow herself was returned, because the people seemeth to wonder Ibid. 19. Ibid. 2: 2. at that her present estate; and because her daughter, with the privity and consent( when they were come home) went forth a gleaning. The help that it pleased God to give them withall, was, first in the land of Moab: then, in their own Country when they were returned. In the Land of Moab they found present help for the time, but as it seemeth to the great impoverishing of them. For when they came home it seemeth they were very poor, in that they holp themselves with Ibid. Ibid. 1: 20, 21. that kind of liberty, that was given to the poor; and it may be part of the meaning of her own words also: and yet when they went forth, it seemeth they were of wealth or in good estate, because they were of so special a stock in that City; and Ibid. 2: 1. Ibid. 4: 3. because yet they had Land remaining when they were again returned. In their own Country when they were returned, though there they might not now bee, as they were before, in wealthy estate; but must haue what they had by begging: yet so it pleased God, in Booz to give them very special good help and favour, not onely allowing Ruth, the daughter in Law unto the widow, freely to g●ther Ibid. 2: 3▪ 23. there, but also allowing her many favours, for the bettering of her gleaning, and for her own meate besides so long as harvest lasted. So haue we in him a very good pattern, how liberal, buxom and cheerful the richer sort should be in such case unto the poor: especially, so oft as they haue cause to conceive so well of them, as Booz had at that time of Ruth that young widow, for being so dutiful to her Husband Ibid. 11. before, and to her mother in Law after; and in translating herself from her own Country, where they were but heathen people, and joining herself to the people of God. Those other succours that God took from them besides, were all Ibid 1: 3, 5 their Husbands: the Father himself and both his sons, and these without issue. And so it pleaseth God oft-times, where his meaning is to do good, there to bring in one calamity on another before: and then in the end to deo them that good he meaneth unto them. But as this loss touched them, some of them more, others less, so did they bear it in some reasonable measure: both Naomie the Mother; and the daughters besides. The mother had the greatest loss, because shee lost first her Husband, then both her sons: and yet bare it so quietly, that she still retained special good will to those her daughters in Law, and thereupon for their good, was earnest with them to stay in their own Country when shee herself Ibid. 6-13. meant to return. The others had a great loss also, because they lo●● their Father in Law and both their Husbands: and yet took their loss so quietly also that both of them offered to leave their own Country to go with their Mother; and one of them would in no wise bee put off, but went with her indeed, namely, Ruth, Ibid. 14-18, whom this Story most concerneth. Those that were such as seemed to come of the common infirmity of our nature, were that devise of the Mother, and practise of the daughter( after they had so well tasted of the liberality and kindness of Booz) to wind him in, of her to raise up seed to his kinsman deceased. Which was not, in good and orderly manner to move the matter unto him: but secretly in the dark to convey herself to his bed where he lay al night, when there should bee Ibid. 3: 1-5, 6-9. none but they two together; and then to crave of him the use of his body, to raise up issue to her former Husband, his kinsman aforesaid. Wherein although shee gave reasonable good testimony, that the lust of flesh was not her arrant( at least not the chief) for that he of necessity must now bee old, and shee, it seemeth, Tremel. I●n. in Ruth 1: 1. was but young, and then might haue made her match much more to her contentment in that respect, if that had been the thing that shee chiefly sought: yet was that a dangerous bait, had not the man been of special good stay, though he had been never so old( as he was supposed to be an hundred) so long as he was nevertheless able to raise up issue; and there were many more orderly means that might haue been used, to compass a matter so lawful as it. But Booz indeed( as his words declare) did not otherwise take it; and so commended her for that regard Ruth. 3: 10-18: to her former Husband, and that she followed not young folk now; and promised withal, that if another, nearer than he, would not look to haue her before him, then would himself take her to wife. Wherein, besides the equity whereto in that case he yielded, he gave a notable example of continency too, so to forbear as in that case he did. It was in the end performed, first, by giuing that other Kinsman of his the choice: and when he refused, by taking her unto himself; Ibid. 4: 1-17. & so begetting ob of her, one of the ancestors of Iesus Christ. An example comfortable enough in itself, that Christ should be a saviour of the Gentiles too, seeing now again it pleaseth him to take flesh of them: but so much the more comfortable if wee call to mind, that this Nation of the Gentiles of whom Ruth did come, was, in one respect, one of the most accursed of all others, for that they were not Deut. 23▪ 3. allowed to come into the Congregation, or to be any of that corporation or body of that people of God, no not unto the tenth Generation. 7 That other book ensuing, wherein we haue the Story of part of those that were their Iudges, is the first of Samuel, called also by some the first of the Kings; and they are but two of them of whom wee haue any Story there: of whom wee haue something to note of them both together; and something, of either severally. Of them both together, that whereas they were ecclesiastical persons( as wee do call them) and yet governed the whole people, it is not a thing so abhorring Nature as some haue taken it, that those two powers should at any time concur together in one. But that will after appear more plainly, in the Commission given unto Esra. coming therefore to either of them more specially, we find that one of them governed the people even to his death: but the other, while himself lived, was discharged of it. He that governed them even to his death, was ely the High-Priest, who did not in his time so finish all, but that a remnant of that his government continued something longer, that best may be to him also ascribed. So are wee first to consider of that which wee find in the time of his life: then, of that remnant that extended itself somewhat after his death. That which we find in the time of his life, is nothing at all of any public government: neither of his coming to that place of authority, nor in what manner he behaved himself therein; but onely, that what time he finished his course, he then had judged the people forty yeares, and 1. Sam 4: 18. was an old man when he dyed. So it seemeth, that his judging of the people was but in such controversies as were among them, and in such other matters as concerned thē severally, and were not of the greatest moment, the philistines bearing so great a Iud. 13: 1. sway among them as thē they did. For they had them in subiection as we saw before, forty yeares. In the next twenty ascribed to samson, wee saw that he did little against Ibid. 15: 20. 16: 31. them, but onely in certain odd private quarrels: and of this man wee haue, for those matters, nothing at all. But as he was the High-Priest withall, wee haue some Story of him, though nothing to his honour neither: but that therein also he so offended that it was the ruin of him, and almost of all his house besides. So are we first to consider, wherein he offended: then, what was his punishment for it. His offence was, that his sons were so disorderly: and so little restrained by him. Their disorder was, principally in that which they did to the derogation of the service of God( which he, by the virtue of his office, should haue amended:) but partly, in abusing themselves with others also. That which they did to the derogation of Gods service, was, that they so encroached vpon the people for Fees in their offerings and sacrifices, that they made the people to loathe the service of God. They encroached upon them two ways: one, to haue more than their due; the other, to bee served before that they should. To haue more than their due, they held not 1. Sa. 2●: 13. 14 themselves content with those Fees and emoluments which God had given them, but forced to themselves a greater commodity by usurpation: chopping in a Flesh-hook of three teeth, and claiming for theirs whatsoever they might take up at once thereby. To bee served before they should, they would not tarry till the fat of the Sacrifice was first burnt on the Altar as God appointed: but would first haue those Ibid. 15, 16. Fees that to them were allotted, and so haue their partes before the lord their master had his. In making the people thereby to loathe the service of God, their offence Ibid. 17. must needs be the greater, for that the people being ever slow enough of themselves to the worship of God, they should not be farther hindered by others. By al which they are concluded to haue been very bad, and not to haue known the Lord, nor his Ibid. 12. service towards the people. Those others with whom they abused themselves, were certain Women that repaired thither, and there awaited the service of God. A Co●●. Pel. very lewd part of them with any; especially themselves being married as they were: but chiefly in this, that they enticed those to so foul a sin, that repaired thither Ibid. 22. to worship God, and to exercise themselves in their profession; themselves being appointed of God, not to such villainies, but to administer holy things unto his people, even in the holiest manner they could. Howe little ●lie himself did restrain them, may reasonably appear, in that they became so bad Imps as they were: but yet more plainly, that when on all hands he heard so much else of them, yet did he then also reprove them so gently for it. In the punishment that was cast on him Ibid. 22-25 for it, when first we haue considered of it as it was laid vpon him: then, it shall not be amiss to aduise ourselves also, how wee may best apply it to ourselves. As it was laid vpon him, we find, that first it was foreshowed: then after, executed vpon him. It was foreshowed twice: first, by one that purposely came unto him from the lord about that matter; then, by samuel, then but a child, and but relating or reporting unto him( as ely did charge him) what it was the Lord on a time had said unto him. When that man of God came purposely to him about that matter, we read of no answer that ely gave him, nor of any thing else that at that time ensued thereon. So are we but to consider of the message itself, and therein; first, because the message that he brought was heavy, what reason God had so to deal with him, and that God might nevertheless be justified therein: then, in what sort he was to bee dealt with. The reason resteth on two principal members: one, the favours of God towards him; the other, his ill dealing with God again. His favours were two: one, that he choose him above all others to be his Priest; the other, that he gave 1. Sa. 2: 27, 28 Ibid. 29. him all the offerings of the Children of Israell made by fire. His ill dealing with God again, that he made light of Gods service, for his sons sake, to make themselves fat of the chief and principal partes of those things whereof was made oblation to God: as winking( belike) at that importunity of his sons, urging such customs to their own advantage, although he might see, that being more than God allowed, it could not otherwise be, but that the people would be offended, and thereupon give less regard to that service of God. In denouncing unto him, how he was to deal with him for the same; first, he setteth himself free from a certain former promise of favour: and then cometh to those things that were ensuing. His former promise, he granteth, was, that his Fathers house should ever stand with Ibid. 30. that Office, or should ever enjoy the Priest-hood, but now he telleth him, it shall not be so; and giveth in this reason for it, that he will honour those that honour him, and that such as despise him, shall be despised. coming to those things that were ensuing; first, he sheweth him, what they should bee: then, how he may bee assured of them. In showing what they shall be, he denounceth indeed heavy things against him; but yet sheweth withall, that they shall be something allaied with mercy. Those heavy things that he denounceth against him, were, for the most part to be accomplished after his time: but one of them, in his own dayes also. After his time, Ibid. 31-33. that the honour of his house should utterly fall, and thence-forward be of no reckoning among the people: and that there should not be an old man of his Family, but that when they came to mans state, they should then commonly die. That which Ibid. 32. should be in his own dayes, was, that himself should see the Enemy to praeuaile and so to enjoy the best things of the Land. The mercy that was promised withall, Ibid. 33. was, that he would not so destroy his posterity, but that some of them should remain, and be implyed in his service, in the office of the Priest-hood: and the reason thereof to be, that God will not clean overwhelm him with sorrow, but leave that measure of comfort unto him. For the certainty of these things, that so he may be assured of them; first, he giveth him a sign: and then resolveth him of a doubt that to the contrary might bee conceived. The sign that he did give unto him, Ibid. 34. was, that both his sons should in one day die. The doubt that might bee to the contrary conceived, was, that as yet there was none other appointed to attend his service. To that it is answered, that he will provide himself of another, to his better Ibid. 35, 36. contentment: and that such as were left of his house, should in their poverty seek unto him to be in some place of service about the Altar, that so they might be able to live. When the denouncing of these heavy things was renewed unto him again by the relation of samuel, we find, that ely then gave some answer thereto: and so are we first to consider, what it was that samuel told him; then, what answer he gave unto it. That which samuel told him was in effect, the same which was denounced unto him before: yet first but generally, not showing what it should bee, but onely some strange and heavy iudgement; but afterward, what it should bee in particular also. Generally, that it should be such a thing, as that whosoever should 1. Sam. 3: 11. hear of it, should be exceedingly astonished at it. More specially, that he would Ibid. 12-14. certainly bring vpon ely, and vpon his house, that which he had threatened before, because of that facility of his towards his sons so offending: and that for this matter, there should no sacrifice serve, but that the things already denounced should come upon them. The answer of ely to this, was, that it was the Lord: and abide. 18. therefore yielded himself and his, to be dealt withall, as himself should think good. And these two, that it is the Lord, and all things to be as pleaseth him, may well go together, in all our affairs, even in those that concern us nearest of all: and never ought to be put asunder. We should ever know, that all such things come of the Lord, and never should we repined at any thing he doth unto vs. The execution of it followed: on his sons and him, very soon after, in the Story that now wee are in; on his posterity in the process of time ensuing, without the compass of this present Story. As touching that which this Story sheweth to be done to his Sons and him( wherewith we are for this time to bee contented) it was so annexed unto the estate of the whole people, over whom his government for his time stood, that we cannot consider of the one, but that we must take in the other withal; but that to very good purpose too, even in respect of Ely himself, because it was the fruit of his government, and so to be in that respect to him ascribed. nevertheless we shall not do amiss, in the Story distinctly to consider, what portion thereof redounded to his sons and him: and what to all the people besides. The philistines therefore now coming 1. Sam. 4: 1, 2. in again, and the Israelites meeting them in the field, the Israelites were overthrown, and lost to the number of four thousand. hereupon they thought Ibid. 3▪ 18 good to sand unto Siloh, to fetch the ark out of the Tabernacle there, and to bring it into the field, and so to assay the philistines again, hoping that so they should haue some hand against them. But so also they were overthrown, much more grievously than before, lost thirty thousand, and those that remained were fain to return beaten home. And they being so offensive to God as they were, it was but in vain for them( so inordinately withall) to get into their company the ark of his covenant, which themselves so foully had broken: much like to those Exorcists in the Apostles time, who not believing in Christ themselves, would nevertheless assay, in his name to cast out devils, till they found, to their shane and hurt, that the Name Act. 19: 13-16. of Iesus availed not those that believed not in him. Which notwithstanding could not be such warning to us, but that in the dayes of our late ignorance, many of us ran our ships on the selfsame shelf: not onely in the Name of Iesus, but in many other such like besides. In this latter battle, both Hophnie and Phineas the sons of ely, were slain: and when himself heard of the evil success of that field, being an old man and an heavy, being fourscore and eighteen yeares old, he fell down backward, whereby also his neck was broken. That which redounded to the people besides, were, first these two overthrows in the field: then also that their glory, the ark of the Lord was taken, and carried away by the philistines. Insomuch that the Wise of Phinehas at that time travailing, and being delivered of a son, would needs haue his name to bee No-glory, as if all glory were now utterly Ibid. 19-22. departed from that people, when as the ark was thus lead captive. And that people is without glory indeed, who professing God do so behave themselves towards him, that he departeth and giveth them up unto themselves. In the application of this his punishment unto ourselves, it may be it would bee conceived, that this were meetest to be applied unto our ministry: and true it is, that so far as our ministry is in such sort faulty, either encroaching vpon the people in their oblations to God, or ouer-carelesse of the ill ways of their Children, it may fitly be applied unto them indeed. But as these dayes are, howsoever they also may be as much blinded in their affection towards their Children as others are: yet in those things that haue been well given unto God, and in equity ought still to remain unto him, wee may easily find, that others are a great deal more faulty then they; and yet notwithstanding many of these faulty also. For as they are of the Laity onely to speak of, that are so greedy vpon Churchl-iuinges, that should bee to the maintenance of the gospel among us, to convert them to their own proper use, and the same but profane: so are there some of the clergy likewise, that are as ready for their own private advantage, to gratify them therewith; and themselves sometimes to turn them to lay-fee, to the use of their Children or friends, so far as in such case they may bee able. By which kind of dealing of them both, it cometh to pass, that even the most needful Church-liuings that are, are so decayed, and that daily more and more, that the Churches thereby are spoyled of able men, and driven oft-times to take in so base a kind to make supply, that with us also the offering of the Lord, even in these daies of the gospel, is much abhorred by many, who otherwise it is likely might be reclaimed. In which case, who it is that must supply the person of ely, is soon perceived. For it is none but such onely as are in sovereign Authority that in such case can help: and therefore it is they that must before God stand charged with it. whosoever they are, that are their subiects, great or small, they are also their children, by their indulgence, take any such ways, as whereby they may make the service of God to be abhorred. That remnant of his government that extended itself somewhat after his death, was about the ark of the Lord. Concerning which wee haue delivered unto us, some Story of it, first from the time that now it was taken captive of the philistines, until the time that it was returned home again: then, for some time afterward also, that did follow immediately after. From the time it was taken, until the time that it was returned home again, the Story of it sheweth, how mightily it praevailed against the enemy in their own Land: and how triumphantly it came home to his own country again. As touching the former, although they had so offended, that God in his Iustice would vouchsafe no glory to them: yet did not himself let down his own glory thereby, but went, as it were, to the enemies land, there to beate them down at home round about him, both their Gods, and the people withall, till at length they were glad to be rid of it, and themselves to sand it home again with honour. For placing it first in the Temple of Dagon one of their gods, 1. Sam. 5: 1-3. as giuing him the glory over the God of Israell, the next morning they found that Dagon was fallen down on his face before the ark, so doing his homage to the God of Israell. even as in our time the gospel no sooner took place among us, but that our wonted Idols were fain to bee packing. And setting him up in his Ibid. 4. place as before, the next morning likewise, they found him fallen before the ark again, and much worse now than before, his head and his hands being broken off on the threshold by his fall. As it falleth out with Popery in these daies of the Gospel: that the oftener the wel-willers thereof, in any of their several territories, set it up again, the sorer it falleth, till at length it haue neither head to devise, nor hand to help itself with. Yet as the Priests of Dagon gathered no more thereon, but thenceforward never to step on the threshold of Dagon: so our Dagon-Priests likewise can Ibid. 5. espy no power of God therein, but vanish away in some Idle toy, one or other. How he executed his judgements farther on their gods, in particular, we haue not delivered unto us: but that his hand was sn heavy on them also, we find by confession of some of themselves. The people we find were grievously plagued, both in Ibid. 6: 5. their persons, and in their grounds. In their persons they were plagued with the present death of diuers of them: and with one special disease besides. By death it appeareth Ibid. 5: 6, 9-12. that many of them were taken away: and so strangely withall, that readily they ascribed it to the hand of the Lord vpon them. Such as died not, were strooken Ibid. 6, 9, 10, 12. with Hemrods in their secret parts, both small& great, in so painful maner, that their cry was very great. How they were plagued in their grounds, we haue not the Story, but onely a brief recital or reference of it: namely, that their land was destroyed Ibid. 6: 5. Ibid. 5: 6. Co●r. Pellic. L●●. in lit. l. with Mise. For as for that which we haue in the vulgar Translation, in the Chapter before▪ in the end of the sixth verse, it is not in the original: and it is the iudgement of some, that it was taken out of the greek; of other, that out of the margin it was by some vnskilfull body put into the Text, as many other places, saith he, besides. But that Mise did so destroy the Land, there is no question, both because it is plainly so said, and because they so made their offering also, as wee are now shortly to see. unto the triumphant returning of it again it doth appertain, first that he so wrought in the hearts of the philistines, that now they were weary of it, and afraid any longer to keep it: then, that it returned so as it did. Being weary of it now, and afraid any longer to keep it, they call for their Priests and soothe sayers, and inquier of them, what they shal do with the ark of the Lord, and how they shall sand it home again. The question hath two principal parts, as it is very plain to all; but the answer is given to the latter only; thereby showing 1. Sam. 6: 2. us, that the philistines themselves were resolved on the former. To the latter part of it therefore their answer was given; and that in such sort, as is right worthy to be marked of us: both for the direction that by it they gave unto the philistines; and for that it was so well by them obeied. For the direction they gave them tended to this end, that they should humble themselves unto God, and aclowledge it to be his hand vpon them: and they do not onely tel them, that so they should do, but exhort them likewise to do it. In telling them what they should do, first they tell them that they may not sand it away empty: then, what it must be wherewith they must furnish it. That do they tel them, first but generally, that it must be some kind of sin-offering, to aclowledge their sin against Ibid. 3-5. the Lord; then, vpon their farther inquiry, they tell them more specially, what it must be, namely, the similitude of five of their hinder-parts amnoyed with Emrods, and of five Mise besides, according to the number of their several Princes or States; and al these to bee of gold. Whereby they set them in a very good course for the hand of God vpon them, both on their persons and on their Land: but as for the hand of God vpon them in their Gods, that do they but huddle-vp together with the rest in words, and do not devise them some memorial of it also; Ibid. 5 and that may be, because a good part of their maintenance and credit might lye vpon it. A true pattern of such acknowledging of sin, as for the most part is found among us: granting with such as ourselves do make least reckoning of; and suppressing that which is dearest unto vs. The exhortation that they had hereunto, is good likewise so far as it goeth: dissuading them from hardening their hearts, as the Egyptians before had done; and exhorting them to yield indeed, and so to Ibid. 6. Ibid 7-9. Ibid. 10, 11. sand away the ark accordingly. The obedience of the philistines was such at this time, that in al things they did as they were directed: both in that acknowledging of their sin, and of the hand of God vpon them for it; and in sending home the ark again, and in such manner as was appointed. The ark being thus Ibid. 12. dismissed, as it came directly home again, so if we mark, we may quickly see, that it came very triumphantly also: first, because it so came home by itself; then, because it came with the spoil of they enemy. It came home by itself, for that it had none other help at al, but rather to the contrary to keep it there stil: yet not denying, Ibid. 12-16. but that the philistines did attend it, or followed after, even to the Coasts of Bethshemes itself. But that might be to some other purpose: as to see the strangeness of the thing; and not of any mind in them to help it forward, as by the order that for it they took, may well appear. For neither were the Kie that should haue it home, used to the yoke, and so nothing likely to yield it such help Ibid. 7. to such a purpose as others might haue done that had been used to draw: and they were such besides, as had new calved, and had their calves taken from them and kept behind, the greatest provocation they could haue had, to haue ovid them there also, and never to haue offered one foot forward. Whereby it seemeth, that the philistines were not yet so fully resolved( neither the Princes and people on the one side, nor on the other the Priests themselves( that it was the Lord that thus had laid his hand vpon them, or that this visible testimony of his went ever by his direction or power; or else that it was for detaining or seizing of it, that they were thus plagued: But that now they would see this miraclous dealing to confirm them in it; or at least put it unto the trial, to get home by itself if it would. Of which the former was token plain enough of such weakness in them: and the latter, of worse heart than so, joined withal. And yet were it well, if those that haue so greedily seized on the needful and lawful maintenance of the ministry, and detain it yet, would in some good time so remember themselves therein, as to afford it though but such means to return again, as the philistines here did unto the ark: but otherwise may they account themselves more Philistim-like than the philistines themselves, if they cannot find in their hearts to put it to so easy an adventure as this. The philistines no doubt might haue had the Israelites themselves, and the Priests and the levites, to haue fetched home the ark unto them: but belike they were not so resolutely determined to part with it so clearly; but only to put it to this adventure. So might ours haue the ancient owners themselves to fetch home those things with right good-will, if so it might stand with their good pleasure: but as those owners themselves will grant, that it is more than they do look for; so let these philistines of ours also consider, if they afford no way at all unto it, how they do therein discharge any one part of that duty to God. It came home likewise with the spoil of the Enemy, for that in a Casket by the side of it, Ibid. 8, 11, 17, 18. it brought home with it those jewels aforesaid; jewels I say, not so much because they were of Gold; as for that they were Eye-witnesses( at least, in part) what execution he had done among them, and how he had driven them to aclowledge his hand therein. It may be also, that if our philistines will in no good time remember themselves in that other aforesaid ark of Gods Testimony, but still detain it captive to their profane desires: God may haue some good time wherein he will do such execution on them and theirs, that as thereby both he will drive them( will they, nill they) to aclowledge his judgements on them, though fearful, yet just; and, in the end, to give him the glory. For the time that now did follow immediately after that the ark was returned home again, wee haue little Story of it, but onely for that present when it was first returned: at which time it was a while at Bethshemes; but soon after had to Kiriahjarim. Bethshemes was the first city of the people of Adrichom. in Dan. 14. God in that cost towards that part of the philistines country( as it seemeth) where the ark of God then was: and to the fields thereof did those two Kie( though still lowing after their calves behind) bring the ark, and stayed there. In which 1. Sam. 6: 14. place we are to make; first, how the ark was entertained of the people there: then, how the Lord shewed himself to be offended. Of the people it was diversly entertained: some showing a good affection towards it; others making too bold with it. Those that shewed a good affection towards it, were those, that being reaping Ibid. 13. their corn in the fields, reioyced so soon as they saw it: and they withall, that with the Wood of the Cart wherein it was, offered in Sacrifice the Kie that brought it thither; Ibid. 14. Ibid. 15. and, as it seemeth, made other Sacrifice also besides. Those that made over bold with it, were certain of the Inhabitants of Bethshemes, who either looked into, as most do read, or at least beholded or looked on the ark of the Lord, as some Fran. Vatab. Ar. mount. Trem. I●n. Vulg. edit. Co●. Pel. Fr. Vatab. in 1. Sam. 6: 19. others do red. Yet one is noted( of special skill in the hebrew too) who allegeth others to haue a third reading besides: namely, that those that here are spoken of did make light of, or despised the ark being thus returned. But now as this third reading noteth a plain sin in itself, if so they might be justly charged: so by the order that before was taken, they might plainly offend by either of the other also. That the Lord shewed himself to be offended, is very plain and clean out of Num. 4: 5, 6, 15. question: but what the cause was, that doth not so plainly appear. That some way or other he was offended, it is very clear, because he destroyed so soon after 1. Sam. 6: 19. his return, so much of the people, even threescore and ten persons, and fifty thousand besides: for so are these two sums, in the Original, severally placed; and the Ari. Montan. less, before the greater. What was the cause why he was offended, or why he destroyed all his people, as it is not cleared by the Text, but for certain of them: so are there diuers opinions thereof. Tremelius and Iunius taking both the numbers Anno. Dom. 1585. together, and that the Coast●s about Bethshemes were not able to yield that number, conceived it to be meant of the philistines: but Iunius since hath for them both 1593. In 1. Sam. 6: 19. retracted the same. But whereas they both before builded on the inhabitants of the city, that because they were of the seed of Aaron, and so by likelihood Priestes withall( as indeed that was one of their cities) therefore it Ios. 21: 10, 16, 19. was no fault in them to bee so bold with the ark, appertaining unto them so much as it did to deal there-with; and because that Iunius since granteth them to be Priests and therefore findeth no fault with them, but that they came vnuerently Ibid. unto it( which the Text doth not yield him, but so far as looking into it, was vnreuerency in itself): therefore it shal not be amiss, here again to remember( as before is noted) least any man be deceived here, that though diuers of the sons of Aaron dwelled here, as in others of their cities( which cities were thirteen in al) yet were not those cities peopled onely with them, but with the other Ios. 21. 19. Tribe to whose lot they fel for the most part, and but with some few of these. And therfore they might be others than Priests or of the line of Aaron, that now did look into the ark, for which the Lord was so offended; as also by their manner of Sacrificing it seemeth, because it was not in the place appointed; It may bee, that otherwise also it was not so orderly dene: as if others than Priests of the line of Aaron were meddlers in it; or, that these did bear no such great sway in the matter, but that others did therein as pleased them. Others there be of their opinion: but 1. Sam. 6: 15. scantly worth the citing, as I do take it: and the same not warranted by the Text neither. And albeit myself do not see how to conceive of it, yet had I rather so to leave it, than to endeavour to force any sense vpon it, that were not convenient. But first I take it, that the Text doth lead us, not to take the number of people that here are spoken of, to be one entire sum as there be that take it, and so make the sum to be fifty thousand threescore and ten persons; neither yet to transpose Tremel. jun. 1585. Fran. jun. 1593. Bibl. Angl. 1594 Vulg. edit. Vatab. Co●●. Pel. Ari. mount. 1. Sam. 6: 19 the numbers, setting down the fifty thousand first, and the threescore and ten after, as there be others that do: but to take them as two several Sums, and the lesser to be the before greater, as most men do both take them, and set them. Then also it seemeth the likeliest to me, and most agreeable unto the original, that these threescore and ten persons should be of Bethshemes: and that those fifty thousand should bee of all the people besides. again, that it is plain enough in the Text, why, those threescore and ten men were strooken: so that the difficulty( to speak of) is, but onely in the other fifty thousand who were not there, and therefore not partaking with that sauciness of the Bethshamites. But it is no new thing, many to be punished, by occasion of some few; as the whole Host of Israel, for the sin of one. again, if that reading may stand, which we heard before to be given in Ios. 7. 1, 4, 5, 25. Ex Fr. Vatab. by some that are more specially seen in the Hebrew, namely, that those Bethshamits despised the ark, or made but light reckoning of it when it was returned( as, but letting it there to abide where the levites had set it on that great ston, or any such like) then it is certain, that among the people these Bethshamites had many fellows and then being partakers with them in their sin, it is no marvell if they be made partakers with them in their punishment also. For the ark of the Lord had now been held captive by the philistines seven monthes: and all this while wee do not read, that ever they made any means to get it home again, neither by strong 1. Sam. 6: 1 hand, nor by entreaty. Now whether that reading may stand or not, that must I refer unto others. But though it may not( for the residue that I do know, of best skill in the tongue, do plainly red otherwise; and therefore may it well be doubted) Co●r. Pel. Fr. Vat. Tre. jun. Ari. mount. Vulg. ad. Bibl. Angl. yet this do I think was such a fault in all the people, that it deserved well to be punished: and that the time was fittest also, so soon as this visible testimony of the Lord was now returned, to be avenged on those that made so little reckoning of his so long absence from them; especially, when as they might easily conceive, that of the Heathen( and those both Idolatrous, and enemies too) many indignities would, in that mean while, be offered unto him. Princes being taken prisoners in the field, haue never lightly wanted subiects that were so careful for them, but that either by force or composition they would quickly set in hand to deliver them. cities and Castles suddenly and strangely lost, haue often had those that presently would venture their lives to get them again. When battles haue found an end in the field, and parties haue been withdrawing to their Tents again, yet finding then, that some man of worth, or but their colours were carrying away, which might be recovered, even that onely hath often renewed the fight, and beaten down many a valiant man, till they had their desire. The world is full of such examples: but the Church of God, the people of Israel, often at other times marvelous vallerous, haue now shamed themselves for ever. They haue suffered the ark of the Lord, the visible testimony of his presence among them, the comfort and glory of all the faithful, the chief it well of all the Sanctuary, not onely to be lead away, but also to be held captive there so long together; and, for ought that they could conceive, in the most despiteful manner that might be devised: and, all this while, made no means at all to get it delivered. In so much that now also the Lord was fain to tread the Vine-presse of his wrath himself alone, and had none to help, but Isa. 63: 1-6. was fain to stand by his own strength. But when now he thus cometh from B●zra, himself and his garments so bespinckled with blood, by the slaughter of the enemy, may it be thought strange, if now he be, in that his hot blood, so far avenged on those his ingratefull subiects also? it is more marvell that any of them live, than that those( few, to speak of) were so destroyed. And seeing their fault was in itself so open and plain, what need was there, the Text should set down in plain terms wherefore it was? Thus therefore I take it, that whereas the Text first setteth down two strikings of the Lord, one of the Bethshemes and addeth the cause for Ari. mount. looking into the ark, the other of the people( which seemeth to bee the rest of the Israelites) and there addeth no cause; and immediately after setteth down the number of those that were strooken in two several sums, the less first, and most agreeable to one city, the greater last; and most agreeable to all the people: it is most likely, that onely those threescore and ten men of Bethshemes were so strooken for looking into the ark at that present; and that the Lord, having begun so to chastise his own people there, immediately vpon this his return, would now proceed to the residue also, and in like sort dispatch with them. In which case, though it bee not said wherefore it was: yet laying their so fowle, and so long neglecting of him, and this his new return together, may seem unto me, reasonable plainly to point unto it. The place indeed, I grant, is hard: and if any do see farther into it, it is great reason it be accordingly regarded. But so it hath been among us also. The Holy-Bible may wee account to haue been unto us, as the ark was unto them. This ark of ours when time was, was taken away by certain philistines of ours, and held in captivity long: and in the time of that captivity many indignities haue been done unto it. All which time both Princes and peoples haue forgotten themselves so far, for most part of them, that they never attempted any way to recover it again, but held themselves quiet, as though therein they had neither disgrace nor loss at all. Now in these dayes it is returned unto us again, appearing to us when Isa. 65: 1. we asked not for it. less marvell therefore, if having drawn blood in plentiful measure on the enemy already, and daily doing it more and more, he enter into iudgment with such of us likewise, as all that while cared so little for him: that so men may the better learn, what evils soever they haue with the gospel not to impute them( as they are wont) to the gospel itself, but to that profane carelessness of theirs before, when the truth of God was as little by them desired, as it was trodden clean under foot by that cursed enemy. 8 He that governed the people of God for a time, but afterward was in his own dayes discharged of it, was samuel the Prophet. Concerning whom, the Story goeth first on his Parents: then on himself. His Parents were Helcanah and Hannah 1. 1: 1, 2. In Helcanah his Father we haue something commendable: and something reprovable. Commendable it was, that yearly he went up to Siloh to worship and Sacrifice: and even then, when those bad sons of ely did minister there. It was reprovable, Ibid. 3-5. both that he went thither no oftener( for God had appointed thrice): and, that he had two wines. Of Hannah it is noted, that she was something distressed for Ibid. 2. a time: but yet not withstanding, not forsaken in it. Her distress was, that for a time Idid. 2, 5. 10. Ibid 6, 7. Ibid. 5, 8. she was barren: and that her adversary did upbraid her with it. Shee was not forsaken in it, but had comfort given her partly by her Husband: but especially by God. Her Husband seeing her sorrowful for it, did lovingly and kindly use her: and assured of such good affection in him towards her although she bare him no children▪ that that matter need to trouble her nothing at all. The comfort that she had of the Lord, was not onely in giuing this unto her that now she desired: but in greater favours which she did not desire, yet he afterward bestowed on her. In that which she desired, wee haue noted, first that she sought it: then how she obtained. In her seeking of it, we haue not onely that delivered unto us: but another special accident withall, that came in by occasion of it. She sought it by earnest prayer, beseeching God to remember her therein: and vowing withal, that if it were a son, she would Ibid. 9-13. freely give him unto the Lord, to be a Nazarit unto him. That other accident, that by occasion of it came in withall, was that same misiudging of ely, reputing her Ibid. 9, 14-18. as a drunken Woman, and reproving her accordingly: but upon her quiet and modest answer, better persuaded of her soon after. The best men of all do sometimes misiudg of others: but, it is well, when they can come to a better bent so easily as wee see that ely did. unto her obtaining of that which she sought, there is another thing belonging: and so first of that her obtaining: then, of that other belonging Ibid. 19, 20. unto it. That which she obtained was, that shortly after she conceived, and having a son, called his name samuel. That other belonging unto it, was, in what sort she now performed her vow of bestowing him freely on the lord: which she did very well, both in her first bestowing of him; and, that sometimes after shee did visit him so as shee did. In her first bestowing of him, both shee brought the child himself, so soon as he was any thing meet to such a purpose: and withall, gave special thankes unto God. In her first bringing of her son to the Lord, we are to note, not onely what it was that in truth she did: but also, how it may appear in the Text that so she did. That which in truth shee did, was, that she brought Ibid. 21-28. him then to the Lord, when he was by his age reasonable able to serve the Lord. To find out, how it may appear in the Text that so she did, wee need no more but to consider the nature of one word onely, that which commonly is taken for waning: as though that then shee had brought him to ely, so soon as shee had waned him from her breast. For though for the most part that word be so interpnted: yet are Vulg. edit. Bibl. Angl. C●●●. Pel. Fr. V●●. A●. mount. Trem. I●●. Num. 17: 8. 1. King. 11: 20. there others, that marking how that word is in the Scripture used in diuers places besides, do find, that it doth not signify waning from milk onely; but also bringing up to farther proof. As where it is said, that Aarons branch brought forth, not onely Buds, leaves, and flowers, but ripe Almonds also: and that Tahpenes, the queen of egypt, nourished and brought up Ge●●bath, her Sisters son, in Pharaohs house, and among the sons of Pharaoh. Where not onely in the former, but even in the latter place also, bringing up to some proof is more likely to bee the meaning of the word, than onely to wain. In which point the diligence of these is so much the more commendable, for that the others, by giuing that other signification of the word in those other places( at least, for most of them) yet in this place where the sense doth so necessary require it, they were not so well advised, as so to yield it. For it had been to no purpose, that the child should bee brought thither before he was capable of such things as he was to learn there; and but a trouble and charge unto ely, when he was able to do him no service, and must further be tended by others: as also it was a better trial of the Parents themselves, when in his childhood they might see such towardlinesse in him( as, by his proof after, it seemeth that then they might) yet then to part with him. Her thanksgiving, it seemeth, was some part of it but doubtful: but the other, clean out of question. That which was but doubtful, was concerning those bullocks, Flower, and Wine, 1. Sam. 1: 24. that she brought withall, whether any part of them were specially offered in sacrifice to God in this respect or not: a thing that was likely enough, and yet is not so overruled in the Text; though there be that haue their ghesses. That other that is clean Lyr. Pellic. out of question, is, that her thanksgiving by word of mouth, that there is set down: wherein first treating of the present matter: then she; by that occasion falleth to some discourse of such others besides. As touching the present matter then, she expresseth her own ioy: and acknowledgeth God onely to be the Author of it. 1. Sam. 2: 1. ●. Those that were such others besides, of which shee afterward falleth into some farther discourse, are two: one, the insolency of the adversary in such like cases: the other, Ibid 3-5. Ibid. 6-10. Ibid. 18, 19. how the lord is wont to deal, both with the one sort of them, and with the other. Her visiting him after, as shee did, was, that every year coming to worship, she did use to bring him withall a little coat: and so declared thereby( so far as that extended) that it was not to disburden herself of the charge of him, that she so bestowed him on Ely to the lords use; but even of mere love to the lord for vouchsafing to give him unto her, and therefore contributing( as it were) thus far also, towards his maintenance in the lords service. Those other favours which she did not desire, yet God did after bestow vpon her, were such as did plainly show, that she was no leeser in bestowing that son of hers vpon God: and therefore it shall be good to consider here, first, what those favours were; then, to leave this to bee marked withall, whether shee were not well rewarded. Those other favours were two: one, that he made that child of hers to bee of rare and special account; the other, that he gave her Children besides. He made this child of hers of special account; first in his Child-hood: then when he came to mans estate. In his Ibid. 20, 26. 3: 20. child-hood, for that Ely himself was so pleased with him: and that the people made special reckoning of him. When he came to mans estate, he was not onely a notable Ibid& 7: 15. Ibid. 12: 3, 4. Prophet, and the chief governor of the people: but( that more is) a very good man towards God also. Those other Children that God gave her besides, were, as it seemeth, five: three sons, and two Daughters. For there is no question, 1. Sam. 2: 21. but of one of the sons, whether samuel bee to bee accounted one of the three or not: but there be that red, that shee conceived and bare three sons and two Daughters, While the child samuel grew up towards the Lord; which if it Tremel. jun. may stand, maketh the matter clean out of question. If now the question bee, whether she were not well rewarded, the matter is so plain in itself, that it leaveth this comfort unto us, that we cannot truly give ourselves or ours unto the Lord, but that we are like( he ever continuing all one) to be richly at his hands rewarded for it. The Story coming now to samuel himself, something it doth deliver unto us of his child-hood: but more, of his government. Of his Childe-hoode, that the lord appeared unto him: and that the same was known to the people. That the Lord appeared unto him, though it bee glorious enough in itself, yet first there is another circumstance also remembered, which doth much more commend it unto vs. So first of that circumstance: then, of the lords appearance unto him. That 1. Sam. 3: 1. circumstance was, that in those dayes the Lord did not vouchsafe to appear unto any: insomuch that such manifestation of his will and pleasure unto him, was now very rare and precious among them. And a special good token is it of his favour to any, when it pleaseth him to impart his will and pleasure unto them: as on the other side, it is likewise a token of his great displeasure, when there are none among us, by whom it will please him to speak unto vs. As touching the lords appearing to him, it shall bee good first to consider that he did so appear unto him: then of the business about which it pleased him so to appear. That he did so appear unto him, to impart a piece of his mind unto him in a matter that he meant one day to do, is in itself a token of special favour: as when one friend breaketh his mind to another, in such things as he would not do, but unto such as were inward with him. As touching the business about which he did appear unto him, it was most concerning Ely his master: and in effect none other but the same of which God had sent word before to Ely himself. But here haue wee to consider, not onely what it was: but also in what sort Ely did take it. It was no more but this, that whereas before he had sent him word of heavy judgements towards him, for that he suffered his Sons so to abuse themselves as they did, now he telleth this Child also, that he is fully determined so to do: but yet he speaketh in such sort of it now as that others also were to haue some heavy part of those his judgements; and so doth the Story, that after followeth, show that they had. So are wee first to consider, what portion of those his iudgments may seem to respect others withall: then, what they are, that do more properly concern him. Those that respect others withall, may seem to be those two overthrows that the philistines afterward gave to the people 1. Sam. 4: 1, 2. of God: especially the latter of them: and, at that time, the taking away of the ark Ibid. 10, 11. withall. It may seem so to bee, for that himself doth make it so general a confusion to all, that whosoever should hear thereof, both his ears should tingle at it. Those 1. Sam. 3: 1●. that do more properly concern him, are some of them but the effect of that which was threatened unto him before: but one thing more there is, which is added now. Those that are but the effect of those things that were threatened before, are what Ibid. 12. 13. judgements he will bring vpon him, and why. That which is added more now, Ibid. 14. is, that Oblations and Sacrifices shall not bee accepted of him, to stay the execution, that he is now resolved to do upon him. And there is no question, but that men may so far incur the displeasure of GOD, as that there can in no wise bee remission so fully obtained, but that needs their sin must be punished: and this being found in that sin of ely, maketh it a plain matter to all, that such as haue the charge of others do grievously offend God, if they do not with just severity chastise such misdemeanour in them; though otherwise they bee as affectionate towards them, as loving Parents are to their children. To find out in what sort ely did take it, we had need first to mark in what sort it came to his knowledge: then, how patiently he did digest it. We are therefore the rather to mark in what sort it came to his knowledge, for that we do not find, that God willed the Boy to carry any such word to his Master; and the matter was of that nature, that the Boy of himself was not like to haue done it, if he might haue chosen: but yet, that God so ordered 1. Sam. 3: 4-9. the matter, that needs it must come to his knowledge; in such sort calling on the Boy, that he still running unto his Master, his Master must needs at the length perceive that it was the Lord, and so that the Lord would say somewhat unto him. A course of that kind, as that it seemeth God was disposed therein to use both mercy, and iustice: mercy, in that again he putteth him in mind what iudgments were towards him; Iustice, in that he would not seem, himself himself to haue any thing to do with him now, after that once before he had sent him warning, and he, as it seemeth, made but small reckoning of it. And we must take heed, if at any time it please God to vouchsafe us a warning, that wee do not so use the matter, as that thereby we give him occasion, never to speak unto us again. But he being holpen so far as he was, easily came to the knowledge of it: earnestly charging the Boy to tell him what the Lord had said unto him; and to conceal no part of it. whereupon the Boy, though of himself Ibid. 16, 17. he did not before go to his Master to tell him of it; yet now he imparted all unto Ibid. 15. Ibid. 18. him: leaving a good example behind him, not onely to children under obedience, to tell the truth when they are asked, though in such case, as themselves would bee loathe to do it; but also, to all others besides, as the case oftimes falleth out betwixt the nearest friends that are. In Elias patient digesting of it, we are to note two special points: and those first as they may be taken severally; then, as they are joined together. As they may be taken seueraly, we find, that first he acknowledgeth it is the Lord: then he yeeldeth himself and his to be dealt withall as pleaseth him. As they are joined together, they give us this lesson, that wee must first haue it settled in us, Ibid. 18. that all such things come of God, before wee can quietly take them: but after that once we can feelingly say, it is the Lord, then is there nothing so hard or geeuous, but that we can( in some little measure) dispose ourselves patiently to bear it so well as we can. In the knowledge here of that is attributed unto the people, we are first to consider, what kind of knowledge it was that here is spoken of: then, to admonish of a little mistaking that seemeth to bee in the delivery of it. The knowledge that here is spoken of, seemeth not only a bare knowledge, but to carry an acknowledging withal: as a thing not only let into them from God, but also proceeding from them again towards God and men, which kind of knowledge is absolutely needful for al the people of God, as touching those that are sent unto them, that so they do make some good use of them, which otherwise they would certainly miss: even as many of that peculiar people of God did in the time of Christ& his Apostles, never knowing( with any sensible feeling) who Christ and his Apostles were, though otherwise they could not but know that they were of God, by those works that themselves did see they did before them. As touching the mistaking that I speak of, whereas this knowledge that the people are said to haue of him, is in two places noted, one towards the end of the third Chapter, the other in the beginning of the fourth, in the latter Ibid. 19, 20, Ibid. 4: 1. of these it is, that the mistaking that I speak of seemeth to bee: and it is no more but this, that by occasion of some of the Hebrew writers, some of ours do set down, Iran. Vatab. Bibl. Angl. 15●4. in marg that the war which the people of Israell had with the philistines now, seemed to be taken in hand by the commandement or appointment of Samuel. But we do not red, that Samuel meddled with any government of them, till the people did afterward lament and seek unto God: and it seemeth to be better expounded by others, that 1. Sam. 7: 2, 3. Tremel. I●n. al Israel knew that Samuel had before shewed from the mouth of the Lord, that such things were to befall unto them; as another doth in like sort plainly reject Cour. Pellie. that opinion of the Hebrews that this war was taken in hand by Samuels appointment. And whereas the vulgar translation taketh in that piece of the first verse of Vulg. odit in 1. Sam. 3: 21. the fourth Chapter, unto the end of the last verse of the third chapter going before, as the last before name liketh that distinction better than that of the Hebrews: so, in my iudgement, it seemeth to be therefore added to that which goeth before, as to be of one sense therewith; and not to haue so far to do with that which followeth, as those Hebrew Interpreters would haue it. As touching his government, it did not reach to the end of his life, by the reason that Saul was in his time chosen King, and so took vpon him the government of the people. So first we are to consider of the time of his government: then, of his Story for the residue of his life ensuing The time of his government how long it continued wee haue not set down in the Story: but this is plain, that part of the Story which is of his government doth stand by itself; and part of it mingleth with the Story of Saul. That part of the Story which standeth by itself, is the most part of it, for so long as Samuel was able in his person to govern: but some part of it, when as for age he was fain to take other help unto him. For so long as samuel was able to govern, we haue but these two things set down unto us: one in what sort he began to govern among them; the other what was the course that after he held. In that part of the Story, that sheweth in what sort he began, it shall be good to note, first how he dealt with the people themselves: then, how he dealt against the philistines their enemies. He dealt with the people themselves, twice; first, as it seemeth, at Ramah( for there was his house, and there for the most part, he judged Israel); then 1. Sam. 7: 17. at Mizpah. In that which he did, as it seemeth, in Ramah, we first haue the occasion set down: then, what he thereupon did. The occasion was that the people seeing Ibid. 2. the hand of God so strong against them, began now more soundly to enter into the consideration of their former ways, to be sorry for them, and to seek unto the Lord. In that which Samuel did hereupon, we are to note, that something he did for the present, time: and something for a time ensuing. In that which he did for the time present we are to consider, not onely what was done by him; but also, what effect it took with them. That which was done by him, was, that first he exhorted them, if truly they turned unto the Lord, to put away the strange Gods from among them; and truly to give themselves unto the service of God alone: Ibid. 3. Ibid. 4. and then assured them, that so doing, God would deliver them out of the hands of the philistines. In that which he did for a time ensuing, wee are to note, not onely what it was that he did: but also what may seem to be his meaning therein. That which he did was no more, but that now he appointed a general assembly of all the people at Mizpah, and promised withall that he would pray for them. What his Ibid. 5. meaning was hereing we haue not set down: but it seemeth, that vpon this repentance of the people, he conceived good hope( if he were not some way or other by God assured) that now God would sand some help to the people. For he could not be ignorant, but that vpon that their assembly, the philistines would come in vpon them: and so it was to good purpose, that he willed all the people there to assemble, that so if it pleased God to give them any hand against their enemies, they might be ready to take unto them the benefit of it. In that which was done at Mizpah, we are likewise to note, first what occasion was there given him: then, how far himself dealt with them therein. The occasion that there was given him, was, Ibid. 6. that the people being there assembled did in special good manner bewail that they had so sore offended. That which he thereupon did, was that then( as it seemeth) he took vpon him the government of them, or did more fully buckle himself unto it. In which respect, I think it not amiss, to take some heed to that Parenthesis of four verses together, to frame them to a former time passed before: which Tremelius 1585. 1593. and Iunius before had used, and Iunius by himself hath taken back since, and is not used by any others that I do know. In his dealing against the philistines their Enemies, wee may likewise note; first, what it was: then, of what effect it was against them. To find out what it was, we haue first set down, how he was occasioned to do as he did: then, what it was that so he did. Occasioned he was, first by the philistines: then by his own people. By the philistines he was occasioned, Ibid. 7, 10. for that so soon as they heard the people of Israell were so assembled together at Mispeh, the Princes of the philistines came in with their forces, to the great dismaying and terrifying of the people, over whom they had exercised their tyranny so long: by his own people likewise, both by that their great fear; and for that Ibid. 8. they called so earnestly on him to pray to God for them, that he would save them out of the hands of the philistines. That which so he did, consisted in two special points: one, his offering; the other, his Prayer. His offering was an whole Ibid. 9. Burnt-offering, yielding all unto the lord, reserving nothing unto themselves. His Prayer was, an earnest crying unto the lord. The effect it took, was first above: then, beneath. above, that God heard him: and from thence thundered Ibid. 9, 10. on the philistines. Beneath, first for that present: then for the time ensuying. For that present, that they were thereby scattered: and the heartes of the people so raised Ibid. 10, 11, 13. Ibid. 12-14. up against them, that they pursued vpon them, slew many of them, and brought them under. For the time ensuing, samuel to Gods glory erected a Monument for memory of it: and the philistines so found the hand of GOD against them for Samuels time, that so long as he had the government, they came in no more against the Israelites; and besides that, restored unto them such cities as they had taken away from them before. In the course that after he held, the most that we red of, is about civil government onely: but one thing there is, that respecteth Religion. In that which is about civil government, it seemeth to me, that as wee haue one thing of special good comfort plainly set down: so haue wee another that boadeth not well, which is but implyed. That which is of special good comfort, and is plainly set down, is, that having thus begun his government, and being thereby established in it towards the people, he took such order for hearing and determining their controversies, and to see that order were every where observed among them, and put himself to such pains withall to ease the people therein, that, by all likelihood▪ the people had for those matters a special good blessing by him. For though he resided and dwelled Ibid. 16, 17. for the most part in one place himself: yet did he every year personally repair to those others also, so to administer Iustice unto them to their least trouble. That which boadeth ill, and is but implyed, is that which ariseth out of the consideration of the places, of which he made choice wherein to minister Iustice unto them. For whereas the Land lieth long-wise, from the South towards the North, as it were three partes of it on the West of jordan, and but a fourth part on the East( yet both of a length, and to the length of jordan itself;) and the length of it is some-what more, than twice and a half the breadth of it: hence it might seem, that those places which samuel made his choice of, for the aforesaid administration of Iustice, were such as stood most fit and indifferent to such purpose; especially having an example before him from God himself, in the cities Deut. 4: 41-43. Ios. 20: 1-9. of refuge that were so placed, three on the one side of jordan, and three on the other. And because all those were Leuiticall cities, that is, into the which the levites among others were sorted, and because offenders were like to be there, therefore it seemeth, that these also had been the meetest to such a purpose: for that being Leuiticall, there might they haue had, if at any time need should haue been, a more perfect knowledge( at least, by all likelihood) of the Law of God; and men-slayers having liberty to fly thither, and being under protection there, till they might come to indifferent trial, those cities were as like to haue work for Iudges as most of the others. But now these cities that he made choice of to this purpose, were onely in the West part of the Land, and none of them in the East; and not being cast to the length of it neither, but overthwart towards the midst of it, and almost in a right line to( speak of) from the East to the West. For Ramah where he dwelled was in the Christi. Adrichom. in Theat. sanct. utmost part of the Land in a manner on the West, and so was Gilgal on the East; the other two were in a manner right betwixt them( saving that Mospah stood a little more towards the South) and in much like distance one from another; as Mispah from Ramah, and Bethel from gilgal. And so did this line leave to the South, almost all benjamin, judah wholly( unless it were the very edge of it, and that Adrichom. in trib. Ephra. num. 79. but in one place onely) and both the others, Simeon and Dan: to the North, almost all Ephraim, the one half of Manasses, all Issachar, Zabulon, Asser, and Nephthalie; besides those other portions of reuben, Gad, and the half of Manasses on the East. Out of which may this doubt( in my mind) bee conceived, if samuel were so industryous as it seemeth he was, that much of the country was grown half wild, when as the administration of Iustice did spread forth no farther, but kept itself so near to the heart of the Land as it did. But now some there Tremel. I●n. in 1. Sam. 7: 15. are, that, contrary to all others that I do know, do strike out Bethel, and take in Kiriath-jarim in steede thereof: as if Bethel that here is mentioned, were not that city that properly is so called; but that it should signify Kiriath-jarim, because 1. Sam. 7: 2. the ark was now there, as The House of the mighty GOD. But as there is no warrant for this, so is there no likely-hoode neither, that all the rest should bee taken as proper, and this among the rest as the appellative onely. But on the other side, if wee mark that opinion well, wee may soon find, that it hath no good agreement, either with the situation of those places, or with the Text itself. As touching the situation of those places, Mispah was neither in the midst of the Land, as touching the length, but had twice so much North-ward, as it had towards Chr. Adrichom. the South: neither was it in the edge of the Land towards the West, but that Ramah, one of the four, and where samuel himself dwelled, a great deal more Westmerly than it. again, whereas Mispah standeth as it were a fourth part or more of the breadth of the Land from Ramah East-ward, and Kiriath-jarim, is but a little way from it( a great deal nearer than Mispah and Ramah are) by that reckoning it should come to pass, that samuel had taken three places, all towards the West, where the philistines and the Sea did quickly enclose them: and but one towards the East, where besides so much of the breadth of the Land as thence they had betwixt them and jordan, they had a great part of the people beyond. Ibid. As touching the Text, they rely but on two places chiefly, gilgal and Mispah, and yet in the Text it is clear, that he judged Israell in Ramah by Name, 1. Sam. 7: 16. and in all those four places before name; and that themselves haue translated, not in Those two( whereon notwithstanding they chiefly rely, as before I said) but in All those places, as also the original itself requireth they should. That Ibid. 17. which respecteth Religion, is, that he built an Altar there unto the lord: an undoubted token of some kind of devotion in him; and that he would join together civil government, and Religion towards GOD. But whether it was lawful for him so to do( as he is by all that I do know defended in it, and very Lyr. Co●r. Pel. Bibl. Angl. great reason wee think the best of him) or but some stain of the great corruption that then was grown up among them; or, as some others conceive, whether Trem. jun. this were not at Ramah, but at Kiriath-jarim that the Altar should bee builded because the ark was there then: both these do I leave to others for to judge of, as themselves think good in the fear of GOD; saving that the former I take to bee more likely to hold, than the latter. When for his age he was fain to take other help unto him, having two sons, he made them Iudges in Israell: but they did not follow the good ways of their Father, but 1 Sam. 8: 1-3 being worldly minded, they took rewards and perverted Iudgement. Wherein it shall bee good to mark something, as touching the matter itself: and some-thing as touching the manner of delivering the same unto vs. In the matter itself, some things there are to bee considered in them, as there was some relation betwixt their Father and them: and one thing besides in themselves, without respect of such relation. As there was some relation betwixt their Father and them, it may well bee, that the Father had some private respect in appointing them rather than others: and wee see, they did degenerate. If he had any such private respect, it came so much more justly upon him, that, for their degenerating from his better wales, himself was soon after by the people( in some sort) rejected, and that whole form of government with him: especially, having in his old master so fresh an example of the lords indignation against the looseness of his two sons before remembered. In that they did so plainly degenerate, both wee see it often renewed, that good Parents haue ill children: and it doth not onely serve to show, that the good gifts of God do not go by any natural propagation; but also we find it well recompensed oft-times, when bad Parentes leave us so blessed Children. In themselves, without respect of such relation, it is good to note, howe the desire of worldly lucre, or taking of rewards( one of the branches of it) and corruption of iudgement or perverting of right, are joined together: as teaching us to gather, not onely that so it was in them now, but that we never find it otherwise, but that so many as hunt after lucre or take reward, whatsoever good gifts they may seem to haue, or howe closely soever they carry it, the truth notwithstanding is, that iudgement is by them corrupted. In the manner of delivering the same unto us, it is specially said, that these were Iudges in Beersheba: which is a city in the utmost part of the Land Southward, and towards the West corner of it, in the Tribe of Simeon; Adrichom. and so a strange matter, that they should bee appointed to minister Iustice unto the people, and yet reside in one remote corner of all the Land. unto this diuers say nothing at all: others there be, that do otherwise gather thereof, one imputing it a Lyr. Vatab. Bibl. Angl. Con. Pel. fault unto them, that would be so chargeable and troublesone unto the people, as to make them trail so far to haue their matters decided( and that indeed is the manner of diuers, when they are in such place to take their own pleasure or case; and little to regard, how the people wring for the same;) others accounting it a defective Tremel. jun. Iud. 20: 1. or figurative speech,& to be supplied by another, where it is said from Dan to Beersheba, as not meaning thereby, that they did reside or lie onely in Beersheba, but that they were appointed over all, even to Beersheba. And true it is, both that the Text here doth say they were appointed Iudges to Israell, and so to the whole people, and not unto some one part only: and that such description of the whole people, as to say from Dan to Beersheba, is not used onely in that place of the Iudges, but in many other places besides. In that part of his government that mingleth with the Story 1. Sam. 3: 20. 2. Sam. 3: 12. 17: 11. 24: 2, 15. 1. King. 4: 15. 1. Chr. 21: 2. 2. Chr. 3: 5. of Saule, because Saule in his time, by his ministry was appointed King, therefore was it most likely, that some time should go betwixt, before the one could be fully discharged, and the other fully invested in his office: in which mean time samuel may best bee counted, to continue his government still, until the other bee actually entered into his charge. In which mean time, first we haue but a treaty of having a King, at large: then, what course was held particularly about him that was now appointed unto them. While it went no farther, but onely to bee a treaty of having a King, at large, wee are first to consider of it, as it was but onely moved: then, as it was more importunately demanded, and resolutely determined with them. As it was but onely moved, we are first to consider how it was moved by them: then how that motion was disliked by others. As it was moved by them, we are first to consider of the occasion of it: then, of the motion itself. The occasion arose of two principal heads: one, the same that themselves do allege; another, wherewith a little after samuel doth charge them. That which themselves did allege, was, the ill government of those that were in place already: a matter that 1. Sam. 8: 5. oft-times is the cause of great alteration in states,& sometimes of the utter overthrow of them for ever. That wherewith samuel a little after doth charge thē, was, that they 1. Sam. 12: 12. did of the fear that they had of the King of the Ammonites then warring on certain of them. In the motion itself, wee haue both the substance, and manner of it. The substance is, that needs they would haue a King as other Nations had. In the manner of it wee haue two special points: one, commendable; the other, reprooveable. Commendable it was, that they would not set up any of themselves: Ibid. 5. but referred themselves to the Prophet therein, whom they knew to be a faithful seruant of God. reprovable it was, that among all the company, even of the Elders Ibid. 4, 5. of them, there were none that holp to stay the rest in this matter, but all joined together in it. But so it is oft-times in the Church of God, that even all the Elders,( none of them excepted) join together in that which they should not, none of them all having the grace to moderate the unbridled ways of the rest. Misliked it was, first by samuel: then also, by God. samuel, being offended at it, did also make his prayer Ibid. 6. Ibid. 7-9. to God. God told him, that it was himself, and not samuel, whom thereby they refused to rule over them: yet nevertheless willed him to yield it unto them. In what sense God so said, we may understand by the like speech that we had of Gedeon Iud. 8: 22, 23. before: and so not needful to be repeated here again. To find out howe it was afterward notwithstanding more importunately demanded, and resolutely determined with them, wee haue first set down, what cause they had to haue moderated themselves better than so: then, how importunate they are notwithstanding. Good cause they had to haue moderated themselves better than so, both in this that is gone before: and in more that followeth after. This that is gone before, is, that both 1. Sam. 8: 6-8. samuel was displeased at it: and that God accounted it to bee a rejecting of him to reign over them; and a branch of the wonted apostasy of their rebellious forefathers before. Enough to haue stayed such as had any moderation in them. That more which followeth after, was in that message that God hereupon sent them by Samuel, the effect whereof restend in two principal points: one, that kings would use so hard a government over them, as that themselves should then cry unto God about it; the other, that God would not then help them in it. The hardness of government that they would use over them, they are forewarned should partly but touch their earthle estate here: but partly matters of greater importance. In such things as belonged to their earthly estate here, they would be given so freely to take at their own pleasure, from any of their people whatsoever themselves listed, that they would not onely take of their best things, and dearest unto them, as their Sons and 1. Sam. 8: 10-14, 16. Daughters; and their ground whereon they should live; yea, and the best of it also: but even their Seruants, and Cattle too. Those other matters of greater importance, are, the glory of God, and good of the people, spiritually in their transitory life here, aeternally in the World to come. All which depended much on the maintenance of the levites among them, which God appointed to bee by the tenth of all their increase. Concerning which, God doth now tell them, that lightly they can haue no Princes, though never so much they profess themselves to be of God, and to haue special regard unto him, and to the good estate of their people, but that yet notwithstanding being men, and thereby subject to the common corruption of mans nature, even that natural inclination in them, once being armed with the power of authority, will make them so bold with those things aforesaid: and never in wisdom perceive, neither of themselves nor by the wisest Sages they haue Ibid. 15. 17. about them, that they are wrong, nor that therein they work against God and their people themselves, and all. An usurpation so pregnant with us, that no honest heart I think but would be ashamed, even in the dark, of diuers things of that kind, that we notwithstanding haue done in the light, even in this brightness of the gospel itself: and altogether neglecting the glory of God; injurious, and hurtful, in the highest degree, to all his people. Which hard estate( into which hereby they were to fall) although it were hard enough in itself, and thereby sufficient to haue given them warning; yet was it made so much the harder, in that God doth now so Ibid. 18. plainly tell them before, that when they should call unto him for help therein, he would in no wise help them in it: a good warning as possibly might be, being so plainly before-hand given them. All which notwithstanding the people are where they were before: needs must they haue a Vice-gerent, where( they saw) their sovereign Ibid. 19, 20. himself ever resided; needs must they be abased like other Nations, whom God had( even therein also) advanced, above all the peoples of the World. Which Ibid. 21, 22. when samuel had related unto the Lord, and the Lord had willed him again to let them so haue it, sith needs they would, and the Prophet thereon had willed them, because it would ask some time unto it) for that time to depart till they heard farther, they took this their dismission( dismissed indeed from an honourable& glorious estate before, under the comfortable blessing of God, unto the babishnes of their own silly choice, thenceforward to be a prey unto those whom they haue chosen to be their Champions) and so departed: nothing at all( that we do red of) revolving in their minds, how foully they haue overslipped themselves; much less retracting it, while yet they had some time to do it. In that course that was now particularly held, about him that in the end was appointed unto them, because yet we must keep but unto the Story of Samuels government, and that it must end when Saule beginneth his kingdom, therefore are we more precisely to mark, where we may most fitly account the reign of Saul to begin, that so wee may the better see, where to finish the government of Samuel. This we haue not any where in my iudgement so plainly set down, but that where I think we may best account it, yet there do I wish it rather to be but thought most likely, than to make any certainty of it. And that seemeth to me to be when it is said, that all the people went to gilgal, and there made Saule 1. Sam. 11: 15 King before the Lord: and so, that neither it began so soon, as when he went to Iabes-Gilead against the Ammonites; neither was it so long before it began, as Ibid. 7-11. Ibid. 10: 8. 13: 8. until Samuel should come at the time appointed to Gilgal, and there show him what to do, For the former of these was but accidentary, or by occasion, as the present necessity then required: and in the latter of them it seemeth, that Samuel was rather to do the work of a Prophet, than of a governor, for which Saul was then to attend him; especially being made by all the people King before, even by the direction of Samuel himself. This therefore being our compass, Ibid. 11▪ 14. now we are to see, what we haue in this mean time that may be allotted to the government of Samuel, that now doth mingle with the Story of Saul. Within which compass, something we find to be done at Ramah, where he dwelled and now was: and something at other places besides. At Ramah it was, where first he understood who it was whom God would haue now to bee appointed King over his people. Concerning which, first we haue delivered how it was dispatched here: then, how closely the principal party kept it at home when he came there. It was in such sort delivered here, that therein we haue a good example, how the providence of God( whensoever himself is so disposed) by small things leadeth unto matters of special moment: and that it may be an example unto us instead of many, to that end( it seemeth) it is particularly set down unto vs. Wherein we haue declared, how it pleased God, when he was disposed to bring Saul to the kingdom, to use certain means whereby to work: first of inferior creatures; then also of men. Those inferior creatures by whom it pleased God now to work, were poor silly Asses: and his working by them was, that they must go astray, and for a time bee 1. Sam 9: 3. wanting unto the owners of them. The men by whom it pleased him to work, were most of them such as employed themselves about those less matters: but one of them was of more special reckoning, and reserved to bee employed about greater. Those who employed themselves about those less matters, were Cis or Kish the father, whose Asses they were: and Saul his son, together with one of his seruants, that must go seek them. Of Cis it is said, that he was a man of good account among his people the Tribe of benjamin: and that having his Asses strayed, Ibid. 1, 2, 3, he sent both his son and one of his seruants to seek them. Of Saul and that seruant, that accordingly they sough: them in diuers places, but could not find them Ibid. 4-14. 18-20. and that by occasion thereof seeking to Samuel, there they find the end of their labour; and in much more comfortable maner, than they could look for. And true it is, that often it pleaseth God, to make such inferior creatures, yea and the loss and wanting of them, and our own employments about them, special good means of some greater works of his providence towards us: and so likewise all other earthly things whatsoever; and all the employments of men about them. But here it shall be good more specially to note, what is recorded of those two words, the Prophet and Seer: and in what sort Saule and his man at this time came unto Samuel. As touching the former, first it is clear, that such as profess themselves to bee Ibid 9. Prophets, or to be in such place with the people now, as these Prophets were with the people then, should by ancient right be Seers: and therefore ought so to order themselves, not onely that they haue no beams nor gross moats in their own eyes; but also, that no distemperature in them do so much as trouble or darken their sight. Then also, whereas the word Prophet is not an Hebrew, but a greek word by Nature, though it be used much in translations, not onely in the Greek, but also in the latin: yet haue the Hebrewes their own pro[er word for a Prophet, and haue still used the same. Insomuch, that whosoever will mark it, may easily find, that even the last Prophets of all, as Haggai, Zachary, and Malachy,( the last books also of the Old-Testament, and so of the use of that tongue in the scriptures) though often they haue occasion to use that word( especially the middlemost of them, being the longest) yet they never use but onely their own: at that time having no conversing at all with the Grecians, as after they had. In the maner that Saul& his Ibid. 5. 8, 10. man used to come to the Prophet, it seemeth they thought much baslier of him, than they should haue done:& yet in some measure acknowledged their duty notwithstanding. They thought over basely of him, if they conceived of him, but as of such as we call wisemen, as able to tel of things lost as it seemeth they did,& sure it is, that even the best seruant of God among us, is oft-times little better thought on by many of the vulgar people; and their help to such purpose oftener sought, than in those better, for which chiefly they are sent unto them. Their duty notwithstanding in some sort they acknowledged, in that they would not go empty unto him: and yet having been their chief governor so long as now he had been, they could not conceive that he was in any such need, as that they needed to present him with such a trifle. We not onely haue no such regard to any of those Seruants of God that we know so to be fleeced( if ourselves also haue not done it) that needs they must be in poor estate( so far are we from such presenting of any such as we know to haue plenty, though otherwise the seruants of God never so much:) but also prey vpon them stil, so oft as we are able to conceive any hope of any thing yet to be gotten from them; and so far are wee from shaming with it, that with an Harlots fore-head we daily follow it more and more. He that was of more special reckoning, and reserved to bee employed about greater matters, was Samuel the Prophet: and those greater matters whereunto he was reserved, were some of them now already past when Saule came to him; and some of them, soon after ensuing. Already past were two: one, that God told him the day before, that the next day Ibid. 15, 16. he would bring him in the man whom he should anoint to be King over Israel: the other, that being come at the time appointed, in the sight of Samuel, he told him, Ibid. 17. that that was the man that he did speak of. Those that ensued, were of two sorts: one, but such as Saule himself and his seruant might in reason haue expected; others, much more, than were within the reach of their expectation. That which they in reason might haue expected( in that reckoning that they made of him) was to understand something of those Asses that they did seek for; which also they did: namely, that both he told them that himself was the Seer, and what time Ibid. 19, 20. those Asses were lost; and willed him not to care any more for them, for that they were already found. Those others that were much more than within the reach of their expectation, were partly no more, but onely some special and extraordinary courtesy; but chiefly such others as more properly belonged unto the business that was now most intended. It was special and extraordinary courtesy, that he& his Idid. 19, 22-24. seruant were taken in to feast with those that were then gathered together: especially being so placed, and in such sort used, as then they were. Such as did more properly belong unto the business that was now most intended, were, that first he gave him but an inkling of it: but then went directly and plainly unto it. When he gave him but an inkling of it, that seemed to be in the presence and hearing of his man: but when he went more directly and plainly unto it, that was but privately done to himself. Again, when he gave him but an inkling 〈…〉 because Saul gave some answer unto it, therefore are we to consider, not onely what Samuel did say unto him, but also what was the answer that Saul did give him. samuel, having told him that the Asses were found, and having willed him not to care for them, now by that occasion farther telleth him, that himself was now growing to be( and, abide. 20. for his sake, even all his fathers house together with him) in that request with all Israel that he need not now to regard much greater matters then those. The answer that Saul did thereunto give him, was in effect, that the Tribe whereof he came, being Ibid. 21. the least of all the Tribes of Israel; and his Fathers family, one of the meanest of all that Tribe) there was no reason why he should use any such speech unto him, or but put him in any such hope. Before the time of our knowledge that Samuel went plainly unto it, we find that he talked privately with him: but of what matter wee Ibid. 25, 26. Ibid. 27-10: 13. cannot tell, saving that it was most likely to be of this. But bringing him a piece of his way, and causing him to sand his man a little before him, then he told him the the whole matter, and gave him good tokens of it, God also confirming the same, and Saul himself finding those tokens to fall out as it was told him before that they should. But these things would be more specially considered: both what was here done unto Saul; and what himself did afterward find. That which here was done unto him, was partly by samuel: and partly by God. By Samuel he was dealt-with most of all for this present: partly also for another time after ensuing. For this present, both he imparted the matter unto him: and confirmed him in it. He imparted the matter unto him, when he told him, that the Lord had appointed him Ibid. 10: 1. to be governor over his inheritance. He confirmed him therein, first by that which then he did unto him: then by that which then he told him. That which he did unto him, was, that he did anoint him to the kingdom: that is, powred vpon Ibid. him a viol of oil of sweet perfume( such as in those parts many did use) in assurance that God had appointed him, and would likewise enable him to govern his people. Which his anointing, being a figure of the anointing of Christ, doth teach us, that he is both appointed and enabled to be our saviour: and that, if he be appointed, we should not in duty go to any other; as also, that we need not, if he bee enabled. He told him of diuers good tokens to confirm him therein: first in others; then, in himself. Of others, that he should meet some but civilly, others religiously employed. civilly those two at the sepulchre of rachel, that should tell him, that the Ibid. 2. Asses were found, and that his father now sorrowed for them: religiously those three Ibid. 3, 4. Ibid. 5. that were going up to God, with their presents with them; and those Prophets with instruments of music and Prophesying. The token that should be in himself, was that the Spirit of God should come vpon him also, so that he should prophesy and become a new man, and might then do as occasion should serve. For another ttme Ibid 6, 7. then ensuing, he now instructeth him what to do against that time: namely that whereas they were shorly after to haue a general assembly at Gilgal, he also must Ibid. 8. be there, and abide the coming of the Prophet seven dayes, till he come and show him what to do. That which God did here unto him, was, that when Samuel and Saul were partend, then did God give a new heart unto Saul, or such virtues and graces as were meet for the function whereunto now he was called. That which abide. 9. himself did afterward find, was, that al those tokens did come to pass, as the Prophet before had said, both in those others, and in himself withal. The principal party that was thus set forth, was Saul, who returning home again, was specially Ibid. 10-13. Ibid. 14-16. questioned withal by his uncle of that his business: but Saul imparted nothing unto him as touching the kingdom. A special good token of the modesty of Saul, that he neither made any vaunt of it when he came home: nor, though his uncle by likelihood were a man that some way or other might help it forward, yet did he not seek his help therein. Those other places besides were two: one, Mizpah; the other, Gilgal. That which was done at Mizpah, had some part of the compliment of it a while after at jabesh Gilead. So are wee first to consider of that which was do at Mizpah: then, of that farther compliment, soon after ensuing. In that which was done at Mizpah, we are first to consider of the course of proceeding that t●●●e was used: then, how the assembly was again dismissed. The course of proceeding that there was used, was, that then he was first made known to all the people generally, to be the man that God had appointed to bee their King: and that the people were diversly affencted towards him. So are we first to consider, how he was so far forth made known unto them: then, howe the people were affencted towards him. he was so far forth made known unto them, partly by his election: and partly, by bringing him forth in person before them. When they go unto his election, Samuel, having gathered the people together, Ibid. 17. first reproveth them for giuing him occasion of that business: but then nevertheless doth set in hand with it. His reproof was, in the name of the Lord: and Ibid. 18, 19. it chargeth them, that whereas he from time to time had delivered them from all their enemies; yet that now, in effect, they did cast off him, in demanding a King to reign over them. Setting in hand with the business itself, there both he and Saul might see( for these were privy to his anointing before) how wonderfully the Lord disposeth even of Lots; a thing of as mere casualty, as can be conceived: and this might they see, first in that wherein we see, what the odds was; then also, in the residue of that business, wherein it is not known unto us what the odds were. For first we see, that of all the Tribes of Israel, the Tribe of benjamin was taken: and Ibid. 20. there the odds were, eleven to one. How many were the several Families of that Tribe; then also, how many were the several persons of that family whereof Saule was, are both unknown unto us: but how many, or how few soever they were, onely that family whereof Saule was; and of all the persons thereunto appertaining, it Ibid. 21. was Saule only that so was chosen. As touching the bringing of him forth in person before them, he was so far from awaiting of his election, and of being in a readiness then to take the advantage of it( as ambitious aspiring persons are wont to be) that being privy to his anointing before, and thereby conceiving how the lots Ibid. 21-24. were like to fall, he went aside out of the way, and so was hide till they inquired of the Lord concerning him, and so understood where to haue him: whether when they went and brought him among them, both themselves did see, that he was a man of goodly parsonage, higher by the head than the rest of the people; and Samuel took occasion thereby to commend him unto them. The people for the most part were well affencted towards him: but some were not. Those that were well affencted towards him, were the most part generally: and some, in particular. Generally, the Ibid. 24. most part reioyced in him, and desired God to bless him. In particular, both there were diuers that now began to attend him( but a thing to be noted, none in this his Ibid. 26. simplo beginning, as also in the first rising of the gospel, but such as whose heartes Ibid. 27. God had touched:) and others, it seemeth, of the ablest sort, brought presents unto him. Those that were not so well affencted towards him, stumbled, it seemeth at the means of his estate now at the first( as diuers haue done at the gospel also) and Ibid 27. thereupon despised him; and brought him no presents: but it is to be noted withall, that they haue a special burn set vpon them for the same( a thing that may be found in ours too) namely, that those were wicked men, or of the worst sort among them. As touching the dismissing of the assembly, samuel first both by word of mouth did Ibid. 25. show them what should be the manner of their estate now, both for their allegiance unto their King, and for his authority over them again, and set the same down in writing also, and laid it up before the Lord: and then dismissed the whole assembly, sending them all away to their own. The compliment that this business had in jabesh-gilead, was, that then all the people generally agreed to make him K. over them; but as it were by certain degrees: partly by the good success that it pleased God to give then unto him against certain of their enemies; and partly, by the aduise of samuel. What that good success was, that it pleased God to give him against certain of their enemies, to the end we may the better perceive, we are first to consider of such things as went before, then, of that good success itself that immediately followed. Those things that went before, were, the distress of jabesh-gilead: and howe Saule addressed himself to help. The distress of it by Nahash King of the 1. Sam. 11: 1, ● Ammonites, besiedging it was such, that they were fain to yield unto him, so that they might haue some reasonable conditions: but they could haue no conditions, but that he might thrust out the right eye of every one of them, so to bring shane on all Israell. Much like to our mighty Ammonite of Rome, that cannot brook to haue any peace with any Christian Prince whatsoever, nor with any several persons, unless they will suffer him to deprive them clean of the best eye or sight that their souls haue, even the word of God. That Saule addressed himself to help, it was by occasion of the ill tidings thereof that came unto others of the people: and so are we to see, first how those il tidings came unto them; then how Saule thereupon set in hand to help them. Those ill tidings came by the means, that when the Inhabitants of Iabosh Gilead, could get no other conditions, and were Ibid. ●-7. not able to make their part good with their enemies, they sent Messengers thereof to their Brethren: who coming to Gibeah( belike of purpose, that so it might come to their new made King) raised up a great outcry and lamentation of the people there, to hear the pitiful estate of those their brethren. Whereupon Saul coming out of the fields, not yet taking vpon him as King, but onely living as a private man, was now notwithstanding so nettled at this, that presently he stroke down a yoke of Oxen, cut them in pieces, sent the pieces abroad among the people, and gave them plainly to understand( the spirit of God being now more specially come vpon him) that whosoever followed not to that service, himself and samuel going before, their Oxen should bee in such sort served. Vpon which God stroke such a fear in the Ibid. 7-11. hearts of the people, in this case to yield their obedience, that there assembled together of the Israelites 300000. and of the Tribe of judah onely 30000. all which he divided into three companies, and set vpon the enemy betimes in the morning. The success was, that he so overthrew them, fighting against them till the heat of the Ibid. 11. day, that most of them, it seemeth, fell in that place by the sword, and the rest that remained were so scaled or scattered, that scantly two of them were any where left together. By which their good success, they came thus far of their own accord Ibid. 12, 13. at the first, that they would haue had those now put to death, who had despised him before: but that Saule himself stayed them therein, because the Lord had that day vouchsafed them so faire an hand against their enemies. The aduise that Samuel gave Ibid. 14. them, was to go to Gilgal, and there to renew the kingdom, or again to aclowledge their allegiance unto him, when as God had wrought in such sort by him, as that it was most likely, that none would now haue the face or heart to make any question of it, as diuers of them before had done: and this aduise of his wrought so well with them, that by that which followed soon after thereupon, it appeareth, that now they were resolved so to do. At Gilgal therefore first we haue this matter dispatched: then, another of Samuels besides. This was no more, but that as Samuel made the motion before, and the people, it seemeth, conceived well of it; so now they al went Ibid. 15. thither, and there renewed the kingdom again, or generally yielded their allegiance unto him: and that they did with so good hearts towards Saul now, that not onely they offered Peace-offerings to God( a good token how well he had pleased them in vouchsafing to give them him for their King;) but mutually so reioyced in Ibid. each other, even all the people in their King, and their King in them, that on both sides their ioy was exceeding great. That other of Samuels we haue more largely described unto us, and two principal matters therein: one, as touching his own former government among them; the other, as touching that alteration that now they had made. As touching his own former government among them, whereas in his time they had made this alteration, to clear himself of the suspicion that he did give them no occasion unto it, he willeth them to say before the lord, and his anointed 1. Sam. 12: 1-5. there present, if ever he had abused his authority among them, to the hurt or wrong of any of them, or to raise any base advantage unto himself. Of all which they did then clear him so very well, that therein he left a very good example, both to him that was then there to succeed among them, and to all other governors whatsoever. As touching that alteration that now they had made, he first laboureth them to understand their fault therein: and then, vpon their yielding thereto, doth readily minister comfort unto them. he laboureth them to find their fault in seeking to haue that alteration, first by their former experience of the Lord: then also, by an extraordinary work, that then he would do before their eyes. Their former experience Ibid. 6-15. was, that he did ever readily help them when they stood in need, and sought unto him: so that now they had no such need to haue done as they did; and yet, that if they would now keep to the Lord, they needed not to doubt, but that he would stil be gracious unto them, though otherwise they might look for no other, but that his hand would be against them. That extraordinary work that he would now do before their Ibid. 16-18. eyes, was, that sudden storm of thunder& rain, that at the prayer of Samuel he then did sand them, to be an assured sign unto them, that therein they had offended the Lord. whereupon when the people yielded themselves guilty, then he ministereth comfort unto them: assuring them, that the Lord will not fail them, if they truly cleave unto him; and yet that otherwise both themselves and their K. are sure to perish. His Story, for the residue of his time ensuing, is most of it, of his life: but somewhat of his death. So much of it as is of his life, we may divide into two principal parts: some part of it being of such his employments, as after that Saul took vpon him as K. and before it pleased God to show what his purpose was towards david, we do find recorded of him; the residue, of such as were likewise in the time of Saul, but yet then beginning when it pleased God to make known unto others, what his purpose was concerning david. Such as were of the former sort, were some of them such, as where about Prophets are ordinarily employed; but one there is of that nature, as whereabout Prophets are but seldom employed. Those that were of such nature, as where-about Prophets are usually employed, were, one of them at Sauls first entrance into his kingdom: and the others, a while after. At Sauls first entrance into his kingdom, Samuel, as a Prophet, 1 Sam. 13: 11-15. both reproved his inordinate hast: denounced unto him the loss of his kingdom for the same. A while after he was again as a Prophet employed, to direct the K. how to Ibid. 15: 1-3. Ibid. 10-23. deal against the Amalachites: and, at his return, to reprove him likewise, for that he had no better regarded the charge that was given him; and, for that again, to denounce Ibid. 24-31 unto him the loss of his kingdom, at which time notwithstanding as a subject he easily yielded himself to be overruled to attend the King before the people. That which is of such nature as about which Prophets are seldom employed, was, that he called for Agag the King of the Ammalekites, whom Saul and the people brought Ibid. 32, 33. home alive,& there did hue him in pieces before the Lord in Gilgal: but then went home, and was sorry that God had rejected Saul, and mourned for him. Of the latter Ibid. 34. 35 sort we haue but onely two, and both of them such, as are wont to bee done by the Prophets: one, that he went at Gods commandment to Bethlehem, and there anointed Ibid. 16: 1-13. david to be King over Israel; the other, that with david when he fled from Saul, he went to Naioth to abide there, and there did hold the exercise of prophesy. Ibid 18, 20. 24. Ibid. 25▪ 1. That which is of his death, is no more but this, that he died, and that all Israell assembled themselves, and mourned for him, and butted him where he dwelled, at Ramath. 9 That one of their Kings under whom they yet continued one people, was King Saul, of whose anointing by the Prophet, and choosing by lot, we haue heard already, under the government of samuel, the last of their Iudges: and now are we to see, first, in what sort he made his entrance into his kingdom; then, what was his government after. In both which we shal find, as no where else more fully I think, two notable points: one, how careful we all ought to be, even Princes themselves, precisely to obsetue the word of God, that by his seruants he sendeth unto us; the other, that the best of us al do not stand in the favor of God, by the good things that in the better sort of us commonly are, but only by his own goodness towards vs. For he observed the word of God in the mouth of samuel the Prophet marvelous well, as we could easily bee persuaded; and yet would that in no wise serve; again, he was( no doubt) a notable man, and had many good things in him( at least, till that evil spirit of the Lord was sent to vex him) and yet did those nothing avail him to that Tremel. et I●n. Bibl. Angl. 1594. in ano●. in 1. Sam. 14: 24, 41. et 15: 13. f. ●0. ● 25. ●. job. 2: 11. 4: 6. etc. purpose. But unhappy man that he was, he is not onely thus cast down of God, but also condemned almost of all, to haue been a marvelous bad man, and onely, as it seemeth, on this supposal, because it pleased God to deal so roughly with him as he did, for such offences as seemed not so great unto vs. As the friends of job, though they came to comfort him, yet when they saw the hand of God so grievously upon him, as it was clean beyond all expectation of theirs, they changed their iudgment, and thought him to be a notable Hypocrite: otherwise, that God would never haue plagued him so as he did. But as Christ said by those Ga●●laans, whose blood Pilate Luk. 13: 1-5. had mingled with the blood of their sacrifice, and on those 18. on whom the Tower in Silo●● fell and slay them, that they were not more sinful than the residue: even so do I take it, that the Text itself doth teach us to judge of King Saule, that though it pleased God thus to deal with him( his wisdom knoweth best why) yet if we take one thing with another, and withdraw ourselves from all prejudice and partiality, no doubt it was not, that he was more offensive therein than wee, or than others commonly are; but that it pleased God so to deal with him, and justly might so do,& so might deal with the best of us, even as justly as he might with him. For neither do we tarry till we be so perfectly instructed in the will of God, by such as it pleaseth him to use towards us, especially if we haue but half so good cause a little to hasten, as Saule then had: neither do we, in any matter of charge that lightly we haue( unless it be in the case of jehu, for our safety withall, for that the destruction of Achabs House, in 2. King. 10. 30 plain reason must he think to be the better confirming of him in his) go so near to fulfil that which God prescribeth unto us, as wee may see that Saule then did in the charge to him prescribed. But these things will better appear in the Story itself. His entrance therefore in such sort he made, one way or other, as that God was therewith offended, and Saul for the same sharply reproved. So are we first to consider, wherein he offended in that his first entrance: then, how he was for it reproved. To find out wherein he then offended, is so much the harder, because it is not in such sort described, but that it is diversly taken: and albeit the opinions be but two, and that special consideration hath been had by the learned of either of them, yet in my mind it seemeth they haue left( even in that which is the likeliest) a good piece of their matter behind them. In the former of these two opinions wee are to consider; first, what the same opinion is: then, what ourselves may gather out of it, if that may stand for the sense of the place. The opinion itself is, that as the case then was, Saule did not 1. Sam. 13: 8, 9 Lyr. Ibi. ●● lit. ● think good to stay any longer on the Prophetes coming, but called for the sacrifice, and himself made oblation of it: so stepping into the office of the Priest, being occasioned thereunto by an urgent and just necessity, as he did take it. If that were his fault, and that the Prophet for it did first denounce unto him the loss of his kingdom, or that it should not now abide to him and his, then had wee need to take heed of a praesupposed liberty that many of us haue used, and some yet do: Lay-folk, yea, Women, to Baptize Children in time of necessity. Concerning which, it shall bee good, first to consider of it, as if there were some urgent necessity in it so to do: then to examine, whether there be any such necessity indeed, or not. If there were some urgent necessity in it, so to do, yet so was it in Sauls case also. For the philistines Ibid. 5-8. were already come in very strong; many of the people hide themselves in Caues, and fled over jordan; such as Saule had gathered together and followed him, began to steal away a-pace likewise; and Saul had stayed( in a manner, full out) seven dayes already. All which notwithstanding, if the Lord would not in that case bear with him, it is hard to conceive, that in this case of ours, he will bear with vs. But now the truth is, there is no such need in this case of ours to drive us unto it: but, on the other side, much good matter to hold us off from it. That there is no such need in this case of ours to drive us unto it, may reasonable plainly appear; first, in itself: then also, in others like unto it. The thing itself being baptism, doth easily show us there is no such necessity, both by the very nature of it: and by the use of it in ancient time in the Church of God. The nature of it is to give us to understand, that the Children of those Congregations that do profess the Faith of Christ, do appertain to the kingdom of God, as much as themselves; not onely when they are come into the world, but also even in their Mothers wombs: and therefore, that for baptism, the outward testification of it, we need no more but onely to take heed, that neither wilfully we do refuse it; nor negligently slip the time to take it, when we may conveniently C●nt. 2. c. 6. col. 111. 44. 3. col. 124. 3. 4. 694. 7. 6. 329. 27 613. 23. haue it. The use of it in ancient time hath been in the Church of God, to haue public baptism ministered but certain times in the year, as but at Easter, or at Easter and whitsuntide, especially for the greater sort: a sufficient Testimony in itself, that they had of old no such doubt of those that departed before baptism. Those others that are like unto it, are, Circumcision under the Law: and the holy Communion in the dayes of the gospel. Circumcision, by the appointment of God, was not to be ministered until the child was eight dayes old: before which time it is not to be conceived, but that many departed; and yet was not their estate therefore to be doubted. The holy Communion we do not hold needful nor meet neither to bee ministered to any of our children at all, until they come to yeares of discretion; before which time it is certain, that many depart this life: yet God forbid that they should be any thing at all endangered thereby; as it seemeth men were of old persuaded, when so far as well they could, they haue ministered Cypr. Serm 5. delapsis. Cent. 3 cap. 6. c●l. 133. 59. it unto children at vnger age. To hold us off from it, we haue good matter, first in the thing itself: then, if it be compared with others. By the thing itself, I mean that bold usurpation aforesaid, when women or other Lay-people take vpon them to baptize( in a Church established) when they conceive need to require. For the opinion of that presupposed liberty, hath hatched another misvsage besides, discomfortable to parents, unseemly and dangerous unto themselves: namely, that when children are stil-borne, or die before they are baptized, the women that are present, being fore-stalled with a prejudice already, that such children do not appertain to the kingdom of God, sand them or carry them away to be butted in some odd corner, as not meet to come to Christian burial. A very unadvised part, to make themselves so heavy Iudges on those silly Infants, whom they were never able to charge with any ill, not onely in deed or word outwardly, but also not so much as with any ill thought within. If it be compared with others, then what letteth, but that if they may minister baptism when they think there is some urgent necessity, they may likewise vpon any such like praesupposed necessity, minister the holy Communion likewise, take the pulpit, meddle with any inferior Magistracy, yea and finger the sceptre too? For the latter of them, wee are in like sort first to see, what it was wherein Saule offended, as they do take it: then, praesupposing Diuers of the Hebrew writers: as is reported by Co●ra. Pell. in 1. Sam. 13▪ 9. Tremel.& jun. that to be fault, what we are to gather out of the same. His fault was, as these others do take it, that he did not await the Prophets coming, but began so far to enter into his business before, whereas even therein also he should haue stayed the Prophets coming, as he had before appointed; though as it now fell out, the Prophet had tarried altogether as long in a manner, as he had required the King to stay for him; and because the King in his answer, when he was reproved, giveth in nothing else in particular that he had done, but onely that, to make supplication to the Lord, he had offered that Burnt offering, therefore go they no farther neither, and so do leave, as I do take it, a great pecce of their matter behind them. Which that we may the better perceive, we are to take in( as I do take it) all the Text of this Chapter going before: and, to that end, first to clear it in one point of the translation; then, to consider of the whole matter therein contained. That one point of the translation that is first to bee cleared, is the first part of the 1. Sam. 13: 1. Iran. Vatab. Bibl. Angl. 1594. first Verse of this Chapter, where it is said, that Now Saule had been King one year: which is not so to be taken, as though the original could yield no other Interpretation; but that such as did so interpret, thought that to be most agreeable unto it, though they knew others to bee otherwise persuaded therein. But this do I think cannot be the meaning of the place; but rather, that the beginning of the first year of Saules reign is noted thereby, as there be others that so do take it: Tremel. jun. or, that when Saule came first to his kingdom, he was of a quiet, gentle,& mild disposition, and as far from any haughty or hard ways, as a little sucking child, Chald. Paraphr Conrad. Pell. or a child of a year old, as others do give the meaning of it. For either of these do very well agree with the Story or residue of the Text: but not the other, so far as I am able to gather, because that so it would fall out, that samuel had adjourned the King to an assembly that should haue been a tweluemonth after, and had willed him then also to stay on him there( at least seven dayes) till he should come thither unto him. Whereas notwithstanding Samuel himself perceived, that 1. Sam. 12: 12. they were so urgent then for a King, vpon a present occasion then offered: Nabash then coming against them, which could not haue brooked so large a delay. The matter in the first nine verses of this Chapter contained, is not onely of that his hast to get the Burnt-offering to bee made, but of diuers other things besides, which are, as I take it, a part of his fault likewise: though I grant, there be something that seemeth to stand somewhat hard against it. So are wee now, first to set down, what we take his fault to haue been: then, what we haue to say to that which doth seem to stand somewhat hard against it. His fault it seemeth was( as before is said) not onely his not tarrying of Samuel in that his offering, but withal, that so he had provoked the philistines to come in vpon them, both himself and his son jonathan withall: himself by gathering those forces unto him, and by 1. ●2. 23: 2-4. stirring up the people to batte●●▪ and his son Ianathan, by encountering that garrison that he then dealt with. That which may seem to stand some-what hard against this, resteth in two principal points: one, a place of the Text itself; another an interpretation onely. That place of the Text itself, is, that when Samuel at his anointing had told him of certain Tokens, he should find in his way homeward, for his farther confirmation, and among others, that the Spirit of the Lord should come vpon him, he then bad him do as occasion should serve,& told him that the Lord was with him. So it may seem, that by virtue thereof, he 1. Sam. 10: 7. might now gather such forces together, and so stir up the people to arms as he did: and that jonathan( under him) might so assay that garrison also, as now he had done. But it seemeth, that that liberty was given him but in respect of that present occasion that was then so instant vpon them, the invasion of the Ammonites: and that the abiding of him that he did require at Gilgal, did necessary imply with it, not to provoke the philistines, who yet were quiet; and by whose coming in,( when they were provoked) he found himself as it were surprised, from staying on the Prophets coming. And how could these two in any good construction stand together, that Saule must tarry the time and place appointed, to be farther invested in his kingdom by Samuel, before he might take vpon him as King( but only for that present occasion, so very urgent as then it was:) and yet, in the mean season, vnprouoked might gather such forces unto him, might so employ certain of them, and so generally sand the Alarum to al the people? These things indeed are appertaining to Princes: but not absolutely, until they be in full possession. That which is but onely an interpretation, is another unseasonable Praeterplu perfect-tense( as I do take it) and a sense accordingly framed, that by some of our best expositors Tremel. I●n. in 1. Sam. 13: 2. there is used: making those forces that Saul had now gathered together out of the rest, and then sending home the rest again to bee none others but those, that of their own accord( yet inwardly governed by God unto it) gave their attendance on him when they say, that by lot he was so chosen to be their King; and conceyuing withall, that when Saule went against the Ammonites, he left those with jonathan to attend the garrisons of the philistines. But besides that that is without warrant, the Text itself seemeth rather to note, that these were others,& otherwise Ibid. 2. employed also about the king or under his regiment, and in other places withall. This being his fault, and then we being to see what wee are to gather out of the same, the matter is plain enough of itself, that seeing he was so ready, in these things himself to be doing,& did not so precisely await the time appointed, as he was by the Prophet enjoined;& yet was so loathe to take it vpon him before: by very good reason may we doubt, that we in such case are oftimes in our affairs over hasty also,& do not so precisely heed the rules that are given us, as we ought to do; especially in all such matters as whereunto ourselves are so readily inclined. In the reproof, that for this was given him, it appeareth, even at the first, that it was very sharp:& yet who so looketh more specially into it, shall find it much sharper, than otherwise it appeareth to be. It appeareth even at the first to bee very sharp, not onely for that the words of the reproof are so round as they are: but Ibid. 13, 14. also, because the loss of his kingdom is thereby likewise denounced unto him. If we look into it more specially, it doth then more plainly appear, partly because it was so long first, before he would any thing at all take upon him: and partly, because when he did some-what that way, he had such provocation thereto at he had. he had great occasion to haue taken much upon before, at his first return from Ramah: but then much more, on his being at Mispeh. At Ramath he was both specially honoured at the Feast; and by the Prophet samuel 1 Sa ●: 22-24. Ibid. 10: 1. Ibid. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. 2●▪ Ibid. 24. 2●. anointed: and ere he got home, both he found all those tokens true that samuel,( to confirm him therein) had told him before; and himself was endued with the good Spirit of God, so far, that even he also prophesied. At Mispeh he was chosen King by Lot, even he of all the thousands of Israell: as also, both of most of the people acknowledged; and of diuers of them attended. When now he did take so much vpon him, as to make choice of three thousand men, two thousand under his own regiment, and one under Ionathans; warned the people also, to betake themselves to arms; and at that time stayed the Prophet so long as he did, as his occasions were then: in reason wee might think him notably provoked thereunto, not onely in that so many of the people came so readily at his command to attend him against the Ammonites, three hundred and thirty thousand; but also for that Ibid. 11: 8. both he had so great success there against his Enemies that he gave them a great overthrow, and wan such favour of all his Army, that there they acknowledged their Ibid. 12. allegiance unto him more than before. All which notwithstanding, meddling so far as now he did, before the Prophet came and fully possessed him of his kingdom, albeit he had such cause to bee doing before, and that samuel tarried so long; and although his modesty and humility were such, that it was long before he would bee seen, in that matter of his so great aduancement: the Prophet telleth him, he hath done foolishly( O the wonderful depth of Gods severity;) he hath not kept the Ibid. 13: 13, 14. commandment of the lord his God; it must cost him no less than his sceptre and crown for thus far transgrssing, even the first charge that was given him. Neither yet was he any of the levites, more specially brought up in the knowledge of God; but at the most, as a young Gentleman of an ordinary education: neither were those daies themselves such, as that any special acquaintance with the ways of God, might bee expected in men much liklier than he. And yet even for this one slip of his, in an estate that he would fain haue shunned, and when he had so great reason( as we should think) to do as he did, is he now irreparably of God rejected. But a notable warning it is unto us, in all our ways to reverence the holy direction of God; and never to make so bold there-with, as in any thing to go before it; howe justly soever ourselves might conceive wee were occasioned: and withall, a notable burn to all those profane ways of Popish devotion, that, so they be doing, do very little or nothing regard, what it is that God, by the direction of his holy word, would haue them to do. CHAP. 12. 1 THis being his first entrance into his kingdom, wee haue now set down unto us, what his government afterward was: partly, while yet the good Spirit of God was with him; but most of all, when it was taken from him. Wee do not read, that the good spirit of God, which upon his anointing was given him, was taken from Ibid. 10: 9, 10. him till God had provided himself of another: but then wee read, that the spirit of the Lord departed from him, and an evil spirit sent of the lord, Ibid. 16. 14. did vex him. In which mean time, some things he did as it were of himself: and some-thing again by the express commandment of GOD. Those things that he did as it were of himself, were some of them( as it were) by a special occasion suddenly offered: and some of them again at further leisure, and more advisement. Those that he did by special occasion suddenly offered, were all appertaining to one piece of service that immediately followed against the philistines: in which wee are to see, how the same was on the sudden occasioned; then, how it was thereon performed. It was occasioned, first, and after a sort, by himself: but then, much more by jonathan soon after. In that which was done by himself there is to bee noted, not onely what it was: but also, how unprovided they were to such purpose. The thing itself was, that he gathered certain forces together: Ibid. 1●●2. Ibid. 3. and stirred up the people to arms likewise. In their want of provision to such purpose, we are not onely to mark, howe it was at that time with them: but then, to come to ourselves likewise, and to see if we haue not been in like case also. How it was at that time with them, is plain enough in itself: namely, that the philistines had so provided, that the people of Israell neither had any Weapons meet for the Ibid. 19: 22. war among them, as sword or spears; neither any Artificers to make them any. Insomuch that they were fain to go down to the philistines, to beate out or mend even their Instruments of Husbandry that were of Iron, as their mattocks, Coulters, and Shares: and were themselves allowed but a File at home, to mend or sharpen any of them. And this they did with so special regard, that about this time when Saul numbered the people that drew unto him, even then, as it seemeth, appeared this want, that none of all the company had either Sword or spear, but onely the King himself and jonathan his eldest son: and yet the whole company was then as it seemeth but poor six hundred. That ourselves haue been in the like Ibid. 15. 14▪ 2. case also, under our late philistines of Rome, is altogether as plain as was the other. For they also had so provided, that they had left no word of God among us that we might be able to understand, neither the Old-Testament, nor the New, neither the Articles of our Faith, nor the Ten-Commaundements, nor the Lordes-Prayer: and had so clean taken away men of skill from among us, that we were of necessity driven to go down to their Forges, even to dunce and Dorbell, for whatsoever such things we needed; the Clergy they left us, being so weak to any such purpose, that scantlie might they be for those matters so much as in stead of a File unto us, and that but a very mean one too. Rare men also they were, and those but few, that in spiritual Weapons were any better provided among vs. They haue told us since, that they did it but onely for our good, that the Scriptures are hard and dangerous, and for that onely cause they took them away, that we should take no hurt by them. But if the question be set vpon those other philistines, what the cause was why they did so carefully keep the Children of Israell from such Weapons, whether that the Israelites might take no hurt by them, or that themselves might more easily keep them under the yoke of their bondage still: even that onely I think would bee sufficient, to assure us of the inward purpose and meaning of these our philistines also. By jonathan was occasioned, partly their coming in: but especially, that the Israelites so pursued on them, as soon after they did. Their coming in was partly occasioned by him, for that his Father having given him the charge of a thousand men, his fingers Ibid. 3. were itching, he could not be quiet, till he had a little pulled the Feathers of one of the philistines Garrisons among them. That soon after the Israelites had the heart& stomach to pursue the Philictims so as they did, was likewise occasioned by him: being by some special and extraordinary motion resolved himself and his Seruant to begin the fray upon the philistines; and God so seconding him therein, that the Ibid. 14: 1, 4-15. main Army of the philistines, and those three bands, were all discouraged and fled, and so gave occasion unto the Israelites to come forth and to follow. To find out how it was here on performed, here it shall bee good, to part the main business, from certain particular accidents that came in withall. The main business was, how they shifted with the philistines now, wherein that God may haue his due, who onely it was that brought things so well about on behalf of the Israelites, it shall bee good to note, in what terms the Children of Israell at that present stood, before they saw how they were occasioned to pluck up their hearts and to follow after: and then, when they saw what occasion was given, how they did follow indeed. In what terms at that present they stood, we haue declared, first of all the people generally: then, of Saul the King, and such as now followed him. Of all the people generally it is said, that the philistines coming in so strongly and so many a● they Ibid. 13: 5▪ 7 did( being thirty thousand closets, six thousand Horse, and footmen innumerable) and sending forth out of their main Army th●●● severally ●ands, three several ways to spoil the country, they were so affrighted there-with, that most of 〈◇〉 fled and hide themselves where they could. Of Saul and his company it is said, that the people resorted unto him to Gilgal, and for fear of the philistines kept close unto Ibid. 4. 7. I●●d. 14: 2▪ 3. him: that Saule and his company made their abode in the bo●●ers of Gibeah; Abiah, the Lords Priest, and about six hundred men a●●●●ding him. But now when they saw what occasion was given them to raise up themselves to some better hope by the tumult and noise that was noted in the enemies Camp, vpon the sl●ug●●●● of Ibid. 16-32 those few that jonathan and his man made first among them, first Saule and his company followed vpon them, and many of those that had hide themselves before; then also, whereas there were many of the Israelites who hitherto were with the philistines, they also now turn against them: and so, what by the amazedness, terror, and fear that the Lord cast among them( insomuch that they turned their weapons one against another) and what by the hot pursuit of the Israelites vpon them when they saw how they were broken, the philistines then had a great overthrow. Those particular accidents that came in withall, were some of them appertaining to this present service now in hand: others, to another soon after intended. unto this present service now in hand it apertained, that Saule for the better accomplishing of it, did so straitly charge on pain of death, that no body should take any victuals till night, that so they might first haue dispatched the pursuit of their enemies: and the business that thereby( it seemeth) he made to himself, about the peoples so greedy falling to their victuals when they came at them. That he gave so st●●ight a charge to the people, Ibid. 24. it was no more than the nature of the case d●● require, and in such case is wont to be done; and it is a good token in him, that 〈◇〉 was careful to haue done▪ that service thoroughly; and wise to prevent that which might haue defeated it clean. The people fell to their victuals so greedily when they came at them, that by some of Ibid. 32, 33. the company they were reported to haue eaten the blood withall, plainly forbidden by the Lawe of God: and himself was like enough to haue been the chief cause of making himself that business, by so strict forbidding unto them to take any victuals before. And yet because he was so very loathe that they should therein Ibid. 33, 34. offend, it may not justly bee denied unto him, but that therein he was very careful to haue the Lawe of GOD duly observed: which also did otherwise partly appear in that there he builded an Altar unto the lord. At which time also the Ibid. 35. people gave a very good testimony of their obedience to the kings commandement, in that they did so truly obey, being as it were offered unto them as they went by: Ibid. 25-27. Ibid. 28-30. and none but jonathas( who heard not of it) did meddle with it; nor he but little, though he was of opinion, that it was some hindrance unto the service that his Father had so praclaimed. In those that belonged to another piece of service soon after intended, wee are first to consider what was that service: and then, what accidents they were that fell out thereupon. The service intended was to follow vpon the Enemy that night, and to make an hand upon them the best that they could. Which when Saule had propounded, they all were willing, saving that the Ibid. 36, 37. Priest wished the King first to inquire of the Lord: which when he did, it pleased not the lord to give any answer thereto. The accidents that fell out thereupon, were diuers: one, what the King himself conceived thereon; others, what course hae took to do such iustice, as he thought in that case was meet to be done. The King himself conceived, that there was some special fault by some of them committed, because the Lord gave no answer then unto him: whereas notwithstanding there might be other reasons conceived, why the Lord gave no answer now: For it may be the Lord did not like of any farther prosecuting of them, as yet: and then; in reason ought that to content him and the rest, that they did not find the Lord to approve it; the law already having set down generally, that wee ought to Deut. 4: 2. 12: 32. do nothing but onely that which the Lord hath commanded. again, when first he heard there was some tumult and business in the enemies camp, though at the 1. Sam. 14: 16-19. first he was then in hand to inquire of the Lord about that matter: yet perceiving the tumult to wax greater, and belike thinking it no time then to tarry, he bad the Priest stay, and did not tarry to make inquirye. It may be therefore that he that would Exod. 13: 1, 2. Mal. 1: 8, 13, 14. ever be served with the first and best of all that wee haue( and meet that he should) would haue nothing to do with the end of this action now, seeing he was not sought unto in the beginning. A matter not much unlike hereunto we afterward haue, that hath the like answer in effect: that whereas the people in the captivity had taken Zac. 7: 1-6. up two fasting dayes of themselves, but after made conscience to break them when the Temple was builded and the Land inhabited again, unless the Lord should first approve it, he told them in effect, that seeing it was but their own doing at the first, he would haue no dealing with it now. nevertheless it was not far amiss, that so he conceived( being as it is so clear a matter, that ever it may be justly doubted, being all so full of sin as we are); and his error therein, was no more but this, that although it were not unlikely so to bee, yet had he no warrant, that so it was. But 1. 〈◇〉. 14▪ 38-40. himself being so persuaded, he is fully resolved to do such iustice, as he thought in that case was meet to be done: and so, both to make inquiry, who it was that had offended; and to haue him put to death, whosoever it should fall out to be, yea though it were his Son jonathan. First therefore he setteth in hand with inquiry: and then, was as ready to haue done execution accordingly. As touching his inquiry, first, it was to find out the offender: then the offence which was committed. In searching to find out the offender, first he resolveth to use the Lot: but then he joineth prayer withall. In that he so useth the Lot, therein again we haue a commendable readiness and indifferency in him, making his choice so to do it, and exempting neither his Son nor himself from the trial thereof. But the Lot was no ordinary trial, nor at any time sufficient but when the Lord himself did appoint it: and the Law that before was given them, made that reckoning of the life of man, that it alloweth not any one Num. 35: 30. Deut. 17: 6. 19▪ 15. 1. Sam. 10: 19-21. Bibl. Angl. in ver. 20. Iosua 14: 2, 2. Ios. 7: 16-26. Vulg. ed●● v. 14. Num. 33: 54. 34: 13. Ios. 7: 13-15. 1. Sam. 10: 18. Prou. 16: 33. witness whatsoever, to be sufficient, on the credit whereof to take away any mans life. It seemeth indeed, that himself was chosen by Lot: but so would the Lord confitme unto him the anointing he had of the Prophet before. Most likely also that he knew the Land to bee divided by Lot before: as also it may bee he had red or heard, that when Achan had secretly sinned, he was in such sort found out and punished. But the Lord himself had so appointed for the division of the Land: and what course soever was held; both for the finding out of Achan, and for his own election( both which may seem to be by Lot also) certain it is, by the plain Text, it was of the Lord, or his appointment. And so oft as it is his own appointment there is no doubt, but that himself will order the same accordingly: as also wee are afterward plainly told that so he doth. again, in this trial, he did disadvantage himself and his son together very much in plain sight, in that he did not take such course as in that case was used, first beginning with the Tribes which were eleven to one, and then to come first to the families of that Tribe that should be taken, and after to the several persons that were of that family, both which are uncertain what odds they would yield: and so if needs he would put it to that kind of trial, yet by that order might he haue had many on whom the Lot might haue fallen in every of those degrees aforesaid; whereas in this course he never left but two parts only, all the people and them two at the first, then but himself and his son at the second in which case needs must it fall, either on the one or on the other. His Prayer was, that God would direct the Lots aright: which whether God were disposed to do or 1. Sam. 24: 41 not,( or which seemeth the more likely of the two) whether God espying inconsiderate dealing in him, were disposed to punish that, wee haue it not in plain terms set down; but onely thus much, that jonathan was taken( as of necessity one of them Ibid. 42. must haue been, there was no remedy). jonathan being now detected for the offender as he did take it, he cometh to the other part of his inquiry, namely, what was the offence he had committed: and charging jonathan to tell him the truth what he had done, thereby he found that he had in his hunger tasted a little wild honey as Ibid. 43. he went by, in pursuit of the enemy. In which confession or acknowledging of his fault, there be two principal points: one, that he plainly confesseth the matter; the other, implying, at least as it seemeth, more than he speaketh. In confessing the matter so plainly as he doth, it is somewhat strange, but that it seemeth the reverence he had to his Father and to the Proclamation he made, doth make him yield that as a sin, which otherwise was none. For it is no sin, orderly to take meate when we are hungry; and it is noted before, that both he and the people fainted for want Ibi. 24, 27▪ 30 of susteynance: and himself did not but orderly take it, because at the time when he took it, he knew not of any commandment to the contrary; though being afterward advertised of it, he now confesseth what he had done. That part of his answer that seemeth to imply more than he speaketh, is, when he addeth thereunto, that therefore he must die: not in plain terms contradicting his fathers mind therein; but yet in modest manner giuing him occasion to think better of it. And the things he may seem to imply thereby the Text itself doth help us to find: one, that in his iudgement his father had not done so well, as the case was then, to give Ibid. 29. 30. Ibid. 27. any such inhibition unto them; the other, that himself, till afterward, did not know of it. An example so much more worthy the marking, as we are afterward to see, that the less jonathan defended himself against his father: the better, it seemeth did God provide for him by all the people. In his readiness to do such execution on his son as he had before protested, for whosoever it was that was the offender, wee haue one thing very commendable: but some others, that seem to argue some want in him then. That which was commendable in him, was that he had so special regard to warlike discipline, that he would not spare his son therein. Those that seem to argue some want in him then, were, that he seemed not to haue due regard, either Ibid. 44 to the needlessness and inconueniency of his own Prohibition: or, on Ionathans part, to his innocency in the cause itself; or by the blessing that by him God gave unto them in that piece of service. But as God would haue it( who is wont to remember the innocent, and not always to suffer men to run so far as otherwise they would, in their own unadvised ways) the people stood so fast with him, that Ibid. 45, 46. jonathan took no hurt thereby; especially for that it had pleased God to make him so special an instrument of that their diliuerance: and so Saul quietly returned, by all good likelihood not long offended, that the people had so stayed him from precipitating that his iudgement on his son, in that his displeasure. 2 This piece of service being done on the sudden, and as occasion then was offered, we are now to see, in what things he employed himself at farther leisure, and more advisement: and so may we find, that some things he did, as it were of himself; and some other, by the special appointment of God. Such as he did, as it were, of himself, wee haue not set down but very briefly: and some of them, som-what doubtfully too. In those that are set down but briefly, something we haue about the conflicts that he praesently made: and something again, about a kind of provision he made for such other conflicts as might after ensue. As touching those that he presently made, some there are that haue the like report going on all: others, that do something vary. Those that haue the like report, are all of foreign Enemies; but some of them somewhat farther off from them, as the Ammonites, and the King of Zobah, others nearer home, as the Edomites: and the like report that goeth of these, is, that Saule fought against them, and handled them like bad men, belike as Ibid. 47. noisome and grievous enemies were to be handled. Those that haue their report something Ibid. Ibid. 52. varrying from the other, are those conflicts he had with the philistines, of whom it is not onely said as before of those others: but also, it is farther added, that Ibid. against them there was war all his dayes. The provision he made for other conflicts ensuing, was, that he made much of such men, as at any time he found meet for the warres. Those that are somewhat doubtful, are the conflicts he had with the Ammonites and Amalekites: and the doubtfulness is, whether these bee no other Ibid 47. 48. Ibid. 11: 11. services but such as are other-wise noted; one of them before, the other, the next that immediately after doth follow. For of those we may conceive some doubt, especially, of the latter of them, because others haue so conceived: and then I see no Trem. jun. reason to the contrary, but that the selfsame doubt may be as well conceived of the former too; because there is such a special discourse of such a piece of service before against the Ammonites, as immediately after against the Amalekites. And I do see nothing to the contrary, but that all these that are so briefly name, may well bee Ibid. 47. others, than that of the Ammonites remembered before; and this of the Amalekites following after: especially, seeing it is plainly said, that he warred against all his enemies on every side. So it seemeth to me, that both those be taken as peculiar conflicts that of himself he had with them as occasion served, as he had with those others: and that they were besides those that otherwise are more specially described; the one before, the other after. For both of them had deserved ill of the Israelites, Ammonites. Iud. 10: 6. 1. Sam. 11: 1, 2 Am●lakites Exod. 17. 8. Iud. 6: 3. Exod. 17: 14. Annot. 2. in. 1. Sam. 13: 1. accounting him at this time. viz Ibid 14: 48. Regnum tyrannice occupasse. Lyr. Pellic. Fr. Vatab. Ibid. 48. both before and lately also: and the latter of them were by the Lord himself specially willed to be remembered. whereupon it is not unlikely but that Saul of himself might well be doing with these( as having in his mind to fight against all his enemies, of which sort these were none of the vnworthyest to bee remembered) before that God did specially sand him against them, utterly to destroy them. In which place, those also before name do think very hardly of him too, when they are not able to charge him with ill, in any of the things that are here rehearsed; as when after he employed himself so much as he did in persecuting david: a prejudice, in my mind, so much the more both unadvised and uncharitable, as this place saith nothing of him but well;& others there were before, who gathered much better of him then so, even on the same place also, especially the middlemost of these, whose judgements was, that all this time he did marvelous well,& afterward also, in some respect. By the special commandement of God was this expedition that next ensueth against the Amalekites: in which he so offendeth the Lord again, that now again the loss of his kingdom is denounced unto him, and much more grievously then before. So are we in this to see, first what it was wherein he offended: then, what was denounced unto him for the same. To find out his offence, we are first to consider of the charge that was given him: then, how far he did discharge himself therein. In the charge that was given him we are first occasioned to consider of the person by whom the message was brought unto him: then, to come to the message itself. The person by whom the message was brought him, was but a man no 1. Sam, 15: 1 more then himself: but yet known to be the seruant of God; and sent before to anoint him King. As he therefore doth first require obedience of him, even so are we to gather, that how mean soever the messenger be: yet if wee find he doth require but as the word of God doth direct him, we are to take heed, that we slip no part of the charge to us committed. In the message itself, least the execution he was to do, might seem unto him to be somewhat too bloody, he first doth tell him the reason of it: then, what must be the execution. The reason of it was, that the Elders of the Amalekites( more than four hundred yeeres before) had molested the Ibid. 2. Israelites the people of God, when being come out of Egypt, they were newly entered into the wilderness. So grievous a thing is it with God, if his people be by him molested; and though he bear with it long yet is it one time or other remembered: this example insinuating besides, that, as it is with us, the higher we lift our hand to strike, the longer it is before it giveth the stroke itself, but striketh more surely when once it cometh; even so, for the most part it is with God too, that the longer it is before that he do show his displeasure against our sin, the greater it is when once it falleth. The execution must be, to go and destroy all that whole people, man, woman, and child, together with their Cattle great and small: and to haue Ibid. 3▪ no compassion on them. A wonderful sentence to proceed from so merciful and gracious a God: but thereby serving so much the better, to show that he is severe likewise; and that he useth his great severity against those that are grievous unto his people. How far K. Saul did now discharge himself therein, to the end that we may more certainly find, we must first make no question of it, but that he was defective in it: but then we are to mark withal, how near he came to his duty therein. He was defective in it because he and the people spared Agag the King, and the likeliest Ibid. 8, 9 and best of their Cattle, and of other things also as it seemeth. nevertheless, he may be accounted to come somewhat near, first for that he dealt so well with the Kenites who dwelled among them: then also, for that he did to the Amalekites. The Kenites he gently willed first to depart, because they and their elders had been Ibid. 6. friendly unto the Israelites; whereas otherwise it might easily be, that some of thē might fall by the sword among the rest: this also being the manner of God, never so to poure forth his wrath on the wicked, but that stil first he setteth those in safety, whom of his favour he meaneth to save. That which he did to the Amalekites Ibid. 4, 5, 7, 9. themselves, was, that he gathered convenient forces, went against them, and destroyed all the people with the edge of the sword, even all the country over as it seemeth: and all their Cattle and stuff besides, that was of the meanest. For, Ibid. 30. 1. that shortly after we red of Amalekites yet remaining, in the spoil of Ziglag, that may we rather take of those that by likelihood fled out of the Country when the Israelites so far prevailed, that they saw no hope to stand against them( as it is the manner of men in such case to do) than, as some do take it, that Saule stroke Trem. jun. but one battle with them, and that those they were, which were then gathered together, that he so slay: especially seeing the Text itself saith, that he slay all the people, and by the description of the place, seemeth to take in the whole Region of them( for Sur was the utmost from the land of Israel, and so by likelihood 1. Sam. 15: 7. Chr▪ Adrich●. Ibid. 14. he began with the nearest;) and when after he is reproved, there is no mention in that his reproof of sparing, but onely of other thingt, and not of men. unto that which was denounced unto him for the same, there be some other facts appertaining: so that first wee are to consider of that which is to him denounced; then, of those facts that belong unto it. In that which is to him denounced, because it came from the Lord, therefore are we first to see what groundwork it is that the Lord thereof hath laid: then, how the Prophet frameth his dealing accordingly. 1. Sam. 15: 10. 11. The groundwork that thereof the Lord laid, is that he giveth Samuel to understand, that it repented him he had made Saul King( signifying thereby, that now he had grievously offended, and that his determinate purpose was now to remove him:) and the reason to be, for that hereby he had turned from him, and had not performed his commandements. The Prophet in framing his dealing accordingly, first bemoaneth the matter to God: then doth he go and carry his heavy tidings to Saul. He bemoaneth the matter to God all that night, crying unto the Ibid. Lord about it. A notable token, that if Samuel were a good man himself, Saule was not so il as many of us take him, for that in such case Samuel would never haue lamented so much as he did, that God did so reject him; and that his slips were but such as God might find in the best of us all, if he were disposed so to deal 1. Sam. 10: 22. Ibid. 11▪ 13. Ibid. 11: 7. 14: 47. Ibid. 14: 44. Ibid. 14: 52. with us: as also, his modesty in shunning the kingdom, his facility to forgive those that were against him, his readiness to make head against all their enemies, his special good regard that he had to military discipline, and to make much of such as were meet for service, were such things in him, as seldom were sound in other Princes. coming towards Saul with his heavy tidings, he is for a while by Saul prevented, and held-off from doing his message: but by and by after, he doth readily discharge himself of it. He was held-off for a while, for that King Saule( hearing belike of the Prophets coming) came forth a little to meet him: and Ibid 25 12-15. saluting him first when he came towards him, in very kind and courteous manner, told him withal, that he had rhoroughly done as the lord had bad him. But when Samuel then asked, whence that bleating of sheep, and lowing of Oxen was, that he then heard, he readly answered, that they were of the goods of the Amalekites, but that the company thought good to reserve of the best of their cattle, to offer in Sacrifice unto the Lord, whom there he termed his God, meaning Ibid. 16. the Prophets( so insinuating that those were they that then they brought with them:) and added withall, that all the rest they had destroyed. This being said, the Prophet then being to discharge himself of his message, desireth leave of the King to tel him, what the Lord that night had said unto him concerning that matter; and that being obtained, he did set in hand to it: first but delivering the message itself; but then winning the King to grant himself guilty. While he doth but delieur the message itself unto the him, first he putteth him in mind how God Ibid. 17, 19. out of his mean estate before, had now advanced him to the height; and having called him thereunto, had now sent him on that late voyage: then he asketh him, how it came to pass, that he did not obey the voice of the Lord, but turned to the prey, and did wickedly in the fight of the Lord. He wan the King to grant himself guilty by the communication that went betwixt them in those matters: and so are wee to see, first, what communication passed betwixt them for those matters; then, how the King did thereupon yield himself guilty, or that he had indeed offended. The communication that passed betwixt them for those matters, was some part of it the kings: and some the Prophets. The King sheweth, whereon he standeth, that in his iudgement he doth not deserve any such reproof. First, for Ibid. 20. that himself had gone the way that the lord had sent him, and in token thereof, both had brought away the King himself, and had destroyed the rest of the people, and so, in his mind he had obeied the voice of the lord: then, for that it was but the people( not he) that took of the chief of those things that should haue been Ibid. 21. destroyed; and yet not they neither, but to make Oblations thereof unto the Lord, whom there again he termeth Samuels God. The Prophet sheweth him; first, how to find his sin: then also, his iudgement for it. His sin he sheweth him by comparison, giuing him to understand, that precisely to haue done as the lord Ibid. 22. had prescribed unto him, had pleased the lord a great deal better, than all the sacrifices they could offer unto him: and, on the other side, to do otherwise than God had enjoined( though themselves had no other meaning in it, than as they alleged) Ibid. 23. was as bad before him, as was either Witch-craft, or Idolatry. His iudgement therefore( even for sparing those that they spared, and though but to that end neither) to be no less, than, because he thereby had cast away the word of the lord, Ibid. therefore the Lord did now cast away him also, from being King. whereupon Saul finding his sin, doth now plainly aclowledge the same, and sheweth that Ibid. 24. he did it for fear of the people, rather obeying them than God: and withall desireth samuel, both to obtain him pardon for it, and to come on forward with him Ibid. 25. to Gilgal where he was in hand now to worship. The acts that belonged hereunto, were some of them for this present: one, for a longer time ensuing. Those that were for this present, were some of them here in the way as samuel was coming to Gilgal to the King, but that the King came forth to meet him: others, at Gilgal itself. Such as were here by the way, were betwixt samuel and Saul: samuel Ibid. 26-31. turning aside to leave him, and giuing him some reason why so he did: and Saul being so loathe to part with him, that he took such hold on his Garment to stay him, that thereby he rent his garment, and so obtaining in the end, that the Prophet attended him to gilgal, in the sight of the Elders and all the people. At Gilgal it self, one was done by Saul the King; another by samuel the Prophet: both of them such, as might seem rather to be wrong sorted. For one of them was the worshipping of God; and that had been a seemly action for the Prophet: the other, the execution of Agag, which might haue becomed the King as well. But at this time it was the King, who worshipped: and the Prophet, who did the execution. In that the King worshipped, notwithstanding that he was so reproved for that which Ibid. 31. he did, and had that sentence denounced against him, it is a very good token in him: whereas Kaine, on such occasion, turned a-side from the presence of God; and Gen. 4: 16. few of the best of ●●▪ but in such case would haue been so clean overwhelmed with perturbatio 〈…〉 for a time the worshipping of God would haue been but little regarded. I 〈…〉 the Prophet did the execution, and with that severity that he did, hewing King Agag so in pieces before the lord, it is not onely a warning to 1. Sam. 15: 32, 33. Princes to do their Office, or else that God will haue others that shall( and the same, none of the likeliest to such a purpose;) and to ancients, to take heed, howe they deal ill with the people of God, when as not onely they stand in danger one time or other to find just reuenge at the hands of Martiall or merciless men, but even at the hands likewise of the simplest, mildest, and( all manner of ways) the vnlikeliest there are( wherein this King was far deceived: but may insinuate another matter also, as I do take it, and worth the nothing, that seeing God had willed the Prophet to bring the tidings to Saul of his rejection, thereupon it may be, that samuel did will them to bring Agag to him, as fearin 〈…〉 use Saul as Gods justicer now,& charging himself rather to do it, seeing it was 〈…〉 king to be done. Otherwise, it had been the likeliest for samuel not to haue meddled with it himself: to haue set Saul unto it, so to haue amended something now, wherein he had so far offended before. And then had we need also to take heed( so far as to us appertaineth) how wee use any such Officers as we may see to be rejected of GOD: yea, or to put them in place at the first, till we see they are chosen of God. That one that was for a longer time ensuing, was, that samuel now gave up all attending of Saul( now that the Ibid. 34, 35. Lord had rejected him) going home, and coming unto him no more so long as he lived: but yet notwithstanding still mourned for him( a token stil, that he took him not to be so bad a man, as many of us stick not to file him) though God nevertheless still abode resolute in his rejection. 3 When the good spirit of God was taken from him, and an evil spirit was sent to vex him, it was a pitiful course indeed, that thence-forward he held, even to the end, closing up his life also therein. So are we first to see, when that good spirit of God was taken from him, and an evil sent to vex him: and then, what was his ways after. The time we find to haue been, after that david was appointed to succeed: wherein 1. Sam. 16: 14. God first used the ministry of the Prophet; but then wrought by himself, by& by after. That which was done by the ministry of the Prophet, was, that God first gave order that so it should bee; then, that samuel accordingly performed it unto him. When God gave order for that matter, he first reproved samuel for mourning so long for Saul, seeing he had cast him from regning over Israell: then he directeth him what to do for another. In that he doth reprove him not simply for mourning Ibid. 1. for him, but that he mourned for him so long, and when he hath rejected him, it may well teach us, first that in such case we are allowed to mourn or sorrow: but then we are plainly taught withal, that finding it once to be the lords doing, that ought to stay our affections therein; at least in some reasonable time. The direction that he gave him for the other, was of two principal parts: first, for the substance of it; then for the manner of it. For the substance of it, he was to take an horn of oil with him, and at Ibid. Bethlehem to anoint him one of the Sons of Ishay to succeed in the kingdom. For the manner of it, there was no question but for one point in it, which was for his safety in such an action: whereat when samuel made some question, God doth then direct Ibid. 2, 3. him to make another arrant withall, under which that other business also may bee done without suspicion. In the performance of it some little difficulties went before: and then was the matter soon effected. Those difficulties were but onely the doubt of the Inhabitants conceived of Samuels coming among them:& that Ishay being to bring all his sons before the Prophet, he brought but the likeliest in his mind, until he was farther urged unto it. The doubt of his coming was soon cleared, Ibid. 4, 5. after that he told them he was come to sacrifice there: but therein may we note, that even the sight of such as are of special note among us, the nearer they draw in such sort towards us, as if they were to haue some dealing with us, vpon the sense of our own guiltiness, the more do wee begin to startle. In that Ishay so restend on Ibid. 6-12. the likeliest, so did the Prophet himself likewise, till God kept him in suspense yet for another: and that is the manner of us all, so to aesteeme of the likeliest in our mind, that oft-times wee clean set by such as God himself hath chosen or most aesteemeth. These difficulties being past, the party that should bee, was at length Ibid. 12, 13. brought in, and then God telling samuel that that was he, he did then anoint him accordingly: and so returned homeward again. The work that was done by God Ibid. 13, 14. himself by and by after, was, that the good Spirit of God that departed from Saule, now came vpon david, and from that day forward continued with him. What the way, of Saul from this time were, for the most part we find in the time of his life: but partly also even in his death. Dealing but with the time of his life, the Story sheweth us, that for a time he employed himself reasonable well in such things as to him appertained: but after, that he took a worse course, and held on that even to his end. He employed himself reasonable well, both about his own infirmity: and on behalf of the people also. In that which he did for his own infirmity, we may see, that God had another purpose also:& so it shal 〈…〉 good to consider on it, first, but as the king had no farther regard but to ease hi 〈…〉 e thereby; then, as God had therein another meaning. As the King had no farther regard but to ease himself thereby, it was no more but this, that his seruants espying him now to be diuers times wrong, or out of Ibid. 15-23. tune by passionate fits, as they did persuade him, so did he readily yield to take david unto him, as one that was skilful to handle an Instrument, so to ease him in those his passions: leaving behind them a much better course, both himself in not seeking to haue used it first, and his servants that they did not move him first of all to haue sought unto God, and to haue humbled himself unto him; and then to haue used such ordinary means as God had ordained, either this, or any other whatsoever. As God had therein another meaning, it seemeth to bee, to make this a mean to bring david to farther knowledge among them, and to make the king himself beholding unto him. In that which he did on behalf of the people, wee are likewise to consider of it, first as but that thing was intended by him: but then, as God had a farther meaning in it. As but that thing was intended by him, according as the philistines Ibid. 17: 1-3. praesumed to come into the Land in hostile manner: so he went down with his forces too, to make reststance, and to stop their passage. As God had a further meaning in it, it was to bring david( who having attended Saule for a time, was now gone home, and there again kept his Fathers sheep) both to the knowledge of the Ibid. 15. whole Land, and to make them all beholding unto him: that as he had already ordained him to such a purpose, so now would he( but as it were by degrees) bring him forth towards it, or to bee in a readiness for it. But this Story would bee a little more specially considered, both for the matter that now we are in: and for another hereunto appertaining. For the matter that now we are in, that wee may the better see howe far it pleased God to advance Dauids credite thereby, it is needful more specially to mark what was the distress that the King and the people at that time were in: then what was the help, that it pleased God by david to give them. Their distress was, not so much the Army or main force of the philistines at this time: as the fear that they were in, and the reproach they were put unto, by the defiance and challenge of goliath their Champion, none of them daring to undertake him, he was in reason so great an ouer-match for any of them. For with their Army Ibid. 1. they made but little entrance into the Land: and, as it seemeth, had no other meaning( to speak of) but to man out that Champion of theirs, or to maintain that his challenge against the Israelites. For he was of Gath, one of the cities of the philistines: Ibid. 4. Ibid. 1. Adrichom. Ibid 4-11, 24. Ibid. 33. and the place where they pitched their Army, was near unto it. But their Champion, being a man of out-growne stature, and of strength( as by his furniture it appeareth) correspondent thereunto,& envred to the wars, even from his youth, did so offer the challenge unto them, with so great brags, and with words of despite, that both the King himself, and the stoutest Captaines and Souldiers of all his Army besides, were afraid of him, and were so far from undertaking to cumbate with him, that they durst not abide the sight of him: and yet had the King( as it seemeth, by report of diuers of the Army) made offer before, of great rewards, and his Daughter Ibid. 25. 27, 30 in marriage, to him that should kill him; and to make that whole Family of his, free in Israell, from such tribute or impositions as were laid vpon others. In the help that it pleased God by david to give them, it shall bee good to consider of it, first generally: then, of some particulars besides. Generally, it was, that david being Ibid. 17-54. sent to see his Bretheren, who were there in the Army under Saule, his spirit so rose against the Champion of the philistines, to hear his proud and despiteful speeches, that he could not abide them; without any Warre-like Weapon encountered with him; clean beyond the expectation of all, praevailed against him: and got the whole Army a faire day against all the rest of the philistines. The particulars were, some before the Cumbate: and some, after. Before the Cumbate, david could no sooner talk of undertaking it, in the hearing of his elder Brother Ibid. 26-28. Eliab, but that Eliab did rate him for it,& condemned him of insolent pride therein: as none of us also can at any time set in hand with any special service of God, that any way transcendeth the course of the world, but that wee are like to be in such sort censured, even by our elder Bretheren also. When Saule saw the readiness of david, first he discouraged him, at al 〈…〉 meddle with that interprize: but then, when he saw him resolute in it, he endeuo●●ed to set him forth, or help him forward accordingly. When he did discourage him to meddle with it in respect of the odds that was betwixt them in ordinary account, david then calling to mind Ibid. 33-37. that the Lord had already wrought extraordinarily by him twice, once against a lion, another time against a bear, he gathered thereby, that so the lord will assist him now also against that out-growne Champion of theirs: and so should we of former favours, in diuers cases raise up ourselves to conceive good hope( in the way of our calling) of Gods ready help, though otherwise it be some difficult service. When he endeavoured to set him forth, or to help him forward accordingly, it was with his armour; but when david assayed how he could go therwith, he found it too cumbersome Ibid. 37-40. for him, and therefore put it off again, and betook himself to his sling: and so may wee see that it is not oft-times the power of Princes whereby the gospel is most advanced; but even that weaker instrument of the word, God working there-with by his mighty power. After the cumbat, we find that Saule had clean forgotten him: but jonathan was otherwise affencted towards him. In that Saul had so clean forgotten him, having been in his service before, so near about his person, and to his good liking then, it may well bee a token of the brittleness of the favour of the greater sort towards the meaner. But some hereupon haue Tremel. jun. thought, that this cumbayting with goliath, was before his attendance on the King with his Instrument: not considering, as it seemeth, that after this, he was not suffered to return again, but employed in service against the Enemy; nor, that Ibid. 18. 215. it had been much absurder that david should haue been forgotten after this public service in the field, than in that his private service to the King in his Chamber, or that after this, he ever returned to keep his Fathers sheep again. The affection of jonathan Ibid. 16: 19. 17: 15. Ibid. 18: 1, 3, 4. towards him was such, that he loved him as himself, became a sworn Brother unto him, and by and by put off his own best raiment and furniture, and bestowed the same on david: God giuing him now a faithful friend even in the House of Saule himself, whence ere long much affliction was to arise unto him. That other matter hereunto appertaining, is that this Story may be( for diuers things in it) a Figure of Christ; namely, that as it was with the Israelites, that they had not one Man in all the Army, able to encounter goliath, that by him they might bee all acquitted, till God to that purpose did sand in david: even so was it with us also, that albeit God himself were willing, that if wee had any one among us, that could answer the Iustice of God for us, then should we by him bee discharged, yet had wee none, neither could wee make one among us all, till himself sent in his onely begotten son among us, for us to satisfy his eternal Iustice, and so to work redemption for vs. 4 The worse course that after he took, and held on the same, even to the end, was, that now he bent himself against david, and did his endeavour to ouer-lay him the best that he could. Concerning which, we are first to see, what may seem to be the occasion of it: then, in what manner it was performed. The occasion thereof may seem to be the present disposition of King Saul: and, some outward things besides. The present disposition of King Saul, ill enough in itself by the common corruption of all, was now so much the worse, by that ill spirit sent of the lord, Ibid. 16: 14. 18: 12. that so often vexed him now. Those outward things besides, were, that it pleased GOD, especially to preserve and prosper david in all his ways; and, that the people thereupon had him in such reckoning as they had: as namely, in the vanquishing of goliath, that as it pleased GOD to vouchsafe him that favour; so the people thereupon ascribed more a great deal to david, than they did Ibi 17: 49-51. Ibid. 18: 6-9, 16, 29, 30. unto Saule, whereat the King even at that present shewed himself to bee much offended, and to haue an especial Eye to him so much the more afterward also. The manner wherein he did perform it, was first more secret: but then, more open. At such time as it was more secret, he would first haue slain him by his own hands Ibid. 10, 11. twice: then, by the enemy, and therefore gave him charge of a thousand men; and Michal his younger daughter in marriage, for an hundred foreskins of the philistines. Ibid. 12-16. Ibid. 17-30 When such close dealing would not serve, then he fell to do it openly, and so eagerly withal, that he chased him out of the Land thrice: in the two former of which david returned soon into the Land again; but not the last of them, tel Saul was slain. In the former therefore of the first two of them we are to consider, first of that which Saul did against him, then, how david for a time went out of the Land to save himself. That which Saul did against him, was, that he bare himself very hard, not only against him: but against one other also of special reckoning for his sake. he bare himself so very hard against him, that first he set on others to kill him: then, when that failed, he would afterward himself haue done it. Those others that he Ibid. 19: 1-7 sent to kill him were his son, and all his seruants: but jonathan, first admonishing david of it, and willing him to take good heed to himself, then so dealt with his father on Dauids behalf, that Saul was then pacified, forethought himself of his bad meaning towards him, by plain oath put his son out of iealousy that he would not do it, and for a certain time after did accordingly use himself towards him. He would afteward himself haue done it twice: once, vpon good success that david had against the enemies; an other time, by opportunity of a feast. The good success▪ that david had against the enemies, was, that he gave the philistines a very Ibid. S. Ibid 9. 10. great overthrow: whereupon Saul( the evil spirit then being vpon him) was on a time secretly minded to slay david, as he was handling his Instrument before him, but that he warily avoyded the same, presently got home, and went traverse likewise unto some place of better safety; and when he saw that david had so escaped, he sent presently after, had good hope for a time to haue sped, but by the help of Michal Ibid. 11-17. his daughter Dauids wife, was again defeated, both at Dauids house, and at Ramah to when himself went thither. The opportunity he conceived he might haue Ibid. 18. 24. at a feast, soon after ensuing, was, when by course, david was to fit with the King at the table: but david foreseing that likewise, by the means and help of jonathan escaped that also. That one other of special reckoning against whom he bare himself Ibid. 20: 1-29 so hard for his sake, was jonathan his son: with whom he was so far offended, only for excusing Dauids absence, that presently he did revile him sharply for it; and Ibid. 30-33. told him that he should never haue the kingdom in quietness, so long as david lived; but then, when jonathan did farther pled the innocency of david, he took it so impaciently that he should so do, that he cast his spear at him, and so it seemeth, in that his perturbation, he would haue slain him. But david having escaped the danger so narrowly as he had, thought not good now to abiet in the Land, and so departed: in which part of his Story, there is one thing so mistaken by some, that it had need to bee more specially considered on: and so are wee f●●st to consider of the main Story, therein; then, of that particular that is so mistaken by others. The main Story for this matter is no more but this, that david to avoyde the hands of Saul did flee unto Achish one of the Kings of the philistines: yet not to himself as it seemeth by the Story, because the King had him first brought unto him by his seruants, 1. Sam. 21: ●0-15. 22: 1. but hoping belike by some means that he had, to live vnespyed there. But when he perceived that certain of them knew him, then he feigned to be as a man distracted, or out of his wits, and so escaping that danger, returned into jury again. The particular that was herein mistaken, is therefore the rather to be considered, for that certain of the enemies of the gospel since haue thence taken one of their arguments for that late devise of theirs of Transubstantiation. For whereas Augustine read, Augustine. that david at this time was carried in his own hands towards the King, he infereth thereon, that that could not be true in david himself: but that, whereas david was a figure of Christ, in him it was fulfilled at his last Supper, himself giuing his body and blood to his disciples, and so then made with his own hands delivery of himself unto them. But now the truth is, both that the Father was deceived in the Text itself( as also the vulgar Translation is, that he sunk down or fell in their hands); and himself doth shortly after qualify the hardness of his speech that it was( not simply) but after a sort, that Christ did so diliuer himself unto his disciples. In the latter likewise, we are first to consider of his Story in the Land, being now returned: then, of his departure again. His Story in the Land at this time is but small, being no more but this, that being now returned, and for his strength betaking himself to a cave at Adullam, there repaired diuers unto him, to the number Ibid. 22: 1, 2. of four hundred in all: part, of his kindred and fathers house; the residue, such as were in trouble or debt, or some way or other discontented. A right pattern of the Congregation or militant Church of Christ here: never being any other, but either such as are of his offspring by regeneration, or that high lineage from above: or such as are in danger of Law, or overwhelmed with debt, or some way or other distressed here. But as now at the first david had but these few, and those of such quality, as in good respect he might well be ashamed of many of them, to haue any such in his retinue; yet after he came to enjoy the whole Kingdom,& to be attended by al the greatest& most honourable personages: so haue we partly seen, and are to wait for a farther accomplishment of it, in Christ himself, that though his retinue consisted but of mean things at the first, yet since haue many of greatest reckoning submitted both themselves and theirs unto his sceptre, and is likewise to haue al powers in heaven and earth subject unto him. When now he fled out of the Land again, we haue not set down by what occasion it was in particular: but the whole Story doth led us to gather, that it was for his safety; and at this time it was to the Land of Moab, whereunto he for his safety repaired. Where also we haue no more but this, that Ibid. 3-●. for a time he betook himself to a strong hold there, and obtained of the King, that his father and mother might be in those parts also( to avoyde the danger of Saul) till he might see what the Lord would do for him: but then being warned by the Prophet Gad, not to abide there, but to return into jury again, though this were but a matter of policy, he readyly obeied the Prophet, and came home to his own country. 5 When after he left his country again, and never returned so long as Saule lived, wee are in like manner as afore to see, first what was his Story in the land: then, in what sort he left it again. His Story in the land at this time was much: partly while Saul understanding he was now in the Land, nevertheless could not yet tell where he might haue him; but most of all so oft as he could get more special intelligence where he was to bee had. When Saul did now understand that he was in the Land, but yet knew not where to haue him, one Story wee haue that sheweth how eagarly Saul was bent against him: another, how david notwithstanding did not keep himself so close, but that he was ready enough to come forth to the aid of such as were distressed. That which sheweth how eagerly Saul was bent against him, is partly in words: but chiefly in deeds. In words he made a set complaint to all his attendants about him, that his son jonathan had made a covenant with david, and had stirred him up against him: and that none of Ibid. 6-8. them were sorry for him, but kept their counsel, as if they looked for special preferment at the hands of david, and so in effect conspired against him. His deeds that followed, proceeded of a special information then made unto him; so first of that special information; then of those his needs ensuing. That information was made by Doeg an Edomite, against Ahimelek the High Priest, and it was no more Ibid. 9. 10. but truth as it seemeth: but yet so framed as might seem to import very treasonable meaning in him. His deeds that followed hereupon, were so very tart and bitter, that they give us just occasion to look farther into that matter, than this present Story delivereth unto us: so that first we are to consider of it, so far as this Story doth led us; and then to see, what we are farther to think of this matter. Going but so far as this Story doth lead us, we find the occasion was but small: but his displeasure very great. The occasion was, that david coming to Ahimelek in some want, he not knowing, that now he was in the displeasure, did something supply the wants that he had. The occasion of Dauids coming unto him now, was, that jonathan according Ibid. 34-43. to his promise and covenant before, made true and faithful relation to david, how deeply his father was offended with him, so that indeed he meant to slay him: and so showing himself desirous, that the covenant they had made betwixt them might ever stand he dismissed him now, and wished him to shift for himself so well as he could. So the want that david was in, when he came to Ahimilek, was, that Ibid. 21: 3, 8. by the reason of this his sudden departure, he and his small company came without victuals, and himself without weapon also. In Ahimeleks supplying these wants of david, we are first to consider, what it was that so he did: and then, of another matter implyed therein. That which so he did, was most of it about the relieving of him in his hunger: but part of it also, in that he did furnish him with a Weapon. To relieve his hunger when david desired some sustenance for him and his, the Priest having nothing else at that present, gave them of the Shewe-Bread which was not lawful for any to eat, but onely for the Priestes. whereupon, when by occasion Mat. 12: 4. Christ doth afterward allege this Fact of david, though most men take it( so far as yet I haue found) as in defence of his Disciples, by that fact of david Lyr. in 1. Sam. 21. in lit. Fet k. Co●. Pel. Ibid. Fr. Vatab. Ibid before, as making no question but that that Fact of david was lawful, and so his Disciples then not to bee reprooveable neither: yet even the Text itself seemeth to me, to point us rather to another meaning, namely, that he did it but to stop the mouths of those wrangling Iewes, not as approving that fact of david( for himself saith, it was not lawful) but showing unto them, of how bad a temper they were towards him and his, who could so readily justify david in that his doing, and yet be so carping at his Disciples in that matter then, a great deal more iustifyable than Dauids before. That other that is but implyed therein, is, that there was in those dayes but small regard unto the ministry, when as this Ahimelek the High-Priest, and so in chief place of all the ministry, was so little provided for, that now he Cumman. Flinch▪ pa. geneal. 6. pag. 38. was not able to give david and his small company, some reasonable entertainment for one meal: none of the least blemishes in that his government, that under him the ministry was so much neglected; and a right good token indeed, that the good spirit of God was taken from him, and an evil spirit sent unto him. To furnrsh him with a Weapon, he let him haue the Sword of goliath being laid up there, the 1. Sa. 21: 8, 9. Priest himself having none other, and david making special reckoning of it, so soon as he heard that there he might haue it. Which fact of theirs may be( and is) diversly taken. For by the place whence this Sword was taken, it may seem, that it was dedicated to the Lord before: and so do some take it. But because Ahimelek Pet. Mar. Co●r. Pel. lieu. 27: 28, 26. Lyr. in 1. Sam. 21. in. lit. g. was so ready to yield it, and david to take it, which by the Law they might not do, therefore is it thought by others, that it was not consecrated or dedicated unto the Lord, but onely laid up there for memory: as indeed, seeing david made no conscience to take it unto profane use again, and accounted none other so fit for his purpose as that( belike to nourish his hope towards God in that his distress then, by the deliverance that God had vouchsafed unto him before) there is that likelihood, that it was not. For meaner than david haue been loathe in their necessity to meddle with that, which they understand to be consecrated before: and it is reported of Caesar, that on a time finding in one of their Temple in France a certain sword hung up and dedicated, as in the field won from himself( which himself did ●●t Plutark. aclowledge to bee so indeed) when some of his company would haue gone and taken it away, as hanging there to his dishonour and falsely too, he nevertheless would not suffer them, even onely for that it was thus consecrated there, howsoever. But if we mark what followed very soon after, unto Ahimelek and all his company of Priestes there, and to the whole city besides, wee may very well doubt, that it was 1. Sam. 22: 9-19. a greater matter with God than themselves did take it, or others since haue thought it to bee, that Ahimelek was so ready to impart the Shewe-Bread to david and his company, and now to yield this Sword unto him, though in this place the Text do not so charge them: especially, seeing that first under the Law such things were so strictly forbidden, and one of the kindes so severely punished in Achan; then, under the gospel Christ himself saith, for the former of them, that it was not lawful for them so to haue do one. In the displeasure that Saule conceived against Ahimelek Exod. 29: 33. Lev. 24▪ 5-9. Ios 7 1, 10-26. Mat. 12: 4. and others for this, wee are to note; first, how easily he did conceive it: then, howe sore and grievous it was. he conceived it by Doeg, one of his own servants, and therefore likely enough to bee partial on his Maisters behalf; and the same 1. Sam. 21: 7. 22: 9. Ibi. 22: 14, 15. an Edomite, and therefore in that respect as likely to do it of some stomach, they being ancient Enemies to the Israelites: and, but for relieving and helping of one, who was but a little before in special favour with the King, and in great employments by his appointment; and, by all likelihood, not known as yet to be any thing at all in the kings displeasure, but still to bee in his wonted savour. Both which notwithstanding, the King took this so marvelous ill at the hands of Ahimelek the Ibid. 16-20. High-Priest, that he did not onely put him to death, but for his sake fourscore and four Priestes more, together with the residue( one onely excepted that made an escape) of all their Family, Man, Woman, and child, with all their Cattle great and small: his rage being so great therein, that even his own Seruants would not be executioners thereof, though he had given it in charge unto them; saving that Doeg the Accuser himself, did as barbarously perform the execution, as the King had in the depth of rigour given it in charge. That which wee haue farther to think of this matter, is partly a farther charge laid to Ahimelek than yet we red of: but most of it as touching the severity of this his heavy iudgement against him and the rest of his Family. That farther charge that was laid to Ahimelek, was, that he asked counsel of the Lord for david: a thing that Doeg laid to his charge, and Ahimelek himself Ibid. 10. Ibid. 15. did not deny. A good token( if it were so indeed) first, on Dauids part, both that in his trouble he sought to the lord, and that he had no ill heart to the King, when he was but of such intention as wherein he sought to haue his direction from God: then, on Saules, that either he needed not to be offended with david for this, or else that now himself had no good heart towards God, when he could not take it well, that his aduise should be taken therein. As touching the severity of this heavy iudgement against him and the rest of his Family, it shall bee good for us to note two things therein: one, that such things were before denounced; the other, whereupon it was that God did take occasion so to deal. In that they were before denounced, 1. Sam. 2: 27-36 3: 11-14. Ibi. 22: 16-19. and now since( as we see) in such sort accomplished, it teacheth us to take heed of all such things, as it pleaseth God at any time to warn us of: otherwise to make no question, but that such things are like indeed to befall vs. Whereupon it was that God took occasion so to deal, is likewise before set down, namely, for that ely the High-Priest an ancestor of theirs before, great Grand-Father to Ahimelek Ibid▪ 2▪ ●9. 3: 13. Cumman. Flinch pa. Gen. 6. pag. 38. that now we speak of, did not more severely restrain the looseness of his two sons, being so offensive as they were to they people of God:& it doth in like sort teach us, that heavy judgements are due in the iustice of God to all those of special place, who suffer such as are under their charge, so to follow their own unbridled ways, that thereby they occasion the people to take any loathing with the worship and service of God; as among us there not a few, that, in over great measure, so haue done. How david notwithstanding did not keep himself so close, but that he was ready enough to come forth to the aid of such as were distressed, the story of of Keilah is witness sufficient. But therein we haue not onely that Story itself: but another accident withall to that place belonging. In that Story itself, wee haue, not only how ready david was to help them: but withall, how little help he might look for at their hands. He was so ready to help thē, that so soon as he heard they were distressed 1. Sam. 23: -5. ( which was, for that the philistines did besiege them, and had them, it seemeth, at the advantage, because God himself doth term that his helping of thē to be the saving of that city) he but enquired of the Lord( first for his own resolution,& then again Ibid. 2. for the better resolution of his company, because some of them made some doubt of it)& then went against them, made a great slaughter of them,& brought away much Cattle with them. In that he might look for little help at their hands again, it shall be good for us to consider, not only how the same appeareth: but also whereupon it may seem to be grounded. It plainly appeareth in that when Saule heard he was Ibid. 7-12. there, and being a glad man of it, that he had him( as he took it) enclosed up in a city to his best advantage, came to surprise him, and david enquiring of the lord, whether Saul would indeed come down against him, and if he did, whether the governors of the city would deliver him into his hands. The Lord did plainly answe●●, that Saul would come down against him, and that the governors would deliver him into his hands. So the Seruants of God must be content to do good unto others, though there be no meaning in those others again to requited it. That they would not stand to him against their King, it may very well be without any unthankfulness in them, both for that in duty they might not, and in power they were not able to stand against him:& so, if they had made that attempt, they could not but haue wrapped themselves and david withall into inevitable destruction, and the same very justly deserved. A place so much the metre to bee noted, for that it is the manner of most men, when they haue made others beholding unto them, then to look that for it they should stand with them, farther than in duty they ought, or on behalf of them and theirs it were meet that they should: or otherwise to think very hardly of them, and to account them very unthankful; as there be that thought Pet Martyr in 1. Sam. 13: 13. these to be, and david himself to be so persuaded also. At this time Saule began to understand where david was to bee had, and so did he diuers times after: but wherea●s now he was almost entrapped in a walled city, we do not afterward find, but that ever he kept more at large, in the Deserts or open country, in the Woods, rocks and Caues thereof. First, therefore at this time hearing that he was now Ibid. 7, 8. at Keilah, he gathered his forces together, and hastened thither-ward, upon great hope to surprise him there: but david enquiring of the Lord, understood what danger Ibid. 9-13. was towards him, and so by flight in time escaped( his company being then increased two hundred mo, and so now six hundred in all) of whose flight from thence when Saul was advertised, he also then gave over that journey. Where david was after, and how busily Saul employed himself to get him; we haue first set down generally: and more specially after. Generally, it is said that david thence-forward shifted for himself and his company, now in one place, now in another, so well Ibid. 13, 14. as he could; and that Saul did seek him every day: but that God did not deliver him into his hands. More specially wee find, that david was three several times discovered to Saul, in those by-places of woods and Wasts wherein he walked and hide himself; and that Saul, ever as he got intelligence of him, took the advantage of it so well as he could, and endeavoured to get him: yet that success or issue of his desires was no better than this, for the first time he did but fail of his purpose, but did not bring himself in danger withall; the other two he brought his own person into special danger thereby. In the first of those when himself as yet came in no danger, david first had one special comfort: and then was exercised with hard and bad dealing. The special comfort that first he had, was that jonathan Saules Ibid 16-18. eldest Son did yet abide so fast unto david, notwithstanding his father was so grievous unto him, that he came secretly where david was, bad him bee of good comfort, and renewed the covenant with him. The hard and bad dealing wherewithal he was exercised immediately after, was first the vnkindnesse of the Ziphims, who who also were of the Tribe of judah, and so of one and the selfsame Tribe with Ibid. 19, 20, 24. david, and yet notwithstanding not onely told him where he was, but offered also to deliver him into his hands( a reasonable good pattern how untrusty the best that are may sometimes find their own Kindred to be:) then, that hot pursuit of Saule thereupon against him, having but the edge of an hill betwixt them, and so eagerly following vpon him, that in the mean season he suffered the philistines to break in Ibid. 21-23. 25-28. vpon them, by whom notwithstanding he was soon after withdrawn( full sore belike against his will) when he had almost compassed david and his men clean about,& so shut them up in the jaws of death. In those other two, wherein he brought his own person in danger, we haue some other story interlaced, appertaining as it seemeth unto the mean time betwixt them;& yet are so noted by the circumstance of the time, that they seem rather to hang as appendents unto the former, than to haue any relation at all to the latter: and so are wee first to consider, of the former of these; then, of those stories that ensue there-vppon. The former Ibid. 24: 1. Chr: Adricho. of these, was at Engeddie, in the East side of judah, near unto the Dead sea, at which time when Saule perceived how dangerously he had fallen into the hands of david, and that david nevertheless had spared him, he was inwardly so touched with it, that he condemned himself therein, and sought to haue a league of david. So are we first to consider of that his pursuit in hostile manner: Ibid. 2, 3. then, of that his relenting after. His pursuit in hostile manner we 〈◇〉 was such, that so soon as he heard where he was, he got three thousand chosen men out of all his people, and went with those to seek out david: and so busily employed himself therein, that he spared not the ●●rd rocks; where the wild Goats did use. A pattern plain enough in itself( considering how after ward. david dealt with him) how eagerly the children of the world do● very often pursue after those that mean no hurt at all unto them. unto his relenting after it doth appertain, first to see how david dealt with him: then, ho● he relented thereon. To find in what sort david dealt with him, we are likewise first to see, how he fell into Dauids courtesy: and then, when david had him within his danger, how he demeaned himself towards him. david and his men to escape the eye of Saul, had entered into a great cave, and were in the inmost parts of it: at which time Saule coming that way, and turned into the mouth of that cave to do his easement: Ibid. 4. and so fell into the hands of david, he and his men espying him there. In the demeanour of david towards him, wee are first to consider what it was: then how he acquainted Saule himself with it. His demeanour towards him was at the first indeed somewhat doubtful: but afterward very good. When it was but doubtful, because it was by the solicitation or aduise of others, therefore are wee first to see what aduise it was that others did give him: then, how farre-forth david did Ibid. 5. put it in practise. The advice that others did him, was in effect, that the lord had now brought him within his danger: and therefore that he was to take the advantage of it. So diuers account, that the Lord oft-times doth bring things to their hands for them to take the opportunity of them, when as indeed it is but onely for their trial. How far david did put it in practise, wee cannot certainly Ibid. tell, because we know not with what mind he went unto him. But sure it is, that thereupon he drew towards him, though in the end he did no more but onely cut off the lap of his garment that belike he had laid by, and quickly repented Ibid. 6. him of that also: as indeed it was not to bee justified, whensoever it should bee rightly examined. And so the children of God carry that reverence and true allegiance to their Superiors, that though by infirmity sometime they slip: yet otherwise do they make more conscience at a lap of their garment, than many of those that God hath placed in great authority, even at the heart-bloud of those their Ibid. 7, ●. faithful and loyal subiectes; especially in the cause of Religion. That part of it which was very good, was, that when he returned to his men again, both he was himself very resolute, that in no wise he might lay his hands on the Lords anointed: Ibid. 9-14. and dissuaded them also for attempting any such matter against him. To acquaint Saule with it also, he went forth of the cave immediately after Saul, called vpon him, did his obeisance, and then opened his mind unto him: the effect of which was, that now he might haue good testimony, that he was not so ill minded towards him as others bare him in hand that he was, when as having him in Ibid. 15, 16 the cave he laid no hands in him, but onely cut off the lap of his garment, to be a witness, what he might haue done to him then, if he had been so disposed; and withall, to show him the vnseemelinesse of that his pursuit, that the King of Israel in that great power of his, should bend himself against him in that weakness that then he was in. In that relenting of Saule after his mind was so changed now( a good experiment, what dutiful and gentle dealing may do, even with those, that Ibid. 17-23. most of all others are out of temper) that yielding himself faulty, he justified david, and sought to haue a league of him( which also he had) as making no doubt by this good dealing, but that he should come to the kingdom indeed: al which notwithstanding, when Saule departed, david yet still stood on his guard. The Stories ensuing are of two sorts; one, concerning all the whole people generally; the others, concerning david more specially. That which concerneth all the Ibi. 25. 1. 28: 3 whole people generally, is, that now it pleased God to take away from them by natural death the Prophet samuel: for whom all Israell assembled together and mourned, and then butted him in his own possession in Ramah; but david thereupon withdrew himself farther out of the way; to the wilderness of Paran, on the South end of 〈◇〉. Those that concern david more specially, are, one of them about his relief: others, about his wedlock. In that same which was for his relief it so fell out, that his dealing was with one Nabal, one of the same Tribe, and of the ●●age of Caleb, but a Man of so perverse or crooked Nature, that thereby he had welny wrought the destruction of him and his▪ So are we first to see, how he brought himself in danger: then, how he escaped the peril of it. He brought himself in danger by giuing so churlish an answer unto Dauids Messengers as he did: and so are we first to see, in what sort david sent unto him; then, what was the answer he gave them. david being in those parts not far off from him, and understanding Idid. 2-6, 8. that then he had a Sheepe-shearing, and conceiving thereon, that as he was a great wealthy man, so he would haue good store of provision against that time( as it seemeth the manner was) sent unto him in very good and courteous manner, to spare Ibid. 7, 11. 2, Sam. 13: 23. unto him and his company some part of his provision, such as himself should think good to bestow vpon them: putting him in mind withall, how little he was endamaged Ibid. 7, 8. by any of his company, when they lay where his goods were; as hoping, that their good dealing with him then, would be so much better requited now. In the answer that was given, wee are to consider, what the answer itself was: and, in what sort david did take it. The answer itself that Nabal gave, was very bad: both contemptuous to the person of david; and utterly denying him to haue any Ibid. 9-11. thing thence. david also took it so very ill, that praesently he armed four hundred of his men, and was fully purposed, that night utterly to destroy both him& his: Ibid. 12, 13, 21, 22. a special example, both that a churlish unthankfulness woundeth sore; and that david was a man much subject unto his infirmity, who would haue been so grievously avenged on so private an injury as that. In that Nabal escaped the peril of it, it was but with men, as it seemeth: and not so with God. A thing to bee noted of us also, that we may oft-times escape the hands of men: and yet may not therefore hope to be freed from the judgements of God. With men he escaped it, in that praesently after there was such course taken, as whereby david was pacified: and so are we to see what course it was that now was taken; then, how david was pacified with it. The course that now was taken to that purpose, was by Abigail, Nabals Wife, upon the intelligence that shee had by one of her Seruants. For one of the Seruants told her, not onely howe vncurtuously Nabal his master had used Dauids Ibid. 14-17. Messengers;& how good cause there was to haue them used otherwise: but also advised her to bethink herself how to help it, as making no question, but that otherwise it would bee avenged; and their master was so untractable, that there was no dealing with him. hereupon Abigail, being a rare Woman, both for other ornaments Ibid. 3. of Nature, and for wisdom too, made hast to make up that default of her Husbands the best that she could: both by sending a liberal present before her, and Ibid. 18-20. Ibid. 23-31. then, following herself immediately after, by her own demeanour towards david,& by the wise course of her speech, that she had with him. Wherein one thing especially is worthy the marking, how wisely she commendeth unto him, the keeping of his conscience clean from sin now, against the time that afterward he should sit on the throne Ibid. 30, 31. of his kingdom. In which likewise she useth one special phrase not to be omitted: namely, that it will be no grief to him afterward to remember, that he did not preserve Ibid. himself, or as david by& by after useth the like, that his own hand did not save him: a phrase, or a kind of speech that affordeth much good matter, to al those, that so little Ibid. 33. rest on the providence of God, that in all such matters they ever choose rather to be their own carvers. david also was so pacified therewith, that he praised God,& Ibid. 32-35. thanked hir that had mollified his mind in that matter: and now altogether remitted unto her, the rigour of that his intended purpose. That he did not escape it with God, may partly appear the next morning: but especially a few dayes after. The next morning it did partly appear, for that he was strucken with so great a fear so Ibid. 36, 37. soon as he understood by his Wife, in what danger he was the night before, both he and all his to haue been slaughtered: though yet at that present he were passing merry. The fear of which danger the less that now he was able to bear, the more may it bee a good document to us, that whereas there is an hard heart void of compassion towards those that need, or but so unthankful towards those that haue deserved well, there is no little sound comfort towards God, that it is less marvell if such things do strike them with so special a fear. Those few daies after were but ten, at which time the Lord so stroke him, that then he died: a smaller time to enjoy Ibid. 38. those things, whereof he was so loathe to part with any portion to david, than he was ware of; but yet a meet pattern of that skantling of time that God in his iustice now and then apportioneth to those that are so unseasonably so very strait laced. Concerning his wedlock, whereas here in this place we haue mention of diuers wives of his at once, we are first to consider of them all generally: then of the Story of every one more specially. Of them all generally no more but this, that david was not Ibid. 42-44. so well advised of the institution or ordinance of wedlock, neither yet of his duty therein, but that foully he steined himself with that one point of corruption of those daies: so dangerous is any kind of corruption( whereunto we incline by course of nature) when once it hath taken roote in many. More specially the Story goeth, first of such as he enjoyed: then, of one that was taken from him. Those that he enjoyed, were two: this Abigaell that now wee speak of; and Ahinoam. As touching Ibid. 39. 40 Abigaill, we haue something to note on Dauids part: and something on hers. On Dauids part, that having seen her person before, and having had experience of her wisdom then, he rejoiceth now that his hand was not against her husband, and withall doth take her to be his wife: on her part, that though she were very wise, and did much abase herself unto him, yet she yielded to bee a wife unto him, whom belike Ibid. 41, 42. she knew to haue another before. Of Ahinoam we haue no more in effect, but that Abigail and shee together were wives unto david. She that was taken from Ibid. 43. him was Micol the Daughter of Saul, whom Saul, in this his displeasure against david, Ibid. 44. took away from him, and bestowed on another, one Phalty. In which case, though Saul be not of that reckoning with us( especially after the good Spirit of God was taken from him, and an ill spirit sent to vex him) that any will think his example warrantable: yet it may be that some may conceive so of Dauids, that as when his Wife was given to another, he took a supply, so might they think it lawful for them to do; which notwithstanding they can never find to be of any undoubted warrant unto them. The latter of them was in the wilderness of Ziph, where again he was so overtaken, that again he justifieth david, and condemneth himself to haue done marvelous ill: protesting withall, that thenceforward he would never do so again. So that in this also we are to see, first how he pursued vpon him in hostile manner: then how he came to a better mind after. That now he pursued him again in hostile manner, we haue first set down, who set him on: then, in what sort he did it. Those that set him on were the Ziphims his old friends, of the same Tribe as I said, but false unto him, once before, and now again: these came unto Saul, and 1. Sam. 26: 1. let him understand were david was. Whereupon Saul, notwithstanding that he Ibid. 2, 3. seemed to haue reconciled himself to david before: yet now hoping to haue the advantage against him, he maketh towards him apace with his three thousand choice men, to see if yet he may surprise him. he came to a better mind notwithstanding Ibid. 4-16, 17, 18-20, 22-24. when he saw that again he was at vnwares fallen into the hands of david: and that he nevertheless again had spared him. He fell into his hands again in his own Camp, himself and his company being so fast a sleep, that david, and one other with him came in among them, even to the place where the King himself lay: and though they might easily haue slain him, and the other would haue done it, yet david would in no wise suffer it, but onely took such tokens with them as might sufficiently witness they had been there, and then, both reproved his chief captain for keeping his watch so ill as he did, and acquainted the King himself with the danger he had been in, himself craving no better at the hands of God, than herein Saul had found at his. Saul therefore perceiving this to be so indeed, again acknowledged Ibid. 17, 21 25. his own bad dealing against him, and that david should undoubtedly prosper, and so departed. 6 But now the time being come that david left the land again,& never returned so long as Saul lived, we are first to see, by what occasion he left the land now: and then, what was his story until the time he returned again. The occasion of his departing now, was his own doubtfulness, that some time or other he should fall into the hands of Saul; and therefore that it was best for him to depart: as indeed 1. Sam. 27: 1. in all reason it was, seeing he was better disposed than to take the advantage of him when it was in his hands to do it;& it seemeth, by that which after followed, that God had another purpose therein also. So he departeth, he& his 600. men with him: and they went unto Achis k. of Gath, one of the Princes of the philistines. Ibid. 2. 3. As touching his Story until the time he returned again, because his return was not, till( after the death of Saul) he did return unto the kingdom, at which time the main Story must go on him as King, whereas yet it goeth onely on Saule, and so must do until his death; we are now to consider, but of so much of the story of david, as cometh within the life of Saule, being all that time among the philistines, and under Achis aforesaid, first, for a while, he and his company being in the selfsame city where the King himself resided; but shortly after, in another which the King bestowed vpon him. While he was in the city where the King himself resided, we haue little other story of him, but only in what sort they were there: and how he obtained another place for him and his company, so to avoid the immoderate pestering of the city where the King himself remained. They were there, every man himself and his family; and so, david himself, he and his Ibid. 3. two wives with him. In the obtaining of that other place for him and his, first we haue his motion for that matter: then, how the same was granted unto him. His motion was, that so he and his might be less troublesone to the King in that principal Ibid. 5. city of his: but by that which followeth it is not unlikely, but that it was some part of his meaning to haue some farther liberty also, than so near to the King, he might safely use. That which he obtained thereby, was Ziklag, a city in the heart of the Tribe of Simeon, Gath being in the uttermost corner from it of Ibid. ●. Chr. Adrice. the Tribe of Dan, and so indeed so far distant from it, that by the distance it should rather seem to belong to some other cities of the philistines that were much neeter, than unto it. When he had this bestowed vpon him, then haue we likewise more story of him: and first one thing that belongeth to the whole time of his being among the philistines; then, diuers others appertaining to the time of his being at Ziklag. That which belongeth to the whole time of his being among the philistines, is no more but onely the account of the time of his being there, Ibid. 7. which was four months, and certain dayes: the consideration whereof is noted to be( among others) a good help to understand, how those two yeares of the reign of Saul are to be taken, that are spoken of before. Those others that appertain to the time of his being at Ziklag, are of such nature, that it seemeth to me, Tremel. I●n. in. 1. Sam. 13: 1. that first God left him much to himself: but afterward, that he would haue the government of him, He seemeth to be left much to himself, for that he yielded himself so serviceable to Achis as he did, first in seeming or making a show, that he went against the Israelites: then in yielding to do it indeed. He seemed to do it, in going against those other peoples thereby, spoiling and destroying them so Ibid. 8, 9. as he did to bring in the booty to Achis: and to the end that Achis might bee so Ibid. 20-12. persuaded of him, both he left none( so near as he could) to tell Tales of him, a very odious thing in itself; and himself being demanded by the king whence he had gotten all that spoil, he brought the King in mind, it was from the Israelites, and so abused his credit also with him. He did yield to do it indeed, when he was content to go with the philistines to the battle against the Israelites, and assured Ibid. 28: 1, 2. the King that he would do his best endeavour against them. Both which do show, what the best of al are, when God doth leave us unto ourselves. It seemeth likewise, that God would now haue the government of him, in all the rest: first, to keep him from a foul reproachful sin, whereunto himself had yielded; and then to give him( as it seemeth) chastisement also, for that he was so ready unto it. That foul and reproachful sin, whereunto david had yielded, but that God kept him from it was( as wee heard) to join with the Enemy against his own country and sovereign lord▪ and, that the other Princes of the Phili 〈…〉 refused Ibi●. 29▪ 3-11. to haue him in their company, when Achis made that reckoning of him; that was a special favour of GOD towards him, that would not suffer him so to be stained. The chastisement that it seemeth God would give him for that his readiness, was not such, but that he mingled favour withall: and so are we more specially to mark▪ wherein it may seem, that he was chastised: and, where in again there was favour used. chastised he seemeth to bee, first, in the host: then, in Ziklag. In the hest, for that he was se●t away in dishonour: as, likely to be false unto them, though never so much he pretended other-wise then. In Ibid. 4, 5. Ibid. 30: 1-6. Ziklag, his own city now, that it was spoyled and burnt; and all taken quiter away( their wives, Children, Goods and all) at the selfsame time when he was gone thence, to haue gone against his country and Prince: and that his company were so grieved thereat, that they were of purpose to ston him for it. That favour was mingled with this chastisement, deoth plainly enough appear; first, in the host: then, here at home also. In the host, that seeing Israell was then Ibid. 28: 19. to be put to the worse, and both the King and his sons were to bee slain( among whom his dear friend jonathan was one) he should not bee that day in the field Ibid. 31: 2 against them. here at home, first, that GOD gave him an heart, in that his distress to seek unto him: then, that he gave him so special comfort, as then he did. In that he gave him an heart to seek unto him, as then he did by Abiathar the Ibid. 30: 7, 8. Priest, it was a great favour in itself, and a token of more ensuing. The comfort that then he gave him besides, was first but in hope onely, by the assurance that then was given him: but shortly after, in the fruition of the thing itself. The comfort that was given him in hope, was, that by the Lord he was allowed to Ibid. 8. follow on them, that had done him this displeasure: and was assured withall, that he should overtake them, and recover all again. In that that david was to come to the fruition of the thing itself, there be other things concurring withall: so that first wee are to consider of the thing itself, or that which respecteth the substance of it; and then to come to those other things that concur there-with. The thing itself, or that which respecteth the substance of it, is, that whereas the Ammalekites, in that absence of david, had invaded and burnt the city, and had taken away all with them: he soon recovered all again, so that nothing at all was wanting to any Ibid. 9-20. of them. Of those other things that concur there-with, one of them is of the selfsame time with the main business itself: but the others vary. That which is of the selfsame time with the main business itself, is, that whereas the Ammalekites had spoyled many other places besides Ziklag, and had gotten a great booty together, david now did not only recover all his own and his mens, but withall, whatsoever Ibid. 16-20. they had gotten from all other places besides, and brought it away with them( together with their own) under the name of Dauids prey. Of those that vary, one goeth before: others follow. That which goeth before, is, that although david had a fair promise of God for the matter, yet was he so far from neglecting the ordinary means that might led or help thereunto, that finding by the way a young man that was but Ibid. 11-16. seruant to one of the Amalekites, whom his master left sick behind, now almost aff●mished also, and hoping to learn something by him, he did so well use him, that by his means he was readily brought unto them. Those which follow are two: one, as touching certain of Dauids company, that by occasion tarried behind; the other, the opportunity of Dauids booty. Those of his company that by occasion tarried behind, Ibi. 10, 11, 24. were a third part of the whole: and they stayed because they were so weary, that they were not able to go any farther; and so by that occasion, the residne left there al such things as they might spare, and those to keep thē till they returned. Concerning whom when certain ill-minded-men of those four hundred who went through with david, Ibid. 12-25. would haue denied those two hundred, that for weariness tarried behind, to haue any part of the prey, but onely every of them his own: he thereupon took order, both for that present,& for the time to come, that such as did abide by the stuff, should haue as good part of the prey, as those that went down to the battle. The ministry indeed it no● so meet, either for the Bench or for the field, the greatest employments that 〈◇〉 we haue of the higher sort: but is altogether to as good use as the tarrying of these behind to keep the st●●●e▪ in any State whatsoever; and that i● so clear, that in no wise it can be denied. But where haue we that equity of D●●id, that alloweth them altogether as good part for their labour, ●● any of the other whatsoever? In the opportunity of Dauids bo●●y wee are to note, not onely how fitly it came; but how fitly also it was employed: yet both these, unwitting to him. For now was he soon to come to the kingdom, and whereas he had diu●r● secret friends before, who some way or other were helping unto him in his adversity, and while he wandered among them within the land,& should need them now also when he was to come to the crown, both God brought it in fitly against that time, and withall gave him an hart so to employ it, as in likelihood might make very well to that purpose. For he forthwith sent praesents thereof in very kind and thankful manner, among those that Ibid. 26-31. were his friends, at least to thirteen several places by name, and to diuers others besides. Now whether the case were such, or not, that restitution to the former owners had been more honourable to david, and more agreeable to the rule of equity, I cannot determine: but in my mind, whereas the Text doth plainly say, that the prey Ibid. 16. was taken out of the Land of the philistines, and out of the Land of judah, what by his new duty that he ought to the philistines now, for his entertainment among them, and what by his old duty that he ought to his country people the inhabitants of judah, for his birth and bringing up there, it may seem, it had been more honourable to haue possessed those of their own again so far as he could, for his part at least; especially when as yet he did not know, that otherwise he had so special use of it as soon after he had. But whether it had been more honourable or not, we find no such thing here to be done: and this haue I noted, that whereas five of those places that here Ex text●. Adric Tremel ●● I 〈…〉 are name, do indeed appertain to judah( and those submitted themselves soon unto david, so soon as ever he began his kingdom( and three of them are neither 2. Sam. 2: 4. Ibid. 8, 9. of them both, at least uncertain; six of them belong to Israell, and so had they the most; but yet did they all refuse him and set up another. So that although he had a thankful remembrance of many of them, yet was it lost to this purpose, and to that end had no blessing at all of God upon it: some piece of conjecture, such as it is, that their partes were not so well to such purpose bestowed on them, as they might haue been restored to those, from whom they were but a little before so unjustly taken. 7 Hitherto of the life of Saul: now come we to the Story of his death; yet not to begin at that very instant, but some convenient space before. Which I think we best may take, from the time that david now this last time had left the land, and made his abode among the philistines: after which time we haue in effect no Story of him, but that still he drew nearer and nearer, inevitably unto his death. Which compass if we take, therein it shall be good to note, how the judgements of God began to light on him: and how they proceeded even to the end. They began to light on him, as it hath been often in many: that when men haue gone so far as they can in sinning, then doth God begin to punish. For so was it with Saul. He had persecuted david, a long time, with all the skill and force that he had: but hearing now, that he was in Gath among the philistines, he lest of seeking, and so did follow no more vpon 1. Sam. 27: 4. him. he having done, and yet not otherwise( woeful man that he is) but because he can go no farther, now God beginneth to let go his hand, and to cut him down by the roote. They proceeded against him even to the end, in that he was so deeply distressed in the mean season: and soon after came to a pitiful end. deeply distressed he was, first by the Enemy: but then specially, for that, when he sought it, he could obtain no help of God. The distress that he was in by the Enemy, was no more yet but fear, and an hearty astonishment that now they so broke Ibid. 28: 4, 5. in upon him with so great forces as then they had, and even into the heart of the country. For they came first to Sh●nem, in the South-side of the Tribe of Issachar. And yet was not Saul so fearful of them, but that he and his forces came Ibid. 4. to the Mountaines of ●albe●, over against them, and there lay to stop their passage▪ and when the Army of the philistines retyr●d to Ap●●k, a little backward( by what Ibid. 29: 1. occasion, or to what purpose, I find not noted) he also dr●●e nearer unto them, and camped ne●r● the fountain of Izre●l, as near unto them as conveniently he might. But then, at their first entrance, asking counsel of the lord, and he no Ibid. 28: 6. way giuing him answer, that want so near unto him, that thereupon he turned to such bad members as God had willed to bee destroyed, and himself had endeavoured Ibi. 28: 3▪ 7-14. before to abolish out of the Land: and so he did not then more earnestly seek unto the Lord, and depend vpon him till it should please him to haue mercy on him; but turned to such as dealt by ill means, Witches, Sorcerers, and such like, such as himself knew to be abhorred, and had a little before condemned. Howbeit considering what havoc he had made, on so small occasion, of the Lords Priests before; he was but justly required, that the Lord would not answer him now: and it may be a faire Lesson to many of us( all christendom over) that if wee so proceed to destroy the ministry, as of long wee haue done, by with-drawing their needful maintenance from them, wee also may haue the selfsame iudgement laid upon vs. His pitiful end, for the most part, wee haue described here: but part of it in another place ensuing. So far as it is described here, the Issue of this conflict did not onely fall on the persons of those that had the worse: but on many of their cities besides. As touching that which befell their persons, whereas when these battels joined, he and his were slain in the field, seeing the Enemies were not content with his death, but wreaked their anger further on some of their dead bodies besides, wee also are not onely to consider of his fall in the field: but of that which befell him afterward also. In that his fall in the field, some-thing we find common to himself and others: and some-thing proper to himself alone. Common to himself and others it was, that the Israelites had the worse, Saule, Ibid. 31▪ 1-3. his three sons, and all his family( to speak off) and many of the people were slain: and, as it seemeth by the order of the Text( speaking of the flight of all, before that it speaketh of the fall of any) and by the circumstance of the place( because their fall was in Mount Gilboa, from which they were before descended) they were all slain, not in the face of the enemy, but first turned to flight. pro[er unto Saule it was, that being wounded, he would haue had his Armour-Bearer Ibid. 4-6. to haue slain him out-right, which when he refused, he did endeavour himself to do it, and when that failed likewise then( as the party himself confessed) 2. Sa. 1▪ 6-10. he desired another( who by occasion came by) to dispatch him out-right, so to rid him out of his pain: and that his Armour-Bearer, seeing his Lord and master so to die, made away himself likewise, so to die with him. In that which after befell him, when the Enemy had wreaked his malice upon him, it pleased GOD so to touch the hearts of some, that they had some special regard unto him. The Ibid. 8-10. Enemy to wreak his malice upon him( when the next day, going to spoil those that were slain, they found the bodies of Saule and his sons among the rest) both stripped of his armor, and cut off his head, and sent them home in token of 1. Ch●. 10: 10. the victory, and gave commandment withall that it should bee published in the Temples of their Gods, and to the people: but their bodies they did hang in despite on the walls of Bethsau( having belike pursued them so far the day before) a city of that half of the Tribe of Manasses that lay on the West side of jordan, in the Chr. Adricom: northeast corner of it, at the South end of the Lake of Genasereth. Those that were touched with some special regard unto him, were the Inhabitants of jabesh-gilead, situate near to that Lake also, but on the East-side of it, and higher 1. Sam. 31: 11-13. into the Land from it: who before having been delivered from the tyranny of Nahash King of the Ammonites( as before was declared) by the help of King Saule, at his first enteraunce into his kingdom, remembering it now, went by night( a number of the most valiant of them) took down their bodies, had them away, and so bestowed such funeral solemnity on them, as the manner then was among them. A good example of thankful remembrance. As touching that which fell to many of their cities, it is likewise set down, that many of the people of Israell in the valleys near unto Gi●●on, and on the other side of jordan, Ibid. 7. when they heard of this overthrow, left their cities and fled: and that the Philsst●●● came, and dwelled in them. That part of his pitiful end, which is set down in another place ensuing, and not alleged in the Story here, is, whereupon it was, that the Lord was thus far o●●ended with him: and there, besides that former disobedience of his, for which it was denounced unto him, that he was rejected, it is added withall, that( partly) it was or that he asked counsel of a familiar spirit, and 1. Chro. 10: 13, 14. asked not of the Lord: whereas it is certain, he first sought unto the lord, and did not seek to the other, till he found that the Lord would give him no answer. Out of which( laying one place unto the other) wee are belike to gather, that although 1. Sam. 28: 6, 7. we seek to the Lord first, yet i● it not reckoned for seeking to him, unless still we depend vpon him even to the end; and never seek to any other. CHAP. 13. 1 WHEN they began to divide themselves, nevertheless it pleased God otherwise in those dayes so to bless them, that in that age was the Church or people of God farther enriched with godly knowledge, than they were before: and so are we first to see the Stories of those that to this time appertain; then, what farther knowledge in their age redounded unto the Church or people of GOD. As touching their Story, the division that wee speak off, was first in the dayes of him that next succeeded; though soon after made up again: but then, not long after that, many of them eftsoones doing it; and never after returning again. He that next succceded was david, for the most part of whose time:& for all the time of him that next did follow, they continued one people: but then divided themselves for ever. The division likewise that in his time they began to make, was but in the first part of his reign: and so are we to see, first what this division was; then, how they were again united. To find out what this division was, seeing it was in his time, wee are first to see, how himself did come to the kingdom: then, how it was, that certain of them did divide themselves from the rest. unto his coming to the kingdom, it doth appertain, first to consider in what sort he understood that it was fallen unto him: then, how he addressed himself to enter into the possession of it. he understood that it was fallen unto him, by one that was fled out of the battle, who himself( by his own confession) had helped to dispatch Saule( but at ●. Sa. 1▪ 1-10. his own request) and ●●ought the crown that was on his head away for a token▪ together with some other ornaments besides, as now by right appertaining to david. he did so address himself to enter into the possession of it, that his doing therein did argue great moderation in him: first in some things he did before; then when he set in hand with that thing itself. Those that he did before were of two sorts: some of them apperraining to the present case as then it stood; one other, a provision for the time ensuing. Appertaining to the present case as then it stood, were two: one, his lamentation for the loss afore-sayde: the other, the execution of the Messenger. As touching his lamentation, first, it is set down but briefly: but then, more at large. briefly it is said, that he and his men rent their clothes, and mourned, wept, and fasted till even, for the King and his son, Ibid. 11, 12. and for the people that so were lost. More at large wee haue afterward set down the form and manner of that his lamentation, composed as( it seemeth) by david Ibi. 17, 19-26. Ibid. 13-16. himself on that occasion. In the execution of the Messenger he gave a good Testimony that he was innocent of the death of Saul, though a mortal Enemy to him; and it behoved him as the case stood then, that the people should be so persuaded of him: but as yet he was not es●●b●●shed in the kingdom( for it is 〈◇〉, th●● he enquired of the Lord, whether now he should 〈◇〉 the Kingdom ●● not▪) and 〈◇〉 well be, that the p●●ty had no m●●therous 〈…〉, but only yielded to rid him out of his pain,& that at his own request, it may be also with 〈…〉 to do it, 〈◇〉 the other did desire it. That which was but a pro 〈…〉 on for the 〈…〉; i● that 〈◇〉 Ibid. 18. that here is mentioned of him, of 〈…〉 king others how to h●●dle their Bow ●●ight●● 1. Sam. 31: 3. and it may be, as warned by the Issue of that l●st b●ttle, for th●t Saul by that kind of weapon was so much distressed. When he set in hand with the thing itself, ●● would not bee his own C●ruer therein, but first inquired of the Lord twice: and 〈◇〉 did as he was directed. He asked of the Lord first, whether now he should go 〈◇〉 ●●ry 2. Sam. 2: 1. ( there to enter into the kingdom:) and then, when it was gr 〈…〉 unto h●●, whether it was that first he should go. Whereunto when he was ●●●swe●●d, that now he might go, and that he should go to Hebron, thither he went, he& al his company Ibid. 2. 3. with him, themselves and their Housholds: himself and his Family dwelling in Hebron itself; and the rest of his company in the cities thereto appertaining. And according as he then yielded himself to do as God should direct him, so found he the Issue answerable unto it: his own Tribe( that is, the Tribe of judah) readyly Ibid. 4. Ibid. 8, 9. 3: ●. coming in, and anointing him to be their King; but as yet none other, but onely that one Tribe coming in and yielding their allegiance unto him. Howe it was that certain of them divided themselves, wee are to know, that it was but for a time; and that then they grew together one people again: and so we are first to consider of that time; then, of their uniting again. Considering but of that time, it seemeth that david perceived such a thing towards, and that he did seek to prevent it: but yet that his endeavour sorted to no effect therein. It seemeth that he did see such a thing towards,& that he did seek to prevent it, in that by occasion hearing how the Inhabitants of jabesh-gilead had so well remembered their duty to Saul, he sent unto them to thank them for it, and to let them understand it should bee remembered: and Ibid. 21 4-7. by that occasion, he giveth them to understand withall, that the house of judah had made him K. over them, and thence seemeth to raise some comfort unto them, though their former Master, the late King, was now gone. Whether he had any such meaning therein or not, we cannot tell; knowing notwithstanding that in such case our common infirmity is ready enough to yield such fruits: but whether he did mean it or not, sure we are, it did him no good;& God doth often with-hold such earthly helps from those that are his, to teach them, ever, and in all things, to depend vpon him. The better to see, how that his endeavour( if so it were) sorted itself to no effect, wee need but to mark the division itself: concerning which we haue something said only of that part of the people, who divided themselves from the rest: and somewhat again that concerneth them both. Of that part of the people that divided itself from the rest, it is said, that Abner, the general or chief captain of Saule did set up Ibid. 12-16. Ishboseth one of Saules son, to be King over all the rest of the people: and that he reigned over those, seven yeares and six months. Which fact of his now( which it may be, was no more, but to keep his own place still, which he was not so like to do under another) may well be a great part of the occasion of that long and perpetual division that afterward followed, in that he thus opened this gap first: and then God knoweth, for what dissension, disorder, wrath, and blood( which afterward by that occasion fell out among them) he may be made answerable for it, in the judgements of God. That which concerneth them both, is first but one particular: then, a relation of them both generally. The particular is, that Abner coming with the forces of Ishboseth to the pool of Gibeon,& there meeting certain of the forces of david also under the hand of joab, glorying belike in his greater forces, urged joab to let some of his company to come and buckle with some of his,& to make proof of their valour, and so to make some pastime to sit down and behold the combat. Which Ibid. 17-32. when joab accepted, it proceeded not only to the slaughter of the first combators, but to become an exceeding sore battle betwixt all their forces,& that Abner the beginner of it and his men were so beaten, that himself was fain to entreat joab to pursue them no farther: at which time, though neither party gained( and no marvell, seeing they would haue so needless a co 〈…〉, and so bloody pastime) y●● Abn●r lost three hundred and threescore of his company, for nineteen and one special man of the others. The relation that wee haue of both the peoples generally, is, that there Ibid. 3: 1. was long war betwixt david and the house of S●●l●▪ but that the house of david waxed stronger, and contrary wife, that the house of Saul did 〈◇〉 wax weaker. In which Story of theirs, first standing so long out against the kingdom of david, and yet coming in in the end, we haue a good pattern how people in all ages yield unto Christ, or to the gospel, the sceptre of his kingdom among us: Namely, that first such do come unto him( with the Tribe of judah, and readily they) as are touched inwardly with the selfsame Spirit, and so of Kin to Christ himself: then, that others also do come in at length, but themselves weakened first, and by other experiments finding, that will they nill they, he is to prevail. coming to the time when they were united, and so became one people again, w●e are first to see, in what sort they now came in unto david their lawful King: then, what was the estate or manner of his government over them all, after that so they were united together. In what sort all the rest now came in, is so much the rather to be marked, for that it ca●●●eth needful instruction with it: and so are we first to consider of the Story; then, of the instruction that it yeeldeth unto vs. In the Story we may see, that first it was somewhat attempted, but not so obtained: then, that it came in, immediately after, even of itself. Attempted it was( besides that of Dauids before in his message to them of jabesh-gilead, wherein it seemeth, as before is noted, that he was not without some such meaning) both by Abner, and david together: but Abner making that offer unto him; and david going no farther therein, but onely yielding his acceptance of it, or at least giuing no nay or refusal unto it. In the offer that Abner made unto david for that matter, because the occasion whereon he did it is also noted, we are first to ●●●e what occasion he took unto it: then, in what sort he wrought vpon it. The occasion that he took unto it, was, that Ishbos●eth, his Lord and master( for so had he made him) sound fault with him( whether truly or not, we haue not declared) for abusing of Rizpah his Fathers Concubine: Ibid. 7. and yet might he see, when he took it so ill as he did, that Isbosheth his Lord Ibid. 11. was afraid to say any more unto him, or to urge him any farther therein. So dangerous a thing it is to reprove great men of their sins, or but unjustly to charge them with ●dious things, that even Princes themselves may bring their own estate in the kingdom into present peril thereby; and a just iudgement it is of God besides, that such as unjustly step up to sovereign place, by the power of such as are factious, should afterward also stand at their courtesy, whether they should continue still, or be removed. How he wrought vpon this occasion we may better perceive, if first we mark how he resolved at that present then how he did perform it after. He took that his reproof so●l that presently he resolved, told Ishbosheth Ibid. 8-10. to his face, and bound it with a grievous Oath, that as God had appointed david to reign( which hitherto notwithstanding he had neglected, but now can be content to make it a groundwork for the execution of his own grief and rancour against his Lord:) so would he now go about to perform, and not rest until he had done it indeed. To perform it after, first he sent to david about it: and then went himself also. When he sent about it, we are not onely to consider what his message was: but also, in what sort it was entertained of david. His message was, Ibid. 13. that david of right was to haue the whole kingdom: and that he, if david would enter into covenant with him( belike to forgive him that which was past,& thenceforward to esteem of him as he should now show himself towards him) would now do his faithful endeavour to turn the whole people unto him, and had no doubt but soon to perform it. As this message was entertained of david, he did not onely respect the offer that now was made to him, but another matter besides. As touching the offer that now was made unto him, he promiseth to do as Abner had moved. The other matter besides, is a matter of special note, as it may bee Ibid. 13. to diuers applied: and so are we to see, first what the matter itself is; then, howe it may be applied to others. In the matter itself we likewise haue delivered unto us, first what it was that david required: then, howe it was yielded unto him. That which he desired was to haue his Wife Michal again: to which Ibid. Ibid. 14. end both he gave a special charge to Abner, not to come to him without her; and sent Messengers to Ishbosheth besides to sand her unto him. His demand was so readily yielded unto him, that Ishbosbeth sent and took her away Ibid. 15. from the party to whom Saul had given her, in despite of david to whom he had given her before: and when Abner came unto david, he brought her with him. Ibid. 16. Wherein whatsoever it was that david respected, whether by taking again the Daughter of Saul to be more gracious to all that party, or that being before married unto her he would not now break wedlock with her or both together: that Ishbosheth did so readily yield unto it, though it may bee he thought it no wisdom to keep her, least david should make it an occasion against him; yet may it likewise be, that he had that regard to equity, that albeit david was his enemy, he would notwithstanding afford him his right. That which others may do well to apply to themselves, is, partly out of Ishbosheth: but most out of david. Of Ishbosheth they may do well to learn, to haue none so mortal an enemy unto them, no not in the case of a kingdom, but that ever they afford them that which is right. Of david a couple: one, as she was the Daughter of Saul; the other as she was married to him before. As she was Sauls Daughter, it was likely to make the party of Saul more to affect him: and then, though God had made him great promises, yet in him may wee see, that it is not good to neglect such good and lawful means, if God do at any time give them unto vs. As shee was his wife before, though another had had her since, yet david gave not such place to his iealousy, that therefore he would now break of wedlock with her: much less was of mind, that now he might haue no fellowship with her, but that therein he should sin, because she was by another polluted. A needful lesson too, both for such as are more ireful and revenging in such case among us: and for such as are so nicely conceited. When he went himself about it, wee haue declared what course he took: and to what effect it came in the end. The course that he took, was, that first he dealt with the Israelites at home: and then went to david himself. As touching the Israelites he did not onely Ibid. 17-19. deal with them all generally, but with the Tribe of benjamin more specially, because they by Saul and Ishbosheth were yet possessed of the crown, and so did most concern them: and his dealing with them all was, to induce them to make david their King, wherein it seemeth he much praevailed. coming then to david, he found Ibid. 20. him likewise so ready in that case to receing him to favour, and to give him and his such entertainment, as that the matter( it seemeth) was to both their likings quickly agreed vpon: insomuch that Abner soon returned again to go and effect it, as Ibid. 21. they had agreed. The effect whereunto it came in the end was such, that it may make their agreement and purpose suspected; and yet notwithstanding there might bee other cause of it too: but whatsoever was the cause of it, it was grievous to david that so it failed. So are we first to consider of that failing of it: then, of Dauids sorrow thereon. In that failing of it likewise, it shall be good to see how far it failed: and, what may seem to be the occasion of it. It failed so far, that it was altogether broken or defeated clean: Abner never reaching home to contrive it, whatsoever in particular it was. For being peaceably dismissed by david, and with special Ibi. 22-27, 30. favour, it seemeth joab, new come home and hearing of it, told the King he had done very ill to sand him away, sent for him again, and( by the help of Abishay his Brother) treacherously slay him. The occasion of it, so far as is set down unto us, was for that Abner had before slain Hasael another of his bretheren: but that was in the field in open hostility. And so it may bee, that Abner had some meaning now to deliuet the kingdom to david by some ill dealing with Ishbosheth his master( neither was there any likelihood, that he could otherwise do it) such as whereby God did not like to bring david unto the kingdom, and therefore would not prosper them in it. The sorrow of david was such, that himself mourned for him, and Ibid. 28-39. made his seruants do so likewise, as for a Prince of special worth unto him: and gave so good testimony, that he did it unfeignedly indeed, that all the people were resolved, that he was ●o way guilty of it, but had an hearty de●e●●●tion of it. How it came 〈…〉( even by itself) being now to bee seen, the Story sheweth, th●● one special let was first removed: then, the thing itself fully effected. The special let which was first removed, was Is 〈…〉, the son of Saul, yet reigning 〈◇〉 them ●● King: but now already in great perplexity by the death of Abn●r, and shortly after treacherously murdered of his own people. In that h●● was in such Ibid. 4: 1-●. perplexity by the death of A●●●●, it seemeth that now he had less hear● to contend with david about the kingdom: and yet seeing his usurped estate to decay or to be ●●c●●ning, h●e had not the Grace to surrender it up into the hands of david the right Hey●e; and therefore was cle●●e taken away soon after. In that he was so treacherously murdered by some of his own, wee ●re first to consider of the 〈◇〉 itself: then of certain Circumstances thereunto appertaining. In the 〈◇〉 itself, somewhat of their so treacherous dealing: then howe they were rewarded for it. In that they dealt so Treacherously with him, though on their parts it were exceeding great villainy so to deal: yet on his part it was but the just iudgment of God, to be so treacherously oppressed by those, whom before he did so injuriously oppose against so great and sacred a right; being( as they were) not onely his people by usurpation, but also two of his Captaines by his own special appointment. Ibid. 2. The reward they had for it, was nothing near to their expectation; but yet notwithstanding such as was more due unto them: justly executed by death of him, for whose Ibid. 9-12 sake so treacherously they slay their own Lord and master. The circumstances are two: one, of the time; another, of the person. That which is of the time, is of the reign of him that now for the time had been in place, who is said to haue reigned but two yeares, and yet that david was kept from that part of the kingdom seven yeares and six months. Whereof, although there be diuers other opinions, yet it seemeth most likely, that Ishbosheth was not at the first set up to reign, but some reasonable time after; and that the rest of the people came not in immediately after the slaughter of Ishbosheth neither. That Ishbosheth was set up soon after that david began to solicit( as it seemed) the Inhabitants of jabesh-gilead( as before we heard) to draw them unto him, seemeth to bee very agreeable unto the Text: but then it seemeth withall, that it was some good time after, that david came to Hebron first, and there by them was anointed King; as if david expected them some good time( or at least had no dealing with them) but afterward by that occasion sent unto them. So likewise it may probably bee, that the residue of the people came not in to david immediately after that Ishbosheth was taken away, but that then or shortly after, some of them began to be dropping unto him, and so increased, till at length they came al, yet not but in some good process of time. Both which conjectures seem to be grounded in this, that Ishbosheth reigned but two yeares, and yet that david was not made King over them all, until that he after the death of Saul had reigned in Hebron seven yeares and better. That other circumstance which is of the person, is, that Mephibosheth the son of jonathan, was then also remaining, of the direct line of Saul, Ibid. 4. by whom they might fear to haue the blood of Ishbosheth avenged: but because he was but young, and lame withall, therefore it may be they had less regard of him? yet( God be thanked for it) although they found no such Iustice there, as their fact deserved, where it was most to be feared: yet nevertheless they got it, where( it is most likely) they thought it farthest from them, and conceived great hope of some special favour besides. Howe the thing itself was fully effected, that we may the better perceive; wee are to note, who they were that now came in; and in what manner they did it. They that now came in, were all the residue, even al the Tribes of Israell generally: and though it bee more specially attributed unto the Elders of Ibid. 5▪ 1-3. 1. Chr. 11: 1-3. 12: 23-40. them, and else-where but to a certain number of every Tribe; yet, seeing it is ascribed to them all too, and where but certain Numbers are noted that came, there it is said, that all the rest of Israell were of accord with them therein, therefore it may be put clear out of question, that all of them in a manner came now Ibid. 12: 38. in, and submitted themselves and their Allegiance unto him. unto the manner of doing it, it doth appertain, whereupon it was that they didde it, and how far themselves did yield unto that good motion in them. That which moved them thereunto, was partly but beneath: but partly from above. Beneath i● was that they accounted themselves his own people,& nere unto him; and that when Saul Ibid. ●: 1, 2. Ibid. 2. Ibid. 2. was their King, yet he for the most was their Leader. It was from above, that( ●● now they aclowledge) the Lord himself had appointed him to haue the government of them. themselves so yielded to this good motion, that we may plainly note in them, both a special readiness in that their duty: and some wariness or wisdom joined therewith. readiness of duty, in that they came all with one record, 1. Chron. 1●: 38-40. made provision for three dayes to tarry and to make merry with him, and that there was a general and common rejoicing among them: wariness withall, that they made a covenant with him, and that before the Lord; whereby as it seemeth, they 2. Sam. ●: ●. 1. Chr. 11: 3. did not onely submit themselves unto him, but required withall, that they might bee governed in such sort as they ought to be, according to the Law of God. The instruction that this Story of their coming in yeeldeth unto us, is no more but that which experience in these daies doth teach us: namely, that we may not look, that all shall come in at once to the profession of the gospel of christ, neither unto sound obedience of the truth of it now; but that in time such as now are Enemies unto it, may afterward be marvelous dutiful thereunto, and of a singular zeal besides, and so in patience to be expected. 2 What was the estate or manner of his government over them all, after that so they were united together, being now to bee seen, whosoever marketh, it will soon appear, that the first part of his reign was very comfortable to all his people, 2. Sam. 5: 10. 1. Chr. 11▪ 9. altogether under the good favour and blessing of God: but the latter part of it, very troublesone. The fore-part of it was so far under the good favour and blessing of God, that it was victorious against the Enemy abroad, and comfortable as wee said to his own people at home: whereof they had a taste now at this present; and more plentiful experience after. At this present, when now they were so generally gathered together to make him King over them al, they went from Hebron, where 2. Sam 5: 6-9. 1. Chr. 11: 4-8. yet he was, unto jerusalem( some-what more towards the heart of the Land) to clear it of the jebusites that yet dwelled therein, and to make it the seat of his kingdom. C●●. Pel. Ibid. At which time albeit the jebusites made such reckoning of the safety and strength of the piece or Fort that they kept, that they thought it impregnable both for david and all his company: yet they quickly got it; thence-forward field the possession of it,& being called Zion before, termed it now the city of david. But two particulars there are therein, which are more specially to bee considered: one, of the confidence of the jebusites; the other, of the praeferment of joab. The confidence of the jebusites, was so great in the strength of the place, that whereas david belike had upbraided them before with their Idols, that they were but blind and Lame 2. Sam 5▪ 6. 1. Chr. 11▪ 5. Gods, now do they confidently tell him, that he might never come there, till he had taken those away: as if they were sufficient to defend it against him. For so it seemeth 〈…〉 ●ra. Vatablus 〈…〉 the rather to bee taken, than as others do of blind and lame men, as sufficient to keep the Fort against those forces, seeing it is plainly said in the Text, that david in his heart did hate those Blind and Lame that there are spoken off, which is not so likely to be understood of such impotent persons whom he was more likely to pi●ty, than to hate, as of their idol Gods: and others there be that so do take it. As touching the praeferment of joab; he seemeth he was Dauids captain before, because 〈…〉. 1594. Pet. Mar. 2. S●. 2: 12-27▪ Ibid. 3: ●2. 23. 1. Chr. 2: 15. 16. ●. Sam. ●●. ●. 1. Chro. 11▪ ●▪ 2 Sam ●: 16 20▪ 23. 1 King 2: 35. 2 Sam. 3▪ 39. he was the Leader of Dauids forces, both in that combat with Ishbosheth▪ partakers, which grew to a plain battle ere they had done: and when having been in some piece of service( for they brought a great prey with them) they returned with him, or ●nder his government rather, to Hebron again, what time as david had newly dismissed Abner from him. But as yet it seemeth, ●t was but merely arbitrary, albeit he was near of Kin to david being his Sisters Son▪ but now( from this time) he had it by a special grant from the King upon a piece of service that now he did; and so kept that place still so long as david lived. Whereas therefore david did some-thing complain on him and his Brother before, that they were to hard for him, and afterward found joab specially too bold or maisterfull for him to Ibid. 24, 25. 19: 5-7. 1. King. 2: 5, ●. deal withall, insomuch that on his death-bed he thought it needful to give Salomon a special charge to put him to death( as also he did) for the cruel and Treacherous slaughter of two special men dear unto David: hence may both a warning bee taken, how readily a man may ouer-shoote himself by his word to his own disadvantage if he take not heed, as it seemeth that david now had, or else that he would not haue born with him so much as he did; and a good lesson withall, that so far as well we may, we should ever perform that which we promise, though david( it seemeth) deal more remissly with joab than he should, in sparing him so much as in those murders he did. In that more plentiful experience thereof which after they had, by course of the Story we find, that for a time he employed himself as the present occasion required, and himself thought good: but afterwards as his function or calling was, and God appointed. He employed himself as the present occasion required and himself thought good, first against the enemy: then, about Religion. The enemy at that time was the philistines: who twice came in against david; and were by him twice overthrown. But the effect of this overthrow did not rest or die onely with them: but did reach to others also. So that first we are to consider of it, as it did but rest with them: and then as it did reach unto others. As it did but rest with them, yet as they made two invasions, and so were twice overthrown: so are wee, severally to consider of either of them. In the former of them, wee haue not onely that Story itself: but also another besides, that seemeth to belong thereunto. The Story itself is, first of the philistines coming in: then, of their overthrow there. That which is of their coming in, is first of the occasion of it: then how they took the occasion offered. The occasion of it was, for that they heard that david was now annoynted King of all Israell: not much regarding them all belike, so long as they 2. Sam. 5: 17. 1. Chro. 14: 8. stood divided; nor Dauids valour neither, so long as he was but a petit King, over the Tribe of judah onely. But now that the whole people of Israell grew together in one, and that under the government of david, they might well conceive, that they had neeede to see unto it, if they could find that they were able, yet to crop them at their pleasure. And so the enemies of the gospel, though they seem for a time not to regard the forces that are for it, so long as they are divided or weak: yet if at any time they grow united, and so to be stronger, then haue they a mind if ability fail not, to fall a cropping, and to take them short betime. The better to take to their best advantage, the occasion offered, all the philistines came down together: being Ibid. otherwise five Princes of them, and five several signories; but now uniting themselves all together, against those two kingdoms of the people of God, newly united. They came also with such confidence, that both they would seek out david Ibid. 2. Sam 5: 18. 1. Chr. 14: 9. ( whom nevertheless they found soon enough to their purpose)& did spread themselves all over a valley there. As touching their overthrow, it seemeth that first david had a care of the safety of his own person: but then, it is plain, that he bent himself against them, and praevailed. he seemed to haue a care of his own person, in that so soon as he heard of their coming in, he went into a Fort or hold. He 2. Sam. 5: 17. 1. Chr. 11: 15. bent himself notwithstanding against them, first by his seeking unto God: then, by dealing with the enemy himself. His seeking to God was, whether he should go 2. Sam. 5: 19. 1. Chr. 14: 10 and give them battle: and whether God would so deliver them into his hands. Whereunto having answer that he should go, and that God would certainly deliver them into his hands, he accordingly went and prevailed against them, so plainly Ibid. 20, 21. 11, 12 and so thoroughly withall, that he thought it convenient to leave the place a name correspondent to the glory of him that so broke his enemies there: and whereas they had brought their Gods or Images with them, and left them there, those also he burnt in the fire. In that other Story besides that seemeth to belong unto this, wee are first to consider of the Story itself: then how it seemeth to bee as a member appertaining to this. The Story itself is, that david thirsting and wishing for a little 1. Chro. 11: 19-19. water of the Well at Bethlehem, three of his company thereupon went thither, notwithstanding the philistines then lay there,& venturing their lives, as it were a thousand to one, brought him water from thence: which notwithstanding he could not find in hir hart to drink when he had it, because it was gotten with so great hazard of their lives that did fetch it. A special good warming to many of us, that make no conscience to feed and cloath ourselves with that, which we haue not but by the blood of others. That this story appertaineth into the other,& is as it were a member of it may sufficiently appear by the description of the place& time, where& when it was done: david being in the fort of Adullam( the same place whereunto he went Ibid. 15, 16. first for his safety) and the philistines camping the self same time at Bathlehem also. In the latter of them we haue no special matter to speak of, but that david asking 2 Sa. 5▪ 22-●5. 1. Chro. 14: 13-16. counsel again of the Lord, was more specially instructed, in what sort he was to set on them now: and so again gave them a great overthrow. As the effect of these overthrows did not rest onely with them, but reached to others, it is 1. Chr. 14: 1●. plainly set down, that hereupon the famed of david, did spread forth itself to al the Countries thereabout, and that the lord did strike the fear of him into the hearts of all those peoples. When he employed himself about Religion, it was for the aduancement of it: wherein notwithstanding as there was something which he was allowed to do; so was there something again, which was plainly forbidden unto him. That also which he was allowed to do, was not( by a default therein) at the first received: but( the default being once amended) after it was. That which he was allowed to do, though it were not at the first received, was the bringing of the ark unto jerusalem: and so haue we therein to consider, first howe it was attempted and defeated; then, how it was again attempted and performed. When it was first attempted, but not performed, we are to consider in what sort it was attempted: and how it came to pass it was not performed. unto the maner of attempting of it, there be two principal points appertaining: one, what consultation was used before; the other, how they did set in hand with their business after. The consultation was such, as was likely enough to haue sped well▪ for that in 2. Sam. 6: 1. 1. Chr. 13: 1-5. one place we find, that thirty thousand of the choice or chief of all Israel, were gathered together about it: in another, that david took counsel therein with his Captains and all the governors, to sand for the rest of the people,& for the priests and the levites( for so is it interpnted by some of good reckoning, though others Vulg. edit. Conrad. Pell. Tremel. ●● I●●. Bibl. Angl. Fr. Vatab. Ari. Montan. there be that go not so fully unto it, and the original itself be not so very plain therein, to join together in that piece of service: that they all liked well of it;& that so it was accordingly done. A likely assembly to haue had it among them, how in all points they ought to haue dealt in that piece of service. nevertheless when they did set in hand with that business after, though they did it with great alacrity and ioy among themselves: yet otherwise they missed so far, that al came 2. Sam 6: 2▪ 5. 1. Chr. 13: 6-8. to nothing in the end. They did it with great alacrity and ioy among themselves, for that generaliy they went so readily about it, and so furnished out the solemnine with Instruments of music of so many kinds, joining their own rejoicing withall. In that nevertheless they missed so far, that all came to nothing in the end, we are to see, what it was wherein they missed: and how the whole solemnity was interrupted thereby. That wherein they missed, was, by all the company, one: and, by one several person another. That which was missed by all the company, was, that they laid the ark in a new Cart or carriage, so to be conveyed home: 2. Sam. 6: 3. 1. Chro. 13▪ 7. whereas otherwise by the Law of God it ought to haue been carried on mens shoulders. That which was missed by one several person, was by Vz●a, one of the Lenites that did attend it: and it was no more, but that he put up his hand and stayed 2. Sam. 6: 6. 1. Chr. 13: 9. the ark, when as by the vneuennesse of the way it waltered or iogged in the carriage; whereas none by the Law might touch it but onely the Priestes when they lapped it up, and none of the levites, and Uzza was no more but a levite. A special good warning to us, how rude the people of God in short time may grow to be, and not onely the meaner, but the better sort of them also, even the levites and Priestes themselves. How it came to pass, that this their attempt was not performed, leadeth us to the consideration of these two things: one, that God did show himself to be offended with them; the other, that david did so take it, and so left off for that time. As God did show himself offended with them, wee are to note both his mercy ●●d severity too. His mercy appeareth, in that when all had offended generally, yet layeth he his hand, but onely on that one man that did offend more specially: his severity likewise, in that he spared not that one in his transgression, though therein he had no ill meaning with him, but onely did it to good purpose ●● he thought, and yet nevertheless was for it strooken down with sudden death. A 2. Sam. 6. 7. 1. C●●. 13: 10. sufficient testimony, how little defence we may look to haue in any good intent or meaning of ours, in any such matters as wherein God hath plainly told us what it is he would haue us to do: and well, if we scape when he hath not told us, unless then also we be careful to search and to learn it out if we can. In that david did so take 2. Sa. 6: 8-10. 1. Chr. 13: 11-13. it, and so left off for that time, he did not onely wisely on his own behalf, so to stay when he saw that God was offended, least he incurred some heavier displeasure: but withall he hath given a good example to others, not to run on in any rash or unadvised attempts of theirs, if at any time they be so crossed therein, as that well they may doubt( and that may they do, when their business is not of any sufficient warrant) that God is against them therein. When this business was again attempted, and performed, we are in like sort to mark, how it was now attempted by them: and how it was withal performed. Attempted it was in better manner now then before:& yet notwithstanding one good part of the action could not avoid, but that needs it must be called in question. It was attempted in better manner now than before, because david did now first learn what was to be done, before he set in hand to do it. For now in the mean season he had learned, that none but the levites were to carry the 1. Chro. 15: 2. ark of God. And when he did set in hand with it afresh, we red of some preparation for it before: then that they set in hand with the business itself. The preparation for it before, was the place that david provided, and the Tent that he pitched for 1. Chr. 15. 1. it. When he set in hand with the business itself, first, we haue noted, what was the occasion of it: then in what manner he did it. The occasion of it was, that word was brought unto david, that the Lord had blessed Obed-Edom, and all that he had, 2. Sa. 6: 11, 12. 1. Chr. 13: 14. since the time that the ark had been with him: which notwithstanding was but three monthes in all. A comfortable token, if not an undoubted assurance, that whosoever could rightly entertain the gospel of Iesus Christ( the ark of his testimony) in such sort as he ought, he also and his should be blessed thereby. His manner of doing it, was according as now he had learned, and much more careful than before: 1. Chr. 15: 15. both of bringing it into jerusalem; and in that which he did thereabout, when he had it there. To bring it to jerusalem, he gathered all Israell together again: and by the way, both offered sacrifice, and used such tokens of special rejoicing as before; Ibid. 2. Sa. 6: 12-15. 1. Chr. 15: 4-14. 25-29. especially david himself, ●uer now and then, leaping and dancing for ioy, even into the city, and to that part of it where the ark itself was to be placed. When he had it there, he did not onely for that present offer great Sacrifices, and distributed liberal portions to every one of the people: but also for the time to come 2. Sa. 6: 17-19 1. Chr 16: 1-3. 1. Chr. 15: 16-24. 16▪ 4 42. thence forward, he took very good order, to haue the ark by the Priests and levites ever attended. That part of the action that could not avoid but that needs it must be called in question, was, that special rejoicing of david: but yet notwithstanding by himself defended. It was called in question, and very hardly( even scornfully) censured by Michal his wife, the daughter of Saul: who not conceiving, 2. Sa. 6: 16-20. 1. Chr. 15. 29. how a rare and extraordinary zeal might make strange motions in a man, and yet of no base quality withall, could take it none otherwise, but that he in lightness and vanity of mind, did that, which pure zeal, it seemeth rather, had wrought forth in him, and had meed him so far to forget, to sustain or bear up a Princelike majesty among his people. For such a thing we find in Christ himself, when he drove out John. 2. 14-16▪ the buyers and sellers out of the Temple: his Disciples unraveling( as it seemeth) that therein he grew so very hot, till they remembered such a place of the psalms, as Ibid. 17. put them in mind, that an extraordinary and special zeal, might readily put a man out of the wonted tenor or course of his ways. The defence that david used therein, was much confirmed by God himself: and so are we first to note, what was the defence that therein he used: then, how we may find it confirmed by God. The defence that therein he used, tendeth not only to justify that which he had don, because God 2. Sa. 6: 21, 22. had given him great cause so to rejoice, and therein to abase himself much more than yet he had done, and so he would: but something also to touch her, in that her Father and all his House was rejected, and he placed there in his steede. Confirmed it was by God, in that she was made barren for it. For though the original do Ibid. 23. import no more, but only that she was barren( saving that being remembered there, and immediately vpon the other, it may seem to be remembered as ● punishment of it) Ari. Mo●t●●. Vulg. C●●. P●l● Fran. Vatab. ●●● M●●ty●, Tremel. I●●. Bibl. A●gl. 1594. at least, as it is by one( of special reckoning therein) interpnted: yet i● it so interpnted by others generally, of special good reckoning ●●●o, as if that were the very cause, why she had that chastisement cast vpon her, 〈…〉 ot meet to haue any Children, that could haue so base a conceit of that Seruant of God, in that his extraordinary ioy in God, and not lightly going without some profane or base account of the worship of God withall. Forbidden unto him it was, that shortly after he would haue built a Temple to God: a purpose( to see too) so good in itself, and so commendable generally withall men, that therein it shall be good more specially to consider, how likely it was, that his would haue been accepted; and in what sort it was refused. Likely it was, that his purpose would haue been accepted, first in itself: then as it had other faire and likely commendation besides. In itself, the purpose was likely to be well accepted, as a token that he was desirous that God should dwell among them: and whereas he had but a Tent before, while the people were in their travail, and the people had houses now, who likewise had but Tentes before, it was in reason seemly and meet, that he also now had an house among them. Those other faire and likely commendations it had besides, were two: one, arising from david himself; the other, from the Prophet Nathan. That which arose from david himself, was, that he had a good mind in it, as appeareth by the words that he uttered thereon: showing thereby, that he had respect to the glory of God; and that 2. Sam 7: 1, 2. 1. Chr. 17: 1. in the way of thankfulness also, for that God had given him so convenient a dwelling, and such as the ark itself had not yet. That which arose from the Prophet Nathan, was, that he did like well of his purpose, and bad him do all that was in his 2. Sam. 7: 3. 1. Chr. 17: 2. hart, for that God was with him. It was not therefore simply refused as a thing evil in itself, but in such sort as that david counted, that the Lord dealt very graciously with him. First therefore of the refusal: then how well david himself did take it. The refusal of it was not grievous itself: and mingled besides with special comfort. It was not grievous itself either in the matter: or in the maner of delivery. In the matter it was not, for that God did not refuse it, on his part, but as never using any such 2. Sa. 7: 6, 7. 1. Chr. 17: ●, 6. 2. Chr. 6: 8. 2. Chr 28: 3. before, and not so much as having at any time spoken of it; otherwise liking it well, that he had that purpose with him: on Dauids, for that he was a man of war, and had shed blood. Which refusal may teach us also, that whatsoever God himself doth not require, that is no matter for any of his people, to trouble their heads about:& that, as such as haue shed blood, are not meet men to build an house unto the Lord; so if they be but men of war, that business were meet first to be finished, before the other might well be dealt in. In the manner of delivery, it was not grievous neither, because it was refused the next day, before that david had any time to set in hand with it, or 2. Sam. 7: 4, 5. 1 Chr. 17: 3. 4. much to settle himself unto it: and because the message was sent him by the Prophet a man of sufficient credit unto him. That special comfort where-with it was mingled besides, was the signification of so special favours of God, which was then imparted unto him: both for himself; and for his posterity. For himself, that as God had been 2. Sa. 7: 8-12. 1. Chr. 17: 7-10. favourable unto him already, bringing him to the estate wherein he was, and having brought down his enemies: so would he proceed in like favours towards him still. For his posterity, both that a Son of his should build him an house: and that if that 2. Sa. 7: 12-17. 1. Chro. 17: 11-15. 2. Sa. 7: 18-24, 1. Chro. 17: 16-12. 2. Sa. 7: 25-29. 1. Chro. 17: 23-27. line of his offended, he would but chastise them, and not reject them as he had done with Saul before: a notable figure of Christ in both; as of neither wee haue the full accomplishment but onely in him. david therefore took this refusal( mingled with so comfortable signification of such favours towards him and his) so very well, that he went in before the Lord, and both gave hearty thankes for all those his favours bestowed on him: and humbly besought him for the continuance of it. 3 How afterward he employed himself as his calling was and God appointed, that we may the better see, we are first to consider what his function and calling was, and how it may appear, that God appointed him thereunto: then, how himself was employed therein. To find what his function or calling was, wee need go no farther, but onely to mark how it pleased God himself to put him in mind thereof, when now he would needs haue builded a Temple to him: namely, that he had already 2. ●●●. 7: 8, 10. 11. 1. Chr. 1●: ●, 9, 10. taken him to be King 〈…〉 er his people Israell; and he would( by him) so order the matter for the time ensuing, that wicked people should no more vex the Israelites as before they had done, but that he would give them rest from them, and beat down all his Enemies. Where, if we mark, God hath laid forth what his employments must be, both towards his own people, and towards the enemy: towards his own people, to be their King and governor; and towards the enemy, ever to be working vpon him, at home and abroad, until he be clean subdued. Of which two, as the former is always needful: so is the other as needful also, before the building of any Temple should be meddled with. And so were these the things that he should employ himself in: and these were thus appointed unto him by God himself. david having his business in this sort set forth unto him, did set in hand accordingly with it: first, with his enemies; then, with his peaceable estate at home. Against his Enemies he so 2. Sa. 8: 1-14. 1. Chro. 18: 1-13. praevailed, and the Lord did so prosper him therein, that he subdued the philistines, Moabites, Id●m●ans, and Syrians: and extended the bounds of his dominions to the river Euphrates, as God before had promised so far to enlarge them. Ais peaceable estate is first set down but very briefly: but some things thereof, a little after, some-thing more largely. briefly it is said, that he reigned over all Israell, and 2. Sam. 8: 15. 1. Chr. 18: 14. did execute iudgement and Iustice, to all his people. Those things that are set down more largely, are two, and both of them works of thankfulness, unto certain friends of his deceased: one, to jonathan the Son of Saule, but a very faithful friend to him; the other, to Nahash the late K. of the Ammonites. To jonathan he bare so thankful 2. Sa. 9: 1-13. an hart, that he inquired for some of Sauls line, to whom he might show some special favour for Ionathans sake: and when by aspeciall seruant of Saul, he had come to the knowledge of Miphibosheth the son of jonathan, he both restored him to the lands of Saul; and though he were but a lame man of both his feet, and so not so meet for a Princes Table, yet he allowed him at his own board for all his life long. And Christian Princes haue found that friendship in Iesus Christ, and daily yet do, that they ought to haue a special regard unto the ministry he hath left behind him; and not to omit for some infirmity in them, at least to restore them to their ancient right, such as their Praedecessors justly enjoyed before; and not to abhor their company neither. Miphibosheth also, though he were but a Cripple, yet was he a better Ornament at Dauids Table, than many other more personable men were able to bee, considering whereupon it was that david had him there: and the matter is plain enough in itself, how it might be to that other applied. That which he did for Nahash his sake, the late King of the Ammonites, was not so well taken, as it was meant by him, and so bread much business after: but such notwithstanding, as many of us may fitly apply to ourselves. So are wee first to consider of the Story itself: and then to see how it may be to us applied. In the Story itself we are likewise to see, first, what it was that david did: then, what business thereon ensued. That which david did, was, that in friendship he would sand ambassadors to the new King Hanun, to comfort 2. Sa. 10: 1, 2. 1. Chr. 19: 1, 2. him for the death of his Father. The business that ensued thereon, was, that they dealt very badly with david again: and that they were sharply punished for it. Those that dealt so badly with him, were, first, the Princes of the Ammonites: then, Hanun the King himself. The Princes of the Ammonites put into the ear of the young King, that david did not maane that friendship that he pretended: but under 2. Sam. 10▪ 3. 1. Chr. 19: 3. praetense of sending in the way of friendship, did but mean to spy out where the City was weakest, so to surptize it at some advantage. The King upon this their bad suggestion, giuing credite unto them, did put them to a shameful and vile disgrace, 2. Sam. 10: 4▪ 1. Chr. 19: 4. passing all humanity therein: cutting off half their beards on the one side of them, and curtayling their garments by the middle, even to their secrets; and so sending them away in a scorn. The punishment that for this they had, was like to bee great, for that david himself took so ill with it, that he also( it seemeth) was ashamed they 2. Sa. 10: 5, 6. 1. Chr. 19: 5, 6. should return till their Beards were grown again, and so willed them to stay till then; and for that the Ammonites perceived, that they had made themselves thereby exceeding odious unto david: and so was indeed, partly ●t that present; but especially the next year after. At that present, or immediately vpon that occasion given; though the Ammonites put themselves to the charge of ● thousand Talents of silver 2. Sa. 10▪ 7-19. 1. Chro. 19: 7-19. to hire Souldiers to help them, and so got unto them( one way, or other) 〈◇〉 great forces; yet were they clean overthrown, and many destroyed: and when those forces of theirs renewed themselves again, and would will maintain their former quarrel, they were again so clean overthrown, that so many a● remained, yielded themselves now unto david, and would help the Ammonites no more. The next year after, 2. Sam. 11: 1. 12: 26-31. 1. Chr. 20: 1-3 david sent in his forces again, to be farther ●uenged for the reproach and dishonour done to those his Ambassadors, who destroyed the country and people, so that they came to Rabbath their chief city: which when joab had straightened so, that it was not able long to hold out, he sent unto david to come and take the honour of the victory, who thereupon coming, not onely took that city( and the crown from the Kings head, being all of Gold and precious stones,& weighing about half an hundred weight) but prosecuting the victory, took the residue of their cities also,& the spoil of them all, and by many sundry and grievous torments destroyed the people to them appertaining. How it may be to us applied, may soon be seen, first for the offence: then also, for the punishment of it. The offence with us, is, that when Iesus Christ doth sand unto us ambassadors, in very peaceable and loving manner, especially now in these daies of the gospel, wee already haue dealt much like with them, and daily yet deal, as the Ammonites then did with those of Dauids: abasing their persons to the scornful attempt of others, and controling their just and needful livings; and that so far, that shane it is to see, to what poverty and nakedness many of them are thereby brought. And as with them, it was first begun by the Princes, and after prosecuted by the King: so it is to bee doubted, that there were of our great men also, that could so ill abide, that those servants of GOD were so well provided for as before they were, and yet no better than of right they ought( for of others wee speak not) that they were a great part of the cause, that they haue been so abased and fleesed, as since they haue been. But then our Princes may well bee discharged, that they haue not done it in hatred of him that doth sand them: though for those also, it may bee doubted, that for their benefit they haue suffered themselves sometimes to be overruled therein; at least for the benefit of diuers of those that did attend them, or any way were in favour with them. As for the punishment( God be thanked for it) we haue yet escaped reasonably well: a day being already appointed, in which he will judge the World by Fire. But well may wee doubt, that the son of david, Iesus Christ, may well haue some strain of his Father therein; detesting sin, and given to Iustice, incomparably more than david was: and then, without question it will bee hard to answer it there. That many great houses also are since overthrown, and none of that Line to inhaerit the crown, though there may bee other causes besides, yet may it prove hard, to find any greater in either of them. There were good things in him( even before God) who was first induced so to deal with his clergy here: and God likewise did vouchsafe him this favour, that all his Children successively came to the crown. The like course hath been continued since, under both those that were of sounder profession: and, as it were, without intermission, but only in the daies of the middle-most of them, who though otherwise shee was not of so sound a profession, as either her Brother before, or her Sister after, yet may it seem, that shee was as far before them in special regard not to diminish the maintenance of Religion generally: as they were before her in the more special profession of it. howsoever it were, they all offended, either in the one, or in the other: and as two of them tarried but a short time among us; so the other left no Issue behind to inhaerit. A blessing that God is wont to give unto those that truly seek the aduancement of his glory here: and oft-times to deny it to those; that seem to haue that ●●re also, but yet give it the slip some way or other. 4 As touching the latter part of Dauids reign, which, as I said, was very troublesone, i● i● to b●e known, that although the most part of it were so troublesone indeed: yet had he a little calm to close it up in the end. So are we first to con 〈…〉 of that part of it that 〈◇〉 so troublesone▪ then, of that little calm in the end. The troubles he had were ●ll in a manner by his own demerits, and so as himself was the occasion of them: but one little business there was, which was occasioned by another. Of those that were occasioned by himself, he gave the occasion so grossly i● the one, th●● no body could but see him to be very faulty therein: in others his offence was not so apparent, but that in the iudgement of men, it were likely enough to haue gone untouched. In that wherein he offended so grossly, as that it was apparent to all, we are first to consider wherein he did offend: then, what trouble b 〈…〉 him for it. His offence was, the fault that he made with Uriahs Wife, ioyn●●g Adultery and murder together: in both which, considering of either of them a-part by themselves, we haue in particular diuers things worthy the marking. In his Adultery, first, how he sell into it: then, how foul the fault was, by some other circumstances thereunto appertaining. It is plain, that he fell into it, by want of good government in himself: and first, as it seemeth, for that he left overmuch liberty and room to the passion of lust to spring up in him; then for that he yielded so much unto it when it was sprung up. It seemeth he left overmuch liberty to the passion of lust to spring up in him, by sequestering himself from all good imploymentes so far, that in the afternoon he could take his bed, and 2. Sa. 11: 1, 2. rest him there: his forces being then against the Ammonites, and he remaining at jerusalem. It may be indeed, he had just occasion so to do; and that he did it but moderately: but because such evil did follow on it, it may rather bee doubted, that himself was faulty therein. In that he yielded so much to his passion when it was sprung up, we haue noted unto us, first how it sprung up: then, how he did yield unto it. It sprung up in him, partly by the unadvised or inconsiderate doing of another: and partly, by his own folly concurring therewith. That inconsiderate doing Ibid. 2, 3. of another, was, that Vriahs Wife so washed or bathed herself, though( belike) but in her own private, yet not so warily, but that david from the roof of his house, did spy her so washing. His own folly concurring with that fact of hers, was, Ibid. 3, 4. that she fed his eyes with the view of her nakedness and beauty, and so kindled such a lust in him, that he enquired of her, sent for her unto him, and had the unlawful use of her body. The circumstances that made this fact of his the fouler, are two: one, the consideration of the party to whom this wrong was done; the other, that he did it not so secretly, but that he made certain of his own, halfe-priuy unto it. The party was an Hittite, one of the former people of the Land; but his subject now, Ibid. 3, 11, 13. occupied in his Warres abroad; and, as it seemeth, and as he is accounted by others, the same that was one of his special Captaines. As he was an Hittite, he 2. Sam. 23: 39. Lyr. Ib. in lit. ●. Co●r. Pell. Ibid. in vers. 2. might the more easily be offended: as he was his subject, and so well employed on his behalf now, he should haue been, if need had required, a protection unto him against others, and not haue done him that wrong himself. Those that were sent for her, in reason might very well suspect what was the matter; and so far by himself were made privy unto it: who likewise might bee offended at it, finding thereby, Pet Martyr, Ibid. in vers. 4. that he was another manner of man, than they had otherwise thought him to haue been. In the murder that he committed because it was done( and yet but in vain) to hid his other sin of Adultery, therefore haue wee set down unto us, first, how he laboured otherwise to hid it: then, when otherwise he could not, how he attempted that way to do it. When he attempted otherwise to do it, first, wee haue the occasion noted: then, in what manner he did it. The occasion was, that 2. Sam. 11: 5. Bethsabe sent him word, that she had conceived; so that now the matter was like to come forth, if some remedy were not provided: wherein if she had any ill meaning against her Husband, it is betwixt God and her; but sure it is, that such as are false to their Husbands, oft-times haue, and so might she haue also in this. The manner wherein he would haue done it, was to devise, how it might be reputed her husbands: but because he failed therein, we are more specially to consider, first, how he attempted it; then, how nevertheless he failed in it. He attempted it, by sending for her Ibid. 11: 6. Husband home from the camp, as if he would understand of him how things went there: and having talked with him( for a show) a while of those matters, he dismissed Ibid. 7, 8. him home, and bad him rest and refresh himself there for the time; and when he perceived that he went not home then, against the next night he used an inordinate Ibid. 12, 13. mean to bring him unto it. He failed in it, by a rare and strange persuasion that Uriah had, God( as it seemeth) purposely crossing david thereby: namely, that seeing the ark of the lord was but in a Tent, and that joab the general, and all Ibid. 9-11. the host lay in the fields, he would not go to his own house to refresh himself there, but take such part as the others did. A rare example, and seldom practised, much less matched, by those that profess themselves to bee soldiers, under the standard of Iesus Christ: as if joab therein should be much more happy then Christ himself; he having of his small Companies one, and Christ of many multitudes none. When this way would not serve the turn, then he resolved on the other, pitifully destroying a rare honest man, to hid his foul and loathsome sin; Ibid. 14-25 and that in such sort( ouershaddowing all with colours) as if there were no God in heaven to decipher it out: and yet notwithstanding had so little hold of himself in that his impotent and unbridled lust, that the daies of her mourning for her husband Ibid. 26, 27. were no sooner past, but that he sent for her, and made her his wife: and so made it reasonable plain, what was the body of all his other shadows before. A notable pattern, to how great iniquity men may fall, if they take not heed: and how obdurate they may bee therein, so long as GOD doth not vouchsafe them some special feeling. The trouble that befell him for this, is▪ first but denounced unto him: but afterward executed on him. Why it was but denounced unto him; first, there is as it were a way made thereunto: and then are those judgements themselves denounced. The way that is made thereunto, is, by charging him with his sin, or convincing him of it: at which time, because it was acknowledged by david, therefore are wee first to see, howe he was convinced of it; then, how it was acknowledged by him. he was convinced of it, by the parable that Nathan the Prophet( being sent of the Lord, being now offended with Ibid. 11: 27, 12: 1. him for this his sin) did put unto him: a parable of great force, to convince us also, in most of the things wherein wee offend. The parable was of a rich and poor man Ibid, 12: 1-4 dwelling together, the rich man having great plenty of Cattle, both great and small, the poor man having but one poor I ambe, bought with his money, and nourished up in his house: nevertheless, that the rich man having occasion to give entertainment to a stranger that came unto him, could not find in his heart to take any of his own, but took that poor mans sheep and dressed it to entertain his Guest withall. As also it is the manner of us, not to hold ourselves contented with the plenty that God hath given us, but still to extend our desires farther, and sometimes to the poor store of those that are in meanest estate of all: as in those livings that of right belong to the clergy, we haue a clear and plain example, very often invaded by others, and for the most part, by those that otherwise are best provided; and lightly under this pretence, that otherwise they cannot keep house. It was acknowledged by david, first in this figure that was propounded: then shortly after, in the thing it Ibid. 5-9, 13 self. So was he by degrees induced unto it: and so must wee, otherwise likely never to yield, be we never so plainly convinced. The judgements that were denounced against him, as at this time they were but denounced: so were they afterward executed also. As now they were but only denounced, they were mitigated or allayed with mercy: and so are wee severally to consider of both. In the denunciation of the judgements likewise, wee haue the judgements themselves, and the reason● thereof given. The judgements themselves, were some of them threatened unto him before he professed any repentance: and one of them after. Those that were threatened unto him before he professed any repentance, are two: one, that the sword should ueuer depart from his house, all the daies of his life: Ibid. 10. Ibid. 11. the other, that GOD would raise evil unto him out of his own House; and one branch of it to be, an open& shameless abuse of his wives. And though these would bee heavy enough in themselves, going no farther but onely unto the substance of them; yet is there such a manner of executing of them threatened withall, as doth make them much more heavy: namely, that they should be openly done, a thing not onely irksome in itself to any offender, but so much the more grievous to him, because Ibid. 12. he was so careful as he was, to haue kept his doings from other mens eyes. That other of them that was denounced unto him after that he did profess repentance, was that over and besides the others, the child whom so he had gotten of Uriahs Wife, should certainly die. The reasons given of those his judgements, are two, namely, that so doing he despised the LORD, and made the Ibid. 14. enemies to blaspheme: accounting( belike) that to bee despising of him, when Ibid 10, 16. that which GOD had given him, would not content him, but that he would transgress his word for more; and that therefore the Enemies were made to blaspheme, because in that piece of service( the Ammonites, it seemeth, are meant, who then had hostility with them) they had by his so ordering the matter, praevailed against them. In that these his iudgments were mitigated or allayed with mercy, wee haue specially noted, whereupon he was assured of any such favour: and, what was the mercy or favour assured unto him. It was vpon the acknowledging of his sin: and so are we, first to find that we do aclowledge our sins, before we make bold Ibid. 13. to look for any such favour towards vs. The mercy or favour assured unto him, was, Ibid. that the Lord likewise had pardonned that sin unto him, so that he should not die for it, or that he would not cast him off therefore: but yet directing him withal to gather, Ibid. 14. his offence to be such, as that those judgements were so needful chastisements for him, as that he was not to look to escape them. Out of which ourselves had need to gather, that though we be never so much the Children of God, yet if wee offend we may not look to escape chastisement here: and withall that God may and doth fully forgive the sins of those that are his, as touching eternal wrath in the World to come; and yet in this World chastise them too, as to his wisdom from time to time, shall seem most meet. When those judgements came to be executed on him, we find that which was last denounced; first to be executed: and the carriage of david to be such therein, as giveth good instruction to all. The execution of it Ibid 15. was, that Nathan being departed, the Lord struck the Child that Uriahs Wife had born him, so that it sickened, and a seven-night after died. At which time the carriage Ibid. 16-23. of david was such, that while the Child was sick, david gave himself to fasting and Prayer: earnestly sorrowing for the child; and desiring God to give it recovery, if so it might stand with his good pleasure. But when the child was dead( contrary to the expectation of his attendants) he then gave over, and cheered himself; called for meate, and fell unto it. A very good pattern, both to convince of disorderly dealing to the contrary usage: and to teach others, how to carry themselves in all such cases. As touching the others, namely, that the Sword should not depart from his house, and that, of his own, trouble should arise unto him, and both these not in secret manner, but in the open light of the Sun, we find the same accomplished indeed by two of his Sons: Ammon the one; and Absolom the other. For Ammon fell into a vile and unnatural love towards one of his own Sisters, by subtlety got her 2. Sa. 13▪ 1-19. within his danger, by force took his beastly pleasure of her, and hating her extremely after, sent her away with great despite, even forcibly thrusting her out of his presence. But so requited he his Fathers Adultery in another mans house, with abominable Incest in his own. The Story of Absolom is much the larger, being as he was more stirring of Nature, ever opposing himself against some: first, indeed, but against his aequals onely; but then against his Father and sovereign. His aequals we may account to be, his Brother Ammon: and his Fathers general of all his Anny, or chief captain, joab. His Brother Ammon, as we heard, had deflowered by force his Sister Thamar, but halfe-Sister to him, and whole Sister to Absolom. Ibid. 20-28. Absolom therefore hating his Brother extremely for it, but yet dissembling till he could get some fit opportunity, in the end, inviting him to a Feast, treacherously and cruelly slay him; and himself for a time fled thereupon: leaving not onely sorrow to his Father for the loss of his son; but a good pattern withal, how inordinately private men will oft-times avenge out-raies committed, when Princes or Magistrates( on some private respect) forbear to do it, by orderly Iustice. And if such a slip in david( when also it was his own Son, on whom Iustice was to be done) was thus corrected, it may be a good warning to others, to stand so much the clearer in al such cases. That which he did against joab was nothing so grievous; but yet notwithstanding much more, than he had deserved at his hands: and yet withall, both a reasonable good proof of his bad and dangerous Nature; and a just requital to joab, who had endeavoured( not seeing his misdemeanour punished first) to reconcile so ungracious an Imp to his Father again. First therefore, how joab laboured his reconciliation: then, how he was requited for it. When he laboured it, he first had noted david himself to be inclinable thereunto:& thereupon began to set in hand Ibid. 39. 14: 1. with it. In that david was so inclinable thereunto, it is an example of the love of Parents towards their Children, though they bee evil, or haue provoked them much: and a good argument of the love of God to bee much greater towards us, though we ourselves be very much offensive to him. Though thereupon he had good heart to set in hand with it, yet he useth the best means he can, both in devising what course should be held therein: and providing a fit Instrument to bee Actor in it. The course he devised, was, to haue such a like thing to bee propounded unto the King, wherennto he was like more readily to give his consent: and that his consent, so given in that, he might the rather be concluded in the other. So the device was, that Ibid. 14: 2-24. a Woman should come unto him, feigning herself to be a Widow, to haue left by her Husband two sons onely, that falling out, the one of them slew the other, that he that remained, was now earnestly required to be delivered, to be put to death for slaying his Brother, that so shee should bee destitute of them both, and that her Husbands stock should be extinct among the people, he leaving no other Issue behind him: therefore, that it would please the King, to vouchsafe his protection unto that son of hers that remained, as not slaying his Brother, but in such case as wherein by the Lawe of God it was not necessary that he must die; and therefore that the King might pardon it unto him. joab therefore providing a Woman fit for such purpose, and so instructing her before, and she handling the matter accordingly, it fell out as he desired: david yielding himself now to be reconciled to Absolom again, though he suspected it to be the device of joab, and afterward found it was indeed; and so allowing him to return, even to jerusalem, but not to come in his sight as yet. How joab was for this requited, it followeth soon after. For the aspiring and restless nature of Absolom could not there stay, but needs must he bee Ibid. 28-33. received into farther favour: for the which cause sending for joab twice, and he not coming thereon unto him, he sendeth his Seruants to burn up a field of corn that there he had near unto him. whereupon joab coming unto him, and understanding his desire, he set in hand to obtain that also, and did obtain it; so that Absolom now was restored to his former favour with his Father again. 5 How he bent himself against his Father and sovereign, is a matter of greater importance, wherein, after a sort, he passed himself. For the business and trouble that he made his Father in his ungracious life, endured somewhat longer than himself, and was not extinct till after his death: and so may we account that which remained, to bee as it were an appurtenance unto his own Pageants going before. So to speak of his own doings first, they were of such Nature, that it pleased GOD notably to exercise and chasten his Father there-with: but yet he preserved him in the mean season; and fully acquitted him thereof in the end. being of such Nature as might prove so good and special an exercise and chastisement to his Father, howsoever it was he wrought against him, he must needs bee a bad and a graceless child: a matter to bee so much the more regarded, for that otherwise he is noted to be so goodly a man for person bid. 25. 27. & beauty, and to haue had comfortable Issue besides. But so it is diuers times seen, that very much evil is found in the goodliest persons that are: and that although the regard of their Issue should in such things bee a bridle unto them, yet doth it little praeuaile with many. The working he had against his Father, was first but in secret: but afterward very open and plain. While it was but in secret, he took vpon him more than any of the sons either of Saul or of david( that we read of) had done before, and busily sought to creep into credit with the people. He took vpon him more than others, in that he got him Chariots and Horses, and a Gard of fifty men Ibid. 15: 1 to run before him. he sought to creep into credit with the people, by behaving Ibid. 2-6. himself popularly, praetending a special care of all their affairs, and imparting curtuous salutations to all. When he meant to break forth into open Rebellion, and to show himself in his colours, he thought good to get him out of jerusalem where his being then was, and to be somewhat farther from his Father and from the Court: and then set in hand with his business. So under praetense of going to perform a vow he had made when he was in banishment, he got without suspicion to Hebron: Ibid. 7-9, 11, 12. and by the same praetense got many thither besides, such as he hoped would conceive well of the course he had in hand. Being gotten thither, first he began his business there: then, forthwith he went to jerusalem, there to follow further vpon it, as already he had begun it. At Hebron he so dealt with his confederates by privy Messengers, that it then appeared to be a strong pack that he had made: himself then Ibid. 10-12. making open claim to the kingdom; and the people repairing fast unto him. Among whom some there were whom he specially invited thither unto that pretended feast of his: two huudred of the inhabitants of jerusalem; and Achitophel, one of Dauids counsellors. Those of jerusalem he called with him▪ belike but as it were Ibid. 11. for a stale: that being once noyced, that so many of jerusalem were with him▪ others might be the readier to come in too. For the Text doth bear them witness that they knew not of it before. Achitophel likewise it seemeth he was desirous to Ibi. 12. 16: 23. haue, for the great opinion that was conceived of the sharpness and depth of his iudgement, in giuing aduise; and so it was both with david before, and with Absolom after: who accordingly came, and joined with him. At jerusalem( whither it seemeth, they presently sped themselves, to surprise the King ere he should be ware: Ibi. 16: 15, 20. for, he being already fled, Achitophel would haue followed after, in hope to haue gotten him the self same might) laying their heads together what was to be done, they resolved on the course they would hold, for two principal matters: one, that the people who took Absoloms part need not to doubt any reconciliation betwixt the Father and ●he son, so to make them faster to Absolom; the other, how they might best pursue the King, being( as he was) fled from jerusalem already, and they not knowing as yet where to haue him. For the former of th●se, the aduise of Achitophel onely was taken: namely, that whereas david had left certain Concubines of Ibid. 15▪ 16. his to keep his house in his absence, Absolom should go and take the use of their bodies Ibi. 16: 21, 22. in so open and shameless manner, that the people might be out of doubt, that he had don his Father that villainy indeed; and so not likely ever to be reconciled again. A very good pattern how naughty matters once taken in hand, must often haue very odious and unnatural villainies committed too, to help them forward, or to prop up their proper bodies, least praesently they ruinated themselves or come to the ground. The latter of them came to further deliberation, Achitophel giuing aduise, praesently to follow vpon him; and offering his own service therein: which course had Absolom Ibid. 17: 1-4. taken, it had been very likely that david indeed had been devoured thereby. But then Chusay( being a secret friend unto david) advised them rather to take Ibid. 5-13. more time, showing how so they might work so surely, that he could in no wife escape them: and that the other which Achitophel moved, stood overmuch on doubtful hazard. Which aduise was no sooner by him given, but that it was forthwith preferred Ibid. 14. before that other of Achitophels, and received of all to be the course that they would follow: God so disposing, that they should refuse the better aduise of Achitophel( better I mean, for the effecting of their bad purpose▪ otherwise wicked before God& the world, tending to so great a mischief as it did)& better like of that worse aduise of Chusay; who gave the same on behalf of david, that and in the mean season might g●t into safety,& might haue time for his people to be think themselves better,& to stand with him against his enemies, offering so vile dealing to him as now they Ibid. 15-21. did. But Chusay did not only thus stay ● dange 〈…〉 course against david there, but pr●sently sent him word to ●●● him ● stay, so to prevent the danger of it that way also: and Achitophel on the otherrside, seeing now that the success of these things was not like to be such as he desired, went home, set his house in order, and hanged himself; and so did a special pleasure to david also. But now having seen what Ibid. 23. was intended against him, we are likewise to see, howe it pleased God to preserve him: first, that he was not surprised ●● jerusalem; then, that he was not that night overtaken in the way as he fled. That he was not surprised in jerusalem, these were two means whereby it pleased God to preserve him: one, the intelligence that was brought him, when the conspiracy broke out at Hebron; the other, his present flight thereupon. In that he had so ready word of it, when first it began, it is rather to be altogether and wholly imputed unto the mere providence of God, Ibid. 15: 13. than any thing at all to Dauids watchfulness, who was so affectionate unto his son, that it is most likely, he never suspected any such thing by him: and it sheweth withall, that Absolom was in this case nothing so wary, in such sort to haue kept the city, as that no word might haue been carried out of it to the hindrance of their business, as jehu afterward in the like case was; though he had time to haue cast 2. King. 9: 15. for it before, and Iehn did it even then on the sudden. In his flight we are to consider that it pleased God that way to preserve him: and then, in what manner it was. That God would but that way preserve him, it is plain, that God was disposed much to humble him thereby: all flight being in itself so dishonourable; but in this no less, than the King to flee from the face of his subject, and the father from the face of his child. As touching the manner of it, his flight was, so far as belongeth to this part of the story, till he was gotten over jordan; so having two principal parts, first to Bahurim; then, over jordan. Bahurim was a town, as it Christi. Ad-i● in benjamin. is described East from jerusalem, beyond Mount olivet from it, and beyond Bethania, almost so far beyond it, as it is distant from jerusalem, and as it seemeth not past four miles from jerusalem itself. unto which place wee haue appertaining diuers particular stories; but none in his passage then over jordan. As he went to Bahurim, besides the addressing himself to his journey at jerusalem, he was most of all occupied in parting with friends till he came to the top of Mount olivet: but after that, he had certain occurrents of another kind. Addressing himself to his way, he used speed( both he and the company he had about him) leaving the custody 2. Sam. 15: 14-18. Ibid 23-30. of his house to certain women his Concubines, taking his way over Kedron unto Mount olivet: the people weeping at his departure, he& his company weeping also, and himself bare-foot besides. Whether a figure herein of Christ, or not I cannot say: but Christ followed the selfsame way in sorrow after, he and his Apostles together; that david and his company, weeping, and sorrowing, thus traced before. Of those friends that he was to part withall, one there was that would in no wise leave him: but others there were, that did. He that would in no wise leave him was Ittay a stranger, having six hundred men under his charge: Ibid. 19-22. who, as it seemeth, came of good-will but a little before to see the King, and that therfore the King was sorry he should light on so troublesome a time, and thereupon desired him now to return; which notwithstanding he constantly refused to do. A matter worth the marking also, that whereas his own people▪ yea and his son whom himself did so dearly affect, so unnaturally bent themselves against him, God gave him so faithful an heart in this stranger, that, to die for it, he would not forsake him, nor by any entreaty of the King himself, leave him in the case that now he was in. The Priests and Chusay were the others, that, being dismissed did accordingly take their leaves of him. In the dismissing of the Priestes we haue one other little matter, that seemeth to appertain to their story also. The story of their dismissing was no more but this, that whereas they and their company attended Ibid. 24-●9. him with the ark of the Lord to haue carried the same with him, he would not haue the body of the people destrauded of that ordinary benefit of the ark, and the Priestes residing among them, for that his own private use of them now: but yet directing them withall, how to use their good-will and faithfulness towards him; 〈…〉 ely, by intelligence, as occasion and need should require. That other particular that seemeth to belong to their 〈◇〉 also, is, that david was now advertised( it is thought Ibid. 31. by one of these, and it may so be) of Achitophels loyning with Absolom in this conspiracy: Tr●●●l. I●●. whereupon david turning to prayer, desired God to turn his counsel into foolishness. A good course for us all to follow, when by the wiliness and subtlety of others, wee do find ourselves in danger: and a pattern that ministereth good hope withall, that if rightly we can so d●e, as God did grant unto david the thing that he desired then, so would he yet do for us likewise. Chusay was one of the counsellors before, and now it seemeth, he followed after: so that david now having gotten the top of the Hill, and turning( towards the ark) to give GOD Ibid. 32-37. thankes, as it seemeth did by that occasion so meet him there, and wished him likewise again to return; but yet did give him direction withall, how to use his goodwill towards him, not onely as he did to the others before, but further taught him to seem to stand altogether with the new usurping King, and yet to bee faithful to him notwithstanding. Being now past the top of mount Olinet, wee are first to see what was done by the way: then, what was done at Bahurim, where he made some little abode. By the way, he was haunted with two false Varlets, both appertaining before to the house of Saul: Ziba, and Shimey. Ziba it seemeth by that which followeth, did falsely accuse Miphibosheth his master, to rejoice at those troubles of david, Ibid. 16: 1-4. as making a ready way to his own aduancement: and so cunningly handled david withall, that giuing him credit, he now gave all unto him, that he had given to his master before. An example of greater credulity without further trial, than were to be wished in any so rare a man as he. Shimey sought for nought at his hands, but onely to disgorge, as it seemeth( having then gotten the advantage of the place) Ibid. 5-13. his long hidden malice against him, and the vile conceit he had taken of him, as touching his coming unto his kingdom: railing vpon him about the same, exceeding foully; and accompanying his words with actual behaviour correspondent. Insomuch that there were of Dauids company, that would gladly haue gone, to haue been revenged of him, but that david would not suffer them. Wherein wee haue, both a notable pattern of Dauids patience: and how easily the best of all are deeply oft-times condemned of others without any cause; especially, in the day of their affliction, as it was with job, even by his friends. Being thus past the way to Bahurim, there they refreshed themselves, and restend while: but then understanding of danger Ibid. 14. towards him if he continued there, he presently dislodged, traveled all the night, Ibid. 17: 22. and by the dawning of the day, got over jordan, he, and all his companies. 6 How it pleased God, having preserved david hitherto fully to acquit him of this business in the end, that wee may the better find, wee are first to consider, to how strong an head it grew against him: then, how it pleased God, nevertheless to rid him of it. It grew to so strong an head against him, that when david had given place unto them, not onely getting him over jordan, but there also leaving them two partes of three, of that part of the country that was on the other side: yet needs would they follow him, and by force whereby him there. In what number they came against him, it is not set down particularly: but it is said generally, that all the men of Israell came with Absolom over jordan, that he made Amasa his general over Ibid. 24-26. his Army,& pitched in Gilead, South, as it seemeth, from the city Manahim where david was, in the most Northerly part of Gilead. At which time neither can we tell what company had repaired to david. But first there were certain principal men Ibid. 27-29. 19: 32. in those partes( one of the Ammonites, and two of the Israelites) that did help to maintain him and his company there; and he had so many, that he made three battels Ibi. 18: 1-4, 6. of them, and stood in so little fear of the contrary part, that he would himself haue gone to the field with them, but that his people entreated him to stay, as also his forces themselves went forth to give battle unto the others. And as in these comforts, in the mean season, it pleased God to give him good hope of riddance now, so did he a little after perform it: making a faire riddance of his enemies; and so framing the hearts of the people, that soon after they sought unto him again. In the overthrow of his enemies, though God vouchsafed him special favour: yet himself, by his immoderate affections, had almost missed of the benefit of it. The favour that God did show him therein, was both in the captain; and in the people. In the captain, that as he had given a strange example, an unworthy son so insolently to rise up against his so worthy a Father and sovereign; so should he be a pattern to others for the strangeness of his death an Oak taking Ibid. 18: 9 19. him up by the heir of the head( those locket of his being even the chief flowe● or pride of his person) and holding him up to the eye of the world, till he might haue some farther iudgement so justly deserved. In the people, that twenty thousand of Ibid. 7, 8. them were likewise stain: and whereas it is said, that the wood( which was near to the battle, and whither it seemeth most of them fled when once they were broken) devoured more that day then the sword, though we may conceive, that fleeing thither they were so entangled, that their enemies had the greater advantage of them; yet if the residue of the trees and bushes in some strange manner, one way or other followed the example of that which dealt with Absolom first, then was the iudgement so much the stranger. For it seemeth to me, that it was not like to be so full Lyr. Co●. Pel. Fr. Vatab. Tremel. I●n. Bibl. Angl. Ibid. 18: 5. of wild Beasts and pits, as some do take it, because even the same that were Authors of it, do say likewise, that the Ephraemites used to feed their Cattle there. Those immoderate affections in david that we speak of, whereby he had almost lost the benefit of this victory, were, of the love that he had to his son: first charging them all to spare him if he came in their hands; then, so pitifully bewailing Ibid 33. his death when he was slain. For if he had been spared, it is not like, that so long as he had lived, david could haue been quiet in his kingdom. And bewailing Ibid. 19: 2-4. Ibid. 1, 5-8. him so much as he did, he discouraged the hearts of all his good subiects: till admonished by joab, he moderated himself, and after a sort bound up the wonders that before he had made. But in this immoderate love of david towards so ungracious a son of his, we may so much the more plainly see, what exceeding great love we may expect at the hands of God: and not onely the better sort of us, but even the greatest sinners that are, after that once they can truly turn unto him. For if there could bee such love in david, much greater must that bee( beyond all comparison) that is in God. That God likewise framed the hearts of the people to seek to him again, the Text doth witness he did it so fully, that they so reasoned Ibid. 9, 10. the matter out among themselves, that of necessity they must needs conclude, that they must again submit themselves to his allegiance: and shortly after, accordingly they did it. The appurtenance that followed, after this Pageant of Absoloms going before, was that other business that fell out immediately after, when much of the people revolted afresh david again. Concerning which, because it dependeth vpon some part of the Story of Dauids return to jerusalem again, therefore are we first to consider of that part of his return: and then to take this other in the place where itself ariseth. david therefore now bethinking himself of his return, and fearing that his own Tribe( which was the Tribe of judah) would come somewhat short, because of those aforesaid reasonings which he had heard Ibid. 11-13 the Israelites had of him before, sent unto Zadok and Abiathar the Priests, both to put the Tribe of judah, that they were not slack in that point of duty: and to assure Amasa, the sate general of Absoloms forces, of special favour at his hands also. Which dealing of his took such effect, that first the whole Tribe of judah yielded Ibid. 14. Ibid. 20: 4, 5. to receive him again, and sent him word to address himself homeward: Amasa also it seemeth, was thereby won unto him, for that a little after we find that he was in special credit with david. Not much unlike unto it, it is, that in these daies of the gospel, Christ doth admonish the people of Christendom( that are nearest to him by profession) by the Ministry of his Priests, to take heed that they be not slack, now to receive him again, coming( as he doth) in his word unto them, least they bee praeuented by others, which could not bee but unto great dishonour to them. It may bee also, that he hath some such special dealing with certain principal Leaders of the Turkes and Heathen, as may bring in many of them and much people them in such sort, as that first wee may see them to bee in special place with him, before that ever wee hear of their coming in unto him. By this means the Tribe of judah( and some others with them) came so speedily in( God grant to these others such readiness also) that they both came to the King before he came over jordan, and praeuented the Israelites therein: the most of them indeed to do this point of duty; but some of them having another errand besides. Those that came to do this point of duty indeed, were the Tribe of judah; specially stirred up thereunto from the King himself, though but by the ministry of the Priests: Ibi. 19: 15, 17. but yet accompanied with half of the children of Israell( such belike as had taken Ibid. 40. part with him against Absolom, and so were with the King before) one of their company being of special reckoning besides. Those that had some other arrant were Shimey, certainly for the one; and Ziba, it seemeth, for the other: the former of Ibid. 16, 17. them bringing a thousand men with him, of his own Tribe the Ttibe of benjamin: Ibid. 17. the other also something ruffling it, as it seemeth, with his fifteen Sons and twenty Seruants. For Shimey came to beg pardon for his life, for that he had so railed on the King before, which also he did and obtained: and Ziba it seemeth, with that Ibid. 18-23. officiousness of his, would retain that favour with the King, which before he had naughtily gotten, by accusing his master falsely unto him. That one man of the Israelites, which was of special reckoning besides, was Barzillai, one of the Tribe of Gad, who had done much for the King in this his distress, and now with the rest attended him over jordan also. Of this man wee haue two things specially noted: one, of his age; another of his good moderation. Of his age it is said, that he was a very old man, and yet but fourscore yeares old: whereby wee may see, that it is not so clear( as wee are commonly persuaded) that in the former ages before us, men Ibid. 32. lived longer than they do now generally: when as at that time fourscore yeares were counted so great an age. His moderation was such, that though he had deserved very well of the King, and the King accordingly would haue had him to the Court, Ibid. 32-39. to requited his good-will with kindly cherishing of him there: yet being of those yeares he did wisely refuse it, as a thing more meet for him then, to learn to die at home, than to begin at the Court so freshly( as it were) to live again. A just and needful reproof unto the dotage of many of us, that haue so green tops in so rotten stocks, as with us oft-times it is seen. The King being thus brought over jordan went thence to Gilgal: attended thither by the Tribe of judah, and by half of the Ibid. 40. Israelites besides. At whih time and place began the broil that now wee speak off: concerning which we are to see, first how it was begun; then, how it was ended again. It was begun, partly by all the whole company generally: then, by one of them more specially. Of all the whole company the Israelites first expostulated with the King and their brethren of the Tribe of judah, that they praeuented them in bringing Ibid. 41, 43. home the King, before they had made them privy unto it, that so they might haue done it with the general consent of all, and none to haue been more forward therein than their fellowes: especially they being the greater part,& so having more interest in the King than the others. The Tribe of judah did stand vpon their nearer affinity, as well as they might: but then they added more fierceness of speech Ibid. 42, 43. then they needed, or was wisdom for them to haue done; especially, having, as they had, the better end of the cause itself. That one man to whom the beginning of it may bee more specially imputed, was Sheba, of the Tribe of benjamin, a man of special reckoning with the rest, as it seemeth, but factious withall: who blowing the trumpet, and stirring up the people to renounce david and to depart to their Ibid. 20: 1, 2. tents again, so praevailed he with all the whole multitude of the Israelites, that they all followed him, and left the Tribe of judah onely remaining with david. So that now those also, it seemeth, that before took part with david, did clean give him over, and went with the rest: insomuch that now the Beniamites also( it seemeth) left him, who were wont to cleave to the house of david before. For Sheba the Ring-leader was of that Tribe, and so the likelier to draw them away: and the whole multitude of the Israelites, before accounting but of ten partes onely, do in a manner Ibid. 19: 43 plainly grant, that benjamin was with judah then. But now the Text saith( and Ibid. 20: 2. ●ri. M●●ta●. so is the original) that every man of the house of Israell went from david, and followed Sheba: and his own Tribe are likely enough for his sake to haue been of the foremost. So haue we hear a special example of the great brittleness and mutability that is in man: one sort of thē reasoning a little before, that david ought to be Ibid. 19: 9, 10. their K. and so concluding against themselves, but vpon a trifling occasion forsaking him now; the residue of them venturing their lives with david before against all their Bretheren, and now revolting with that one man onely( and he but a bad one) Ibid. 20: 1. vpon no urgent necessity at all. nevertheless this great storm was reasonable easily overblown; and yet it shall be good to note the manner of it: the most of the Story thereunto appertaining, showing but in what sort it was suppressed or quenched again; but part of it delivering another accident that fell out in the doing of it. That part of the story that goeth no farther but onely to show howe it was suppressed, doth first show what time was taken unto it: then, in what manner it was accomplished. The time was so taken, that neither did david forthwith make after him at that present: neither yet did he put it off any long time after. If praesently he had done it, it had not been unlike, but that much blood had been shed about it, in that hot blood wherein they were then: and therefore wee red, that he went to jerusalem first, before he did any thing against them; Ibid. 3. but by likely-hoode he sped himself thither without delay, as also the Tent maketh no mention of any thing that fell out in the way. But coming to jerusalem Ibid. he did but first shut up those Concubines of his with whom Absolom had lain, so to continue to the day of their death( a matter of no long nor busy dispatch) but that praesently he took order for the other: first willing Amasa( who in the business Ibid. 4, 5. of Absolom was against him, and the general of all his forces) to assemble his Forces of the Tribe of judah in three dayes, and himself then to repair unto him again; then, when Amasa came not at the time appointed, and doubting least Ibid. 6. Sheba by drift of time should grow harder to be dealt withall, appointing Abishay, Ioabs Brother, to take such as were ready at hand, and to follow upon that rebel to cut him off, before he grew to farther strength. So it seemeth, that david could so ill brook joab now for Absoloms sake, that as yet he could not commit Ibid. 7. the charge unto him. So Abishay went for-ward, and with him all such( belike) as were then ready. For wee red, that both Amasa, and joab too, were in this expedition: but it seemeth, that Amasa came in with those that he had gotten somewhat after, and yet but a little; and that joab himself( for his companies went with his Brother) went now as voluntary, either to help forward the service itself or to recover his favour with david again. now Sheba whom they sought, was not found of them till they came to Abell, a city in the Tribe of Nepthalim, almost Ibid. 14: Chr. Adricho. in N●phth. in the utter-most part of the Land: unto which place whether he had fled at the first, or whether he were now driven thither by these Forces coming down vpon him, it is not declared. But finding him there, they praesently besieged Ibid. 14, 15. the city, and in such sort fell to their business, that the inhabitants perceived they might look for no mercy nor favour to themselves nor their city, unless they took some order with them to their contentment. A certain Woman Ibid. 16-19. therefore coming to the walls, put joab in mind, with what moderation such as warred upon any city should by the Lawe of GOD prosecute the same. For though Abishay were appointed by the King: yet joab, it seemeth, as he was indeed better known, and of greatest reckoning in Martiall affairs, so was he most accounted of here. Whereas now therefore they came in such heat against the rebel, that they besieged the city, and began to ruinated or overthrow the walls, before they had any way assayed, whether they would in peaceable manner yield their demand: they amend that course now, and promise to proceed no farther in Ibid. 20, 21. hostile manner against them, if they will deliver the rebel unto them. Whereupon the Woman going to the Cittizen● so persuaded with them, that they did soon Ibid. 22. cut off the head of Sheba, and cast it over the Wall to joab: and he likewise having so dispatched his business, blew the retreat, and so departed. That other accident that fell out in the doing of this, was, that by the way as they were going in this expedition, joab, perceiving belike, that Amasa now was like to be in such place with david, as wherein he was before, treacherously slay him by the way. The subtlety Ibid. 8-10. whereby he sought to compass it, was, as it seemeth, of purpose to haue such a weapon about him then, as easily would fall out of the sheathe, that so walking with Amasa, when his Weapon should seem by chance to fall out, he might take opportunity to speed Amasa with it before he was ware, as also he did: whereas if he had at any time but offered to haue drawn it, as in such case men commonly do, it is not unlikely but that Amasa thereupon would haue espied it, and so haue stood to his own defence. But yet that this accident should not any thing hinder the service, by the peoples staying about that, he did not forget even then to take order: which also Ibid. 11-13. was accordingly observed. 7 Those others wherein Dauids offence was not so apparent, but that in the Iudgement of men it were likely enough to haue gone untouched, were two: one, a want of a piece of Iustice; another, a kind of glorying in the multitude of his people. In the former of which wee are to consider, what fault it was that david made: and, how it pleased GOD to take it. To find out the fault that he made, we are first to consider what it was that he did: then, what respects or considerations there were, that might seem much to excuse him, or to lessen the fault unto him. That which he did, was but of omission, or not doing a thing that was to be done: namely, that whereas Saul had destroyed certain of the Gibeonites, on zeal to the Ibid. 21: 1, 2. people, or to please them; david yet( all the time of his reign hitherto) had done no Iustice for the punishment of it. Those considerations that might seem to excuse david, or much to lessen the fault unto him, were of two sorts: one of the time; others, of the thing itself. That one of the time, was, that it was done long before Dauids time: and then both he might bee ignorant of it; and, if he did know it, yet might he probably think, that he stood not charged with the punishment of it. Those others that are of the thing itself, are two; one, arising of the consideration of those that should be avenged; the other, of the consideration of those on whom they were to bee avenged. Those that were to bee avenged, were none of the people of Israell themselves, but onely a people that dwelled among them: such Ibid. 2. Ios 10: 2. as by the general direction that God had given his people before, should haue been clean destroyed with the rest of the Cannanites( of which race they were) saving that josuah and the rest of the Elders of Israell had long since made peace with them; Ios. 9: 3-15. yet not otherwise but as with Strangers, and circumvented by their subtle dissimulation. Those on whom they were to be avenged, were the Issue of Saul: on whom he might not do any Iustice, especially such as might tend to take away their lives, but that it might probably be thought, that he did but pick a quarrel against them, to make his own estate more sure, by taking the line of the other away. nevertheless it pleased the lord in such sort to take it, that both he plagued the whole land with dearth 1. Sa. 21: 1-14. three yeares together, and yet never told them all that while( that we red of) what the cause was why he was so offended with them: and when david at the length enquired of the Lord, what the cause should be( which also was not till the three years end: a good pattern, how long it is, in our distress, before that ever we seek to the Lord; and if it were so long with david, then is it like to be longer with us) he would not then with-draw his hand, until the fault were first amended. A good example to all to take heed both of dealing hardly with any, though they be not near unto us; or but to be of such an humour towards them, as that it pleaseth us well when they are hardly dealt with: and of breaking faith with any of those to whom wee haue given it, though otherwise ourselves may conceive, that some way or other they are unworthy. More specially also, a faire warning it is, to moderate those profane courses of many that in these dayes are overmuch used, daily more and more decaying the ministry: a Function and people, that in many good respects, ought to be of much better account with us; than those Gibeonites needed to haue been with them. That which I noted to bee of glorying in the multitude of his people, hath another special Story appertaining: so that first wee are to consider of this his glorying; then, of that other that hangeth on it. In his glorying therefore wee are first to consider, what was the fault that now he made: then▪ what was the displeasure of GOD against him for it. In the fault that he made, wee haue first set down the occasion of it: then, the fault itself. The occasion of it was, that the LORD was again offended with Israell: whereby we may see, that 2 Sam. 24: 1. the offences or slidinges of Princes, are some-times occasioned by the sin of the people. In the fault itself wee haue likewise set down in this, how he was enticed or tempted unto it: then, how he did accordingly yield. He was tempted unto it Ibid.&. 1. Chr. 21: 1. by satan: who oft-times useth the evil that is in us to our own overthrow; though wee also haue in ourselves matter enough for all kind of temptation, though he never meddle to help us forward. unto which temptation david did so fully yield, that he did not onely set joab and, the Gouernours of the people a work, to 2. Sa. 24: 3, 4. 1. Chr. 21: 2 4. go forth-with and number the people throughout the whole Land: but also, when joab was afraid it would turn ill to the King, and therefore endeavoured to dissuade him from it, was so very peremptory notwithstanding therein, that joab and the others( though full sore against their wils) were fain to do it. At which time it was found, that they came to the sum of able men meet for the Warres( notwithstanding 1. Chro. 21: 5. all the destructions were made of them when so oft they offended under the Iudges, samuel and Saul, and those that were spent in the warres of david before: the Bush ever burning, but never consumed) fifteen hundred, threescore and ten thousand: besides many that they numbered not, because they had no list unto it. And Exod. 3: 2. 1. Chr. 21: 6. 27: 24. 2. Sa. 24: 9. Lyr. in lit b, i. Co●r. Pel. P●t, Martyr. Tremel. I●n. whereas else-where the number of them doth not amount to so many, it is reconciled by others, showing that there such as were in ordinary service before were now omitted, as not needing to be mentioned, being already sufficiently known: or else, that joab purposely broken off, and omitted many, because he would not give unto david so great matter of glorying as he might haue done, as doubting that he gloried therein so much already, that God would be offended with him. What was the displeasure of God against him for it, that we may the better find, we are to consider, that david was in such case then, as that we may easily conceive, that God would not be offended with him, and yet that he was: then, how far the same proceeded against him. david was in such case then, as that wee might easily conceive that God would not be offended with him, because himself was sorry for it immediately after:& withall, 2. Sa. 24: 10. 1. Chr. 21: 8. both confessed it plainly; and did ask forgiveness of it. The course that nevertheless God took against him, was, that he would in no wise altogether spare him for it; but yet gave him his choice, whether he should chastise him with the self same scourge that was then on the Land: or that he would take his choice of a couple of others. The scourge that was then on the Land, was that famine wee heard off before: which now had been on the Land three yeares already, and a good pecce of the fourth, as it seemeth, for that iustice was not done to the Gibeonites. Whereunto now should be added for this, three yeares mo: so to make up seven in all. The other 2. Sa 24: 11-13 1. Chro. 21: 7, 9-12. 2. Sam. 24, 14. 15 1. Chro. 21: 13, 14 two whereof he might take his choice likewise, were, either three monthes to fly before his enemies: or three daies Pestilence throughout the Land. Whereupon when david made choice of the Pestilence rather, so to fall in the hands of God, rather than into the hands of men, there dyed thereof in three dayes, threescore and ten thousands throughout the land. That other Story that hangeth on this, is, how it was found, that jerusalem was the place spoken of before, that the Lord would make choice of it, to put his name there, and whether his people had to bring their Oblations Deut. 12: 5-7. and sacrifices: the knowledge whereof seemeth to be farther imparted to david, than now we haue any Scripture for it. First therefore wee are to see, what wee haue extant to induce him unto it: then, how he, for that matter, resolveth. That which we find extant now, which he had then to induce him unto it, resteth in two principal points: one, the direction he had from the Prophet; the other, the success he had from God. In the direction he had from the Prophet, wee haue delivered unto us, first upon what occasion it was: then, what was the direction itself. The occasion was, that the angel of Gods wrath, who had now already destroyed those threescore and ten thousand by the pestilence, among the people, 2. Sam. 24: 16, 17. 1▪ Chro. 21: 15-17. was now sent by God himself to jerusalem also, to make the like destruction there: yet that the Lord had compassion, and stayed him; when david acknowledged himself to be the offender, and desired God to spare them and lay it on him. The direction itself that hereupon Gad the Prophet gave unto david; was, as the angel 2. Sa 24: 18. 1. Chro. 21: 25, 18. bad him do in the name of the Lord: namely to go and erect an Alter unto the Lord, in the threshing flower of Araunab or Ornan the jebusite, where the Angel then was. In the success that david had from God, we are are first to see, how he followed the direction given him, wherein he had the success we speak off: then, the success he had therein. His direction he followed so well, that praesently he went about it: 2. Sam. 24: 19-25 1. Chro. 21: 19-26. and although the jebusite would freely haue given him the ground itself and Sacrifices too, yet david would not so, but would first give him the value threof, and so did; and then built his Alter there, and offered Sacrifices thereon. The success that he had therein, was, that the Lord did graciously accept of his offerings at that 1. Chr. 21: 26. levit 9: 24 2. Sa. 24: 25. 1. Chr. 21: 27. 1. Chr. 22: 1-4. praesant, sending fire from heaven to receive them, as he did when the Tabernacle was first erected: and was so appeased towards the whole Land, that thenceforward the plague likewise ceased. The resolution of david hereupon was, that that place was the house of the Lord, or the place where he would be worshipped, or where the Temple was to bee builded: and so accordingly he forthwith set in hand to make provision. That little business that was occasioned by another, was that Adoniah, one of Dauids sons, and as it seemeth the eldest of them now( of 1. King. 1: 5-49. those that were left) with the aduise and help of joab Dauids chief captain, and Abiathar the Priestes, when david was laid and not like to continue, without the consent or privity of david, began to usurp the kingdom unto him: but when david heard of it, he appointed Salomon to bee annoynted King forthwith; and so did praesently overthrow the usurpation of the other. In which Story it is not amiss more specially to note, first that Adoniah from his youth was so tenderly affencted by Ibid. 6. his Father, that he could never find in his heart to displease him; and therefore less marvell, that now he could thus requited him again: then, that there is so diuers a placing of certain persons in this action, as if it were according to their regard of them, which is most like, thence also may we gather some piece of instruction. For in Adoniahs usurpation, and with Adoniah himself, joab hath the first place, before Ibid. 7. Geneal. Christ. Tab. 6. Abiathar who joined with him also, and was then, as it is noted, the High-Priest: and so it may become usurpers well, to regard Captaines or Martiall men most; which also is for the most part practised by all politician worldlings besides. But in the end it had the success according. One the other side, when david would more orderly place Salomon in the kingdom, he first placeth both Zadok the Priest, Ibid. 32. and Nathan the Prophet, before Benaiah then to be as in Ioabs room: so placing them both before the captain; and betwixt these two also, Zadok, though but one of the ordinary Priests then, before Nathan a special Prophet. And though Benaiah was of so special reckoning, that the Text itself doth set him elsewhere, Ibid. 8. before the Prophet and others of special account: yet there also doth it place Zadok before him, though, Abiathar being the High Priest then, he could bee but of the second rank of the Priests. 8 These troubles of david being thus overblown, and God vouchsafing him a little calm wherein to close up his life in the end, we are now to see the Story of it. But whereas it is the most usual manner of History, first to lay down the chief and principal matters thereof appertaining( and those according to the order of Story, so near as their own iudgement doth serve them) and then to remember such others also, as might not so well come in before; seeing that here we haue, in diuers things, the like order observed, it shall be good the same be accordingly followed: and so, first to consider of such things as we haue in this part of his Story, that belonged to a former time; then, of those that did appertain to that present. Of those that belonged to a former time, some of them were such as did most concern the whole estate: and some again but particulars onely, at least in comparison of the others. Of those likewise that concerned the whole, some did most respect the civil estate: others, the ecclesiastical rather. Those that did most respect the civil estate, were some of them for times that were troublesone: others, for peaceable. For troublesone times he had in a readiness for every month in the 1 Chr. 27: 1-15. 2. Sa. 23▪ 8-39. year, a several Army of sour and twenty thousand men: and Captaines or Leaders for them of special reckoning to such a purpose. Concerning whom, whereas they are specially name,& the total sum of them so gathered in the end, that it is not so ready to be perceived how the particulars and total agree, but that there be diuers opinions thereof, it seemeth to me we may best take them, as already some of good reckoning Tremel. I●n. in 2. Sam. 23: 24, 39. haue done: namely( but then is the common translation sometimes to give place) that he which is vouchsafed the first place( but in the vulgar translation is not name but onely described, but since is called Adino of Esni) must be the first, and Eleazar and Shammah, the residue of the first three, to whom the first place and greatest honour 2. Sa. 23: ●. Fr. Vatab. A●●. Montan. Bibl. Angl. 1594. 2. Sam. 23: 1● 17. Ibid. 18-24. 2. Sam. 8: 16. 20 ●3. 1. Chr. 27: 24. for worthiness is ascribed; and, that these were those three, that had broken thorough the host of the philistines, and had brought Water from the Well of Bethlem for david to drink. Then, that Abishay, Benaiah, and Asahell, must be the next three, that are vouchsafed the second place for worthiness and valour. After whom, seeing we haue thirty by name, and a known matter it was that joab was one, and the chief of them all( else-where also name to be the Leader, though he bee omitted here) if now we do but bring him to his company, so haue wee just thirty and seven, the very total that here is name, which many haue much laboured to find: joab to be the general over them all; those six worthies that first are name to be next under him, and every of those six, having five of those thirty( with their forces Tremel. jun. vt supra. and officers) next under them. But now it shall not bee amiss to note some particulars here: one, out of them all; others, out of certain of them. Out of them all we may note thus much, both that david hath given good example to cherish expert and valorous men, even to the son of achitophel his mortal Enemy, and to the 2. Sa. 23: 34. Ibid. 37. Armour-Bearer of joab his Seruant: and that when God was purposed to make him victorious, and to enlarge the bounds of his kingdom, he furnished him with such as were for his purpose. Such as wee gather of certain of them do all concern david one way or other: most of them indeed, to his commendation; but one of them, to his just reproof. To his commendation it was, that he could moderate his affections so well as diuers of them do witness he did: first in the Story of the first three worthies; then, in the Story of some of the thirty. In the Story of the first three worthies, the same that is noted before, namely, that he would not drink of any of that Water which so much he desired when he understood with what danger Ibid. 16, 17. it was obtained for him: diuers of us making no conscience at all, if in our own mindes we be something scanted, and not a few that haue great plenty nevertheless to prey on the needful maintenance of the ministry, thereby straining the blood of our Bretheren, and those very many, through our greedy, cruel, and cursed teeth. In the Story of the thirty, that he could vouchsafe that place of honour to one of the Seruants of joah, joab himself being but one of his Seruants, and the same so maisterfull as he was, as in the slaughter of Abner and Amasa it appeared, and david Ibid. 3: 39 1. King. 2 5, 6. Rab. Sal. ●● Lyr. lit. ●. Co●r. Pel. Pet. Mart●r. 2. Sa. 23: 34. M. Broughtons. Concent. in a. 2987. himself in the former of them complained, and afterward remembered both unto Salomon, and as some think, bewraying his secrets too in the cause of Uriah: and in like manner, that he could vouchsafe it unto the son of achitophel( as there also wee red that he did) if it were so that he enjoyed it after his Father had taken part with Absolom against him. For, the conspiracy of Absolom is taken to bee but a little before the last year of Dauids reign: and this relation of those his woorthies seemeth to bee of them as they stood a good while before, what time Achitophel himself, was in that near and honourable place with david. In which kind 1. Chro. 27: 33, 34. of cases our distemperature is such, that as in pride wee disdain the meaner sort though otherwise their deserts may be good: so do we on stomach stand off from those, whose nearest friends haue been against vs. That other of them which 〈◇〉 to his just reproof, was, that he so made away uriah, being, as it seemeth, the very same which is one of his worthies here: a sufficient pattern to show, how easily 2. Sa. 23: 39. such perturbations in us, may work the ruin of those that haue no way deserved, and otherwise ought to be dear unto vs. david now through vicious lust( and of pride detesting the shane of his own ways) in bad manner contriving the death of a notable soldier and captain: and Alexander after, of insolent vanity( but Cup-shot Qui●●. Curtius. withall) with his own hands slaying clytus his dearest friend, and a notable Leader besides. For peaceable times he had Gouernours besides throughout them 1. Chro. 27. 16-22. all; over every Tribe one: and indeed such as are Martiall, are not lightly so meet for peaceable government; no more than such as meetest for peace, are but seldom meet for warres likewise. In those that respected the ecclesiastical estate rather, we are first to consider of the main parts of the things themselves: and then of one particular thereunto appertaining. The main partes of the things themselves were that whereas now he understood, that shortly a Temple should bee builded, and the 2. Sa. 7: 12, 13. 1. Chr. 22: 9, 10 Ibid. 5. same in rare and sumptuous manner, and such as( for the beauty of it) should bee of special note to all the Countries round about: he did in like manner think it meet, that there should bee some such order taken for the Ministration or service there to be done, as should be suitable to the excellency of the place itself. For the substance of it, God had taken order before, at the first erecting of the Tabernacle in the wilderness: but since that time one great part of the levites business became 1. Chr. 23: 26. void, which was the carrying of the Tabernacle with them( too and fro as they had to journey) and all the implements thereunto appertaining. For now they had rest, and did not travell, but had a settled habitation: and so should the Temple bee fixed 2. Sam. 7: 10. 1. Chr. 23: 25. too. So that the levites were now delivered from all those burdens: and therefore might be otherwise employed, as the most honourable, and the best dispatch of the service of God should then require. david therefore advising himself of some convenient order now, and conferring with the Prophets, Gad and Nathan therein, or those Prophets comminig unto him with such direction from the Lord( for afterward it is plainly said, that the order now taken, was of the Lord, and by the ministry 2. Chr. 29: 25. of those two Prophets) gathering together the Princes of Israell, and the Priestes, he caused all the levites to be numbered from thirty year old and vp-ward: 1 Chr. 23: 2-5. and finding the number of them to amount to thirte and eight thousand, he appointed four and twenty thousand of them, to the chief and principal service of the Temple that should be; and of the other fourteen thousand remaining, four thousand of them he appointed to adorn and help forward that service by music, both by voice and Instruments too, and other four thousand to be Porters and Keepers, to see to the safety of them all, and of al things unto the Temple belonging. And to the end that all these should perform their parts the better, every one as his Lot should fall, or as otherwise he should bee appointed, whereas yet there were of the whole sum six thousand remaining, those he appointed to be overseers, and to Ibid. 4 judge and determine such matters as should fall out among them. having thus made a general distribution of all, then come they to the several branches: and first to those that were to bee occupied in the service within; then, to those others that were to keep their watch abroad. Those that were to bee occupied in the service within, were of two sorts: one company of them, as it were, about the substance of their business; another, about the manner of doing. The substance of their business was, to make oblation and sacrifices, to burn Incense, and such like, as by the Law was before appointed: withall which, by the nature of them, and with Ibid. 28, 29, 31, 32. every of them, there was to go, either an acknowledging of their own guiltynesse and Prayer thereon; or the remembrance of some favour of God, and thanksgiving withall. But at this time it seemeth, it was farther appointed, that every Morning and evening there should be some set thanksgiving and praising of the Ibid. 30. Lord, and for all his favours and mercies towards them. The manner of doing these things afore-said, was to join music withall. unto the former of these were the Priestes appointed; and the Singers unto the other: but to either of them did appertain other attendants; especially unto the Priestes, who could never perform their duty but by the good help of those that did attend them, and often needed very many. First therefore, as touching the Priests, whereas there were found of Eleazar and Ithamar, those two sons of Aaron that remained, sixteen Families Ibid. 4: 1-19. of the former, and eight of the latter, and so four and twenty in all: now he distributeth or divideth them all into four and twenty courses; and every of them to take their place therein by Lot. So that, whereas they had twelve moneths in the year, and these were four and twenty several Families of the Priestes, none of them were either excluded from that dignity of serving in the house of the Lord, or anything at all burdened with it: coming to their course but twice in the year if they took but a seven-night at once, and but once, if they took a fortnight. All which Families or courses, and every of them, were to be in like place now under the High-Priest Tremel I●●. in. 1. Chr. 24: 19. for the time being, as Eleazar and Ithamar were under Aaron their Father for his time: and to their better help in that their function, they had the rest of their 1. Chro. 24: 20-31. Bretheren thereunto appertaining sorted in unto them. Then as touching the Singers, or those that had the charge to furnish out the service with Instrument and voice, as ever should be most seemly and meet, those also were divided into four and twenty courses or Families: a dozen of them, and their attendants, appertaining Ibid. 25: 1▪ 31. Ibid. 9-31. Ibid 23: 5. to every course. For albeit, that twelve of every course bee onely noted, and yet they were four thousand in all, seeing that twelve times four and twenty make but two hundred eighty and eight, needs must there be many attendants besides, unto every of these appertaining. Those others that were to keep watch abroad, were most of them employed about the Gates or passages into the Temple: but some of Ibid. 26: 1-19. Ibid. 20-29. them, about their Treasure also. In both which we find but the chief or principal name, and not their companies that they had in their service attending. For these also were four thousand; and yet haue wee no mention of the employment but of Ibid. 23: 5. certain of them: but of four and twenty courses, as the others before. But here it is needful, that some-thing bee said more specially of these, because the Text itself doth not so plainly set down the number of them as in the other: and those that do( that yet I haue seen) agree not fully together. Cornelius Bertramus, and Corn. Bert●. Carol. Sig●●. Carolus Sigonius, haue both written of this matter: the one 1574. the other, 1582. Both which agree, that there were four and twenty courses of these also: but the particular sums of Sigonius are, seven, eight, six,& four, which do exceed his de r 〈…〉. H●●●r lib. 5. cap. 6. pa●. 247. de Polit Iudaica, cap. 15. pag. 128. own number by one. The other espied before, that by that reckoning there was one too many: and therefore putteth two of them in one, without any likelihood of warrant that I do find, either in the original itself, or in any other thereon. To show therefore how the reckoning may better bee gathered by the Text itself, we are to note, that for the first seven, the sons of Meshlemiah( whom Sigonius, Ibid. without any warrant also that I do find, calleth Selemia) and of the last four, the sons of Hosah, there is no question: the Text itself keeping account of them. So that all the question lieth betwixt the next eight, the sons of Obed-Edom, and the six that follow immediately after, the sons of Shemaiah, the eldest son of Obed-Edom: the eight being numbered by the Text likewise; 1. Chr. 23: 4-7. but not the six. Now because the eight are numbered, it is easily conceived that they must all stand: and because the six are not, it seemeth that might be some part of the cause that Bertram made less conscience to put two of those in one. But if we look well unto it, we may soon perceive, that Shemaiah is the Man( the eldest Son of Obed-Edom) that must in this reckoning be left out, all those his six Sons being taken in. neither may that be any derogation to him, when the leaving out of his own person is so richly recompensed in six of his sons taken in, in his room: no more than joseph himself was injured, when himself is never accounted one of twelve( in the recital of the Tribes) when his two sons Ephraim& Manasses are taken in for him. So the seven of Meshelemiah, the other seven of Obed-Edom, the six of Shemaiah, and the four of Hosah, as they do justly make up the number aforesaid: so are they the persons that by the warrant of the Text itself, and plain demonstration are meetest for it. That one particular hereunto appertaining, is, whereas 1. Chr. 23: 3. first it is said, that david to this end took the number of the levites from the age of thirty yeares& upward; and afterward twice, that he took them at the age of twenty Ibid. 24, 27. and above: as it is plain, that both these ways he took account of them, and that he had some special cause to move him thereto; so it seemeth to me the reason is good that is conceived thereof by Innius himself, far better then, than when he joined with Tremellius therein. For he conceiveth, that the levites especially were catechised or taught even from their yongth such things as belonged unto the ministry: In 1. Chr. 23: 26. but yet, that all that while they were accounted, but at under age, or children. But that from that time forward they were taken unto the public ministration: yet for the next five yeares but onely to the contemplation or beholding of it, at five and twenty to some inferior service under others, and not to take farther vpon them till they were thirty. 9 Those that are but particulars onely, at least in comparison of these more general matters going before, did some of them concern in a manner, them all: and some again did most respect david himself. Those that concerned them all in a manner, are those battles that there are noted they had with the Giants: concerning which, seeing they are the last of this kind that we read of, and wee haue set down withall, that when God had delivered him out of the hands of all his enemies, he then gave special thankes unto God, it shall be good, when we haue considered of these battels; then to consider somewhat of that same his thanksgiving also. As touching the battels, one there is, wherein david himself was in person; but we do not read that he was in the others. In that wherein himself was in person, he 2. Sam. 21: 15-17 was also in great danger to haue been slain, by the Giant himself: but it pleased God to sand him help by one of his Captaines, who stepped in betwixt, and slue the Giant. Howbeit his people were so touched with that his danger, that then they took order, that himself should be no more in the field in his own Person: as also it seemeth, that at that time his yeares were such, that according to the ordinary course of Souldiers he was to be privileged by them. In the others, three other Giants were likewise slain by Dauids men, in every of them one, by a several person: 2. Sam. 21: 18-22. 1. Chr. 20: 4-8: two of which battels were fought near unto Gezer, in the south-west side of the Tribe of Ephraim, not far from the philistines Land; and the other at Gath, in the land itself. As touching that thanksgiving of his it is not onely notable in itself, 2. Sa. 22: 1. 51. ascribing, it wholly to God that he was preserved from all those dangers, and that his enemies were so brought under on every side: but also, he did commit it to writing, to remain of record, to gods glory in him, and to the instruction and comfort of Gods people in the ages ensuing; God having given that success unto his godly care therein, that now we haue it in two several places recorded, here first originally, then Psal. 18: 1-50. among his Psalms afterward also. Such as most respected david himself, were either of such as belonged unto him: or, of some good examples that himself did give. Such as belonged unto him, were of two sorts: some that did attend his private; others 1. Chro. 27: 25-34. that he had nearer unto himself. Of those wherein himself gave some good examples, one was in a thing done by himself: another in some things to be done by Salomon. That which was done by himself, was, that by the regard that he heard to be in Rizpah the Concubine of Saul, towards two of her Sons, and others of the line of Saul, he also, provoked thereby, and as it seemeth, loathe to bee overcome 2. Sam. 21: 10-14. by any in gracious regard, did specially honour the memory of Saule and jonathan: though but jonathan onely were his friend, and Saule his Father his mortal Enemy; not disdaining in any good to follow so base a person as she. In that other, which was in some things to be done by Salomon, we are first to see, on what ground that part of the Story is now to bee taken in here: then, wherein it was, that david gave good example therein. The ground whereupon it is now to be taken here, before that Salomon was yet appointed to be King, is this. david, we see, doth move 1. King. 2: 5, 6. Salomon his son, to haue joab in mind and to cut him off. Whereunto that he may persuade him, he allegeth but old matters onely: the wilful and Treacherous murder of two Captaines and special men; and, at the most, but some other displeasure besides done to himself, which he not particularly name, and so is it taken to be none Fr. Vatab. P●t. Mar●. Tremel. jun. other, but the murder of those two, and in that respect done unto him, for that he had taken them( in some good sense) into his protection. Which, if it had been after that Salomon had been appointed King, had been nothing so meet to haue been remembered( nor any thing needful) as that fresh fault that he made in being 1. King. 1: 7: of counsel with Adoniah, in usurping the kingdom in Dauids time, and against Salomon that was to succeed. And it is plain, that Salomon was not thereunto actually appointed, but onely vpon that occasion of Adoniah, endeavouring to prevent him therein. So that although this Story of Dauids leaving that charge with Salomon, be placed immediately before Dauids death, and after that usurpation of Adoniah, yet it seemeth hereby to haue been before: nevertheless not denying but that for the freshness of it, it might bee, that it was not mentioned then; but rather making choice of the other, as the better ground to build upon. That wherein david gave good example herein, restend in two principal points: one, towards God, another among men; but both of them mingled( as it seemeth) with the common infirmity of us all. That which was commendable in him towards 1. King 2: 1-4. God, was, that he did so well exhort Salomon his son to cleave to the lord: in all his ways: though, making mention of establishing his own estate thereby, it may be he had some respect to that also. That which may seem to be of our common infirmity that mingled therewith, was, that having spared joab all his time, he Ibid. 5, 6. would now haue his son to remember him. Wherein though it may be, that he had but the care to haue Iustice executed; yet it may be doubted withall, that he had some private respect therein. It may be he sought no more but to haue iustice done, because joab indeed had very wickedly committed wilful murder twice 2 Sa. 3▪ 3●. and yet was he too strong, in the opinion of david himself, for him to deal with; and both those murders were such, as wherein he might seem, to haue had some special care of Dauids estate. For they were of two such persons, as were professed and great enemies to david a little before; albe it at that time david himself 2. Sa. 2: 8-3: 27 Ibid. 17: 25. 20: 10. accepted of them, as unfeignedly reconciled unto him: and joab himself was a dangerous man to be trusted now, having dealt so badly before; and especially, to the estate of Salomon, being so privy as he was( by the cause of Uriah) to the adultery of Bethsabe his mother. Doubted it may be, that he had some private respect therein, because it is not unlikely, but that joab had bewraid his secret in the cause of Uriah:& certain it is, that otherwise he had wounded his hart very sore. unlikely it is not, but that he bewrayed Dauids offence in the cause of Uriah, not onely because rabbi Lyr. Ibi. in l●t. ● Conr. Tellic. Fran Vata●. Pet Martyr, Tremel. jun. 2. Sa. 12: 14. Salomon was of that mind, as it is alleged, and others think it likely enough( albeit some others there be, that reject it as a fixion,& do somewhat help the Text with their id est, to that end also:) but much rather, for that by Nathans speech unto david, it seemeth it was then divulged or blown abroad; and most likely to be done by joab.( for david was careful enough to keep it close) either to excuse himself to the other Captaines, for that so easily he lost Uriah before, or for the affection he bare unto Adoniah against Salomon now: And the original itself doth rather led us to Ari. Montan. conceive, that they should bee two several matters that are spoken off( one against david himself, the other, the murder of those two Generals) than to make but one Vulg edit. Conr pel. Bibl. A●gl. Eccli. 22: 20-22. of them both; as others also besides the original, by their distinction or manner of reading do seem to incline. If therefore joab had so bewrayed Dauids secrets, less marvell then, if david yet kept memory of it: when as otherwise wee are given to understand, that it is an offence of that nature, as is very hard to bee reconciled. That wherein it is certain, that he had wounded Dauids heart very sore, was in the slaughter of Absolom his ungracious son: of whom he gave so special a charge to all his Captaines. And not unlikely, but that whereas david was of mind by and by after to haue taken in Amasa into his room, it was some fruit of his displeasure 2. Sa. 19: 13 on that behalf. Praesupposing then, that Dauids choler was not altogether yet settled against him, we may soundly gather, that unless we take special pains to subdue the flesh unto the spirit, the best that are, may soon be found in diuers cases de 〈…〉 therein. That which was commendable in him among men and wherein 〈…〉 a good example unto us, was, that he had so special care of the sons of 〈…〉▪ for the friendship that Barzillay their Father, in his adversity had shewed unto him. A very good example to all, ever to bee mindful of those, and to bee thankful to them and theirs, whom it hath pleased God at any time to use to our good. The infirmity that may be doubted to haue mingled withall( or at least to haue followed very soon after) was in that same his charge of Shimey: giuing his son in charge to haue an eye to cut him off also, for his wicked railing on him before. Ibid. 8, 9. And true it is, that his railing was passing ill: but, both he had submitted himself; 2. Sam. 16: ●-8, 13. Ibi. 19: 16-23. 1. King. 2: ●. and david had assured him of pardon by Oath, as david now also in this place confesseth. Wherein though it may bee, that david did respect him also now, but as like to prove a dangerous member unto the State: yet, because it may be otherwise also( for men are men, even the best of us all) therefore, so praesupposing, this may be another example, how hardly such a great disgrace and special villainy obtaineth pardon with those that may seem to be more easy; and therefore to be a good warning to all, to take heed of the like. Of those that did appertain to that present, one there is, that yeeldeth in this place but part of the Story, and hath the other part following after the others are accomplished here. That which yeeldeth but 1. King. 1: 1-4. part of the Story here, is that remedy that david had, after that once he became so feeble: the rather to be marked, for that the more likelihood there is, that david never had the use of her body, being so weak as then he was, and the more certain it is because the Text itself doth say it; the stronglier it teacheth in the end, how far the son should nevertheless reverence his Fathers bed. Of those that are accomplished here, some things there were of special purpose before: others, that did but then come in with the time itself. Those that were of special purpose before, were most about the building of the Temple that should be: but partly, a prayer for Salomons kingdom. About the building of the Temple that should be, first he dealt but himself therein: then he endeavoureth to lay that charge on others also. His own dealing therein was, that when he had found( as we saw before) what place it was that the Lord had chosen, then he did set Masons on work to make stones ready: 1. Chr. 22: 1-5. and made much provision besides. he endeavoureth to lay that charge on others also, two several times, as it seemeth: first while Salomon yet was but a private man under his Father; then again, after that he had made him King. While yet he was but a private man, his Father nevertheless knowing that he had to succeed him, he now dealeth both with himself,& with the Princes of the people, about this matter. himself he chargeth and exhorteth, to set in hand with it: both assuring him 1. Chr. 22: 6-16 that the Lord would prosper him therein; and letting him understand what himself had already gotten in a readiness for it: which was, besides brass and Iron, Timber and ston, matters of less moment, much Marble, and a great number of precious stones of all sorts, and withall, even an hundred thousand talents of Gold, and a thousand thousand talents of silver: every talent being about half an hundred with us, Ibid. 29: 2. or threescore pounds weight. A rare example of the zeal of a Prince, towards the advancement of Gods glory, in so great a mass as this, so faire a mean in the eye of the world, to haue advanced his own line, to some special height. The Princes of the people he chargeth likewise to be assistant and helping therein: and sheweth Ibid. 17-19. them withall, that they haue a notable opportunity thereunto. That he did the like again, after that Salomon was set in the kingdom, because it is a thing somewhat rare the son to be ordained King in the dayes of his Father, therefore it shall be good, first to consider, how it came to pass, that in his Fathers daies he came to be King, on whom that charge was chiefly to rest: then, how he laid that charge among them. That Salomon should succeed him in the kingdom he knew before, Ibid. 9, 10.& 28: 4-7. 1. Kin. 1: 5▪ 40. 1. Chr. 23: 1. and so he was minded to leave it unto him, as unto whom God himself had it appointed: but, by occasion that Adoniah was so forward, as to step unto it in his Fathers daies( as we saw before) when he thought his Father unlike to recover, or to stay long among them, to break that pack, and in his own daies to put it of question, he praesently ordained Salomon King, and caused him to bee set on the Throne of his kingdom, his Nobles and people then coming in, and yielding their allegiance 1. Chro. 29: 22-25. unto him. having thus ordained him to bee King, then he did set in hand in such sort with the matter again, that it sorted to good effect in the end: and so are we first to consider, what it was that himself did now; then, how far his desire was effected therein. That which he did, was first to get those together that were meetest to such a purpose: and when he had gotten them together, then to deal accordingly with them. Those that now he got together, as meetest to such a purpose 1. Chr. 28: 1, 9. ( Salomon his son, and newly made King, being with him already) were all the chief and principal men in all the land. His dealing with these, was first by gracions and loving speech: then, by such doing of his own besides, as served unto the business he had in hand. His speech was such, as directly tended to get them of mind to set in hand with the building of the Temple, and to finish the same in the best manner that they were able: but first to them all generally, and then to Salomon Ibid. 2▪ 8. Ibid. 9, ●0, 20, 21. more specially; to each of them so, as to such purpose was fittest for them. In that which he did besides, as fitly serving unto the business he had in hand, we are not only to note what it was: but farther of some particulars thereto appertaining. It was no more but this, that first he gave unto Salomon the pattern of the house it Ibid. 11-18. self, and of all things thereunto appertaining, after what manner they should bee made; giuing him withall to understand, that himself had received the same in Ibid. 19. writing from the Lord, to the end that he might better conceive the meaning of it, and that so he made him to conceive it: then, to the end that those his Nobles, officers, Ibid. 29: 1-5 and principal men might yield to be more open-hearted in this business, and willingly give some good contribution unto it, himself doth give them a good example therein, contributing of his own private substance, 3000. talents of pure gold, and 7000. Talents of fined silver. The particulars hereunto appertaining, are two: one, appertaining unto the pattern that he gave unto Salomon; the other unto his own contribution. That which belongeth unto the pattern, is but a note in some of our Bibles, overmuch restraining the direction that david Bibl. Angl. 1594. in 1. Chr. 28: 19. k. had for these matters, unto that which was set down for the Tabernacle before, as though he did speak of no other direction there, but such as was given before for the other: whereas, when we come to the building of the temple, then it will plainly appear, that both itself, and the things thereunto appertaining, differed much from the Tabernacle, and the things that to it belonged; neither do I find any other of that opinion besides. That which belongeth unto his own contribution, is, that having provided so much before, and yet now giuing thus much besides, it occasioneth us, first to consider, in what point these do vary: and, what ourselves may gather on it. That these two contributions of his do some way varrie, there is no question, because they are so distinctly and severally set down. And because this latter, of three thousand Talents of Gold, and seven thousand of silver, 1 Chr. 29▪ 3. 4 Ibid. 22: 14. is termed so peculiarly his own, when as notwithstanding it is said of the other also, that he had prepared it, out of both these thus laid together, it seemeth, that the other great mass of one hundred thousand Talents of gold, one thousand thousand of silver, with all those precious stones of brass and Iron without number, was such as he( in his warres and spoil of the enemy, as also in the presents were brought him, or such other like ways besides) had from time to time laid by to that very use: and that this latter was but of such as before he took to his own use; but now thought good thus to bestow it. It being so, then dowe plainly see two things herein: one, a rare and wonderful zeal in him, who having prepared so much before, would nevertheless add this also now; the other, that he aimed at a wonderful sumptuous building, on the which he did set down to bestow such abundance of Gold& silver, besides such plenty of precious stones, and all things else that should go unto it. An evident, and a notable check unto the profane miserlings of our age, so greedily and so uncessantly spoiling the Church of God of those needful things that others had given it before. His good desire was so well affencted herein, that then his Nobles and Officers both gave plentifully: and that with great willingness also. Their liberality was such, that Ibid. 29: 6-8. they gave( among them) five thousand Talents of gold, and 10000. pieces besides( this, belike in coin, and of the meaner sort of them; the other, in mass or Bullion) 10000. Talents of silver, 18000. of brass, and 100000. of Iron, and all the precious stones they had besides. As touching their willingness herein( a matter of great moment in al such cases) first it is plainly said: thē are there good tokens besides. In that it is so plainly said as it it, it might well be sufficient for us: but that there be Ibid 9-20. other tokens also ensuing, may farther teach us, that where there is true willingness indeed, it sheweth itself plainly enough, one way or other. Those tokens were one in david: another in themselves. That which was in david, was, that he did greatly rejoice to see it: and thereupon both gave great thankes to God likewise, joining Ibid. 9, 2●. Ibid. 1●. prayer withall in the end, such as imported the same thing also; and exhorted them all to praise God for it. But david, being of a liberal heart himself, could never so greatly haue reioyced in that their contribution, unless he had seen, that indeed they had done very well therein: neither could he otherwise so hearty haue praised God, nor haue prayed for the continuance of it; nor by likelihood would so readily haue exhorted them to praise God for it. neither can we clear ourselves to those that are liberal and godly indeed, with any base or bastardly show of such liberality in those cases, howsoever ourselves may please ourselves in it, and others withall of as miserable devotion as wee. That which was in themselves, was, that they also in like manner reioyced, and besides their Peace-offeringes, wherewithal Ibid. 20▪ 22. they feasted before the Lord with great ioy, the next day they offered Burnt-offerings in great abundance( whereof there was no part to redound to themselves, but all to be consumed to the Lord) of young Bullocks, Rams, and other sheep( Lambs belike) of every of those three sorts, even a thousand. neither can we soundly rejoice before the Lord, until wee truly find, that in the advancement of his glory among us, wee do as it were( in our liberality) forget ourselves, and utterly detest and abandon all our worldly respects whatsoever. In the Prayen that we haue for Salomons kingdom, considering that it is but one of the psalms, and that which is with us( and according to the original, the Hebrew itself) the threescore& twelfth, Psal. 72. seldom or never taken by any to belong to this place: therefore it shall bee good, first to aduise ourselves, how we may conceive it to belong to the place that now we are in; then, to consider of the thing itself. That it should belong to this place there bee but few( yet some there are) that haue conceived: all the residue that yet Tremel. I●n. Vulg. edit. Ari. Montan. Conr. Pell. Fr. Vatab. Bible. Angl. I haue seen, otherwise interpreting( some, one way, some another) the title of it, out of which it seemeth there should arise good probability, that it should indeed appertain to the place we are in. For whereas some go no farther, but onely that it was made to Salomons use( and not resolving, that david made it) others, that it was made by Salomon himself: the last verse of it, showing that there the prayers( or psalms) of david do end, doth give a faire probability, first that this was made by david; then also towards the end of his life, when he had put Salomon in the kingdom already. But besides that those two aforesaid do so take it, seeing the psalm is for the good estate and long cotinuance of the reign of King Salomon( especially as it was a figure of the kingdom of Christ) if it were david that made the same( as the end, I said, is a faire probable witness) even the whole course of the psalm itself doth sufficiently witness, that to this place it doth rightly belong. The thing itself is no more but this, that God having made choice of Salomon to succeed him 1. Chr. 28. 4, 5. 2. Sa. 7: 12-16. in the kingdom, and having made so large promises to him, as that the accomplishment of them was to be expected in a greater than he, of whom he was but onely a figure, david also by occasion having set him in the kingdom already: now he specially commendeth him, and the estate of his kingdom, to the good and gracious 1. King. 1: 28-49. 1. Chr. 23: 1. blessing of God; that, as it was of him, and of his mere and gracious goodness, so it might of him receive establishment, increase, and all other good blessings meet for the same. Therein both acknowledging the great mercies of God to him and his line: and notably raising up the hearts of the faithful to show them what they may expect in Christ. But as he had that godly care of his posterity; so were it meet, that wee should learn to haue the like: and seeing he did nevertheless by prayer seek for the accomplishment of those things that were so firmly promised unto him; much rather should we seek for such things by prayer likewise, that we need to the glory of God, and our eternal comfort in him, when we otherwise see not any such assurance of them. Those that came in with the time itself, are but two: the last words that is noted to haue uttered a little before his death; and, his death ensuing thereon. In the last words of david, it shall not bee amiss if wee consider of them, first, as they did proceed from him: then, ●● they may give instruction to vs. As they did proceed from him, it seemeth to me, that they were some-thing troubled by his infirmity and wearing away: as diuers times it is seen, even with the 2. Sa. 23: 1-7▪ best men that are, towards their deaths; and some-times even in their age too when it is great. But needs must he bee of an excellent spirit, and of an heart very well exercised in godly meditation, and especially in the assurance of the special favour of GOD towards him and his, that could in such case utter so many good speeches of those matters, though in diuers places some-thing broken, as I do take it, and not so knit or tied together, as otherwise he was wont to do. He was before a sore broken man, when in his bed he was fain to bee covered 1. King. 1: 1. by others: and wanting no clothes, yet could he get no warmth thereby. But now being nearer to his dissolution, and so far worn, that there was no hope but of small continuance( as wee may see by the usurping of Adoniah, which was Ibid. 5, 7, 9. not without the advice of Abiathar and joab principal men, nor in any dislike of many others near unto david) seeing that a body loaden with infirmity, is oft-times such a clog to the mind, that it suffereth it not in diuers things so orderly to proceed, as otherwise it could and would: less marvell it is, if some of these his speeches, though good in themselves, nevertheless bee not so orderly and full as well might bee, in other case, of him expected. It may bee likewise, that this was not a continued speech, but rather consisting of many particulars, thus gathered together, but severally uttered by him, as his godly mind was occupied in that Meditation: calling to mind, now one thing, now another: and sometime, it may bee, uttering in word, but part of that which in heart he conceived. As they may give instruction to us, thereby may we gather, how far short wee are, of any good temper for those matters: when as, in our best estate, wee do so hardly utter any thing to any good purpose. So far off are we, if our mindes should bee clogged with some special infirmity or pains of body( as it is certain it was with job, and not unlikely in some sort now to bee so with david also) yet nevertheless to haue none other but so good Meditations and speeches as these. But some vessel of Wine there is, that keepeth his Verdure, and drinketh better, even to the lose, than others do, when they are at the best. His death that ensued or followed thereon, 2. Sa. 5: 4, 5. 1. King. 10, 11. was at the age of twenty yeares, when himself had reigned forty in all. A very good pattern, as lighly we haue any where else, both of the great corruption that is in us; and what good things may be lodged withall in the selfsame breast, by the goodness and grace of God: and so likewise, that God doth not for ever cast off those that are his, though they do very justly deserve it; and yet( oft-times) that he doth not suffer their lesser offences to go unpunished. CHAP. 14. 1 SAlomon was the next of those under whom the people continued together under one kingdom and State: immediately after dividing themselves( though abiding one people still) yet into two several kingdoms. Being therefore now to consider of Salomons Story, in him do we find just cause to consider, not onely of his life: but also of his death. As touching his life, in it do wee find great variety betwixt the former, and the latter part of his reign: the former part of it being such, as, in figure, might well resemble the glory and excellency of the kingdom of Christ; but the latter of it, so odding again the contrary way, that well may it teach us, to look for no perfection here. It might well in figure resemble the glory and excellency of the kingdom of Christ, because it was for that time, ( especially when it was come unto the growth that GOD would give it; yea, and in the time of increasing too, so far as was needful for it) a comfortable estate unto the people, and very glorious at home and abroad. In so much, that immedialy after his first entrance into his kingdom, it is said, that the Lord was with 1. King. 2: 12. 2. Chr. 1: 1. him and magnyfied him, and that his kingdom was mightily established. nevertheless, as in reason wee may conceive, that it had a beginning and time to grow to a settled estate: so the course of the Story doth likewise led us, first, to such things as did appertain unto the beginning of it: then, unto others that belonged unto it, when it was come to a settled Estate. Those things that did appertain unto the beginning of it, before it grew to a settled Estate, were certain civil affairs of his own: and then a religious seeking of GOD. Those civil affairs of his own, were, first the cleared of himself of certain ill members: then, how he disposed himself to marriage. Of those ill members, one of them was very dangerous unto his title and Estate in the kingdom: the residue, though they were great offenders too, yet not in so high a degree as the other, in respect of the State itself. he that was so daungerous unto his title or Estate in the kingdom, was Adoniah his elder Brother: who would haue stepped( as wee saw before) betwixt Salomon and the kingdom, in the dayes of david his Father. But 1 King. 1: 5-9. when he understood that Salomon was by david appointed and proclaimed, he then submitted himself, and craved pardon: which also he obtained upon condition, Ibid. 50-53. that he should after become of good and dutiful allegiance. nevertheless, being now a while after taken away in such sort as he was, wee are the rather to consider on it, both for the Story itself: and for another thing thereof arising. In the Story itself, wee are first to consider of his offence: then, of the punishment of it. In his offence likewise, first what it was: then, howe it came to Salomons knowledge. His offence was, some part of it, open and plain: but some other, that lay more secret. That which was open and plain, was such an impotency in fleshly Ibid. 2: 17. desire, that he was not ashamed to seek to defile his Fathers Bed; desiring Abisag a Concubine of his, to bee in marriage given unto him. True it is, that david had not her, till it may bee probably thought, that he was not of ability to haue Ibid. 1: 1▪ 4. carnal Copulation with her: but yet not to bee denied withall, but that he had her company day and night, and that they were together as Man and Wife, saving onely for the Act itself of carnal knowledge. That which lay more secret, was, as it seemeth, that thereby he thought to get him a step to the kingdom, as vouchsased one of his Fathers wives; being, as he was, the elder Brother besides: yet so much the greater fault in him, if that were his meaning, for that he did know, that the lord himself had appointed Salomon to succeed his Father in the kingdom. Ibid. 2: 15. How this desire of his came to Salomons knowledge, is so much the more worthy the marking, for that it seemeth to carry with it a very just iudgement of God: that whereas he had not the honesty, nor that childlike reverence unto his Father, as to suppress so beastly a motion; so neither should he haue the wit to conceal it, but himself must make it known to the King. For he cometh to Bethsabe the kings Mother, and entreateth her to move the King in it: which also shee did, Ibid. 13-18. Ibid 19-21. Ibid. 22-25. and herself besought the King to grant it. In his punishment, wee haue first set down the kings determination of it: then, the execution soon after ensuing. Whereof, as in the one wee may see a quickness and readiness in Salomon to spy, that his elder Brother was yet aspiring: so in the other wee may likewise see, that his wisdom thought good, to take the advantage of his former offence( though he were his Brother) even for this doubt of aspiring that now broke forth of him; albeit it was not certain that thence it proceeded, and it may bee it was but the love Ibid. 1: 4. he had to the party, being so beautiful as she was. That other thing hereof arising, is, that whereas in the dayes of our late ignorance, this speech of Salomon: ask on my Mother, for I will not say thee nay, was applied( or wrested rather) as to Ibid. 2: 20. be spoken by Christ to his Mother; so to bear people in hand, that the blessed virgin could readily attain for us at the hands of Christ whatsoever she would: here may wee see so hard a success of that course taken, that in reason it should rather terrrify others from it, than 'allure any unto it. For though Salomon did great reverence unto his Mother, arising out of his Throne, meeting her by the way, bowing himself unto her, and causing her to sit down on the right hand of him; and told her withall, when he perceived that shee had a suite unto him, that he would not say unto her nay: yet when he conceived, that that request was but so far derogatory to his crown and Dignity( and yet not certain, but onely as himself suspected: whereas that seeking to the blessed virgin that was used by us, and yet is by diuers of us, was undoubtedly derogatory to the crown and Dignitiy of Christ) he quickly took in his word again, and made the onely moving of that matter unto him, to cost the party himself his life, that first did move it. Of the residue that were great offenders too, yet not in so high a degree as this other was conceived to be, whereas there were three of them in all, one there was whom the King did otherwise punish: but he did put the two others to death. That one whom he did otherwise punish, was Abiathar( the High-Priest, it seemeth, at that time:) Cummā. Flinso. in Geneal. Christi Geneal. ●. 1. King. 1: 7. 2: 22. concerning whom wee are to consider; first, of his fault; then, of his punishment. His fault was, that he was with Adoniah in his usurpation: whereby it may seem, that either it was not then so well known, that Salomon was to succeed; or else that his fault was so much the grearer, both to do it in the dayes of him that then was, and against him that was to succeed. In his punishment wee are to consider what it was: and what farther cause there was, why it was inflicted on him. His punishment was, that he and his Line were removed from the Priest-hood; Ibid. 2: 26, 27. and himself appointed to keep his House: being then also given to understand, that he had deserved death, but that he was spared therein, for the service he did to david before. That farther cause why it was inflicted on him, was the sin 1. Sa 2▪ 2-36. Ge. Chr. Ge. 6 of Ely before( the fourth above him, or great Graund-Father unto his Father) as then it was denounced unto him, for suffering his sons to grow so loose as they did: according as Ahimelek his Father, and many others of that Race with him,( as wee saw before) had a sharp scourge for that matter also. Those two others Pag. that he put to death, were joab, and Shimey: joab at this present, when he displaced Abiathar( upon this motion of Adoniah, having spared them hitherto, it seemeth;) 1. King. 2: 22, 26, 28. but Shemey not till three yeares after. But seeing he also had his iudgement now, though his execution were not yet, therefore it shall bee very good now to dispatch the one with the other while wee haue it in hand. As touching joab, when he heard that Adoniah was executed, and Abiathar put from his Dignity, Ibid. 28-34. he suspecting that which was towards him indeed, would haue saved himself or put off his death for a time, by taking Sanctuary( as we term it:) but it would not avail him now, when he before had so foully cast at his heels the fear and reverence of that GOD, by whose Altar he would haue been spared. As Ibid. 36-46. for Shimey, the King sent for him, and charged him to keep in jerusalem: giuing him to understand withall, that he should die for it, if ever he stepped out thence. At which time he liked it well, as glad that the King had given him that sparing, and as it seemeth took his Oath to observe the same: but his own iniquity before, and Salomons resolutenesse now, not to pardon that advantage unto him, would not suffer him long to enjoy it. And so shortly after, coming in danger, at least of the latter of that his restraint, the advantage was taken, and he executed: but whether, onely to take away a bad man by such opportunity as may bee obtained( as indeed a crooked cast, needeth oft-times a crooked measure) or that some strain of reuenge was mingled withall( for there is no question, but men are men) though it be the parts of all to think the best, yet may there be no hurt to leave it unto the freedom of every mans iudgement therein. having thus cleared himself of these bad members, the next that wee red of, is, how he disposeth himself to marriage: but as in the Text it is termed making of affinyty with Pharaoh King of egypt, by taking his Daughter to Wife, and seeing 1. King. 3: 1. after we find, he had many wives and Concubines besides, it seemeth to me, that bid. 11: 3. this also was more for affinities sake, than onely or chiefly for marriage itself. For it appeareth he was married already, about two yeares before the death of his Father, his son Rehoboam that did succeed him, being one and forty yeares old Ibid. 14. 21. when he came to the kingdom, and so about a year old when Salomon himself began his reign, which was the space of forty yeares. Being therefore married so lately before, and making no conscience to take so many wives and Concubines, it may well seem, that many of them, and this for one, were but to make affinity with the Princes and Nobles about him: plurality of being of no more censcience with many then, than plurality of benefice in the Church of Rome since, or plurality of Lordships, Offices, farms, or other livings( not of the gift of God, but by their own busy and guilty industry, and though others want never so much) with the children of the world now; and to Princes and great men, not the least part of their pomp or magnificent ostentation in the eyes of others. But now concerning this and such like affinity of his( for though wee haue no mo so specially noted, yet haue we good probability of many) it shall be good to note something as touching himself: and something again as touching others. As touching himself, it seemeth to me he did much offend therein: and yet I am not ignorant, but that others there bee, that are better persuaded of him for this matter. It seemeth to me he much offended, first in matching with the Heathenish people: then, in that he matched with many. In that he matched with those that were Heathenish, he had not that care, either of himself or of his posterity( so far as it seemeth) that he ought to haue. That himself might bee corrupted by them, the common weakness of us al doth witness, by oft& pitiful experience: and was verified in himself shortly after. His posterity must needs be endangered likewise, not onely by that common infirmity in them as well as in others, but so much the more, for that they were like to be ouer-weighed so ill by the surer side whereof they came: and yet notwithstanding was the case such with him, that in many respects he ought to haue had a singular care thereof. Insomuch that whereas it is noted, that the natural line of Salomon reached not to Iesus Christ in the flesh, but was broken off before, it is less Cum. Flinsb: in. Gen. Chr, Geneal. 16. pag. 56, 57. Brought. Concent. in an. 2990. marvell, when so he mingled himself before with so many Idolatrous people: In that he matched with so many, besides that it was a manifest token of great incontinency or pompous vanity, and withal that he made no reckoning of yielding conjugal duty unto the first, and to all the former sort of them, when he brought in the latter vpon them( a plain breach likewise of that branch of equity) he had the word of God directly against him: reasonable plainly, as he was but one of the people; but much more, as he was now in the Throne of the kingdom. As he was but one of the people, he had the first institution of marriage against him; and the Law afterward given: of neither of which he might be ignorant, but with breach of his duty therein, for that every King of that people was charged diligently to study that book of God. In the first institution of marriage he could not but see, Deut. 17: 18-20. Gen. 2: 22. Ibid 4 19. that God made but one for one: and that the corruption of that institution for this point, was first found in the line of accursed Kain. In the Lawe, it had been an easy matter for him to haue found, by the propriety of his own mother tongue( the want whereof hath made many great men since unable to find it) that a man having levit. 18: 18 a Wife already, might not take another unto her duting her life; and though there were no other cause, yet even for the vexation onely that such dealing might breed to the former: especially, that other understanding of it( of natural Sisters) being Ibid. 16. sufficiently, by the like, decided a little before. As he was now in the Throne of the kingdom, he might find himself, even as it were by name, forbidden to haue any mo but one: and a good reason thereunto annexed. That others are better persuaded Deut. 17: 17 of him for this his doing, is a matter sufficiently known: myself finding none of other opinion; and some that profess the defence of him in it. But the chief and principal reasons they use, me think are to weak to such a purpose: one, that Lyr. Conr. Pel Pet, Martyr. Tremel. jun. she was converted first to the Iewes profession; the other, that as yet he loved the Lord. As touching the former, first they haue no warrant thereof, that so it was: then, that also would not serve, though so shee were, Naamah his former Wife yet remaining, as there is no knowledge yet of her death, nor sufficient cause to suspect 1. King. 14: 21, 31. it, being married so late as they were. As touching the latter of them, that yet he loved the Lord, and walked in the ordinances of david his Father, so might he do, at least in some measure, and yet bee wanting in this point of duty, as also his Father was before, and yet other-wise hath good Testimony towards God likewise. 2. Sam. 2: 2. 3: 2-5. Psal. 45. As touching others, there is one of the psalms which goeth under the Name of david together with the rest, though for some of them wee do not know who were the Inditers of them, and diuers of them do bear( in their beginning) the Names of others that made them: but it is of that argument, that well it might become david himself to haue indicted it, and to haue used it to this very purpose. For in his time it was, that Salomon his son married with Naamah afore-said: and she 1. King. 14: 21. 31. being an Ammonite, of an Heathen and an Idolatrous Race likewise, there was good cause why david should exhort her to forget her own people, and her Fathers house, when now she was to be Salomons Wife: and praesupposing that she was Psal. 45: 10. Daughter to the King of the Ammonites( as was most likely) the residue of the psalm would very fitly agree to her also. But if it were indicted but about this his marriage with the King of Aegypts Daughter, as a figure of the Espousals betwixt Christ and his Church( as it is the most common iudgement of all) it is then out Conr. Pellic. Fran. Vatab Tremel. jun. Bibl. Angl. of question, that it was after Dauids time: and it may seem, that some of the godly noting him to haue married with an Heathen princess before, and now to bee in hand with the like again, doubting whereunto such marriages might grow in the end, and yet conceiving how well they might figure that other Mystery between their Messiah and his chosen people, did to their use for that present, and in that present case of theirs, indite that psalm, and to the use and benefit of the Church that then was, or at any time should afterward be. Which if so it were, is a token sufficient, that some there were in those daies also that did not like it, but rather stood in some special fear of it. But now, that some there bee of special reckoning, who are of opinion, that seeing he did mary her, therefore it is not to be doubted, Tremel. jun. but that first she yielded to their profession, because that yet he loved the Lord, affirming, that otherwise he might not haue done it, by the virtue of that prohibition which wee haue in the seventh of Douteromy: I cannot see, but that they are very Deut 7: 3. wide therein, because that prohibition is not of all Heathen folk generally but only of those seven Nations that inhabited the Land of Canaan, being there set down Ibid. 1-3. namely on them; the egyptians being sufficiently known to bee none of that people, but of another country and Nation. And else-where it is plain, that GOD permitteth them to mary with Women of other Nations, onely after some ceremonial Deut. 21: 10-13. purging; and doth not enjoin them to tarry till they be instructed in the knowledge of God, and till they yield to that profession: leaving them rather, it seemeth, to win them in time, by sound instruction and kind usage joined together; than forbidding them till then to take them. And yet it is certain, that there were no Nations about them, but such as were Heathenish and Idolatrous too. Whereunto the very psalm itself seemeth to bear sufficient witness, in the witness, in the Psal. 45: 10-16 case that now we are in, for that, so effectually calling vpon her, to forget her own people and Fathers house, it seemeth to teach us, that as then she had not done it. In that his religious seeking to God, we are to note, what it was done by him: and how God accepted of it. That which was done by him, was, that he gathered together all the Princes, Captaines, and Gouernours of the people, even all the chief of the Land, and went to to Gibeon where the Tabernacle was, to worship, and did offer a 1. King. 3: 4. 2 Chr. 1. 1-6. thousand Burnt-offeringes on the Brazen Altar there. It pleased God so to accept thereof, that in a dream that night he appeared unto him, and offered unto him a 1. King. 3: 5. 2. Chr. 1: 7. very special and a singular favor: namely to ask, whatsoever it was he most desired, to the end he might give it unto him. Whereupon Salomon made his choice so, that therein again he pleased the Lord marvelous well: and so it shall bee good for us more specially to mark, what it was that Salomon craved; and how far the Lord did like on him therein. That which he craved, was, that whereas God, according to his promise to david his Father, had now placed him in the kingdom; and the people 1. King. 3▪ 6-9. 2. Chr. 1: 8-10 thereunto appertaining, were so many, that to govern them aright he had nothing near that furniture of wisdom and knowledge that would bee needful: it would please him to give him an understanding heart, or the gift of wisdom and knowledge, whereby he might rightly determine of all such causes as to the government of that his people should appertain. Wherein it shall bee good for us to mark, what kind of wisdom it was, that, it seemeth, he did desire: then, how it came to pass he desired the same. As touching the former, it seemeth it was but such wisdom and understanding, as may stand clear of the knowledge and fear of God, and of the sincerity or truth in Religion: and but such as the Children of the World, and heathenish politicians oft-times haue. For neither can there necessary bee any more gathered of the words themselves: and seeing afterward it followeth, that God gave him( in plentiful measure) that which he asked, his great and strange fall that followed may sufficiently show, that it was no more that he desired; it may bee, as making no doubt( for the opinion, that wee haue such power in ourselves, doth naturally grow in the hearts of us all) but that he could well enough order himself for that matter. How it came to pass, that he made his choice of wisdom, is so much the rather to bee considered, for that it seemeth to carry the cause with it:& yet is not so noted by others. For the cause seemeth to be, that he was wise-hearted already; and thereupon most desired wisdom: common experience ever teaching, that the wiser that any haue been, the more haue they desired to haue more wisdom; and the more they haue been leapt up in the swatheling-clouts of folly, the less haue they made any reckoning of it. And as david his Father commending unto him the causes of joab and Shimey, before made reckoning of special 1 King. 2. 6, 9. wisdom in him: so himself also, in taking them away so as he did, did sufficiently verify that opinion of david of him. Yet notwithstanding it goeth for currant with all the Children of the World, that they are none of the wisest, that most of all covet the best and purest wisdom that is: and yet( of their courtesy) they will not deny them, but that they may be honest and plain, simplo and well-meaning men; but yet still withall, none of the wisest. Whereas notwithstanding, the true and best wisdom of all, is never desired but onely of such as are wise-hearted indeed: all Aesops cocks joying more in a Barley corn, than in the most Orient precious ston that can be conceived. How far the Lord did like on him herein, may soon be conceived, by al things in a manner that afterward ensued, concerning him& his estate, during the time that he abode in the fear of God. But because most of those do concern the main part of the Story, therefore is it meetest, that for this matter we rest on those things onely, that do immediately follow hereupon, and most properly belong to the place that now we are in: first, the comfortable words that God thereupon did give unto him; then, a present experiment, howe effectually he obtained that which he desired. The words that thereupon God did give him, were so comfortable unto him, that having done at Gibeon, and returning to jerusalem, there he did the much like also. For at this time the lord did affure him absolutely, not onely of that which he asked, in very liberal and plentiful 1. King. 3: 10-14. 2. Chr. 1▪ 11, 12: 1. King. 3: 15 measure; but of riches and honour besides in great abundance; and on condition that he would diligently walk in his ways, then of farther favour besides. Returning to jerusalem, there he worshipped again before the ark, first offering Burnt-offeringes there again, and Peace-offeringes besides: then also, feasting all his Seruants. That present experiment, which sheweth how effectually he obtained that which he desired, was in the cause of those two Women that strove so busily Ibid. 16-28. about the dead and the living child: he readily finding out by his wisdom, without any witnesses, the true Mother, both of the dead Child which they both refused, and of the living, which both of them challenged, onely by that natural affection that Parents do commonly bear unto their Children. In both which Stories of his wee may do well to mark, in the former of them, how much wee also might please God and benefit ourselves at his hands, if we should above all worldly things here covet to do him the best service we could, every one in our several callings: and in the latter, how undoubtedly we were like to bee discarded from the number of true Fathers and Mothers, to those that are under our charge, if our Salomon Iesus Christ should make trial of us, by our hearty affection towards them. 2 Those things that belonged unto it when it grew to a settled estate, were many and diuers: and yet none other in effect, but such as shewed, to what power and glory it pleased God to bring that kingdom or State of his unto. And the power and glory whereunto it pleased God to bring it, was by his religious regard of God, wherein for a time he was very commendable: and so are wee first to see, what was that religious regard of his towards God; then, to consider withall, what was the glory wherewith it pleased God to cloth him. That religious regard of his towards God we most of all find, in that chief and principal work that he had to do, and did most properly belong unto him: then also, in some others besides, which were common to him and others. That chief and principal work that he had to do,& did most properly belong unto him, was about the Temple that he had to build or set up unto the Lord:& first to dispatch the workmanship of it; then, to consecrate or to give up the same to his use, by whose appointment, and to whose use, he had ordained it. That the workmanship of it might be the better dispatched, it was needful there were some good fore-casting before; and so we find there was: first praeparing things meet for the purpose; then, setting in hand with the business itself. That there was such preparation before, we haue first some likelihood of it: then also, good testimony, that so it was. The likelihood we haue, is, that it was in the mind of Salomon, or that 2. Chr. 2: 1. he determined to build an House unto the Lord. For wise-men, or that are of any fore-cast, when once they are determined of special business, then do they also provide accordingly. The Testimony we haue that so it was, doth not onely show, what it is was done: but withall, howe effectual it was besides. That which was done, was partly abroad: and partly at home. Abroad he laid a tribute on all generally, that were subject to his Dominions: and more specially dealt with Hiram King of Tyre, for his help in this business. The tribute he raised, was not onely for the House of the Lord, but for diuers other works besides, which he had in mind 1. King 9: 15-19. to do: but the house, the chiefest and greatest of them. As for Hiram King of Tyrus( a city and Territory of great reckoning thereby, North of Palestine, on the Ptol. Asia Tab. 4. Adrichom. ●● Asser. 84. 1. King. 5: 1. Sea-Coast, and of special opportunity for traffic too and fro, from the East to the West) he for the love he bare to david before, sent unto Salomon, hearing they had anointed him King in stead of his Father, belike( as the manner is) to congratulate that his dignity unto him. hereupon it seemeth, Salomon now dealt more effectually with him, for his help in the matter. certain it is, that he craved his help, both for Timber; and some special woorke-men besides. The Timber he desired, was of the Caedars of Libanus, the largest and fairest Timber in all those Ibid. 2-11. 2. Chr. 2: 3-16. Countries: in the felling and working of which, King Hirams people, dwelling near thereunto, were much more skilful by their experience, than any of Salomons people were. Salomon therefore gave unto Hiram for his help in this matter, 20000. measures of Wheat: and of three commodities besides, which were, barley, Wine and oil, of every of these the like quantity, every year, so long as they were occupied in this his business. Which measure of theirs is noted to bee of that In Tract. Thomas. de Pond. M●rsur. et●. Num. 117. quantity with them, as in one quarter, one bushel, one peck and an half, one quart and seven ounces, with us: and so the greater quantity that it cometh unto, the greater doth it show that provision of his to haue been for Timber thence; and, that the whole work itself was like to bee of great Magnificence. Of those special workmen besides, whom of him he desired; one was one Hiram 1 King. 7: 13, 14. also; a workman of rare and special skill, in the casting and working of brass: and himself doth not name any other, but onely craveth that he would send him some such as should haue special skill, in the working of Gold, silver, B●●sse, Iron; 2. Chr. 2: 7. crimson, Purple, Blew silk, and graving. At home he took order to employ in this business, both such of the Canaanites as were yet left in the land: and certain of his own people besides. Of those Canaanites or strangers, causing the number to be taken, he found that they came to one hundred fifty three thousand, and 2. Chr. 2: 2, 17-18. 1 King. 5: 15-18. 1. King. 5: 13, 14. six hundred. Of those he appointed 70000. to bear burdens, 80000. Masons to hue stones, and 3600. to be overseers of them. Of his own people besides, he took out thirty thousand to this business: appointing them to work by course ten thousand every month; so leaving to every one, two months liberty, for one months labour. How effectual this his fore-casting or providing before-hand was is likewise reasonable plainly declared, in that it is in such sort commended, as 2. Chr. ●: 16 if his provision were such, that even from the first beginning, unto the end or finishing of it, it still went forward without any stay. When we are to see how they did set in hand with the work itself for which all this provision was, wee are to know, that whereas God would now haue a Temple or fixed place of worship reared unto him, there must needs be many other things thereunto appertaining: and so are we first to consider of the place itself, where he would be worshipped; then of the things that belonged unto it. The place that God would haue to this purpose, is for the most part called the Temple: but then under it wee are to consider both of the House that was then to be reared, and of the Courts thereunto appertaining. As touching which House and Courts, thereunto appertaining, wee first haue certain circumstances going before: then in what manner the same was builded. The circumstances are two: one of the place; another of the time. The place where it was to be set, and where accordingly they first laid the foundation and building thereon, was a part of Ierusalim which of old was of the bounds of 2. Chr. 3: 1. Ge. 22: 2, 9, 12 Moriah, where Isaac in the time of Abraham was laid on the Altar to be sacrificed, though God gave him home with his fathers again: but, a little before this time 2. Sa. 24: 18-24. 1. King. 61. 2. Chr. 3: 2. the threshing flower of a jebusite then dwelling there; which david, to this purpose bought of him, as we saw before. The time when this building began, was in the fourth year of solomon: and four hundred and fourscore yeares, after they came out of egypt, and were fully settled in the land. The former of which limitations seemeth to import, that Salomon bestowed the time before in making provision La●. Codoman. in an. 3112. for the building; and then may his example therein teach us to cast before hand for whatsoever service of God we haue, to do it in the best manner wee can: and the latter of them doth plainly declare, that the Temple was not absolutely so needful a thing to the people of God, when as they were nine hundred yeares together his people without it; as wee also need not to doubt, but that having the word and Sacraments, we may well be the people of God, without that outward magnificence and pomp, that in the iudgement of some is so needful. For the manner of the building of it, wee are first to consider of some difficulties that are therein: then, what may seem to haue been the manner of it. The difficulties that are therein, are all about the house itself, and do all arise out of the variety of mens judgements thereon: some about the measure of the whole; but most about the manner of building the several parts. About the measure of the whole, there Tremellius. and Iunius. ●n 1. King. 6: 2. be some that be of opinion, that they were not the ordinary but double cubits that in this building were meant and used, and their reasons are two: one as it were, on the Text itself; the other, on probability only. That which is gathered as vpon the Text itself, resteth on two principal places, both where these things are repeated again: one, where it is said, that Salomon began to lay the foundation according 2. Chr. 3: 3. to threescore cubits in length, and twenty in breadth, After the first measure; the Ibid. 15. other, where the two pillars are in such sort for their height described, that it may seem the places agree not, unless the measure be such as they haue conceived. In Vulg. edit. Lyr. Con. Pel. Fr. Vatab. Ari. Montan. Bibl. Angl the former therefore they do not translate, as others do, Mensuram primam, but Primariam: and interpret that to be double to that which was ordinary; supposing also, that to that very end it was so name. Howbeit, both the sense of this place may be otherwise: and there is another soon after ensuing, that cannot well brook this interpretation. The fence of this place may bee, that both these houses were cast together in laying out the foundation of them, threescore cubits in length, and twenty in breadth, being lined or laid forth on the earth for them both, on the outside whereof they had to open the earth▪ so far as the thickness of the wall, and the laying of the foundation of it should require: and that this being first done, Salomon began to build, or to rear up the work, according to this proportion first laid. And seeing all buildings, that are of any reckoning, are in such sort laid forth before, to direct the workmen how to lay their foundations, therefore may Fr. Vatab. Conr. Pell. Bibl. Angl. 2. Chr. 4: 1. such laying forth thereof be well accounted the first measure: as also this place i● by others expounded. That other ensuing, which could not well brook the aforesaid interpretation, is the measure of the Brazen Altar, noted to be ten cubits in height: over great a measure by far, for the use whereunto it was ordained, if the cubit should be double, as they conceived in the other. In that of the pillars their reasoning is, that there speaking but of the ordinary measure, and but of the length of one of them onely, it doth fitly agree with the other relation before, if so it bee taken, but otherwise varieth much: the one of those places setting down the height 2. King. 7: 15. 2. Chr. 3: 15. of those two pillars to be but eighteen cubits; and the other, thirty and five. For one cubit they conceive to be hide in the base or foot of the pillar beneath. Which one being added unto the other 35. making 36. should be the just measure of the other eighteen; they being taken for double cubits,& these for single. But in this also not onely others are of other opinion, namely, that the measure in both places Conr. Pel. Fra. Vatab. Bibl. Angl. is one, and that the odds is no more but this, that in the former the length of one is noted by itself, and in the latter the length of both( so much as was seen without their bases beneath) was joined together: but also, taking the measure in both places to be one, if but one of them should be five and thirty Cubits high, and the Temple itself but thirty( as wee haue that measure set down for it) that were not so 1. King. 6: 2. Tremel. jun. in 1▪ King. 7: 2. meet a proportion for it. That reason of theirs which resteth on probability onely, is, that otherwise the house that he built in Libanus, should bee greater than this House of the Lord; it being an hundred Cubits long;& this but threescore: whereas if these be accounted double, and the other but single, then would these sunnount the other by twenty; no great matter to answer the odds that in proportion was betwixt the owners of them, God the Lord, and Salomon his servant. again, though so it might gain the advantage in length; yet could in not( by that means neither) reach it in breadth: the breadth of the Temple being but twenty cubits; 1. King. 6: 2. and so not able to make but forty in all, though they were doubled; whereas the breadth of the other was fifty. But that house in the Fortest of Libanus was an house 1. King. 7: 2. of pleasure, for Salomon to recreate himself in, when he was disposed: who being a magnificent Prince, and having many attendants and great affairs, had need more room( even at the straightest) than the Lord should need to haue in his house, for one Priest onely, or at any time but very few, to do that little service that there he required. And so is that reason of no great force to this purpose. About the manner of building, the difficulties are, both about the house itself, and about the Porch. For the house itself, it is thought by many( and I wonder by what warrant) that this whole building of threescore Cubits in length, and twenty in breadth, was an hundred and twenty in height. For so doth Lyra set it down, and according to the On 1 King. 6. in the letters c, d. and e. 1594 on 2. Chr 3: 4. d. 2. Chro. 3: 4. Cour. Pellic. in 1. Reg. 6: 3. Tremel. jun. in 2. Chro. 3: 4. Doctors of the Church, as he conceiveth: and those that haue set forth some of our English Bibles( what is done in the rest I know not) seem to be of the same opinion also, by a marginal note thereto annexed. And true it is, that such an height is spoken off in the Text: but in that part of it that treateth of the Porch; and in such sort there, as seemeth rather( and so is distinguished by some of good reckoning) to be spoken of that part onely, than of the whole. Which height of an hundred and twenty cubits when they haue given unto it, then, without any colour of warrent that I can find the Text to yield them, do they make two heights or lusts above the nethermost rooms, one above another, and of the self same length and breadth: giuing those thirty cubits that are spoken of for the height, onely unto the lowest rooms; and the like quantity of height again to the next, and double as much to the highest of those lofts that they conceive to haue been above. A thing that may probably seem to be very unlikely( and so is it taken by others) that any such rooms should bee above a place of that reckoning, as should occasion any to bee Conr. Pell. Pet M●rt●r. trampling above it, as needs they must, if any way they made any use of them. again, seeing that it is plain that the galleries, Chambers, or walks were but three, 1. King. 6: 5, 6, 10. and but five cubits high a piece, one above another, and so but fifteen cubits in all, the whole height to bee but thirty is a metre proportion, than if these galleries still being but fifteen, yet the residue of the height above should nevertheless be an hundred and five: as also the breadth of the house within, might seem to bee much overmatched in proportion( as also it is so noted by some) with so great an height Conr. Pellic. in 1. Reg. 6: 3. above, unless it were one way or other taken off from it, as they do conceive by those two Lofts; but then we see not, how they can be there by any good warrant. Neither is it altogether to be neglected, that whereas it should be a figure of Christ, and of his Church( at least of the truer members thereof) it should outwardly bee but of reasonable reckoning, both for the quantity and fairness of it; and yet of rare and wonderful beauty within: as also, that the beauty or glory it had within, should not be communicable but onely to the eyes of few; others being left to their choice, whether they would beleeue it or not, when as see it they should not. As touching the Porch, though we read but of two things onely therein, which were those two faire and special Pillars: yet therein also haue wee some difficulty, both as touching the Porch itself; and the Pillars that were therein. In the Porch itself no more but this, that it is not( that I find) described by any; but onely for the length and breadth, the height being altogether omitted: and not onely by those that give so great height unto the Temple; but also by those that dare not bee so liberal therein, as are the others. Of those that give so great height unto the Temple, it is the less to be expected, not onely for having given so much to the one, they may well haue the less to give to another: but much rather, for that if they should make it of one height with the other, both they were without warrant( but onely for itself) and could not find any use for it, having attributed that to their Lofts before. But as for those that conceive not the Temple itself to be but thirty cubits high, they might haue found so good use of the height of the Porch, that it is more strange that they also omit it. For Vatablus hath a faire description of the Temple and Chambers On 1. K. 6. thereunto appertaining, and giveth but thirty cubits height unto the Temple: but altogether omitteth the height of the Porch. Diuers of our English Bibles likewise( especially those that were set forth by such of the learned of our own country, as were at Geneua in the daies of queen Mary, and which they published in the beginning of her majesties reign that last was) haue the like description in them likewise, and so like, that whereas that of Vatablus was newly set forth but a little before by Robertus Stephanus 1557. it may seem that ours took their direction thence: which do in like manner altogether omit( so far as yet I haue seen) the aforesaid height of the Porch. And then, whence are others to take their light, when such Torches as these do nevertheless in that point burn so dim? As touching the Pillars, the difficulty concerning them, is onely( to speak off) about the height of them, for that the Text doth tell us, but of eighteen cubits in one place, and of thirty five 1. King▪ 7. 15. 2. Chr. 3: 15. in another: and so there bee that hold opinion, some, that the Pillars themselves with their Bases beneath, Chapters above, and their Ornaments on the tops of those their Chapters, were indeed thirty and five cubits high, and yet the Pillars themselves Lyr. in 3. Reg. 7 in. lit. d. but eighteen, so reconciling those places together( others) that the Pillars themselves, besides their Bases, Chapters, and top-ornaments, were six and thirty Cubits Tremel. jun. in. 1. Reg. 7: 15. high, saving that one Cubit was hide in the Base beneath, and so but five and thirty in sight. But, if we look a little into the matter, we quickly meet with some doubt therein: both in respect of the Temple itself; and in respect of the measure that of them is given vs. In respect of the Temple itself we find, that if the pillars were five and thirty cubits high, and the Temple but thirty of the selfsame measure, as I think it is likely to prove to bee, then, whether the cubits were double as some haue conceived, or but single, as I think will fall out to bee the more sure, yet were they five cubits higher than it: which seemeth to be no due proportion. In respect of the measure that of them is given us, it is certain, they had but ten cubits square to stand in, and if it be like to prove to be but of the ordinary Cubit, as it seemeth it 1. King. 6: 3. will, then the measure itself for the bottom, will help to show, whether of these two were likeliest to be the height of them. For the pillars themselves being four cubits thick would leave but three cubits on any side betwixt them and the Wall, both for their Bases to stand in, and as is most likely, for convenient passage about them. Which being so, then four times and an half their thickness, is as it seemeth more like to be their height, than eight times and three quarters, where the room itself would bear no greater a Base: especially, when besides the bodies 1. King. 7: 16, 17. 2. Chr. 3: 15, 16. of the pillars, either of them had Chapters or heads of five cubits a piece above, and much other work besides for ornaments sake reaching much higher. 3 These difficulties being thus far cleared, and now being to see what may seem to be the manner of it; I hold it best for most mens understanding, that first we consider of the out-side of it: then, of the inside also. On the outside of it, it seemeth to me, that it was to see too, much like( at the first blushy) to the wonted or most accustomend manner of Churches or chapels with us, saving that in the erecting of it, and entrance into it, it did much vary from ours. In the erecting of it, it varried, first in the cost towards which it was erected: then in the place itself Lyr. 3. Reg. 6. in ●it. ●. Co●r. Pell. Ibid. in vers. 3: where it stood. As touching the cost towards which it was erected, it was erected from the East to the West, as ours are from the West to the East. That it was erected from the East to the West, I find not on what reason it was, saving onely that so it pleased God. But the Tabernacle was so erected before: and it may be, Exod. 26: 27. 27: 12▪ 16. ●8 12. lieu. 16: 14 that God thereby would as it were point to the cost, whither afterward he would specially direct the course of his word, and the knowledge of him; as the Sun likewise hath his course from the East to the West. And if Christian Princes themselves first receiving the gospel, according to the truth and purity of it, sundered from all corruption of men, would endeavour on zeal towards God, and love to their Neighbors, to advance the course of the Gospel in some such measure, as that the western people from us might bee well and orderly lightened with it: there were good hope that from them also it would proceed farther, even unto those that are western from them also, and eastern from vs. In the place itself where it stood, it varried likewise, for that it was set up in the far-part of the ground to it allotted, whereas ours for the most part are set in the midst, so near as may be. The entrance into it also was but one, and the same at the East end of it, whereas ours for the most part haue mo, and( lightly to such use) none at the ends. It was otherwise much like unto the most accustomend manner of our Churches, for that it had one main roof, house, or building, of free-stone without, at one end thereof shut up with a Tower, as most of our Churches are with our Steeples: and with such like additions or buildings on the sides, as in many of our Churches the Iles or Eelings thereof are. But then if we consider more specially of it, wee find that the 1. K●ig. 6: 2-4 2. Chr. 3: 3, 4 main or chief part of the building was of no great quantity, in comparison of many of ours, as not passing( for the largeness of it) the middle sort of our Parish-Churches; though large& big enough for the use whereunto it was ordained; but yet( to see to) twice so high as those lower buildings or Eelings were, that to it were annexed: as also, that the Tower we speak of was about four times so high as any part of the building besides. That those lower buildings or Eelings likewise, being 1. King. 6: 5 6, 8, 10. but half so high as the main part of the House itself, appeared to be of three stories or heights, and about two yards and an half in height one above another: compassing the House round about, saving onely at the East end of it, that they all likewise were outwardly even, or every Story lying forth as much other, but inwardly reaching, the middle-most of them one cubit farther than the lowest, and the highest one cubit more than the middlemost towards the out-side of the wall of the house and close unto it; yet not let in into it, but resting on it, by a sole-tree Ibid. 6. laid on a shoulder of the wall, the wall being of purpose made so thick beneath, that it might bee taken in one cubit more on the out side of it to every of these, three cubits in all, and yet bee thick enough for the building. The main part therefore of the house itself being so high above these lower Eeelings, lay better open to the ●●ght of all; and besides had convenient room for windows to let in light to the houses within: as also it was appointed, that there they should bee, and 1. King. 6▪ 4. that they should in such sort be made, as was meetest to such a purpose. How this house and the Tower of it together with those Eelings beneath were covered above, we haue not described: but by the proportion of the residue of the work besides, we may safely conceyne that the covering of them was suitable also unto the rest, both for good workeman-ship and beauty too. And seeing it was the manner there, to lieu. 3: 40, 42. Neh▪ 8: 16.& in the margin h. Deut. 22: 8. build with flat roofs, and that thereon they were wont much to keep, while they solemnized the feast of Tabernacles; and seeing their houses generally were to haue battlements: it is not unlike, but that in those things it was much like unto many of our Churches also; saving that both in matter and workeman-ship, it far exceeded. neither haue wee particularly set down, what was the front or outward workeman-shippe and show of these three lower Stories or heigthes of the Eelings; nor what was the use or partition of them: but yet that they had winding stairs from one to another. Whereof notwithstanding wee may conceive Lyr. Pet. Mart. is also men do, that there was special good use, either as of needful rooms, for such as ministered there, or to lay up things needful, or as of galleries to walk in for pleasure, or some part of them for one use, and some for another; and that the Workmanshippe or outward show of them was very faire, and suitable unto the rest of the building. Wee read but of one onely door, and that at one of the ends of them on the East, for entrance to all. But now having viewed these buildings without, and being desirous to draw somewhat nearer, and to see them within, we are first to come by the Courts: one, that was common unto the people; another that was proper unto the Priests. Concerning which, it is certain that they both lay before the house itself on the East: but whether they reached but to the Porch of the Temple itself, and closed up there, as some there bee that do describe it, or whether they closed in Fr. Vatab. Bibl Angl. Lyr. in 3 Reg. 6. in lit ●. Chr. Adricom. in descript. Ierusal. n●m. 87. ●● 101 1. King. 6: 12. the Temple round about, as others do take it, I do not find that that may be decided out of the Text. But because God himself had given them example before, in ordaining the Court of the Tabernacle, to compass all the Sanctuary itself, and seeing it seemeth that otherwise the Temple should haue stood nakedly and bare, and not with that dignity that was due unto it: therefore it seemeth to be the likelier, that they compassed the whole Temple; and that the words round about, that are used in the description of the great Court, are to be taken, not onely to show howe that and the inner were taken in, but also what they were in respect of the Temple, as on every side also compassing it. Notwithstanding a doubt there is, that myself haue conceived, and do not see well how to clear it: namely, that in the same place, the like seemeth to be set down for the Porch also. But whereas these two courts were open, and so such taking in as there is spoken of might well become them; unless the Porch were open too, it seemeth that this would not in like sort be said of that: and so, that either the Porch was open also, or else that such wormanship as this would not bee attributed unto it. Yet not denying, but that such might bee the workmanship of it likewise, so far as was needful to be suitable unto the other: albeit that afterward it was reared higher( and it may be of the same work still) until it came to the height to it appointed; and then was covered. howsoever it was, two Courts there were, of what measure or quantity we know not, but such no doubt 1. King. 6: 36 7: 12. 2. Chr. 4: 9. as were proportionable unto the rest of the building, and meet for the use to which they were taken: taken in with three rewes of fair polished stones, and one of Cedar fairly wrought. Entering from the East into these, we come to the Porch, the front or first part of house itself: a Tower of no great room within, but answerable and joining to the rest of the building, ten shepherds one way, and five another, but twice so high( as the better opinion seemeth to be) as the residue of the house was 1. King. 6: 3. 2 Chr. 3: 4. 1594 on 1. King 6: 3 on the let c▪ In 3. Reg. 6. in lit. g. long, and covered over above. In which respect, a note in some of our English Bibles had need to be headed; and would deserve, as I do take it, when once it should be well examined, then to be amended also: and so that description of Vatablus too, which seemeth to haue lead the way unto ours; and that not onely for the leaving of it vncouered( which that kind of description could not bear) but also for the want of due proportion betwixr the pillars& room that they stand in, in both his figures. Which room within, being but the Porch or entrance unto the house itself, was 1. King. 6: 3. 2. Chr. 3: 4. Chr. Adricom. in descript. Ierusal. num. 87. nevertheless, as it seemeth, ouer-layde within with pure Gold. But whereas afterward it is noted to haue had three large double Gates of silver( but then the description of that, doth in diuers things vary from this) at this time it seemeth, by the proportion of the Pillars, and room that they stood in( the bigness filled the room so near, as, by other occasion, wee saw before) that it had but one Gate onely, and that towards the East. again, in this sort taking it to bee a covered building, and so high, it may probably seem, although thc Text make no such mention( as, in particular, it omitteth many things besides) that after a convenient height for the lowest room, wherein the Pillars stood, such as in proportion might be answerable to them, it had some lofts above for necessary uses, with convenient way or passage into them: and that windows were in convenient places disposed, both in the lower and higher rooms, as was most meet for beauty and use. But whether those Chambers above, were to be accounted any of those that david spake of under the 1. Chr. 28: 1●. 2. Chr. 3: 9. Ibid. 4. name of closerts and Chambers, and of those that Salomon likewise is said to haue ouer-layde with Gold, it is not certainly to bee affirmed: but so far, as that which may seem to be spoken of that whole Tower, may be in particular to those applied. nevertheless, seeing but very few persons( which were but a few of the Priestes themselves were allowed to come into the Temple, and but the High-Priest onely, and but once in the year, into the Holiest of all; and yet the Nature of man inclyneth, when they haue any special excellency, some way or other to acquaint others with it, or at the least with some part of it: it may probably bee, that as Salomon had sufficient declaration of his Magnificence in his Houses, Throne, and such like, in civil account, so would he in this also( especially so far as GOD would allow him to do it; and by these other things wee may see, that GOD gave him great liberty for that matter) that concerned Religion, haue some such rooms to impart unto others, as might( together with the residue) plentifully witness that special favour of GOD towards him. The next hereunto was the Holy-place, 1. King. 6: 2, 9. 17. 18, 21, 22, 29, 30, 33-35. 2 Chr. 3: 3, 5-7. 4: 22, 1. King. 7: 50. that which properly was called the Temple: the entrance whereinto, was no base than a double door of fir or cedar fairly wrought, and covered over with beaten Gold: the Henges also no meaner than Gold. The space or room of it within, about twenty shepherds long, ten broad, and fifteen high: the Lights or windows thereof being onely in the vpper part of the walls thereof: all the walls thereof being first reared, and the Flower covered with ston, in very substantial and beautiful manner: but then all seeled over with cedar, on the walls embossed and curiously wrought: and both the sides and floure beneath, and the Timber of the roof above, all ouer-laide or covered over with beaten Gold, of workmanship suitable unto the Mettal, and richly adorned with many precious stones besides. That which remaineth is the holiest of all. Where again we haue, besides a faire and 1. King. 6: 31, 32, 7▪ 50. 2. Chr. 3: 14. 4: 22. rich veil, another door whereby to enter, of Oliue-Tree, both the sides of it fairly wrought, and covered with Gold: the Henges also of pure Gold. But where-about this door was set it is not declared: and we shal afterward haue better occasion to inquire of it. The room within, altogether of the same matter and worke-manshippe that the other was of, for the sides, floure, and roof, for the ston 1. King. 6: 9, 15, 19, 19, 20. 2. Chr. 3: 8. Ibi. 2. Chr. 3: 8 Timber. ceiling, and worke-manshippe of it, and every where ouer-layd with gold: but then but half so great as the other, holding onely ten shepherds square. And yet do wee read of six hundred Talents of Gold to haue been bestowed onely on it: as also, that whereas they had occasion to use nails for the better setting forth of the work, for the doors and other places ouer-laid with Gold, there were they so little spating of their Gold, that one onely of the Nailes of gold that they 2. Chr. 3. 9. used therein, was the weight of about fifty ounces with vs. As touching all which building that now we haue spoken of, although being begun in the fourth year 1. King. 6: 1, 37, 38. 2. Chr. 3: 2. of the reign of Salomon, it was not finished but in the eleventh, and so was seven year in building( which plainly argueth the exceeding great beauty of it. Considering how many were employed about it; and yet it may not be denied, but that many other things were done besides, of which as yet we haue not spoken:) yet all things were made so ready before, the ston at the Quarry, and Timber 1. King. 6: 7. at the Wood, that there was no hewing or cutting there; but onely setting up that which was done. A comfortable figure, that howsoever wee be exercised here with any kind of tribulation to make us fit for the building then: yet at that time Conr. Pellic. in 1. Reg. 6: 7. we shall be fully acquitted of all affliction, and quietly and readily made up together, into a joyful and glorious habitation: and a matter of good instruction withal, that Pet Martyr. in 1. Reg. 6: 7. in the building of Gods Temple here all things should be so well prepared, and in such readiness before, especially the hearts of those that are to be builded, yea and of the builders too, towards those whom they build, and among themselves) that while we are setting up of the work, there bee no noice either of sorrowful crying, or of bitter contending among vs. 4 having thus considered of the place which Salomon ordained for the worship of God, and being now to consider of such things as were therein to that purpose, it shall not be amiss, seeing we were last in the holiest place of all, there likewise now to begin,& so to come forth as we went in: saving that we are first to know, that we are not to look to haue all the rooms furnished with such as belonged unto them, because diuers of them were to bee brought in by the Priestes and levites, and that was not done till the time of the dedication, of which we are not to speak yet, but next unto this that now we are in. Now therefore we are but to look for such things as it may seem were to massy for men to bear conveniently, or such as the Priestes and levites were not charged withall; and therefore that Salomon made the Woorke-men to set them up in their places as they were made, to bee in a readiness against the time that they were to be used: and for the others that were to be brought in by the Priests and levites, not to look to find them in their places, till the time of the Dedication. Beginning then with the most Holy-place, there wee haue yet but the two Cherubims onely, to the likeness of young Men, standing 1. King. 6: 23-28. 2. Chr. 3: 10-13. on their feet, and their faces downward, towards those that came in, or towards the next room thereunto called the Temple, but having the wings and appearance of Angels( not as they are in themselves being but Spirites, and not subject to mortal eye; but as it hath pleased God, that in his service they haue appeared to Men) themselves being about five shepherds high, in such sort situate, and so stretching out their wings side-wayes, that touching together with the point of their 1. King. 6: 19. wings in the midst, with the others they reached, either of them to the Wall beside them. And true it is, that God hath given his angels charge, of all and every of those that are his; even from one end of the World to the other: not but that himself onely praeserueth, maintaineth and quickeneth all; but that it pleaseth him, to our comfort, to use theer ministry also about vs. But whereas the others on the Lidde of the ark, reared up on the ends thereof, were but little ones in comparison of these, but all of Gold: these being much bigger, were of Timber work within, of the Wood of the olive; but ouer-layde with beaten Gold. unto the next room without, the Temple or the Holy-place, did many things appertain; but all of that Nature as I do take it, that were to be brought in and to be placed by the Priestes and levites: and therefore the relation of them meetest to be referred unto the time of the dedication. The next unto this was the Porch as wee saw before: in which there was nothing that did appertain to the charge of the Priestes or levites, nor any thing that might well bee carried by men. For there were nothing therein, but onely two great Pillars of brass, on either side one, both of one workmanship, and very fair: the bodies of the Pillars themselves 1. King. 7: 15, 21, 41, 42. 2. Chr. 3: 15-17. 4: 12, 13. Fran. Vatab Bibl. Angl. being about nine shepherds high, and two shepherds thick; their Chapters also, together with the furniture of them( which on either of them was a faire round Globe or Ball of brass likewise, but curiously wrought and adorned) about two yards and an half higher. What their Bases were, wee haue not described: but yet wee may well conceive, that they were suitable unto the rest, not onely in proportion, but in workmanship also. Which two faire and stately Pillars, being so placed as they were, betwixt that house of God on the one side, and those courts of the Priestes and people on the other, might well bee as two visible and perpetual witnesses unto them, that they observing their part of their covenant towards him, he also for his part would ever bee one towards them again. For in that significant names were given unto them, the people thereon might probably gather, that they carried some signication with them: and in that both their Names point in effect, but Lyr. Co●r. Pel. Pet. M●●●yr. Fr. Vatab. Tremel. I●n. Bibl. Angl. to one onely thing; namely, establishment or power to stand, they might thereon gather, that one thing rather to be substantially witnessed unto them( for two Witnesses are by the Law of God itself sufficient) than more to be but only avowed, and not given under sufficient witness. The next unto this, is the Court of the Priestes, in which there were many things much belonging( at least by wonted use, about the Tabernacle, until they came to rest in their promised Land) unto the Office of the Priestes and levites: but some of them( it seemeth) too chargeable now for them to deal with, and so most likely to bee set in their places by the workmen that made them. Those that seem to bee to chargeable for them to deal with, were but two: the great Brazen Altar: and that great vessel of brass called the Sea. The great brazen Altar was as long and broad, as the House it 2. Chr. 4: 1. self was broad within, being about ten shepherds square, and five high, and was placed towards the vpper end of the Court that now we speak of. That it was of so great a square; was no more than often it needed: as also it was too little sometimes, 1 King 8: 64. 2. Chr. 7: 7. for the sacrifices that were to bee offered thereon. The height also was no more, than the proportion of the breadth thereof did require: but now much more than the use thereof might bear, but that it seemeth they were now allowed Exod. 10: 26. to go up by steps thereunto, which notwithstanding was forbidden before. But that prohibition was indeed somewhat before that God appointed the Priests to haue Exo. 28: 42, 43 linen garments under their other clothes to cover their loins, and to hid their privities, so often as they ministered unto him: and so it seemeth, that now it is so much the more easily dispensed withall. again, by this means the people that should repair thereunto, might ever better see what was done: and so haue better exercise of their repentance& Faith thereby, and so belike they ascended about four shepherds or better by steps( which, it seemeth were of brass likewise, and fast to the Altar) that so they might more conveniently reach towards the midst of Lyr. Exod. 20 in lit. m. et in. 2. Chr. 4. in lit b. Pet. Martyr. in 1. Reg. 7: 51. the Altar, to lay on such proportions or partes of each Sacrifice as was appointed. For that some of ours do conceive, by the direction of an Haebrew Rabbin, or at least incline thereunto, that they had an ascending thereunto, not by steps, but by some kind of ascent that did rise but by little and little, even reason itself may teach, that though such ascent may bee conceived, yet could it hardly fit both the place and the service well. For the more easily that the ascent did rise, the farther must it spread itself into all the Court besides: and the Altar bearing so great a square as it did, it was needful the ascent should be so much the higher, which of necessity must needs take up very much room which way soever it lay. On the other side if the ascent were scanted in room, then must it bee so much the branter, especially being without steps:) and then over slippery to pass too and fro as that service required. And whether it were the one or the other, yet so must the Altar be hidden thereby for most part of it, or rather as it were buried in it, or swallowed up of it. But now put case that so it were, yet that were no help against the reason by the Lawe alleged, why there should bee no ascending by Exod. 10: 26: steps to the Altar: because that being on such an height above the people, and so much within the power of the wind, it forceth not then whether they came thither by steps, or by an height softly ascending; as the top of an house, Mast, or three, is no more in danger for that matter, then of some height of ground thereby, as high as the other. But these having given some iudgment thereon so well as they could haue done more commendable as I do take it, than others that haue left it Fr. Vatab. Tremel.& I●●. and afterward I●●. himself again. at large, nothing at all helping to give some light how it is to bee taken, but leaving al to perplexity in it: albeit that as themselves haue professed to haue had it their meaning to help others in the understanding of the Text, so haue they indeed otherwise done so marvelous well therein, that a right good reader might in many things haue stuck, if we had not haue been holpen by them. As also one other there is, that I do meet with, who is very plain, that they were not to go up thereunto by steps, Conr. Pell. 2. Chr. 4: ●. and yet doth nothing at all help the reader to conceive how it might otherwise be well and orderly done: but so doth leave him, and give him over to shift for himself so well as he can. Neither is it strange, that some of the laws of God are but for some special time, though there be no such limitation therein mentioned: as diuers of those ceremonies of eating the paschal lamb at the first institution of Exo 12: 11, 22. Tremel. jun. Exod. 20: 24. Exod. 38: 1 2. Chr. 4: 1. Exod. 25: 23-30, 31-40. 2. Chr. 4: 7, 8. it; the Altar of earth; the quantity of the Altar in the Tabernacle, by this in the Temple; one Table of show bread there, ten here; one standing candlestick there, ten here, and such like. And therefore less marvell, if having forbidden steps to his Altar before, when he had given them no such help to cover their nakedness, and when he ordained no such Altar for breadth or height but that otherwise they might do their service about it: now nevertheless he appoint such an Altar for breadth and height, as by itself might argue, that now they were by steps to ascend unto it. For whensoever any thing is required, then are the means allowed also, without the which it cannot be done: and though those means were forbidden before, yet not in such case as this was now. And Christ himself, the John. 3: 14. 12: 32, 33. onely true sacrifice, told us plainly, the he must bee lifted up: and so was his Altar advanced indeed. As also we, God be thanked for it, haue in him, a most large and beautiful Altar, whereon wee, and all the people of God together, may offer our sacrifice to GOD our Father: but so highly advanced withall, that wee must of necessity ascend, even step by step, to do him that service. That great vessel of brass, called a Lake or Sea( according to the manner of the Hebrewes, calling all Pet Martyr. in- 1. Reg. 7: 26. abundance or great gathering together of waters, a Lake or Sea) was likewise to chargeable( as I do take it) for any but the workmen themselves to deal withall: neither could they themselves deal with it( to remove it to and fro) but onely by engines and such labour withall, and that but so faire and softly, that it was not for the Priestes and levites to haue brought it in when the dedication was, nor such kind of labour answerable then to that solemnity. For it was about five yards 1. K. 7: 23-26. 2. Chr. 4: 2-5. Rab. Sal. Lyr in 3. Reg. 7. g. Cour. Pellic. Ibid. Pet Mart Ibid. broad within, and half as deep, out of question round above, but thought by some to grow to a just square in the bottom, and to be there ten Cubits square: and it was an hand breadth thickness of the mettele, fairly and substantially wrought; being seated, or standing vpon twelve Oxen or bulls of brass, their heads and forepartes being outward, and directed three of them apiece towards the four several Coasts of the earth, and all their hinder parts being inward, sustaining the burden. The capacity of which great vessel or Sea is in two several places diversly noted, and in such sort, that though it be reconciled by some( others also inclining 1. King. 7: 26. 2. Chr. 4: 5. Pet, Martyr. Lyr. Con. Pelli. Tremel. jun. Bibl. Ang. towards it) as if the lesser number we haue in the one place, were nevertheless as much as the greater we haue in the other: yet seemeth it rather, and so is it taken by others, that where the lesser measure is spoken off, that is meant which ordinarily was used to be put into it; and in the greater, the full measure of it even to the brim. What the certainty of this measure was, is thought to be a thing that cannot now be attained unto, for want of the just knowledge of the Hebrew measures: Lyr. in 3. Reg. 7. g. Conr Pell. in 1. Reg. 7: 26. neither is it certain unto us now what was the form of it; though it may rather seem to haue been an Hemisphere, or half a Globe, concave or hollow. Especially, being so as is conceived, and the most likely, that they had the use of the water Rab Sal. Lyr. Pet. Martyr. within, by certain Cocks set towards the bottom of the out side of it: and as some think, even in the mouths of every of those Oxen, so that a dozen might at Pet. Martyr. once haue the use of that water. For in such case a round plain bottom, yea vessel descending aequaly round about unto it, was more likely of itself to keep clean, than if it had so many corners, and straighter passages, as of necessity needs it must haue, if it were square. But of this we might make reasonable sure, that if either the form of this vessel, or the measure allotted unto it, were certainly known, they haue so good a reciprocatiue and mutual respect one to another, that by the knowledge of either of them, wee might come to a reasonable guess of the other also. For if wee certainly knew of what measure the Bath was that here is spoken off: then might we thereby readily find, whether of those two forms( the whole round throughout, or else to be round but above, and square beneath) it was like to haue had. So likewise if we knew the form, then would it also quickly help us to find, what was the Bath that here is mentioned. But now if the Bath then were Calepin. ex Bud●o. Tho. Thomas. Idem. such, as it is now taken to bee, for threescore and twelve Sextaryes, and every Sextary to bee a pint and a half of our measure; then every Bath falling out to bee thirteen Gallons and an half of our measure, so should wee haue( as I do take it) in those two thousand Baths of theirs, seven and twenty thousand Gallons of ours, which would make one hundred and five tons) one Hoggeshed, one barrel, three Firkins, and two Gallons: as also the full measure of it being three thousand of their baths, would in like sort amount in our measure to one hundred fifty and seven tons, two Hoggesheads, one barrel, three Firkins and an half: every Firkinne, being eight Gallons; every barrel being four Firkins, or thirty two Gallons; and every Hoggeshead, being two Barrels, or threescore and four Gallons. So that if this were the measure of that great vessel, needs must it bee much more than in such case was to bee dealt with, and not to bee placed so fitly, but onely by the workmen themselves. But being thus made, by 1. King 7: 39. 2. Chr. 4: 10. whomsoever it was placed, placed it was at the entering into this Court of the Priests, on the left hand towards the South. And may well assure ourselves, that although this vessel was very great, and many might wash at once about it, on the East, West, North, and South, even out of the mouths of those Oxen or bulls that bare it: yet the mercies of God by Iesus Christ in the fountain of regeneration are much greater, and many in all partes of the World do wash together at it; even in him, whom those silly beasts, so usually sacrificed there, did preach unto them. One there is, who may seem to account that of the Tabernacle, and this of the Temple to haue Pet. Martyr. in. 1. Reg 7: 23-26. been all one: but the greatness of his learning and iudgement may easily led us to conceive, that he did account them but one in respect of the use whereunto they were both ordained; that before, and this now. And as in the Altar, so in this also it seemeth, that God would enlarge the figures and Testimonies of his graces towards Exod 30: 17-21. 38: 8. 30-32. us: as the sun, the nearer he draweth towards his rising, the greater light he casteth among vs. Otherwise they both were indeed one so much, that the use of this is but briefly mentioned here, and left to be gathered out of the other there; for such as would more fully haue it. The outward Court onely remaineth, which the Temple now had more, than the Tabernacle had before. For it had but one Court for the Priestes before, wherein they were to do the service that to them was appointed: and if the people would offer any sacrifice, or make any Oblation to the Lord, they were to come to the door of the Tabernacle, and there to deliver it to lieu. 1: 3. 4: 4. 14. 8: 4. 9▪ 5, 12: 6. 14: 11, 15. 29. Num. 6: 13. the Priest▪ that he might go and present it farther: and not onely the common sort of the people, but even the Princes or chief of them, and the Priestes themselves, when they were to make any oblation. And so the people yet were not yet to meddle with the Court of the Priestes: but yet had they now another Court allowed unto them: and the same joining to that of the Priestes. As also God hath now not onely taken in us Gentiles to bee of his people: but, in our High-Priest Iesus Christ, hath allowed us all to be Priestes unto him, and to haue our place in his holy Temple. So that this Court may well be taken before to insinuate unto us, that which the Prophet Isa. 56: 3-7. did afterward utter in plainer speech, both of strangers and Eunucks too. In this Court there was nothing to speak off, as onely for the use of the people: and there it was wherein Salomon( now shortly after, when all things were ready) on a brazen Scaffold, to that end erected, did dedicate the Temple which he had made unto the Fr. Vatah. 1. Reg. 7 in descript. in e. Bibl. Angl. Ibid. ●●▪ vers. 36. ●. Lord. And unless that Scaffold were left there after, wee find nothing else to that Court appertaining: but hereupon it seemeth it was, that afterward it grew to bee called Salomons Porch, they terming it a Porch, that we( in our language) more properly call a Yard or a Court. 5 How he did consecrate or give up the house itself, and the things thereunto apperiaining unto his use, by whose appointment, and to whose use he had ordained them, being now to be seen, we are first directed to consider of the time: then, of the business itself. The time is noted by two limitations: one, that all things were first made ready; the other, what time it was of his reign. As touching the finishing of all things first, that is a thing that is not onely recorded, but hath added withall, that it was done in very goodmanner: all things needful being made 1. Kin. 6: 14. 7: 51. 2. Chr. 4: 16. 18, 19. 5: 1. 7: 11. 1. King. 7: 47. 1. King 6: 1 2 Chr 3: 2 Exod 12: 2 1 Kin 6: 37, 38 2 Chr 5: 3 in great abundance: and such things as were made of brass, to be so large and many, that the weight or value thereof could not be reckoned. For the time of his reign it is likewise noted, that being begun in the fourth year of his reign, the second day,& the second month of that year( they beginning, in this account, when the dayes and nights are of a length in the Spring of the year, some few dayes lightly before the midst of March with us; and so by that reckoning about the midst of our april) it was finished in the eleventh year of his reign, and in the seventh month thereof; and that the dedication thereof was in the same month also. In the business itself, whereas Salomon was purposed to haue it done with special solemnity, and to that end gathered together all the chief of the Land, wee are first to consider of their gathering together unto that business: then, of their dismissing again when it was done. In their gathering together unto that business, we are first to see, in what sort they were so assembled: then, how the business was performed, for which they were so gathered together. They were so assembled, for that Salomon sent for the Elders of Israell, to come unto him to jerusalem about that business: and 1 King 8: 1-3 2 Chr 5: 2-4 they accordingly repaired unto him. The performance of the business, that being so gathered together, they all did their parts in some good measure well, for any thing that we red to the contrary: and we haue good likelihood that so they did, because it pleased God to take it so graciously as he did. And then were they more happy than david, in his first attempt of bringing the ark unto jerusalem: he having that whole solemnity dashed by some oversights therein committed. But these we 2. Sa. 6: 1-10. may account to haue done their parts well, both in the substance of the business they had in hand: and in the manner of doing it. The substance of their business was, first to bring in such things to the Temple as now they had for it: then, to worship in such sort withall, as to such action did appertain. In bringing in such things to the Temple as now they had for it, some there were on whom that service did chiefly lie: and others besides, that by their presence did put to their hands to help forward the solemnity of it so well as they could. Those on whom that service did for the most part lie, were those that had the charge of the Tabernacle before: and Exod. 28: 1. Num. 3: 5-9. they were the Priestes and levites. And the things that were to bee brought in, were most of them such, as wherewith such of the levites as were not Priestes might deal withall, for any thing that seemeth to be to the contrary: but some other such, as now belonged to the charge of the Priestes alone, as is most likely. Such of the levites, as were not Priestes might deal, it seemeth, with all such things as belonged to most of the Temple: namely, unto the inner Court; and to the outward part of the Temple itself, called also the Holy-place. unto the inner Court appertained all the Pots, basins, Fleshookes, Ash-pans, and Beezoms; yea, and all the Instruments of music also( of this kind: for some of them were of Gold, but not unlikely, but that some were of brass also) to the Temple belonging, if they had any more( as not unlikely but that in such abundance of other things they had:) and all those ten Bases, together with their cauldrons on them. As for those Pots, basins, and such like, yea, and those Instruments of music also, wee haue no special 1 King. 7: 45, 50. 2. Chr. 4: 11, 16, 18, 19. description of them, neither for the form nor number of them: but wee may well conceive, that they were proportionable to those that are described, and then, both that they were very beautiful or faire, and that they had great plenty of them. More specially me find, that although all generally to this place appertaining were of brass; yet most of those basins of Gold, if not all( and wee red of an hundred of 2. Chr. 4: 8. them) did appertain to this place also: and whereas their Beesoms are noted to bee of brass also, it seemeth, that all such instruments are meant thereby, as whereby such places or Courts, yards, or streets, are wont to be cleansed( and this place though it were well& fair paved, and though they had many vessels to receive the water they used, and the blood of the sacrifices that they shed, yet when they had great doings, as often as they had, needs must it grow foul thereby:) and that such as properly go under the name of Beesoms with us, were so devised with them, that in stead of Twigs, their Bushy part was of brazen Wire, and of such temper as would be flexible, and yet return to the place again. These things it seemeth, were all brought in by the levites, and in faire and decent manner( because all things were, by all likelihood, orderly here) but yet, as it seemeth, in the first place withall, as giuing place to others that were of more special regard. In the next place, it seemeth to me, came 1. King. 7: 27-38. 43. 2. Chr. 4: 6, 14. those Bases, together with their cauldrons on them: all of brass, all going on wheels, and every of them having four wheels apiece for the more easy carriage of them, being otherwise very massy and heavy. For the cauldrons themselves were about two yards wide, and, it seemeth, half so deep: and containing forty Baths apiece, they were of our measure, by our former reckoning, two Tun( allowing two hundred fifty six gallons to a tun) one barrel( allowing four Firkings, of eight Gallons apiece to a barrel) and two gallons besides. Their Bases likewise or frames, were square, about one yard and an half high, and two shepherds square above: fairelie wrought, and having faire and fit stays, both in the the midst, and at every corner of the frame besides, for those cauldrons to rest vpon, and all of brass. The wheels, on each side two, were but half so high as the frame itself, but of brass likewise. And so, though they were chargeable and heavy, yet being made so fit for carriage, to be drawn too and fro, as a man would haue them, the levites also being so many as they were, they might in such sort led these with them, as would bee nothing unseemly for the best solemnity of that so honourable and holy an action. These being on their way, it seemeth those did follow next, who carried the holy things of the Temple: of which again it seemeth, there were many things, though rich in themselves, and to special good use; yet not altogether of such regard as were some other. So in this company also, it seemeth to me, that these were likeliest to make the way unto the others. Of these wee haue two sorts now: one, of such as then were, as it were, Antiquate, as having their date out already; the other of such, as then were most to bee used. Such as were then, as it were, antiquate, as having their date out already, were the Tabernacle, and such things( the ark excepted) 1. King. 8: 4. 2. Chr. 5: 5. as thereunto appertained, were nevertheless now on their way to bee had in into the Temple, and there to be for ever reposed. Those that were then most to bee used, were of two sorts likewise: some that were, as it were but voluntary; others that were of stricter necessity. Those we may account to be but voluntary, that david before had dedicated to the use of the Temple; which Salomon also is noted to 1. King 7: 51. 2. Chr. 5: 1. haue brought in: and so it seemeth, that these also had place in this solemnity, as well worthy they were, being at it seemeth both Plate and Treasure( and by likelihood in no scant or sparing measure;) and not unlikely as I take it, but that their place might bee heere-about also. Those that were of stricter necessity, were all those that God had commanded, and Salomon had now made, as necessary appurtenances( in the serurce of God) unto all the principal things to the holy place belonging: as Incense-Cups, basins, Boales, Lamps, Snuffers, Ash-pannes, and such like, 1. King. 7: 50, 51. 2. Chr. 4: 21. 22. 1. King. 7: 48, 49. 2. Chr. 4▪ 19, 20. and diuers Instruments of music here also it seemeth, all which things here were of pure Gold. Those others that were of more special regard to this place appertaining, were the Golden Altar, which was for Incense or sweet perfume to bee burnt thereon; the ten golden Tables of showbread, five to be on the one side, and five on the other; and ten Golden candlesticks, with their lamps thereon, in which there should be lights to burn before the Lord, and to give light to the house beneath, all the windows being above, That which I take to appertain to the Priestes alone, which also doth onely remain, and may seem to come in last, and to shut up( for those matters) the whole solemnity, and was the chief thing to the Temple belonging, was the ark of Testimony, appertaining to the in-most or most 1. King. 8: 3, 4. 2. Chr. 5: 4, 5. holy place, add the onely jewel or glory of it; the two Cherubims there awaiting, and attending the coming of it; and so was it also accordingly carried. 6 With these things therefore approaching the place where they were to be bestowed, and first coming to make their delivery of such things as they had for the inner Court which was for the Priestes, there may we conceive, that whatsoever vessels, or instruments they had, either for those things that were there before( as for the great brazen Altar for the better or more seemly dispatch of their sacrifice, or for the great Sea for the readier supplying of it with water so oft as need should be) or for those cauldrons that now they brought with them for the readier supplying of them likewise: all those and every of them did they there bestow in their places, as to every one did appertain. Those ten cauldrons also did they bestow in their places, five on the one side, and five on the other: so furnishing the whole 1. King. 7: 39. 2. Cht. 4: 6, 14. room, with great plenty, and readiness to wash as need should require. And blessed bee God, that we also, in Iesus Christ, are so provided and haue such facility of making our oblations and sacrifices to God our Father: and that, when every where, and in all things we do so readily offend, in him likewise we haue every where such abundance of water, and in such readiness to cleanse us again. And whether those wheels of theirs were the more readily to bear them some little way forth or not, when they were empty( for the more honour of the place) there to be filled,& then to come in readily again: certain it is, that we can no sooner haue any sensible feeling of our uncleanness, with a sound desire to be cleansed therefro, but that we haue a readier and speedier cleansing in him, than for any earthly thing whatsoever, any earthly wheels could help us unto. But this is sure, that whereas by the holy Commandements of God, wee find ourselves to be foul, observing not one, but guilty in all, as they be ten, and every of them charging us with great uncleanness: so here haue we ten vessels likewise, every of them yielding great plenty of water, and altogether, a great deal more, to cleanse us withall. Then holding on their way by those two untainted, credible, and standing witnesses, that cleaving to God, he faileth not us, and passing into the Temple or Holy-place, though there they find great riches,& excellent beauty: yet do these bring those things with them, in which those riches, and all that beauty, haue, as it were, even all their being. For these bring with them, all those Tables of showbread, those Candlesticks also, and the 1. King. 7. 48, 49. Tremel. jun. 2. Chr. 4: 7, 8, 19-21. 1. King. 6: 20, 22. Altar of sweet perfume: all being of gold themselves, or richly ouer-laid therewith; and all pointing to Iesus Christ, the honour and glory of all the whole building, and of all things therein. By those Tables of Shrew-bread, giuing us to understand, that ever there is sustenance in the Church of God: by those candlesticks and their lamps burning on them, that the people of God ever haue light; and by that Altar of sweet perfume, that ourselves though otherwise odious, and our service to him, though otherwise exceeding vnsauoury in itself, are nevertheless made acceptable in him: and whereas there was but one Table of showbread before, and but one candlestick also, and of either ten now( five for the one side, and five for the other, that both those Mysteries might on both sides be witnessed unto us) we may therein plainly behold, laying our experience thereto, that in those matters the goodness of God is very much enlarged unto vs. Neither are we to doubt, but that as the Tables and Candlesticks do in number answer the Commandements now: so do every of the Commandements minister both food and light unto us; especially leading us unto Christ, in whom we haue both in plentiful measure. All which as they bring in, so do they set in their places likewise,& whatsoever vessels and other instruments belonged unto them, or to the place where now we are: all which were of pure gold. 1. King. 7: 50. 2 Chr. 4: 8, 22. 2. Chr. 5: 5. 1. King 7: 51. 2. Chr. 5: 1. They bring in likewise the Tabernacle of the Congregation, and all the holy vessels thereof: and the things that david had dedicated. In that the Tabernacle and the holy things thereof were now brought in, it may seem, that now they should rest, having served their tlme already: the Temple and the things thereof being now to succeed, and to serve for the time ensuing, as they had served before till now. We also, we trust, when we haue served our time, shall then be laid up in a blessed fruition of eternal glory. In that the things that david had dedicated were now brought in, we need not to doubt, but that we can dedicate neither ourselves nor any thing else unto the Lord, according as he hath taught us to do, but that in time, both wee and ours shall be brought in: and that where Religion was indeed, there dedicated things before were truly brought in; and not either with-held or withdrawn, as they are since over often with vs. Where these things were laid up, or how they were placed, it is not declared: but in the most Holy-place there was reasonable good room also, besides the place that now we are in; and in the vpper part of the Porch, as it seemeth. Of the vpper part of the Porch there is noted before sufficient for this matter. The Temple or Holy-place that now we are in, was twice so big as the Most-holy: but then had it many things therein. The Most-holy being but half so big, was nevertheless ten shepherds square, and otherwise had nothing therein but onely the two Cherubimmes as yet: whom wee may conceive to be set so near to the Temple or Holye-place, that they left beyond them, better than two parts of the three, of the whole room void beyond them. For the Cherubims must so stand, that they might spread their in-most wings over the 1. King. 8: 6-8. 2. Chr. 5. 7. 9. Exod. 25: 10. 1. King. 8: 8. 2. Chr. 5. 9. ark: and the ark, itself being but about an ell long( and to stand long-wise, is the most advantage for it that now wee speak of) must be placed so near to the partition betwixt these two houses, that the bars of the ark being drawn but a little forthward might haue the ends of them seen in the Holy place or Temple, whereinto the Priests were daily to come. So much then of the room of this house remaining so void, it is not unlikely( for any thing that I do see to the contrary) but that these things might there be reposed: especially the Tabernacle and the holy things thereof, of which there was no farther use now to be had; and this place itself though the Most-holy, not too good for it neither, in respect of the reckoning it was of before, and the use that then it yielded. For therein also was the Most-holy: and the likelier it is that it should rather sanctify the residue that was all one with it; than that the residue should be any abasing at all unto it. And God be thanked for it, it is no doubt with us, but that if he do vouchsafe us to be of his Holy-place here, he will also receive us unto the fruition of those eternal and most glorious habitations of his there, such also as cannot be but Most-holy. As for those things which david had dedicated, though those were most likely to be elsewhere bestowed, because it seemeth they were holy Vessels or treasure, such as sometimes they should need to use: yet so far as such use of them should not occasion any other repairing thither than was allowed, even those also were like enough to bee of that dignity with them, that there also they might haue place, or some part of them, if the trust and charge of them were to the High-priest onely committed, and if there were no farther business with them, than without impeachment to his other service he might dispatch when orderly he was to come in. Howbeit it seemeth rather, that they were such things as were diuers times to bee used: and so to bee elsewhere bestowed. But we need not to doubt, but that if truly we consecrate or dedicate ourselves unto God, he will accept of us in so gracious manner, as that even the holiest place of al shall at no time be barred unto vs. 1. King. 8: 6-8. 2 Chr. 5: 7-9. having done here, then were the Priests to set the ark in the place for it provided, a little within the Most-holy place, under the wings of the two Cherubims: and then to draw forthward( from the West to the East) the ends of the bars so far, as that they might something appear in the Holy-place without, and yet the other ends not forsaking their rings neither. At which time it is plainly noted, 1. King. 8: 9. 2. Chr. 5: 10. Hebr. 9: 4. that there was nothing in the ark, but onely those two Tables of ston of the Ten commandments; about which diuers of our Writers trouble themselves more than needeth, because of a place of the Apostle, which seemeth to say: that other things were there besides. But the Apostle speaketh of a former time:& because these were not so needful as these, nor so pro[er to that very place originally; therefore, is it less marvell, if since they were lost, or elsewhere bestowed. A matter that may seem to teach us, that God would not always haue his people to depend on such rudiments( as that pot of Manna, and Aarons rod, were Testimonies how God had fed their Fathers, and how he detested that any should approach as Priest unto him but onely such as himself allowed) but that he would haue the word onely to suffice them now: and withall, that he having a greater care for our sakes for the preservation thereof, than of the others( though those also were rich jewels) we in like sort, to his glory, should be more regardful to his word, and careful to keep it, than any other Treasure of earthly wisdom, or whatsoever goodthings of that kind besides. But as touching this manner of placing the ark in the place Most-holy, in such sort that the bars thereof should appear a little within the Temple adjoining unto it, as it behoveth us to consider of the meaning of it: so is there just occasion given likewise, not to omit the maner neither. For the meaning of it, I think it best, that we begin with the first institution of it. So do we find, that the ark was ordained for those two Tables of ston wherein the Ten-Commandements were written: and that, whereas while Exod. 25: 14-16. they were in the wilderness and traveling there, they had ever to carry the same with them, the bars likewise whereby it was to be carried, were ever to bee in their places ready. A plain document to them, that they were to haue a special regard unto those Commandements, to observe and keep them in all their ways, so near as they could. All which time of their travell there, and diuers times in their country after, they had such sight of the ark, as might renew that regard unto them. ●●● now at this time it was to be shut up generally from the sight of them all: for that the people were to come but onely unto the outward Court as it seemeth, and but the Priests and levites into the inward; and but the Priestes onely into the Temple or Holy-place, and that but by course, when their time was to serve; and but the High Priest onely into the Most-Holy or inmost place of the Temple,& but once in the year neither, where that ark was to be reposed now. In which case wee may readily see, that it was to very good purpose, that the ends of the bars, being ever in a readiness for the carriage of the ark if need should bee, should nevertheless be so disposed, as that withall they might cast themselves( or some part of them) into the eyes or sight of the Priests, that still by course and order came in, to do such service in the Temple as was appointed: that they being the teachers of the people, might so be put in mind by those two witnesses, how carefully they ought to teach the people to haue special regard in all their ways to those holy Commandements. And whereas it is noted by diuers, and reason itself teacheth that so it must be, that those ends of the bars reaching out to the vail, and butting somewhat hardly upon it, should in those two places bear it forth more than in others, and so make those two places of the vail somewhat like to a womans breasts: true it is, that if the Priestes should take so good regard thereat, that they thereupon would more diligently teach the people those commandments, so might those two swellings of the vail, made by those two ends of the bars, be justly accounted as very motherly papes indeed, yielding forth such milk to the Children. The manner of it is somewhat harder: yet not in itself, for any thing that I can find therein; but onely by the inordiate hast of such as haue written thereon, setting down their iudgement of diuers particulars, before they haue considered of altogether, and thē framing their iudgement of those that follow, by others mistaken going before. For amending of which, the best way to me seemeth to be, first to set down that which is certain and plainly declared: then, thereby to determine of that which is not so plainly set down, and therefore left more uncertain unto vs. certain it is and plainly declared, that those two Cherubins which Salomon made, were so set in the inner House, or the Most Holy-place, that as with their outward wings they reached to the walls or sides of the house, 2. K. 6: 23-28. 2. Chr. 5: 7-10. 1. King. 8: 7-8. Chr. 5: 7, 8. so their inward Wings meeting together should bee directly over the ark, and the bars thereof above. But now if the inner Wings of the Cherubins did where they met, cover the ark and the bares thereof above, then must the ark of necessity be under their wings so meeting together. certain it is again, that the ark itself was but two Cubits and an half long, or about an ell with vs. How long the bars Exod. 25: 10. 37: 1. 39: 42, 43. thereof were, it is not declared: but then wee are to conceive, that they were of such length as was most convenient. For as touching that that is reported by some, that certain of the Hebrews held them to bee ten cubits or five shepherds long, which, it Co●r. Pell. in 3. Reg. 8: 8. Pet. Mart. ibid. seemeth was much more than needed, or for swaying was convenient: by other that they were but two cubits long, which was too short, though it had been carried to the greatest advantage to that purpose, I think we do best when we least trouble ourselves therewith; though for the latter of these, it seemeth to be an err●e in the print, and not to be that which the Author himself did mean. But if wee consider what may be a convenient length for the bars, we are first to determine, which way it may seem most likely that it was carried, whether end-long, or flat-long, as we do term it: for that diuers there are that vary herein▪ some on the 〈◇〉 Lyr. in Exod. 25. in ●●t. k. Conr. Pellic. in. Exod. 25: 15. side, and some on the other. howsoever it were carried, it seemeth that two Cubits, or two cubits and an half at most, were large enough to be at both ends of them without the ark itself: and that as if they were too short, they could not well bear it for want of length; so if they were too long, either they must sway undecently in the bearing, or else they must be the heavier burden. Supposing Exod. 25: 12, 14. Lyr. in Exod. 25. in lit. k. then that it was carried end-long( for the ring must be on the sides of the ark:& the bars likewise, being put through the Rings, must be on the sides. As for the reasons that do move some to the contrary, they are not so forcible, for though sometime the ends are accounted sides too; yet▪ neither so usually, nor so properly: and though two men a-front could not so well carry together in so narrow a room, to employ which shoulder they would to their business, yet ye●●ding their inward shoulders unto it, well they might, as we haue daily experience carrying a dead corpes on the beer; and they were for the most part, enough to shift so oft as they would) and allowing the bars to bee an Ell long at each end, longer than the ark itself, so haue we the length of three Elles in all, or of three shepherds, and three quarters: and being so set in the Most-Holy place under the wings of the Cherubims, that the East end of the bars being drawn forth Eastward, so far as they may, not being drawn from within those other Rings of the ark at the West end of it, so haue we two else of those bars Eastward from the East end of the ark, and nothing remaining at the other. And so the ark, being thus placed, should be full two yards within the Most-holy, leaving the other cubit or half yard( of the bars) to pierce into the Temple or out-most place: and so should the Cherubims that Salomon made, stand( in the midst, from side to side) about half an Ell farther within, that so the meeting of their in-most wings might be just over the midst of the ark, and of the bars above or vpper ends of them,& over the meeting of the wings of those others that were on the lid that was made by Moses. So likewise if the sides of the ark be taken more generally to signify both the sides and the ends, and so the bars being put through rings at the ends, the Ark itself was flat-long carried and placed here( for that is the iudgement of diuers) then the Lyr. Con. Pelli. ut supra. Fran. Vatab. in Exo. 25. pag. 74. Fran. Vatab. in 1. Reg. 6. fol. 106. b. ark being but little more than half an Ell broad, if we suppose the residue of the bars to be as long for carriage as before, so must the ark and Salomons Cherubims too( for those of Moses ever went with the Ark itself,& so I doubt are il omitted by some) be so much nearer unto the Temple or outmost place, and so much less within the Most-holy: but otherwise the meeting of those in-most wings of Salomons Cherubims, should this way also be over the midst of the ark, and over the bars above at the West end of them. But the former of these I should think most likely, saving that one place there is, that seemeth rather to make for the latter; namely, the sprinkling of the blood East-ward, on the Mercy-seat once a year by lieu. 16: 14. the High-Priest: which seemeth more meet to haue been on the full side thereof than on the end, which should haue been, if long-way it stood East and West. Those there are not so plainly set down, but that by those others that are more certain, we need to gather not our determination of these, are two: one the partition betwixt those two Houses; the other, the entrance into the Most-holy. The Pet. Martyr. Conr. Pell. Tremel. jun. Ari. Montan Fr. Vatab. Tremel. jun. in. margin. Bibl. Angl. in marg. 2. Chr. 3: 14. partition by diuers is accounted a wall: but it seemeth rather to be of the Nature of a Lattice, tralice, or grace(& so the word itself doth seem to import) whereby the ends of the bars might be put through unto the vail that hung within betwixt the two houses likewise;& being made of wood, to be covered over with beaten gold. On the East of which▪ and close unto it, within the Temple or outmost place, did a rich and faire vail of wrought work hang, over the whole partition from the one side to the other, all even( as such hangings may bee) saving where the ends of bars did bear it a little out, and as it were, in these two places embossed the same. That the 〈◇〉 thereunto was a door of two leaves( as we term it) made of Timber but of faire workmanship, and overlaid with beaten Gold, there is no question with any: no● for so many as I haue seen, but that it stood in the midst of the parti●●on. But it seemeth rather to haue been ●t one of the ends of it, and at the North end as I should think most meet: not taking the right hand of it, but coming vpon the left hand rather. For if it were in the midst, the coming in must haue been vpon the ark, and the bars by likelihood must haue been put back first: else should the door haue opened outward vpon the vail, which was not likely; and inwardly it could not open, the bars so mingling with it, unless they were put back before. In the Tabernacle before, I take it, there is no question with any; but that both the ends were loose, and neither of them made fast to the wall by which they hung; and that, as so it afforded entrance at either end of the vail, so it was there likewise taken: as also it is the manner in al such rooms as are hung, so to cast the hangings, as that in such sort they fall fit with the doors that are to bee used. And so was it in much like manner with the entrance both into the Court of t●● Tabernacle and into the Holy-place itself: both of them being shut Exo. 27: 13-16 Ibi. 26: 36, 37. up with hangings, and having the entrance, not in the midst, but at the ends of those hangings onely. And that the vail that now we speak of did rend in two, from the top to the bottom, at the death of Christ, and likely enough about the Mat. 27: 51. midst, that was not to patronage any entrance thereby now, but to show that the true High-Priest was otherwise entered once for all, and to abolish that vail for ever. The Cherubims also I grant, if there height be not considered, may seem to bar all entrance that way, in stretching out their Wings so close to the wall: but so would they do every where else besides. Howbeit for this matter there is 1. King. 6: 27. no doubt to be conceived. These Cherubs we speak of, were as it were young men 2. Chr. 3: 10-13. standing on their feet bolt upright having their faces towards the people, and towards the whole service of God there, stretching out their wings as arms, on either side of them, out-right from them: which, by due proportion must be accomplished Alb●rtus durer●● de Symmetria partium etc in the vpmost fourth part of their stature. Being therefore ten cubits or five shepherds high, or four elles, and this their stretching out of their wings being finished( for the most part of the length of their wings) very fully in the uppermost ell, or in the uppermost yard and one quarter, so haue we three shepherds and three quarters, or, which is all one, three elles remaining for men to go under almost twice so much as the ordinary stature of men doth require. And true it is, that as God by the wings of his Angels giveth, in his Holy-place, protection to all: so giveth he liberty or freedom of access unto all, even from the lowest unto the highest. 7 Of those on whom this service did not so properly lye, but yet now attended to help forward this solemnity, with their presence so well as they could, there were, as it may seem, two principal sorts: of which we haue certain knowledge for the one sort of them; and but probability for the other. Those of whom wee 1. Kin. 8. 1-3. 2. Chr. 5: 2-4. haue certain knowledge, were King Salomon himself, and those Elders& Heads of the Tribes, even the flower of all the Land, that at this time he had gathered together. For of those we haue it plainly set down, both that the King himself was there: and that those Elders together with the people did accordingly repair unto Ibid. 5: 6. Ibid. 2, 3, 5. 3, 4, 6. him and attend him therein. Of those of whom we haue no certainty but onely probability, some of them were of the same people: others, but strangers. Of that people it seemeth, that the queen, King Pharoes Daughter, whom King Salomon 1. King. 3: 1. had married before, as also Naamah and Ammonitish woman but one of his wives( whom that he had married before he was King, it appeareth, as before is noted, 1. King. 14: 21 by the age of Rehoboam, being one and thirty yeares old when he began to reign, immediately after his Father, who had reigned but forty yeares) and if he had any others then( as it may well bee that he had) these I say it may seem, were some part of this assembly, and by them, many other of the Princesses, Ladies, and chief women in Israel: because this assembly was not of any civil affairs, but altogether religious, and about a special service of God, wherein both the godlyer sort of the women themselves would be desirous to bee partakers, and not unlike, but that their husbands( at least the better sort of them) would haue a special regard to it also. Of strangers likewise it seemeth that many were at this assembly, not only for the solemnity of it( as it is the manner of strangers, on such occasions oft to come in on every side, especially such as are well affectioned to the Princes or people to whom they come) but much rather because he had rule over all those kings and 1. King. 4: 21. 2. Chr. 9: 26. kingdoms which lay betwixt the great river Euphrates on the North and northeast, and the land of the philistines and Egypt, on the South and southwest: which being about sixteen degrees from the West to the East, and about eight Ptol. Tab. 4. Asi●. Ortel. fol. 65. from the North to the South, do make one hundred twenty and eight in all; and every degree being multiplied by theescore miles, amount to the number of seven thousand six hundred and fourscore miles, the square as it were of Salomons Dominions. And we may probably think, that where-as in duty they were to attend him, if he should call for them, both himself would take this opportunity to acquaint them with some knowledge of God now:& that many of themselves ●●uld be ready enough so to cury favour with him. The assembly being in this sort gathered together, and all things being now in a readiness, Salomon first belike setting 1. King 8: 5. 2. Chr. ●: 6. 2. Chr. 6: 13. the Priestes and levites on work to offer the Sacrifices that fell for the time, and that he or any of the people did then bring in, got him up to the scaffold or Stage of brass, purposely made( but not so nakedly, as I should take it, as is described, belike because the Scripture maketh no farther mention of the manner of it, but onely of the height and breadth of it: which notwithstanding Fran. Vatab fol. 107. ●. by likely-hoode had stays above, both convenient and fair, as the rest of his work was then) in the out-most Court which was for the people, he first acknowledgeth the great goodness of GOD unto him, in that he 1. Ki. 8: 12-21 2. Chr 6: 1-11 hath vouch-safed him that mercy, that now he hath built that House unto him: then he desireth, that GOD would continue his mercies to him and his, and 1. King. 8: 22-33. 2. Chr. 6: 12-42. that in what distress soever the people should at any time bee, it would please him in that place to hear them and to help them; and, if the case were at any time so, that themselves could not in person be there, and then did turn their faces thither in their Prayer, that in such case also he would be merciful unto them. ourselves in like manner are much beholding to GOD, if it please him at any time to vouch-safe us the favour, to do any special service unto him: so far off is it, that he is any way beholding to us, when wee do him the best service that wee are able. And whether Salomon had respect or not, unto him whom that Temple did figure, Iesus Christ, when he craved, that in that place GOD would be so favourable unto the Prayers of his people: true it is, that in him it pleaseth GOD ever to hear us, and in none other in heaven nor in Earth. When Salomon had thus far dealt with the Lord, then turning to the people, he 1. King. 8: 54-61. put them also in mind how deeply they were beholden unto God: and exhorted them ever to stand in his holy fear. Then proceeding in their Sacrifices, both the King and the people brought in so plentifully, that the Altar was for that time a great 1. King. 8: 64. 2. Chr. 7: 7. deal to little, and they were fain to use therein a great part of the Court itself; even their Peace-offeringes themselves were so many( of which there was but some little part of them burnt to the lord, and so the less room would serve them▪ but for the great multitude of them:) insomuch, that those that are ascribed to Salomon onely, were two and twenty thousand beeves, and one hundred 1. King. 8: 62, 63. 2. Chr. 7: 4, 5. and twenty thousand Muttons: and when account is made of those that not onely Salomon offered, but wherein all the whole Congreation had their hands in besides, then it is said, that they could not bee numbered for multitudes. But 2. Chr. 5: 6. all the charge was not in these, for that they were to add to every of these a certain quantity of very fine Flower, besides Wine, oil, Fanckensence, and Salt: the very Flower which at that time was to go with their Sacrifices onely besides, that which was otherwise spent( allowing according to the Lawe, to every of those Num. 15: 1-12 beeves, as it were, three pottles of our measure, and to every of those Muttons two) coming to about two thousand three hundred fourscore and ten quarters or better. But as touching the multitude of these Sacrifices, being as they were but Peace-offeringes, there was but little of them to be consumed with fire, as the fat of the cowards the kidneys and Rumpes: all the rest going( the Priestes Fees onely excepted) to the use of those that brought in those Sacrifices, wherewithal to Feast themselves before the Lord. Insomuch, that whereas the more able sort did by likelihood at this time sacrifice for themselves, and so feasted on their own, that overplus of Salomons Sacrifices, being so many as they were, might serve very well for great contentment to all the meaner sort of the people then gathered together. And true it is, that the true worship of God would ever haue liberality and Charity joined withall: and indeed, is not, but where it hath those also attending. This being the substance of their business, the manner of doing it that now we speak of, was no more but this, that there were a number of the Priestes and levites, that being 2. Chr. 5: 12, 23. appareled fit to such purpose, holp forward this whole solemnity with the sound of Trumpets, with their voice also, and with many instruments of music besides: so expressing the ioy of their own heartes; and giuing glory to God withall. As with us also, we should not onely haue our ioy in the Lord, when it so falleth out that we do rejoice: but farther that wee should still endeavour ourselves to ioy in him, and ever stir up ourselves unto it. How graciously it pleased GOD to take it, wee haue declared unto us, both at that present, and the night ensuing besides. At that present, as the Priestes and levites were in their ministration, and Salomon 2. Chr 5: 13, 14. 7: 1-3. 1. K. 8: 10, 11. withall had ended his Prayer, Fire came down from heaven, and consumed the Sacrifices, and the glory of the lord filled the House, so that the Priestes could not for a time perform their offices and duties. Insomuch, that all the company touched there-with( as it was great reason they should) gave glory to GOD, for that so comfortable and plain demonstration of his so gracious favour towards them: GOD so testifying, that he graciously accepted of this their service, and would accept of them in him that was to come, by that house now repraesented unto them. The next night ensuing he appeared to Salomon, and told him that he 1. Kings. 6: 11-13. 9: 1-9. 2. Chro. 7: 11-22. Tremel. et jun. in 2. Chr. 8▪ 2. had heard his Prayer, and accepted of the House he had built unto him: and withall assured him of great favour, if he persisted in his holy fear; but otherwise, threatened very heavy and strange judgements, both to his people, and to that fair and glorious House that he had builded. neither are wee at any time so ready to serve the lord, as he is, both to accept of, and to reward all such our service, if it bee right, and that in most gracious and liberal manner: and yet must wee take heed wee do not praesume, he being altogether as ready again, severely to chastise if need require. All which solemditie of this dedication, 1. King. 8: 65, 66. continuing seven dayes, and that with great ioy and feasting, not onely at jerusalem, but even all the country over, from the farthest bounds of it towards the North, even to the uttermost cost in the South, reached unto the 2 Chr. 7: 8-10 feast of Tabernacles, and joined close unto it; which also continued eight dayes more, and was kept with great gladness on all hands likewise: and then the people being dismissed towards the end of the last of these fifteen dayes, and taking their leave of the King in dutiful manner, the next day following, returned home-ward. Out of which wee also may conceive( because all things were so much in figures then) that a time will bee, when all the faithful in Iesus Christ, shall Feast with him for ever in eternal glory: as now also, even in this World, even in the midst of all their labours and sufferings, do nevertheless in spirit Feast with him now, even all the World over. This erecting of the Temple being the Isa. 65: 13, 14 chief and principal work that he had to do, and which did most properly belong unto him, those others besides, which were common to him and others, were, that we red of, of this kind, but two. One, that himself( for a time) was a diligent Worshipper of God, offering Sacrifices unto God on the Altar that he had 1 King. 9: 25 2 Chr. 8: 12, 13 made, in such sort, and at such times as the Lawe required: on the sabaoths, on their New-Moones, and on the three principal feasts. The other, that he took order for the ordinary service in the Temple to be executed by the Priestes and levites, 2 Chr. ●: 14, 15 according to that form, and those courses, that david had before prescribed: and that so effectually, that it is noted withall, that it was very well observed. Which whether it were more commendable than the other, if there should bee a question set, it might prove some-what hard to decide against it, though the other be a work, in the eye of most men, of greater glory. For as for such rare and singular works, the more glorious they are in the eye of others, the more willingly can wee bee occupied about them: but as for things that are more ordinary, and with most men not of that reckoning, though of as great moment as the other, yet seldom go we so readily about them. But letting it alone whether of the two were the more commendable, both of them being the service of God, and by him required, certain it is, that even this also was very commendable, and a singular good proof of his zeal and godliness then. And so with us also, it were a work of rare aestimation( to bee aesteemed, as the worth of it would deserve) if such as sit at the stern with us, would carefully uphold and maintain, for the furtherance of Gods holy service, such things as were well disposed before by our good Elders, according to the word of God generally, and as God himself more specially lead the way unto us by his example. But many of us are so impotently given to rear up some new works of our own devise, and so egged on by the unsatiable and profane greediness of others, that we rashly pull down what we find to such end set up already, before that ever our dull heads can conceive, to how good purpose the same was reared and left unto vs. 8 As touching the glory where-with it pleased God to cloath him, there bee strange things reported thereof: but therein also he was a figure of Christ; and blessed be God that he would give so comfortable a pattern in him, to show what may be the the reward of well doing even here on earth, so far, as the wisdom of God shall not at any time find it unmeet for his Children here. That which is spoken of his glory, doth most of it but respect himself: but part of it, his people also. That which doth respect but himself, is, first in the thing that himself desired God to give him: then, in that farther augmentation, that it pleased God( of his own goodness) to give him besides. The thing that himself desired God to give him, was, as wee saw before, but wisdom: in which, what his glory was, we haue set down, first, but simply in itself; but then, by the way of comparison also. Simply in itself it is said, that as God promised to give him wisdom in great measure 1 King 4: 29. 5: 12 so did he indeed; insomuch that out of it, both he indicted or wrote three thousand parables or proverbs, sentences of profound and great wisdom, and 1 King. 4: 32, 33 one thousand and five Songs or Sonnets, belike, by the help of those, the better to let in wisdom to others; and was able likewise, well to discourse of the property, virtue, or Nature of all these inferior Creatures. By the way of comparison it is said likewise, that in wisdom he excelled, not onely all the kings of the 1 King. 10: ●3 2 Chr. 9: 22 1 King. 4: 31 Earth: but those also that were otherwise of special reckoning for that matter. That farther augmentation that it pleased God of his own goodness to give him besides, was, of such things as most men do most desire, and very often follow after, where there is some special measure of wisdom going before: a thing so much the rather in this case to bee noted, for that, although whatsoever of such things he had, it all proceeded of the good gift of GOD unto him; yet for the obtaining, or farther advancing of some part of it, he used the wisdom that God had given him. So it shall not bee amiss, distinctly to mark, both what it was that God did farther give him; and, howe himself came to the fruition or benefit of it. That which God did farther give him, wee may plainly find in the promise that thereof he made unto him: and so do wee find, that it consisted of two principal favours; Riches, and Honor. That he was specially blessed with riches, 1. King. 3: 13. that which his Father david had left him, and that which already he hath bestowed on the Temple( of both which wee haue heard already) may sufficiently witness. But besides those, he did build an house or palace, peculiarly for the 1. K. 7: 8. 9: 24. 2. Chr. 8: 11. Daughter of Pharaoh whom he had married( and then brought her into it, there to dwell: as Iesus Christ also provideth for his Spouse a glorious habitation in the heavenly jerusalem, and will not fail, when all things are ready to bring her thither) and two others for himself, one, in jerusalem, the other, in the forest of Libanus: 1 King. 7: 1-11. 9: 10. 2. Chr. 8: 2-6. 1 K. 10: 18-20 2. Chr. 9: 17-19. and besides these a special house for the administration of Iustice; and a Throne for himself, of great value and beauty, such as then was thought not to be in the world besides. Of which, his own House or palace in jerusalem is plainly noted to haue been in building thirteen years( a great probability, that it was a very sumptuous thing)& not only his magnificence and correspondency of his other works do both of them bode, that all these his works were, in their kind, very sumptuous and faire, but the Text itself likewise doth so affirm it of some part of them, that we may 1. Kin. 7: 7-11. well conceive the like of the whole. In like manner, those two hundred Targets, and three hundred shields, or Bucklers( for these were the lighter) all of beaten 1. King. 10: 16 17. 2. Chr. 9: 15, 16. 2. Chr. 9: 20. Gold, every Target weighing better then eighteen pounds, and every Buckler better than nine( after two of these Sickles to an ounce sterling with us) and that all his drinking vessel or Plate was of Gold, and all the vessel of the Libanon( not only the Plate, but other necessary implements besides, it seemeth, that being an house of pleasure) of Gold likewise, are all great witnesses, that his riches or treasure was great: besides that, the Text itself doth witness, that therein he exceeded all the 1. King. 10: 23. 2. Chr. 9: 23 kings of the Earth; and then could it not bee, but that himself was very well sped. That in like sort he was specially blessed with honour, although it followeth on the other so readily( as for the most part it doth) that the other going before, this doth necessary follow after; yet haue we more special declaration of it also: partly among his own people at home; but especially with others abroad. At home he reigned over them all: and such of the Canaanites as his praedecessors could not expel, those 1. King. 4: 1. 1. K 9: 20, 21. 2. Chr. 8▪ 7. 8. 1. Ki. 4: 21, 24. 2. Chr. 9: 26. 2. Chr. 9: 24. 2. Chr. 9: 14. 1. King 10: 14, 15. 2. Ch. 9: 13, 14. 1 King. 9▪ 14, 1. King 4: 34, 10: 24, 25. 2 Ch. 9▪ 23. 24 1. King. 10: 1-13. 2. Chr 9: 1 12 nevertheless did he make tributaries unto him; such power it pleased God to give him over them all. Abroad likewise he reigned over all the Kings, from Euphrates unto the philistines, and the Land of egypt: and it seemeth that the Kings round about him, either brought or sent in to Salomon their praesents yearly; even all the kings of arabia, and the Princes or great men of the country there-about. At least he had coming in( from among them, it seemeth) six hundred threescore and six Talents of Gold yearly, besides that which the Merchants brought in, and the tribute of Hiram only, the King of Tyrus, is noted to haue been one hundred and twenty talents of Gold likewise. And besides these that ought such duty unto him, both Princes and people came from all quarters to be acquainted with the wisdom of Salomon, and to see his honour and glory: and among others, one special example we haue delivered unto us of the queen of the South. But as her example is more specially set down unto us, so haue wee more special instruction thereby likewise delivered: first in that her coming unto him; then, that she was so well resolved. In that her coming unto him, that she came so painful, and chargeable a journey: and that she came with hard quaestions, or with such doubts, as wherein herself was not yet resolved. For so should we also, not stick for pain nor charges, to attend the gospel when we haue it among us: and thereunto bring whatsoever doubts we haue conceived in matters towards God, and whatsoever hard points we light on, and seek to bee thereby resolved. And true it is, that the Spouse of Christ here in this World, a queen likewise, and crwoned with glory, and all the true members thereof, do in such sort seek unto Christ, and to the gospel, as she did unto Salomon: and whosoever they are that do not, themselves do sufficiently show thereby, without any other proof at all, that they are none of that company. In that she was so well resolved, both in her quaestions, that she had all made plain unto her: and in that wisdom of his, that shee found it much more than was reported, and therefore, that those Seruants of his, were happy that did attend him: we may safely gather, both that so we might bee resolved in all our doubts or hard points whatsoever; and that the wisdom thereof is a great deal deeper than wee were ware of, as also that it maketh those happy for ever that do attend it. How himself came to the fruition or benefit of this that God so promised unto him, it is good so much the rather to mark, for that it may seem that he sought the same immoderately: partly, in his diet; but chiefly, in some others besides. In his diet it seemeth, he was somewhat immoderate, in that he raised it to so great a proportion: his daily expenses being better than four and thirty of our quarters of fine Flower, 1. King. 4: 22, 23. threescore and eight of meal, ten Oxen stall-fed, twenty out of the pastures, and an hundred Weathers, besides Venison, Wilde-Foule, and all such like. In disposing Officers to that purpose in such sort as he did, and as it seemeth not dealing precisely 1 Kings 4: 7-19, 27, 28 by the Tribes, but dividing the whole land that should be liable thereunto into twelve several partes, for every month one( of whom one of them had threescore walled Ibid 13, 19 cities in his part, another as much as two kings had before, whatsoever the others had of theirs) as also in his other Officers besides, no doubt his wisdom plainly appeared: 1 King 4: 2-6 9: 23. 2 Chr 8: 10 but he was very sumptuous; and his people after complained, that he was very chargeable unto them. And thing herein noteth a special moderation, and it may be a godly care besides, that being so mighty a Prince as he was, and having so many Princes about him as would bee glad of his alliance, nevertheless having two Daughters that we red of, he married them to his own subiectes, to two of those his Officers aforesaid. Those other things besides, wherein it may chiefly seem 1 Kin 4: 11, 15 that he dealt for those earthly things immoderately, were the provision he made for so many Horses and Charets: 1 Kin 9: 26-28. 10: 22 2 Chr. 8: 17, 18. 9: 2 and his nauigations for Gold: Deut. 17: 16, 17. Mat. 6: 28, 29. both those being so 1 King 4: 26. 10: 26, 28, 29 2 Chr 1: ●4, 16 17. 9: 2●, 26 plainly forbidden as before they were. And though as yet Salomon hath good commendation for godliness, until that afterward he fell so foully as he did, and in many things gave good proof of the same; yet, seeing such warning was before so plainly given him, and himself so pitifully afterward fell( and in such sort, as was likely enough by his abundance to be something occasioned) and seeing it seemeth, that Christ therefore advanced the beauty of a silly and common flower, above all that royalty of Salomon, as having but that beauty that God did give it, and he not contenting himself with it, but still endeavouring by the wisdom that God had given him, and by his industry to advance it farther: therefore is there great probability left unto us to doubt, that herein he some-thing passed those bounds of moderation that he ought to haue kept; not, but that God himself did mean both those unto him in very ample and great measure, but that he holp forward the same more than for his part he should haue done. As for example, when seed was promised to Abraham, and the blessing to jacob, neither of them abode so firm as they ought, expecting the performance at the hands of God; but either of them added their own industry withall immoderately: the former, by getting Ismaell of Agar; the other, by praeuenting his Brother, and by circumventing his Father. Or as it is the manner of the great men of the World to do, who, when God hath given them by descent or birth, lands, or goods in plentiful measure, do not so content themselves with that liberality of his towards them, that they nothing labour to better their estate therein, but rather to advance the glory of him who hath so far advanced them: but on the other side, being gotten so high already, they make it a mean ever to get higher and higher, or still to lay more unto that which God before had given unto them. But as if Salomon, having so great and large a promise had now altogether sequaestred himself from those matters, letting GOD alone with them, and had given himself fully and wholly, to the aduancement of Gods glory and good of his people, he might so haue done much better service to God, and haue been more answerable unto those special favours of God towards him: even so, might all our great men of the world do marvelous great service to God, and bee a blessing of wonderful comfort unto their brethren, if being so well provided already, they should altogether give themselves to the aduancement of Gods glory, and to the good of their inferiors with whom they live; and in such sort likewise might they become a great deal more answerable unto God for his favours towards them, than by so busy endeavouring themselves as they do, either still to be climbing higher, or else to grow greater and greater. But such is the corruptinn of our Nature, and so unlucky( as it were) are the Children of men to so special favours here, that seldom it is seen, that such as are most blessed of GOD, with the good things of the World, do any good there-with to others that stand in need: but altogether employ them about themselves, or otherwise lavish them they care not how, rather than any way they should bee available to those that need. That part of his glory that respected his people withall, consisteth in two principal points: one, that touched their persons nearer; others, that more appertained unto their estate. That which touched their persons nearer, was, that he made 1 King. 9: 22 2 Chr. 8: 9 no bondmen of them, to bee employed in servile business, but that they were his men of War, Captaines or Officers, employed in some good place or other. Those 1 King. 4: 20, 24, 25 that more appertained unto their estate, were, that the King himself being in peace with all his neighbors round about him; his people also lived in great peace all his dayes, grew very many, and comfortably enjoyed their own; and that in his dayes there was such plenty of Gold, that silver was then little esteemed; and 1 Kings 10: 21, 27 2 Chr 1: 15, 9: 20, 27 that whereas Cedars were a rare and dainty wood with them before, he in his time brought them to be very rise among them. And true it is, that in the kingdom of Iesus Christ, the true Salomon, none of his people are seruily kept under the power of sin; but in great peace and freedom, and in their great prosperity continually keep feast in the Lord: also, that the pure gold of the holinesse and righteousness of Iesus Christ, is of so great plenty with them by faith in him, that the Siluer-righteousnesse even of the Angels and best Saints in heaven, is( in that reckoning) of no value with them. Much less do they( in that reckoning) account of their own: and yet do they see and will not deny, but aclowledge to the glory and praise of God, that whereas the land was every where pestered but with wild Fig-trees in those dayes of their ignorance before, they find it futnished with comfortable store of faire Cedars in these dayes of the gospel now. 9 In that latter part of Salomons reign, which did odd so far contrary to the forepart of it, that therein we might learn, not to look for any perfection here, we haue delivered unto us, first in what sort he fell: then, howe it pleased God to chastise him for it. His fall was such, as did not rest in his own person only; but overthrew others withall. His own person was very much touched there-with, first by his loose carriage even before men: but then soon after, even before God. In his carriage before men, it could not be but a great touch and blemish unto him, and an evil example to others, partly, that he took pleasure so much in the things of this world: but especially in that he married so many wives, and those for the most part idolatrous also, and such as God had forbidden to all his people. That he took his pleasure much in the things of this world, may sufficiently appear, in that he gathered Treasure together so much as he did, and in all things so much advanced his own glory. himself afterward granteth that so he did: but then addeth withall, that all was vanity. In matters of wedlock, that he would haue so Eccle. 211-11. many, it was great Intemperance, and a bad example to others: in that they were such as were so ill qualified for Religion, and such as God otherwise forbade, it argued 1 King. 11: 3 no regard of his own safety, nor to that inhibition of God; and therein also was a dangerous example to others, such as might soon corrupt all generally. That soon after he became so offensive to God also, that he declared himself to bee highly offended with him therefore, we are to consider, not onely what his offence was then: but also, what a special lesson is thereby given unto all. His offence was then, very foul and gross idolatry, whereunto he was brought by those idolatrous wives of his: they, notwithstanding all his wisdom, perverting him sooner 1 Kin 11: 1-10 from the true God; than he thereby could convert them from those vain Idols of theirs. That special lesson that by this so great a fall of his is given unto others, is, that if he could so ill wield so great prosperity and so high estate, being likewise so incomparably furnished as he was with wisdom: it is not to bee coveted so as it is, to grow more wealthy, or to be higher, because hereby it is made plain unto us, that without all question it is a very dangerous estate for any man living to hold his feet in. That others were overthrown by this fall of his, it doth not onely appear by the words of Ahijah the Prophet, but may easily bee other-wise 1 King 11: 33 conceived: both because any evil course in the Prince doth readily infect the people also; and because they also were partakers with him in the punishment that for it was cast vpon him. But so both his ●●●l and fault was the greater, because thereby he brought so heavy wrath vpon many. The chastisement that it pleased God to cast on him for it, was part of it for his time: but most of it for the time ensuing. For his time, he was himself reproved: and his state made more troublesone. In the reproof that was given to himself, the Lord sheweth, that he was much for this offended: and denounceth heavy judgements unto him besides; which should 1 King 11: 11-13 afterward come on him and his. In that he shewed himself offended, even that onely ought to haue been grievous enough unto him, because he had justly deserved the same. The judgements that were denounced unto him, though they were heavy in themselves: yet were they mingled with mercy withall. heavy they were, that so faire and glorious a kingdom should now bee rent off, or plucked away from him: especially, as the consequent there of did show in the end, or ●● things fell out after, so many people being thereby carried away so great Idolatry, and to most pitiful ruin thereby. They were mingled with mercy, in that he would not do it in his time; nor take from his line all the whole people neither: but that was but for Dauids sake, for the promise that he had made unto him; a figure therein of Iesus Christ, in whom onely it pleaseth God so to spare vs. His estate was made more troublesone, by certain enemies, and one dangerous subject, that it pleased God now( towards the latter part of his reign) to raise up against him: of those Enemies, one in the South among the Edomites, the other, in the North among the Ibid. 14-22 Ibid. 23-25 Ibid. 26-40 Syrians; jeroboam, one of his own Officers, being that dangerous subject wee spake off, to whom the Lord by one of his Prophets, had now already made promise of the greatest part of his masters kingdom. Out of which ourselves also may gather, that to keep in the true service of God, preserveth best, both whole states, and private men also, from enemies without, and from disloyal and undutiful members within: and that whensoever we fail of our duty therein, then do we also let down thereby our own good estate in these things here; and that ourselves haue given the cause, of whatsoever such disorder or business we find at any time to grow up among vs. That part of the chastisement which was for the time ensuing, was the main part of that which God threatened unto him in his reproof: the dividing or renting in sunder of that kingdom of his; and to give away the greatest part of it unto his servant. A manifest token, that the sin of Salomon, though itself were not of any long continuance to speak off; yet in the just judgements of God, it deserved the punishment of many ages: and though himself were sooner to go to his corruption, yet his sin deceiving, the punishment was to haue his course also. As wee in like manner need not to doubt, but that the renting in sunder of many other kingdoms and great States, as also of meaner inhaeritances and patrimonies of private men, haue been justly occasioned by sin going before; and that no man can so offend God, but that even then he worketh the ruin of his own estate, to him and his for the time ensuing. 10 As touching Salomons death, something we haue very plainly set down: but some other left very doubtful. That which is plainly set down, is, that when be reigned forty yeares( and so outlived, and out-raigned his own glory, and found 1 Kings 11: 40-43 his estate in his own time declining, nor mended himself on jeroboam who was to succeed him in the greatest part of his kingdom, but was now fled into Egypt, out of his reach) he then slept with his Fathers, and had his burial among them: his Son Rehoboam reigning in his stead. That which is left doubtful is, whether before his death, he repented and turned unto God again, or not: a matter that hath been in question among the Fathers of old, and so yet is among the learned of these daies also; but such as cannot be clearly decided by the word of God. Certain probabilities there are; but none, it seemeth, that directly conclude the one, or the other; as by the search that hath been made, by In. 2. Reg 7: 12. in. c priore. Lyra before,& by I● 1. Reg. 11: 4-43. Pet. martyr since, may sufficiently appear; both of them inclining unto the negative. Others there be of latter time than the latter of those, that are of opinion he did repent: men of special reckoning among us, yet grounding their iudgement therein over weakly as I do take it. For the places whereon they ground, are two: one, that whereas the Story sheweth, that the kingdom of judah stood well for three yeares after the division, but then ●ell to Idolatry also, one place there is, that setteth down that their standing well for those three yeares, by affirming, that at that time they walked in the 2 Chr. 11: 17. ways of david and Salomon. Wherein because it is plain, that by those words they are commended for well doing, and Salomon is joined with david in the pattern which yet they followed, thereon they gather, that it is likely, that Salomon repented, as otherwise unmeet to be joined with david in the pattern that they did follow. The other, that seeing he made a whole book in detestation of the vanities of the world, that also may seem to be a good testimony, that towards his end he came to repentance. But for the former of these, it seemeth rather( as I should take it) by the course of the book itself, that his meaning was, of the former part of Salomons reign: because this book itself speaketh nothing of Salomons fall; but from his 2 Chr. 9: 27-31 Lyr. in prologue. Conr. Pellic. i● 1. p●r. 1: 1. 4. Fr. Vatab. Tremel. jun. ●●. Bibl. Angl. i● s●●. Quoque. arg●●e●t●. Heb. 11: 32 Ibid. 12: 1 prosperity and glory, passeth immediately unto his death. If therefore Ezra gathered these books of Chronicles, and that after they were returned from Babylon( as from rabbi Salomon, it is conceived by many) and then altogether omitted the mention of Salomons fall: seeing he laid before him nothing but the better part of his reign, when he was in that part of his Story, it may well seem, that now in this reference he had no respect but onely to it. As afterward also wee haue diuers commended, as Gedeon, Samson, and jephthe, and set forth as patterns unto us, for diuers good things that were in them, though otherwise they had their notorious imperfections withall. So likewise for the latter, seeing he maketh so little mention of those things wherein most he offended, his marrying with Idolatrous women, and his own Idolatry withall; and that, as King, he was by the Lawe of God so plainly forbidden, to haue such treasure, many Horses, wives: as it is plain, there is no great probability, that he made that book in the way of repentance of those his transgressions; so, by the whole course of it, it seemeth rather more generally to tend to discover worldly vanity, and to gather all men to the regard and obedience of GOD. And though indeed it came to diuers particulars, yet still is it so far from those wherein he most offended, that still it barreth us of all hope of warrant so to take it. Neither do others so take it, now especially, after that the light which God hath given us, hath made things more plain now than they were before: as in diuers of them is to be seen, some of ancient time long before, and others of these latter times since. Hiero●y in prol. gal. et in epist. ad. Paul. Fr. Vatab. Bibl. Angl. Conr. Pellic. in. Eccle. 1: 1 Ibid. One there is, who with greater reason is of opinion, that this book is of the nature of the proverbs, consisting, for the most part, of several sentences of great wisdom; but gathered together, sine diligentia exquisiti ordinis, not much respecting any precise order therein: and that so far, that when such as haue laboured to interpret this book, haue withall endeavoured to make all to hang together in some set order, then haue they been compelled, to force such a sense to diuers words as might not well stand with the nature of them. But one thing there is, of which the reader had need to be admonished, that he may the better use the freedom of his iudgement herein. One of those from whom wee haue those Annotations( and the chief, as I take it in that point of the labour) hath otherwise shewed, himself to be for that Iunius. new form of church-government, which for the more credit of it they haue carefully commended to others under the name of discipline, as the onely true discipline of the Church. One reach of which discipline is, to haue Princes more liable unto their censure, than they haue any warrant for them: though nevertheless Princes are ever to be admonished as need shal require; and that they ought ever to clear their duties therein. At this he seemeth to aim very faire, as if Salomon for those his transgressions were excommunicate out of the Church: and after, in penitential In Eccle. 1▪ 1. manner uttering these speeches, first, in the Church, and then setting them down in writing, as a monument to all posterity of that his penitency, was reconciled to the Church again. If it were so, the Presbytery then, was, it seemeth, much more easy to be pacified, than ours could yield unto now: so to receive him into the lap of the Church again, with so little acknowledging of those sins, wherein he had been the most offensive; unless they thought good, because he was so great a Prince, so far to spare him. CHAP. 15. 1 WHen after they were again divided and so continued, we are again first to consider, of the Story of them: and then what knowledge it pleased God in those daies to give unto them. The Story of them leadeth us to consider, first in what sort they were divided: then in what case they stood after that so they were divided. In what sort they were divided, doth carry another consideration of such moment with it, that it shall be good for us, when we haue considered of this division of theirs: then to turn our eyes a little aside unto that other consideration also. In this their division, we are first to consider, who it was that now succeeded next after Salomon to reign over that people: then, what dealing passed betwixt the people and him, at this his entrance into his kingdom. He that succeeded next after Salomon in the kingdom, was Rehoboam his son, one and forty yeares old when he began his 1 King. 11: 43. 14: 21. 2. Chr. 9: 31. 12: 13. reign, and so born to his Father about one year, before himself came to the kingdom. The dealing that passed between the people and him, was all about the division wee speak of: either of them first having some dealing the one with the other; and immediately after the division we speak of breaking in thereupon. The dealing they had the one with the other, was first of the people with the King: then, of the King with the people again. That which the people had with the King, was, that they made a petition or svit unto him, that whereas Salomon his Father 1. Kin. 12: 1-4. 2. Chr. 10: 1-4. had made their yoke grievous, it would now please him, to make the grievous servitude of his father,& his sore yoke which he put on them, lighter:& that so they would serve him also. The King had dealing twice with the people: first, willing them to depart, and to repair unto him again three daies after; then, afterward giuing his answer unto them. In willing them for a time to depart, that he might inquire 1. King. 1●. 5. 2. Chr. 10: 5. and take advice in the mean season, it was a point of wisdom, that so more advisedly he might make his answer unto them. And so in great matters it behoveth all men, especially those that haue their dealing in great affairs( even in less also, as men will serve themselves therein) ever to aduise themselves well, before they answer, and before they fully resolve on that they will do. Before he gave his 1. King. 12: 6-11. 2. Chr. 10: 6-11. answer unto them, he first consulted with others about it: then at the time he had appointed, he gave them their answer. He consulted first with the elder sort, who had been his Fathers counsellors before: but then soon after, with others besides. The elder sort gave him advice, to yield something unto them now, at his first entry: and so should he ever haue them fast unto him. Those others that were a younger company, such as had been brought up with him, and waited on him: whose aduise was to answer them roughly, and roundly to tell them, that he would be more grievous unto them, than his Father before had been. When the time appointed came, he gave them their answer: but his answer was, not onely in sense according 1. Kings. 12: 12-15. 2. Chro. 10: 12-15. 1. Kings. 12: 16-19. 2 Chro. 10: 16 19. to the aduise of those hotter and greener heads; but even much after their own words too, which were very grievous. immediately vpon this answer of his, ten parts of the people did plainly renounce their allegiance unto him;& when nevertheless he sent his Officer unto them to gather up his tribute among them( as making no doubt but stil to retain them in his allegiance) they in their rage stoning him to death, made it apparent enough thereby, howe resolute and egar they were, in the course that now they were in: and according to this their rebellious departure now, and this unkindly dividing themselves from their bretheren, they ever afterward flood, and never united themselves to their bretheren again; the greater part of them going away with the name of them all, and being called the kingdom of Israell, the other being called the kingdom of judah. That other consideration that this Story of their division carrieth with it, consisteth of two principal branches: one of instruction; the other, of Doctrine. The instruction that this division of theirs doth give us, doth much concern both Princes themselves: and people, too. Princes it teacheth, first for their people, not to impose vpon their Subiects, that which their Subiects generally may think to bee grievous( for the Text doth not show that Salomon had been over grievous unto them indeed, but so far as they were to bear his charges; and he indeed was a magnifical Prince, and yet may seem otherwise to haue inned the same unto them again, even to the full, when he made silver so little esteemed, and in jerusalem, in a manner, as common as the stones of the streets;) and, if at any time they haue so done, yet that 1. King. 10: 27. 2. Chr. 9: 20. neither themselves not their successors do afterward praesume still to gird them in more and more: then, for their own direction, that they do not easily turn aside from the aduise of such as are experienced and wise, unto the weaker and greener iudgment of those, that are in such matters but raw; nor from the aduise of those that wish a favourable care of the people, to those that are such hot-spurres against them. People it teacheth, first not to complain, unless there be cause: then also, if there be, yet that they be not so immoderately bent to their own private lucre, as that for the safeguard of it they sin against God, in so high a degree as this withdrawing themselves from the allegiance of such as God hath given them, and to whom they in duty ought to abide. That other, which is of Doctrine, is, that as immediately after Salomons daies his kingdom was thus rent in sunder, the greater part to continual Idolatry, the other oft-times very much defiled therewith: it ought to be less marvell to any( contrary to that persuasion which diuers haue) that the Gentiles of the most known parts of the world, had no sooner received the gospel of Christ our Salomon indeed, but that soon after they divided themselves, most of them to Mahomet, the residue also to the Church of Rome, and to be much defiled thereby. In what sort they stood, after that so they were divided, the Story doth in such sort deliver unto us, as that for a good part of it, itself doth set it down unto us: but for some part again it doth often refer us to such other monuments, as now we haue not extant among vs. What it is that the Story itself setteth down unto us, to the end that we may the better find, I hold it the plainest and readiest way, that wee consider of either of them apart by themselves: and first of the kingdom of Israell, that soonest miscarried; then of the kingdom of judah, that stood the longest. As touching the kingdom of Israell, for the better understanding of the estate thereof, it shall be good, first to consider of it but generally: but then to enter into a more special consideration of it. Considering of it but generally, first it shall be good to consider of the compass of time: then, of the estate wherein it stood. The time that it stood, was about two hundred fifty and three yeares: or as others do reckon( four yeares more) two Punctius. Beroald. Broughton. hundred fifty and seven yeares. As for the other, wee may easily conceive that their estate must needs be hard: partly, in respect of diuers good helps that now unadvisedly they did abandon; and partly, because of certain disaduantages that afterward befell them all generally. Those good helps that now unadvisedly they did abandon, were two: one, the Tribe of judah; the other, the line of david. For to both those they knew well enough( and could not bee ignorant) that very special promises were made: to the Tribe of judah, by that prophesy of jacob, that the sceptre( or a convenient government, and a tolerable estate thereby) should Gen. 49: 10. not depart from it, till the promised saviour himself should come; to the line of david, by God himself, that he would not abandon it for ever, but that although it should wax and wane as the moon, yet should it ever stand before him. Those 2. Sa. 7: 14-16 Psal. 89: 28-37 disaduantages that befell them all generally, were two likewise: one, that themselves making so little reckoning of the true worship of God, that they claue no faster than so, to his Temple and service there, they were all soon after drawn to Idolatry, and so continued so long as they stood; the other, that in the short time that they stood, they had about twenty kings, and those of eight or nine several families, as plain a Token as may be conceived of a troublesone State. 2 If now we enter into a more special consideration of it, it shall not be amiss first to note, that two several times God dealt very effectually with them: once, at the first; another time, about fourscore and ten yeares after, better than the third part of all their time that after they stood. At both which times himself appointed such Princes as should reign over them: which he did not( in such manner) at any time else. In both which we are to mark, how little that gracious dealing of God prevailed, both with themselves, and with those that followed. The former of those that God himself appointed, was jeroboam, their first King: concerning jeroboam, whom, first we are to consider of himself; then, of those that did succeed him, till God himself did appoint another. With him we find that God did deal very effectually, both to set him in the right way at the first: and afterward also, as was most meet, when he was wrong. To set him in the right way at the first, he letteth him understand, why he so dealt with the line of david; and maketh great 1. Kidgs. 11: 29-39. promises to him, if he shall take better heed to his ways: and doing this before he brought him to the kingdom, even while Salomon himself as yet was King,& soon after bringing him to the kingdom indeed, he gave him assurance enough of the other, if himself should do as was required. Dealing with him as was most meet, when he was wrong, we are first to see wherein he was wrong: then, howe God dealt with him thereon. Wrong he was, first in that himself took no better a course in that his first entrance, being so graciously dealt with as then he was: then also, in that he did not amend it, when afterward he was reproved for it. The course that he took in that his first entrance, was, that first settling himself as he thought most meet in his own kingdom, in two several places, one at Sichem 1 King. 12 35. Chr. Adricho. in the South part of his kingdom, on the West of jordan; the other, at Pennel in the heart of the other part on the East side of jordan( the usual manner of godless men, first to gather themselves under the protection of their own wisdom and strength, and then at more leisure to haue their recourse, such as it is, to some kind of dealiug in Religion also:) then clean contrary to the Law of God, and all sense 1. Kin. 22: 26-30. 32, 33. 1. King 12: 31 13: 33. 34. of reason too, he set up those two calves in such sort as he did; and putting away the levites, brought in so base a Priest-hood in their rooms. In setting up those two calves, the one in Dan; the other in Bethtl, some things there be common to them both: and something peculiar to either of them. Common to them both it was, both the intention and meaning he had therein: and the form or manner of them. His intention or meaning was, to keep the people at home within the precincts of his own kingdom: least that going to jerusalem( thrice in the year, as the Law of God required) that city being in the other kingdom, the people might so join together again one time or other, and so defeat him of his kingdom, yea and of his life too, as he seemed then to fear. God had assured him before, that in the observation of his laws, should his kingdom be assured unto him: but, in humane reason the doubt he conceived, was in dead very probable or likely; and he destitute of faith, or weak therein, did now give more credite to that likelihood in reason, than he did to that other word of God, the performance whereof could not be expected, but onely out of some special work of God to that end directed. And such are the elections of humane wisdom, even in the deepest policies that are, and in matters of greatest moment. That the idolatry that now he erected was of that manner, or the Idols themselves of that form, it seemeth he restend on that which is a great motive in the corrupt nature of man, resting on two principal points: one, that their Elders in Egypt had been enured to those before; the other, that the Egyptians, time out of mind, had used the like, and that they had, of their knowledge while they were with them( till on their behalf God was offended with them) in prosperous estate. Peculiar to either of them it, was that in those places they were erected; both of thē being places of special note to such a purpose: Bethel at least by name, being interpnted to be the house of God;& Dan, for that in the time of the Iudges,&( soon after the people came into the Land) by judge. 17: 4, 5. 18: 13-31. Bibl. A●gl. Tremel. I●●. in judge. 17: 1 ●r●n. Vatab. Bibl. Angl. Chr. Adrichom. Gen. 28: 10-22. Pet. M●●●yr: Ios. 16: 1, 2. Lib. 3. cap. 2. In ●iffr. Num. 27. judge. 1: 22-26. Michaes Gods translated thither, and worshipped there. But as touching the former of them, the learned are of diuers opinions: some of them not allowing it to be that Bethel which before was called Luz, where jacob had that comfortable vision, when he fled from the wrath of his Brother Esau, but to bee some other of that name; one other accounting it the very same. And true it is, that a Bethel is allotted to the Tribe of Ephraim, as it may seem, by the Text itself, where the bounds of that Tribe are name, and the same to be another from Luz: which also is plainly set down by Cummannus Flinspachius in his genealogy of Christ; and not onely such a place attributed to that Tribe, by Christianus Adrichomins in Theatro t●rra sanctae, but withall plainly set within the bounds of that Tribe, and noted to be the place, where jeroboam erected the one of his golden calves. But now the truth is withall, that even that Bethel which was called Luz, is by the Text itself elsewhere noted to haue been gotten or gained by the house of joseph: and to the house of joseph, it is known well enough, there belonged but two Tribes, Ephraim and Manasseh; of which two, Ephraim onely joined on benjamin, where that Bethel should be( and so are the most likely it belonged to them) whereas both the partes of Manasses were elsewhere placed, one, by the other side of Ephraim towards the North, the other, much farther off, and on the other side of jordan. So that the same Bethel which before was called Luz, and which was allotted to the Tribe of benjamin, seemeth to be most likely to be the place( according to the foresaid iudgement of Peter Martyr) where jeroboam placed one of his Idols: which Adrichomius also doth grant to be there when he treateth of it, and acknowledgeth I●. Benia. Num. 42. it to bee that which the Ephraemites wan from the Beniamites; though afterward, treating of the other( forgetting himself, as it seemeth) he allot one of the calves, as I said before, to that also. And then, this being the place, it was not onely of a faire name for the purpose, but indeed jacob had worshipped there many Ages before, and on the comfortable vision that there he had, gave it the name, calling that place The house of God: and so were both places of special good note for that purpose of his. Wherein withall it is good to mark, that it is no great matter with the common people, whether the ground of their doings bee good or not, so that they haue some praetense whatsoever: the worship that in these places was used, yielding no patronage or warrant at all, unto this that now was urged or forced vpon them. In putting away the levites, and taking in so base a priesthood in their rooms, his meaning is plain enough in itself: and our own experience teacheth, that we also can hardly abide to haue such a ministry, as by the word of God will urge us farther than ourselves do like of; and like rather to haue them of the base sort, that dare not meddle with us in any of our ways be they never so gross, or that haue no regard thereunto, than such as were likely to look into them, and accordingly would deal with us therein. It seemeth also that satan himself hath to that end holpen, or put to his hands, and daily yet doth, to abridge the needful maintenance of the ministry, otherwise to employ it to other uses, that so the ministry might ever be kept so needy and low, as that they should haue neither heart nor power, to haue any such kind of dealing with vs. having thus far, wrong made his entrance at the first, the dealing that now the Lord had with him about the same was, that he did but onely reprove him for it; but that he did that twice: first, more gently; but afterward, a great deal more roundly. In that wherein he was but gently reproved, though the reproof itself was very effectual, to haue withdrawn him from those his ways so offensive to God: yet fell there out such an accident immediately after, as, in the opinion of many, might not a little cross it again. So far forth as it was effectual to such a purpose, it consisted of two principal partes: one, the message that then was sent him; the other, the mirracle that was done vpon him. And yet notwithstanding, neither of these came to any great proof in the end: he growing but angry at the former; and nothing amended by the latter. The messege did not directly touch himself, but onely that new device of his( and yet thereby ob●●q●●ely reproved 1. Kings. 13: 1-3. 5. him withall:) namely, that God was offended withit, ●● by 〈…〉 d then declare; and afterward, by heavier judgements. At the doing of which 〈◇〉 he was then so angry, that forthwith he willed those that whereby, ●o lay 〈…〉 1. King. 1●. 4. A thing worthy the marking, that a man of that dexterity and 〈…〉▪ and now of late so highly advanced by God, from his 〈…〉 also brought 〈…〉 the 〈◇〉 of God, should now be so wedded to so gross Idolatry, or so far 〈…〉 not see how wrong he was, that he would so rage against the Prop●●● that 〈…〉 it no sharplier than so: and a good lesson for others, not ever to look s 〈…〉 sincerity in the greater sort of the world towards the truth of Religion, wh 〈…〉 own ways about their estate is any thing touched, albeit as lightly 〈…〉. The miracle that was done vpon him, was, that the hand which so he put forth, to 〈…〉 1. King. 13: 4, 6. Prophet to be apprehended, he could in wise take in again; yet on his request to th● Prophet, and on the Prophets Prayer to God, his hand was forth-with res 〈…〉 ●nto him. Which notwithstanding wrought so little with him( though withall, ac●●●ding 1. King. 13: 7-10, 33, 34. to the word of the Prophet, the Altar brast before his eyes, and the ashes fell out) that although he had him to dinner, and promised him then to give him a reward( which the Prophet might not accept of, and so refused his courtesy therein:) yet did he nothing repent him of his sin; but rather went on forward therein more than before. As also we find by experience with us, having in all ages, especially among our politicians or worldly-wise, many that can afford to their teachers ordinary courtesy, and yet nothing at all regard their Doctrine to their own amendment: respecting more, yet not of love, but for their own credit among men, not to fail in that lesser kind of duty, than in that greater, which by many degrees did more deeply concern them. The accident that I speak of, which fell out immediately after, and in the opinion of many, might be able much to cross this call that they had by the Prophet now, was, that the Prophet never came home again, but was slain by a lion in 1 Kings. 13. 11-32. the way as he returned, and not far from this idol neither, as also, soon after he had spoken against it. In whose Story notwithstanding it is good to mark, not onely what many might gather to the hardening of their heartes therein: but withall, what better instruction may be gathered on it. To the hardening of their hearts herein they might gather, that he could never prosper, after that he had spoken against that devotion or worship of theirs: or rather, that their God had been avenged on him for the same. That better instruction that may be gathered thereon, is, first for this matter: then, for some others besides. For this matter, that God indeed diuers times leaveth such stumbling blocks in the way, for those to stumble at that will, and for the exercise of his; but yet withal, sufficiently provideth for those that are careful: as giuing that power to those Sorcerers of egypt, to make such Serpents; but yet providing that the Serpent of Moses should praeuaile against them. So in this likewise, both the token that the Prophet gave before, and the miracle done on the King himself, which already were given them, might be sufficient: and yet haue they more in that which followed, both in the maner of his death( in that the lion neither tare him, nor pre●ed on the ass)& in the testimony of the old Prophet too, bearing witness to his repetition, and requiring( when he died) to be butted with him. For some others besides, that young Prophets, not cleaving fast to the word of God, may sometimes be deceived by the old: and that it is dangerous to credit any report of any apparition of Angels, otherwise teaching, than God himself hath taught us already. In that wherein he was more roundly dealt with, first he was( as it were) no more; but only reproved: but, a good while after, punished also. While he was but onely reproved, most of the Story doth appertain to that matter onely: but in one part of it we may learn another lesson besides. That which appertaineth to that matter only, is, how sharply he was reproved: and how plainly himself might see that it was of God. His reproof now was a plain and resolute denouncing of very heavy iudgments, against him and his: to the utter overthrow of his own house for ever; and to the great affliction 1 King. 14. 6. 16. 1. King. 1●▪ ●-6, 1●. 13. 17▪ ●● of al his people. He might plainly perceive the same to be of God, both because their close dealing in the manner that he and his Wife used to inquire, was not hide from the Prophet 〈…〉 because he had so pregnant a token in that son of his, on 〈…〉 that 〈◇〉. That other Lesson th●● we may learn here 〈…〉, th●● when they came to inq●●●e of ● Prophet( as ●● the Story of Saule be 〈…〉) 1. Sa. 9: 7-10. 1. K●●. 14: ●. 3. it 〈◇〉 the usual manner ●●●, ever to bring some-thing with them ●as Iero●●●● here 〈…〉 ct his Wife to do. And true it is, that they which would haue 〈◇〉 dealing with God by those his Seruants, they likewise should ever bee mindful ●● their necessities,& take such order, as that they might be in good estate by them. The time when that his punishment came, was, not till towards the end of his reign: when as, reigning two and twenty yeares in all, he had quietly reigned seventeen 1. King. 14: 19, 20. Ibi. 1●: ●●-24. of them. For ●●●●boam would at the first haue tried that quarrel with him by the Sword, to haue brought the people again to his allegiance, and had gotten together one hundred and fourscore thousand chosen men, all good Warrious: but that the Lord, by 〈◇〉, one of his Prophets, praesently stayed both him and the people from th●● voyage. again, on the heart-burning that hereby would arise betwixt the●, it is not unlikely, but that there would bee much variance betwixt them, and 〈◇〉 withall, ●● occasion was at any time given, and opportunity thereunto served; ●● also the Text itself doth witness: but because Rehoboam was stayed in this main 1. King 14: 30 15: 6. and chief quarrel of all, and we haue no special Story of any, therefore it seemeth that those matters were of less importance, and that Rehoboam did let him alone for that chief and principal matter betwixt them. But now having been, as it were allowed, to do what he lift all that time,& Rehoboam who was inhibited, now being gon, and his son Abiam being stepped up in his room, he would needs try it with him by the Sword, and God did not forbid him too. At which time, and in which quarrel he lost in the field five hundred thousand of his people( more than half of those that he 2. Chr. 13: 1-20. brought& was himself in his own person also afterward strucken or plagued of God, and thereon died: ever being kept in war by Abiam, so long as he reigned: and being 1. King. 15: 6. so low brought down as he was, he was never able to recover his strength again. A good example to bee marked, that though the Lord himself did place him in the kingdom, so that he was not a rebel, as Abiam( belike not knowing, or not believing 2. Chr. 13: 6. that the Lord had given it unto him) did account him to be, but therein had the right on his side, and his Army twice so great as Abiams was: yet, having offended in such sort as now he had done, and never yielding to be reformed, he thereby made himself and his state so odious to God, that in this action he clean abandoneth( in a manner) the protection of them, giuing them to the sword so very freely as then he did. 3 Of those others that succeeded him till God himself appointed another, there was but one of them only, that by lineal descent from him, came to the kingdom: al the rest being mere strangers unto him. He that by lineal descent from him came to Nadab. the kingdom, was Nadab, his son, of whom we haue no Story, but that he did ill in 1. King. 15: 25-28. 31. the fight of the Lord, following the ways of his Father before him: and so having reigned but two years, was slain by Baasha( one of his Captains, it seemeth) as he lay at a siege; and so lost, both his kingdom, and life together. Who no doubt, might before haue seen, that God was highly offended with his Father, by that great overthrow that he had at the hands of Abiam K. of judah; as also he could not be ignorant, how heavy judgements God had denounced against all the posterity of his Father, of all which himself was now in place and the foremost of them: and yet he not regarding to take away that great offence, crying for vengeance in the ears of God, followeth on the ordinary affairs of his kingdom; leaving the chief and principal matter, altogether neglected. As with us also experience teacheth, that seldom do Children amend the bad ways of their parents; especially such as seem to concern their own worldly estate: and yet hold on their course still without any fear, although they cannot be ignorant neither, but that such things are offensive to God, and one time or other are like to overwhelm them with heavy iudgments; and ever lightly when they are in the midst of their strength, or otherwise most voided of the fear of any such matters. Those that were mere strangers to jeroboam, did some of them Baasha make the Seat of their kingdom at Tirzah: and some of them at Samaria. Of those that made the seat of the kingdom at Tirzah, one of them had the kingdom to him and his son: others but to themselves alone. He that ●ad it to him and his son, was Baasha, who being of another Tribe, of the Tribe of Issachar, rose up against his 1 King▪ 15: 27-30, 3●-34. 16: 5. 6. master and slay him, and reigned in his stead four and twenty yeares, in Tirza: a place but a little from Sichem, and North from it, and in that half Tribe of Manasses which was placed on that side of jordan, and lay close unto Ephraim on the North side of it. This man made an utter destruction of the house of jeroboam, and yet himself walked in those his bad ways, for which that heavy iudgement was denounced against Ieroboams house by God himself, which he had now executed on them: he also made head against judah, and so strongly, that the King of judah was 2. Chr. 16. 1-6 fain to seek to the King of Syria for his help, and thereby got him drawn back again. This man also it pleased God, by jehu the son of Ha●ani, both to upbraid 1. King. 16: 1-4, 7. with his great unthankfulness, that having advanced him from so mean estate as he had done, he nevertheless so much offended him by following that Idolatry of jeroboam: and now denounced to him also the selfsame judgements for his so doing; and withall, for killing his Lord and master. Elah his son succeeded Elah. him in the kingdom, and in those bad ways of his Father withall: but he 1 King. 16: 6, 8▪ 10, 14. reigned but two yeares; and on a time drinking ●ill he was drunk, was even then slain by Zimri, one of his servants, and so was in such sort requited, as his Father had dealt with Nadab before. Those that had it but to themselves alone, were but two: Zimrie, and Tibni. Zimri rising up against Elah his master, Zimri. slaying him, and reigning in his stead, held the kingdom but seven dayes only: but in that short time he so bestirred himself against the House of Baasha, that 1. Kings. 16: 11-13. 15-20. according to the word of the Lord, he made an utter destruction of them, both of his Kindred, and of his friends. But then the people setting up another against him, besiedging the city and taking it; he also desperatelie set Fire on the palace wherein himself was, and so eestroyed both it and himself withall: the lord so ordering the matter, that for his good liking of Ieroboams calves, for his treason, and these his murders, he was himself his own Executioner after a strange and fearful manner. Tibni, it seemeth, came to the kingdom without any bad Tibni. practise at all, chosen by the people that were at home: but they then having war 1. Kings. 16: 21, 22. abroad, another was chosen by the Army. Albeit therefore, that this man also stood as King( at least, as one of the two) for four yeares: yet haue wee no Story of him, neither good nor bad; the other, as it seemeth, going away with all the Story of reigning as King, as in his Story wee are more plainly to see. he therefore that was set up by the Army, was Omri, the general of the field in Omri. that piece of service, and he that afterward removed the seat of his kingdom to Samaria, where afterward it stood, so long as the kingdom itself continued. 1. King. 16: 16, 17, 23. So now, as touching these, we are first to consider of Omri himself: then, of those others that did succeed him, till it pleased God himself to appoint another. As touching Omri himself, we are first likewise to consider of the material part of his Story: and then of the time of his reign besides. The material part of his story, is, first, as touching one special action of his: than, as touching all his whole carriage generally. That one specially action of his was, that the palace at Tirzah being 1. Kings. 16: 24-28. 1. King. 16: 23 destroyed, though himself nevertheless made his most abode there, for six yeares after: yet some-time in the mean season it seemeth, he compassed the other; and so, after the first six yeares shifted the seat of his kingdom from Tirza, where it was before, to Samaria where it was after, calling it after the Name of him of whom he bought it. His whole carriage towards GOD, is noted to haue been very ill, and worse than all that were before him: and the matter was, for that he was so given to those ways of jeroboam, the corruption of Religion which he erected. A matter so much the worthyer of marking, for that it seemeth, that it was but his great religiousness that way, that GOD so much misliketh( and then, the more Popish, may bee in like sort so much the more odious:) otherwise not seeming so bad as others( for any thing that is delivered unto us of him( both for that he came not to the crown by blood as others did, but advanced thereunto by the Army; and because wee haue certain tokens of some good moderation in him. For neither did he oppress or so much as urged any of his Nobles, or people to get any house of theirs from them: neither did he slip into that common vanity Psal. 49: 11. 1. King. 16: 23. of the world, to impose his name on that building of his. As touching the time of his reign, it is plainly set down, that he reigned twelve yeares: and if we lay those twelve yeares of his, to the time when first he was made King of the Army, and to Ibid. 15, 16. Ibid. 23. that which is said of him again in the one and thirtieth year Asa, so shall wee perceive, that four yeares at the first he did not reign by himself alone, but with Tibni also, and the other eight yeares onely alone. For when first they made him King, it is plainly said, that Zimri began his seauen-daies-Kingdome, in the seven and twentieth year of Asa King of judah: and soon after, that the same day the host 1. King. 16: 15. Ibid. 16. heard of it, they made their own general King; and withall sped them so fast against Zimri, that they got him down at the seven daies end. So may wee see, Ibid. 17, 18. that he also first began in the seven and twentieth year of Asa, as well as Zimri: and that there were very few daies, if any at all, betwixt the beginning of the one and the other; when as it might very well be, either the self same day, or the next. In the one and thirtieth year of Asa it is said likewise, that Omri then began to reign over Israell: which if we understand of his raiging alone, so haue we his twelu yeares Ibid. 23. fully accomplished, by those four with Tibni, and eight by himself. And this is so Lyr. Vatab. Martyr Trem. I●●. Pellic. Beroal. Cod●mā much the rather to be marked, for that, although there bee many of the learned that haue noted this before: yet are there diuers others that are of other iudgement therein; and therefore to be headed so much the more. 4 Those others that succeeded him till in pleased God himself to appoint another, were three: one of them, his own son; the others also no farther off from him, but onely the sons of that son of his. That son of his was Ahab, whose Ahab. Story is much more large, than any of the others that yet we haue had: and yet the effect of all is but this, that he was very offensive to God; and that God dealt accordingly 1. Kings. 16: 28, 29. with him. His offensiuenesse to God was such, that first for a time he did no more but chastise him for it: but afterward he took him away clean. When he did but chastise him for it, we are then to see, what his offence was: and how it pleased God to chastise him for it. His offence was such, that he is noted to haue done worse, than any of those that were before him: and that to haue been, because he Ibid. 30-33. did not onely walk in the ways of jeroboam, as others of his praedecessors before; but because he had so corruptly married, and thereby had fallen to much Idolatry besides. That which was reproved in his marriage was, that he matched with jezebel, by the city whence she came, a Canaanitish woman, and therefore such as with whom he should not haue married. The Idolatry besides whereinto he fell thereby, Calepin ex Hierony. Polyd virg de. I● vent. lib. 1. cap. 5. ex Beroso was the worship of Baal, or Baalim; the idol, or the Idols of the Sidonians whence she came: and not unlike to be that Belus, the Father of Ninus, King of the Assyrians, whom, after his death, not-onely the Babylonians, but the Assyrians also did worship, and in diuers Countries had Idols of him. Before, the Text doth show, how God did chastise him for these his sins, it first bringeth in another matter diuers from it: but then, it prosecuteth this again. That other matter which it recordeth before, is the building of jericho again by Hiel of Bethel, in the daies of this Ahab: 1 King. 16: 34. a special good warning to all, and a needful lesson for many of us( that are given to the spoil of the Church, and for our own private lucre to take that from it, which our Elders gave well unto it, and laid a curse on those that should alter it) not to make so light of a curse going before, though but of any one servant of God: and much more to take heed, when so many, so wise and godly, so deliberately also, and especially on behalf of Gods glory and good of the people, haue so judicially done it, as that case of ours affordeth, in former times, many special and great examples. Prosecuting the former matter again, it giveth us to understand, that those his sins were chastised two special ways: one, by a Famine; the other, by invasion of foreign enemies. In the Story of that Famine, we haue delivered unto us, first in what sort it was laid vpon them: then, how it was taken off again. When God was disposed to lay it upon them, first by one of his Seruants, he denounced the same unto them: and then soon after, accordingly sent it. That Seruant of his by whom he did denounce it unto them, was Elias, ● man of no special note before, that wee red off, nor of the ordinary sort of the ministry, Thesbe, the city whence he was, being 1. King 17: 1. Ios 21: 38, 39. none of those whereunto the levites were sorted, but of the Tribe, of Gad, and so one of Ahabs own Subiectes. This man came some-what strangely about 1. King. 17: 1. this business: coming but to the King alone, that wee red of, not reproving him first for any thing he had done, nor labouring him to any amendment, not so much as telling him, that th● Lord had sent him unto him; but even abruptly, as it were, and bluntly enough, telling the King, that as the Lord God of Israell lived before whom he stood, there should be neither due nor rain foot those yeares ensuing, but according to his word. Iesus also the son of mirach goeth no farther, Eccles 48: 3. but onely that he did shut up heaven,& by the word of the Lord: but else-where we haue, that it was done by earnest prayer. But to go no farther than this present Iam. 5: 17. place giveth occasion, the greatest personages that are, even Kings withall, must bee content sometime to be so dealt withall by the Seruants of God, as, out of which they may easily take offence, as not being dealt with in such good manner, one way or other, as appertained: especially now, since the time that Christ is come among us, and hath shewed us all; neither denouncing before when it pleaseth him to strike, nor showing why it should bee needful now, but every one for himself to heed his ways as he will bee served, and never to look for it, now to bee taught or warned still. According to which word of the Prophet, God, first providing for that his servant, sent indeed a marvelous great drought, and of long continuance on all that Land, to the great distress thereof. For the Prophet he first provided, before the Famine by that great drought did begin: but then again, when the Famine was sore vpon them. Before it began, God appointed the Prophet to 1. Kin. 17▪ 2. 6. go and hid him by the river Cherish, arising in the West, and running Eastward into jordan: that so he might ever as need should be drink of the river, and telling him farther, that he had already commanded the ravens to feed him there. Which when the Prophet accordingly did, he plainly found the good hand of God extended towards him to his good, both in gracious and wonderful manner, the ravens, that hardly find oft-times enough for themselves, bringing him both Bread and Flesh, every day, both Morning and evening, wherein wee may note, not onely that usual work of God, ever setting his in safety, before he poure forth his wrath on the wicked: but that at this time besides, he would haue the Prophet to hid him there, that so those that made so light on the word of God before, should not now bee able to get to the Prophet, though never so fain( after their manner) they would. Another thing also might some( to good use) gather hereof, namely, such as for gaining time to their study, would, if it might stand with their health, haue but one meal a-day: besides that physic accounteth that to bee the overthrow of good health by decaying the stomach; seeing God himself, in so great a famine, allowed his servant two meales a day, it may stand in such like case for a rule unto others. When the drought was now so great, that the river itself was 1. Kings. 17: 7-16. dried, for that no rain fell on the earth, God then provided otherwise for him, with a poor widow in the Coasts of Zidon, and so but a gentle, and none of the Israelites. A strange work of God, to ouer-hippe all in Israel, and sand his Seruant forth to the Gentiles: and, being so full handed himself, yet not to relieve so special a Seruant of his, but out of such penury as he did, and that among strangers too. The widow being a Stranger, might in reason some-thing haue staggered at Elias Ibid. 17-24. his demand to be partner with her and her Son, of that little store that then she had; and to serve him first too: but obeying therein, she is farther tried in her son, and farther acquainted with the power and glory of God. And if any of us would Ibid. 21. gladly raise others, in such sort as to us appertaineth, from error to truth, or from looseness of life to some amendment, hence might we learn, how carefully to apply ourselves unto them, and withall to seek unto God, if we would praeuaile therein. having thus provided for his Seruant, the drought was now so great, that in Samaria, 1. Kings. 18: 2, 5, 6. the chief city of all( and then much rather in the whole kingdom besides) the famine was very great, and their pastures were every where so burnt up, that at length the King himself in his own person, took the one part of the Land to go through, to see where he might find pasture enough whereby to save such cattle as they had left, that they lost not some whole kind of them:& for the other part of the land, he gave the like charge to Obadiah, one of his Nobles, belike of special good reckoning with him. These things are certain: the Text itself doth plainly witness them both. Besides which, there are two others very probable also; one of Ahab: the other of Iezebell. That of Ahab i●●lainely reported by Obadiah, a 1. King. 18: 10 parsonage, and very well given, as that time and place might afford: namely, that Ahab his Lord ●nd master had made great search for the Prophet Elias, in all those Countreyes there-about, and would gladly haue heard where he had been; yet not( as I take it) as having denounced or proclaimed him to be an enemy to his State, as Pet. Mart●r. 1. King. 17: 3. Ibid. 18: 20, 40, 42, 45. is conceived by one of special reckoning. For both the lord had willed him before to hid himself: and when Ahab had found him again, he was so far from doing him any hurt, that very far he was ruled by him. So it may seem rather to be, that Elias did not keep himself secret, as for fear of the King, but that they might be truly humbled by that chastisement, before that he would be found of them again, to ease them of it; and that Ahab did not so inquire for him to haue his life, or any way to hurt him( which may rather seem he durst not, he saw the power of God so present with him, by that his prediction before;) but rather that he would haue had him, to see if he could haue obtained release of that chastisement, as the Prophet indeed had told him, that they should haue neither due nor rain, but according as himself should say the word. The other of Iezabell, is, that whereas she slay many of the Prophets of the Lord( the particular of which Story we haue Ibid. 18: 4, 13. not) it may very well bee, that it was most for this famine too: as either themselves refusing to help them, being so distressed as they were, or concealing Elias among them( for so did Nebucadnezzer after, rage against the Wise-men of Babylon; and Dan. 2: 12, 13 in such cases, such is the impatiency of godless persons;) or else, as being the chief and principal causes of all that their misery, as Christians were charged by many of the persecuting Emperours since, and by much of their people besides. When this chastisement of theirs was to be taken off from them, first wee are to consider of it: then, of another accident that fell out thereupon. As touching it, when the Lord 1. King. 18: 1. had thus far laid his hand vpon them, then did the word of the Lord come to Elias, willing him to go show himself unto Ahab, and promising that he would sand rain vpon the earth: as also it did soon afterward prove, when some such things as that case required had passed before. Those things that passed before, were some of them, but with some few several persons: others, with many. Those few several persons were but two: Obadiah; and Ahab. Obadiah was the man who Ibid. 2, 7-16. first light on the Prophet, and as he was coming to show himself unto Ahab: and the business that the Prophet had with him, was, but that he willed him to go and show ahab that he was there( and so it appeareth the Prophet himself did not go, but onely sent by Obadiah: both a performance no doubt of Gods commandment, willing to go show himself unto ahab; and yet not letting down therein the dignity of his function, in such place as it pleased God then to use him) which though at the first he did not obtain, on some fear that was thereon conceived, yet soon after it was with good will performed. With ahab he had some business also, both at their first meeting: and about the business they had in hand. At their first meeting, Ibid. 17. ahab took on him something like a King, as he was: in effect charging the Ibid. 18. Prophet, that he it was that troubled Israell. But the Prophet plainly told him again, it was not he, but that it was even himself, and his Fathers house, in that they had forsaken the commandments of the Lord: and that, for his part, he had followed Baalim besides, so defiling himself with much more Idolatry than his fathers had done. In that the King did so charge him, we are not to conceive, that he did it against his own conscience or iudgement therein, though the Prophet were as free from it as might be: but that it is a natural persuasion in us all generally, that we may sufficiently serve GOD, and the world too, and therefore, that they are too praecife, and troublers of public peace, that will not allow us both in our profession and life, to be some-thing like to others about vs. And the answer of the Prophet on the other side teacheth, both him and us, that wee cannot any way decline from the word of God to gratify others, or to make ourselves, or our ways suitable to them, but that therein wee trouble our own estate, not onely private men but Princes too, every of us in our own proper measure. About the business they had in hand, the Prophet propoundeth a course to the King, how to grow to some good issue: and the King joineth with him therein. The course was, that the King should Ibid 19. sand and gather together unto the Prophet in Mount carmel, all the people generally: and together with them, all the Prophets of Baal, four hundred and fifty; and the Prophets of the groves, whom Iezebell maintained, four hundred also. Which the King readily did: not referring the matter to his counsel, who were like enough Ibid. 20. to haue been such( at least, for diuers of them) as would haue crossed it one way or other, though it had been for none other cause, but onely to haue brunted the Prophet, that he should not haue that interest in the King, or so far meddle, as the gathering of so great assembly to him, might diversly import; but by and by satisfying the Prophet therein. Those being now gathered together, the Prophet hath to deal with many: both with all the people generally, and with those other Prophets; and that he doth twice. His former dealing with them, was, to propound unto them some indifferent course, whereby to make trial of themselves, in what case they stood towards God, or whether they were, in that respect, right or wrong. Which course of his, was no sooner propounded, but that it was liked of all generally; and soon after effected too: but what it was, is not so fully described unto us, but that some part of it we may easily mistake, unless we take the better heed. He required Ahab, in distinct and plain terms, to sand for two sorts of Prophets: Ibid. 19. four hundred and fifty of Baals; and four hundred of the grove, or, as it is interpnted of the groves, otherwise also noting them to haue their diet then at Iezebels table. Ibid. 20: It is said likewise of Ahab, that besides that he sent for the people, he gathered the Prophets together: not noting that he gathered all; nor yet, on the other side, that he left out any. But now when Elias is to deal with the people about that matter, neither doth he charge them with any other matter, but onely with a doubtful and mingled worshipping, partend, as it were, betwixt the Lord and Baal. Now the Lord, with him, was out of question: and Baal onely the party impugned. So that although he first required the Prophets of the groves too, those that did eat at Iezebels Table: yet haue we no mention, but onely of those Prophets of Baal, in all that followeth. Out of which some haue gathered, that those others the King would not bring hither, and that Iezebell would not suffer them to come: a matter Conr. Pell. Pet. Martyr. indeed likely enough; but wee haue no certainty of it. It may bee therefore, that they were there too: but that the Prophet doth not so roundly oppose himself against them, as he doth against the others, as not accounting these so hurtful: and yet that he would haue them there with the others, as in diuers good respects he might. And this were likely to stand the more clear, if it may bee found, that the Prophets of the grove, or of the groves, were not so Idolatrous as the others: and that may seem, may well be gathered; though it be not, that I do know of, considered by any. For those groves were not common Woods, or hoults of Trees, but either specially chosen, or purposely set about some place, where the people either A●br. Calepin. e● Servi●. 1. Kin. 14: 23. 2. Chr. 17: 6. then worshipped, or meant to do it: and therefore diuers times, groves, and high places go together; such places as were of any delightful or beautiful height above the rest, being thought to be the meetest, for places of assembly to worship, and therefore set with Trees too, both for the use and beauty of them. First therefore as touching the higher ground, it is the general inclination of all, that as any thing is of more price and dignity with us, if by such kind of placing wee can add any beauty unto it( or if it bee no more but the contentment of our own mindes therein) wee readily afford it that advantage; and th●● Religion, or religious worshipping, being of that account with all men, it falleth our naturally with us, that if wee light on any such place as something mounteth, and the same in seemly and pleasant manner, if we can conveniently get it of others, or spare it if it be of our own, we are as it were with child, till we haue graced it some such way, one or other. Then as touching the grove to be added thereto, that also is in the common iudgement of all, a comely and a pleasant ornament unto it: and of good use besides, both in the hotter Countries for shade, and in the colder, for wind and weather. nevertheless there haue been others besides, that haue had some base Lyr. in 2. Reg. 13. ●. meaning to haue those places so shadowed unto them: and yet hath that also been such, as that although men would not bee acknown that that was any part of their meaning; yet on that behalf could they bee content to wink at them, shrouding themselves therein under the general inclination of all. This then being the general liking of all, it must needs be granted, both that it is a ready course for all men generally to incline unto: and that easily it breedeth dislike of others that any way cross it, as doing it rather of mere peevishness, than of any reason to bear them out in it. The word of God, given unto them, was against both: and it might very well bee, that even in those things also he would haue his people sundered from Exod. 20: 26. Num. ●3. 52. Deut. 7: 5. 16: 21. them, least that otherwise they should join with them, in that which were corruption indeed; and, that in matters of devotion or religious worshipping, he would therefore haue the less beauty or pleasure in the place, that they might the rather bee altogether occupied in that which were true devotion indeed. And in these places it is very clear, that among them the Lord onely was worshipped: but after that himself appointed what should be the place of his worship, and forbade all others 1. Sa. 9: 12-14, 19, 23. 1. Chr. 16: 39. 2. Chr. 1: 3. besides, then could not these be to that end used. again it is certain, that many of them were used to Idolatry, both before this people came into the Land, and by themselves afterwards also. But as yet it may probably seem, that as where the golden calves were, yet there also they professed no worship but onely of the Lord: so might it bee in their groves and high places also; this King himself being the first( to speak off) that brought in that other Idolatry beside. So it seemeth to me, not to be unlikely, but that those other Prophets of the groves, did profess the worship of the Lord, though but in corrupt manner, and so might more easily bee borne-with: and yet that there were of them Idolaters also, remnants of the old Canaanites; though the lord was their onely God, were yet so fresh in the memory,& in the assurance of all generally, that the most of them may probably be thought to be of the other. That those did eat at Iezebels Table, or were maintained by her, may seem to import otherwise, as that they were not like to find such favour with her, if they were none other than so: but shee being wedded into that Land, where it was so firmly on all hands held, that the Lord God of Israell was their onely Lord, it may probably be conceived, that shee was content to profess him also; at least being left to her liberty for the manner of it, to follow the guise that most was used. And so it may be, that these also were of the number: and yet that Elias on good consideration( though he required to haue them there, and like enough that ahab was content to satisfy him to the full, as his case stood then) thought not good in such sort to proceed against them, as he did against the others. Then falleth it out, that now the business is but against the Idolatry of Baal, and against the practisers and teachers of it: and not( in the course that now is intended) against any of those others besides. The thing therefore that he opposeth himself against, being the Idolatry of Baal that they were 1. King. 18: 21 in, and labouring to draw them out of it, first he reproveth them for their inclining from the Lord to Baal so much as they did, and terming it halting betwixt both: then, when the people are silent, as having nothing that they may justly allege in their defence, he propoundeth that course unto them that we speak of for Ibid. 22-24. the trial of the matter in question;& the people thought it so very indifferent,& so good a trial withal, that generally they accepted of it. Setting in hand therfore with their trial,& Baals Prophets having the fore part of the day to work in, and there in Ibid. 25-39. great measure too, earnestly endeavouring, but nothing praeuailing: when the turn came to Elias, he quickly dispatched, to the great contentment& admiration of al. This being his former dealing, both with the people, and with those four hundred and fifty Prophets of Baal, his next was, for the execution of those false Prophets, Ibid. 40. willing the people, that they suffered not one of them to escape, and the people readily yielding their help and service therein: so that at the bottom of the hill by the side of the river Kison, they were all by Elias and the people there put to death; the King himself nothing at all hindering that Iustice, that there we red of, but as it may seem by a circumstance soon after following, having the Prophet then in special favour. One there is, who is of opinion, that those other four hundred Prophets of the groves, were then and there executed likewise: but I do not see that he hath, in the Text, any warrant for it; and others there bee, as C●●●ā. Flinch ●● Geneal. Chri-lib. 2. cap. 26. pag. 117. Ibid. 41-46. I said before, that are of opinion they were not there. This execution first being done, and the time being now come, that the promised rain was to be given them, the Prophet first desireth the King now to go and refresh himself( having it seemeth fasted till then) assuring him, there was good store of rain now very near: but himself goeth aside to pray, and so continueth till he saw that he had obtained. By which time the King having refreshed himself, is now by the Prophet advised, to speed himself home so fast as he can, least he be stayed by rain: and himself attending the King home, made such speed withall, that he ever kept with the kings Chariot, and came to Iezrael some-what before. Whereby it seemeth, that the King bare him such countenance then, that the Prophet conceived good hope of more good to be done vpon him: and thereon attended so as he did. 5 That other accident that fell out hereupon, was clean contrary, as it seemeth, to that the Prophet had before conceived, being no sooner come to Iesrael, having attended the king thither, but that he findeth himself as it were closed up in the jaws of death, unless he see to himself in time: a great discomfiture to him for the time; but quickly comforted again of God. His discomfiture was such, as presented unto him present death the next day, unless he could use some means to avoid it before: whereupon he shifted for himself so well as he could. The danger therefore that he was in, being to bee considered, first, it is good to note, that together with the danger itself, God so ordered the matter, that withall he had a way to escape. The danger itself, was, that Ahab, when he was teturned, 1. King. 19: 1. telling queen jezebel, how things that day had passed( as it is the manner of men to do, especially when the things are strange withall) that godless queen so little regarded the great glory of God shining therein, that she presently determined with herself, to haue his life for it, the next day following. The way that he had withall to escape, was, that the queen herself could not keep in the bloody purpose she had conceived, but plainly sent him word thereof: accounting belike, that now she had him sure enough; and not contented, it seemeth, onely to haue Ibid. 2. his life, but that also she would torment him with the fear of death in the mean season. The shift that then he made for himself was by flight: and the same in good sort by him performed. That he must save himself by flight, it is somewhat strange, both in respect of his late good deserts; and of that extraordinary power wherewith he was diversly endowed: but so God useth to humble his, notwithstanding whatsoever benefit it hath pleased God to make to redound to others thereby; or whatsoever power he hath otherwise given unto them. That it was in good sort by him performed, we may perceive plainly enough by that which wee haue recorded of him therein; and yet haue we one likelihood that doth seem to show it farther. That which we haue recorded of him therein, is, that he made his flight by judah: and that then he took into the wilderness so far as he did. That he made his flight by judah, it appeareth, because he came from Iesrael to Ibid 3. Beersheba, in the out-most cost of judah southward. Where it is noted, that he left his seruant, but not declared withall, whereupon he did it: and yet notwithstanding because it is recorded here, it seemeth to haue some dependence on this story, and that I cannot find that it hath, unless it bee in one of these two: that either he left him behind in policy for a time; or else partend with him clean, as not so fit for him as he did need. For as touching that conceit of some, that this his seruant should be that child of the widow with whom he sojourned, to whom at his intercession God had given life again, and that the same was likewise jonas the Prophet, because it is but their own conceit,& altogether without any ground on the Text, we are therefore to leave it where it is. he might leave him behind in policy, if either jezebel did indeed, by any such means as she could use, pursue him thither( a matter both possible, and not unlikely) or if the Prophet but doubted she had: or otherwise found, when he came thither, that there he was in danger also. For so leaving his man in sight, and, as it were, going about his Maisters business there, it might seem to imply, that himself was there also. And jezabel, being so bloody a woman as she was, and so wickedly bent against the Prophets of the Lord, having destroyed so many of them before, being armed also with so great Authority, and having bound herself with an Oath to the slaughter of this man of whom we speak: was not unlikely to haue laid for him even at Bethshabee also, by such means as she might easily haue thereunto. But if that particle there, may, by the use of the Hebrew tongue, bee understood of that other place from whence he fled( as relatives, with them, are diuers times used) then had the Prophet juster occasion a great deal, to make the best shift that he could for his own escape: especially, when his servant so left, should bee in no danger thereby, the quarrel being but personal onely,& himself being the onely man against whom it was. he might also leave him behind, to part with him clean, as not so meet for him as he did need, for that we do not find that they met again, and soon after it followeth, that Elizeus is by God himself mentioned unto him, and that he 1. Kings. 19. 16, 21. did Minister unto him, or did him service: as also it is reported by one of the seruants of the King of Israell, after the death of Elias, that Eliseus the Prophet then, was the seruant of Elias before. And true it is, that the nearer that any approocheth 2. King. 3. 11. unto the ways of God indeed, the harder is it, for any such to light on such Seruants, as are meet for them: not one to bee had among many mo than one would think at the first, but will either condemn of morosity his Maisters integrity, and thereupon hang off from him again: or else seeing it to bee but a barren service in worldly respects, thereupon hang impatiently on them for the time they tarry, so long as they see not, otherwise how to better themselves; and when they do, or but persuade themselves then readily take the opportunity offered, yea and themselves force it too rather then fail. At the first a man would think, it were no matter of any such difficulty: but had not God himself provided that seruant for him that then he did, and such an one as himself should bee a Prophet after; no doubt it would haue been a hard matter for Elias to haue gotten one fit for his purpose. And the greater the Prophet himself is, though the seruant may be in gifts inferior by so many degrees, that therein there may bee no comparison at all betwixt them: yet in orderly carriage, and good moderation to his affections, the nearer had the seruant need to come unto him; otherwise, the farther he is off therein, the more troublesone must he needs be unto him, and therefore so much the vnmeeter for him. howsoever it was that now he partend with his seruant, he then sped himself farther, even one daies journey into the wilderness, before he restend: 1. King. 19: 4 and so got himself reasonable safe( to the iudgement of any) from the danger that then he was in. But a strange sight in some respect it was, that so notable a Prophet as he, so very lately so much honoured from above, so beneficial and welcome to the whole land beneath, should now notwithstanding bee in that fear among them, that he rather choose to flee to Serpents, and the savage beasts of the wilderness, than to abide among his own people, though all of them now, in most fresh memory, very deeply indebted unto him. A true and right pattern of this present unthankful and ill world: often bearing itself hardest against those▪ that haue best deserved of it. That one likelihood that we haue which farther sheweth us, that whereas Elias was to save himself by flight, he did the same effectually, is, that being so come into the wilderness, himself, being in special anguish, nevertheless fell so soon asleep; and that GOD so soon did feed him there: the one branch thereof importing, that he had traveled very sore; the other, that he had not any where stayed, so much as to take him any meate. Because the King himself, it seemeth, was fasting, till they had done their business at Carmel, it is most likely that the Prophet was so too: but when he thereupon wished the King to forbear no longer, but to go and refresh himself, he notwithstanding went then to Prayer, and persisted therein, till he perceived he had obtained. Then wishing the King to speed himself homeward, himself hastened thither also: there, it may seem, thinking to haue had opportunity to haue refreshed himself at leisure. He is no sooner come thither, but that he findeth, there is no staying at all for him there. Speeding himself thence, his journey was great; and seeing he was so soon said by God himself, when he was come to his journeys end, that is it that may seem to import, that he made no stay by the way: a kind of exercise or trial, that others also of the children of God must look sometimes to be put unto; and for that cause are to arm themselves before hand for it. His discomfiture hereon 1. King. 19: 4 being so great, that he besought the Lord he might die( so heavy a burden is it oft-times, even for those that are best endowed, quietly to bear, the great unthankfulness that the world for the most part yeeldeth) now are we to see, how it pleased God to deal with him thereon: first in that place where now he was; then, else-where, a little after. In that place where now he was, it pleased God in that his distress, to minister much comfort unto him: in one thing very plainly; and it seemeth, that in another he had the same meaning also. That one thing wherein it was plain, was not onely for that present: but for many dayes after ensuing. For that present it was, that God did show himself to take such care on his behalf, Ibid. 5▪ 7. as to sand him food in that his necessity: and that he did it, both so plentifully, that it served him twice; and that he did it by the ministry of an angel. In that which was for many dayes after ensuing, wee are to consider, not onely what the thing itself was: but also, of another thereof depending. The thing itself was, that his body was sustained by those two refections forty dayes, and forty nights: a great experiment, and a great number of witnesses of many dayes, of the great and special favour of God towards him, miraculously, by his extraordinary dealing with him, preserving his good estate so long, not onely in special great comfort to himself; but also to his great honour in all ages with others. Wherein likewise we may farther note, as on Gods behalf the variety of his working, in that place feeding the Prophet, with those two meales forty daies, where he fed the people before forty years, every day giuing them their meate afresh unto them, the sabbaths onely still excepted: so on the behalf of Elias also, though he were a great Prophet, yet that unless his business were the greater there, he was much beholding to God that so maintained him in that wilderness, if he all that time were but walking the wanderings, or kept close in the couertures of his own infirmity. That other that dependeth thereon, is, that we do not red, that any of the godlyer sort of the people of God ensuing, did ever take up among them any imitation of this miraculous fast of Elias: that usage of theirs implying, that it was not of nccessity, that any should afterward imitate such another that followed in Christ. That other wherein it is likely that so it was also, is, that then the angel Ibid. 7. told him, that there was much way abiding him yet: not so much respecting thereby, as it seemeth to me, that his journeying to Horeb, which notwithstanding followed immediately after; as framed rather to be an answer unto him, for that he desired a little before, that he might die, giuing him now to understand, that he might not look to go yet, but had to return to his labour again, as having much to do, before he might think to give over. For neither doth the Angel bid him go to Horeb; neither was it of any such distance by far, as to require so long a time thither( the way from Horeb to Kadesh-barnea, being almost as far as the other,& that being but 11. dayes journey:) and when he was there, God did ask him twice▪ what Adrichom. Deut. 1: 2 1. King● 19: 9, 13. he did there, which it seemeth he would not haue done, if himself had sent him on that journey. And then this comfort was, that whereas he was afraid of his life by jezebel, hereby he is given to understand, that as yet he was in no such danger. In that other place wherein God had farther dealing with him, we are first to consider, of his going thither: then, what dealing it was, that God had with him there. As touching the former of these, wee haue it not expressed in what sort he came thither: but conceived by one, as, for fear of jezebel, fleeing away from his calling. Pet. Martyr. But seeing we do not read of any farther calling he had, than that which he hath as yet performed, and seeing that, as his case was( so far as wee are able to charge him by the Text) it seemeth to be clear, that he might flee: I do not see how he may be justly charged, by this his flight to forsake his calling, or that he did any more therein than was lawful for him to do. But now that in the wilderness he had so good experience of the providence of God towards him, being so readily refreshed, and served therein with an angel from heaven; having likewise such words uttered unto him, as out of which he might as readily conceive, that yet he had much time to spend( that being the matter whereof he stood in doubt now) as that he had some long journey to go( that being not otherwise spoken of yet) I, for my part, do not see, but that herein( for any thing we haue in the Text to the contrary) he might be lead much by his own infirmity, in this his journeying unto Horeb: not onely, because it was so far out of the way from that which was likeliest to be his business, if any way he had to deal with the people of God as he had begun, and because we do not read of any direction at all of going thither; but much rather, both because when he was come thither, God asked him twice what he did there, and because it was so long before he came thither. For if God had commanded him thither, it is not likely that he would so haue asked him what he did there: and seeing it was so long before he came there, which by likelihood he might well haue done in one quarter of that time or near unto it, it seemeth he had no set journey thither; but that he kept himself in the wilderness to avoid that former danger, and by that occasion the rather went unto Horeb. For not onely the more idle, and the lighter sort of the people, are given to see places of special note: but sometimes even the wisest and best men that are, as either need at any time requireth, or as opportunities are offered unto them. That therefore being a place of so special a note, by the giuing of the Law, and that gracious conversing of God with Moses there, it may well bee, that in that respect he rather choose to go thither( if he thought it needful, as it seemeth Deut. 4: 10, 1●. 5: 2. Exod. 3: 1, 2▪ 17: 6. 23 6, 18-23. 24: 1-8. he did, there to keep himself out of the way for the time) than elsewhere to soiourn therein: and surely that was pardonable unto him, were he the gravest& best man on earth( as it seemeth that age of his could not out-match him, nor match him neither) unless at that time he had more urgent business then to be done, which by the Text no man is able( as I do take it) to charge him withall. 6 Being come thither, first God dealt with him, about that his coming thither: and then employed him farther besides. About that his coming thither, his dealing tendeth to his instruction onely, as it seemeth to me, though he did no more in effect, but onely ask him what he did there: but that he did not onely at the first so soon as he came; but afterward also, when it seemeth he did prepare him to some better advisement in that his answer. When first he asked him what he did there, 1. Kin. 19: 8, 9. it was as that time sufficient to put him in mind, that unless he had some just occasion of that his being there, he was without defence or warrant therein. Many of us haue in like sort had and yet haue our wanderings too, some of travail as we term it, to see the estate and manners of strange peoples, others in the way of devotion to visit places of special note; of al which, though there may be some use, sometimes needful, sometimes but tolerable; yet in thē all this question to him is of special moment for us, to occasion or drive us, by comparing together what we do there, and what we haue elsewhere to do, to aduise ourselves well, whether we be right or not. When it seemeth God did prepare him to some better answer, we are to see, in what sort he did it: and how far it may seem to haue prevailed with the Prophet. The better to find in what sort he did it, whereas, if that be his meaning, as it seemeth to me to be, such things as follow must haue relation to his answer going before we are first to consider of that his answer: then, what course is taken for the framing of it to some better order. In that his answer, it seemeth, his meaning was, that he had occasion to flee; and so was fled thither: else I see not how he made any direct answer to the matter demanded; but being so taken, it is plain that he hath directly answered. But now whereas there bee two special branches of that his answer, the former of them onely he further confirmeth, or doth show some reason for it: and saith nothing of the other, but seemeth to leave it as onely implyed. The former of them is, that he had occasion to flee: for which though he show very good reason; yet doth he altogether omit that, which seemeth to bee most in question now. The reason that he bringeth in, consisteth of two principal Ibid. 10. partes: one, that his zeal was such towards the Lord, that he could not abide to see such things as of late had passed among the Children of Israell; the other, that they sought his life besides. The former of which his Father expresseth: complaining that they had not onely forsaken his covenant, but that still they so persisted in that their apostasy, that they had also broken down his Altars, and so far destroyed all his Prophets, that he onely now remained. That they broke down his Altars, and made such havoc of his Prophets, it may seem their meaning was, utterly to abolish the memory of that his covenant, and to leave none among them that might renew it unto them again. That which he omitteth as touching the cause of his flight, and seemeth to be most in question now, is that slaughter that he made of Baals Prophets, which was indeed, if not the onely, yet the chief cause why Iezebell 1. King. 18: 40 Ibid. 19: 2, 3. threatened death unto him, and for which he fled: neither do we red, that he had any warrant so to do, or that it was of the Lord that he did it; as also it may be that he rather omitted it, as not cleared in his own conscience now, but that it was something inordinately done. True it is, that by the Law of God they were to bee put Deut. 13: 1-5. to death: but we do not know, that any such authority was to him committed; and he did not, it seemeth, speak to the King to do Iustice on them, but directed his speech to the people for that matter, even in the presence of the King who onely was interested therein, for any thing that appeareth yet to the contrary. The latter part of his answer was, that thereupon he was fled thither: which, as I said, he doth not plainly allege; but onely leaveth it, as it were, implyed. But, as I said withall, either wee must take it to bee implyed, or else that he did not directly answer: which of the two, I think were the harder. And yet if the Prophet did leave that to be implyed( namely, that on that occasion he was fled thither) although indeed that was the onely cause that he fled: yet out of the circumstance of so long a time, and of the distance and dignity of the place, it may seem, that some other respect concurred withall. This being his answer, the course that was taken for the framing of it to some better order, was, that first there was, as it were, such matter laid forth unto him, as out of which he might learn to do it: then, was he asked the question again. To the end he might the better heed the matter that should be laid forth unto him, out of which he might learn to frame his answer better, he is first willed to come forth, and to stand on the mountain before the Lord: 1. King. 19: 11, 21. seeming to imply, that so he might take the better heed, to that which there he should see and hear. At which time it may be he came forth: though it bee not remembered till some-what after. That which was done( whether he came forth at the first or not, to be partaker of it) consisted of diuers particulars: of which it is said for the most part of them, that the lord was not in them: but one there is, wherein it may seem the Lord was taken to be, and yet it is not plainly spoken, no more than it is thereof denied. In those of which it is said, that the Lord was not in them, it is to be marked, that albeit in every of them it be denied in particular: yet of them al generally it is plainly said that the Lord went by; and, as it seemeth to import, even in them all that there are name. And true it is, that the Lord hath his hand in such things also: though in other good sense he might bee denied as then to be in them. Those wherein he was denied to bee, were all of a forcible, or violent Nature: one of them a mighty strong wind, renting the Mountaines, and breaking the rocks before the Lord; two others of great force too, but having nothing specially noted of them, but such as inseparably goeth with the Nature of them, the Earth-quake making the Earth to move, and the Fire not being able to continue but by consuming some-thing. And wee, whensoever we are in any kind of violent or immoderate motion of the mind, are to know, that that lightly is not of God, but a mere perturbation of Flesh and Blood, howsoever it may seem to be to ourselves, but pure zeal, onely on behalf of Gods glory. That one, wherein it may seem the Lord was taken to bee, was that still and soft voice: and it seemed that Eliah conceived the lord was in it, because then he covered his face with Ibid. 13. his Mantle; as also at that time it is not denied the lord to bee there, as it was in the other, and because then there came a voice from the lord unto him. Out of all which, Elias may gather, that if he had not some special calling to that Execution of Baals Prophets, then had he been too forward in it, and that it was not pure zeal onely that carried him unto it, but that there was mingled some humane perturbation there-with. So that now he might haue gathered, that it was not GOD that directed to any inordinate dealing: and therefore, that, if that were his case, some of his own human perturbation, had therein associated itself unto that, which he thought to haue been pure zeal onely towards God. And this might he haue gathered so much the rather, first, because GOD might so plainly seem to haue quaestioned with him, what occasion it was that had brought him thither: then, because his other dealing with him also might seem to point the same way also. For in that he asked him what he did there, he might easily take it to bee of that Nature, as his question was unto Adam, when he asked him, where he was: not, that he had any such regard unto the Gen. 3: 9. place where then he was; but that by putting him in mind how he had hidden himself there, he would thereby haue him to find out his sin, the onely cause of that his hiding. His dealing with him beside, what doth it else, but onely reprove all immoderate roughness, and commend unto him gentle and quiet moderation? And although it bee not plainly said of that still voice that GOD was therein, as it was plainly said of every of those violent courses, that God was not in them: yet is it enough, that when as he was so plainly denied to be in the other, he is not denied to bee in this; having such other Testimonies besides, that then he was there. For indeed, every still and soft voice, is not of him: and so, it may he, that therefore it was not then affirmed, least that should be taken, to bee as general as the other. For though no violent or rough dealing bee ever of GOD: yet neither is all easy and soft dealing of him, as wee may see in Ely before. God 1 Sa. 2: 23-25, 29. 3. 11-13 having in this sort laid him out matter enough, out of which he might haue framed his answer in some better manner, then asketh he him the selfsame question again: expecting belike( and that in great mercy) after that now he hath so plainly pointed him unto it, and so well holpen him therein, to haue that answer of his amended, which came so defective from him before. So with us also. For whensoever God doth point us to any slip that we haue made, and withall affordeth us his help to amend it, we may well account it to be one of the chief and principal favours that he bestoweth on those that are dearest unto him. And it is good to note, that he doth not by name deliver unto him what it is that he would haue to bee farther cleared: but onely asketh the question again: that wee may learn thereby, ever to keep so good account of all our ways, as that if at any time wee bee called in question for any of them, wee may sooner be able to find what it is, and then set in hand with amendment of it. Howe far this dealing of GOD praeuayled with him, may soon bee seen; being, so far as wee may perceive, nothing at all: the Prophet making the selfsame answer that he did before. A notable pattern, how hardly wee can find out our own defects, though God Ibid. 14. himself do point us unto them, and yield us special good help therein: when as so notable a Prophet as this, though he had those helps, yet nevertheless was defective in it. And as the Prophet persisting still in his former answer, and nothing at all amending it yet, might easily make one to conceive, that he stood very clear therein, but that this dealing of God with him, is a stronger witness against him: so may the better sort of us likewise bee so fast settled in our own ouer-weaning of ourselves, that easily may wee induce others to be of opinion that wee are right, when nevertheless wee are very wrong, unless they haue the wisdom and grace, resolutely to make trial of us by the exact word of God. Howe it was with Saint Peter himself in such a-like case wee cannot certainly say: though he John. 21: 15-17. also, it seemeth, by persisting in his answer, understood as little the meaning of Christ. But sure we are, that such as would bee his onely successors since, and their complyces and adherents, many of them sufficiently furnished, with human capacity, wisdom, and learning, haue either not seen( or else haue dissembled) what should be the meaning of Christ therein: every where so busily hanching at some probabilities for their desired Primacy, that this place also must needs bee of that matter too; never perceiving( at least not acknowledging) though a matter as easy to bee seen( to such as haue not their eyes fore-stauled already) as in a fair day the sun in the Firmament, that Christ allowed not that to stand for any sufficient Ibid. 7. token of his love towards him, that so readily he leaped forth of the ship to come first unto him, but much rather by diligent employing himself about those that he left behind him. Another example sufficient to show, how hardly the best of us all, in our own case especially, do at any time pierce to the depth of that which is by God delivered unto us: but the parties in this case being of a base kind, and much more fore-stauled, than was that party that wee spake off before in the other. having thus far dealt with him about his coming thither, and getting no better answer of him now than before( which notwithstanding he quietly putteth up: a token of a wonderful love and patience in him) then he employeth him about some other service besides. But here it is not amiss to mark, that after in this he useth in his service others besides, and not onely Elias, as hitherto this he had done: and yet that afterward he both useth him again, and vouchsafeth him extraordinary and special favour. But because it pleaseth GOD no more to use the service of Elias after this for a time, therefore wee are not now to prosecute his Story any farther yet: but onely so far as this present place doth give us occasion. here therefore wee are to see, what service it was about which it pleased GOD to employ him now: and howe it was by him performed. In that about which it pleased GOD to employ him 1. Kings. 19: 15-18. now, it pleaseth God both to direct him in that which he should do: and withall to acquaint him before, with the effect that it should take. That which he was directed to do, was now no difficult piece of service, but yet part of it somewhat daungerous: but the residue of it both very easy, and altogether without danger too. That which was of no difficulty( I mean for the laboriousnesse of it) but yet some-what dangerous, was, that he was to go and anoint two several persons to succeed in two kingdoms, to those that now reigned in them: Hazael, for the kingdom of Syria, the King at that time being Benhadad; and jehu, for the kingdom of Israell, Ahab as yet reigning there. The danger of which piece of service, was, that if those that then reigned should get understanding thereof, then were the life of the Prophet in danger, without some special protection had of God: as samuel made no other reckoning before, when he 1. Sa. 16: 2. was to go and anoint david while Saule yet reigned. That which was both very easy, and altogether without danger too, was to anoint Elisha( commonly called Elisens) Prophet in his room. The effect that this his service should take, was, that God would make those whom he should so anoint, Instruments of his judgements against many of them for their sins: and yet, notwithstanding such slaughters as they should make, he would leave seven thousand in Israell, all of them such as had not polluted themselves with the Idolatry of Baal; but therein making no mention at all of that other Idolatry of the calves that reigned among them. That this service was by him performed, though we may well hope the best, yet we do not find, saving onely for that part of it which was without danger, 1. King 19: 19-21. the anointing of Elisem the Prophet; which also he did not in such sort, as the w●●●les of his charge did seem to import: and yet that which he did, was very effectual to that purpose; God, it may bee, bearing with him, in that he took another course, or assayed it another way, and yielding to work even by it also. For so God wrought by Moses before, notwithstanding that his infirmity was great then, and N●. 20: 7-12. therein did otherwise, than God had directed him to do: and very often he putteth up great infirmities in many of his. 7. When it pleased God to chastise those his sins aforesaid, by foreign enemies invading his Land, he nevertheless dealt graciously with him in that chastisement also: and whereas the Land was invaded twice, in either of them he did very graciously help him. These invasions were by Benhadad the King of the Syrians: both the former of them, and the latter. In the former of them he came in with a great and mighty Army, even into the heart of the country, and besieged 1. King. 20: 1-12. Samaria, the Head-Citty of all the kingdom: and yet was no way provoked now that we read off; but trusting, as it seemeth, to his own forces, refused great reason offered unto him by Abab, so the rather to make himself a quarrel against him. In this invasion first comforting, and directing him by a Prophet, with small forces he Ibid. 13-22. Ibid. 23-27. gave unto him a great victory. The latter of them was about a twelvemonth after, at which time the Syrians came in but to the side of jordan, hoping to speed better in the bottom of the country, than they had done on the hills before: at which time it pleased God to give ahab a greater victory,& the King himself into his hands; but then sharply reproved him, for that he suffered him then to escape. In which Ibid. 21-34. Ibid. 35-43. Ibid. 35, 36. latter point we haue a rare and strange example, of the self same iudgement inflicted on one several person, that a Prophet denounced unto him, for that, being known unto him to be a Prophet( for it was his neighbour or fellow)& requiring the same in the name of the Lord, he did not strike him, a thing that otherwise himself forbiddeth: an odd example to show of what credit the word of a Prophet should be with men, so oft as there is no disagreement, betwixt it and the word of God; and withall, both of what force it may be with God, and how dangerous disobedience thereto may be unto men, though it serve somewhat aside from the general rule, being such a thing as may be supposed to be lawful( though otherwise it be not lawful indeed) as this was, when the man himself did so desire, especially he being a known Prophet, and requiring it in the name of the Lord. 8 When the sin of Ahad was such, that he would take him away for the same, we are to consider, what his sin then was: and how it pleased God to deal with him about it. His sin was about a piece of ground of one of his Subiectes, the Vine-yard of Naboth● first going no farther, but onely that he did covet it, or fain would haue it; then, when it was ill gotten, that he nevertheless entered unto it. When he did but onely desire to haue it, it was because it lay so near unto him; 1. King. 21: 1, 2 and, to make him a Garden of it: and withall, he offered to give another Vine-yard better for it; or the worth of it in Money. A reasonable Gentleman, in comparison of many meaner with vs. What his fault was, when although it were ill gotten, he nevertheless entered into it, that we may the better find, we had need first to consider of the getting of it: then, of his entering into it. Ill gotten it was by Iezebels means: but himself gave some occasion of it. The occasion he gave, may itself likewise be occasioned by the nay that Naboth did give him. For notwithstanding Ahabs faire offer, Naboth did plainly deny it: standing, as it may seem, on some Ibid. 3. conscience therein; but it may likewise bee, that he was more stiff therein, than either conscience, or wisdom required. For it may well bee, that the laws concerning that matter, did not so much tend to instruct private men what they should lieu. 25: 23. Num. 36: 7-9. not in duty do, as to show unto all private and others, how far their power should be in that matter restrained, or that they should not be able to do it: and, that in duty they bind Magistrates chiefly to see them observed; and not private men so much, but so far as their own estate shall bear, because healloweth them if need be, to sell, but then himself provideth how those lands shall come again, and, as they in their measure are to bee careful to haue all the laws of God observed. again, if he stood but on conscience onely, then might he haue yielded it so far unto him, as by the Law of God he might haue done: but that he doth not, that here wee read of. And then, so stiffly refusing to gratify the King therein, so far as he could not but see himself cleared of the Lawe of GOD for that matter, it might well occasion the King( yea, and any other Neighbour or Friend, that might account himself to haue any special interest in him) to take it as unkindly and ill as ahab did: at least it is plain, that it was the occasion of his own overthrow, as soon after appeared. The occasion that Ahab hereupon gave, was, that he took 1. Kin. 21: 4-6. it so impatiently as he did: and that he imparted the cause of his grief unto the queen. In that he took it so impatiently as he did, it was very ill, though he had been but a private man, and needy withall: but much worse in that he was the King, and therefore neither had himself any such need, and by his office he was to see, that the laws of God( and that Law among others) were in all his kingdom duly observed. In that he imparted his mind to the queen, although it may be he had no such meaning, that shee should any way attempt the obtaining of it inordinately: yet was it in common reason most likely, that to gratify him, she would be doing after her manner: and his fault therein was the greater, in that he left his seal so carelessly too, that shee might come so easily to it, and use it so badly as shee did. himself having thus far given some occasion, shee quickly taketh the mattet in hand: first delivering a piece of her mind unto him: then setting in hand with her business. In delivering her mind unto him, both she reproveth him, as not governing Ibid. 7. well, in that he took not vpon him better than so: and biddeth him set his heart at rest for that matter. Setting in hand with her business, the effect of all is this: first, to make him a way unto it; then, to get him to take it unto him. To make him a way unto it, she taketh her course to work by certain Instruments: and Ibid. 8-10. they do according as shee praescribeth. Her Instruments were the Nobles and chief Men of the city▪ where Naboth dwelled, to whom shee wrote in the Name of the King, and sealed the Letters with his seal, to publish a Fast( as to inquire of some special sin committed among them) to lay to Naboths charge, that he had blasphemed GOD and the King, to haue witnesses ready, to bring him to his trial, and to ston him to death thereon: and they doing accordingly as shee prescribed, Ibid. 11-14. when so they had done, they sent her word of it. To get him now to take it unto him, both shee stirreth him up so to do; and telleth him withall that Ibid. 15. Ibid. 16. Naboth is dead. Which when Ahab heard, he never inquireth( that we red of) what was done in that matter, nor how Naboth came to his death( though it seemeth, by the report of Iehr, as he related the matter to Bidcar one of his Captaines, and that as delivered by the Lord himself, that his Sons also were put to death with 2. King. 9: 25, 26. him, and then was the murder so much the more heinous) but praesently addressed himself, to go and take possession: as many of our heires do, who succeeding unto their Fathers, whom they knew to be hard men to others,& to haue come to much of their lands and goods by some kind of injurious dealing, nevertheless do never enter into any such consideration, but readily enter into the fruition of those things themselves. How it pleased God to deal with him about this sin of his, that wee may the better find, we are to note that judgements were first but onely denounced against him: but afterward executed also. When judgements were denounced against him, as he had Iezebell partaker with him in his sin: so was she made partaker with him in those judgements also. Elias therefore was now sent unto him again, to meet him at the Vineyard of Naboth, there to do his message unto him, by denouncing unto him such iudgments as he would cast on him for it: and Ahab was so touched therewith, 1. King. 21: 17, 18. that in some sort he humbled him thereon. unto the denouncing of which iudgments it doth appertain, that immediately after we haue set down, that which may be some farther reason, why the Lord dealt in such sort with him. In the denouncing of those his judgements, the Prophet, wee may well conceive, delivered what was appoynted unto him: but yet it shall bee good, that wee distinctly mark what passed therein betwixt God and the Prophet; and then, what passed betwixt the Prophet and the King. Betwixt GOD and the Prophet there passed of this matter some-thing twice: upon the former of which, some-thing likewise passeth betwixt the Prophet and the King; but nothing( that wee read of) upon the latter. That which the former time passed betwixt the Lord and the Prophet, was, that the Lord directed him, how to speak to the King, first as touching his fault: then, as touching some part of the punishment which should light( as it were) on his own Ibid. 19. person. That which now passed betwixt the Prophet and the King, was, first that the King( either at their first meeting, or on delivery of this first part of his message, Ibid. 20. as it seemeth, for it is not plainly expressed) spake to the Prophet, terming him his Enemy, and showing himself grieved, that there he had found him: then, that the Prophet, answering somewhat( yet but little) of that his finding of him, and so coming Ibid. 20-22. to the matter, first telleth him that he is become, or hath made himself exceeping sinful before the Lord; then, he assureth him( not, as in the name of the Lord, but as in his own: yet not unlikely, but that some other speeches passed betwixt them, though not mentioned here, whereby all might be cleared to come from the Lord; and yet the Prophet might in good sense so speak in his own person also) first for himself, that he would bring evil vpon him, then for his issue or lineage( first simply, then by comparison of two other Families) that he would utterly destroy them, and withall sheweth why. That which the latter time passed betwixt the Lord and the Prophet, was, as touching the fearful end of Iezebell: and of Achabs Ibid. 23, 24. stock, that it also should be strangely destroyed, for the substance of it, the same in effect that was said before. That farther reason, why the lord dealt in such sort Ibid. 25, 26. with him, is yielded to be, for that he did so far exceed in wickedness, provoked thereto by his Wife: and more specially, that his Idolatry was so exceeding great. In Achabs humbling of himself, we haue noted, first, in what sort he did it: then, how Ibid. 27-29. it pleased God to accept of it. In that which he did, wee may note, seeing it was no true repentance that was in him, how many things may be in a Child of the world, which may seem to bode true repentance, which notwithstanding is none indeed. In that it pleased God so to accept of it, we may note likewise, that if God so accepted of that his sorrowing which was no true repentance, much more may wee assure ourselves that he will accept of that which is true indeed: and that, as his repentance was not true, so the acceptance of God did not extend itself to the remitting or forgiving of those his judgements, but onely to the deferring or putting off the most part of them to a farther day. 9 How these judgements were accordingly executed, we haue not to consider of now, but onely for one part of them, which appertaineth to this Story, and( as it were) to his own person too: the residue wee are to look for in the Stories ensuing. That which wee haue in this Story of him, is how he came to his end: and therein withall, how some part of those iudgments that were foretold him, were executed on him. coming to his end as he did, it is good for us to note, by what mean he came thereunto: and then what end he had thereby. The mean whereby he came thereunto, was, by a certain war that then he entred into: first, as it seemeth, committing an error in that, but himself resolved thereon; but then most plainly making his choice ill, in the aduise that was given unto him. It seemeth he committed an error in that, but himself resolved thereon, for that having made peace with the King of Syria, himself( for any thing wee find to the contrary) would needs 1. King. 22: 1-3 first break it, and so enter into needless warres. For it doth not appear, but that he was content to make peace with Benhadad before, without demand of that city then, when as he had fitter opportunity so to do: neither doth he now make his quarrel, that it was one of the cities that should haue been restored when the peace was made, as having hitherro kept it from him contrary to their agreement; but that time was, when it did belong unto them. Diuers opinions I know there are of the cause of this war: and, among others, that it was Ahabs duty to make this war, for the recovery of that city, because God had given it unto the people Pet. Mart●r. of Israell before. But the same God that giveth such things oft-times to one, doth justly take them away again, and bestoweth them on some other: and in this case, neither was his own title to the kingdom itself, very clear; neither haue wee so good warrant in the Text, anyway to take it, as that now he entered into a needless war. In the advice that was given unto him, wherein he made his choice so ill, we are likewise first to consider what aduise it was that was given him: then, of the choice that himself did make. The aduise that was given him, was first by a King who then was with him, and in the way of friendship came to make merry with him, jehoshaphat the King of judah: then, by others of those parts near unto him. The aduise that jehoshaphat gave him, was by occasion that the King of Israell desired his company in that his warfare: whereunto he readily yielded; 1. Kin. 22: 4-6 but then desired withall, that first he would ask counsel of the Lord therein. This aduise being given( and that plainly enough, though but in the form or manner of a request) the King thereupon sent but for such as ordinarily went under the name of Prophets among them: but he got together enough of those( if they were not mo than a good many) even four hundred persons, or there-about. Who these should bee, it is not agreed: most men taking them for the Prophets of Baal; and some insinuating, Lyr. Martyr. Bibl. Angl. it seemeth, they were such as were gotten together in the place of those that Elias had slain, which is in effect( being so taken) all one with the other. For they were the Prophets of Baal that by him were slain. But it seemeth to me, that these were the Prophets of the groves before mentioned: both because the number doth so well agree; and because these do speak in the name of the Lord. neither 1. King. 18: 19. do I find, that the Prophets of Baal did praetend the name of the Lord, as is conceived: but rather as we haue it in one place plainly, that they professed but Baal Pet. Martyr. onely. For there it is said, that they called on the name of Baal, from Morning 1 King. 18▪ 26. Ibid. 19. 22. 40 2 Chro. 17: 6. 34: 3. 1 King. 14: 23 2. Kin 17: 10. 1 Sam. 9: 12 1 Chr. 16: 39, 40. to noon: saying, O Baal hear us: and still they are called, by that one difference, the Prophets of Baal. Whereas, because groves, and high places are often in such sort coupled together, as if they were both of one nature, that is, places of worship, and sometimes concurring in one place together; and it is certain, that in the high places, it was but the Lord that( for the most part) was worshipped of all this people( and yet were exceeding wrong therein, especially after that it was notified unto them, that their onely place of such worship should be at jerusalem:) therefore it seemeth, that as this whole people generally did profess the Lord; so these their Prophets of the groves did likewise( though but after their manner) profess the Lord. And this may wee the rather conceive, both because diuers of the kings of judah 1 King. 15: 14, 22: 43 2 King. 12: 3, 14▪ 4. 15: 4, 35 2 Chr. 20: 33. 2 Chr. 33: 17 are much commended in the cause of Religion, who yet notwithstanding are noted withall to haue tolerated the peoples worshipping in their high-places: and because wee haue it plainly set down, in the Story of Manasses, that although the people did wotshippe in their High-places, yet was it not but only unto the Lord their God; as also the Assyrians their Neighbours( though enemies then) and privy enough to their manner of worshipping, would make the people to doubt they were not able to stand in their hands now, because Hezechiah their King had taken away the highplaces 2 King. 18: 22 where the Lord their God was worshipped, and noted no other defect in the peoples worshipping therein, but that Hezechiah would haue had them to do that in jerusalem, which they did in those their high-places. Those therefore( it seemeth) were none other but such as indeed professed the Lord:& yet in no other maner, but as the kingdom of Israel did, after that now they were divided from the rest of their Brethren. So that, when jehoshaphat desireth him to ask counsel of the Lord, he goeth but only to these, that though they still professed the Lord, yet had they far departed from him: but thinking belike to make up in number, that which he wanted in weight and measure. And so do many in these daies also, when they praetend their meaning is to inquire of the Lord, nevertheless not but to go unto those that though they retain the profession of him, yet are they departed far from him: not having the grace to repair unto those, whom by the testimony of the word itself they may find, to be such indeed, as by whom they may bee assured, to haue their direction even from the Lord. Those others that were of those parts near unto him were of two sorts: many that did aduise him unto it; but one that did dissuade him from it. Of those that did aduise him unto it, some we haue of whom we are certain 1 King. 22: 6, 11, 12 for that matter: others there be of whom we haue but likelihood onely. Those of whom we may be certain for that matter, were those four hundred Prophets, who all advised him to set forward, assuring him that he should praeuaile; one of them also( and not unlikely but that it was done with the privity of the rest, in the name of them all) confidently assuring the same by a visible sign of those Iron. horns. Those others of whom we haue but likelihood onely, are those that did attend him, especially his captain and Martiall men: and the likelihood we haue, Ibid, 13, 14 is that one of his attendants being sent to Micaiah, did earnestly labour him( though but in vain) to frame his speech to jump with theirs. As touching that one that dissuaded him from it, wee are to consider, first, how he came into that company: then, in what sort he did dissuade him. Being to consider how he also was brought into that company, it is not amiss first to consider of his leauing-out hitherto: then, of his bringing in now. That he was hitherto left out, and yet so great store of others brought in, it rightly noteth both the finister iudgement of worldly people: and of what reckoning the truer Seruants of God may look to be of here. His bringing in now, was both moved and urged too, by jehoshaphat; Ibid. 7-12 and then performed by ahab: as they both sate together, while those four hundred peophecied before them, and delivered their iudgement unto them. In which it is good farther to note, first in those Princes, that jehoshaphat, a man that had regard to God indeed, could not content himself with those degenerate Prophets, though Ahab could: then in those Prophets, that though themselves might plainly see( if they could rightly examine themselves by the word of God: and so might ours as well as they) that they were far departed from God, and from all sincerity in him; yet can they as much assure themselves, that he doth acquaint them with his Will and pleasure, as if they were his true seruants indeed. Michaiah being now brought unto him, and we being to see, in what sort he doth dissuade the king from it: that intended voyage, because it will fall out in the end, that it was not well accepted, therfore we are first to see in what sort he dissuaded the kings from it: then, how it was accepted of them. The manner of it was, that he did not at the first fall to dissuade him: but in plain terms made a kind of show, that he also did approve it. For being asked by the King of Israel, whether they should go up Ibid. 15 against Ramoth Gilead, or not, Go up, saith he, and prosper: and the Lord shal deliver it into the hands of the King. Which words in what sense he uttered, it is not declared in the Text: and the learned are not all of mind in it. It seemeth to me, that the Prophet conceyuing no hope that any thing would be accepted, but onely that which was to their own liking, did therefore after a sort accord thereunto: and yet not but in such sort withall, as that the King perceived he spake not in the freedom of his own mind. Which also I should rather impute to some infirmity in him, notwithstanding he was otherwise resolved before( for such infirmity is in the best) rather than account him so bold, as, at the first, in the presence of those two Kings set in their majesty, honourably( no doubt) attended, and before those four hundred Prophets had any way opposed themselves against him, to speak it in the way of a scorn to them, which is the iudgement of the most that I meet with. Conr. Pellic. Fran. Vatab. Pet. Martyr. Bibl. Angl. Tre●el. jun. again it is usual, that when good men are some-what daunted with fear, or carried with favour to some partiality, or but doubting of the success, give a careless answer: in all such cases ever to let slip some-what withall( their own consciences somewhat contradicting within, what outwardly they seem to allow) whereby others that take any heed, may easily perceive that they are not right, or that it is not their undoubted iudgement indeed. When he came to dissuade it indeed, wee are there also to consider, in what manner he did it: and how he did farther confirm it, when he saw it called in question. unto his manner of doing of it, do appertain the occasion given him▪ and in what sort he dealt thereupon. The occasion given him was, that the King, perceiving he spake not with that freedom, that might fully clear the same to bee his iudgement, did earnestly charge him to tell him truly, what it was that he understood to be indeed the Lords pleasure therein. And this, it seemeth, was not so much to let jehoshaphat see, that he never prophesied good unto him, as it is taken( though it may be, that also was his meaning, and it is plain that he did so apply it after:) a● for that, others might see, as well as he, even all in effect, who then were present, that the Prophets answer was not such as did seem to carry with it hi 〈…〉 gement indeed; and therefore, that if he should haue restend thereon, others ought haue seen, even jehoshaphat, and all the rest, that he rather caught advantage of the prophets infirmity, than sought to haue his undoubted iudgement in the matter propounded. His dealing hereupon was, that he plainly told him, as touching that Ibid. 17. matter, both what he saw: and how the Lord himself did interpret the same unto him. Namely, that he saw all Israel scattered vpon the Mountaines, as Sheep that had no shepherd: and that the Lord said unto him, These haue no master; let every man return unto his house in peace. This so plainly implyed a strong dissuasion, that Ahab himself right well perceived it, notwithstanding that otherwise he was earnestly set on the contrary: but yet he interpnted it, as of some special Ibid, 18. bearing of the Prophet hardly against him; as never prophesying good unto him, but ever evil. Whereupon the Prophet adding farther confirmation to that he had said before, first requiring all to give ear, and telling them it was the word of the Lord: then, he telleth them how far himself was made acquainted with Ibid. 19. 23. this matter; and sheweth the King the plain meaning thereof towards him. himself was made acquainted both by sight and hearing of an honourable assembly in heaven the Lord sitting in the Throne of his majesty, and all his host about him: first propounding, how Ahab might be enticed to go to Ramoth-Gilead to his own ruin there; then concluding, that it should be by a lying spirit in the mouths of all his Prophets. The plain meaning whereof was, that the Lord himself had put a lying spirit in the mouths of all those his Prophets; and had determined evil against him. 10. How this was accepted of them, we haue plainly set down for the most part of it: but we may gather somewhat more than is expressed. That which is plainly set down, is, first of one of those Prophets: then, of the King himself. That one of the Prophets was Zidichiah, who as he was the chief doer thereof all his fellowes, so may we sufficiently see in him how acceptable these doings of Micaiah was to all the company of them: he striking him there on the face, even in Ibid. 24. the sight of them all, as it seemeth; and insolently asking him when the spirit of the Lord went from him, to speak to so base a fellow as he. But the Prophet answered Ibid 25. quietly again, that when that day came, himself should then know it: and to avoid the danger thereof, should run from chamber to chamber to hid him. In which act and presumptuous speech of Zedekiah we may note, not onely a marvelous bad and saucy dealing in him, so to strike him in the sight and presence of both the Kings; but in them also, yet chiefly in Ahab, very dishonourable dealing too, to suffer him so to be strike before them: as also, in that the Prophet was so dealt withal then, that the seruants of God must be prepared to bear such dealing; and therein to be assisted, not onely not by Ahabs, but also not by Iehoshaphats too. Iosephus Antiq. judaic. lib. 8. cap. 10. indeed doth mitigate it much, conceyuing that Zedekiah did not in so turbulent manner strike Micheas, but to derogate to the credit of his prediction, if the hand wherewith he stroke him did not presently whither, as Ieroboams did before, when he stretched it out to bid them apptehend that other Prophet. But besides that the Text itself hath no such matter. Zedechiahs own words do show, that there was no such meaning in him, as had any such spark of moderation, but that altogether it proceeded of violent passion: and therefore is it so much the stranger, Lyr. 1 Kings. 22: 26, 27. that any other should nevertheless bee so conceited. The King himself, and in the presence of another King also, doth quietly suffer him so to be stricken; and besides commandeth him unto prison, and to be straightly kept there till he returned. But to that the Prophet replied again, that the lord had not spoken by him, if Ibid. 28 ever he returned in peace: and withall he willed all the company to mark it well. That which we may gather farther, which is not expressed, is of jehoshaphat, who ininquiring before for some Prophet of the Lord, and yet regarding him so slenderlie now, seemeth to bee strongly bound with the back-bias of that his affinity with Ahab, seeing he doth no straighter hold on the course he began; a good warning for all, to take heed of such affinity; and to Princes too, that many good graces, by such unkindly mixture, may be so abased in them, as that neither may the better sort distressed, hope of any great help at their hands, nor themselves retain the account of good Princes indeed. Being thus aduized, by the one sort of them to hold on the course that already they had entred into, but, by those judgements foreshowed dissuaded by that other, what choice themselves make of these, is seen by the ways that now they take, holding on the course that before they conceived, going up in warfare against Ramotb Gilead, either of them making their choice very ill: the King of Ibid. 29 Israell, it seemeth, as utterly destitute of iudgement and grace to choose any better: the King of judah not unlikely but to see he was wrong, and yet ouer-weake to break off the course that he was already entered into. In the Story of his end it seemeth that Ahab had some fear of that which was threatened, and that he did something endeavour to escape it: but yet that it fell on him notwithstanding. His endeavour to escape it, was, not by turning unto the Lord, and giuing up the course that he was Ibid. 30, 31 in; but to perform it by a slight of his own, and the same such withall, as was to put the King of judah his friend in his room, especially the King of Syria having given that charge that he did, of which himself, as it seemeth, had gotten understanding before: a very good pattern, first what helps they are that ungodly men turn themselves unto in their distress; then, how such of the better sort may look to be dealt withall by the ungodly, when they on good-will so cleave unto them, that they go against their own conscience therein, and put their lives in hazard besides. It fell out notwithstanding, that he by whom he would haue made his escape, was preserved: and that the mischief fell on himself who was the chief actor herein, Ibid. 32-37. and used the base help of wily dealing to shrowd him from it. The praeseruation of Vulg. ●di●. Lyr. Con. Pellic Fr. Vatab. Pet. Martyr. Bibl. Angl. Tremel. I●n. 1 King 22: 32 2 Chr. 18: 31 him that escaped, is, after a sort ascribed to his crying to the Lord: but we do not read, if we mark, that he cried unto the Lord, in either of those places where this Story is delivered unto us( saving onely in the vulgar translation for the latter of them) but onely that he cried, or cried out, as diuers times men are wont to do in sudden danger, when they do not so much as think on the Lord withall. And it may very well be, that then on the sudden he did not so much as remember the Lord: or if he did, yet being now in his own conscience clogged with sin, he had not that freedom of conscience, as so readily to call vpon God. But certain it is, and plainly set down, that the Lord did deliver him, and made the Syrians to turn aside from him. The mischief that fell on him who was the chief actor herein, the King of 2 Chr. 18: 31 Israell, was, that he had his deaths wound in the field, by an arrow very casually shot( as to the iudgement of man it might seem) and thereupon died that evening in the field: and to make it more plain to be of God, it seemeth the Syrians did not get the field that day because the likelihood rather inclineth, that the Proclamation to 1 King. 22: 36 give them licence to depart, is meant to bee in the host of Israell( the Story going chiefly of it; and most likely, that if it had been in the host of the Syrians, it would haue been mentioned so by name) and because the King of Israell, though wounded, Ibid. 35 2 Chr. 18: 34 yet stood still in his Chariot against the enemy until even; and because wee red of none other slain besides. And that he abode in the field till he died, it appeareth in this, that his death, and the said Proclamation( it belike being made immediately 1 King. 22 36 2 Chr. 18: 34 Pet. Martyr. 1 King. 22: 17 thereupon) are both set down to haue been at the going down of the sun. Insomuch that whereas it is conceived, that the Israelites lost the field& fled, it seemeth to be on that repetition of the Prophet, that he saw all Israel scattered on the Mountaines, as sheep that had no shepherd: but that may well be meant of their manner of returning home when they were dismissed, and is found by this, that so it ought the rather to be taken. And the hand of God being so strange herein, as it seemeth it was, the Captaines and Souldiers, as they returned had the better occasion to call to remembrance the sin of Ahab in the cause of Naboths Vineyard, for which this iudgement was cast vpon him; and to admonish themselves to take heed of the like. That part of those judgements that were foretold him, and was herewithal executed on him, as appertaining to this Story, was, that when his chariot and 1 King 22: 38 armor, all stained and much defiled with his blood, issuing out of that his wound as he stood in his chariot so long, were had to the pool of S●●●ria, there to bee washed, yea Dogges were noted there to lick up of his blood, according to the word of the Lord, as they had in that very place ●●cked off Naboths blood before. It was no pain nor shane to him, when once he was gone, that so base creatures should be so bold with his royal blood: but coming from the hand of God, as some part of his punishment, and so fitly answering his sin before, it may justly strike a special horror into the hearts of those that being of the greater sort, stand so much on the aestimation of their blood, and yet can hardly brook that any of their Naboths dwell quietly by them. It is reported immediately after( as a reference Ibid. 39 for no where haue we the Story now) that he builded diuers cities, yea,& made an house of ivory( a special odd vanity, ivory being but Elephants teeth; and so Aria. Montan. the original termeth it, the house of the tooth:) but how much better had it been for him, either to haue walked more uprightly in that matter of Naboth, and as a strong and mighty Protector to all good dealing, against whosoever should go about to impeach the same, or when he had slipped therein to haue stirred up himself to sound and true repentance for it; than omitting those, to build him mo cities, much fewer being more than he could govern, or to spend his Treasure or time in so needless and vain a toy of an ivory house? But this foolishness also is stoutly followed by many of us: especially of those, by whom our Naboths find it so hard a matter to dwell, or quietly to enjoy what God hath given them, and themselves by their honest labour haue got them. 11 The sons of Ahab( that came to the crown) were two: Ahaziah; and jehoram. Ahaziahs reign and Story is short: but therein, we haue a good Ahaziah. part of the residue of the Story of Eliah, if we haue not al. For it is not distinctly set down, what time he was taken up or ascended: whether in the dayes of Ahaziah, who now reigned; or in the dayes of jehoram, who next succeeded. True it is, that his taking up is not mentioned, but after the death of Ahaziah: but then it is true withall, that his taking up is mentioned before we haue the Story of any parte of the doings of jehoram his Brother next succeeding. Therefore the learned usually omit that circumstance of the time, in whether of their dayes he was taken up; Lyr. Conr. Peli. Fra. Vatab. Tr● Iunius. Pet. Mart●r. and one of them having a large discourse of his taking up, nevertheless meddleth not with that point neither: but one there is who alotteth it to the beginning of the reign of jehoram, and yet bringeth in no reason for him, why he should rather take it to the reign of jehoram, than leave it to Ahaziah before. For as for his abiding until the time of jehoram, the son of jehoshaphat the King of judah, as it 2 Chr. 21: 12 might seem by a Letter of his to him delivered, that may be otherwise reconciled, as we are farther to see when we come thereunto. Seeing therefore we haue the Story of his taking up, before we haue any Story of jehoram the King himself, and seeing that Moab rebelling on the death of his Father, the matter was omitted or slipped in the reign of his Brother, it is most likely that he would set in hand with it so soon as he could after that once he came to the Crown, and Elias at that time was gone before: as it is hereby most likely to be before the reign of Ioram, so haue I thought good this time to take it; leaving it not withstanding to the freedom of other mens judgements, if they think good otherwise to take it. So haue we in the time of Ahaziahs reign, some-thing as touching Ahaziah the King: and some-thing of Elias the Prophet. In that part of the Story which concerneth the King, something we haue delivered of him as he was by himself, before that God had as it were any dealing with him: then some-thing again, when it pleased God to lay his hand vpon him. As he was by himself before God had any dealing 1 Kings. 22: 5●-53 with him, he is noted to haue done evil in the fight of the Lord, and to haue provoked him to wrath, first in the the ways of his own parents, both Father& Mother; and in the ways of jeroboam besides: and that both Moab rebelled against 2 King. 1: 1, 2 him; and that himself took such a fall in his own house, as whereon he perceived himself in jeopardy of life. By which occasion he farther uttered more impiety in him than appeared before, for that when he thought good to seek farther than to his own accustomend gods for help, neither did he then seek to the God of Israell in that his distress, but to the idol of Ekron the God of Flies. When it pleased GOD to haue some dealing with him, and to lay his hand vpon him, it is good to note, wherein God so did: and how that same dealing of God did work with the King. As touching that which God did, wee find that it was in two things: one, in the matter that now we are in; the other, in a purpose that he had of a voyage on the Seas. In the matter that now wee are in, he did it twice: first sending him word by the Prophet, that he should not recover because he sought to Ibid. 3, 4, 15, 16 Gods abroad, as if there were no God in Israell; then, when he looked( as it seemeth) Ibid. 5-14 to haue the Prophet at his command by his earthly forces, twice destroying those forces of his by fire from heaven, and yet sparing the third company of them coming in more dutiful manner unto him. That purpose that he had of a voyage on the Sea, was to be partner with jehoshaphat, praeparing a navy to bee sent to the 1 King. 22: 48, 49. 2 Chr. 20▪ 35-37. Indies to bring-in Gold: which though he obtained at the hands of jehoshaphat, yet the Lord so bruised the whole navy with tempest before it set forth, that it was not able to take that voyage; and this the Lord did because Ahaziah was partner therein. Concerning which Story, it is good further to note, that whereas diuers there Lyr. Prt. Mart. be that take it for two several Stories, or that jehoshaphat making two several voyages, Ahaziah did seek to be partner in both, but that jehoshaphat yielding unto him in the former, did deny him in the latter( for the Text in one place is plain, that 1 King. 22: 49 he did deny him: in another place again the Text doth witness, that the Prophet Eliezer did charge him, that he had taken in Ahaziah to be partner with him) seeing 2 Chr. 20: 37 the Scripture maketh no mention, but onely of one such voyage intended, and of none performed, and seeing the place wherein jehoshaphat denied is the former, and both of them true( both that he denied, and that he yielded:) the best reconciliation seemeth to be, that first he denied( and that we haue plainly recorded) but yet that afterward he yielded( which indeed we haue no where delivered unto us, but that the Prophet did so charge him, and told him that for that cause the Lord had broken his navy) and so is it interpnted by others also. How that dealing of Tremel. jun. God prevailed with the King, we haue not plainly delivered unto us, but only implyed, that seeing wee haue neither mention nor token of his amendment after, it seemeth that neither of them both prevailed with him. So the lord took him away when he had reigned but two yeares, nor those full out neither, as by comparing the beginning of his and his Brothers reign together may soon appear, himself beginning in the eleventh, and his brother in the eighteen yeares of jehoshaphat. 1 King. 22: 51 2 King. 3: 1 12 That which we haue of Elias the Prophet, and( as it seemeth, as I said before) in the time of this Kings reign, is of his taking up into heaven. such another example of another estate above( after that once we haue done here) to the Age that then was, as that other of Enok was to that other Age that was before; both of them confirmed and much more cleared, by the Ascension of Iesus Christ that followed after. But whereas God, according to his wonted manner, would not take away one, but that he would give another, so falleth it out, that we are not onely to consider of Eliah himself: but something also of him, that was left us in his room. In that which concerneth Elias himself, it seemeth God had a special respect, both to that people of his then: and to all others generally that in any Age after should come unto him. That wherein it seemeth God had respect unto that people then, was, that he would vouchsafe that Prophet of his so special honour: and that he would haue it in such sort done, as might resolve them of the certainty of it. The honour that he would now vouchsafe him, was, that he should 2 King. 2: 1-12 not finish his course among them after the usual way of all flesh, so that death should not gnaw on him, as on all others generally: but that he should in extraordinary manner, and that same above any glory that earth could yield, bee taken up alive to the Heauens. For the manner of doing it, wee are first to consider what the manner was: then howe it is, that it might resolve them of the certainty of it. Of the manner of it, some part thereof fell out, as it were, of itself: and some part again was urged by others. Of that which fell out as it were of itself, some part of it was common to many: other, more proper to certain of them. That 〈◇〉 was common to many, was, that it was so known a thing, both that he should bee taken up: and the very time about when it should be. That Elias himself knew ●●; it appeareth almost in all the whole Story: especially when he asked Elisha his attendant, Ibid. 9 what he should do for him, before he were taken away from him. 〈◇〉 likewise thereupon, as it seemeth, being three several times desired to stay where then they were, even by his master the Prophet himself, nevertheless would in no wise Ibid. 2, 4. 6 leave him, but still attended him, even to the end: and himself acknowledged to others twice( as occasion was offered) that he did know it. That it was known to others Ibid. 3. 5 also, to how many we know not, but that it was known to many, it appeareth plainly, by the Children of the Prophets( as there they are called) or the Students of Ibid. 3, 5. divinity( as we use to term the like) that were at Bethel and jericho; either of those companies acqvainting Eliseus with it, as not assured that he had gotten knowledge of it: and there is a good probability for those fifty others besides, that stood a far Ibid. 7. off looking after them, belike to see how it should be. Whereby also, for these two places, bethel and jericho, it plainly appeareth, and it seemeth for diuers others besides, that there were many of them, that in this corrupt state of theirs nevertheless gave themselves to the study of the Law of God, and had those that exercised them therein: and it is not unlikely, but that the better sort of the people purposely betook themselves to that course, so to retain the knowledge of God among them still, in those corrupt dayes, so well as they could; as on the other side, that neither people nor Prince were so eagerly bent agaiast the truth of God, but that this sort of people might like-wise find harbour among them. Those to whom there were some things more pro[er, were Elias, and Eliseus. In Elias wee haue one thing that is no more but onely probable: but some others, that are more certain. Probable it is, that seeing he went immediately before his departure to those two places where those young Prophets and students of divinity were, that he had to deal with them in some thing of special moment: and yet, because wee haue nothing recorded that he did there, it may bee it is but to direct us, now to behold in this action of his, that which after wee shall see more fully in Christ. For though Christ imparted the presence of his natural body to all, not onely to Disciples, but to all the whole multitude of his enemies and friends indifferently, so long as he was to bee occupied in the ministry for which he came into the World: yet when he had done, was risen again, had a glorified body, and was upon his departute from them, though he appeared then also to many, and the same diuers and sundry times, and at one time to five hundred at once; yet wee find not that ever he imparted the presence of his glorified body, but onely to those that were Disciples. So it may bee, that so far as the taking up of this Prophet now, was to raise up their heartes to the consideration of another work of that kind that should afterward bee of far greater glory, which was the Ascension of IESVS CHRIST: so far likewise should this resemble that other also, in that now after he had done his ministry, and was to bee taken up from them, he shewed himself but onely to the Children of the Prophetes; though before( all the time of his ministry among them) he imparted himself to all indifferently. Those that are more certain, were, first when he would gone alone: then, when he took Eliseus with him. When he would haue gone alone, he was diuers times in hand with Eliseus, who then did attend him, to haue tarried behind him: Ibid. 2, 4, 6. and, as it seemeth, in the way of modesty, as not desirous to haue any acquainted with it, when GOD should vouchsafe him, so unworthy a Creature, that excellent honour. Taking ●●●son● with him▪ and c 〈…〉 king to I 〈…〉 in pass ●●er there, 〈…〉 the Waters with his cloak, and they 〈…〉, so that Ibid. 8. they both passed ●uer on dry Land: even in that thing onely God vouchsafing him a 〈◇〉 rare and special glory. But seeing that on the other side of jordan he w●● to haue that other his g●●●t●● glory, the depth of the river might now bee no hindrance unto him: as others also of the servants of God shall haue no let 〈◇〉 of such honour as GOD doth mean them, when the time is once come that they should haue it. being gotten over; both he asketh Eliseus what he should do for Ibid. 9, 10. him before that he were taken from him, as having care of his estate after: and understood what choice he had made, in such for: he answered him therein, ●● both witnessed that himself had a fore-knowledge of the issue of it; and neither assured Eliseus that he should haue his full desire, neither yet discouraged him therein. So favourable a kind of sure( belike) the Prophet saw it to bee with God, that although himself granteth it was an hard matter that he had asked, yet he granteth withall it was not unpossible but he might obtain it. In Eliseus wee haue a special cleaving unto his master, so often moved to tarry behind; Ibid▪ 2, 4, ●. but never taking the advantage of it: and having free choice to ask what he would, wherein to haue his masters savour before bee were taken up from Ibid. 9, 10. him, that he passed over the whole World, and all things therein, and onely craved the gift of the spirit, but that in great measure. For the resolution of the people, there was as it were, but a middle order taken: nothing so copious and apparent, as that none might bee ignorant of it; nor yet so obscure and scant, but that so many as would, might haue undoubted knowledge of it. For it was known before to diuers, at least to those Children of the Prophetes at bethel and jericho, Ibid. 12. and to Elisha withall: seen likewise, out of all question by Elisha then with him; and, as it seemeth, by those fifty men of the sons of the Prophets, who looked after them a far off. And GOD it seemeth would haue it so known, to make the authority of his ministry while he was on Earth among them, to bee the more regarded with them. But then must all take heed, that none conceive such a manifestion of such things as many a one would himself imagine: but that every one hold himself fully contented with such manifestation onely as it pleaseth God in his wisdom to give vs. He that prophesied against the Altar in Bethel was no sooner gone out of the city, but he was found slain of a lion: this man never opened his lips against the Golden calves that we read of( but onely against the Idolatry of Baal) and now is taken up into heaven, And whereas Elias was so notable a Prophet, and did not meddle with that kind of Idolatry( and yet most likely to haue gone so far as it pleased God to appoint him) it may seem that God would teach them thereby( and us with them) that once reproving must be sufficient, though it be never mentioned more. The respect that herein God may seem to haue unto all generally, is, to teach us these two Lessons: first that there is another estate abiding for us in the world to come, and that so glorious, that even the entrance thereunto is glorious also; then, that in this little service of Elias so notably rewardad here, we may conceive good hope of undoubted rewarding all faithful service there. 13 he that was left us in his room, was Eliseus or Elisha, who had attended him the latter part of his time, was appoynted before to succeed him, and now hence-forward was Prophet in his room. Of whom wee haue much in the stories ensuing: but for this time wee are to consider no farther of him, than seemeth to come within the reign of Ahaziah the King that now we speak of. And that it is no more, but onely of such things as were done in the place where yet he was: and then of some others as he returned to those two places where at his master had been but lately before. In the place where then he was, first as touching his own behaviour when his master was taken from him, seeing that chariot and Horses of Fire suddenly to part his master and him a-sunder, and his 2 Kin 2: 12, 13 master to be carried up into heaven in that chariot by a whirlwind, he cried out: My Father, my Father, the chariot of Israell and Horse-men thereof( so complaining, it seemeth, that he had lost a needful stay; and the kingdom itself the main part of all their strength:) and then, in that passion of sorrow, rent his clothes: and yet( not as a man utterly overwhelmed with it, but ready to take hold of any comfort that should befall him) took up the cloak of Eliah which fell from him. Of those others that he did as he returned to those two places where his master was a little before, some there are that were done in the way: and some others at the places themselves, Those that were done in the way, were two: one, that himself also now assayed( but with some diffidence it seemeth, for Ibid. that he stayed there for a time, and afterward spake some-what doubtfully too: and yet both these might bee otherwise also) to part the Waters of jordan, and to come over on dry Land as his master had gone before, striking the Waters with his Maisters cloak, and so got passage for his return, as his master and he had as they went forward; the other, that those fifty men of the Children of the Prophets Ibid 15. that were looking after them, perceiving now, that the spirit of GOD that did rest on Eliah before, was now given to him, or that he was endowed there-with, came to meet him, and did him reverence, as unto him that now was Prophet in his masters room. In the former of which wee may see again, that the effect oft-times is better than our faith: and in the latter, that where wee see the spirit of GOD to haue lighted, there should wee likewise place regard correspondent. Those two places wherein his master had been but lately before, were Bethel and jericho: but in this his return he first cometh to jericho, and then after to bethel. From jericho, it seemeth, there were sent those fifty men of the Sons of the Prophets, to see if they could find the body of Elias cast on any of the Ibid. 16-18: mountains, or in any of the valleys, as they conceived it might so bee: and yet it is very plain, they met him on the way; and because the motion of this sending is immediately noted to haue been made, therefore might soon conceive, that they were sent from that place where they met him, and it may bee, that so they were. But it seemeth rather, that seeing they were of jericho, they would first attend and bring the Prophet thither: and seeing they tarried forth three dayes in seeking, it seemeth they took provision with them; which is not so likely, they had done when they came to meet him, because they knew not then( depending on the Prophet therein, so much as after they did) whether they were to go about that business or not. again, it is plainly noted, that they returned to him to jericho: and that the Prophet stayed them there. In which sending, and those so many, so desirously going about that business, sparing no time to haue performed it, if it might haue been done, and yet not being able to do it, wee may plainly see, that God would yet add that farther confirmation unto that his people, that that Seruant of his was indeed taken up, and not taken out of their sight for a time, and then cast down else-where: so the better yet to commend those his former labours among them. While this Prophet was there, the inhabitants of the city, or certain of the Ibid. 19-22. Elders of them, complained unto him of the vnwholesomnesse of the Water they had there, and how it made the ground( such belike as lay nearest unto it, or which sometimes it did overflow) barren also. Which complaint of theirs seemeth not to bee, as onely misliking that they had no better; but on hope they conceived to haue help by the Prophet: else it is not like the Prophet should so readily haue set in hand with so extraordinary an help unto them. But they so desiring it as they did, and, though ordinary means did fail, yet seeking to him as ordained of God, by whom it might please him to work extraordinarily, he yielded unto them, and miraculously healed those waters of theirs: God meaning thereby as it seemeth, by this so rare and special a work, done by the special power of GOD, so much the better to confirm his authority, and to commend his ministry unto the people of his time. But one thing there is therein, which needeth more specially to bee considered; namely, that the Prophet used Salt herein: a thing that by the iudgement Lyr. Conr. Peli. P●●. Mart●r. of most men was directly against the matter that he had in hand( as an occasion, so far forth, to make it more barren, and not more fruitful) but that being the way to commend unto them so much the more the power of God. And true it is, that diuers places of Scripture there be, that seem altogether to condemn salt of barrenness; but, if we mark, they are of two sorts: most of them speaking of such earth, as is of saltish nature and overmatched therewith, or that the whole soil is salt indeed; but one place there is which speaketh but of small quantity of Salt, by the hand of men cast on the ground, as men sow corn. Such of them as suppose the ground to bee of saltish nature( as diuers of them do) though the soil itself be not mere Salt, yet may they very well bode barrenness( as indeed they do) job. 39: 9. Psal. 107. 34. jer. 17: 6. Ezec. 47: 12. Soph. 2: 9. Natur. hist. lib. 31. cap. 7. because it is plain, that such things as grow on usual grounds, and are most in use with man and beast, cannot in any wise prosper there, because of the immesurable burning heat that ariseth thereof, by the exceeding quantity of it. And Pliny recordeth, that there is much ground such in the hotter Countries, as the Indies, and in Afrik, that they haue great beds of Salt under those huge sands that they haue; that they haue such plenty of it, that they make walls and houses with it, in steede of stones; and that they haue even Mountaines of Salt: and he addeth withall, that every such soil is very barren. There is mention likewise in jury itself, of a certain valley of Salt-pits, in the main Land, it seemeth, lying on the West of the East-end of the 2. Sa 8: 13. 2. Chr. 18: 12. Chr. Adrich. 2. King. 14: 7. 2. Chr. 25▪ 11. Ios 15: 62. Adrichom. Conr. Pell. Iud. 9: 45. Lyr. Con. Pellic. Fran. Vatab Pet. Martyr. in 2. Reg 2. Bibl. Angl. dead Sea: and of a city about the midst of it, on the West likewise called the city of Salt; supposed also to be the same where all the whole lake was called the Salt-sea. Of the other sort of places of Scripture, I remember but one, and it is of a fact of that ungracious Imp, Abimelek: who having gotten Sichem, destroyed the city and sowed it with Salt; which in like sort is expounded, that he did it to make the soil barren, so to be after unprofitable to others. But strange it is, that so many of the learned should account, that the sowing of Salt( unless it were in great quantity, which is not likely, and wee do not read off there) should make the ground unfruitful: when as also it is not said that it was sown in the fields or grounds thereunto appertaining; but in the city, which was not to bee sown, and whose ruins made it unmeet enough to such purpose, without any help at all of the other. For there is another use of Salt in the Scripture, which might seem to agree to that place much better than this: namely, when it is used to signify a covenant, and that the same should bee inviolable. In which sense the people of God were willed to haue Salt lieu. 2: 13. in all their offerings, where also it is called the Salt of the covenant: and when God will assure Aaron of certain Fees, out of the oblations of the children of Israell, that ever they should appertain to him and his, he telleth him that he should bee a covenant Num. 18: 19. of Salt, as ●uer to stand inviolable. So it may be, that when Abimelek sowed Salt in the ruins of Sichem, his meaning was, to abandon it for ever( in his resolution, as he was enraged against it then) from being inhabited any more by others,( notwithstanding it was the city where himself was born, and that he had much of his Kindred there; so unnatural and impious a tetch was he:) and this do I rather Iud 8: ●1. 9▪ ●-3 incline unto, for that I find it also to bee the iudgement of others. And that Tremel. I●n. salt is not to be accounted to haue any such property in itself, to make the ground barren, if it be not in too great a quantity cast thereon, but rather, that on the other side, it doth make the ground much more fruitful, if it be moderately used, a Gentleman, M. P●a●: in the second part of his Iewel-howse of A●t and Nature and of it pag 38-60. a countryman of ours, studious in the secrets of Art and Nature, hath out of Valentius and one master Barnard, and out of many experiments besides of his own knowledge sufficiently declared. By all which it appeareth that salt and salt-water is a special good compass or mean our to the ground, and that by the same reason diuers other things thereunto inclining, and putrefied creatures, are in their kind good also. As also he setteth down( of credible report) that half so much Bay salt as you haue seed, mingled together( yet speaking there but of Winter corn onely) Ibid. pag. 43. will be a fit and due proportion, to sow them together. Whereas also Doues-dung Pet. Martyran 2. Reg. 6. 25. 2. Reg 6: 25. joseph. in A●t. lib. 9. cap. 2. et. Pet. Martyr. is taken to be so good meaner to land, as experience itself every where teacheth, and time hath been when in a famine it hath been sold very deere, and as some do suppose, for the saltness of it: both these laid together may well infer, that salt things do not make the ground barren; but fruitful rather. Now therefore to return to our place again, if it bee so, that Salt maketh the Land more fruitful, then Eliseus taking a little Salt, and casting it into the head of the river, did not a thing contrary to that operation which he would haue it to haue with the Water, and the ground that it passed by; but on the contrary side took such a matter as directly tended unto it, though for the quantity it was of no force or virtue to such a purpose, and as short thereof as might be: as when a while after he would raise commodity 1. King. 4: 1-7. to a poor widow whom her Husband had left indebted, he wrought on no contrary not diuers means, but onely on that little store that shee had. At Bethel we haue such Story of him, as that although the Prophet sustained no more, than men of his calling might ever look for at the hands of the World, one way or other: yet did it little become that city, that he should haue it offered unto him by any of theirs; they having a company of the Children of the Prophets residing among them. The matter was, that as he came thither, a sort of Children came forth wondering at him, and mocking him, crying unto him, Come up, thou 2. King. 2: 23, 24. Balde-head, Come up, thou Bald-head. But it is not likely, that the Children would haue been so forward in that matter, especially so many of them( for though they had been no more but onely those that by and by were slain thereupon, which is not so likely, for that the Text itself seemeth to make those but part of them) but their Parentes also made at all no reckoning of him to speak of, but rather had him in great contempt, or rather in a manifest scorn. But Eliseus cursing them thereupon in the Name of the lord, it praesently came to pass, that two Shee-Beares came out of the forest, and tare in pieces two and forty of them: a very good example to show, both how the best men may bee provoked( especially, by the contempt of their persons in such a Function as it; and how readily the Lord doth in such case take part with them also, and effecteth the curses that they in grief of their heartes haue uttered. But whereas he went from hence to carmel, Ibid. 25. and returned thence to Samaria again, wee cannot say, that both these were likely to bee in the time of Ahaziah too: saving that very well they might, especially the former of them; and wee haue no Story in either, but only that thus he traveled yet, and in Samaria, it seemeth, it was, that we haue next Story or tidings of him. 14 jehoram was the next that succeeded after his Brother Ahaziah, jehoram. ( who dyed without issue) in the second year of his reign: in whose time wee haue 2. King. 3: ●. more of the Story of Eliseus; but not all, for that he outlived jehoram also. That which we haue of Eliseus in the reign of this jehoram, doth some part of it so mingle with the Story of the King, that it shall be best, therein to take it: the residue standeth so well by itself, that so it may best be taken. So are wee first to consider of the Story and reign of jehoram, and of so much of Eliseus as joineth with it: then of such things as we haue of the Prophet a-part by himself, nothing at all appertaining to the Story of the kingdom. As touching jehoram, first it shall not bee amiss to consider, that though he be termed jehoram, a name of three syllables: yet else-where, especially where mention is made of another of that Name, the King of 2. Kings. 8: 16, 25. judah, there is this termed but Ioram, a name of two syllables, and the King of judah hath then the name of three syllables given unto him, though he also bee otherwise called but Ioram too. So it appeareth, that jehoram, and Ioram, are all one: and true it is, that they both were called by either of them indifferently. Then as touching 2. King. 8: 21, 23, 24. his Story, we haue some-what set down of him generally: then, more specially all the residue. Of that which is set down of him generally, some part there is that doth appertain to the whole course of his time: but some part there is that doth not belong, as it seemeth, but onely to some part of his time, though therein the Text it be not so distinguished. That which belongeth to the whole course of his time, is, that he did evil in the sight of the Lord, cleaving to the sins of jeroboam. In Ibid. 2, 3. that which it seemeth did not appertain to his whole time, but onely to some part of ●● we are not onely to consider what it is: but withall, whereupon it is, that wee are so to take it. The thing itself is, that it is plainly said of him, that he was not so ill, as his Father and Mother: for that he took away the Image of Baal, which Ibid. 2. his Father had made. The cause wherefore it seemeth that this may not be conceived of all his time, but onely of some part of it, is, for that the Prophet a while after Ibid. 13, 14. dealt so roughly with him, refusing to haue any thing to do with him, bidding him go to the Prophets of his Father and Mother; and protesting unto him, that, but for Iehoshaphats sake, he would not haue seen him: which he seemeth he would not haue done, if before this he had departed from those Idols of his Father and Mother. But seeing that one time or other he did depart from them, it is most likely, that it was after that he had received good by the ministry of this Prophet, which he did thrice: once, in his warfare against the Moabites: and twice when he was invaded by the Siryans. coming to consider of those things that are set down more specially of him, wee haue in his Story diuers things to bee considered, not onely in his life: but even in his death also. Those that belong to the Story of his life, are all in a manner onely matters of war: and first of his warfare against the Moabites: then, how the Syrians warred on him. In his warfare against the Moabites wee haue the occasion first: then, the war itself delivered unto vs. The occasion of Ibid. 4, 5. it is noted to be, that the Moabites now withdrew themselves from the tribute that they were wont to pay since Dauids time: and so had done in the reign of Ahaziah his Brother, immediately after the death of Ahab his Father. The tribute was an hundred thousand lambs, and an hundred thousand rams( or Weathers) with their wool. This when Mesha, the King of the Moabites, refused to pay, the King of Israell did not consider, that he also and his late ancestors and praedecessors had withdrawn themselves from paying the tribute they ought to the Lord: neither that they had divided themselves from the Line of david, to whom it was most properly due. In the war itself we are to note, first in what sort they proceeded unto it: then, what was their success therein. In their proceeding unto it, we haue delivered, that the King of Israell sought to haue jehoshaphat the King of judah, to 2. King 3: 6-9. join with him herein: and that the King of judah readily yielded for himself and his people; and brought with him besides the King of Edom, a vassal of his. Concerning whom it shall not be amiss to note one thing as touching them all:& some others besides, as touching certain of them. As touching them all, wee do not red that now they enquired of the Lord before they set forth about their business: and that although they had a snub in the way; yet they made no question of the lawfulness of their business, so neither haue they any thing said to them about it. We also, making no question of our purposes oft-times where wee ought, oft-times obtain the much like favour, that we are not troubled therein, but suffered to run our own course. Such of them as of whom it is good to note some-thing more specially, are jehoshaphat the King of judah: and the King of Edom. Of jehoshaphat we red, that he sped but ill before, in taking part with the wicked( crying out for the danger he was in, and being beaten out of the field:) and that the Lord, by 1. King. 22: 32 2. Chr. 18▪ 31. 2 Chr. 19: 1-3 one of his Prophets, did very plainly reprove him for it. He for whom he was reproved, was but Ahab the Father; and this was jehoram his son, not altogether, but almost as bad as his Father, and it seemeth, that as yet there was no odds betwixt: jehoshaphat also himself is in diuers things of good commendation; and yet is now found in that fault again, for which he was reproved before. Of Edom it is no more but this, that because in one place it is said, that( at this time) there was 1 King. 22: 47 2 King. 8: 20. Lyr. Pet. Mart Fr. Vatab. Tremel. I●n. Bibl. Angl. no King in Edom, and in another place after, that Edom rebelled from being under judah, and made a King over themselves: therefore the learned hereon give him but the name of Vice-roy, Deputy, or Lieutenant, and not of King. And true it is, that he was no absolute King, because he was subject to the King of judah: which is the thing that those places mean. But because kings oft-times haue kings under them( as King Ben-Hadad had two and thirty, al retaining the Name of Kings, though 1 King. 20: 1, 12, 24. 2 Kings. 3: 9, 10, 12, 13, 21, 23, 26. they were at his command) and the people themselves will rather be the more quiet, if their governor retain his wonted name of King, than if he be abased; and seeing this King of Edom is on all hands so called, by the Text, by jehoram, by the Moabites, and by the King of Moab himself, it seemeth that the name of the King might better be given him( onely cleared the truth of the matter) than any of those other inferior names; especially, seeing those two places that are most against it, do no farther cross it neither, the one of them plainly saying, that the Deputy was King, the 1 King 22: 47 2 King 8▪ 20 other importing no more, but that then they made them a King themselves, whereas before they had their King appointed them by the King of judah. their success in this expedition was first but hard: but afterward more agreeable to their desires. When it was but hard, yet then they sought unto the Lord, which we do not read they did before: and it is no rare thing, that adversity maketh us to remember God, otherwise but seldom thinking of him. The hardness of their success at this time 2 King. 3: 9. was, that they all brought themselves into special danger, to perish for lack of Water, meeting with none in the way that they took, for seven dayes together: by likelihood, a marvelous great oversight of them: and yet no strange thing, for the wisest that are, to bee exceeding wrong, yea, even in their own faculty( as these, no doubt, for many of them, were expert Leaders) when they forgot to take the aduise of the lord with them. In their seeking to the lord they had but a rough welcome at the first: but afterward they sped better. They had but a rough welcome, when as, understanding that they might inquire of the Lord, by Elisha, the 1 Kin. 3: 11, 12 three kings did not sand for him, but themselves in person went down unto him. Where the Prophet now was, wee do not know. Samaria is the last place that we red of he came unto: but that seemeth to be too far now, and if the Prophet 2 King 2: 25. were there, then, when they went out of Samaria without him, they left a good piece of their business behind them; as also it is the manner of many to do, and then to make more hast than good speed. It is thought, I grant, that the Prophet joseph. Pet. Ma followed the camp: but his own words a while after, dealing so roughly with the King of Israell when he came to him, seem to impart that he had little mind to follow. If he remained yet in Samaria, they then took so much the more pains, to speed them unto him: if he were nearer, as the word here 2 King 3: 11. Aria Montan. twice used( the original being so too) doth seem to import( and yet not so neree, but that the kings were fain to go down unto him, before they came at him) yet thetein also they gave a rare example of dutiful reverence unto the Prophet. And it may well bee doubted, whether great Personages, or others do ever get any benefit of that sort of the servants of GOD( towards their inward reformation) till they can bee content so to use them, as in such case their calling requireth. wheresoever the Prophet then was, these three kings being come unto him, he dealeth roundly with the King of Israell twice: first notwithstanding 2 Kin 3: 13, 14 this his seeking unto him now; then again, notwithstanding his quiet answer. His seeking unto him now, might in reason imply, a remorse with himself, that he had not sought unto him before: and yet the Prophet plainly telleth him, that there is no cause why he should haue any dealing with him, or( it may bee, his meaning was) why he should make any reckoning of him; and willeth him to go to those base Prophets whom his Father and Mother so much aesteemed. A great liberty of speech: and plain enough in itself to show, that such tartnesse may bee found some-times even in the best men of all: and that great ones too must bee content to take it quietly some-times at the hands of those that other-wise are far inferior unto them. The quiet answer that the King gave, was as it seemeth, that he wished the Prophet, not now to call such matters to mind, as might provoke his grief against them: but favourably to consider, in what sort he and the other two kings were, both themselves and all their armies. Notwithstanding, which mild and quiet answer the Prophet told him again, and earnestly bound it with a great Oath( the worse sort are very often so offensive unto the godlyer) that, were it not that he regarded the presence of jehoshaphat the King of judah, he would not haue vouchsafed so much as to haue seen him the King of Israell. Which nevertheless the King of Israel took in good part( for any thing that we find to the contrary:) an example that may be to the greater sort more easily propounded, than conceived that it will bee pacified; it may be also, that the King of Israell was of greater moderation now, in bearing so quietly that reproof, than at this time the Prophet was( for men are men) in laying it so roughly vpon him. And experience often teacheth, that those that are occupied in matters of state,& with commendation wield the same, haue better hold of their affections, than many of those, in whom may be sound on behalf of Gods glory, an excellent zeal. When their success began to be better, or more a agreeable to their desires, first it was but in promise onely: but then in performance after. When it was but in promise onely, first we haue a preparation towards it: then, the promise itself. The preparation towards it, was, that the Prophet laboured so much as he did to reduce himself to a milder temper: in which his doing, one thing there is that is but implyed here; but another plainly set down. That which is but implyed here, is notwithstanding fully gathered out of his words going before: namely, that it was for Iehoshaphats sake, that now he did bend himself to their good. So is it oft-times, that for some few good, it pleaseth God to extend his goodness to many ill. That which is plainly set down, is, that he would haue one that had skill in music to come and play before him: a great likelihood, that 2 King. 3: 15. he found himself to be far out of temper; and withall, that he was careful to get himself into order again. Finding himself out of temper, by that immoderate hear, it seemeth, he accounted himself not meet to that purpose, about which he was to be employed now: in seeking to get himself into order again by that kind of means, and the hand of the Lord being vpon him thereon, it sheweth likewise, that even the good blessing of God is on music also( and therefore far from being so vnmeet for some orderly use thereof in our Churches, as some haue conceived) readily to bring us to some temper again, when orderly it is to that end used. The promise itself restend in two principal points: one, about the relief of their present necessity; the other, about the business they had in hand. For the relief of their present necessity, first there is a trial of their faith imposed upon them: then are they promised, plentifully to be that way relieved. The trial of their faith that is imposed on them, is, that they, a-long by that valley, should make many Ibid 16. ditches or pits, the better to contain the abundance of water that should bee given them. The relief that they were that way promised, was, that though there should be neither wind nor rain, whereof themselves should haue any perceiving: Ibid. 17. yet should that valley be filled with water, that themselves and their Cattle should all haue plenty. Concerning their business they had in hand, they were given to understand, first by the way of comparison, that this help that they had Ibid. 18, 19. in relieving that their thirst, should be but a small matter in comparison of the other: then, that they should so thoroughly praeuaile against the Moabites, that they should haue them all, and all that they had, fully and wholly at their own pleasure. The success that they had in the performance ensuing, was according to the promise going before: first for the relief of that their present necessity; thē for their other business also. For the relief of that their present necessity, they had the next morning Ibid. 20. by the way of Edom( the same belike that they had compassed seven dayes together, and all that time could find none) such abundance of water, that all that valley fully replenished there with. For their other business, whereas the Moabites, when first they vndestoode those Kings were coming against them, had gathered Ibid. 21. together all that were able to bear arms, and now were in a readiness in their own Borders, wee haue delivered unto us, first how they praevailed against those that were to stop their entry: then, how they went farther into the Land, and what they did there. Those that were to stop their entry, came into their hands as faire as they could wish, vpon a vain conceit they had taken up of themselves, Ibid. 22. 24. that the kings and their Armies had fallen out among themselves, and had slain one another: and so were put to flight, and many of them destroyed withall. Pursuing their victory into the Land, they praevailed there likewise even to their own Ibid. 24. 27. hearts desire: saving onely that at one of their principal cities, where Mesha the King of Moab himself was, of themselves they gaue-ouer the War, as having praevailed far enough now, and so departed. Whereupon it was that so they did, is not agreed on by the learned themselves: but it seemeth to be, upon detestation,& commisseration mingled withall, of a most unnatural and barbarous fact that they saw the King in that his extremity to commit on his own natural son, that should haue succeeded him in the kingdom, namely, that when the King had first assayed by a desperate sally to haue broken forth by the King of Edom, and could not, then on the walls, in the sight of them al, he sacrificed his son: and they on the other side, on the horror and detestation they conceived thereon, accounting that now he was enough afflicted, would urge him no farther, but so did leave him, and returned to theit Country again. 15 The Syrians( after this) warring on him, we find that they did invade him twice: first but coming as it seemeth, to make spoil in the country; but afterward making head against the whole estate, besiedging the chief City thereof, Samaria itself. When they came in but onely to spoil the country, as it seemeth, they were defeated without hurt to either side( that wee red of) while they were in the country: and so dealt withal besides, that for that time they quietly 2 Kin. 6: 8-13. returned, and for a time came-in no more against them. When they were but defeated, and without hurt to either side( that we red of) it was by the means of the Prophet, who diuers times sent word to the King, and as it seemeth, from time to time continually, so long as there they stayed, still what was their secret intent and purpose against him, to the end that he might cast to prevent them: which also in such sort and so often he did, that the king of the Syrians thought, that he was still betrayed by some of his own company; till he was given to understand, that it was the Prophet in Israel, that so discovered his secret counsel. And as at that time it was, that God by Eliseus directed the King of Israel how to escape the traps that for him were set: so is it still by God, that Princes, armies, and others( even to every several person) do at any time escape such dangers as are towards them, purposed by others, or merely casual; though he do not ever show by what means he doth it. When they were so dealt with, that for that time they quietly returned, and for a time came in no more against them, it was again by the means of the Prophet. Whom when the King would haue surprised, by certain forces Ibid. 14-20. that he sent to take him, because he could so discover his secret intents against the King of Israel, the Prophet strangely lead those forces into Samaria( the head-Citty of the kingdom of Israel) about a dozen miles distant from the place where then the Prophet was: they, all the while, perceiving nothing, either that already they had the man among them for whom they came; or that now they were lead to a place of great disadvantage to them, if so be that same advantage had been taken of them. So vainly the greatest Potentates that are employ themselves, whensoever they attempt any hurt to any of the Seruant of God; at least, when he is purposed to stand to their defence: and yet it is not to be denied, but that God sometimes doth give even the dearest seruants he hath into the hands of the basest sort of them; but withall, as to the greater increase of glory to those his seruants, so to the just condemnation of those that so do vex them. In which Story we haue two other particulars delivered unto us, good to be considered too: one, at Dotham, where the Prophet then was, and whither these were come to take him; the other, when he had brought them into Samaria. Where the Prophet then was, his Seruant who attended him then, when he saw those forces without the city, cried Ibid. 15-17. out to his master, as not knowing how to escape them. Vpon which fear of his, first his master told him, that those that were with them, were mo than their enemies: then, desiring the Lord to open the eyes of that his seruant, the Lord so did, and his seruant then saw the mountain round about them full of horses and Chariots of fire. When he had brought them to Samaria, the King calling him Father Ibid. 21-23. then, and showing himself to depend on his direction, offered himself ready to fall vpon them, and to put them all to the sword; so ready are the children of the world, by all occasions to execute the malice of their own hearts, where themselves would gladly bestow it: but the Prophet forbidding that, required to haue them well refreshed,& so to be sent to their master again, which the King also readily did; a much better way of the two, and a good example it was, that the King did so readily yield therein. And this did so work in the heartes not onely of these that were so well used, but even with the King himself besides, that for a time hostility ceased on the Syrians side against the Israelites. In that other invasion when they besieged Samaria itself, and brought the city to great extremity, we are first to consider of the extremity it was brought unto: then, how it was again relieved. In the extremity it was brought unto, we are to consider, what it was in itself: and how it 2. Kings. 6: 24-29. was taken. It was in itself so great, that most vile things that were to homely use with them, were sold very deere: and two women( it is noted) there were, that agreed together to eat their own children. The King himself did take it so ill, that as it Ibid. 30-32 seemeth, he professed a special sorrowing for the same: but on the other side, was so angry with the Prophet, that he deeply protested that day to slay him; and praesently, as it seemeth, sent one about it, and himself followed immediately after, belike for the better effecting of it, though others there be( but I see not whereon) that otherwise joseph. Lyr. Pet. Martyr. take it, as coming to stay the execution which he had before commanded. When the Story sheweth us, how it was again relieved, it sheweth first how the Prophet( by whom they were to understand thereof) was, notwithstanding the kings determination, preserved: then after, it treateth of the relief itself that was given unto it. The Prophet was notwithstanding preserved, by the understanding that God gave him before of the danger that he was in: and by the means that thereupon himself did use to prevent it. Treating of the relief itself which now soon after was given unto it, it is first declared, how the Prophet did foreshow it: then, how it was performed unto them. Fore-showed it was, vpon occasion of an impatient speech, delivered by the Messenger, it seemeth, and to pick a quarrel unto him, to do that which he had commanded with greater show of colour for it. The speech was, that the evil that then was on them, came from the lord: and therefore that Ibid. 33. now they were no longer to await any goodness of him. That occasion being offered, the Prophet then( putting up the indignity of it) did plainly tell them( he had 2 King. 7: 1, 2 other company with him before, and by this time it appeareth by that which followeth, that the King himself was come and others with him) that by that time next day they should haue such plenty there, that a great parsonage that was in the company replied again, that it was clean beyond all possibility: but the Prophet nevertheless persisted therein; and farther told him, that himself should see it, but because he did not beleeue it, he should not taste of it. A iudgement that in these daies also is cast on many, who in these daies of the gospel, cannot but see the plentifulnes thereof, though themselves haue not the gift to make it theirs. Performed it was by the sudden departure of the Syrians( hearing such a warlike noise, and being so affrighted Ibid. 3-16. with it, that they left their Camp and all things therein, and fled away for their lives withall the hast they were able to make) they leaving so great plenty behind them: but they got the first understanding of it by certain leprous persons who went to the camp for some relief, and soon after brought word thereof to the city; and making thereof a farther trial, they found it to be so indeed. Of those lepers it is farther declared, that first for a time they were altogether occupied in packing-vp for themselves, and did not praesently bring that glad news to the city, who stood in great need to haue had it so soon as it might haue been: but that fear of punishment for that their lingering on private Lucre, did make them soon after to amend that fault of theirs. Many of ours that are called unto the ministry, overmuch following the steps of those Leaders that were before us, by immoderate thirst of private Lucre, are not so employed as they ought to bee, in delivering the glad tidings of the gospel to the people of God: and though it be sufficiently known, that judgements heavy enough are provided for those that are so defectine in that point of duty; yet neither doth the remembrance thereof win them to sound amendment therein. But according to the word of the Prophet, both they had now such plenty Ibid. 16-20. indeed: and yet that great parsonage that did not beleeue, was himself never the better for it. 16 Those things that do belong to the death of the King, whose story now we are in, are first of the party, by whom he should haue it: then, in what sort he came unto it. The party by whom he should haue his death, was one of his Captaines, whom God himself ordained to do that service, jehu by name, first, naming him unto Elias; but now setting him in hand with it by Eliseus. When he name him first to Elias, it was, that he should go and anoint him King over Israel, 1 King. 16. 16 while yet King Ahab, this mans father, reigned in Israel: and that God willed him then to do it, it seemeth, it was to comfort the Prophet then, being at that time in great discontentment, to see things go so ill as they did; but that it was not done by Elias then, it seemeth, it was for that Ahab a while after having those iudgments denounced unto him which God did now mean to bring on his issue, conceived Ibid. 21: 21-24, 27-29. some special sorrow thereon, and therefore God would for his time respite the same. Setting in hand with it by Eliseus now, wee haue more distinctly delivered unto us, first what was done by those, by whom it pleased God to signify his will and pleasure for that matter: then, what it was that was done by others, vpon the understanding thereof. Those whom it pleased God to use there in to signify his will and pleasure for that matter unto him, were Eliseus himself: and one other of the children of the Prophets, called also( at least as it is conceived) the seruant of the Prophet( for there be that do not so take it) whom the Prophet then sent unto Lyr. Pelic. Vat. mount. Pet. Mart. Bibl. Angl. Tremel. jun. 2 King. 9: 1-3 him about that matter. Eliseus himself did no more but sand that is servant or that inferior Prophet unto him about that matter: and in the name of the lord: directing him also, what he should both do and say in that business. But whether the Lord himself did a-fresh set this man on work therein; or whether Elias had left that direction with him, we haue not declared as also it may bee, that on that former sentence of God, himself did gather it; though one of the other seemeth to me to be the likelier. The seruant of the Prophet, or that young Prophet went Ibid. 4-10 and did accordingly: both in the main point of the matter; and presently speeding himself away as he was commanded. The main point of the matter was, that he both anointed him to be king of Israel: and that he shewed him what execution he should do on the house of Ahab, and what the lord had determined both on all that whole house of his, and on jezebel withall; in all things agreeing to the 1 King. 21: 21-23. words of the Lord by Elias before. Those others were the other Captaines, who were in company with jehu, when this young Prophet came unto him, and took him a-side to speak with him a-part by himself. Who, though at the first they 2 Kin. 9: 11-13 accounted this inferior Prophet but a mad fellow: yet when jehu acquainted them with the business that he had with him; they most readily yielded thereunto, and forth-with proclaimed him to be their King. In what sort jehoram the king came to his death being now to be seen, when the party is fully provided by whom he should haue it, we haue noted unto us, what disadvantage was now against him: and how it was to his overthrow accordingly taken. The disadvantage that now Ibid. 14, 15,& 8: 29. was against him, was, that he had an Army at Ramoth-Gilead; but himself was absent lying in jezreel, to be healed of certain wounds which he had gotten in his conflicts with the Syrians before. In that his army, it seemeth, by the Text, that jehu was a captain of special reckoning, because the residue were so ready, on the occasion that then was given, to proclaim him King: but Iosephus conceiveth that he was the general of all the Army; and then had his master so much the Antiq. judaic. lib. 9. cap. 4. greater disadvantage therein. The King himself likewise being absent from his Army then, about the curing of those his wounds, left his Captaines the readier opportunity to inflict a greater wound on him: and those former wounds of his, it may well be, by the ordinary course of Gods dealing with us, were some special call unto him, before this last stroke came to cut him off clean. The King being in this disadvantage, and we being now to see how it was to his overthrow as readily taken, when jehu perceived how ready the Captains were to haue him to take 2 King. 9: 16-24. that honour unto him, and( belike) the rather perceiving that the Prophets message was of the Lord, when he saw these things to bee so suitable there-unto( his Maisters absence, the Captaines so willing, and sufficient forces at hand already) he first took order that none should step out thence to carry word what was towards: and then, sped himself and his company a-pace to surprise the King, before he might haue any warning of it. The King on the other side having a watch, and understanding thereby of a company coming a-pace towards him, and sending forth twice to understand the cause of their coming, but receiving no answer again, and understanding his Messengers were stayed, got himself ready so well as in that time he could, to go and meet them in forcible manner. At which time espying it to bee jehu, he asked of him whether he came in peaceable manner: but when jehu replied that he might look for no peace, so great iniquity of his Mother yet remaining unpunished, and withall( as it seemeth) making towards him in hostile manner, he then perceived what the matter was, and fled; but there in his flight was quickly slain, by jehu himself, when he had reigned twelve yeares. 17 Such things as we haue of Elisha or Eliseus the Prophet apart by himself, nothing at all appertaining to the Story of the kingdom, and coming within Elisha. the reign of jehoram of whom wee haue spoken, were most of them done within the Land: and some, without. Of those that were done within the Land, most of them were done to help, in some need then praesently being: but one, to prevent an ill that was coming. Of those that were done to help in some need then praesently being, one there is, of which we haue no mention where it should bee done: but of the others wee haue the place also something noted where they were done. That one, of which we haue no place noted, is of that poor widow, late wife to one of the sons of the Prophets that feared God: seeking to the Prophet 2 King. 4: 1-7. in her distress; and miraculously holpen by him, by the increase of that little store of oil she had left. Of those others of which we haue the place something noted where they were done, some there are of which the place where they were done is more certainly noted: and some again, where we haue but likelihood of it. Of those that were done where the place is more certainly noted, one there is, which the Prophet did as of himself: others, wherein he was requested or sought unto. Of himself we may account that to be done which he did at Sunem: and yet is it good to note withall, that he accounted himself, after a sort, justly provoked unto Ibid. 8-17. it. For though he did many pleasures to diuers, according to the power wherewith he was endued, miraculously: yet for the most part wee find not that he did such pleasures but when they were sought for, or otherwise himself saw some urgent occasion. Which also we may find in Christ himself, and in all the seruants of God generally, who haue been in like sort endued: a consideration good to teach us to seek for such help where God hath laid it up for us; and that otherwise we may want, when we are in the midst of plenty. The Prophet might account himself( after a sort) justly provoked unto it, for that a woman of good reckoning there( for whom he did it) was so careful as shee was to give him entertainment there, as he had occasion to passe-by that way: which it seemeth, he often had, it standing in the way betwixt carmel and Gilgal, and some other places whereunto he most repaired. That which the Prophet did hereupon, was, that being otherwise careful to haue done her any pleasure that he was able, when he understood that she stood in no need of his help any such way as he supposed she might, but that indeed she had no child,& her husband was old, he then obtained of the Lord that she might haue a son, and assured her that so it should bee, in such like time from thence, as women were wont to conceive and bear: as also at the time appointed she had. In which Story it is good likewise to mark, both the wisdom of the Prophet, and the modesty of the woman; when as he dealt with her first but by his man, and then when she was to come in presence, yet then she stood but in Ibid. 13, 15. the door: a good example in them both to take good heed, not onely of evil itself; but also of all things whereon might breed suspicion thereof. Vpon request or seeking unto, wee find that the Prophet did such things, first at Carmel: then also, at gilgal. But yet as touching the former of them, we may not properly attribute the doing of the thing itself at carmel: but onely that some part of it was don there; and that there he was when first the svit was moved unto him. That which thus far we allot unto Carmel, a Mountain near to the sea side, in the Tribe of Issachar, was the restoring of that child to life again, when in process of time he sickened and Ibid. 18-37. died. In which Story it shall be good to note, what confidence the woman had in the Prophet:& what it was the Prophet did to satisfy her desire therein. The confidence that the woman had in the Prophet was such, as that she laid hir dead child on his bed, Ibid 18-28. & sped himself forthwith to the Prophet where he was at Carmel, no doubt for some help of him, even in that case also. For had she had no hope that way, then she would haue employed herself about his burial: and unless shee had had some hope in the Prophet, it is no way likely, that of al places in her house besides, she would haue made choice of his bed whereon to lay him. A good example of a notable reckoning of the seruants of God, even in that rude age of the world:& that where there was such regard to the seruants of God, there was a wonderful faith in God likewise, even in death to look for life. When she came to the Prophet, though in plain terms she made not that svit unto him: yet both the passion that then she was in, and the words which then she uttered did plainly imply it, that the Prophet himself so conceived, as by that which praesently he did thereon appeareth. That therefore that the Prophet thereon did, was first assayed by his seruant: and soon after performed by himself. By his seruant, he first assayed to restore the child to life again, as appeareth by the answer his seruant gave him on the way, letting him understand what he had done in that business about which he had sent him. But in that his first assaying of it, ●● did not praeuaile: belike to teach, both him and us, that the mightiest Prophets that are, praeuaile but little in such matters, unless they go about them in the best manner they can. And the woman( it is plain) did not leave him thereon, but plainly protested, that( his seruant though he sent about it, yet) she would not leave him so. It may be also, that God hath left this story to teach us, that though in many cases there be good use of Curates and Deputies, and that in such case the use of thē is so needful, that in no wise it ought to be called in question: yet we must take heed, that ourselves do not shrink from the labour of our calling, under the cloak of using others therein, nor use any such compendious ways to spare our own labour whensoever the case doth require it of vs. A point of duty, that though it be not urged( lightly) but unto the ministry: yet is it as needful, in their measure, for others also. But especially for the Minystery it is not amiss( for those to whom it appertaineth) to conceive, that although such homilies as we haue appointed, bee very good( even the best Sermons, that for the most part we haue) and to special good aedifying to those that haue a reverent regard unto them: yet if any of us haue that meaning, that we may otherwise employ or take to our own private use, such Church-maintenance as God appointed, whereby an able Minister should be maintained, so that we leave them Curates to red them Homilies, that may very well prove, and over often doth, no better than was that laying of the Prophetes staff on the face of the Child, in stead of the Prophet himself. But that good Woman being so importunate with him, that shee would not away without him( belike shee knew, there was faire odds betwixt the Prophet himself, and his Seruant) then went the Prophet himself praesently with her: not tarrying to see whether his servant had done it or not( for he met him by the way) but readyly yielding that readier help that in his own presence shee had conceived; a very good pattern for many of ours likewise to follow. being come to the House, it is good to mark what he doth( not this at carmel, but at Sunem now:) and all such to take our patterns hence, as are to give life to such, as from whom it is departed; not onely of the ministry, but even of all others besides, every of us in our own bounds and measure. That which he did, resteth in two principal points: one, seeking the help of God from above; the other, using his own endeavour beneath. He sought the help of God from above, by prayer: and to Ibid 32. 33. the end he might the less be cumbered therein, he first shutteth the door unto him, leaving but onely the Corps and himself within. Wherein it shall be good to mark, as first and chiefly, some-what as touching the substance of it: so then likewise, somewhat as touching the manner of it. As touching the substance of it, no more but this, that whensoever any of us al are about to raise ourselves or others from the bondage or death, or no more but from the sleep or slumber of sin, then are we first to consider, that it is not to be done, but only by the good grace and help of God: and therefore, that truly& earnestly we seek unto him for his help therein by prayer. As touching the manner of his doing it, we are sure that this man was plentifully endowed with the spirit of God: so that in reason wee may account, that his doing herein may be a good pattern to us to follow; and withall, a good rule whereby to try the spirit of others. For it is the manner of some, who also do seem to be touched with some special zeal, and to haue some earnest desire of reformation, nevertheless to haue no great care to pray for the same a-part by themselves: but to get such families, or such several persons, as they hope may be alured to be of the same bent with them( under the name of reformation, to urge a needless and hurtful innovation)& then in their hearing, and leading them on to join with them, to conceive such prayers, as under the show of confessing the deformities and wants of the present age or state, are indeed mere invectives against good orders established, and those very false and slanderous too. But these are ever out of their proper element, if they haue not others, whom under the name of some glorious prayer, and as it were by the force of it, they may led farther than they are ware of unto the other, and set them fast on it so near as they can. There is good use as the case may bee, and often is, of joining together in prayer, and of leading others therein: but some do use it for their own glory, and to led others in thier own private and distempered humour; and it is good that that abuse be also noted. His own endeavour that himself did use beneath, was, that twice he applied himself, and many of his particular members, so well as he could, to the youth deceased, so to get some warmth unto him: the former of those two times so far praeuailing, that the flesh of the child now waxed warm, and reuied at the second; the Prophet himself leaving a space betwixt, as also it is good that we in such actions be not importunate with any, but that after some time of instruction or exhortation, we leave some time of advisement unto them. So in the end he delivered the Child alive to his Mother: and we, in our case, might very well hope of the like effect Ibid. 36, 37 in the end, if truly we used like means unto it. That which the Prophet did at Gilgal, Ibid. 38-41. was, that miraculously he alaied or took away such a bitterness from meat provided for many to feed on, as imported all the meat to be poisoned by an herb ignorantly put in: not causing it to be cast away, and miraculously providing other; but using that( a matter worth the noting too) which God had already provided, and correcting the hurtfulnesse of it. Those of which we haue but probability onely where they were done, were, one of them on the behalf of many: and two of them about two several persons. And the place where it seemeth these were done, was Gilgal, the place last above mentioned. For as touching the first of these three, the particular whereby it is coupled unto the other before, though diversly interpnted, yet stil doth seem to note, the former place last before mentioned to be the place where this also was done: and both the others note the place to be( by likelihood) near unto jordan; and so was Gilgal that now we speak of. That which was done on behalf of Ibid 42-44. many, was that with small provision brought him, he fed many, clean beyond the expectation of those that were privy unto it. Those several persons were, one of them, a stranger: the other, one of that people. 18 That which is of the stranger, is that of Naaman, a Noble Man of Syria, and of 2. King. 5: 1. great reckoning with his Prince: and the effect of it is, how, he being a leprous person, that disease of his was miraculously taken off from him by the Prophet: and by the same Prophet as miraculously laid on another. In that part of the Story that sheweth how the leprosy was taken off from him, wee haue noted unto us, first how he got understanding, that Eliseus the Prophet in Israell was likely to heal him of it: then, how he got to be cured of him. He heard of it by a little wench of the Israelites, Ibid. 2, 3. who in the time of Hostility had been taken out of her own country, and at that time served Naamans Wife: she telling her Mistris, that if her Lord and master were with the Prophet in Israell he might there bee cured of his leprosy; and shee letting her Husband understand, what comfort therein her Maid had given her. To get himself cured of him, first he obtained the Kings letters: then, he went about it himself. The Kings letters he obtained upon the report of that Seruant of his: yet not to the Ibid. 4, 5. Prophet, but unto the King himself; but imperiously enough, commanding him to cure that his seruant of his leprosy. A foul shane to al Israel generally, that a wench could make that reckoning of the Prophet, that her Mistris, master,& the King himself, all Heathen folk, could give that credit thereunto: and yet the Prophet to bee so little regarded of his own people: not only of the base sort of them, but even of those that should most haue done it. When himself went about it, he made( as it were) two assays of it: himself marring all in the former; but then speeding very well in the latter. In the former also, for a time he did very well: but afterward overthrew it again. He did well, both in setting forth in such sort as he did: and holding on the like course when he was in the land of Israell. In his setting forth, we find that he came so Ibid. 5. furnished, with such store of treasure and things of price, as that it seemeth he meant the Prophet some very special and great reward: and the greater he intended his reward should be, the better regard it sheweth he had of him before he came forth; and the more thankful that he would be, when he had been so holpen by him. For miserable provision, and miserable rewarding of benefits received, do both of them argue, but a miserable regard of the parties by whom wee are holpen, and as miserable a valuing the benefit itself. When he was in the land of Israel he held on his course well, first to the King: then, when he was dismissed from him. Being come to the King, he found, that when he had delivered his Lords letter unto him, he was in such a passion Ibid 6, 7. or perturbation of mind, as might sufficiently of itself witness( without any thing else to help it) that the King knew not he had any such Prophet, of whom he might hope so far to be holpen: and then, if the King himself did not know any such, what might this stranger think of his journey, who had come so far to seek to such a one, as was so obscure among his own people? When he was dismissed from the King, Ibid. 8, 9. albeit he had discouragement enough there to go any farther, yet when there he understood who it was to whom he was to repair, he goeth on thither: and there he awaiteth, with all his train, at the doors of the Prophet. Hitherto having done well, now he overthrew all again, in that the Prophet did but sand him word Ibid. 10-12. what he should do, and did not himself come forth unto him: thereupon turning his course, and going away thence in displeasure. And wee see by often experience, that great men are so used to much attendance, that whatsoever reverend regard they haue of the Prophet, even whom they like best of all others: yet even of those also must they haue such attendance, as neither becometh the one to look for, nor the other to yield; and argueth withall, but vain ostentation in the one, and an abject and base mind in the other, comforming themselves to the lusts of Men, on hope of advantage. And seeing the Prophet did so use his liberty then, and that neither in Pride not Vanity: such freedom may be used sometimes of other Seruants of God likewise, and they nevertheless not to bee hardly censured for it. The greater that God is( beyond all comparison) than any other earthly Potentate whatsoever, the more should the odds, that men of worship when they repair to the honourable, and the honourable themselves when they repair to their Princes Courts, do find for such matter as now we speak of, betwixt themselves and much meaner persons there,& are fain to brook it too, sufficiently teach, how little cause such Naamans haue to find themselves so much grieved, if in such an earthly expectation they find themselves, in some of the best seruants of the higher God, now& then deceived. In the latter of those his assays we haue set down, not onely what it was: but withall, in what sort he took it, that he sped so well therein. That his second assay itself we may account to be, when those that did attend him then, did Ibid. 13, 14. in dutiful manner persuade with him, to do as the Prophet had sent him word to do: and he, thereon yielding unto them, did so indeed. For then he was clean cured of his disease, and had the full end of his desire. A good place to put great men in mind, to haue meet attendantes about them, such as will not stick to warn them as occasion is offered; and, that themselves do ever allow them so to do: especially, in all such things as wherein they haue the seruants of God concurring; and to that end ever to nourish in them a dutiful regard of those that are of that profession. We haue had and professed the gospel long, and yet it may be it were hard to find many great personages among us that haue such attendants, as if they should see their Lord and master in needless displeasure with some of that calling, would be so careful to weigh him to a moderate course: but over many, that in such case would open their mouths wide against them; and be ready enough to pass their bounds otherwise too, in much greater and fuller measure. In what sort he took it, that he sped so well therein, we haue delivered unto us, in that part of his dealing which afterward he had with the Prophet: and that was, partly on behalf of the Prophet himself; and partly on behalf of God. Of that which was on behalf of the Prophet, some part of it is out of question: but other some, not. Out of question it is, that he returned unto him, and would haue bestowed a reward vpon him, but that the Prophet would in no wise take it. That which is in question, Ibid. 15. 16. is that which followeth immediately after, when he father urgeth the Prophet, about two Mules-load of that earth to bee given to his seruant. Which( doubtless) may be well understood, as if the meaning of Naaman were, to obtain of the Prophet, that with his favour he might leave the load of two Mules of such Ibid. 17. things as he had brought with him to bestow vpon him, with his seruant that did attend him: that so the Prophet might hold on his own course, himself not to take it; and yet might haue a great stroke in it when his seruant had it. For it is an usual manner of men( as wee may see in those that attend Princes, or any other great personages,& are in credit or favour with them, in Officers of Courts likewise, and in many others that haue the like oppertunities, and can be content to bee considered, though themselves will not seem to take any thing) to haue some of their seruants catechised before to such a purpose: and of such as would seem thankful unto them, not so much to urge it unto themselves, as to seem to haue no farther meaning, but onely to gratify their seruants with it. Insomuch that Salomon noteth Prou. 11: 14. secrecy to be the manner of considering such; and that, if that course be observed, it mightily praeuaileth with all that are of that sort of takers: but withall, that they are wicked men, that do make such sale of their favour. That in this sense he Ibid. 17: 23 should call that his Treasure, those his jewels and Ornaments that he brought with him, but earth, that also is no new thing, when as not onely men generally are termed earth and ashes: but even a King himself, a principal parsonage among men, Ecclu. 10: 12. 17: 33. jer. 22: 29. Hab. 2: 6. to humble him before God, hath the self same thrice together urged unto him; and the Prophet divideth such as are greedy of worldly substance, as heaping against themselves a greater quantity of Mud or Mire than they are able to bear, and so ouerlading themselves therewith. Therefore is it so much the stranger, that so many Lyr. Con. Pellic Fr. Vatab. Pet. Martyr. Tremel. I●n. of the learned should run another course, taking the earth that Naaman speaketh off, to be the very soil or ground of that country, and the Seruant that then he meant, to be himself: as if, when he could fasten no gift on the Prophet, he then desired, that nevertheless he with the Prophets good favour might take two loads of that earth, ground, or soil that then they stood-on, or some where else of that country, and to carry the same away with him. Concerning which, although it were no necessary argument, that seeing he could leave none of those things with the Prophet that he brought to bestow vpon him, he had yet no Mules empty to carry any such matter away with him( which notwithstanding he might haue had, if he could haue left those things with the Prophet which he meant unto him:) yet is it altogether as strong, for any thing that I do see to the contrary, as is that their opinion which they haue hereof conceived. Two things there be, that may seem to haue haue induced them unto it: one, that the vulgar translation doth plainly set down, that himself was that seruant of the Prophet that there he spake off; the other, that immediately after he protesteth, that thenceforward he will not sacrifice to any other Gods, but onely to the Lord. The vulgar translation was not onely so before, as may appear by our countryman Lyra, flourishing about 1320. in Biblioth Ges●●ri his Exposition thereof, printed at Norimberg( called Nuremberg there) 1497. the first printing thereof that I find, those of Basil and lions being since: but so is it yet also, as may appear by that which is published by Hentenins 1547. and printed by Plantine 1569. at A●twarpe. But for that matter it is sufficient, that the original Aria Montan. is not so: as not onely doth plainly appear in itself; but is likewise acknowledged, even by those that before I noted to be of that opinion, who seeming to follow Lyra Conr. Pellic. Fran. V●●●b. Pet. Martyr: Tremel. jun. therein, nevertheless found that he had taken that word of advantage for his purpose, which themselves saw they might not haue, and yet sorted themselves to him in their iudgement. In that he protesteth so of his sacrificing from that time forward, that also may bee, to the end he would haue had the Prophet to haue taken those things at his hands: conceiving that the Prophet would so much the rather haue done it, if he might perceive that he did not remain so Heathenish and Idolatrous as he was before( in which case the Prophet, he conceived, might not in any reason communicate so far with him) but that now he would profess and worship the selfsame God, that the Prophet himself did worship. nevertheless, it is not to be denied, but that a man so lately touched with any knowledge of God, and so ignorant yet as he was, might well be so far conceited to haue of the earth of that Land to such purpose as is conceived of them: but that other sense do I think to be a great deal the likelier of the two, to be the meaning of the Text aforesand. That which was on behalf of God, was part of it very commendable: part of it again, justly reprovable. Commendable it was, that he then protested that thenceforward he 2. King. 5: 17. would worship none other God, but onely the Lord. In that which was justly reprovable, we haue not only noted unto us, what it was: but withal, how the Prophet dealt with him in it. It was no more but this, that having the testimony of his own conscience, Ibid. 18. that there was no other God but onely the Lord; yet nevertheless he did not mean, altogether to with-draw himself from the semblance or outward show of worshipping others, when as other-wise it might haue impaired his favour with the King: but yet, in that case, he desired God to be merciful unto him. A case very vsusuall with Courtiers, and those that attend great personages, in one kind or other, ever to make bold with some point of their duty, for fear of offending: and to be wished, that ●uer they haue some feeling of it, that they also may seek unto God to forgive them, and in some good time grow stronger. The Prophets dealing with him Ibid. 19. therein, was not to allow him so to do: but only that he did dismiss him, as being but a Nou●ce,& in that his weakness uncapable, yet of farther instruction. Yet therein also it is good to mark, that as he, not enquiring of the prophet, what in such case he was to do, but overruling it unto himself, had no direction of the Prophet therein: so, if we will not inquire, but walk in the glimmering of our own light, we likewise deserve to be dismissed without instruction, to noddle on forward as ourselves think good. In that other part of the Story, that sheweth how the leprosy was laid on another, whereas it was Gihezay the Prophets own man on whom it was laid, because the consideration of this one circumstance doth very probably imply, that there was some great fault in him, therefore wee are more distinctly to consider, first of the fault that he did make: then, of the punishment that for the same was laid vpon him. His fault was, that whereas his master had refused those things, that Naaman had Ibid. 19-24. brought to bestow upon him, he first resolved that he would run after him, and take some-thing of him: and accordingly( in his masters name) did so indeed, two talents of silver, and two change of Garments; the Noble Gentleman very readily yielding thereto and causing two of his Seruants to carry them home with him. This was the fault for which he was punished: but this was not all. For it is the manner of sin to engender sin: and of one fault, to draw in another. For being returned, and his master asking him, where he had been, he told his master he had gon no whither: and so, while he was desirous to cover his fault in that matter, he made a Ibid. 25. 26. plain lie unto his master. The punishment that for the same was laid vpon him, had a kind of conviction, or at least a reproof going before: and then, the punishment itself. The conviction or reproof was, first, but as touching that present lie that then he made: but then, as touching his main fault, which thereby he would haue covered. As touching that his lie that then he made, he did no more but charge him with it: giuing him a plain token, that the truth of that matter was not unknown unto him. As touching his main fault, which thereby he would haue concred, his master doth ask him, whither it were a time then, so to bee on the taking hand: plainly implying thereby, that it was not. But why it was no time then, as it is altogether omitted by some: so it is not sufficiently examined by others Lyr, Conr, Pell. Tremel. I●●. neither, as I do take it. For I do not find, that there is any farther matter thereof conceived, why he should not then haue taken any thing of Naaman, but onely, as one supposeth, because he was not of their Religion, but a stranger therein Fra. Vatab. unto them: or because the Prophet himself had before refused it( the Seruant thereby undoing that which his master had done before) as is the opinion of another. But it Pet. Mart●r. seemeth to me, that the Prophet hath not respect so much to either of these, as to another that toucheth much nearer: but yet, that if wee do not well mark what his fault was, wee also may easily miss it. His fault therefore was but onely in that his taking( for his master doth not, in his punishment itself, charge him, either with going unto Naaman in his name, or with his lying when he returned; but only, that the time was not then to be taking) but then are wee to consider, that it was not simply but taking, as when a thing is offered first: but first a resolution with himself, that he would get some-what of him; and then speeding himself accordingly for it. The time that he speaketh of, must either haue relation to that time then, in some special respect to it appertaining: or else to be taken generally, so as concerned not that time onely, but all others at any time whatsoever. If he should mean of that very time that then he spake of, in some special respect to it appertaining, I see not what other might be conceived, but either as things had passed then among them: or else, as it stood with the estate of the whole Church or people then. As things had passed then among them, it is very plain that his master had refused those things before: and so, that it had becomed the Seruant better, to haue abidden in the same course still with his master. But seeing his master doth not charge him therewith, we find less reason why we should do it. As it stood with the estate of the whole Church or people then, this being in the dayes of jehoram, it were not easy to find, when the people were in better estate generally: he not being so corrupt in Religion as his Father and Brother were, and having so good success against the Moabites, and against the Syrians twice, as we saw before that he had. For though jehu afterward praevailed against him, yet was that but in a moment, and in the last end of his reign: which calamity also went no farther, but onely to him and others of his stock: and not unto the rest of the people. So it seemeth, that it was but a general respect that the Prophet had to the time, such as concerneth all times else generally: as giuing him to understand, that now( while wee live here) wee should attend better matters, than to run after the things of this World: not onely Prophets themselves; but even their attendants also, and then all other sorts of people generally. And true it is, that as touching our earthly estate here, wee should not covet, or so much as in heart desire any better estate for those matters, than it hath pleased God already to give us, or from time to time shall give us hereafter: but that we should gather all our affections and desires, onely unto the service of God, and to such things as do appertain to his glory. So that indeed the Prophet might well say, that this is no time to seek after such matters: but to make our Seed-time of such things now, as we would be gladdest hereafter to reap. The punishment itself Ibid. 27. was, that the leprosy of Naaman should cleave unto him and to his Seed: and that it should be to them incurable, or that they should never get remedy for it. A special Co●●. Pellic. good example to warn all men to take good heed of being so worldly; especially such as are in the place of the Prophets, yea and their attendants, and all others too: for that, as that kind of leprosy excludeth from the society of men; so doth the other, from the society of those that are indeed the Children of God. Neither can we ever see these two things rightly or kindly to come together, that ourselves should so earnestly follow the things that are earthly; and yet effectually move others, to seek after heavenly: neither shall such attendants bee able to avoyde, but that they shall bring their Maisters in iealousy too, that bearing therein so far with them, they are not the men that otherwise they would seem to be. 19 The other several person, was one of the Children of the Prophets, an Inferior Prophet himself: and it is, that as they were cutting down Timber▪ by the 2. King. 6: 1-7 side of jordan) to build, and the head of one of their Axes flew off and fell into the river, there was such lamentation for it, it not being their own, but borrowed, that the Prophet Elisha yielded, even in that also to show his power, making it to come up and swim aloft in the brim of the Water. A Story sufficient by itself to show, that they were a poor company( but careful withall of that they had borrowed) when so small a loss as that did touch them so near( whereas if other men could work miracles, some good estate in earthly things would be one of the first miracles that they would work:) and yet withall, that God vouchsafed that extraordinary power of his to bee so plentiful in his Prophet among them, as that even in those small matters also they should bee holpen, even by that precious( and the same very glorious) kind of supply. That one thing that this our Prophet did, to prevent an ill which then was coming, hath besides the thing itself, another matter thereunto appertaining. The thing itself was, that he gave the Shunamite warning 2. King. 8: 1, 2. of a Famine for seven yeares together, soon after ensuing: wishing her withall, to go and sojourn else-where for the time to her best advantage; which also she did. A case of experience, that the secret of the lord is among the faithful: and, that first he provideth for his, before he poure forth his wrath on others. That other Ibid. 3-6. matter thereunto appertaining, is an example of the providence of God, so disposing on behalf of the Shunamite, that when shee was returned again, and was fain to go to the King for her House and Land, whereinto others had gotten in that her absence, and held her from it now: even again rhat very time was the King in such communication of her, and that of his own desire too, as moved him to command right to bee done her with great favour. And wee likewise are never to doubt of the favour of God towards us( in the way of his calling) though yet wee see no appearance of it: he ever having it in a readiness, against the time that wee shall need it, and ever( for the most part) keeping it close till then. Those that were done without the Land, were such as passed between hazael, a great man in Syria, and this our Prophet at Damascus, the head city of Syria; one, as touching Benhadad, the King then; the other, as touching Hazael himself, that now wee speak off. As touching Benhadad the King, the Prophet at this time going to Damascus, Ibid. 7. and the King hearing that he was come thither, he thought good, being at that time sick, to sand unto him, to know whether he should recover, or not: and it shall bee good for us therein to consider, first, in what manner the King sent unto him; then, what answer the Prophet giveth. When the King sent unto him about Ibid. 8, 9. it though he were but an Heathenish man, and had been a great Enemy to the people of God: yet hath he that regard to this Seruant of God, that he sent him of the best things the country yielded, the burden of forty Camels for a present. The answer of the Prophet is not so plainly set down( at least being compared with the event which followed) but that there bee diuers opinions thereof conceived among Pet. Martyr. Bibl. A●●l. Tremel. jun. Pet. Martyr. the learned; and yet whereas there be four in all, two of them are accounted the likeliest: one, that whereas the Prophet seemeth to promise recovery, and yet he perished soon after in that his sickness, his meaning was as touching that sickness, that it was not so mortal, but that he might very well recover; the other, that the Prophet did not mean his answer to bee as touching the kings recovery, but held his peace for his own iudgement therein, and onely foreshowed what word it was that hazael would carry back to the King again that sent him about it. But so far as I see, nothing letteth, but that wee may take the Prophets meaninig to bee, as his words are, notwithstanding, that the event did not so follow: namely, that he should recover, the Prophet being no farther enquired for, but onely as touching that his sickness; and the Prophet making no answer but 〈◇〉 to it. It may likewise bee, that GOD revealed, for that matter, no more unto him. So that although he perished the next day after, and that then he was not as yet recovered: yet that then he perished, it was not by his sickness whereof the Prophet was enquired; but by the forcible dealing of others, and so not against the truth of the Prophets answer. Which I think so much the rather meet to be noted, because that some( belike to salve the matter the better, in respect of the event that followed) haue made both the answer and the question too, to go vpon Tr●●●l. I●●. possibility onely: the question to be, whether he may recover of that his sickness;& the answer to be, that undoubtedly he might, so leaving the matter plainly in doubt, whether he should or not. Which notwithstanding is no way needful, if we conceive the Prophet to go no further, but onely to that his sickness, according as the question was to him propounded: as it may well bee, that himself also was ignorant, that death should otherwise seize vpon him so soon as it did; and though he were not, yet leaveth it his repetition, in the bounds of the question, full and true. As touching hazael, by whom the Prophet returned his answer( the self same party that now had brought the question unto him) wee haue not onely such dealing as passed betwixt the Prophet and him: but some other things withall which soon after ensued thereon, and are, in their kind some part of this Story. Such dealing as passed betwixt the Prophet and him, was first, some farther matter as touching his master: the residue then, as touching himself. As touching his master, after that he had given him a direct answer to the question that he had brought him, willing him to tell his master he should recover, then he telleth him, that nevertheless the lord had Ibid. 10. shewed him that he should surely die: a couple of speeches, that may easily seem to cross one another, unless they be rightly referred to their own proper places; but being so referred, leaving no doubt, but that both may well stand together. As touching himself, the Prophet doth very pregnantly show him, that he should do very much evil: and then, when himself made question of it, he shewed him farther, what opportunity he should afterward haue, whereby he might readily come to do such things indeed. When he doth but onely show him, that he should do very much evil, first he maketh a way thereunto by his deed: and after explaineth the same by his word. His deed was, that praesently thereupon he fell, as it were, into a deep Ibid. 11. Ari. Montan. Bibl. Angl. muse: and therein did both shane with somewhat( for the original doth not ascribe th●● shane unto Hazael, as some haue conceived;) and fell a weeping. He explained the same by his word, when hazael, espying that the Prophet wept, asked him( calling him his Lord; and there may be foul things in the hands of those that haue a kind of reverence to the seruants of God) wherefore he wept: telling him then, that he foresaw that he should do outrageous and barbarous cruelty against the Israelites. Ibid. 12. He shewed him farther, what opportunity he should afterward haue, whereby he might come to do such things indeed, when as he seemed utterly to detest, that Ibid. 13. such barbarity should ever bee found in him: the Prophet then telling him, that he should be King of Syria. Those other things that we haue set down withall, which soon after ensued thereon, and are in their kind part of this Story, are two: one, how he discharged himself of this his business; the other, in what sort he farther dealt with his Lord& master. Of this his business he discharged himself but indifferently: Ibid. 14. telling the King but onely in what case he stood as touching his sickness; nothing at all acquainting him, in what danger of death he otherwise stood, which the Prophet had as plainly told him. His farther dealing with his Lord and master was, that the next day after he bereft him of his life, and withall possessed himself of Ibid. 15. his kingdom: making the more speed belike therein, least he should recover, according as the Prophet had said that he should; whereas now, if he took him in time, he might seem to haue died of that his sickness, and himself never bee brought in question for it. So immoderat a desire had he, presently to step unto the kingdom, after that once he understood, that in time he was to come unto it: a plain example of that bad property in us, that if any way wee understand ourselves to be marked to any special place, thenceforward we are ever working inordinately to come unto it; and though therein we see a ready downfall before us to all manner of evil( as this man did, and whereby he should become, by his own confession, as bad as a Dog) Ibid. 13. yet no whit at all for that to shun it. CHAP. 16. 1 THe latter of those that God himself appointed, was jehu, of whom we haue heard some-what already: namely, how being set-vp on the sudden, he came so suddenly on his Lord and master, jehoram Jehu. the King, with such force, policy and speed joined together, as that readily he praevailed against him, and there slay him in the field, even at their first encounter to speak of. So being a little before by God thereunto appointed, and now in actual possession of the kingdom of Israel, we are to consider of his Story therein. Where first it shall be good to remember, that whereas in the Story of I●ram before, we heard that wee had not all the residue of the Story of Elisha or Eliseus, for that he outlived the reign of jehoram: so haue we not the residue of his Story in the reign of this king neither, nor of his son; but then in the reign of his sons son wee haue it. And yet though we haue no part of his Story here, it shall not be amiss to consider even of that point also: namely, that neither in the Story of jehu, nor of his son, we haue any mention of the Prophet that now wee speak of, though he outlived the reign of them both. First, therefore of the kings themselves: then, that this Prophet is not in their Story remembered. Of the Kings themselves jehu is the former of them: but then we are not to consider of these two onely, but seeing he had more Sons also that came to the crown, of those likewise, and not only of him and his line: but of the residue of those kings that after him succeeded. But first of him and his line, then of the others: and again, first of himself, and that son of his, who was within the time of this Prophet; then of those that came after. Of Iesu himself, it shall bee good, first to cast our eyes but onely to him: but then to come to ourselves withall. Casting our eyes but onely to him, it shall bee good to mark, first what his ways were: then, in what liking it may seem they were with the Lord. As touching his ways, we find him not liked but onely in some, and disliked in others. To begin first with those wherein there was liking conceived of him, he is noted to haue reigned a good time, namely eight and 2. King. 10: 36 twenty yeares: and yet haue wee no Story of him( for these matters) but onely of that, which part of it undoubtedly was, and the residue seemeth to bee, in the beginning of his reign. Which Story of his, is, first where he began this his kingdom; then, in a few other places besides. We may then account, that he began his kingdom, when he overthrew and slay his master in the field, which was at Iesreel, where jehoram the King lay to be cured of his wounds, which at Ramoth-Gilead he had received of the Syrians: where, whether first he prosecuted his victory, till he had smitten Ahaziah too, as he was flying from him: and then took order for Iehorams body, or contrarywise it is, so far as I see, a matter of question. For by the Text here it is plain, that we haue it first noted, that he took 2. Kin. 9: 25, 26 order for Iehorams body, to be cast in that parcel of ground, which before had been the Vineyard of Naboth: thereby to fulfil the word of the Lord, in that point, before delivered by the Prophet Elias. But it is said withall, that when Ahaziah Ibid. 27, 28. vpon the discomfiture and death of jehoram fled, jehu pursued after, crying to his Souldiers to strike him also, and that so they did, naming with all the place there, and telling besides, that soon after he dyed at Megiddo, a little from the place where he was wounded, and that his Seruants carried him thence to jerusalem, there to bury him. Yet in another place this Story of his death is so reported, as 2. Chr. 22: 9. Ibid 8. if he were some-time after the battle hide in Samaria, and after the death of those Princes of judah, brought forth to jehu from where he was hide, and then slain. Which, for the place, is reconciled by some, as if by Samaria were meant, not that Tremel. jun. city properly so called, the head city of the kingdom of Israell, but the whole kingdom thereof: but then they say nothing of the difference of the time, nor of the manner of his death. Therefore is it altogether omitted by some, and so reconciled Bibl. Angl. Codoman. Lyr. Vat. Martyr. by others, as that to every of these several places is some part of the Story allotted:& the book of Chronicles itself( being but one with the Hebrewes, though divided into a couple by the Grecians, being gathered after the captivity, as itself doth reasonable plainly witness, by Ezra as it is supposed, and the nature of the very 2. Chr. 36: 22, 23. name itself in greek, showing that the meaning of the author, or argument of the book was, therein to remember such things as were omitted before) is diversly Conr. Pellic. Bibl. Angl. 1594 I●●u. 17: 11. 2. Chr. 22: 6. noted to be of such nature as should need more special observation. Where also one of the places is mistaken by some: being taken to be in the Tribe of Iuda, whereas it was in the Tribe of Manasses. But whether this( of the pursuit of Ahaziah, who also is called Azariah) were before or after that order taken for the body of jehoram 2. King. 9: 28. 2. Chr. 22: 9. or not, certain it is, that for jehoshaphat his grandfathers sake seeking the Lord so well as he did, jehu vouchsafed his body the honour of burial, which he did not to Iehorams. Then coming into the city( near unto which this field was fought) there haue we some things set down more specially: then, some others but generally. Of those that are set down more specially, we haue two things recorded of him: one, concerning Iezebell; the other, concerning the sons of Ahab. Concerning jezebel, the effect is no more but her death; and that according to the word of the Lord: but more specially it is good to mark, both how by the 2. King. 9: 30-37. providence of God shee should then show herself unto him, and others should bee ready at his commandement to tumble her down; and how shee, a bad woman before, now when her end was so near unto her, and that in so bloody manner as it was, was nevertheless so vainly occupied in painting her face and tiring her head, to be anon of a sort of Curs so clean devoured, so trimming-up that Dogs-meate then, as many of us trim-up or pamper such wormes-meate now. Concerning the sons Ibid. 10: 1-10 or Issue of ahab, though they were many, and so he had hope of a goodly posterity: yet no sooner did jehu set in hand to overthrow them, but that most readily it was performed; and by the hands of those with whom they were left for their strongest Guard. A good example to show, that when mighty men begin to pull down others, then do they so undermine their own estates withall, that they are in no wise able to stand, whatsoever their own forces may be, or what provision soever they can make for their Issue succeeding. Those that are set down but generally, are, that he did execution on all that pertained to Ahab: such as were either of any special reckoning Ibid. 11. with him; or but his Priestes in that Idolatrous service of his. A sufficient pattern likewise( for those that were his Familiars, or great with him) that God maketh no other reckoning of those that are great or familiar with bad men( though by their greatness they might otherwise be beneficial to all their followers) than as of bad men themselves: and that although he do not always execute such judgements on them: yet by this and such like he declareth, what in his iustice is due unto them. And less marvell, when as even experience itself so commonly teacheth, that there is no good will nor liking neither on the one side nor on the other, but onely among such as are of like disposition and ways. So that we may easily conceive, that neither that Ahab before, nor any of our latter Ahabs since, would never suffer those to bee great nor familiar with them, that at any time misliked either his idol worshipping, or either his consenting-to, or his dames oppressing of Nahoth for his Vine-yard: and though they bee able, mightily to benefit those that do attend them, yet are there none of good disposition indeed, or that haue any sound integrity, that so much as desire to be great or familiar with them. Those few places besides, were but two: one, in the way as he went from hence to Samaria; the other, at Samaria itself. In the way he met with certain of whom we haue some Story: first, a great company; then, one person. That company was of two and forty, all of the blood Ibid. 12-14 or alliance of Ahaziah King of judah lately slain, and by that alliance he had with the house of Ahab, of that line also, and so of the number of those, on whom jehu had to do execution: which also presently he did, not sparing any of them. That Ibid. 15, 16. one person was jonadab the son of Recab, one, it seemeth, that jehu thought well of at this present: and afterward we haue father mention of him, as of one that was a rare man indeed. To him he imparted generally, that he had on the Lords behalf an intent of some special service: and withall took him up into his chariot with him unto Samaria, there to be partaker of it. coming to Samaria, first he finisheth a business he had in hand before: then, he setteth in hand with a new. That which he had in hand before, was the utter destruction of Ahabs house, or to root out the whole race of him from the face of the earth: and therein he diligently Ibid. 17. Ibid. 18-27. employed himself, and was the first thing that he did when he came thither. The other was, as it seemeth, not onely proper to that one place: but enlarged to diuers others besides. That which was proper to that one place, was, that he ●●igned he would be a great worshipper of Baal, and far exceed ahab therein; and that at that present he had a great Sacrifice unto him: commending therefore, both the solemnity thereof to be published; and that all the Priests, Prophets, and Seruants of Baal should come in and attend their business to help forward the solemnity and service of it on pain of death. But when he had by that means gotten them altogether, and set them a-work about their business( first commanding themselves to see to it, that there were none of the seruants of the Lord with them, as acounting that the presence of any of thē would be great pollution unto the service they had in hand) he then setting a strong guard without, sent in others to do execution on them all within, and gave special charge that none should escape on pain of death. Which when they had done, then they destroyed the Images also, and made the house of Baal itself, in detestation of it, a common privy. That which was enlarged to diuers others besides( at least as it is conceived by some, and is much favoured by the Text itself) is, that having thus begun there, they went thence to every other city also, where there was any Temple of Baal, and did so to the Images and Temples there, as they had done at Samaria before. And besides that it is the iudgement of some, that this is the meaning of that place, both Pet. Martyr. Tremel. jun. A●●. Montan. the original itself may very well bear it, taking the word city indefinitely for such as had Temples of Baal in them( because it is said, they went unto the city of the house of Baal, which well may signify every such city in the land of Israel, as wherein were houses of Baal:) and the Text itself saieth, that by the means that jehu now used, he destroyed Baal out of Israel, which is a faire probability, if Ibid. 28. Conr. Pellic. not a necessary consequence, that though he had gathered the Priests& Prophets and al other seruants of Baal at that time unto Samaria, yet were the places elsewhere remaining, and to be suppressed as was the other. For as for any other city near to Samaria, which peculiarly should be meant by this, as some haue conceived, I see not yet how that may be justified: such as haue written of that argument Fra. Vatabl. Pet. Martyr. Bibl. Angl. having found no such place near to Samaria, as whereby to deliver that unto us; nor themselves that conceive it( for the most part of them) affirming it neither but onely conceiving that so it seemeth. near unto Sichem there was such an house or chapel, but no city: but Abimelech destroyed i●, with the people of Iud. 8: 33 9: 46-49. Adrichom. ●●. Ephraim ●um. 43 2. King. 10: 29 Sichem that for their safety fled into it; and since that time we haue, that I know of, no mention of it. Those ways of jehu that were misliked, were, those Golden calves, set up by jeroboam before, and maintained and worshipped now by him,& continued al his time: a matter that was so much the more odious to God, for that he did not onely enter into that course at the first, as it were of himself; but even Ibid 30, 31 then also continued therein, after that he was otherwise notably provoked by the great goodness of God towards him for a small piece of service that he had done him, tending so directly as it did to the maintenance of his own estate, although God also had required it of him. In what liking those ways of his were with God, is likewise plainly set down: and first for that which he had required; then, for the other, which was not amended. As touching that which was required, the execution of that piece of Iustice, on the house of Ahab, it pleased him so well, that Ibid. 3●. for it he established the kingdom to him and his to the fourth generation. As touching that other which was not amended, in that still he claue to the Golden calves, it is said that the Lord began to loathe Israell; and thereupon to give them Ibid. 31-34. so far into the hands of their enemies, as that mightily they praevailed against them. coming now to ourselves, withall it shall bee good that first wee mark well whether we be not in our ways much like to jehu: and if wee be, then either to cast to amend, or else to fear the like judgements also. In our ways wee are much like unto jehu, when wee abandon but some kind of Idolatry, or sin, and nevertheless haue peace with some other. For Idolatry, the example may bee of the adherents of the Church of Rome, who detesting the Idols of the Heathen, nevertheless haue their own in special honour. For sin, every where we haue examples ●now, whensoever the question falleth out to be of any such sin as ourselves( whether by nature or by custom) are given unto: or when it is to our advantage. ourselves may be given to sin, either by nature, as choleric men to be angry: or by custom& usage, as swearing& immoderate drinking, after that once we haue brought our selves to bondage theretoo, or, as we term it, to such a point that we cannot leave it. To our advantage it is, when we reap any benefit by it, as some slight in weight, or measure, vanity of speech, or such like in selling: especially if it bee the stay of our maintenance, as usury, the keeping of game or Brothel-houses, and extorting by Office or opportunity of the place that they haue for expedition, is unto many. If in such case we be but like unto jehu, though in commendable manner we abandon others, yet even thereby onely( especially, when as by special favours we are provoked to deal better with him) may we in time provoke him to loathe us: and in all our coasts, or in all things to us appertaining, to let in some heavy iudgement vpon vs. 2 jehoahaz his son succeeded, and reigned seventeen yeares: for a time, as it seemeth, following but his own ways; but after seeking unto the Lord. Following jehoahaz. but his own ways, he did evil in the sight of the Lord, walking in the sins 2. King. 13: 1-3, 22. of jeroboam: and the Lord accordingly delivered them into the hands of the Syrians, both in the time of hazael King of Syria, and of Ben-hadad his son. When he sought unto the Lord, we haue not delivered unto us in what sort he did it, whether Ibid. 4. himself and the people in some public manner: or, which seemeth to be of the two the more agreeable to the words themselves, but onely himself by his private prayer. But howsoever it was that he did seek unto the Lord, we haue these two things thereon plainly set down: both that the Lord dealt graciously with them; and yet that it was but very little regarded of them. In that gracious dealing of the Lord towards them, wee haue set down, what he did for them: and whereupon he so did. That which he did for them is part of it plain: and part of it again, in question. That which is plain, is, that the Lord heard him,& gave Ibid. 4, 5. Israell a deliverer: and that so comfortably, that they came out from under the subiection of the Aramites, and dwelled in their own tents as before they had done. That other part of this which is in question, is, who the same is, who was their deliverer: most men taking it to be meant of his Son that succeeded him in the kingdom; Pel. Vat. Mart Tre. jun. Bibl. Angl. Lyr but some conceiving otherwise of it. For the former opinion, true it is, that jehoash his son came, in some sort, to the kingdom, about three yeares before the end of his Fathers reign. For his Father began his seventeen yeares reign, 1 kin. 13: 1, 10 in the three and twentieth year of joash King of judah; and himself his sixteen yeares reign, in the seven and thirtieth of the same King of judah aforesaid: so leaving but fourteen yeares to his Father to reign alone, before that he also came to the kingdom. And true it is, that this jehoash did valiantly against the Syrians: but, because we do not read, that he did any thing till after the death of his Father; and seeing that the deliverance that is spoken of here, is concluded to haue been somewhat within his Fathers reign( for that it is so plainly noted, that nevertheless they departed not from their former sins, and had a grove yet standing Ibid. 6. in Samaria itself) therefore it seemeth it is not clear that it was by his Son, but some other rather, which we haue not in particular delivered unto vs. For as for the Angel that is conceived, by the second opinion to haue been peculiar to the land of Israell, and that this deliverance should bee by him, that is of no more certainty than the other: and so, as it seemeth, the safest i●●● hold, that the deliverer spoken of here, was such as it pleased God then to use; but not to appropriate it to either of these. The reason wherefore the Lord did so help them, is given to be, for that he saw Ibid. 4, 23. the trouble in which they were by the K. of Syria: whereunto also it seemeth may be laid( for that also is the opinion of those before alleged) that which is a little after Ibid. 7. more specially set down, that in those daies they were brought so low, that they had but fifty horsemen, ten Charets,& ten thousand footmen; the K. of Aram having so destroyed them, and made them like dust beaten to powder. nevertheless it seemeth to me, that the Hebrew particle which doth seem to give it that way, may be so interpnted saint. P●g●i. also, that as this matter followeth in the Text, so may it be applied to the time ensuing: as if the sense were, that when notwithstanding they did not repent on that their deliverance, then did God bring them so low, as there is noted. That the deliverance which they received was but little regarded, is very plain, for that they are noted, not to haue departed from their former sins, but still to haue walked in them: and Ibid. 6. for that there was that grove yet remaining even in Samaria. That Eliseus the Prophet( Elisha forgotten 40 yeeres together whom we noted before, not to be reemmbred in the Story of either of these two kings) was now at least these forty years together, so little, either employed by God, or regarded by men, is first a thing very strange in itself: but then yeeldeth it good instruction withall. It is a thing strange in itself, that a man of so great power as he, to whom one of the kings might account himself so much beholding( he having sent to anoint him king) and to whom the other( so distressed as he was, even to an huge depth thereof) had so urgent occasion to seek: yet notwithstanding should bee all this while, even a whole age to speak of, so butted in oblivion( for any thing that we red to the contrary) even in his own Country in the midst of the people of God. But then is it a notable example withal, and much tending to out instruction, not only that men, though much beholding unto them, or in great need of them, do nevertheless oft-times little remember them: but even that God also doth not ever use, but seemeth strangely for long time to forget the best of them all: and that in a time of such confusion, as wherein it should seem, that some way or other, they were most of all to be employed. 3 Those other three of the line of jehu who after succeeded, did two of them enjoy the crown some reasonable time,& came unto it immediately vpon the avoidance of such as were in it before: but long it was before the other came unto it,& besides he was soon cut off. The former of those two that enjoyed it some reasonable time,& cam so readily unto it, was jehoash, the son of jehoahaz already remembered: in whose time seeing we haue the residue of Eliseus his Story, therefore haue we, when we haue seen jehoash the story of the King, then to come to the Prophet also. As touching the King, first wee haue delivered unto us, what was the whole course of his reign generally: then certain particulars besides. The whole course of his reign was ill, never 2 Kings. 13: 10, 11. departing from the sins of jeroboam, but still walking therein, as all his praedecessors before him had done: and so continued sixteen yeares. The particulars are of two sorts: one, a commendable regard he had to the Prophet; the other, certain dealing of his with the enemy. In that commendable regard he had to the Prophet, we haue not onely delivered what it was: but also, that it was well rewarded. His regard was such, that he came unto him when he was sick, and took it heavily Ibid. 14. that then they were likely to lose him: accounting him, both his Father; and the stay or strength of that whole State. Well rewarded it was, in that the Prophet did then give him so comfortable assurance, that he should mightily praeuaile against Ibid. 15-17. the Syrians, even to their utter destruction; naming withall the place unto him, where he should look to haue the fruition of that special blessing of GOD: Ibid. 18, 19. and when thereupon he willed him to strike the Earth, or to lay upon it with those arrows which he had in his hand, and he, having done so thryce, stayed there, and proceeded no farther, he told him he should haue laid oftener on it, and he should oftener haue praevailed, whereas now he should overcome them 〈…〉 ce. The enemies with whom he had to deal, are first those th●● now were spoken of then, ●● matters fell out betwixt them, the Iewes also. Those that now were spoken of, were the Syrians: and those, according as the Prophet had told him he did overcome thrice; Hazael the King of Aram then being dead, and Benhadad his Son reigning in his stead. The Iewes became his enemies also, by occasion that A●●ziah 2 Kin. 14: 8-14 their King provoked him to the field: who, being so provoked, joined battle with them, praevailed against them, took the King, broke down a great part of the wa●● of jerusalem, made a spoil of the Temple& kings treasury, took away certain Hostages, and so returned. Of the Prophet we haue no story remaining, but onely that he Ibid. 10: 20. died of that sickness wherein he lay when the King was with him, and so was accordingly butted: but, though God did not exempt him from death as he had done his master before; yet that soon after God did so specially grace him when he was dead: namely, that within the compass of the year following, when as certain of the people were about to bury the corps of another man that was dead,& being nere to Ibid. 20, 21. the place where the Prophet was butted before, cast in thither their corpse also in hast, for that they espied certain bands of their enemies coming in vpon them: so soon as the dead corps touched the bones of the Prophet, it praesently revived, and so the man lived again. And God in some measure in such sort graceth many of his seruants yet; by their writings or good example while they lived, quickening others to follow them in the ages ensuing: a matter so much the worthier to be considered, as having therein good encouragement to be doing the best service we can, when as we remember how available it may prove to be, not only while ourselves do live, but many yeares after that we are dead. The latter of those two of the line of jehu, who enjoyed the Crown some reasonable time, was jeroboam the son of joash, who reigned 41. years: jeroboam who also was ill; and yet vouchsafed special favour of God. Il he was, in that he departed 2 King. 14: 23 Ibid. 24. not from the sins of jeroboam, but walked therein as his praedecessors before had done. In that special favour that God did vouchsafe him we haue delivered unto us, what that favour was: and whereupon the Lord did vouchsafe it unto him. That special favour was, that whereas God by jonah the Prophet had foreshowed such a thing before, he now accordingly gave him power to recover all the coasts of Israell Ibid. 25. out of the hands of those that had gotten them away before. The reason whereupon the Lord so did, was, for that he saw the exceeding great affliction of Israel; and that they were altogether without help therein; yet that God was not disposed, then to Ibid. 26, 27. take them clean away; and therefore holp them by this jeroboam. He that stayed so long before he came to it, and besides was soon cut off, was Zachariah the son of jeroboam who next succeeded, and was the fourth in descent from jehu, according as Zacariah. the Lord had promised unto him. But first before he should come to the crown, it seemeth 2 Kin. 15: 8-12 that God would show himself much offended with that race of jehu, to whom he had promised it for the fourth descent; expecting belike, that they or some of them at least, should haue walked more carefully in his ways: and seeing hitherto none of them would do it, neither would he yet perform that promise of his to him that now followed& was the last of them; but would hold him off in suspense for a time, to occasion him to see better unto it, than his elders before had done. For it is plain, that he came not to the kingdom, till 22. yeares after the death of his Father: and there was none that we red of that did reign in the mean season. That it was so long before he came to the kingdom, may thus be gathered. In the 27. year of jeroboam his father, 2 King. 15: 1, 2 came Azariah the Son of Amasiah, the King of judah, to his kingdom of judah, and reigned therein two and fifty years. jeroboam his Father reigned but one and forty:& so continued but to the fifteenth of the reign of Azariah or Uzziah aforesaid. So if this Zachariah had come to the crown immediately after his Fathers death, as his other ancestors before did, then he should haue come unto it in the fifteenth year of uzziah or Azariah aforesaid: but he came not unto it, till the eight and thirtieth year of his reign; so leaving two and twenty yeares of the reign of Azariah, before Ibid. 8. he was able to come to succeed his Father in the kingdom. In which time the people( no doubt too, were in very hard and miserable estate: being ever the less evil of the two, to haue the worst King, and the greatest tyrant that ever was to reign over any people, than to haue no king at all, unless they haue some other Magistrate to supply for the time. For the worst King that can be, cannot be so grievous but only to some: but if there were none, nor others to supply that want for the time, then would there be confusion to all. And so it may be, that God would teach them also hereby, that if they did so little regard to live according to the ordinances that he had given unto them, neither did he much regard, if they had any policy or government at all. So when he had taught both him and them his mind for those matters, then in the end he brought in that other of the line of jehu, to sit on the seat of the kingdom. But he likewise did ill in the sight of the Lord, cleaving to the sins of jeroboam, as his Fathers before had done: and so reigned but six monthes, Shallum conspiring against him, slaying him in the sight of the people, and reigning in his stead. Which bad dealing being here begun, held on for the most part with those that followed, so long as the kingdom itself did afterward stand: he that next succeeded, being likewise soon cut off; the residue enjoying it some farther time. 4 As touching the residue of the kings that after succeeded, and were none of the line of jehu, the next that came to the crown was Shallum; who reigned onely Shallum. onely one month: being then slain by Menahem, as himself had slain Zachariah Ibid. 13, 14. before; so losing that new usurped kingdom of his, in a manner so soon as he had gotten it, and ending his life as wretchedly with it. And so it is less marvel, that these and the residue that hereafter follow, are not on all hands accounted kings, but ancients Fanc Chronol. pag. 56. B. rather: disorderly, for the most part, coming unto the crown, and having their government suitable thereunto. Those that enjoyed it some farther time, were two of them of one line: the others, but strangers one to the other. Those that were of one line, was this Menahem for one: and his son succeeding him for the other. Of Menahem this Menahem thus coming to the kingdom, first we haue some things noted that were common to him and others: then, some other things that were pro[er unto himself. Common to him and others are, the time, and manner of his reign. For the time it is noted, that he reigned ten yeares: and for the manner, that he also did 2. Kings. 15: 17, 18. ill, walking in the ways of jeroboam as others had done. Proper to himself are other two: one, an example of special cruelty; the other, a point of worldly policy. In that special cruelty of his, it is good to note, first what it was: then, what a token therein we may see, how mightily ambition sometime rageth. The cruelty was great, first in itself: but then much greater by one circumstance of the place that is noted. It was great in itself, for that he destroyed a whole city, and the people thereof,& Ibid. 16. ript up the women with child, because they did not receive him in thither. That one circumstance of the place, is, that whereas Thapsa the city that so he destroyed, seems Tremel. jun. wolf. Plin. not. h●sto. li 5. cap. 24 1. King. 4: ●3. to be the same which was also called Amphipolis,& of which there is mention made as of the utmost border of the land that way, it being situate on the river Euphrates:& then being said withall, that he destroyed it, and all the Coasts thereof, even from Tirzah, this Tirzah being on the West side of jordan, in that part of the Tribe of Adrichom Manas. 1. num. 60 pag. 74. Manasses that was placed there: this distance of the places being considered, doth plainly declare, that it was a very great and barbarous slaughter that so he made. In which respect Cummannus Flinchpachius is so much the more warily to be red, that setteth down( in his Genealogy of Christ) this Thapsah to bee( he calling it Thipsah) Lib. 3. cap. 4. pag. 134. Tab. Asia 4 a. near unto the city of Thirza: the distance being more than six degrees in Ptolomies Tables, from the places that are given to the one and the other. How mightily sometimes ambition rageth, is here very plainly at first to be be seen: he having so ill a title as he had, and yet wreaking his grief so bitterly on such as did not at first reciue him. In such cases to be forth-putting, was very tolerable among the Romans, in that declining estate of theirs: and thence do many of us take so good heart, and put on such face, as in such case wee often do. But this may teach us( as that parable of Iotham before) that where ambition is so predominant, there also is Iud. 9: 7-15. much iniquity, if not savage barbarity, lurking. That point of worldly policy which in him wee may note, was, that pull the King of ashur, being stirred 2. Kings. 15: 19▪ 20. 1. Chr. 5: 26. up by the lord for the chastisement of the people Israell, and so coming in against this Menahem, he thought good so to present him, and so far to pacify his displeasure towards him, as not onely might free him from the danger of his arms, but might bee a farther strength to that his usurpation also: and so yielded to give him a thousand talents of silver; but made the people themselves to pay it. The other of this line besides, was Pecaiah his son, of whom we haue no Story to speak Pecaiab. off, but onely that he reigned two yeares, and did ill in the sight of God, as his elders 2. Kings. 15 23, 24. before him had done: and then, as his Father had slain Shallum before, and possessed himself of his kingdom; so did Pekah one of his Captaines slay him now,& took unto him his kingdom withall. But truly it was but a small recompense to the Iustice of God, for so many as his father had so unmercifully destroyed( and, it may be, without cause too, unless his tittle had been better to the place he was in, than it seemeth it was) the recompense that should be made therefore, should go no farther but onely to this one person, the Son of one that was very bloody, and himself none of the best. ahab was, as it were, but privy( or secretly consenting) to the death of one( but that it seemeth, his children were wrapped in with him too:) and yet must satisfaction be made with all his whole line, which were many; yea, with all his kindred, and friends too. Menahem had mercilessly slaughtered many, even an whole country to speak off, man, woman, and child; not for any benefit to himsele, as did the other, but in the way of reuenge, as it seemeth, and that vpon a small trespass made, if it were any: and yet wee read but onely of one, that here is seazed-on to make the reckoning. We must leave all iudgement to God: but his iustice is ever one; and, according to the measure of sin unrepented, may iudgement be feared. But then is it a more blessed thing, and much more on our parts to bee desired, that our sin be roundly punished here to our bettering for the time ensuing: than that here it should be but easily dealt-with,& then put-ouer to future iudgement. Those that were but strangers, one to another, were those two that next followed: Pekah the former, and Hoshoah the latter, yea, and the last of all the company. Pekah likewise came to the Crown by the blood of his master. For being one of Pecaiahs Captaines, Pekah. with the privity and help of two others besides( as it seemeth, of much like 2 King. 15: 25 place in the Court, as himself) and fifty others of his followers, he slay Pecaiah his Lord and master, even in the head city of his kingdom, and in the palace itself: and so invaded the kingdom withall, though but in this bad manner he got it, yet Ibid. 27. Ibid. 28. he held it about twenty yeares. He also did ill in the sight of the Lord, by following the ways of jeroboam, as all his praedecessors( in that kingdom) before him had done, and is without any farther Story, until very near the end of his reign: but then haue we two special Stories to his time, or to the Story of his reign appertaining. That we haue no farther Story of him, till towards the end of his reign, it appeareth, because that both those Stories that we haue of him, haue no place in any part of the reign of Iotham King of judah; but in the daies of Ahaz his son who next succeeded: and it is plain, that Iotham came to the crown of judah, but in the second year of this King of Israell that now we speak off; and that he reigned sixeteen Ibid. 37. Ibid. 33. yeares. Which of necessity taking up better than seventeen years of his twenty, leave him not full out his last three for both those Stories that we haue to him appertaining, or at least but thereabout. Whereas therefore those two Stories( as in themselves we are more fully to see) were, one of them to employ him in a piece of service, the other to learn himself and his people to know how far they offended: we may probably conceive, it was long before the Holinesse of God could as it were digest to use so bad a man, and so badly coming to the room he was in, in any service of his; and that he gave him time to repentance in great measure, before that he did lay his revenging hand vpon him. The former of those Stories wherein i● pleased God to employ him in a piece of service, was to the chastisement of the kingdom of judah, soon after that Ahaz was come to the kingdom, and did set up Idolatry so much as he did: which chastisement notwithstanding was such, as wherein it pleased God to use likewise great mercy towards them. Their chastisement was, that this King of Israell, coming in with his forces against the kingdom of judah, did mightily prevail against them: killing in one day an hundred and twenty thousand Ibid. 37. ● Chr. 28: 5-8 of them, and( among them) certain men of special account; and lead away captive or prisoners with them, of their wives, Sons, and Daughters, two hundred thousand, together with the spoil of the Country. Wherein we may see that even as Ahaz did by his Idolatry in great measure offend, and thereby lead the people to that course also; even so did God proportionably poure forth his displeasure upon them: and that, the greater their devotion was in that kind, though they might conceive of themselves, that they were( at least) very religious; yet that thereby they made themselves so much the more offensive to God, as Pope-holy persons now, and devout Idolaters in all ages do. The mercy that God therein used towards them, was in those Prisoners, and part of the spoil: wherein we haue more specially noted, what aduise it was that by a Prophet was for that matter given unto them;& what regard was on their partes yielded thereunto. In the aduise that by the Prophet was for that matter given unto them, it is good to note, not only what the matter of it was: but also, in what manner it was delivered unto them. The matter of it was, first, as touching their ways: then, as touching his aduise therein. In their ways he noteth what they they had already done: and what they were then of purpose to do. That which he noteth they had don already, was, that because God had delivered into their hands their 2 Chr. 28▪ 9. Brethren of jury for their sins, they had now slain them in most rageous maner, terming their rage to be such, as in detestation or greatness of it, reached up to heaven. That which he noteth them to be of purpose then to do, was, to haue those Bretheren Ibid. 10. of theirs their prisoners, as bond-men and bond-women unto them. As touching his aduise therein, to the end they may the better receive it, first, he maketh some way unto it: then, cometh he forth with his aduise itself. The way that he maketh unto it, is, that he asketh them, if their ways be not such, as that the Lord might find them faulty Ibid. 10. Ibid. 11. also. coming forth with his aduise itself, he willeth them to be said by him, and to sand home again those prisoners of theirs: giuing thē withal to understand( the better to move them therein) that the fierce wrath of the Lord was towards them. As touching the manner, he was indeed a Prophet of the Lords,& it may seem so known Ibid. 9 unto them to be: but, if we mark, he did not now speak unto them in the name of the Lord, or tell them now that God had sent him about that matter unto them; but only, as it were of himself, doth give them his best aduise therein. The regard that was yielded hereunto was great( notwithstanding the Prophet did not show himself therein Ibid. 12-15. to come unto them directly from God) first in that they yielded to let them go,( certain Elders of Samaria first requiring that of the Army, and therewithal of the King himself it seemeth; then the Army, and with them the K. himself it seemeth again, yielding thereto:) then, in that they did it in so good manner, with the spoil refreshing and arraying them first, and then freely sending them home. A very good and rare example, both of obedience unto the Prophet, yielding so fully and so generally to be ruled by him, so much to their loss,& for which they had ventured their lives: and, of compassion towards their Brethren, notwithstanding they had been, and yet were, their enemies also,& now of long had been damgerous to their estate. Many of us haue taken prisoners of our brethren, even the greatest part of the maintenance of the ministry among us, and thereby themselves withall; neither haue we been destitute of Prophets that haue reproved us therein: but where haue we any that sand back those prisoners again, and in so good manner as did the others; or when it is likely, it will be done generally, when as it sticketh so hard as it doth in all our particulars? How can it be, but that, that usurping King of Israell, and all his Army, must one day rise up in iudgement against many of our lawful kings and other Potentates, together with their peoples professing the gospel, and condemn them: even onely for this, for that still they with-hold, or yet do keep so fast in their clutches those prisoners of theirs; or may they think their devotion is sound, that can still digest to do it? The latter of those Stories being to teach the King and his people how far they offended, we are not only to mark what it is was done unto them: but withall, when, or at what time the same was done. That which was done unto them, was, that Tiglath-Pileser( called also Tilgath-Pilneeser; and pull, another King there joined unto him, came in forcibly vpon them, wan many of their cities, and took 2 King. 15: 29 1 Chr. 5: 26 away a great part of the people, and scattered them in Countries of his own among the Heathen. The time when this was done, necessary falling out to bee shortly after, that the Israelites had so far obeied the Prophet, and shewed that compassion towards their Bretheren, it teacheth us, that as God spared not those Israelites for those two rare and special duties which now they yielded, abiding yet as they did in the sins of jeroboam, the Idolatry of those golden calves: so may God bee as highly offended with us, notwithstanding our profession of the gospel now, so long as we are so defective as we are in those two duties or either of them, in which wee had so good example given by them, and yet is so untowardly learned of vs. And true repentance doth not onely amend some one thing or other that was amiss; but ever hath an eye unto all: and resteth not, till, in some good measure, it hath taken good order for all. The time of his reign thus being finished, and ending so miserable as he did, it may probably be conceived, that hereupon, he who next succeeded, took occasion to step up in his room. And so it doth immediately follow, that then Hoshea wrought Treason against him, smote him, and slew him, and reigned Hoshea in his stead. But this man being the last of the kings of Israell, in whose time 2 King. 15: 30 the kingdom itself was utterly abolished, so that after this time there remained neither kingdom nor people of Israell: wee are now to consider, not onely of so much of the Story as concerneth himself; but of that also, which concerneth his kingdom, which together with himself did perish. That which concerneth himself, is some part of it plainly set down: and some part again, more obscurely. That which is plainly set down, is, that he did ill in the sight of the Lord; but not 2 King. 17. 2-6 as the kings of Israell that were before him: and that for some part of his reign he was in subiection to the King of Assyria; but afterward with-drew himself so far again( leaning then to the King of egypt) that thereby the King of Assyria took occasion to invade the Land, to the overthrow of himself, and of his kingdom. Wherein it is good more specially to note, one thing, first, as touching the getting of this his kingdom: and then one other, as touching that commendation, of him, that he did not so ill as the other kings before him. As touching the getting of this his kingdom at the first, he got it we saw, by the slaughter of him that was in it before; a very inordinate mean to obtain, not onely a place of so special note, but any of the meanest places that are: and so less marvell, that it sped no better with him, but to be the bane of himself, and of all that did belong unto him. In that he was not so ill as others, and yet that in his time the whole kingdom should be s● ruined, we may very well gather, that though we be not so very ill as many are: yet may the heaviest judgements that God useth here in this World to cast on Sinners, bee in his Iustice due unto us, and seize on us too in greater measure than wee could haue doubted; and that, without any impeachment at all to the Iustice of God. That which is more obscurely set down, is, as touching the time of his reign: that whereas it is said in one place, that he began his reign in the twentieth year of Ibid. 15: 30. Iotham, that is the twentieth year after that Iotham began his reign( for he reigned but sixteen, and as yet there was no mention made of Ahaz that followed next, that the reckoning might bee from him derived) in another, that he began his reign in the twelfth year of Ahaz, eight yeares after the other: albeit there bee Ibid. 17: 1 diuers interpretations thereof, yet seeing wee see the Text itself doth led us to conceive, that he submitted himself to Salmaneser the King of Assyria, it seemeth Ibid. 3. to bee the likeliest, that the former place speaketh of his own stepping unto the kingdom, before he became the vassal of Salmaneser; and the latter of his confirmation by him therein, now also by likelihood holding his kingdom of him: and then, that the ninth or last year of his reign afterward spoken of, was not to bee taken from his first entry into his kingdom, on the death of Pekah: but from the time when he was by Salmaneser confirmed in it; and that, as the Text saith, that Salmaneser found Treason in him, so thereupon wee may gather, that before he had become,( as wee do term it) a vassal unto him. So was he, for one part of his reign, as it were, a King, and yet none; and, in another, a kind of King indeed, but in subiection, and besides, where least he would: and yet notwithstanding, a kingdom, both for freedom and glory good enough for those that make their way by such intrusion; and the end of it too, albeit more miserable than any would wish it, yet suitable enough to the beginning. That which concerneth his kingdom, is first of those that then were: then, of others that did succeed them. As touching those that then were, we haue delivered unto us, not onely the punishment that God cast on them; but one special note of the time besides. In their punishment we haue likewise delivered unto us, what was done with them: and wherefore. That which was done with them, was, that so many of them as in the Ibid. 6▪ 24 18: 11. war escaped the Sword, were taken away captive, and scattered in other Countries: and other peoples brought in in their rooms to inhabit there. The reason wherefore they were so dealt with, was for, that by the means of jeroboam they Ibid. 7-23. 18: 12. did so fall from the lord then: and afterward would never bee reclaimed to him again. That one special note of the time besides, is, that this their utter and final ruin falling vpon them in the dayes of Hezechiah King of judah, as he had taken special pains with them, to reclaim to the lord again: so they also, for many of them 2 Chr. 30: 5-10 Ibid. 11-13. came in, in very good manner, joining with judah in the true service of God. Out of which we may gather, that the Iustice of God on our impenetency long before, may in time grow so resolute against us, that albeit we do in some things seek unto him again; yet will it be too late then to reverse again, that which he before determined: and yet, that the Idolatrous may deceive themselves, if, because the ruin of the kingdom of Israell did then come vpon them, when many of them had sought the Lord a little before, they should thereon conceive, that leaving those calves and seeking the Lord, was the cause of that their ruin. As touching those that did succeed, although they are no part of this people, but mere strangers unto them, and at this time might rather be held to bee of the number of their enemies also: yet because hereafter they go oft-times under the name of Israelites, and not unlikely, but that diuers of the Israelites( such as shog'd aside for the time, to avoid the danger of the enemies Sword, and afterward came dropping in again) did afterward come in and dwell among them, at least because these do now hence-forward inhabit that Land where the Israelites dwelled before, therefore it shall bee good to see the Story of them. And their Story is no more but to show, how far forth by their coming thither they also were won to be professors of the God of Israell, whereas before they were altogether ignorant of him, and here also worshipped the Idols of their own Countries, whereunto before they were enured: and first, whereupon it was, that they came to yield so far to be worshippers of the God of Israell, then, how far they yielded unto it. That any thing at all they yielded thereunto, is more than in such case may be expected, not onely for that it is not the manner of the common sort of men, easily to make any change of their wonted Religion; but also because these were so much the more unlikely in this case to do it, for that this ancient people of his were now brought so low as they were: and howsoever it was, the matter is plain, that for a time, at their first coming thither, they did not aclowledge 2 King. 17▪ 25 the God of Israell. But then the Lord sending in lions among them, and destroying many of them, it was conceived after their manner, but more truly than they were Ibid. 25-28. ware of, that it was because they did not worship the God of that country: they conceiving no farther, but that, as they supposed, there were several Gods of every country, so was it in this case also; but yet making him no better therein, than the rest of his fellowes, fellowes I mean, as they supposed. And according as themselves did in such sort take it, so did they cast to provide some remedy: namely, to get some to instruct them, how to worship the God of that Land. But as the motion was made but for one; so we red but of one sent: a sufficient token, that on all hands they made no great reckoning of it( nothing so much as they ought to haue done) when as there was no farther care but of one for so many people, inhabiting so many cities, and so great a circuit as it. A meet pattern of the care that is in many of us for those matters: but ours though some-what exceeding theirs, yet much more reprovable▪ not only for the greater light that God hath given us; but also, for that we, for our own private lucre, withdraw that, which others had laid forth to that purpose. How far they yielded unto it, we haue very plainly set down unto us: first more at large; then, more briefly comprised together. While it is done more largely, first we haue declared unto us, what was done by the people themselves at the first: then, what was done by their Issue or posterity ensuing. That which was done by themselves at the first, restend in two points: one, that stil they held to their wonted Idols( which also are, for many of them, name there;) the other, that neuethelesse they served Ibid. 29-33. ( in some sort, or after their manner) the Lord too. Whereunto when once they had yielded, although this were nothing to that which they should, yet now it seemeth, that those Lions came no more at them, but were thereon restrained, because wee here no more of them after. A reasonable good Testimony, that the Lord is oft-times content to take what wee do but meanly yield: and a good warning withall, that we having done somewhat, do not think we haue then yielded full contentment unto him, if he thereupon withdraw his hand from us; when as wee see, that here he did the like, and yet that the people had nothing near yielded that which they should. That which was done by their Issue or posterity, unto that time when these things were recorded of them, was in effect the same and none other, that was done by those their elders before. But here haue wee more distinctly Ibid. 34. set down, as I do take it, two things: the former of them, not so cleared in the iudgement of others; but the latter of them, out of question withall. The former of them it is, as I do take it, that so dividing betwixt both, the Text doth charge them, that they did neither, but, as the Prophet Elias termed the like, halted betwixt them. For the words are, that they neither feared God, nor did after their Ordinances, nor after their customs, nor after the Law, not after the Commandement which the Lord commanded the children of jacob, &c. So it seemeth the meaning is, that they did neither: first setting down that they feared not God; then, that they did not after their own Ordinances nor customs neither. But then, because it was hardest for them to conceive, that they did not fear GOD, when now they had betaken themselves to bee worshippers of him, and when that plague of the lions was ceased( as it seemeth that now it was, because wee here no more of them since) therefore is that point more fully explained unto them: first in the residue of this verse that now wee are in; then, in all the rest that followeth. In the residue of this verse that now we are in, it is added, that they did not worship or fear him after the Lawe, nor after the commandment which the Lord commanded Ibid. 34. the children of jacob. But now the truth is, that whereas I haue enterpreted the former part of this verse, where there is mention made of ordinances and customs, that they were their own Ordinances and customs that there were meant: others there bee, who attribute the same also to God. But seeing it is Ari. Montan. Tremel. jun. Bibl. Angl. yet. edit. Vatab. I●. wolphius spoken in the plural number, it seemeth rather to be referred to them, than to God: and that so much the rather, for that diuers of those that so interpret, haue changed the number, putting in the singular in steede of the plural, and to that end it seemeth, no other sufficient cause appearing. But here it is not to bee denied, but that some of those that do retain the plural number, nevertheless do not refer the Tremel. jun. Bibl. Angl. same to those new Inhabitants placed here now, but to those of the ten-Tribes dwelling there before: but I see so little warrant for their so doing, that I rather think it to be as before I haue noted; and the rather, for that in the former of those words which so I interpnted, there is another of good iudgement concurring. The same is more fully explained in that which followeth, for that therein is more specially Conr. Pellic. 2 ki. 17: 35-40 declared, how God made that covenant with those Israelites before, and much called on them about it: notwithstanding that they did little regard it, and still followed their own ways. The later of those two things, which here I said we had more distinctly see down, and which was out of question with all men, is, that it is no fearing or worshipping of God, when other things are joined with those that he by his word hath appointed: but that whosoever would haue the Testimony of a good conscience, that he worshippeth God, he must sequester himself from all such worshipping of him, as is not taught by his holy word, and keep himself precisely onely to it. When the matter is more briefly comprised together, nevertheless it is plainly said, both of those that then were there placed first, Ibid. 41. and of all their posterity following, that ever they kept so long as they stood, their mingle-mangle in Religion: after a sort fearing God; and yet serving their Images also. A fit pattern of the Religion that in these daies they haue in this late Church of Rome: and for which so toughly they strive; yet therein a great deal more for their own Traditions, against their bretheren, than they do for the truth of God against the Infidels bordering on them. CHAP. 17. 1 AS touching the kingdom of judah that stood the longest, whereas the estate of it was also variable( first for a time being in their wonted freedom, and a kingdom themselves; but afterward being in subiection to others) it shall be good for us, in such sort to consider of them: first so long as themselves were a kingdom; then, when they were in subiection to others. As they were a kingdom themselves, it shall be good, first to consider of it also, but generally, as we did of the kingdom of Israel before: then to come to a more special consideration of it. The general consideration of it, or such as doth appertain to the whole, resteth in two principal points: one, what time it stood; the other, in what manner it was, or what was their estate therein. The time that they stood, or were in their wonted freedom, and a kingdom by themselves, was, from the division aforesaid, about 386. Functius. three hundred fourscore and six yeares( some diversity of reckoning being conceived by diuers, for a few yeares;) or, as some account( four yeares more) three hundred and ninety: and so, longer than the kingdom of Israel, by one Beroaldus Broughton. 133. hundred thirty and three yeares. The estate wherein these stood, wee may easily conceive, even at the first, was much more tolerable, than that wherein the Israelites were, of which we haue heard: first because of the promises made to the Tribe of judah, and line of david; then, for that all this while they had no mo Kings that reigned over them, than had the other, and( one onely usurper for a while excepted) all but of one line neither. More specially seeing we find, that this kingdom stood much longer than the other, it shall not be amiss, that we consider of it in what estate it stood, first, so long as the other continued with it: then, when the other was taken from it. In that compass of time wherein the other continued with it, we find, that once it pleased God to touch the line of david, and the sceptre of judah withall, by the usurpation of an ungodly and bloody woman, who neither was of the house of david, nor of any of the Tribes of al the people, but a mere stranger unto them: but then soon after to make a riddance of her, and to bring in the sceptre of judah, and the Line of david again. So it shall not be amiss, first to consider of the estate of this kingdom, until the time that God gave such a snub to the sceptre of judah, and line of david: and then of the time when they were both restored again. Before that snub was given unto them, we find likewise, that for a time the Kings of judah stood clear from all enter-course or doings with the Kings of Israel: but afterward they grew into friendship with them. They stood clear of them for three of their first Kings: of which the two former were offensive to God by their Idolatry; the other took a better course for that matter. The two former were Roboam, or Rehoboam, and Abiam his son. Roboam the son of Salomon, under whom the kingdom, as we heard before, was Roboam. divided, reigned seventeen yeares: three of them reasonably well; but the residue, 1. Kings 14: 21-24. 2. Chro. 11: 17. 12: 1. ill. While he reigned reasonably well, we haue delivered unto us, first how he employed himself: then, how it pleased God to bless him. His employments were, first about that part of his kingdom which was then revolted from him: then, about that which still abode with him. About that part of his kingdom which revolted from him, his employment was, to recover it again if he might. But it is good, more carefully to keep such blessings as it pleaseth God to give us, and better to see to them while we haue them: hard it is, when once( by our own default) they are gone, to get them again, in such sort as wee had them before. Esau might be a sufficient example to all ages ensuing: but unthrifts and fools will ever be doing notwithstanding. He sought to recover it again, first, as it seemeth, by making as though he did not yet take it, that they were so mutimously disposed, as in their grief they seemed to be: and so did but sand his Officer 1 King. 12: 18 2 Chr. 10: 18 Conr. Pel●ic. Tremel. jun. among them to gather up his due; and the same, as it is thought, an ancient Officer of his Fathers before. But they then shewed, that they were in good-earnest and did not dally, being yet in such heat vpon the answer the King had given them, that they killed his Officer, and put the King himself in such fear, that he sped himself away so fast as he could unto jerusalem. When this way would not serve, then he thought to do it by force: but therein also he was disappointed; and yet in that disappointing of his, he yielded an example of good obedience. To the end that by force he might do it, being come to jerusalem, he gathered together an Ibid. 21. 2. Chr. 11: 1. hundred and fourscore thousand able men, of the Tribes of judah and benjamin( benjamin now, one Tribe mo than before, joining itself to the line of david) so to go against jeroboam to recover his kingdom again: but he was forbidden( he and all his people) to proceed therein, the Lord sending Shemaiah the Prophet in Ibid. 22-24. 2 Chr. 11: 2-4 his name to forbid them, and to let them understand, that it was of him, that so the kingdom was now divided. The obedience that he and the residue yielded thereunto, was, that they all accordingly ceased to proceed any farther therein, and so departed: giuing therein so much the better example of obedience unto the Prophet, in that the matter was altogether civil; and for no less, than for a kingdom. About that part of his kingdom that still abode with him, his employments were, all( to speak of) about fortifications: but yet one other thing there is besides, wherein he bestowed himself but ill; although notwithstanding it may be his meaning was, thereby also to make his state so much the stronger. For his fortifications he is noted to haue builded and repaired many cities in judah and benjamin: and to haue furnished them, both with Victuals and armor. That other 2 Chr. 11: 5-12 thing wherein he bestowed himself but ill, and yet might haue a meaning therein to make his state so much the stronger, was, that he gave himself so much Ibid. 18-23. to the use of women: having eighteen wives, and threescore Concubines; and begetting on them eight and twenty sons, and threescore Daughters, whom he dispersed into the chief cities, but making most reckoning of Abiah, called also Abiam who next succeeded him in the kingdom. But whereas afterward wee hear that foully he fell, in this we may see, that it was no otherwise likely, being so loose a man in his wedlock, and so impotently given to the lusts of the flesh as he was. It pleased God notwithstanding so to bless him, that his kingdom was soon after much increased: and in such manner, as that out of the same we may probably con●●●●e another special matter besides. His kingdom was soon after much increased, first by the Priestes and levites, that were within the coasts or bounds of Israell: then also, by many others of the people withall. The Priestes and levites, being cast out by jeroboam& his sons, from ministering in the Priests Ibid. 13 1●, 17 Office unto the Lord, came generally from their habitations and joined themselves to the kingdom of judah. After them likewise came many of the people out of all Ibid. 16, 17. the Tribes of Israell, such as set their hearts to seek the Lord: so joining themselves to the kingdom of judah, that they much increased the strength and power of that estate. That other special matter besides, that out of it may be conceived, is, that these the better sort of the people of Israell so gathering themselves to the kingdom of judah( the Priests and levites generally all, and many of the others besides) it may probably seem, as in such cases men are wont to judge, that they did so withdraw themselves, not onely in dislike of that departing that then was made from the Law of God, and from the promises made to the Tribe of judah and line of david: but also on some special fear, that ere long there would bee some notable iudgement cast upon them, even to the utter destruction of them; and yet notwithstanding that State did stand better then two hundred yeares after. So that in such case wee are not onely to consider, what such had dealing of man deserveth: but how much it standeth with Gods glory, to show his patience and long suffering, when himself is most deeply provoked. When he governed ill, we haue likewise described unto us, what that ill government of his was: and how they were punished for it. That ill government of his was, that he abode unto 1. Kings. 14: 21-12. 2. Chro 11: 17, 12: 1. the Lord but three yeares onely, and then turned to Idolatry, he and all his people with him: and himself having let loose the bridle to the lusts of the flesh so much as he did, now was he accordingly rewarded with most beastly lusts by others of his people committed, even clean contrary to nature itself. The punishment that was inflicted on them for the same, is most of it restrained to one special time: but some part of it seemeth to be extended through all the most part of his government. That part of it that was restrained to one special time, seemeth to yield a close example of so special dealing of God, as deserveth well, of us to bee noted; and so are we to consider, what part of punishment it was that to one special time was so restrained;& what was the special dealing of God, that deserveth so much of us to be noted. That part of his punishment which to one special time was so restrained, came so strongly and so fearfully upon them, that there-vppon they sought unto the Lord: and yet notwithstanding they could not obtain a full deliverance from it. For now in the fift year of Rehoboams reign, Sisak the King of 2 King. 14▪ 25 2 Chr. 12: 2, 3, 4. egypt, came in vpon them with a mighty army( one thousand and two hundred Charriot●, threescore thousand horse, and foot-men innumerable) gathered not only of his own people of egypt, but of diuers other people of afric besides adjoining unto him: and so mightily praevailed against them, that they took the strong cities of judah; and made head against jerusalem itself. whereupon 2. Chro. 12: 5 the Princes of judah came to jerusalem, belike there, together with the King, to humble themselves unto the Lord, in this their distress to obtain his favor: when as notwithstanding the Lord at the first did sand them word by the Prophet Shemaiah, that they had forsaken the lord, and therefore the lord had thus given them to the hands of Sisak. But then, when they did aclowledge, that they had Ibid. 6-●. justly deserved what the Lord had done unto them, the lord then told the Prophet that he would shortly help them: but that in the mean season they should be in subiection to Sisak, to let them see, what odds there was betwixt his service, and to serve the Princes of the world. So their enemies came-on against them,& prevailing, took away with them all the Treasure of the House of the lord and of the Kings palace, together with those three hundred shields of beaten gold, Ibid. 9: 16. which Salomon had made, three hundred siccles of gold going to every of them, and the Siccle of the Sanctuary being about our Ounce. But whereas there were Ibid. 15. two hundred Targets besides( of double weight to these) of those we red nothing here: but it is not unlikely, but that these went with their fellowes, being so rich a prey as they were, and the others now set on the spoil. That special dealing of God which now we speak of, doth part of it respect the egyptians: and part, the Israelites. That which respecteth the egyptians, is, that whereas the Children of Israel, had by the appointment and by the working of God himself, the spoil of egypt at their departure thence, better than hue hundred yeares before this; now it pleaseth God, as it seemeth, to make them some amends for it again, giuing unto them the first spoil of one good part of the Israelites, after that once they were come to any special wealth, which was not at any time so much as in the dayes of Salomon now immediately past a little before. For in the wilderness, where they were forty yeares next after they came out of egypt, they had no means to get any wealth then. When they came into the land, though they had the spoil of it, yet wee read not of any special wealth they got thereby: and such as they got, being so often overrun as they were in the time of the Iudges, by the old inhabitants of the Land and the people about them, wee may easily conceive that among them they lost it all, and almost whatsoever they had besides: But now by the many and great victories of DAVID, and the most glorious reign of Salomon for the first part of it, they were come to special great wealth, insomuch that silver was little set-by in the daies of Salomon▪ and now hath the King of Egypt the first spoil of all this their great abundance. So gracious is God even unto the Heathen also, that if at some time he haue dealt, as occasion was offered, somewhat strictly with them, yet lightly doth he take some time or other to requited it again. That which respecteth the Israelites, is, that when God had now given them a special taste of the great glory of the estate or kingdom of their promised saviour, that all might thirst after the same, and make no reckoning of the greatest excellencies in all the world in comparison of it; then did he immediately after( as it were of purpose) dash all in pieces, to the end that none should any thing at all rest in that earthly felicity or glory, but altogether turn up their affections unto the other, and ever be in expectation of it: a reasonable plain token, not onely that he would not haue that greater glory to be darkened to them with the less; but withall, that he( in his wisdom) doth not think the felicity of earthly things to bee meet for his children long to enjoy here, but that he rather useth them, to give them some little taste sometimes( when himself thinketh good) of those better things that he doth mean them. That part of his punishment that seemeth to be extended throughout the most part of his reign, is, that all his time, to speak of, there was such warring betwixt him and jeroboam: which seemeth to 1 Kings. 14: 30 15: 6. 2 Chr. 12: 15 Lyr. be about the right of either of them in diuers particulars, although God had before stayed the war that was towards, for the recovery of the whole. Whereby it seemeth that jeroboam was most in fault, who having the greatest part of the kingdom given him, did nevertheless still encroach vpon the other: and so gave occasion of the war; and was so much the metre to punish Rehoboams Idolatry, when as he that had already bereft him of the most part of his kingdom by far, nevertheless could not yet let him be quiet with that which remained. For seeing Rehoboam did so readily yield to leave of war for the whole, it is not so likely that he would enter into it for any particular which he did not account to be his. And we see by experience among ourselves, that such as get into the possession of others, though by such means as they haue used, they haue gotten the most part already: yet, so long as any part thereof remaineth, they give the former owner but little sparing till they get all. 2 Abiam or Abiah his son( for by both those names he is called) succeeding him in the kingdom, reigned but three yeares; and in his Story wee haue but Abiam. two things onely that are memorable: one, as touching his estate towards God; 1 King. 14▪ 31 15: 1-8. 2 Chr. 12: 16. 13: 1, 2. the other, a great overthrow that he gave to the kingdom of Israell. As touching his estate towards God, it is noted first but generally, that he walked in all the sins of his Father, not naming any, but meaning chiefly the Idolatrey that he committed; and yet notwithstanding, that for Dauids sake God was favourable unto him: but then more specially, that he also was much given to the lusts of the flesh, so that 2 Cor. 13: 21. he married fourteen wives, and begot two and twenty Sons, and sixteen Daughters. But whereas it appeareth that Rehoboam had two wives before he had the Ibi. 11: 18-20 Mother of Abiam, and that he had sons▪ by them also, and yet made more of him than of the others, and in his life time purposed to make him King: it appeareth thereby, both that Rehoboam made no great reckoning either of his sons Religion towards God that was to succeed him in the kingdom, or of doing that right to the son of the former wife, that the Law of God requireth; and that Abiam himself Deut. 21: 15-17. made no conscience to step to the kingdom before those his elder bretheren. A kind of dealing that among us also is sometimes found in those meaner matters that we are to deal with: the Father then making no conscience, to make his choice where he list himself to his own best liking; and the brother regarding as little, to take the advantage when it is offered, against the Brother. The overthrow that he gave the kingdom of Israell was in the field, both parties there being gathered together 2 Chr. 13: 3. to try their right by the sword: at which time whereas there was some dealing betwixt them before the battailes joined, we are first given to understand what dealing it was that first passed betwixt them; then, what was the issue of the encounter when once the battailes joined together. The dealing that first passed betwixt them, was diuers: one kind of dealing by Abiam; and another, by jeroboam. Abiam laboured, by debating the matter to reduce both him and the people to better advisement: first making a way to a dissuasion he used unto them; then, coming to the dissuasion itself. Making a way thereunto, first he frameth his speech but onely of the Israelites: but then he speaketh both of those and the Iewes together. Framing his speech but only of the Israelites, first he sheweth them what was meet for thē to haue known: then, how contrary a course it is whereunto they haue since betaken themselves. He telleth them they ought to haue known, that God had given that kingdom Ibid. 4, 5. to david, and to his line for ever. The course whereunto they had betaken themselves since, he sheweth to bee contrary thereunto, first in that they did before: Ibid. 6. 7. then in that which they conceived now. That which they did before, was, first but severally of jeroboam onely, that he being but onely the Seruant of Salomon before, had now risen up in rebellion against his son for the kingdom; and of his company or followers, that lose and bad men had gathered unto him: then of them both together, that by occasion of Rehoboams simplicity, they grew so strong that he could not resist them. In that which they conceived now, he noteth not onely what it was that now they conceived: but withall( howbeit, in scorn, as it seemeth, at least, for one part of it) whereupon they so conceived. That which they conceived, he noteth Ibid. 8. to bee, that they thought themselves able to maintain their cause against the kingdom of david: and that they did it in confidence of their strength, for that they were the greater party; and for that they had on their side the golden calves which jeroboam had made them for Gods. Speaking of these and themselves together, Ibid. 9. the Israelites first he chargeth, that they had chased away the lawful and true Priesthood, and had taken in a very base one in stead thereof; such notwithstanding as was good enough for those that were no Gods: but then coming to themselves, Ibid. 10. 12. he pleadeth first for the time past to that present, that they had kept unto the Lord,& that by his Priesthood his service was done among them; then, for that present, that the same God now took their partes against them, and that those his Priestes whom they had abandoned, were there in a readiness to sound their Trumpets against them too. The dissuasion itself that he used unto them, was, that they would not fight Ibid. 12. against the Lord God of their Fathers: and his reason was, that, if so they did, they should not prosper. jeroboam, while Abiam was thus occupied with them, was devising Ibid. 13. how to entrap him and his people: and to that end sent an Ambush of men to get beyond them, so to get them in betwixt them to their own best advantage. So the host of judah espying, that they had their enemies both before and behind, cried Ibid. 14-20 unto the Lord: which being done, the Priests blew the Trumpets, and the host of judah gave a shout as hastening now to encounter their enemies; at which time the Lord so smote jeroboam and the host of Israell, that praesently they fled before the host of judah, and lost in the field the greatest part of that their great army, even five hundred thousand of them, together with diuers of their cities, and never after were able to recover themselves again in the daies of Abiah. 3 The third of those Kings before spoken of, who was not so offensive to God by Asa. 3. Idolatry, but took a better course for that matter, was Asa, the Son of Abiam: of whom we haue Story, not onely of his life: but something as touching his death too. As touching his life, he was a man, in whom the grace of God did notably appear; and yet not without his infirmities neither. He reigned one and forty yeares: but it 2 Kin. 15. 9, 10 was the first part of his reign wherein that grace of God did most appear in him;& his infirmity in the latter. In that first part of his reign he yielded himself to bee lead by the grace of God two several times: first by himself, without any other external motion that we do red of; then again after, being stirred up by one of the Prophets. When he did it by himself, he lost not by it, but was bountifully rewarded: and so are we first to consider of that his service of God; then, how he was rewarded for it. His service we haue setdown unto us first but generally: but then more specially. Generally it is said, that he did right in the eyes of the Lord his God: even as david his Father. More specially he is noted, both to haue purged the Land of much corruption Kings. 15: 11, 14. 2 Chro. 14 2. 15: 17 that was therein: and to haue done good things besides. The corruption that was therein, was some part of it such, as did but indifferently touch them all; but some other part of it such, as touched even himself some-what near. That part of it which touched but all indifferently, is partly a foul uncleanness of their bodies that was grown up among them: but most of it their Idolatrous ways. That soul uncleanness of theit bodies that was grown up among them, was that sin 1 King. 15: 12 against Nature, which he abolished throughout his whole land. Their Idolatrous ways, it seemeth were many, according to the Idols of the Nations about them, or( if any of them yet remained) that dwelled among them: but of whatsoever kind they were, 2 Chr. 14: 3, 5 he both destroyed those Idols themselves;& the high places and groves where they worshipped. But whereas, as touching the latter member of these, it is in one place said, that he did not put down the high places, and in another, that he took away all 1 King. 15: 14 the high places out of the cities of judah: these two places laid together do show 2. Chr. 14: 5. Ibid. 15: 17 us, that though he took away many of them, especially in judah: yet did many of thē remain, especially in those parts of Israell wherewithal nevertheless he had some dealing. That part of it which touched himself somewhat near, was of idolatry also: certain Idols that his Father had made before;& certain Idols of his Grandmother( there called his mother) which she maintained and worshipped yet. Those Idols that 1 King. 15: 13 his Father had made before, he now destroyed: and not only destroyed those Idols of his said Grand-mother, but for one of them which she had set up in a grove( belike, Ibid.& 2. Chr. 15: 16 one of the chief or principal of them) he deposed her from her estate or regency, broke that idol itself in pieces, and made an utter destruction of it in the best manner he could. The good things that he did besides, were either about religion: or about the state itself. That which he did about religion, was for the better aduancement of it. Of that kind we haue two things noted unto us: one of them no more, but only his direction unto the people; the other having some farther matter to it appertaining. That which was but his direction unto the people, was, that he commanded them to seek 2 Chr. 14: 4 the Lord God of their Fathers: and to do according to his prescript unto them. That which hath some other matters to it appertaining, is, that he brought in the holy vessels 1 King. 15: 15 of his Father,& the things that he had dedicated to the house of the Lord, treasure and plate. Those other matters hereunto appertaining are two: one, that he did not take out or withdraw such things from the house of the Lord as his Father or himself had given before; as many of us in these daies do: the other, that whereas his father was no good worshipper of God before, as we saw when wee treated of him; it may probably be conceived, that towards his death, either by the great success that he had against the Israelites a little before, or by the means or good persuasion of this his son who was so well given himself, he was brought to some better bent than wherein he lived before. And then haue we an example here( if it were by the latter of these two before conceived) of some good wrought by a gracious son, towards the conversion of his Idolatrous Father: a matter that would be in many of our cases, by us also assayed. That which he did about the estate itself was, that he builded certain ● Chr. 14 6, 7 strong Cities in judah: and exhorted the people likewise to employ themselves in fortifications, now that the lord had given them so convenient a time to the purpose. His reward for this his service was such, as that part of it arose unto him in the time of this his service: and part of it immediately after. In the time of this his service it arose unto him, first generally, that his estate was prosperous: then more specially, that on Ibid. 7. Ibid. 1. all hands he enjoyed peace for ten yeares together; and that in that compass of time his people so increased, that he had an army of five hundred and fourscore thousand Ibid. 8. able and valiant men. That part of his reward which arose unto him immediately after, was that great and glorious victory which God did give him against the Ethiopians: wherein it shall bee good not onely to note what reward Asa had therein; but another thing also, that in this Story seemeth to be offered unto vs. The reward that Asa had therein, was, that when the Ethiopians came in vpon him with a thousand-thousand Ibid. 9-15. men, besides their Chariots, he nevertheless with his smaller company, seeking to the Lord, praevailed against them: and had not onely the glory of the field, but an exceeding great spoil withall. That which in this Story seemeth to bee offered unto us, is, that seeing the Egyptians sped so well a little before, in the daies of Rehoboam, it may be that these, being nere to the egyptians, and confining vpon them, but being a little farther off from jury, towards the hart of their country Affrike( who for many Ibid. 12: 3. of them, at that time also came in with the egyptians) did now the rather come in vpon them again, because they sped so well before. B●● the people of God had transgressed Ibid▪ 2 before; and for that cause they were so strengthened against them: now had they departed from their Idolatry, and sought the Lord; and so were not these in reason to look for the like success against them. Such folly notwithstanding do the Children of the World, enemies to the gospel, ever now and then renew. yet in these daies also: because sometimes they haue had a faire hand against the better prosessors, for some provocation that hath been found in them against the Lord, thereon conceiving, that so they should praeuaile still and hardly yet can learn any other, though often-times( God be thanked for it) it hath been reasonably well beaten into them, or at least laid vpon them. When he was stirred up by one of the Prophets, wee are to consider, first, in what sort he was so stirred up: then, what service it was that thereupon he farther did unto the lord. The Prophet, whom it pleased the Lord in this service to use, was Azariah or ob( for by both those names he is called) 2 Chr. 15: 1, 8 who, being specially endued with the spirit of God, came unto Asa, and to all the people of judah and benjamin( even then, as it seemeth by the Text itself, when they returned to jerusalem from the slaughter and spoil of the Aethiopians: Ibid. 14: 15. 15: 1. for as it doth immediately follow, so the limitation of the time there noted, seemeth to haue reference thereunto) and notably dealt with them to that purpose: first craving but audience of them; then coming to the matter itself. He craveth Ibid. 15: 1, 2 audience both of the King himself, and of the people: it may be, to infinuate unto them, that both sorts of them were diligently to employ themselves in this duty; and that neither of them could well do it without the other. coming to the matter itself, for the most part of it he is occupied in teaching: but in the end he falleth to exhortation. His doctrine consisteth of two principal branches: one, for that time present; the other, for the time ensuing. For that time present he gave them to understand, that the lord was with them, now that they Ibid. ●. were with the Lord. For the time ensuing, he divideth that likewise into two several branches: first propounding them both; then farther confirming the latter of them. Those two branches themselves were, that if they would seek the Lord; Ibi 4. 2. the LORD would bee found of them: but that, if they should forsake him; he also would then forsake them. He farther confirmeth the latter of them, by the example of their Brethren the kingdom of Israell. In whom likewise he noteth two things: first the estate of them all, by that their defection which they had made: then, that some of them nevertheless had sped better. The former of these first he recyteth: then, when he hath set down the other also, he treateth of it some-what farther. When he doth at the first but recite it, he telleth Ibid. 3. them, that they had then for a long time been, without the true GOD, above: and beneath, both without Priest to teach, and without the Law. Setting down Ibid. 4. the other also, he nevertheless addeth, that so many of them as returned in that their affliction to the Lord God of Israell, and sought him( as the Story hath shewed 2 Chr. 11: 13-16. us already, that many of them did) he was found of them. coming then to treat some-what farther of the former of these, he sheweth them farther, that they Ibid. 15: 5, 6 had no peace, but great trouble in all their ways: for that one sort of them destroyed another; and GOD himself was disposed to trouble them with much adversity. Falling in the end to exhortation, he willeth them therefore to bee Ibid. 7. strong, and not to suffer their hands to bee weak: assuring them, that their work should haue a reward. The service that thereupon he farther did unto the Lord, was first to bring things to some better order than yet he had don: then, to leave them so too, as might yield best hope so to stand for the time ensuing. To bring things to some better order than yet he had done, being now farther Ibid. 8. encouraged by the Prophet, first he took away all the abominations that yet remained, not onely out of all the Land of judah and benjamin; but also out of the cities that he had taken of Mount Ephraim: and then renewed the the Altar of the Lord, in the place to it appertaining. To leave them so, as might yield best hope so to stand for the time ensuing, therein it is noted that both he and the people joined together: and so are we first, to consider of their assembling; then, what they did when they were 〈…〉 ssembled. In their assembling wee haue noted unto us, in what sort they came together: and the time and place of that their assembly. To find in what sort they came together, that is first to be conceived, which in the Text is last rehearsed; namely, that there fell many to him out of Israell, when they Ibid 9. saw that the Lord his God was with him: then is it to be taken in withall, that Asa seeing them so to draw unto him, gathered together, first all judah and benjamin, and then such others of Ephraim, Manasseh, and Simeon, as came unto him. The time and place of that their assembly, was, the fifteenth year of the reign of Asa: and at jerusalem, the onely place for that purpose, for which now they so assembled together. That which they did when they were there, was first well or in commendable manner performed by them: and then in good manner likewise rewarded by God. It was well and commmendably performed by them, both in respect of that which they did: and in respect of the affection wherewith they did it. That which they did, was first about oblations and sacrifices which then they offered: then, about a covenant that then they made. For their offerings it is said, that Ibid. 11. they offered then unto the Lord of the spoil of their enemies the Ethiopians, both bullocks and sheeepe, of the bullocks seven hundred, and of the sheep seven thousand. The covenant that then they made, they first did make or agree vpon: then, ratified it likewise so well as they could. That which they agreed vpon, was, first for all themselves generally, that they would seek the Lord the God of their Ibid. 12, 13 Fathers, with all their heart, and with all their soul: then for others that would not, that they should bee put to death, whether they were small or great, man or woman. The latter of which, so far as their example might justly be example to others, would be strong against such recusancy, as among us we find to be lodged with many. The ratifying of it that then they used, was by Oath: solemnly and Ibid. 14, 15 earnestly swearing, that they would truly perform that, whereon they had in this sort agreed. The affection wherewith they did it was great: themselves testifying the same by the great ioy they made withall, and the Text bearing them witness, Ibid. Ibid. 15 that they did it with all their heart. Their reward for this was, that the Lord gave them rest round about: a matter that experience teacheth is seldom gotten, by the deepest worldly wisdom that is; and yet here in great measure obtained, by unfeigned turning unto the Lord. What his infirmities were, and how it pleased God to deal with him about them, might easily be seen, but that the matter is not cleared, unto what time they may best be referred: a matter nevertheless that were not greatly material, but that the Text itself is not yet found to bee so clear therein, but that the learned are of sundry opinions for that matter. So that in this part of his Story wee are not onely to consider of those his infirmities, the greatest part of his Story now remaining: but withall, of that circumstance of time besides, to know to what part of his reign wee may best refer it. coming to his infirmities, there are wee to consider what they were: and how it pleased God then to deal with him, in that latter part of his reign. Of his infirmities one there is, that as it appertaineth to the former part of his reign, so haue we by other occasion, and in other manner, noted it before: the others do all appertain to the time ensuing. That which belongeth to the former part of his reign, which by other occasion we haue noted before, is, that he suffered some of those High places 1 King. 19: 14 2 Chr. 14: 5 still to remain, of which notwithstanding he destroyed many: as also it is there reported, that nevertheless his heart was upright with the Lord all his daies. And true it is, that many good Princes, such I mean as haue many good things in them, and unfeignedly are given to perform their partes in very good and honourable manner, nevertheless haue not that care to fetch their direction and light from whence they should, nor in such measure as to such purpose were to be wished: and that thereupon it is, not onely among the Turkish and Heathen, but even among Christians also( especially such as are entangled with the errors of the Church of Rome) that dyvers good Princes oft-times there are, who nevertheless come far short of doing that good that themselves in some sort did aim at. Those others that do all appertain to the time ensuing, are varrying in this: that one of them hath a pro[er chastisement thereto annexed; and none of the others so besides. That which hath a proper chastisement thereto annexed, giveth us occasion to consider, first of his fault, then of the chastisement that followed thereon. His fault was, 1 kin. 15: 17-19 2 Chr. 16: 1-3 that when Baasa the King of Israell came in strongly upon him, and would so haue fortified against him as he did not like of, and yet thought himself to weak to withstand him, he sought unto Benhadad the King of Syria for his help therein, and to that end sent him such praesents withall, so to obtain his help the rather, as plainly declared that he stood in very great fear of him: sending unto him, even all the treasure of the House of the Lord, and all his own treasure besides. His chastisement for this was, part of it plainly set down: part of it as it were implyed. That which is plainly set down, is, that by a Prophet of the Lord he was plainly reproved 2 Chr. 16: 7 9 for it, and some-thing threatened withall. reproved he was for that therein he sought for his help of the King of Syria, and not of the lord, which he plainly told him was foolishly done: especially when the Lord a little before had given him so plain experience howe ready and able he was to help him against that great power of the Aethiopians, when he sought unto him. threatened he was, Ibid. 9. that thence-foorth he should haue warres. That which was, but as it were implyed, was, that the Army of the Syrians which came to his help, were, as most of the Interpreters Vulg. edit. air. Vatab. Pellic, Pet. Martyr. Bibl. Angl. Tremel. jun. do commonly read, escaped his hands; as if, had he sought unto the lord, whereas the Syrians were confederate with the Israelites, and so were like to haue taken their part in that action, he might so haue praeuayled against them both: others, withdrawn themselves from him, as not meaning to help him any more, though now they had served his turn in this. Seeing therefore it is alleged as part of his chastisement, it doth sufficiently imply, that either he should haue praevailed against them too, if he had sought unto the Lord, but should not now: or else, at least, that he should haue had farther help of them. But so do ours also lightly speed, so oft as they seek for help to such strangers as those. Those others besides are such, as after a sort haue some reference to this, that we haue spoken of last: but one there is of another kind. Those that wee may account to haue some reference to this that last we spake of, are two: one of them very plainly thereunto appertaining; the other standing indifferent in the Text, but yet so taken also by some. That which appertaineth plainly unto it, is that Asa was so angry with the Prophet, that he cast him in prison for it. And indeed it is not Ibid. 10. there said, that the lord did then sand him about that matter; neither doth the Prophet then tell him, that he came unto him in the name of the Lord, as also it may be, that being a Prophet, and not onely seeing the offence, but fore-seeing also what hurt would come of it, he thought it his part so far to discharge his duty therein; but( that wee read of) had none other special calling unto it. And then may we see in this, that men oft-times, though otherwise good, and of special commendation therein, yet can hardly abide to bee reproved in their own special ways, even by the best men that are, whom themselves will grant to bee the undoubted Seruants of God. Could the Prophet haue said unto him, thus saith the Lord, or as samuel said to Saule, let me tell thee what the Lord hath said unto me, or any such like, there is good hope, Asa being so well given as he was, that he would haue 1 Sa 15: 16 had more reverence, and haue used more patience, though the message had been much harder: but▪ as this case was, it was, left at liberty for Asa to conceive, that as men are men, even the best that are, so might this man, though indeed a Seer or Prophet, yet therein mingle some part of humane perturbation with that his message; especially, if telling him it was foolishly done, that word sounded any thing so hardly, or but so vnciuily with them, as it doth with vs. Out of which we may also learn, not onely such as are of the ministry, but others also that are to reprove, that we ever make sure that we take the word of God with us, both for the matter, and for the manner of delivery too: otherwise, that we may justly offend, even the best that are, and lose the benefit of our reproof. Asa notwithstanding can no way( as I take it) be excused therein, the reproof being so just as it was, though the lord had not then sent him by any special or extraordinary manner, being known as he was to be a Seer; and though being a man, subject to infirmity as others are, he mingled some strain of his own perturbation therwith: saving onely unless the King, duly reverencing both the message itself, and the function and person of the Prophet, espying some inordinate dealing in it, did lay his chastycing hand onely thereon, and that in good and orderly manner. For in such case there is no question, but that kings may, yea and of duty ought to punish or chastise, even the greatest Prophetes that at any time are, unless there bee some other cause for which to spare them; as, least so they should led their people not to haue that due regard to their doctrine, and them that ought to haue: in all which cases, the lesser evil is rather to be quietly passed over, than a greater to be admitted or letten in. But in this case that now wee are in, there is another matter in such sort, or so closely joined to this, that thereby they should seem to be both of one nature: and sure we are, that that other was hard dealing indeed; and so boadeth this to be too, one way or other. That which standeth indifferent in the Text, but yet is so taken by some, is, that other hard dealing that last we spake of, as joining very closely to this: namely, that Asa then also put to death( for so do some read) or at least Ibid. 10. oppressed diuers of the people, or dealt hardly with them one way or other;& those are by some taken to bee, such as misliked that his dealing with the Prophet. And Pet. Martyr. indeed that is a case, which experience oft reneweth, that whensoever the just are by the mightier sort overlaid, then must all others either utterly forsake their needful and just defence: or if any cannot find in their harts so to do, they must then determine with themselves to suffer with them. That which was of another kind, was, that towards his old age, or towards the end of his reign, being much diseased 1 King. 15: 23 2 Chr. 16: 12 in his feet( which also is taken to haue been the Gout, but it might bee some other disease besides) though his disease were extreme vpon him, yer he sought not to the Lord for his help therein, but to the Phisitians: which being in him so plainly reproved, doth as plainly teach us, that such as are of special commendation in godliness may nevertheless sometime be greatly distressed, and yet not remember to seek unto God; and though secondary causes are not to bee neglected, and may bee used, yet are we in all such cases, first to seek unto God, and then to come to those other secondary helps, that he hath vouchsafed( for the relief of our necessities) to give unto vs. How it pleased God to deal with him in this latter part of his reign, when these infirmities broke forth in him, we are so much the rather to consider, that so we may take the instruction thereof to ourselves likewise. And so if wee mark, wee may find, that God most of all touched or laid his hand on the whole state: and partly, on his own person withall. On the whole State first it seemeth, he laid, that it should not come to that greatness, that otherwise it should haue done: then it is certain, that he made it to be troublesone unto them. It seemeth he laid upon it, that it should not come to that greatness that otherwise it should haue done▪ in that the host of the Syrians was now escaped out of his hands: implying as it seemeth, as 2 Chr. 16: 7 we saw before, that otherwise he should haue praevailed against them also. Which had been a great augmentation to their State, if then they could prosecute the same accordingly; as had been a likely matter for them to do, when once they had praevailed against their Army or forces of them: especially, when as it was no more than God had promised before unto them, nor than david also and Salomon had; nor all Deut. 11. 24 Ios. 1: 4. 2 Sa. 8: 5, 6. 1 King. 4: 21 that neither. certain it is, that he made the State to bee troublesone unto them, in that there was so long war betwixt the kingdom of Israell and them, even all the time that Baasa and Asa lived together. That wherewithal his own person 1 Kings. 15. 16, 32. 2 Chr. 16: 9. 1 King. 15▪ 23 2 Chr. 16: 12. was touched, was, that disease that in his old age he had in his feet, which as it seemeth, began with him about two yeares before his death, and did hold him very extremely, till at length it took him away. And true it is, even with us also, such States I mean as profess the gospel, that, by likelihood, some of them might haue com'd ere this to haue been much greater than otherwise they haue attained unto, if in such sort they had sought the lord as they ought to haue done: whereas for the want thereof, they haue not onely missed of that increase, but withall haue found more war than otherwise they were like to haue done; and haue been shapely touched in their own persons besides. A warning sufficient to those that follow. 4 To what part of his reign these infirmities of his might best be referred being now to consider, there is no question but that they all appertain to the latter time of his reign: but where that latter part of his reign should begin, that is the thing that is hardest to be decided. The difficulty is this. First, it is said, that Baasa 1 Kings. 14: 28, 33. Ibid. 16, 32. began his reign over Israell, in the third year of Asa, and that he reigned four and twenty yeares: then also, that there was war between Asa and Baasa all their dayes, or so long as they both lived together. It seemeth likewise that the Text itself doth note, that the beginning of this war was, that Baasha the King of Israell began to fortify in Ramah, to hinder the passage of his people to the kingdom of judah. For, when first it is said, that there was war betwixt them al their Ibid. 16, 27 daies; then it followeth immediately after, that Baasha did so fortify in Ramah: and unless the warres had begun with the reign of Baasa, there could not haue been warres betwixt them all the time while they both reigned together. So by this reckoning, Ibid. 16: 8. the warres betwixt them should haue begun in the third year of Asa, and not haue ended till the death of Baasha, which a little after is noted to be, by the coming in of Elah his son vpon the death of his Father, in the six and twentieth year of the reign of Asa. Whereby it appeareth, that the reign of Baasha, and the wars betwixt them, began with the beginning of the third year of Asa, and ended with the expiration or ending of the 26. year of Asa his reign. Whereupon it must follow, that that infirmity of Asa, in seeking to the King of Syria for help against the King of Israell, was about the very beginning of the third year of Asa his reign. But then else-where it is said, that Asa coming to the crown, the Land was quiet ten 2 Chr. 14: 1, 6, 7. Ibid. 15: 10. years, and that he took that opportunity to set in hand with that reformation,& with those buildings that we heard of: and a while after, that the assembly that came unto him about that farther reformation, when the Prophet stirred up both the King& the people, vpon the overthrow of the Ethiopian Army, was in the fifteenth year of his reign. And as all this while we haue no mention of the war of Baasa the King of Israell against judah: so when soon after there is made some mention of it, it is allotted to the six and thirtieth year of the reign of Asa. But now if the six and Ibid. 16: 1. thirtieth year should bee taken according to the common account, and Baasa his reign should begin in the third of the same, though it were in the very beginning of it, yet should Baasha be dead many yeares before the six and thirtieth year aforesaid: a matter that seemeth to be of so doubtful understanding, that some haue altogether omitted to speak of it; and others that speak of it, are of diuers opinions therein. As for those that omit to speak of it, even in that also their iudgment Conr. Pellic. Bibl. Angl. is to be reverenced, as not being satisfied belike with that which others before them had conceived: and so choosing rather to say nothing, than to side themselves to that, wherein as yet they were not resolved. Of those that are of diuers opinions therein, there be two sorts: some that follow the most usual reckoning; others, that take another course. The most usual reckoning is, to take the years of the Kings( those that do concern their reign) from the time that first they entered into their kingdoms, and so do diuers of good reckoning, accounting the yeares that are attrybuted to Asa his reign, to begin at the death of Abiam his Father; and, by that reckoning, ●uncti●s, Beroaldus. and M. Broughton. that Baasa the King of Israell came to his kingdom likewise in that third year of Asaes reign, which was the third from the death of Abiam. But this opinion or reckoning of these is called in question by according two places of the Text together: and by two others that stand alone by themselves. Those two that being accorded together seem to be strong against that opinion, are, one, that the first ten yeares of the reign of Asa the land was quiet and without war: the other, 2 Chr. 14: 1, 6. 7. 1 kin. 15: 16, 32 that there was War betwixt Asa King of judah, and Baasa King of Israell, all their daies. If therefore Baasa began in the third year after that Asa himself began to reign, and warred on Asa so soon as he was come to the kingdom, and so continued, where are then the ten first yeares of the reign of Asa, that were quiet and without war? as on the other side, if Baasa did not war on Asa till after those ten yeares, then how was there war betwixt them all their daies? Those two places that stand by themselves, and do seem either of them to bee strong against that opinion, are, one of them, that after the overthrow given to the Ethiopians, the King and the people were in such sort occupied as they were till the fifteenth year of his reign: the other, that the warfare which Baasa began on Asa, is in plain terms allotted to another year. The former of these witnessing that they were occupied, both the King and the people, in very peaceable affairs, going on forward 2 Chro. 15: ●-15. with reformation, and then offering sacrifices unto the Lord, and making a set covenant with him, is very great probability, that at that time they were not troubled in matters of warfare; which notwithstanding was even in the center or heart of that time, which they conceive to haue been Baasaes reign: the latter of them, allotting the warfare of Baasa on the kingdom of judah, to another year, namely, 2 Chr. 16: 1 unto the six and thirtieth, such an one, as in no construction can accord to many of those that they do so attribute unto him, doth likewise yield great probability, that there opinion here must needs bee defective, one way or other. Those that take another course, are of two sorts also: some that reckon from the overthrow of the Ethiopians; others from the division of the kingdom, since the time that judah first began to be a distinct kingdom from the kingdom of Israell. Of those that reckon from the overthrow of the Ethiopians there be( in a manner) two sorts also: one, that in plain terms acknowledgeth that reckoning; others, who though they reckon thence too in effect, yet do they give it another title. He that in plain terms reckoneth from the overthrow of the Ethiopians, conceiveth that overthrow to haue been immediately after the ten yeares rest before remembered: Lyranus. and so, that the third year after, was that third year of Asa, wherein Baasa began to reign and war vpon judah. To this end he noteth, that as for the most part In 2 Paral. 16 b the reign of Princes in the Scriptures is reckoned from the time that first they come to their kingdoms: so is it sometimes also reckoned, from some special accident therein; as he conceiveth that overthrow of the Ethiopians to be, and that in this the account was thence taken. And whereas else-where he setteth down diuers ways, In 3. Reg. 15. f. how to reconcile such places of reckoning as seem to vary: although they bee not such as directly concern this; yet in most cases they may yield good help unto vs. But by this reckoning Baasa should not come to his kingdom till the thirteenth year of Asa: that is, till he had reigned ten yeares in peace without war, and was now in the third year after. Which third year seemeth, as we saw before, to haue been in a more peaceable time, than he was like to haue any, after that Baasa came to the kingdom, which by this reckoning he should now begin. Those that reckon in effect from hence too, and yet give it another title, do term their reckoning, Fra. Vatabl. Pet. Mart●r. from the time that war began to be betwixt those two kingdoms: and then conceiving, that immediately after the first ten yeares of peace, and that victory against the Ethiopians, Asa warred vpon Nadab King of Israell about two yeares; and then, that Baasa rose up the third year, and warred on him. But it seemeth, as is already noted, that these five yeares, next and immediately following the tenth of Asaes reign, were otherwise occupied, and altogether peaceable, but onely for that invasion of the Ethiopians, and not for any thing that yet passed betwixt those two kingdoms of judah and Israel: neither do I see what other meaning that place can 2 Chr. 15: 19. haue, where it is said, that there was no war unto the five and thirtieth year of Asaes reign. In which place the vulgar translation is to bee taken heed-of, for that it reckoneth but thirty yeares; as by Lyranus and Vatablus it appeareth: saving that since, in Hentenius his Bible, they haue put in the other five in the margin; Christ. Planti● A●t●●rp. 1569 and yet there also they will not bee acknown of any more Copies, but one, where so they found it, whereas the original, they know well enough, is very plain thirty and five. Those that reckon from the division of the kingdom, do interpret Tremel. I●n. La●r. Codo. 2 Chr. 15: 19 16: 1. Tremel. jun. these two places, the one of the five and thirtieth, the other of the six and thirtieth of Asaes reign, to bee reckoned thence: accounting that in these places the meaning is not from the beginning of Asaes reign, but from the beginning of that kingdom which Asa now had. And thereupon do some of them note, that whereas it is commonly red in the former of those places, that there was no war unto the five and thirtieth year of Asaes kingdom, it may as well stand with the original to red, that there was no war unto the kingdom of Asa, until the five and thirtieth year, meaning from the division aforesaid. And although the Biblioth Ges●eri In An. 3182. latter of these( who came about half a score yeares after the two others) bee very precise in his reckoning, yet doth he grant, that he seeth now he might otherwise take it. By this reckoning therefore, it falleth out, that after that Asa had reigned first those ten of his first yeares, altogether without war, and then five years more( in which he gave the Aethyopians that overthrow; and after that, being stirred up by the Prophet, wrought farther reformation, and made the covenant) then in the sixteenth year of his reign, came Baasha to fortify Ramah against the kingdom of judah: and that this was the six and thirtieth year from the division of the kingdom of both peoples, or since the beginning of that kingdom which Asa now had; Rehoboam his Grand-father reigning seventeen, Abiam his Father three, and this being the sixteenth of his, which plainly do make the six and thirtieth. But then those four and twenty yeares that are given unto Baasha the K. of Israel, would reach to the fortieth year of Asa: a reckoning that no way( I am persuaded) can be accorded with other places hereunto appertaining, before and after. For before it is said twice, that Baasha began his reign in the third year of Asa 1 King. 15: 28, 33. King of judah: and, after that Baasha had finished his course, wee haue the reign of three Kings of Israel next succeeding, wholly comprehended within the residue of Asaes reign; and the reign of a fourth begun besides. Those three, were Elah, the son of Baasa; and Zimri, and Omri, but Captaines only: and the fourth was Ahab the son of Omri. Al which haue, the first three of them, both the beginning 1 King. 16: ● Ibid. 15. Ibid 16, 23. Ibid. 29. and ending of their several reigns encluded within the reign of Asa, Elah, two yeares, beginning in the six and twentieth year of Asa; Zimri, seven dayes, beginning in the seven and twentieth; and Omri twelve, beginning in that year also: the last of them but onely the beginning of his reign, but the same allotted to the eight and thirteenth year of Asa. With four kings of Israel were all excluded from these their proper places, and driven to take them wee wote not where else, if the reign of Baasha should thus be placed: and those Scriptures that haue so noted, be driven to haue their Interpretation to be drawn from some places that we know not. Neither can the like bee avoyded, though not for all, yet for certain of them, if the reckoning of those were received, who set the beginning of Basaaes reign on the 13. year of Asa: for that so they should remove the beginning of the reign of Elah, Zimri, and Omri( for of Tibni we make no mention, for that although he also reigned with Omri about four yeares, yet the Text maketh no mention of his entrance thereunto) out of those places by the Text is attributed unto them. For those twelve yeares whereby they drive him farther, would take up, not onely the whole reign of Elah and Zimri: but also, all that part of the reign of Omri wherein Tibni stood out against him, which was about Chro. lib 3. cap. 5. pag 135. 1 King. 16: 16 four yeares( which while Beroaldus doth make a vacancy, he is fain to set the reign of Ahab, so much within the reign of his Father: whereas notwithstanding the Text is plain, that all Israel then in the field, and he being their general, did make him King the same day, hearing that Zimri had slain Elah; and then was there no vacancy here) and about seven yeares more of that whereby he reigned by himself. So that neither of these two reckonings do stand so clear, but that diuers places of Scripture do seem much to cross them: and yet seemeth very strange unto me, that such as haue so conceived, did not first consider what cohearance they had with those other places before themselves would so resolve,& thereon delivered them forth unto vs. But if we mark, although we haue in this book of Chronicles diuers notable things in particular, appertaining to the Story of Asa: yet out of this book chiefly it is, that these doubts may seem to arise, and that by the yeares that it praesupposeth. Whereas therefore this book is originally but a supply of diuers things omitted, or not so fully set down in books of the kings Ari. Montan. Fran. Vatab. Conr. Pellic. 2 Chr. 36: 22, 23. before, and whose Author in not known unless it were Esra, and after the captivity gathered by him: albeit that Esra was a very good man and carefully given to the aduancement of Gods glory; yet may it be, that something is yet omitted, or not remembered by him, that should help to open this matter unto vs. And seeing that these also are one degree lower with the Hebrewes, than either to be of the Lawe or the Prophets( whereas notwithstanding the books of the Kings are allowed to bee Lyr in prologue. In Iosuā, ●. ●t in prologue. in Paralip. of the Prophets) therefore, in the mean time, till it shall please God to bring these things to farther light, it shall not be amiss, if we take these yeares as they are set in the books of the Kings, and suspend our iudgement for the other till wee shall see farther therein: this being one of those difficulties, and the first of the three; that one Beroald. Chro. lib 3. cap. 5. pag. 133. By M. Edw L●●●lie in Chronol. of the press. monarchy, pag. 40. etc. of good reckoning in this kind( though he bee since called in question for some of his reckonings) accounteth to be harder than without some farther help from God may well be expounded. As touching his death wee haue nothing properly to his death itself appertaining, but as may be gathered by that which before is said, that having reigned one and fourety yeares, and being two yeares before diseased of his feet, he then died, and, as it seemeth, of that disease. But that which now we are to note as touching his death, is of the manner of his burial, which as it seemeth, now declined from the wonted manner and moderation used among them, unto the manner of the Gentiles, and to immoderate pomp withall: some part of it nevertheless being in question; and some other part being reasonable clear. In question it is, whether the corps itself were burned, or not. And the opinion of most is, that Lyr. Pet. Mart Fr. Vatab. Bibl. Angl. Tremel. Iun●us Vulg edit. Lyra Pellic. Vatabl. Bibl. Angl. Aria Montan. it was not the body itself that was burned, but onely the spices and sweet odours which were to that end provided: and therefore diuers of them do not read, that that they burnt him, or the bed or hearse whereon he was laid; but that they burnt over him, or over that bed or hearse of his. But the original seemeth not to admit that word over, or as some do read for him: but rather( at least as it is interpnted by one of special reckoning in that kind) that they burnt either him, the corps itself, or( which is, in that case it seemeth all one) the bed or hearse whereon he was laid. And being as it was the manner of many of the Gentiles, it might now likewise be of them received. That which is reasonable clear, is, that it was over pompously done, as the words themselves do impott: especially as some do read. As touching 2 Chr. 16: 14. V●●. edit. Pellic which matter, although it be not to be denied, but that there may be care had, for such convenient funeral decency, as to every ones degree appertaineth: yet must all men ever take heed of exceeding therein; neither hath godliness any good and sound hold there, where vanity is so predominant too. One also there is, that out of this gathereth, that the fire of Purgatory was not belike kindled then, for that King Con, Pellic. Asa, who was so ready to bee at that charges for his body, as to provide such place before for it, and such abundance of sweet spices to bee then consumed, would no doubt haue had some care for his soul likewise, if the people of GOD had then known, that there had been any such need. But it is a strange, and a pitiful thing indeed, that when we haue so plain summons for our departure hence, wee should then employ ourselves so busily, as wee commonly do, in needless matters, and so much omit many much better, which then especially above all others were to bee thought on. 5 Of those Kings of judah that afterward grew into friendship with the Kings of Israell, jehoshaphat was the first; and there were two others besides: but jehoshaphat was one that feared God;& the two others were offensive unto him. As touching jehoshaphat. 4. jehoshaphat, he was a very good one; and yet in some things faulty too: and the Story itself doth led us, first to consider of that which was good and commendable in him; then, of that other wherein he was not so well advised. In that which was good and commendable in him we haue likewise noted unto us, not only what he did of that kind: but also how it pleased God to bless him for it. That which he did of that kind, was first, as it were, of himself: then, being stirred-vp by a Prophet. That which he did, as it were, of himself, was( all in a manner) when first he came to the kingdom: but one thing he did which was commendable also, many yeares after. Those that he did when first he came to his kinghom( what time as Asa his Father, having reigned one and forty yeares, was now deceased, 1 King. 22: 42 2 Chr. 17: 1. and himself was set on his Fathers throne, which also he held five& twenty yeares) are of two sorts: some, that seem to haue appertained to all his life; and one thing besides, restrained to one special time. Those that seem to haue appertained 1 Kings. 22: 43. 46. 2 Chr. 17: 3, 4, 6 to all his whole life, were, that he sought not to idols, nor did after the ways of the Israelites: but sought the lord, even lifting up his heart unto the ways of the Lord, and walked in his commandements, after the manner of his father Asa, and the first ways of david; taking away the high places and groves,( yet not so but that he left some remaining) and clean putting away the Sodomites out of the land, which remained in the dayes of Asa his father. That one thing 2 Chr. 17: 7-9 besides, which was restrained to one special time, was, that in the third year of his raigue he sent five of his Nobles or Princes, and with them eleven Priestes and levites, with the book of the law of the Lord, to teach throughout all the cities of judah: which they also accordingly did. It pleased God to bless him for it, at home: and abroad. How it pleased God to bless him at home, is sometime set down but generally: but then sometime again, more specially. Generally it is Ibid. 3, 5, 12 said, that the Lord was with him; and that the Lord established the kingdom in his hand: as also, that( thereby) he prospered and grew up on high. More specially we haue some things set down but briefly: but some others somewhat more largely. briefly it is said, that he had riches and honour in abundance;& some Ibid. 5.& 18: 1 good part of his Riches or Treasure is noted to come by the good will of his own people bringing presents unto him. That which wee haue set down some-what more largely, is as touching his provision against the enemy, which wee haue delivered unto us, first for the strength of his cities; then, in the greatness of his army. For the strength of his cities, it is said, that he had great works in them, 2 Chr. 17: 2, 13. Ibid. 14-19 and that he did put Garrisons in all the strong Cities of judah, and in jerusalem: and that he set bands in the Land of judah, and in those cities of Ephraim, which Asa his Father had taken. For the strength of his Army, it is noted likewise, that he had great forces in a readiness under the leading of diuers several Captains: some of judah; otherr of benjamin. over the forces of judah he had three captains: two of them of no special note( but that no doubt they were valiant and worthy men;) but one, of special note besides. under the former of those that were of no special note, he had three hundred thousand valiant men: and under the latter, two hundred and fourscore thousand. He that was of special note, had specially given himself to the Lord, one way or other( and most likely, according to the order of the Nazarite, of which wee haue judah. 300000. 280000. 200000 spoken before; a Token of special devotion in him) and he had under him likewise two hundred thousand: and so had he least of the three, a matter worth note, the King himself being now so Religious; and yet was it very well, that so rare a man as this, of that sort, was of so good reckoning with him. over his forces that were of benjamin, he had a couple: of which the former of them had under him, two hundred thousand; and the latter, one hundred and fourscore thousand. All which, besides those that were placed in benjamin. 200000. 180000. cities▪ were, one thousand thousand, and one hundred and threescore thousand: a very fair& a comfortable fruit of a religious seeking to God. How it 1160000 pleased God to bless him abroad, we haue set down, first for certain, who were nearer unto them: then, for others that were but strangers. nearer unto them were the Israelites their bretheren: and the Edomites. Of the Israelites their bretheren Ibid. ( and yet their most grievous enemies now) it is said but generally, that he praevailed against them: delivering unto us no Story thereof in particular. But this must needs bee a special blessing, that he now by his own forces praevailed against them, when as Asa his Father accounted himself so unable to withstand them, that he gave all his own treasure, and the treasure of the house of the Lord too, to the Syrians to help him against them, as already we haue seen. The Edomites were near to them also, not so much for that they came of Esau the son of jacob; but much rather for that from Dauids time they were subject to this kingdom: and of those it is said, that as yet there was no King among them, but that the Deputy was 1 King. 22: 47 as King; so to note, that as yet they also were subject unto jehoshaphat. coming to those others that were mere strangers unto them, the Story speaketh, first of all generally: then, of certain of them more specially. Of all generally it saith, that the fear of the Lord fell vpon all the kingdoms of the Lands that were round about 2 Chr. 17: 10 judah: and that they meddled with no hostility against jehoshaphat. Of certain of them more specially it is said, that certain of the philistines brought him Ibid. 11. gifts, and tribute of silver: and that the Arabians( whether in the way of tribute, or of good-will, it is not declared; but conceived by some to bee of good-will) Conr. Pellic. brought him in great store of rams and he-Goats, of either sort, seven thousand and seven hundred of them. That one thing that he did commmendably also many yeares after, was towards the end of Ahabs reign,& about the eleventh year of his own: at such time as he joined with Ahab in battle against the Syrians. For at that time, when Ahab would haue set forward in that expedition without enquiring 1 King. 22: 5. 2 Chr. 18: 4. of the Lord, he first moved him to take the Lords aduise with them first: and again when he saw that the King of Israell sought no farther but onely to his own Prophets, he both got a Prophet of the Lord to bee sent for, and when he saw his 1 King. 22: 7, 8 2 Chr. 18: 6, 7 Lord was offended with him, he sought to pacify him, and to haue better opinion of him. By which also he did not lose. For though he was indeed in great danger( the enemies making very forcibly towards him) and the King of Israell himself 1. Kings. 22: 32, 33. 2 Chro. 18: 31, 32 19: 1. 2 Chr. 19: 1 was slain in the field: yet was God so merciful to him, that he escaped and returned safe to jerusalem. Stirred-vp he was by the Prophet, after that he was returned safe to jerusalem from the field that Ahab lost to the Syrians: wherein again we are to consider, not onely what good service it was that then he did; but withall, that soon after wee haue mention made of so great favour on him bestowed, as that it may seem, it was to reward that service of his. His service was, that again he set in Ibid. 4. hand with bettering his State, both to the aduancement of Religion, and good of the people, first himself reducing his people to some good order: then using good means to keep them therein. himself reduced them to some good order, using Ibid. 4. as it were, a regal Visitation, for the general reformation of all the Land: going throughout al the land even from Beersheba to Mount Ephraim, and bringing back the people again unto the Lord God of their Fathers. The means that he used to keep them therein, was, to establish good government among them: and that he did, first for every city by itself; then, by appointing another over the whole. For every city by itself, he ordained special Iudges:& gave them great charge, Ibid. 5-7. diligently to see to their Office, and to perform it in the best manner that they were able. That other that he appointed over the whole, was at jerusalem, the Ibid. 8-11 head city of the kingdom; and it was an higher Court above the others, for such matters as could not be decided, by the other Iudges at home: such a Court as God Deut. 17: 8-13 himself before appointed unto his people, to take final order for al such cases whensoever they should arise; and ordained death for those that would not bee ruled thereby. That great favour whereof we haue mention so soon after, that it may seem it was to reward that service of his, was a notable and strange deliverance from a great power of enemies that came in against him. The enemies were three several Nations, the Moabites, Ammonites, and Edomites; and, by likelihood, the 2 Chr. ●0: 1, 2 Syrians also, because it is plain that these came thence: saving that the Edomites, it may well be, did not join themselves unto them till they were come into the Land; as also they dwelled towards another cost, and are not name at the beginning, Ibid. 10. but afterward by jehoshaphat himself put in with the rest. What quarrel they had, or what was the cause of their coming in, wee haue not mentioned: as also Antiq. ●●. 9 ca. 1 Iosephus who writeth of this Story, and reckoneth the Arabians as part of the enemies, nevertheless, doth not show whereupon they made this invasion now. But 2 Ch. 20: 3-30 whatsoever the occasion was, they came in so strong, that jehoshaphat was afraid, and both he and the people together sought to the Lord, and had a notable day against them. In which it shall be good, that we do more specially mark, something on the behalf of the Enemy: and something again of the goodness of God towards those his people then. In the Enemy wee may note, that although jehoshaphat were a very good one; and of great forces withall: yet being so well occupied as he was, in reformation and advancing Religion, he could not be quiet, but was thus far maligned of many of the Nations about him. The goodness of God notwithstanding towards his people was such, that first putting into their heartes to seek unto him, he then gave them great and honourable success against them, their Enemies falling at such varyance among themselves, and so slaughtering one another, that jehoshaphat and his company needed not to strike one stroke; and were no farther troubled there-with, but onely in sounding their praysings to God, and( when the Enemies had done among themselves) in gathering in their spoil to jerusalem, which also was so much, that it cost them three dayes labour. A ●errot Ibid. ●9: to all peoples about them then: and so, the metre to give warning to all States and Potentates whatsoever, to take heed how they band themselves against such of their Neighbours, as reform their ways( so near as they can) according to the prescript of Gods holy word. Those things wherein he was not so well advised, but in which he was faulty, are of two sorts: one of them, a defect in that reformation he made among the people; others, all appertaining to a slip that himself did make in his own ways. That defect that we find in the reformation he made among the people, is the same that we something noted before: namely, that he took not away all 1 King. 22: 43 the high places, but, as it seemeth, in judah; and else-where left many of them yet remaining. In those others that are al appertaining to a slip that himself did make in his own ways, we are first to consider of that slip itself: then of other things depending thereon. That slip itself was such a thing, as wherein he followed very plainly the course of the World, or the direction of flesh and blood: namely, that the Israelites being so far fallen from the true worship of God as they were, and King Ahab being given( by the means of Iesabell his Wife) to much Idolatry besides, nevertheless he married his eldest Son jehoram, who was to succeed him in the kingdom, unto Athalia 2 Chr. 18: 1. 21 ●●, 6 22: 3 1 King. 22: 44 the Daughter of ahab; and made peace with the King himself. And this by likelihood he did, so to join kingdom to kingdom, and to haue those Neighbours more quiet: and not for any fear of their greatness now( wherein he might haue been the rather excused, as urged by necessity so to do) because he had praevailed against 2 Chr. 17: 1 them already. A very great oversight in him that so professed Religion himself: so to sow the Seeds with his own hands of so manifest danger of so soul reuoulting from God as that might bode, even in the next generation of al. But so easily may the best men of all forget themselves:& the cause of religion is on all hands so slenderly regarded; even by the rarest patrons that lighly it hath. Those other things depending hereon, were all but a bitter fruit; and yet but the fruit of his own ways: but yet so arising or growing, as that all came not to the Sickle in his time; but much of it came dropping in after. That which came to the Sickle in his time, or the fruit that himself did eat of, was partly in the dayes of ahab himself, with whom he made this unadvised affinity: and partly, in the dayes of one of his sons. That which was in the dayes of ahab himself, was towards the end of Achabs reign: and it was some part of it, but( as it may seem) a bruise or gull to his conscience; but another part again, a special danger unto his person. That which 1 King. 2●: 2, 4, 29. 2. Chro. 18: 2, 3, 28. was but a bruise or gull to his conscience( at least as it may seem) was, that being come in good will to visit his Brother in law, ahab, the King of Israell, and being entreated by him to go to war with him against the Syrians, although he then heard that voyage plainly misliked by the Prophet of the Lord( though it were iustyfied by others) and such an event threatened unto it, as could not bee but very danger our unto himself: yet made he so much of that his new affinity, that he would not hereon deny to join with him in it, but held on his course, though very likely it were, that his conscience was now against it. Else had he done but like an Hypocrite, so to inquire for some Prophet of the lord: and then, not to regard his word when he heard it. But so many good men be entangled by worldly frienshippe; themselves seeing they are lead to that which they should not; and yet, having no heart to withstand it. That which was a special danger unto his person, was, that still holding on his purpose to go with him, when once the battailes were joined, not onely the King of Israell himself was slain, but he also was in such danger, that 1. Kings. 22: 32, 37. 2. Chro. 18: 31. 34. 2 Chr. 19: 2, 3 he cried out and fled, and so was dishonourably beaten out of the field: and besides all this, being come home, he was roundly reproved by the Prophet jehu for it, and given to understand, that the lord was so offended with him, for helping the wicked, that he needed not think it strange that he was so foiled, and that he was more likely clean to haue perished, but that diuers good things being found in him, the Lord dealt mercifully with him therein. That son of ahab in whose daies he tasted more of the bitter fruits of his own ways herein, was Ahaziah, who next succeeded: with whom because he joined in a navigation that he intended 1. Kings. 22: 48, 49. 2 Chr. 20: 35, 36. Lyranus. for Gold, his navy was so shattered and bruised by tempest, that it was not able to go that voyage; Eliezer, a Prophet, telling him, that that was the cause of the loss of that his navy. But some there be that here conceive, first that they be two nauigations that in these two places are spoken of; and that in the former jehoshaphat admitted Ahaziah his partner, but would not in the latter when once he was reproved for it, and had sustained such hurt thereby( which, as I take it, may well stand with the Text:) then, that there was another cause besides why God would not prosper that voyage of his for Gold, because he had no such need as Salomon before had Conr. Pellic. when God prospered him; and because God would not haue this good King any was grow worse thereby, which also agreeth with the Lawe that God himself to kings prescribed. That which came in dropping after, was partly by jehoram Deut. 17: 17. his son: and partly by Athalia, that his Daughter in Law, for whom and by whom this affinity was. That which came in by jehoram, his own Son, was, that so soon as he was established in his kingdom, he, even he, and not a stranger, slay all his 2 Chr. 21: 1-4 Bretheren, being six, the sons of jehoshaphat as well as himself: whom jehoshaphat had tendered much, and placed well. But so belike it was meet in the iustice of God; that seeing he regarded so little to match his son in so naughty a stock; his own issue should so readily find the inconvenience of it. That which came in by that Daughter in Lawe of his, for whom and by whom this affinity was, hath two main branches of mischief: one, that on a small occasion she destroyed all the 2 King. 11: 1-3 2. Chro. 22: 10-12. blood royal, the Children of jehoram her Husband and hers, and so many as yet remained of the lineage of jehoshaphat( one only excepted which escaped her hands;) and then invaded the kingdom herself, and so held it from the line of jehoshaphat the right heir, by that tyrannicall intrusion six yeares together. Now if God so avenged this inconsiderate match, on the progeny of so good a King, on his own Issue that otherwise he had, and on his own nephews from her descended; and that by the hands of her that so undeservedly was taken in to that honourable estate, and by the virtue thereof should haue been a comfort and protection unto them, and indeed was no farther off, but the Sister in Law to the one sort of them( for it may well be doubted, by that which followed, that she had her hand in the slaughter of those also) and the very natural Mother( but more unnatural a great deal) to all the rest: how may any others whatsoever, conceive any hope of good success of any such marriage, when God himself hath left unto us, in this one, so good a servant of his, so pregnant a warning to all ages ensuing? 6 As touching those two others that were offensive to God, the former of them reigned some reasonable time: the latter was very soon cut off. He that reigned some jehoram. reasonable time, was jehoram, the son of jehoshaphat: a very bad one; and yet reigning eight yeares. That he was so bad, though he were therein very unlike to his 1 King. 22: 50 2 Kin 8: 16. 17 2 Chr. 21: 1, 5, 20. Father: yet may his Father justly be accounted to bee in fault for much of his naughtiness, for marrying him into so naughty a stock as he did. His Story doth fitly divide itself into two principal partes: first, how he offended; then, how he was punished or chastised for it. His offence was most part of it in corruption of Religion: but some part of it in tyranny also. That part of it that was in corruption of religion, was, first( but generally) that he did evil in the sight of the Lord, not therein 2 King 1: 18 2 Chr. 21: 6 Ibid.& 13. showing any particular wherein he did so ill: but then more specially he is noted, that having Ahabs Daughter to Wife, he walked in the ways of the kings of Israell, even as did the house of Ahab; and, not so content, made high-places in the Mountaines 2 Chr. 21: 11, 13. of judah, and compelled the Inhabitants of jerusalem and all judah there to worship. That other part which was in tyranny, was, that whereas he had many bretheren besides, the sons of jehoshaphat as well as himself, which also were better Ibid. 2-4. 13 than he; whom his Father while yet he lived, had honourably and richly placed in certain strong cities of judah, but giuing the kingdom onely to him as being his eldest: after that he had made himself strong, or established himself in his kingdom, then did he destroy both those his brethren, and many of the Princes of judah besides. His punishment or chastisement that ensued thereon, was not great in comparison, and mingled much with gracious lenity. For though he had now justly deserved to be cut off also, yet seeing he had slain all his Bretheren, so that himself onely was Ibid. 7. left of that line, and God had promised long before, that he would not utterly destroy the House of david: therefore God would not now destroy him also, but spared him because of the covenant that he had made with david before. Yet both at this present he laid some chastisement on him: and did likewise threaten him more. The chastisement that now he laid vpon him, was yet but in such as were in subiection unto him: and those were, the Edomites yet; and his own people besides. The chastisement that he had in the Edomites, was, that now they rebelled: and yet it 2 kin 8: 20-22 2 chr. 21. 8-10 2 King. 8: 22 2 Chr. 21: 10 2 Chr. 21: 20 pleased God to give him a good reuenge on them; though thereby he did not bring them back to their allegiance again. In his own people the chastisement that God did lay on him, was, first by one city, Libnah, in the borders of his kingdom, which now also rebelled against him: then, by all the people generally, that they had no liking of him, and so no desire to enjoy him. That which he threatened farther unto him, was afterward likewise performed. Threatened or denounced it was unto him, in so rare and strange manner, that some force hath been offered to the Text itself, to make the matter to accord to the time. For he was thus threatened, or had those iudgments denounced unto him from the lord himself, by the ministry of Elias, by a writing or letter that came from him to jehoram the King: and yet notwithstanding, Elias was taken up a good while before. Hereupon some haue conceived, that Elias Lyr. et Hebr●i. Fra. Vatabl. Bibl. Angl. Conr. Pellic. Pet. Martyr. wrote it after his taking up: others, that the name is mistaken, Elias put in for Eliseus, or that such should be the meaning of it. A third opinion there is, which in my iudgment is much the likelier,& noted by diuers: but it seemeth strange, that it should be but thought on onely& not commended, or noted as the likeliest of them; but so to be lest at large as they are. For there is no question, but that Elias, by the spirit that was in him, might fore-see that, as well as he did many other things besides: and to great purpose it was( to make it so much the plainer to all, that his ministry was of God) that he should set it down while he was on earth among them, to bee delivered unto the King, what time he should haue done those things that the Prophet had there foreshowed that he should do; so, by foreshowing those his base employments, the more to assure him of those iudgement also. And seeing the Scriptures do not use to teach us, to depend( for farther instruction) on saints departed( but Lyranus indeed, might in those dayes bee so far distempered in that persuasion, that it may bee no marvell if he contented himself there-with) nor simply to term one Ptophet by the Name of another, unless there bee some farther reach( as in terming John Baptist, Elias;) but one the other side, are ever careful to leave unto us the ministry of the true seruants of God, in good credit, or well confirmed unto us: hence may we probably gather, first that none other way can we make so good use thereof, as so to take it; then also, that neither of the other stand so warranted or consonant to other Scripture, as this that wee speak off. That which is denounced unto him in the name of the Lord, by that Ibid. 12-15. Epistle or writing that from Elias was delivered unto him, was, that because himself did so corruptly profess, and had corrupted others so much thereby; and because of those detestable murders by him committed: he also must bee roundly punished for it, both in such as belonged unto him, and in his own person too. Performed it was, first in such as belonged unto him: then, in his own person also: Of such as belonged unto him, first the Land, itself and his treasure is mentioned: then certain persons near unto him. Of the Land it is said, that the philistines, and certain of the Arabians( stirred up also by God himself) broke into the Land Ibi. 16, 17. 22▪ ( and then were they like to deal accordingly with it)& of this treasure, that they took away with them all the Kings substance or treasure( and then were they not likely to spare others:) of those that were near unto him( his sons and wives) likewise that they took away and slay all, saving that they left him one onely son, and the same the youngest. Of his person it is said likewise, that the Lord smote Ibid. 18, 19. him with an incurable disease in his bowels, so that after two yeares his very Guts fell out by the reason of that his disease, and so he died by that, it seemeth, and other sore diseases joined therewith: and was sunk withall into so deep dislike with his people, that whereas now they had taken up a custom to be at the charges of much spices to be consumed, and burnt at the funeral of their Kings, now did they no such matter for him. An example not to be lightly regarded, that even Kings can haue no good-will nor honour in the hearts of their subiects, but in the Lord: and that, even they also, notwithstanding their good ancestors before, and their own greatness after, if needs they will any way make themselves public offences to others, they may not think much if they be made examples to others also of some fearful and public reuenge. 7 He that was very soon cut off, was Ahaziah his son, called also jehoahaz, and Azariah; and he reigned but one year: saving that the book of the Ahaziah 6 Chronicles doth here again in such sort set down his age when he came to the ● Kin 8: 25, 26 2 Chr. 21: 17. 22: 1, 2, 6. 2 King. 8: 17 2 Chr. 22: 2 Beroald. Lyr. Pet. Mar. Bibl. Angl. Tremel. jun. 2 King. 8: 27 3 Chr. 3, 4, 5. crown, that out of it( to reconcile that place to another) some haue supposed, though not in such sense as is spoken off here, yet in some sort that he reigned mo. In which two places, aptly to reconcile them together, is another of his difficulties that we spake of before: and yet, both before and after, reconciled by others. But as touching the substance of his Story, it is no more in effect but that he also did ill in the eyes of the Lord; and was accordingly punished for it. The evil that he did in the eyes of the Lord, was, that he walked in the ways of the house of Ahab; and there be two reasons given why so he did: one, that his Mother( being ill disposed herself) did counsel him to do wickedly; the other, that they of the house of Ahab were his counsellors, and that he was ruled by them. One thing there is so noted of him, as seemeth to import, that he was ruled by them in that likewise: which was, that he also associated himself to his uncle jehoram the King of Israell, in his warfare against the Syrians; the like fault that his Grand-Father jehoshaphat had made before, though he at that time escaped better than his Grand-Father did. The punishment he had, is first set down but generally: but then more specially also. Generally it is noted to be his destruction: a just end for such as follow Ibid. 4. so bad counsellors; and not very unmeet neither, for such as go no farther than to haue such about them, though they think to take heed of following of them. More specially it is noted, how he came to that destruction of his: and first as it came unto him from above; then, as it came unto him from beneath. As it came unto him from above, it is plainly noted, that it came of God: a good warning Ibid. 7. to those that do ill, that God casteth, in his good time, how to meet with them;& good comfort to such as are amnoyed by them( as the better sort were now by his bad government) that he will not fail, in time to remove such annoyance from them. As it came to him from beneath, by the secondary causes which God had ordained, whereby to accomplish his judgements on him, it is noted, that he came just in the way of jehu, and at such time as he was come to do execution on the house of Ahab( of which he was one) both himself and many others of his nearest kindred besides: 2 King. 9: 16, 27 10: 12-14 ● Chr. 22: 7. 9 they having then none other purpose, but, in the way of duty& friendship, to visit the King and his Children, on occasion that the King was now diseased by the wounds the Syrians had a little before given him; but so falling into the hands of jehu, and he accordingly giuing none of them all any sparing. nevertheless, because Ahaziah the King himself was descended of jehoshaphat, it was thought good that 2 King. 9: 28 2 Chr. 22: 9 he should be butted, and so he was; godliness and true sincerity, being of that force, that such as otherwise are mortal enemies, do nevertheless yield not a little unto it. 8 Now the time being come, that God would give a snub to the sceptre of judah and line of david, or lay his hand somewhat hard on them both, so to teach the people, not to praesume in those his promises, unless they better kept that part of the covenant which appertained to them to keep, Athaliah, the queen-mother, understanding Athaliah. 7. her son, Ahaziah, the late King, to be slain, thereupon destroyed the residue that were left of the race of jehoshaphat, and hir-selfe invaded and usurped 2 King. 11: 1-3 2 Chr. 22: 10. 12. the crown of judah, and so for the space of six yeares reigned as queen: and yet, as God would haue it, there was one little child of the right issue remaining, preserved from that slaughter, and secretly kept, till it pleased God to sand a fit time to obtain the right to him appertaining. But as this woman was but an usurper, and came not unto it but by blood: so she did not enjoy it long, and made some part of satisfaction to the blood of others, by her own blood also. And being an usurper as she was, we haue no Story of her government( belike because she was an usurper, as not vouchsafing to attribute any government unto her, seeing shee had no right to the place) but only of some doing of others to her appertaining: and how she was deposed again. But though we haue no Story of her government, yet notwithstanding, if ourselves do but a little consider what it was that now she did, we may soon perceive that she did very ill: first interrupting a special ordinance of God before; then, that so she behaved herself as she did, to attain to her own desire therein. She interrupted a special ordinance of God before, in that she usurped to reign there, where God before had given the sceptre to the Tribe of judah; and afterward also, of all that Tribe, peculiarly to the line of david: herself being a mere stranger to them both. To attain to her own desire therein, she likewise did very ill, in that she so strived to come to that place, whereunto she had no calling at all: utterly destroying, so nere as she could, all that were of the royal blood; herself having had a Father in law, an husband,& some issuing thereof. In those others to her appertaining we are, not onely to consider, what it was that they did: but withall, who it may seem they were that there are spoken of. That which they did, was, that they broke up the house of 2 Chr. 24: 7. God:& all the things that were dedicated for the house of the Lord, they did bestow vpon Baalim, their Idols. God be thanked we haue not such kind of Idols among us now: but such we had when time was; and some we haue, of another kind, in place of them yet. When we had such Idols among us, we also, for many of us, after a sort broke up the house of God, and employed those Church-liuings that were given to the maintenance of the gospel, to the use and maintenance of Popish Idolatry: and now that we haue no such Idols, we apply many of them to profane uses, to the maintenance of ourselves and ours. Who they were, that herein are spoken of, we had need to consider, first on behalf of Athaliah: then on behalf of those her Children. On behalf of Athaliah we had need to do it, for that it seemeth the Text doth attribute no more unto her, but onely that she was a bad woman:& not that she was one of those had their hands in that sacrilege; but that it was her children only. And yet most of our translations do join her& her children in that action together, Vulg. edit. Lyr. Con Pellic. Fr. Vatab. Bibl. Angl. Tremel. jun. as indeed it is( by her disposition) a thing likely enough: but others there be, that do rather ascribe it onely to her Children. On the behalf of her Children it is needful to be considered, so to give the Story thereof his due place as touching the time. For this is related, as appertaining to the time of her usurped reign over judah: but at that time she had no Children, those being slain a little before by jehu; or( which is not so likely) by her own self, immediately after that slaughter that jehu made, and before herself began her usurped reign. And if she had others by a former Husband( but then had she not been so meet for the marriage of a King) or if she had others by abuse of herself in wedlock( as indeed she was a bad Woman in Idolatry, and experience teacheth us, that our Idolaters of the Church of Rome, are, of all others among us, the most loose in that kind of 'vice:) yet the word of God being so plain as it is, that he would utterly roote out the posterity of Ahab, and wee having no Story of any slaughter of this part of them( in the Kings of judah, I mean) but onely those two, till we come to the the slaughter of Athaliah herself; hereby it seemeth, that although the Story of this sacrilege bee here remembered, yet that it belonged to a former time, as to the dayes of jehoram or Ahaziah. But whensoever it was done, and whether herself stood clear of it or not, the Text is plain that done it was, and that her Children had their hands in it. As touching her deposing again, wee are first to consider the occasion of it: then, in what manner it was performed. The occasion was, that whereas shee was a wrongful usurper, there was one yet remaining, to whom the crown did by right appertain: wherein first wee are to consider of the Story itself, how that one was preserved; then of another thing thereof arising. That one was preserved by the High-Priests 2 King. 11: 1-3 2 Chr. 22: 10-12. Wife, being the Daughter of jehoram the late King, who being moved by compassion to see so many of her near kinsfolk slaughtered, and belike being by her Parentage so friended among them, that shee had good means to do it, conveyed away one little Child that should haue been slain with the rest, together with his Nurse, and kept them secret six yeares together. That other thing that ariseth hereof, is as touching that marriage of the High-Priest: this being a plain testimony, not onely that the High-Priest was then a married man( as also they were all in a manner;) but withall, that then the Priest-hood it seemeth was in that reverence and honour, that they were accounted sufficient matches for the best sort of them. The performance of it was, that the High-Priest, in the seventh year after, so acquainted 2 Kin. 11: 4-16 2 Chr 23: 1-15 certain of the Nobles of judah therewith, made such provision, and took such order, that on the sudden joash that child, called also jehoash, the rightful heir, was proclaimed King, and Athaliah the usurper therewithal slain, as before shee had deserved in the slaughter of others: and having so done, they altogether accomplish such things as did appertain to the establishing of the King in his kingdom, to the rejoicing of all the people; and both the people on the one side destroyed 2 King. 11: 17-20. 2 Chro. 23: 16-21. the House of Baal, together with the Priest and other things thereunto appertaining, and the High Priest took present order for the Temple and service of God to haue the same from that time forward orderly done. 9 The usurper being thus removed, and her Pageant being in this sort played, God also himself having thus far laid his admonishing hand, both vpon the sceptre of judah, and Line of david, wee are now to consider of the rest of their time, so long as the kingdom of Israell stood, when God of his goodness now restored both the sceptre of judah, and the Line of david to the Crown among them again. But though now he eased them of this kind of chastisement, it was not long, before they much forgot themselves again: and so occasioned him to give unto them that sharper warning that before we spake of, the casting off( for ever) of their Brethren the Children of Israell. In which compass of time it is plain, that once God did set them up again, and as it were gave them good footing, that so they might stand better if they would: and when they nevertheless in their infirmity did fall, then did he recover them also yet once more. So are wee first to consider, how ill they kept their standing when now they were set up: then, how they were notwithstanding again recovered. How ill they kept their standing now, when they were again set up, that we may the better find, we are first to consider of this their setting up: and afterward, of their standing therein. Set up they were, by him that now succeeded next, in the first part of his reign, so long as jehoiada the High-Priest lived: which how long it was, or how many yeares of his reign were spent therein, joash. 8. we haue not specified unto vs. But considering that he came to the kingdom, as we heard before, but a very Child, when he was but seven year old, and for a time 2 King. 11: 21 2 Chr. 24: 1 was under the government of Iehorada the High-Priest, some part of that good which in his time was done, and unto him is commonly attributed, is chiefly to bee ascribed( under God) to those that were his governors then: and yet the education that then he had, wrought so well with him, that himself also was well occupied after, and so of right must haue part of the good that in his time was done, to himself ascribed. In that which is chiefly to be ascribed to his governors then( next, and immedialy under God) it shall not bee amiss, first to see what the same was: then, how to apply it to ourselves. It was, that in all his reign of forty yeares, we find not any part of his better government that is to be ascribed unto jehoiada, but onely so much as was done at the first, when first the King was brought to his kingdom: and that which afterward is onely in general terms delivered unto vs. In that which was done at the first, wee haue noted unto us, not onely what the thing itself was: but some effects withall that followed thereon. The thing itself was, if we mark, first, to bring all again unto God: then, to settle some good order among themselves. To bring all again unto God, it was, that the former covenant was made betwixt the Lord on the one party, and the King and the people on the other 2 King. 11▪ 1▪ 2 Chr. 23: 1● party: which was, that they should thence-forward be the lords people. To settle good order among themselves, first they began with sovereign power, which was to join altogether in one: and then came to divine service, or to the public worship of God. As touching sovereign power, it was, that the second covenant was made, that which was betwixt the King and the people( that the King 2 King. 11: 1: should well and orderly govern: and that the people should dutifully obey:) and then, that accordingly they did place him, in public and solemn manner, in the Ibid. 19. 2 Chr. 23: 20 2 King. 11: 18 2. Chro. 23: 18, 19. Throne of the kingdom. As touching divine service, or the public worship of God, jehoiada took order likewise, that things should bee done according to the Lawe of God and ordinance of david: and appoinred Warders and Porters to the House of the lord, for the better accomplishment of diuers services there to be done. These effects that wee haue noted withall that followed thereon, were, that the Land was quiet now, when that usurpation was thus abolished: and, that all 2 King 11: 20 2 Chr. 23: 21 the people greatly reioyced. That which is afterward onely in general terms delivered unto us, is, that all the dayes of jehoiada, or so long as the King took his 2 King. 12. 2 2 Chr. 24: 2, 14 direction from him, both the King did that which was good in the sight of the Lord: and the public service of GOD was duly observed. How wee may apply this Story unto ourselves, is, for some part of it, reasonable plain; but some other thing there is again, that it may be, would not bee so easily espied. That which is reasonable plain, is, that Princes and all other superiors do then govern best, when they take their direction from those that are best exercised in the word of GOD, being withall judicious and zealous on the behalf of Gods glory: and on the other side, the less that they regard to take their direction thence, the more errors do they commit, and the more they bring themselves in danger of the righteous judgements of God. That, which it may be, would not so easily be espied, is, that the like hath been done of late among us, that was then done among them. For as it was the High-Priest and his Wife then( the marriage of that order being then so tendered, that he was vouchsafed to mary in great blood) by whom it pleased God then to preserve the royal seed; and, when convenient time was come, to bring him forth, to the utter ruin of that wrongful usurpation which was gotten into the place then: so in these daies also it hath pleased God, by the ministry, to preserve that most royal Seed of God, the Lord of Lords, and King of kings, the sceptre of judah and Line of david, to whom onely under the Father, the right of all Kingdoms do originally appertain,& in the time that the wisdom of God had to that end appointed, to bring him forth to the utter ruin of that Strumpet of Babylon, our late Athalia, having then gotten the place, and tyra●●zing over us at her pleasure; especially among those, where the marriage of that sort had been vouchsafed that regard that is due unto it. That which arose of joas himself,& out of the education that before he had, but yet notwithstanding may justly be to him ascribed, was( that we red of) only about repairing& getting in a readiness the house of the Lord to such use as whereunto it was before ordained; and about this we find him to be occupied twice: first, giuing charge thereof to the Priests& levites; then after himself also dealing with it. What time he gave charge therof to the Priests& levites, we haue not noted; but by the order of the text it seemeth, that it was long, before he did it; for that he had married two wives before: but sure it is, that 2 Chr. 24: 3. 4 some time or other he did it; and therein it is plain, that he had a care of the house of God, though, it seemeth to me, nothing so great as he ought to haue had, nor as some persuade themselves of him. For at this time( for ought that we read) he 2 King. 12: 4. 5 2 Chr. 24: 5. laid the burden hereof onely vpon the Priests and levites: and the charges to be raised out of the purses of the people. It appertained indeed to the Priests and levites, to haue special care about that business, and it may be there was some honour given them therein, at least, that so they would seem to do: but, after so great decay going before, in the dayes of jehoram, Ahaziah, and Athalia, and after so long a pause in this King now, to lay it onely on the purses of the people, and to make the Priests and levites to be the gatherers of it, when it might be so plainly intended, that it was their own business withall, was no such course, as I do take it, as a sound and ready zeal would then haue used. And seeing it is plainly said, that afterward it came into joas his mind, to repair the house of the lord, wee 2 Chr. 24: 4 need go no farther to gather, that there was a time, and the same a longer time to than was meet, before that he, though not Idolatrous, but in his measure well given, did occupy his head with that business. Whereby also it may well bee, that whereas it is noted, that the levites made no hast therein( the Priestes also being some part of them) they were not altogether so much in fault, as some do account Ibid. 5.& 2 King. ●2: 6 Fr. Vatab. joan. wolph. them; but because it was such a kind of business, as wherein they could prevail but little: as in all ages we see by experience, that where sovereign power doth not interpose itself withall, and that in good measure, there do not any other Inferiors to any purpose prevail, though much more gracious with the people, than for the most part are such as were these. When himself would haue some dealing in it, the time is noted to be the three and twentieth year of this King: not plainly set down, whether it were of his age or reign, and so left at large by the most, 2 King. 12: 6 but by some plainly set down to be of his reign. If it were of his age, there was Lyr. Pel. wolph Tremel jun. Bibl. Angl. joseph antiq lib 9. cap. 8. F. Vat nothing done for fifteen yeares and better; if it were of his reign, then was it seven years longer: the shorter of them both being a great deal to long, for so needs full a work as it, on all hands to be so slipped. The course that he took when now himself did set in hand with it, was in effect but the same that he prescribed to them before: but in his hands it proceeded much better, than it did or could do in theirs. It was in effect but the same, because it was still to come out of the Purses of the people. But it seemeth, that now there was special and extraordinary cause 2 Chr. 14: 6, 9 so to do: and therefore that joas being more willing than able to take that work in hand, learned now to that help that God directed Moses unto, when the Tabernacle was to be erected. Wherein notwithstanding it may well bee, the King had Exo. 30: 11-16 prevailed but little neither, but that by the aduise of jehoiada it seemeth( and Iosephus is plain therein) he yielded the oblation to bee but voluntary: which also A●● lib 9 cap 8 may well be the cause, why both the King would not now haue the Priests and levites to be the gatherers of it, as he had appointed before; and not, as some haue 2 King. 12: 7 conceived, for that he took them to bee faulty therein, but rather that the king himself did now perceive, that he had not taken so good a course therein before. To which end also it seemeth to be so specially noted, that the Priests consented to receive no more money of the people towards the work of the Temple: as having made assay before, but finding the people so unwilling thereto, that now with good Ibid. 8. will they would haue been delivered of it. It proceeded much better now than it did before, for that being now made but a voluntary contribution, it is plainly noted, 2 kin. 12: 9 1● 2 chr. 24: 8-1●. that both all the Princes or Heads-men of the people, and all the people themselves, did now come-in with very good-will, and gave so well, that they were fain oft-times to empty the Chest: and had thereby not onely to repair the building, but to furnish it again with needful implements, yea even with Plate of silver and Gold. And yet the Text doth in one thing give them good Testimony withall, that in it they did much better, than wee in such cases, by our wonted usage, were like to do: namely, that they did not in this their need meddle with those things that did properly belong to the Priests, but left them untouched unto them. The workmen 2 King. 12: ●6 also did now go so willingly about their business, that not onely those that set them a-work, trusted them with the Money that was brought in; they saw that they dealt so faithfully therein: but even the workmen themselves, according to the trust reposed in them, having much money left when they had finished all the building, brought it into the King and High-Priest; and they likewise, of it, did make the furniture and Plate aforesaid. So it seemeth, that so long as the Priestes and levites had it imposed on them, to gather-vp those former impositions, as to be paid of right now also, neither would the people pay them, neither were the Priests and levites willing to urge them: but when now that course was, after a sort, waiued or giuen-ouer, and made but arbitrary to the glovers themseles( for though there was proclamation made throughout the Land, to bring unto the Lord, the tax that Moses in the wilderness had laid vpon them; as indeed being the King, he was not to seem to take repulse, but was rather to require it still: yet none was now appointed to gather it of them, and so to mark whether they did it truly or not, but had the matter now referred unto themselves in a manner, in that themselves were to bring it in) it found a ready and present dispatch, and the contributors themselves very well pleased. A good example to show how unwilling the people are, that such impositions, as by occasion sometimes haue been laid vpon them, should afterward, when the cause hath ceased, be nevertheless urged unto them again: and yet this was a Prince as welcome unto them, as lightly none more, as also but to the use of the Temple; and in such a time as themselves might conceive did much require it, because of the spoil which the enemies made towards the end of Iehorams reign, and Athalia in her usurpation. 10 The estate of this people being thus far raised or set up again, and being now to see how ill they held their standing therein, we are first to begin with him in whose Story yet wee are: then, to come unto others suc●●eding. Beginning with him in whose Story yet we are, first we find one ill took 〈…〉 it, or such as boaded that they would keep their standing but ill: then haue wee proof of the thing itself. The ill token that wee haue of it, is that the King did not take away the 2 King. 12: 3 High-places( when he was at the best) but suffered the people to offer and burn incense there. coming to the proof of the thing itself, we find that he kept his standing very ill: but that God did accordingly remember him for it. Wee find that he kept his standing ill, he and all the people with him, immediately after the death of jehoiada: and yet not so very soon after, but that for a while it seemeth they stood reasonable well; but then, that not long after they foully fell. It seemeth that a while after they stood reasonable well, because that when jehoiada was dead, they afforded to bury him so honourably as they did, in the city of david with the 2 Chr. 24: 15, 16. Kings: as having justly deserved the same, for the good that he had done among them. Where again we haue another probability, that there was not such fault in him, as some of our Interpreters do conceive, out of the speech of the King to him 2 King. 12: 17 and others of his fellowes, about the not gathering of the Money aforesaid. That nevertheless not long after they foully fell, is very plainly delivered unto us: and first by what means it was wrought; then, how foully it was that they fell. The means whereby it was wrought, was by such dealing as the Princes had with the King, which what it was, is not so plainly set down, but that diuers do diversly take it: some, that they attributed divine honour unto him, and so puffed him up thereby, that he quickly forgot himself so far as he did; but most men inclining rather, that they Con. Pellic. Fran. Vatab. Tremel. jun. Bibl. Angl. wrought him no farther, but that he need not be so religious, but might well live as he list, and take his pleasure in all things as should best like himself. But neither of these seem unto me to go rightly and fully unto it; for that either of those had dissuaded him from all Religion: whereas the Text itself sheweth immediately after, 2 Chr. 24: 1● that he and the people were religious in some kind; but indeed in another kind than before, and the same stark nought. So it seemeth rather, that these Princes were mere politicians, and accounted it to make much for the quiet and peace of the State, and for better friendship of all their neighbours, not to be so clean contrary to all others in matters of Religion, as they were in the course that then they were in: but rather that somewhat they yielded unto them, to bee neighbour-like with them; and that the nearer they could come to be like to the rest, the better must it bee for them all, in all such matters as wherein they were to haue any dealing with others. It is plainly set down that the King yielded therein to be advised by them: Ibid. 17. Ibid. 18. and it followeth immediately after, that they left their own Religion or manner of worshipping,& betook themselves to such Religion or manner of worshipping, as their neighbours about them used. So, the latter, expoundeth the former: or, that which thereupon they did, doth show what aduise it was that was given. How foully they fell herein appeareth first, in that whereunto they had now betaken themselves: then, in that they claue unto it so fast as they did. That whereunto they had now betaken themselves, was, clean to forsake true Religion; and, in effect, GOD himself, the onely Lord: and to betake themselves to most foolish and gross Idolatry; saving onely that it went for currant with all their neighbours, because of the ignorance that was in them. When we are to consider how fast they claue to these their ways now, it shall not be amiss, that some of us especially do mark another thing thereunto appertaining: but first, how fast they claue to those ways of theirs; then, of that other matter hereunto appertaining. They claue so fast to those ways 2 Chro. 24: 19-22. of theirs, that though the Lord sent Prophets among them, who did earnestly call vpon them, and protested heavy judgements against them unless they repented; and, that one of those Prophets was Zachariah, the son of Iehoiadah, who had deserved so well of the King, and of the people, and was near Kinsman unto the King: yet would they in no wise be ruled by those their Prophets; but farther than so, even conspired against the said Zachariah, and at the commandement of the King stoned him to death, even in the in most and chiefest coutt of the Temple, between the Temple and the Altar even as it were in the presence of God and before his face. As notable an insolen 〈…〉 s lightly hath been hard of by any. That other thing hereunto Mat. 23: 35. appertaining 〈…〉 collection that one of the blind guides of this age of ours hath gathered to mak● much against those that profess the gospel, whom, to the furtherance Pointz. of his purpose there, he calleth Protestants: and he gathereth it but of one part of the Text, wherein we haue this Story aforesaid. The man that I speak off, is one of their learned writers, one of our own Country-men, of the time and crew of D. Harding, Stapleton, Dorman and others: and that book of his, wherein this is, is of a chief and principal matter of their profession, the real presence of the body and blood of Christ in their Sacrament of the Altar, as it pleaseth them to term it. There he telleth us, that there bee two sorts of Protestants: one, but simplo: the other, malicious. The malicious are they, against whom he bendeth that redoubted force of his: and telleth us withall, that the Prophets of old were troubled with those malicious Protestants; and therein referring us to one verse of this Text aforesaid. 2 Chr 24: 19 On which his interpretation is, that when God sent his Prophets among them, those malicious Protestants would in no wise hear them. Whereas the truth is, that they were the Prophets themselves, and not any of the people, that were the Protestants there: and so he did them great wrong to term them malicious. Especially when their own Bible so plainly readeth, Mittebatque eis prophetas, vt reuerterentur joan. Heuten. ex officina Chr. Plantini, Ant●●●p. 1569. ad Dominum: quos Protestantes, illi audire nolebant. that is, And[ God] sent them Prophets: whom protesting, they would not hear. But his dexterity thought good, to join Protestantes and illi together: an then telleth us, that they were Protestantes illi, those malicious Protestantes, that were so contrary to the Prophets then. Now whether this place do prove any such malicious Protestants, or not, leaving that to his farther Consideration: sure wee are, wee need go no farther, than to this his Collection onely, to gather, that so far as the rest are like to himself, the papists haue but ignorant Leaders. How it pleased God to remember them for this, both the King himself and those his Princes that did pervert him, and in some sort the whole land besides, wee haue set down, first as touching them altogether: then, as touching the King by himself. As touching them altogether, we haue that set down in two several places; first, in the second book of the Kings, then in the second book of the Chronicles: but so withall, that although in something they agree; yet in some other they are( not any thing contrary, but) so diuers, that there is some diversity among the learned about it. They agree in this, that the Syrians soon after came into the land, and made war upon them: but then, are they diuers in this again, that by the one place it seemeth, the enemy was pacified with money, and so sent home without doing them any hurt; by the other, that a battle was fought betwixt them, and joseph. Ant. lib cap 8 Conr. Pellic. Bibl. An●●. Tremel. jun. Lyranus. that the enemies prevailed, and took their own pleasure on them. So cometh it to pass, that most men make no scruple at it, but take them both as one Story, as it seemeth, as if when the Syrians had prevailed against them, then joash gave him, the Treasure that there is mentioned to with-draw his forces from him; and one of them there is, who in plain terms doth so expound it: but two others there bee, that( with greater probability, it seemeth) conceive two several invasions to bee joan. wolphius Fra. Vatablus. 2 King. 12: 17, 18. noted in those two places, one of them going no farther, but that so it may be conceived; the other, being more tesolute in it. And the former of those two innasions was, when joash gave all that Treasure, and those consecrated things unto the King of Syria to depart from him, and for that time obtained his desire therein: joash belike, as yet making no greater reckoning of that his revolting from God, nor of shedding that innocent blood where-unto himself was so deeply beholding, but that putting himself to this loss in these, it might be a full satisfaction, himself and his people abiding still notwithstanding, in those corrupt ways whereunto they had betaken themselves now. But God would not put it up so: but would haue it farther punished. So the Syrians coming again the next year after, 2 Par. 24: 23-25. though they were but few to speak of in comparison of the forces of judah that went against them; yet the Lord so ordered the matter, for the sin of his people, that they prevailed: at which time prosecuting the course of their good success, they destroyed all the Princes from amongst the people, and sent all the spoil of them to Damascus; and the King himself did they entreat very dishonourably, one way or other( for it is not declared how) and then departed, leaving the King in great diseases. A just reward for gross Idolatry, so back as it was by so bloody ingratitude, as they were now entred into: and a meet recompense for those profane 2 Chr. 24: 25 2 Kings. 12: 20, 21. 2 Chro. 24: 25, 26. Fra. Vatabl. polliticians, the Authors of it. As touching that punishment that the king had by himself, both he was much diseased in his body; and treacherously slain by his own seruants: even by his own, as the Text doth led us to gather, though one there be of special account( but I wonder whereupon) that doth ascribe the same to the seruants of Hazael. 11. Those others that succeeded, are four: the first three being nothing so ill as was joash in these his latter dayes, but much better, and yet indeed boding a declining estate; and the fourth of them in full measure exhibiting the same unto vs. Those three that boaded a declining estate, were( as it were) of the midsort, neither altogether so good, not so ill as diuers others: two of the former declining from better to worse; the third ever keeping much like to himself. Those two that declined from better to worse, were Amaziah, and Azariah, who in like Amazias. 9. sort was called Uzziah. Amazias succeeded his Father joas; and reigned nine and twenty yeares in jerusalem: first reasonably well; but afterward to the offence and displeasure of God. While he reigned reasonably well, we are to consider, 2 King. 14: 1. 2 2 Chr. 25: 1. first, what was the manner of his government: then, howe it pleased GOD to bless him therein. In his manner of government, first wee haue something noted unto us that concerneth the whole generally: then, certain particulars 2 King. 14: 3, 4 2 Chro. 25: 2 besides. Concerning his whole government generally( for the time that he stood) he hath this commendation given him, that he did uprightly in the sight of the Lord: but then it is added withall, that his doings were not with a perfect heart, like unto david, but like unto joas his Father; and that the High-places were not taken away, but that the people did sacrifice& burnt incense in them. The particulars which are commendable in him are two: one, a good moderation of his own affections; the other, a good branch of obedience to God. That good moderation of his own affections, was in the execution of those that slay his Father: first, in that he was not so hasty to do it, or to make enquiry of them, till the kingdom 2 King. 14: 5, 6 2 Chr. 25: 3, 4. was established unto him; then, that he executed but the offenders themselves, and not their children withall, as it was the manner of diuers then in their heat to do, though plainly forbidden by the Lawe of God. That good branch of obedience Deut. 24: 16 to God, that is recorded of him, is, that when on a time he was purposed to war vpon the Edomites, and to that end had waged out of Israell one hundred 2 Chr. 25: 6-10 thousand men, and had already given them their pay, one hundred Talents of silver; being then admonished by some Prophet or man of God, not to use them in that his service but to sand them away again: he readily yielded to do as the Prophet did aduise him, and so discharged them of that piece of service, and dismissed them clean out of his Army. A special good example of obedience in him; and the more we mark it, the better it may appear unto us: first, if wee mark how far he had proceeded in it before; then, if we thereunto lay, in what sort he was dissuaded from it now. He had proceeded therein so far before, that then he must clean lose those hundred Talants of silver, and the hope of that their service which by likelihood might haue been to good use unto him: and so dismissing them when now they were come, might easily breed much heart-burning in them, and so turn to his hurt, as in the end indeed it did: He was not dissuaded from Ibid. 13. it by any of his counsel, or of his Captaines, nor by any States-men besides; yet this being a matter of warfare and State: but onely by a Prophet or man of God, as by some divine, Minister, or Preacher with us, of undoubted and known integrity and iudgement; and the same Prophet or man of God dissuading him from it, not, in plain terms, in the name of the Lord, but, as it were, himself so advising him,& threatening the loss of the field if he did not obey. Out of which it may seem that wee ought to gather, that even in such matters also wee ought to make special good reckoning of the aduise of such of the ministry as are known to bee of God indeed; though they do not acquaint us with, nor ourselves see, what word of God it is whereon they ground their aduise unto us: then also, that seeing God by his seruant reproved that his taking-in of those Israelites to his aid, and though being admonished he did amend it; neither should we lean to any such aid, neither should we think it strange to be chastised for it, if at any time we haue so done, though afterward we did forethink it. It pleased God so to bless him whilst thus he stood towards God, that notwithstanding those invasions, and destruction of the people that were since the daies of jehoshaphat, in the daies of jehoram, Ahaziah, Athalia and joash, he had an Army of his own people now, of Ibid. 5. 11, 12 2 King. 14: 7 three hundred thousand chosen men for the warres: and, going against the Edomites, he so prevailed against them, that he destroyed twenty thousand of themselves, and took a strong hold from them besides. When his reign and doings were to the offence and displeasure of God, we are then in like sort to consider, first what those his ways were: then, how God did punish him for them. His ways were now clean contrary to his better ways before, advancing one kind of gross Idolatry now: and not abiding the Prophet to reprove it neither. His Idolatry was, that having overcome the Edomites, he brought home their Gods with him, 2 Chr. 25: 14 and made them his( a wise part of him) worshipping them, and burning incense unto them. When thereupon God sent a Prophet to reprove him for it, he was so offended with him, that he commanded him to silence, and urged him to aduise Ibid: 15, 16 himself whether he were any of the Kings privy counsel; so insinuating, it seemeth, that there was some high point of policy in it: but the Prophet told him, notwithstanding all his policy, that he did well know, that it should bee his utter ruin, and that from the Lord, that now he made so little reckoning of this reproof that he had given him. His punishment for this is his falling away, was of such nature, as that it seemeth God was disposed to raise it onely from thence, from whence the same his revolting came, even from himself: first by the Israelites his neighbours adjoining; then, by his own people at home. The Israelites, his neighbors adjoining, himself( and by the aduise of his counsel too; such belike 2 King. 14: 8-●4, 17. 2 Chro 25: 1●-24, 25. as had lead him unto that high point of policy before) provoked to the field, and would not rest till the battle were agreed vpon: but when it came to trial, he received( and well deserved) great dishonour, and loss thereby; and lived to enjoy it many yeares after. As touching his own people, he had now made himself so 2 King. 14: 19 20. 2 Chr. 25 27, 28. odious to them( after that he was so turned from the Lord) by his bad government, and by the dishonour and hurt they had gained thereby, that they did not onely determine to dispatch him: but( when, belike perceiving it, he thought to save himself by flight) pursued after him, and so overtook him, and slay him; though nevertheless they brought him to jerusalem, and butted him there, belike for the place that he had been in, or for the good things were in him before. 12 Azarias his son, otherwise called Ozias or uzziah also, was made King Azarias, or Vzzias, 10 2 King ●5: 1, 2 2 Chr. 26: 1, 3 in steede of his Father, and reigned fifty and two yeares. Concerning whom, first wee are to consider of that part of his government, which was( that wee red of) without offence to GOD: then, of that part wherein he offended. Of that part of his government that was( for any thing that wee red to the contrary) without offence to GOD, wee haue something noted again, first to show what the thing itself was: then, howe God did bless him therein. To find what itself was, wee must note again, that both wee haue somewhat set down concerning the whole: and some particulars likewise besides. That which doth concern the whole, is, that he did uprightly in the sight of the Lord: saving that 2 King. 15▪ 3, 4 2 Chr. 26: 4. it was but as Amaziah his Father had done before; and so, that he also did not put down the High-places, but that the people still Sacrificed and burnt incense there in his time also. So that the uprightness of his doing that is spoken of here, is none other to speak of, than as in his father before, and his son after, that he turned not to idolatry as many others had done, but professed the Lord, and the true worship of him. Those particulars that are noted of him besides, are of two sorts: one of them, of his regard towards God; others, of inferior affairs beneath. His regard to God is noted to be such, as that in the dayes of one Zecharias, 2 Chr. 26: 5 a Prophet in his time( a man noted to be well seen in the knowleege and fear of God, and sincerely, it seemeth, teaching the same) he then more specially sought the Lord. And so it seemeth the fault is oftimes in the Prophets& Ministers themselves, that many do not better seek the Lord: as seldom having any good provocation thereto, in those that occupy those rooms among them. Those others that were of inferior affairs beneath, were of two sorts also: some, about the whole estate; others about his own private. About the whole estate were those his buildings, fortifications, and provisions against the time of war that wee read Ibi. 2, 9, 14, 15 of: and it seemeth, that therein he much excelled most of those that had been before him. About his own private it is noted likewise, that he was very Ibid. 10. much employed: and that he was( as wee term it) a great Husband: he himself having a special inclination or love unto it. While in this sort he Ibid. 5, 10-13 governed, GOD did so prosper him, and his blessing was so plentifully on him( especially then, when in some better measure he sought the Lord) that he was very prosperous at home and abroad. At home he had, for the defence of the whole, an army of three hundred and seven thousand, and five hundred valiant men; and two thousand and six hundred Leaders or Captaines for them: and of his own private, great possessions in grounds and Cattle. Abroad, it is generally said, for all the peoples round about him, that his name was great, or that it Ibid. 6-8, 15 did spread far: and, for certain of them, more specially, that he did most valiantly against his Enemies, and mightily praevailed both against the philistines and Arabians; and of the Ammonites, that he was much honoured and presented with gifts by them. When he offended, wee are likewise to consider, first of his offence: then, of his punishment. His offence was not Idolatry as his Fathers was, nor so much as offering unto GOD any such worship as God himself did not require: but onely that himself would needs do a worship to God, which God had appointed Ibid. 16-19 to bee done by others; namely, to burn Incense or sweet Perfume, on the Altar that was thereunto appointed. Of which his sin there were two principal branches: one, that himself did first offer to do it; the other, that he would be so little said by the Priestes therein, that they were fain to oppose themselves against him in some forcible manner. That himself did first offer to do it, it argueth in him, either great ignorance in the Law of God( and that was a great fault in him:) or else, that he was very head-strong and stubborn, and so not disposed to be ruled thereby; which was the greater fault of the two. Now because it is so plainly noted, that when he was strong, or that God had made him great, his heart began to Ibid. 16. be lifted up, that seemeth to cast it unto the latter: as, that it was not of ignorance, but of wilfulness rather. But that relation or report of the highnesse of his mind therein, may haue respect unto that his stubbornness, when he had himself ignorantly attempted it first, and then would not afterward be ruled by the Priestes therein, till it pleased God himself to lay his hand upon him. So his fault was great in eyher of them: but much greater in the latter part of it, when he would not bee advised by the Priestes, those peculiar servants of God in those affairs, and so many of them gathered together. His punishment for this was, some part of it, but onely as it were of men: but the rest, plainly by God. That part of it which wee may account to bee of men, was, that so he was resisted or with-stood, he being so Ibid. 17, 18 mighty and renowned a Prince, of a few of his own silly poor subiectes: but indeed we ourselves do stir up others against us, whensoever wee go against the word of God; and may not think it strange then, if we be roundly with-stood, and mightily crossed, even by the simplest Creatures that are. That which was of God, was a present punishment in itself: and carried another with it besides. It was in itself a present punishment for that he was, even at that time, so strangely strucken Ibid 19. 2 King. 15: 5 with so ill and so foul a disease, as the leprosy was reputed and known to be. That other that it carried with it besides, was, that thereby he was separated from among 2 Chr. 26 20-23. men( and so from the managing of his kingdom likewise, and of his own private affairs withall, for a great part of them and fain to dwell alone all the dayes of his life after: and that when he died, he was not vouchsafed so honourable burial neither, as otherwise his place had required. A good example to be a warning to all to take heed, of diuers special matters: some reasonable plain unto all; others, that would not be soon perceived. Those that are reasonable plain unto all, are, first that none meddle with the office of priesthood( and so not with the ministry now) but such as are orderly called unto it; and therein are Lay-folke to take heed how they meddle with private baptism: the other, that wee bee not so resolute in our own ways, when wee are reproved by such, as God hath to that end appointed. Those that would not be so soon perceived, are other two: one, that whereas that Priest-hood was a figure of Christ by whom onely wee are to come with our worship to God, neither may we come by ourselves, nor by any other but onely by him; the other, that whereas the Priests did not show him the place of the Law where it was forbidden, but onely told him that he might not do it, and yet God struck him for that he would not be ruled by them, neither may we look to stand excused in any such disobedience of ours, to any the like Seruants of God, though they do not ever acquaint us with the places whereon they ground the reproof that they give vs. 13 He that ever kept much like to himself was Iotham, the son of this Iotham. 11 2 kin 15: 32, 33 2 Chr. 27: 1 Uzziah or Azariah: who also reigned sixteen yeares. In whom we haue some things of that nature, that they do reasonable plainly show themselves what they are: others, that do not. Those that do reasonable plainly show themselves what they are, are some of them commendable: others, reprooveable. In those that are commendable, it shall be good for us to consider, first what they were: then, how in those ways God did prosper him. Commendable it was, that he did uprightly in the 2 King. 15: 34. 35. 2 Chr. 27: 2, 3, 6. 2 Chr. 27: 5, 6 sight of the lord( though that also were but in comparison of diuers others:) and built both the highest gate of the house of the lord; and a good part of the Wall West of the Temple. In those ways of his God did so prosper him, that he praevailed against the Ammonites, and had them tributaries three yeares: and generally, that he grew mighty, because he directed his way before the Lord his God. A place nevertheless that more commendeth the goodness of God, that could so graciously accept of that his service: than it cleareth that service to bee so worthy to bee accepted; as may appear by that which followeth. In those that were reprooveable we are likewise to consider, first what they were: then, how wee may conceive that they also were punished. What they were might soon be seen, but that, as some of them are out of question: so there is one, of which there is question made by diuers. Those that are out of question, are two: one, that he did not seek the Lord, but as 2 King 15: 34 35. 2 Chr. 27: 2. his Father had done before: the other, that he left the High-places standing, and suffered the people to worship there. That one point of his ways, whereof there is question made by diuers, is, that he entered not into the Temple: which as diuers do take it, is noted as a thing commendable in him; whereas, by the placing of it, it may seem to be reprooveable, and so do I think it may rather bee taken. Such as account it commendable in him, do take the sense to be, that although in profession, or Lyr. in 4. Reg. 15. i, k. Bibl. Angl. 1594. in annot. in 2. Chr. 27: 2. joan. wolph. in 2 Reg 15: 34-38 in his ways before the Lord, he was such as his Father was: yet whereas his Father did( against the Lawe of God) enter into the Temple, there to burn Incense before the Lord, his Son did never offend in that. And out of this, the sense being so, it is well gathered, that therein he is a good pattern to us, so to follow the good ways of our Elders, that nevertheless we do not withall follow their ill. The placing of it that I speak of, which may rather led us to conceive, that it noteth some-thing reprovable in him, is because it is placed with such aqualification before: and after again, so matched or coupled, as there it is. The qualification where-with it is placed before, is the manner of his Fathers profession: wherein the sense may bee, that he also was none of those that turned a-side to any Idols, but professed the Lord the onely true God, and did worship none other but him; but yet did not make use of the Temple, or frequent the same, in any such sort as he ought to haue done, and as his Father( besides that his transgression) before had done. And in this wee may well conceive, that this exception, of not entering into the Temple, may rather haue relation unto the usual course of all the better sort generally, and of his own Father too in that which was commendable in him, than to that one particular action, never heard of in any of the kings but onely in him, and that but once neither. In such matching or coupling of it as after wee find, it is very plain and out of question, that it is coupled with that which is ill: namely, that the people were yet far out of order. And then, seeing things of like nature are so commonly coupled together, that by the one we may soon perceive what the other is like to bee; it seemeth the sense doth most naturally fall out to note, that there were defects both in the King, and in the people: in the King, that even in his best things he was but like unto his Father in those things that were commendable in him, and had one defect more that his Father had not; and that the people were wrong besides. What his not entering into the Temple may be, me-thinke wee may well conceive, by that which followed on that fearful iudgement that was cast on Ananias and Sapphira his wife, Act. 5: 1-13 for that want of integrity and sincere dealing, that was found in them: namely, that it struck such a fear in others, that there were many that magnyfied those that were of the Congregation, or that holy company, who nevertheless durst not join themselves unto them. For so it may be, that Iotham was so terrified by that iudgement cast on his Father, that though he also magnified God, yea and justified his judgements therein: yet himself durst not thenceforward draw so near, least that some way or other he also might slip, and so pull down some kind of heavy iudgement vpon him. Our own experience doth often teach us, even in those that detest Idolatry, and are specially given to the gospel, that nevertheless diuers of them do long sometimes absent themselves from the holy Communion, even for the very awe of God that they stand in, least they offend in not coming so well prepared as they ought to do: and then may we more easily conceive, that such a iudgement cast on his Father, and when he had no other meaning that we are able to charge him withall, but onely that he meant devoutly to worship, might not a little terrify the son in this that we speak off; and yet leave unto him withall, that so far as it went, he had a special regard of God, in some such measure as both his Father and Grand-Father had, and came not short of them but in this point onely. And one there is, ●o●r. Pellic. in 4. Reg. 15: 34-36. who by occasion of this Iotham, though he do not plainly charge him, not to haue worshipped at jerusalem, but in some other of the High-places in those parts: yet he plainly setteth down, that it was a common negligence in all their Kings, to worship, not onely at jerusalem, but every where in the High-places too; yet there to worship none other but onely the Lord. And then, if it were so common with others even good Kings too, elsewhere to worship: it may bee less marvell, if this( much more) refused the Temple itself,& elsewhere did it; and yet haue that commendation too, never worshipping but only the Lord, and doing it with some special zeal. How these defects in him were punished, is likewise drawn into question: so that here also it shalbe needful not only to set down what may seem to be the truth itself; but to clear it of the doubt thereon conceived. That which wee may take to bee the truth itself, is, that the end of his reign was troublesone, because it is 2 King. 15: 37 said, that in those daies the Lord began to sand in against judah both the King of Syria, and the King of Israell. Of whom though we haue no particular Story, what hurt they did or what trouble they wrought to the King or his Land: yet may wee justly conceive, that the Lord sending them in, and sending them against judah, or as enemies thereunto, they did them some hurt or wrought, them some trouble one way or other; though nothing so much, as after they did, in the daies of him that next succeeded. The doubt that is thereon conceived, is not plainly set down, but onely implyed: namely, that no such trouble came unto himself or his Land, in all his time. And it seemeth that so they conceive, first by one place of Scripture soon after ensuing: then, by a conceived opinion of others. The place of Scripture soon after ensuing, is, that they both came into jerusalem, and besieged it; but yet that they could not praeuaile against it: nevertheless, that then they recovered 2 Kin. 16: 5, 6 Elah again, which uzziah had gotten from them a little before. Out of this Ibid. 14: 22 place they gather, that seeing this is the first entrance of the Syrians& Israelites that now we read of in particular: therefore is that other place before to be understood Lyr. jo. wolph. Bibl. Angl. of this that is spoken off now; and so, nothing appertaining to the time of Iotham, but onely to the time of Ahaz his son. But the Text doth plainly, in the time and Story of Iotham, say, that in those daies the Lord began to sand those in: and, in the daies of Ahaz next following, that they came up to jerusalem, and besieged it. A difference so plain in itself, that it may bee sufficient to note two several invasions; though we haue not the particular Story of the former of them: and so is it taken Con. Pellic. Tremel. jun. by others also. That conceived opinion of others is, that this Iotham that now we speak off, was so good a King, and altogether( as it were) without such faults as others had: an opinion much conceived by Iosephus, and plainly held by most of the Hebrewes; and yet without any sufficient groundwork for so weighty a building as Ant. lib. 9. cap. 11. Conr. Pellic. in 2 Chr. 27: 1-3 it. But that being once conceived, then is it so much the harder measure to conceive any such special defects in him: and so it may very well be, that thereupon they rather framed this aforesaid interpretation of theirs. Those things that do not so plainly show themselves what they are, were those his buildings in the Mountaines, and in the Forrests: which it may bee, were to public use, either fortifications, or 2 Chr. 27: 2, 4 for habitation; as also it may be, seeing his ways are so plainly referred unto his Fathers, that they were, many of them at the least, to his own private use. Which also we may the rather conceive, for that Isaiah beginning his prophesy first in the dayes Isa. 1: 1. Ibid. 5: 8▪ 10 of these two Kings, uzziah the Father, and Iotham his Son, doth so plainly cry out against laying house to house, and land to land: a kind of civil disease that most of all reigneth in any State, when the Princes and other Heads-men thereof are therewith smited themselves, and so can neither agree to any good laws to the contrary, nor reprove others therein; nor in any wise avoid, but by their example to led others amain unto it. 14 He that did in full measure bring in that same corrupt estate that was so long Ahaz. 12. declining before, onely tottering then, but falling down now, was Ahaz, the Son 2 King. 1●▪ 38 16: 1, 2 2 Chr. 27: 9. 28: ● C●nr. Pe●●ic. I●ā. wo●phius Bibl. Angl. of Iotham: who succeeding his Father in the kingdom, sixteen yeares also he reigned therein, like to his Father in nothing else but onely in that. For though his Father was none of the best( though I deny not, but that others there be, that make special reckoning of him for that matter: and my-selfe desire not to impair any part of his glory; but yet must still say, that I see no cause to vary) nor uzziah the Father of Iotham, nor Amaziah his Grand-father neither: yet this on the other side was so very ill, that it seemeth he inhaerited no part of the good that any of them had, but that all their evil( and much more) was descended unto him, and that he was( as it were) their heir only in that. So that in his Story it seemeth to me, it is not sufficient, to consider onely of himself; but to haue some reference to those others his ancestors besides: and that, both in the evil ways that he held; and in those punishments which befell him from the same. As touching those ill ways that he held, we haue the same delivered unto us, by one kind of speech that is( as it seemeth to me) some-what strange: but the others are usual, and plain enough in themselves. That which seemeth to me somewhat strange, is notwithstanding( I readily grant) to good purpose used, and of special good instruction as it may bee taken: and yet notwithstanding either clean omitted by others; or not sufficiently considered vpon, as I do take it. The speech is, that whereas this Ahaz was a very bad one( if not the worst of all the kings of judah that were before him) yet, at the first the Text doth seem but to mince at the matter( as me do term it) and nothing near to note, that which was in him indeed. For at the first he telleth us no more, but that he did not uprightly in the sight of the Lord, like david his Father: and in both places the selfsame speech 2 King. 16: 2 2 Chr 28: 1 is precisely used. Which kind of speech, we might think, were not properly to be used, but onely of such as haue done reasonably well, and yet not like to david before. So the strangnes is, that whereas indeed Ahaz was a very bad one,& so described by and by after: yet at the first the Text seemeth to stand so far of from him, as though it meant not to touch him any thing near, to speak of; or, that with any thing almost he were to be justly touched. Of Amaziah it granteth before, that he did not like to 2 King. 14: 3 2 C●r. 25: 2 david his Father; and else-where in the same sense, that that which he did, he did not with a perfect hart: but it notwithstanding commend him, that he did uprightly in the sight of the Lord. Of both the others that next succeeded it so speaketh likewise, as plainly chargeth them with such defect, referring them( in such sort as it 2 Kin 1●: 3. ●4 2 Chr. 2 〈…〉. 27: 2. doth) unto their Parents: but yet it seemeth well to their commendation withall. now in this place, coming to speak of a very bad one, yet notwithstanding, it saith no more of him( in effect) at the first, than it spake before( thrice together) of those others whom it commendeth. This is clean omitted by the most that yet I haue seen: as not espying or at least not noting, whereupon it may seem to be, that this Lyr. Vatabl. B●bl. Angl. Tremel. jun. speech is here again used in so unlike a case to the former. But some there bee that do note it: one, that doth but onely note it, but that he doth in both places of it; and one other, that doth not onely note it, but withall considereth upon it. For him that doth but onely note it, it seemeth he thought that there was some special matter Conr. Pellic. in it, though belike he did distrust, that he did not conceive it: but that might give occasion to others to think farther of it; especially seeing so precisely he doth it, in both places of it. That which the other gathereth thereon, is, that thereby is generally noted, joan. wolphius. that he did nothing right before God; as if whereas it is said, that he did not uprightly in the fight of the Lord, this difference of speech( to be said of him, that he did not uprightly; of other ill kings, that they did ill) should haue this meaning, that whereas they were not charged but to haue done diuers things ill, this hereby is charged that he did nothing well. This do I take to bee some-thing forced: though otherwise he be a very learned and diligent Interpreter, and right worthy to follow him that he doth, to finish that, which the other, praeuented with death, was not able to reach unto. Another sense there is, which, I grant, is( as it were) some-what far fetched: and yet so agreeable to other Scriptures, as that it is not amiss to think of it also. Some-what far fetched we may account it to be, for that taking it so, the meaning should be, that even in this place, where it may seem that the spirit of God meaneth no more, but to set down the Story of Ahaz: yet would he give unto us, in his example, a general rule of a special good point of doctrine for all,& for all ages ensuing: namely, that whosoever they are that go but negligently to work, and do not endeavour to bee with the best: those by the just judgements of God, may very well be, even of the worst; and so ever are, but so far as it pleaseth God to stay them, that things be not among us too too far out of order. And so the meaning to bee, that seeing Ahaz did not regard to walk uprightly before the Lord, as david before had done, therefore may no man think it strange, nor impertinent to the course wherein he was, if then he should quickly become the worst man living: and so, this to be noted( as it were) the fountain, out of which the other ( even all that naughtiness of his whatsoever) did proceed, and so might rightly and kindly do, though it had been a thousand times more than it was. For the words if wee mark them, deliver unto us two principal points: one, in plain terms; the other likewise, if not necessary, yet very probably implyed. In plain terms it telleth us, what ways he held: such as wherein he did not uprightly in the eyes of the Lord, as his Father david before had done. It implieth, even here, not going any farther, very probably, that he had no care neither, so to do: and whatsoever wanteth of the certainty of it here, that is fully supplied by that which followeth, because he employed himself so ill. For a man might haue a will to do well; and yet by infirmity fail very much in doing of it: but to be altogether occupied in so bad and base works, as the Text immediately after declareth he was, doth necessary import, that he had no due regard unto the other; namely, to do uprightly in the fight of the Lord, as did his Father david before. Those other Scriptures whereunto it agreeth, are many: but some may serve to make demonstration of it. To the breach of the Sabbaoth it is known well enough, that the Lord appointed death, even when he required that free-will offering towards the building of the Tabernacle; and when the workmen were to set in hand with their working on it, Exo. 31: 12-17 Ibid. 35: 1-3 Nū. 15: 32-36 ( Church-worke as plain, as possibly may be:) as also that once he caused execution to be done on one who gathered sticks thereon. In which whosoever can mark, that the breach of the Sabbaoth cometh of ungodliness, and that wheresoever ungodliness lodgeth, there is all ungodliness besides, but so far as it pleaseth God specially to stay, he can easily see good Co-haerence in that iudgement of God therein, and can more readily yield his heart unto the full justifying of it: as a iudgment but very easy for all such parties, as in whom it is certain, that there is lodged so great iniquity. In the first psalm likewise the Prophet setting down certain degrees Psal. 1: 1. in finning, doth immediately after the ungodly person set down the Sinner: to give us to understand, that no man can be ungodly or godless, but one way or other, he must bee some detestable Sinner withall. The Apostle in his Epistle to the Hebrewes, willeth us to leave now the principles of Religion, which he calleth the doctrine Heb. 6: 1-6 of the beginning of Christ, and to be lead to farther perfection; and his reason is, that if we fall away, then are we in pitiful& hard estate: so teaching us to gather, that if wee do not still endeavour ourselves to go on to farther perfection, then are we in present danger to fall away also. The like unto which he hath else-where besides soon after following, either to draw near with assurance of faith in the Ibid. 10: 22-26 time of grace, or else to bee in special great danger, of giuing over the whole profession, and to return to our vomit again. Saint Iude likewise, exhorting the people Iude. 3-7. of his time, earnestly to labour for the maintenance of the faith once given unto the saints, useth such fearful examples to move them thereto, as appertain not but unto such as fall away from it again, either in the profession itself, or joining a reprobate life unto it. So God telling us in the Story of Ahaz, that he had no regard of doing uprightly in the fight of GOD, as david his Father before had done( as his own doings sufficiently declared) may very well mean, to teach us thereby to gather, that thence it proceeded, that he became so bad as he was. On the Land if we journey, we may stay and rest a● ourselves think good; and lose thereby no part of the way that before we haue gone: but on the Water, where we haue either wind or Tide, or stream against us, if in such case we do not labour to go forward, then it is certain that wee go backe-ward. Such is the case that now we speak of: ever having mighty force against us, in all good proceedings whatsoever( the sway or usual course of the World, and the temptation of satan without; the corruption also of our own Nature within:) so that if we do not earnestly labour, in the best manner we can, to go forward; then fall wee backe-ward still more and more, but so far as it pleaseth God to stay vs. Those other speeches, whereby the ill ways of Ahaz are delivered unto us, and which speeches are usual and plain, do note unto us diuers sorts of ill ways in him: some, that seem to be referred to all his reign generally; others, that arose but at some time onely, and upon some special occasion. Those that seem to bee referred to all his reign generally, do witness indeed, that he was exceeding wrong: and leave us thus much withall, that nevertheless he was very devout and zealous in his kind. Exceeding wrong he was both in the ways of Israell, and in Heathenish Idolatry besides. The ways of Israell were, the service of those golden calves: ascribed especially to the kings of Israell, for that they were the devisers and maintainers of 2 King. 16: 3 2 Chr. 28: 2 them, as the onely upholders of that kingdom of theirs. And because the use of those calves was to maintain that state of theirs in their apostasy or falling away from the Tribe of judah and Line of david: therefore was Ahaz the King of judah so much the more to blame for worshipping them, not onely because that also was abominable Idolatry; but withall, because they were so directly contrary to his own State, and so strongly with-helde the greatest part of his kingdom and people from him. In his Heathenish Idolatry he both passed all others that were before him: and yet would haue the use of theirs also. he passed all others that 2 King 26: 3 2 Chr. 28: 3 were before him, in that he spared not his own Children, but did such worship to Idols by them, as Heathenish Idolaters used some-times to do. That Hearthenish Idolatry that some of his Fathers had used before, and whereof himself would haue the use now, was the worshipping of Baalim: and that he offered sacrifice and 2 King. 16: 4 2. Chr. 28: 2, 4 burnt Incense in the High-places, on the hills, and under every green three. That he was very devout and zealous in his kind, there can bee at all no question of it; these things do so plainly and fully witness the same: but it is good that wee do mark it, that so wee may the better perceive, that in the most corrupt Religion that is, there may be a very devout and earnest zeal; and therefore that no body rest in his zeal, unless he know the same to be right. Those other bad ways of his that arose but at some time onely, and upon some special occasion, were certain offences or slips that he made: one of them, when trouble began to grow against him; others, when he had safely passed a good part of that danger. The slip that he made when trouble began to grow against him, was in a bad refusing of special good savour offered unto him: and a base betaking himself unto an earthly fuccour rather. In which his refusing of that favour offered, wee are first to consider what it was: then, whereupon it may seem, that it was so offered unto him. It was, that Isa. 7: 2-12 when Ahaz understood that the kings of Syria and Israell had joined together to come against him and his people, he and his people being in great perplexity and sear thereupon, the lord by his Seruant the Prophet Esay bad him bee of good comfort, assuring him that they should not in such sort praeuaile against him: and, for his farther assurance therein, willed him not to spare but ask a sign of the lord, whatsoever he would, either in the depth beneath, or in the height above. But Ahaz being so bad a man as he was, it seemeth strange, that GOD should haue such dealing with him by his seruant the Prophet: and not rather to reprove him sharply for that his great Idolatry; and for it to denounce heavy judgements against him. neither is it unlikely, but that the Prophet had such dealing with him also. But those two Kings were purposed, to depose Ahaz, or clean to destroy him, and to set up another in his room: a purpose directly against the ordinance Ibid. 6. of God, having before given that kingdom to the line or posterity of david. So it seemeth, that God in that respect, would defend him against them: and thereupon use this gracious dealing towards him, by faire means the rather to win him unto some better ways. How beit Ahaz had brought himself so far in bondage to his own bad nature, that he would look for no such goodness at the hands of God, and so withall utterly refused that gracious offer. That earthly succour whereunto he did rather betake himself, and that basely enough too, was to seek help of 2 Kin. 16: 7. 8 2 Chr. 28: 16 21. the King of Assyria, now growing up to some special greatness: and, to speed the better at his hands, he both abased himself so far, as to term himself to bee his seruant, and his Son; an I withall sent him such a present, so hardly gotten together, as bewrayed himself to be too too fearful of them, even in servile and abject manner. He safely passed a good part of that danger, when the King of Assyria accordingly came, took Damascus, the head-Citty of Syria, and slay the King: for by 2 King. 16. 9 2 Chr. 28: 20 this, the King was delivered from one great part of his fear. At which time again we find, that he foully slipped: first but onely in the fashion of an Altar; but then otherwise, a great deal more grossly. When it was but in the fashion of an Altar, yet even that also was gross enough, both in being so new-fangled, that he must haue 2 King. 16: 10-14 such an one in the house of the Lord at jerusalem, as he had seen at Damascus an Idolatrous city: and in placing it so as he did when once he had gotten it ready; wherein also it is not amiss to note, that the High-Priest then, was as ready to provide it, as he to require it. Like lips, like lettuce. When otherwise he offended more grossly, wee haue it noted unto us, first in respect of the time when so he did: then, in respect of that which he did therein. The time is noted to be, when he was 2 Chr. 28: 22 in tribulation: so hardly are wee any thing mended thereby, unless it please God to vouchsafe us that mercy. That which then he did, was first concerning some in particular: then, certain others at large. Those that his doing concerned in particular were the Gods of Damascus: and the Lord himself. The Gods of Damascus, those foolish and absurd Idols, nevertheless found such favour with him, that Ibid. 23. now he became a worshipper of them; yea notwithstanding that they( as he took it) had plagued him: and his reason was, for that they( as he would needs bee persuaded of them) had so well holpen that people against him( not considering that it was the Lord, who for his Idolatry sent them in vpon him, and gave them power against him) they would no doubt help him likewise, if he were a worshipper of them. But as for the Lord, he found so little favour with him, that diuers things that appertained to the House of the Lord, and to his worship there, he did alter and deface at his pleasure: in one special thing, having the High Priest aforesaid concurring with him; doing the others but himself alone. He had the High-Priest concurring with him, both in taking-in this new Altar, for the use of it, into the place of the former: and, in abasing the other. Into the place of the former this new Altar was taken for that the King commanded all those things to be done thereon, which 2 King. 16: 15. 16. God had before appointed to be done on the other: and uriah the Priest did according to all that he commanded. The other was abased, not onely in that the new was taken in nearer to the Sanctuary itself, and was withall bereaved of those services Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17. 18 2 Chr. 28: 24. 29. 3, 7. which God allotted unto it: but also in that it must be reserved, for the King( forsooth) for him thereby to inquire of God, wherein he would bee sure but little to trouble it. Those others that he did but by himself, were, first that he did but deface, and used at his pleasure diuers things in the House of the Lord: and then, in the end, shut it up clean. So careful was he to reserve that Altar onely to himself, thereby to inquire of the Lord: much like to our late Ahazes of Rome, who were so long fingering the holy Scriptures, to alter and change the ordinances thereof at their pleasure, that at the length when they could not make them sufficiently to square to their purpose, then did they take them( in a manner) clean away from us all, locking them up in a strange tongue, and making bloody laws against the reading of them; and though they bare us in hand, that themselves would inquire of them, yet haue they made it plain enough to the world, that they haue little inquired of the lord by them. The reference that in these matters it is good that we haue to those other Ancestors of his( such I mean as went immediately next before him) is no more but this, that seeing they declined still so much as they did, not regarding to serve the Lord, but( as it were) in a secondary manner, therefore to them might it be in some measure imputed, that now they haue such a Successor following, as doth not so mince at the matter as they did, but overthroweth all at once, and maketh at all no Conscience of it: as also there is no better to be expected of the great estates of this age also, but that if themselves haue but a secondary care in the aduancement of the kingdom of Christ, while they are in place to do it, they will quickly so breed others ensuing, that will make at all no reckoning of it. The punishment that befell him for this, was most of it in his life: but some part of it also in his burial when he was dead. That which was cast upon him in his life, was to be overrun with his enemies: which for the most part wee haue set down but generally; but some part of it, more specially also. That which is set down but generally, not delivering any special story thereof unto us, is most of those to whom he made no means( that we red of) for any favour: but part of it also, of such as he had well waged to stand friendly to him. As touching those to whom he made no means that we red of for any favour, though wee haue no Story in what sort they came in vpon him, and prevailed against him; yet haue we Story of some hurt that they did him: the Syrians both getting a city from him, and many ptisoners too; the Edomites and philistines getting away also, the former 2 King 16: 6 2 Chr. 28. 5. 17 ●8. 2 Chr. 28. 20, 21 certain captives, the latter, certain cities. Those that he had well waged to stand friendly unto him( which was against the Syrians) are noted also, nothing at all to haue holpen him, but to haue troubled him: but it is not declared how. But meet it was, that he that was the professed servant of God, and yet had broken with him so foully now, should not find such good dealing with men when he did need it. That which is set down more specially, is, how the Israelites prevailed against him: in whom notwithstanding we haue a notable example of obedience unto the word of the Lord delivered unto them by one of his Prophets. In that the Israelites so prevailed against him, it is good first to note, how it may seem that the encounter began betwixt them: then, what success it was that the Israelites had therein. The encounter may seem to begin betwixt them, not till the King of Assyria had eased Ahaz the King of judah of one of his enemies the King of Syria: and that then, seeing the Israelites were come in against him, he would needs give them battle, whereas now it may be, that they could haue been content, quietly to haue departed home again, seeing they were disappointed so much as they were, of their confederates. It may so seem, because this battle was on both sides foughten so sore as it was: the Iewes standing to it, to so great a slaughter of them; and the Israelites making such havoc of them, and taking away so many Prisoners with them besides. A thing that was likely enough not to haue been, if the Israelites could quietly haue departed again, as not being so able now to deal with their enemies: and yet notwithstanding, that their enemies, accounting they had the advantage of them, would not suffer them so to do, but needs would take that advantage of them. The success that the Israelites had against the Iewes herein, was very great: slaying downe-●ight in the field, one hundred 2 Chr 28: 6-8 and twenty thousand( the reason being added, because they had forsaken the Lord God of their Fathers) and among them diuers of special account; and besides, took away prisoners with them, two hundred thousand, and a great spoil besides. The example of their obedience unto a Prophet of the lords was such, that although the Prophet did not tell them, that he came that message unto them ●n the name of the Lord, but spake unto them, as it were of himself, and although Ibid. 9-15 he required of them that which would bee to their loss and hindrance now, and though the matter itself was in a manner but civil: yet the admonition of the Prophet so wrought with certain of the principal Fathers, and with the whole Army, that they did not onely dismiss them freely without any ransom; but withall both bestowed much of the spoil on them in very good manner,& carried them home to their own borders besides. That which befell him in his burial when he was dead, was, that he was not of his own people vouchsafed that honour, as to bee 2 King. 16: 20 2 Chr. 28: 27 butted among the Kings: a right iudgement in itself; but so much the rather to be regarded, as at this time it might well proceed sincerely from them, without any private respect at all. For there is no reason, that such as so little regarded the glory of God, should afterward haue that honour with men, which otherwise by their place had been due unto them: but rather, that all such should hold themselves fully contented, that while they lived, their people for fear did yield it unto them; and withdrew it again so soon as they hoped that without any danger they might. The reference that in these his punishments wee are to haue to those ancestors of his, is no more but this, that whosoever they are that do wish well to their line, or to their children or Issue ensuing, it were good for them, not to hold themselves contented with a secondary care of Religion or advancing the glory of God, but to employ themselves about those things even in the best manner they can: otherwise, that they are to make no question, but that themselves do breed such a race, as, if they do not pluck on them some heavy iudgement, it is the special favour of God that exempteth them from it, or otherwise reserveth them to endless torments against that great and fearful day. 15. recovered they were again by Ezechiah who next succeeded to Ahaz his Father, now gone before; and reigned twenty and nine yeares: the last of al the Ezechiah. 13. 2 King. 16: 20. 18: 1, 2 2 Chr. 28: 27. 29: 1. Kings of judah, while the kingdom of Israell stood. Concerning whom, it is to be known, that he was a good one, and one of the best of them all: and yet that he was not without his infirmities neither. Considering of him as he was so good, we find that he was( at the hands of God) accordingly blessed: and so are wee, first to consider of that his good service of God; then, how it pleased God to bless him for it. His good service to God wee haue first set down but generally: but then, more specially. Generally it is said, that he did uprightly in the sight of the 2 King. 18: 3 2 Chr. 29: 2. 31: 20, 21. 2 King 18: 5 Ibid. 6. Lord, according to all that david his Father had done: his trust being such in the Lord, that neither after him nor before, there was any such among the Kings of judah; and cleaving so inseparably unto him, that he observed those his commandments, which he by Moses before had given. When the Story cometh to set down the same more specially, it doth it in such sort, that as the Text a little before doth give him commendation, that after him none was like him among al the Kings of judah, neither that there were any such before him: so indeed may we see, that there was a marvelous excellent zeal in him, and such as was hardly out-matched by any. But for that kind of speech, because it is attributed to others also, as not onely to Salomon for his wisdom, and for the glory of his kingdom, but also to 1 Kin. 3: 12, 13 2 Chr. 1▪ 12 2 King. 23: 25 josias for an excellent zeal that was in him likewise: it may seem that it was among them used, as noting such as excelled in their kind, and not so strictly as the very words themselves do otherwise import; or that therein they had respect but onely to such, as within some usual or reasonable compass of time( such as came within their memory or near unto it) either were in place before, or after succeeded the Kings that they speak off. It may be also, that as it is agreed of all, that in Salomon it pleased God, in diuers of his excellencies, to give them a figure of their messiah that was to come: so, in those good kings that followed, he would now and then renew it unto them again, so to keep them still in some comfortable expectation of him, and not to suffer that so needful an hope to be quenched among them. If so wee may take it, then in these also may we not look onely to themselves, but unto him whose figures they were, for the full accomplishment of those things that are there of them reported. And so is it marvelous true, even in the uttermost reach of the words themselves, that ever none is like unto him, before or after, nor any way comparable unto the most absolute of all. And this do I think so much the more needful to be marked here, for that most of our interpreters that Conr. Pellic. Fr. Vatab. Bibl. Angl. Tremel. jun. jo. wolp Lyr. Pet. mat. Fr. Vatabl. Lyr. yet I haue seen, do clean omit it, and do not show us in what sense it is to bee taken; and those that deal in it, in some of those places that give occasion to speak of it, do, as it were take up over soon, or take, as wee term it, that which cometh next to their hand: especially, in that which is said of Salomon, and of josias; and go to certain odd particulars in this as the breaking of that brazen Serpent, and that great and strange slaughter of the assyrians: But if wee mark what sincerity and zeal do very plainly show forth themselves in the reformation that Ezechias now wrought, we may well afford him, that special commendation be given unto him: and if in him also wee raise up our consideration to their Messiah then to come, Iesus Christ, it is a thing not onely manifest in itself, and clean beyond all exception, that none of those that were before him were like unto him, nor of those that followed him neither. How needful it was, that these close speeches, should be so plainly set in the text( ever to sand out expectation further, than to those very parties themselves of whom then it spake) wee may sufficiently perceive, first in the Iewes for resting on some that were before, as Moses and the Prophets,, much more than on Iesus the son of Mary, that followed after, notwithstanding the great works that he did among them: then in the saracens, Turkes; Persians, and the Church of Rome too, for resting somuch on others that followed after, Mahomet, the blessed Virgin, Angels and Saints. To all which purposes ●● was good and needful, that ever( now and then) in the next, in the Stories of such as were the meetest to represent the person of Christ unto us, there should bee such speeches inserted, as might witness that sufficiency and fullness in Christ, as that, in comparison of him, all others might give place unto him. How notably therefore Ezechias now did his service to God, or how he abolished corruption, and advanced the true worship of God again, may sufficiently appear, if wee consider, first what he did for the time present: then, for the time after ensuing. For that time present he was notably employed, first for his own kingdom onely: then, for his own and Israell together. That which he did for his own kingdom onely, was a notable reformation, to set up again the true worship of God; in the Story whereof we haue most of it allotted to one special time: but one thing there is, that hath not the time allotted unto it;& it seemeth to haue followed after the other. In that which is allotted to one special time, we are directed, first to note the time when he did set in hand therewith; then, what it was that so he did. The 2 Chr. 29. 1, 3 2 King 18 2 Laur. Co●omā. in an. 3397. time is noted to bee the first month of the year in that account: and it seemeth, that his own reign did likewise concur, with the beginning of that first month; himself then being of the age of five and twenty yeares. So falleth it out, that so soon as ever he came to his kingdom, and in the flower of his yongth, he gave himself to that service of God which after ensueth: a very rare example, and so much the rather to be regarded, as that experience doth commonly teach, that wee all generally at those yeares, especially such as are of greatest estate among us, are more youthfully given, and little regard such matters as those. That which so 2 Chr. 29: 3-11. Ibid. 12-19 he did, was that he opened the doors of the house of the Lord, which his Father Achaz had shut up before, called the Priests and levites together, and gave charge of sanctifying themselves and cleansing the place: and all this so effectually, that the Priestes and levites did presently set in hand therewith, and in sixeteen dayes performed the business. Which being done, then Hezechiah got up betime, and together Ibid. 20-36 with his Princes and Nobles presently offered sacrifice unto the Lord, and set up that his service again, in very good manner, to the great comfort and ioy of Hezechiah himself, and of all the assembly besides. In which his Story one particular there is, of which, it seemeth to me, there need to be some warning given: and it is as touching the cleansing of the house of GOD, that here wee read of. Which is by diuers accounted to bee, that it was but from Idols, Lyr. Fra. Vat. Bibl. Angl. and from such things as to those Idols, and to their woorshipping appertained. But seeing Ahaz did in the end shut up the House of the Lord, as wee saw before, and yet was a great worshipper of Idols still, even to his death, it is not like, that he would so far haue abandoned that house and the use thereof, if he had had any of his Idols there, of which he made any special reckoning. And yet not unlikely, but that, as there he praeferred that new Altar of his( the fashion whereof he sent from Damascus) unto the Altar that Salomon by Gods appointment had made, and caused the sacrifices to be offered thereon: so might he haue some of his Idols there too for a time, and some of his Idolatrous service there also used. But seeing it is plain that some time before his death he did quiter shut-vp that House, and so it remained until the reign of this Hezechiah; and seeing that by the speech of this King unto the Priestes and levites, it seemeth that the King and the people before 2 Chr. 29▪ 6, 7 had altogether abandoned the use of that House, together with the worship that was there to bee done: it seemeth most likely, that neither had they any of their Idols here now, not so much as used now to sacrifice on that new brazen Altar neither; but that some other way they had defiled it, either by putting it to profane uses( as we diuers times do use such buildings or rooms, as we do not like of) or else that of purpose they had carried in much baggage and homely matter into it, so to wreak their bad hearts vpon it. otherways the Idols are not like to haue been so many, nor their appurtenances so weighty, but that such a company as it seemeth Hezechiah got together at this time, would haue removed in much less time than they did the uncleanness that now they dealt-with. But that this House of God might fall into so deep disgrace with them, as that in such sort they would abandon it, yea and vily profane it too, as before is noted, wee may easily conceive to be likely enough by the experience wee haue of those that are Image-worshippers with us, so greatly loathing the Church and true service of God as they do: and some of them, when they were on a gog, and had it in their hands to do as they list, so vily abusing the Communion-table, the book of Common-prayer, yea and the holy Bible itself, as they did. That which he did for his own kingdom, and for the kingdom of Israell withall, hath a certain appendent to it appertaining: and so are we, first to consider of the thing itself that so he did; then, of that appendent thereunto appertaining. The thing itself was, that he did so well gather them altogether, to the holding of passover unto the Lord, when the time was so far spent as now it was. For it was to be celebrated the fourteenth day of the first month, at even, whereas these had now already spent sixteen daies of this Exod. 12: 6 first month in cleansing the House, and were themselves legaly so far polluted thereby, that they might not offer the passover unto the Lord: but in such case were to rest until the fourteenth day of the second month, to be ready then to do it, and not to fail; as God by occasion had taken order long before. Now therefore the King, according to the liberty that God had given therein, determining to Num. 9: 6-14 keep that Feast unto the Lord,& desirous to gather thereunto not onely the people of his own kingdom, but all the Israelites besides, sent special Messengers abroad to that purpose throughout all their quarters: wherein although he got but 2 chr. 30: 1-27 a mock for his labour of many of them; yet were there diuers of them that came in marvelous well, and putting-too their hands to destroy certain Idolatry first, did in good manner perform the business they had in hand. Not but that many of them did it not altogether in so good manner as they ought to haue done, being Ibid. 17-20 so disaccustomed thereunto as they were; but that they did it with good hearts, and so well as their skill did then serve them: and that the King, perceiving that all was not so perfectly on all hands done as it ought to haue been, besought God for them, and obtained such favour as that he did not lay those defects unto the charge of any of them. But otherwise the whole assembly were so zealously bent now,& both the King and the Princes were so liberal towards them, that needs they would holdon Ibid. 21-27 this solemnity seven daies more of their own accord, worshipping the Lord, and rejoicing together in him, so as never since Salomons time they had done before; and then were they by the Priestes and levites accordingly dismissed in very good manner: but not so content, before they would return home again, they went altogether throughout judah, benjamin, Ephraim and Manasseh, and destroyed 2 Chr. 31: 14 2 King. 18: both the Idols yet remaining, and the High-places and groves withall, and then returned. The appendent hereunto appertaining, is of the Israelites onely, and it is no more but this, that notwithstanding that now they did come in so well unto the Lord as they did; yet shortly after, even in the dayes of this Hezechiah, and in the fourth year of his reign began that heavy iudgement of God to seize upon 2 kin 18: 9-12 them, even in the beginning of it, and before the sixth year of his reign was ended, did fully possess itself of them: namely, that the assyrians came in so strongly vpon them, that they destroyed most of them, took away the rest captive,& placed others in their rooms there; so that now they ceased, from this time forward, to bee any more a people. A good pattern to show, that when wee are even at the best, yet then are wee odious enough unto GOD: and that the plague which Fathers haue before deserved, may justly also fall on their Children, without any impeachment to the iustice of God. Yet is it a good warning withall, to all the Idolatrous sort whatsoever, that they do not rashly judge of the hand of GOD upon his people: as here it may bee they would happily take it, as if that hand of God had been so upon them, for that now they had so turned to GOD, and put down those idols, together with those High-places and groves, where the people did so corruptly worship. For the time ensuing, he likewise took order, both that 2 chr. 31: 2-21 the Priestes and levites should do their duty; and that the people should bring them in their due, in such sort as God before had appointed: and this latter the people so readily did, that the parties themselves confessed they had great plenty. whereupon the King took farther order, that those rooms should be repaired which were to keep that kind of provision for the continual maintenance of them, and that there all such things should be laid up, so to bee in a readiness for them. And what state or people soever they are, that would haue a ministery to serve, they also must accordingly provide for their due maintenance too: the better ministery they will haue, the nearer to come to that allowance that GOD appoynted; and the farther they will stand of from it, or the more they will take it short when once it hath been laid forth unto them, the more must they want the blessing that otherwise GOD would haue bestowed on them thereby. As also it is good, here to mark, that when now that wonted allowance which God had before prescribed unto thē, was discontinued, they did not cast by that occasion to abridge it or take it in, much less to withdraw it, and to set them downsome pension for it, or to leave it to every mans iudgement to allow them that which the glovers should think a competent stay: but cast their eyes to the original, marking what God himself had ordained, and framing out their allowance now by the pattern of it. That which hath not the time allotted unto it, and seemeth to haue followed after the other, Num 21: 8, 9 is, how he dealt with that brazen Serpent which Moses by the appointment of God had set up in the wilderness long before: namely, that it also he broke in pieces, 2 King 18: 4 because he understood that before those daies the people had taken up a dustom to b●r● incense unto it; and( belike when some did not seem to conceive well that so he did) said that it was but a piece of brasle. That it seemeth he did this after the other, doth probably arise, both out of the Text itself, and out of the nature of that abused creature. In the text it followeth after the other: first, but briefly, reciting or but going to the head of that, which elsewhere wee haue more fully described; and then more specially delivering this. In the nature of the creature abused, wee may note, that those idols which he destroyed were but the fictions of men; and those very absurd& foolish: but that this brazen Serpent was first erected by God himself;& that by it, when time was, God did miraculously give present recovery to his people, such as were deadly stung with serpents when they did but look on it, so the better to led us to him whose figure it was Most likely therfore it is, that he, minding reformation, woudl first begin with those gross idols: and then come to this also in the end. But what time so ever he did it, though some things there bee that may seem to make some question in it, whether he did well therein or not: yet is it, being better considered, a fact that is worthy of special regard. True it is, that it was first set up by God, that by it, it pleased him to give recovery to the people, and that therein it was an Image of Christ, and both an honourable and a lively repraesentation of him: and true again, that ●● plain terms the Text doth not commend him for it, but may seem to leave it in suspense whether he did well therein or not. But then it is plain again, that it is in the Text itself recited among his good works: and that his sincerity and zeal is there commended above many others who nevertheless are commendable too, for that he destroyed the High-places and groves, which those others suffered to stand. And as for the learned that followed, there is not any question with any that yet I haue seen,( neither might there justly be) but that it is there set down to his commendation. So may we account this fact of his very commendable even by the Text itself, though it be not in plain terms commended: and so doth leave us a good lesson, both for those that are in authority, and for the people: namely, that neither those that are in authority do suffer such among their people, nor the people repined to haue such things abolished, as whose first& right use is now extinct or determined, or at least but needless, and whereon since there is grown any such abuse as is dangerous to others: and herein not to regard, though the first institution of it were to special good purpose, and very honourably( as it were) descended withall; as the use of this was once very great, and no meaner than God himself the Author of it? 16 How it pleased God to bless him for this and all other his good service to him, is so much the rather to be marked, for that we shall find, that as he was indeed specially blessed: so was he notwithstanding held in special exercise too. he was specially blessed, for that it is plainly recorded, first but generally, that the Lord was 2 King. 18: 7 2 Chr. 31: 21 32: 2-8, 30. 2 King. 18: 8 2 Chr. 32: 2-8, 27-29. with him, and that he prospered, even in all things that he took in hand: then more specially, both that he praevailed much against the philistines; and was very great and mighty at home in honor and works that were suitable thereunto, and in great abundance of treasure and riches. That notwithstanding he was held in special exercise too, it is so much the rather to be marked, for that as yet we do not find that any special way he offended: unless it were in with-drawing himself and his people from 2 King. 18: 7 Ibid. 16: 7-9 that subiection wherein they were by his Father Ahaz before, which also wee do not find to be reproved in him. For as touching that where-with he is charged, that he was not so thankful to God, as he ought to haue been, that was not yet, 2 Chr. 33: 25 26. but afterward onely, as by the course of the Story it is delivered unto us: namely, after that first he had been sick, and was now again delivered from that his sickness. Which that we may the better perceive, we are to note, that for the first thirteen yeares of his reign, it seemeth he was quiet( saving that in that time the Israelites were taken away, as we red before) and occupied, as we heard, in abolishing Idolatry, and in planting true Religion and the right worship of God again. But now in the fourteenth year of his reign, he had, as it seemeth, all the exercise that now we speak of: both the invasion of the Assyrians; and his sickness. The Assyrian, it might seem, invaded the Land twice: first, till he was pacified by Ezechiah, and that which he sent him; then, when he besieged jerusalem itself, and departed not till he lost in one night the most part of his Army. When he was pacified by Hezechiah, and the present that he did sand him, it is plainly set down, 2 King. 18: 13-16. that it was in the fourteenth year of his reign. When he besieged jerusalem itself, and departed not but when he had that loss of his Army, is likewise set down Isai. 36: 1. to bee in the same fourteenth year of his reign. So it appeareth hereby, that both these invasions were but one, or atleast came very nigh together, and had not Bibl. Angl. 1594. in mar. e. certain yeares betwixt, as a marginal note of diuers learned would haue us to conceive: but that when Hezechiah assayed to pacify Senacharib, by his submission and praesents he sent him, the Assyrian took what was sent, but yet held on his purpose still. As also the circumstance of the place doth insinuate the same: 2 King. 18: 14 Lachis being the very place, whether Hezechiah sent to obtain that favour; and it being the place too, from whence Senacherib sent those his Captaines and host Ibid 17. Isa. 36: 2 2 Chr. 32. 9 against jerusalem, in that his supposed second invasion. That the sickness of Hezechiah was this year also, appeareth by the number of yeares that after his recovery were added unto him: they being fifteen; which together with his fourteen 2 King. 20: ● Isa 3●: ●. before, do make up his full reign of twenty and nine. Most likely also it is that this his sickness was, before Senacherib, and the host of the assyrians were 2 King. 20: 5, 6 Isa. 3●: 5, 6. retired, because the Lord doth by the Prophet Isay, promise deliverance, not onely from that his sickness, but also himself and the city jerusalem from the hands of the assyrians: though I know it be expounded by some, as if this his sickness were Bibl. Angl. ●● Isa. 3▪ ●●. after that the Army of the Assyrians was gon, and then that he would deliver him from them, though they came again to reuenge their former losses. So when Hezechiah had yet no way offended, but had done special good service to God, and had set himself in hand therewith even at his first entering into his kingdom, and that very zealously too, nevertheless it pleased GOD to exercise him with some kind of tribulation withall, and into that sweet cup of prosperity that he gave him to drink, to put in some bitter ingredients besides to mingle with it. Those were, first, by certain of his enemies: then, by his own bodily infirmity. Those enemies of his were the Assyrians, now growing up a-pace to a mighty state, to whom Ahaz his Father before had submitted himself and his kingdom, to bee holpen by them against the Syrians then joining with Israell against him: and to whom it seemeth that Ezechiah also had yielded some tribute( such as his Father had done before him) for some parte of his reign( how long, wee know not;) but that after, when he grew more mighty, he denied to bee so far in subiection, and learned rather to the egyptians. For as touching the Assyrians, the Text doth plainly say, both that he rebelled against the King of Assyria and 2 King. 18: 17 served him not, or acknowledged now no allegiance unto him; and that afterward Ezechiah himself confessed, that he had offended, and now would yield Ibid. 14. Ibid. 21. 24 Isa. 36: 6, 9 what should bee imposed on him: and as touching the egyptians, Rabsakeh doth plainly charge him( whether truly or not, wee cannot say) that he learned unto them. Now it may well bee, that Hezechiah conceived, that seeing he had so truly done his service to God, he might now safely withdraw his allegiance from the Assyrians; and that God would second him in it: but, if so he conceived, he did but deceive himself therein. For now the Assyrians came in so strongly vpon 2 King. 18: 13-16. him, that he was fain to yield to very hard conditions to be rid of them again; even to yield himself to bear whatsoever they should lay vpon him: which also went so hard with him( for he laid vpon him three hundred Talents of silver, and thirty Talents of Gold: able to wage an Army of six hundred thousand men, by the proportion Ibid 14. wee heard of hiering the Israelites before; the gold in this being in value 2 Chr. 25: 6 aequivalent unto the silver) that he was fain to empty all the Coffers both of the Lords House& of his own; and because that would not serve, to rive or rent off those Plates of Gold that himself before had dedicated( an hard shift) to the House of the Lord. So that seeking to deliver himself from that his chastisement, he now made it much harder unto him: and so it pleaseth GOD to deal some-times even with the best Seruants he hath, both to hold them under correction: and if they do not quietly bear that, then to enlarge it farther unto them. neither was this all, as it seemeth, that came in upon this, for that, as wee noted before, it seemeth that this was all one voyage, when now he came to jerusalem also: and then, that though he took what was sent( and that, belike now, but as part of his own, and meaning to be his own carver for more) yet would he not so rest, but held on his course in hostility still. In which second part of his voyage, it shal bee good for us to mark, first what is done by the parties themselves, or what it is that passeth betwixt them: then, how God in the end taketh up the matter himself. The parties are, on the one side, Senacherib the King of the Assyrians, and certain of his Captains with part of his Army: on the other, Hezechiah the King of judah, and certain others besides with him. And these parties haue enter-course or matters passing betwixt them twice: first, while the King of the Assyrians lay against Lachis, a strong city of judah, near unto the western Sea( and so was he already run through the Ios. 15▪ 39. Chr. Adrichom. ●● Dan. num. 4. hart of the country:) then also, when he removed thence to Libnah, another city near unto it. While as yet he lay at Lachis, he sent certain Captaines of his 2 King. 18: 17 ● chr. 32: 9-15 Isa. 36: 2. with a good part of his Army, to jerusalem, to make a proof whether they could get King Hezechiah willingly to yield: and, to that end, to terrify him and bring him in mind, that in no wise he was able to stand against him; and, among other terrible mists they should cast before him, that even his God in whom he trusted, could not deliver him out of his hands. His Captaines did according to his direction; and 2 King. 18: 17-38. 2 Chro. 32: 16, 18, 19. Isa 36: 2 20 were so far from slipping any part of that which was enjoined, as that they added more, and were therein more wicked than he: leading their A●●y against jerusalem, and in the parley they had with three of the Nobles of Ezechiah, whom at their demand he sent forth( to the walls) unto them, upbraiding them with great weakness in most insolent manner; and turning their speech to the people besides that were on the walls, they laboured to terrify them all that they could, and to 'allure them unto them. When those Commissioners of Hezechiah returned from that their parley, and certified the King of the manner of it, he was much troubled thereat: and thereupon 2 King. 18: 36. 37. 19: 1-4. Isa. 36: 21, 22 37: 1▪ 4. 2 Chr. 32: 20. both he sent certain of the chief about him, in sackcloth, unto the Prophet Isaiah to pray for them; and himself in sackcloth likewise( after their penitential manner) went up to the House of the Lord, there to seek for favour of him. To this the Prophet Isaiah answered comfortably, that Hezechiah needed not to sear: 2 king. 19: 5-7 Isa. 37: 5-7 2 King. 19: 8-13. Isa 37: 8-13. 2 Chr. 32: 17 that his enemy should do no hurt there, but return and perish at home. When Senacherib removed from Lachis and went to Libnah( which was, as it seemeth, vpon a fear that he conceived, that the Ethiopians were coming to join with Hezechiah against him; and, it may be, as to a more convenient place, to stop their passage, or to be better secured himself) then sent he other Messengers, and a letter with them, to the same end as before, but now to hasten him unto it, for fear that he might not tarry about it. Which his letter when Hezechiah had received, and red, he again went up to the House of the Lord( he having all his refuge in him) and spread the letter 2 King. 19: 14-19. Isa. 37: 14-20 before him, as acquainting him with the insolency and blasphemy of it, and defiring him to take notice of it: and, in that his distress, to help him. We do not read that now at this time he sent to the Prophet again; but went himself directly to God by prayer: but God doth now by the Prophet sand him a more comfortable 2 King. 19: 20-34. Isa. 37: 21-35 message than before, being first more largely made, and confirmed by a sign; then, for his farther confirmation repeated again, and more expressly therein delivered unto him. These things being passed betwixt the parties, and being now to see, how God in the end took up the matter himself, we find that he made a quick 2 Kings. 19: 35-37. 2 Chro. 32: 21. 22. Isa. 37: 36-38 and a ready dispatch of it there, in one night( and even the same after which the Prophet had sent him this second message; and so the Lord made no long tarrying therein) destroying of the most valiant men of his Army, one hundred fourscore and five thousand, so that he was fain to hast home with shane; and himself likewise at home, in the Temple of his own idol, even as he was worshipping it, and by such as came of his own bowels also. Which so effectually wrought in the hearts of others, that many brought offerings unto jerusalem, there to offer them unto the 2 Chr. 32: 23 Lord; and praesents likewise unto the King: so that now he was, from this time forward, had in much more honour than before. That which was bee his bodily infirmity, was a grievous sickness which that year also he had: as touching which his sickness, first we haue the Story of that his sickness itself set down unto us; then, of one other thing thereunto appertaining. In the Story of his sickness itself, we find for a time, that his life was despaired: but that soon after there was good hope of recovery again. His life was a time despaired, first by the extremity of the sickness itself: then much more, by a message the Prophet brought him. The extremity 2 King. 20: 21 2 Chr. 32: 24 Isa. 38: 1. of the sickness itself was such, that it is said he was sick unto death, or so dead sick, as we term it, that there was no hope of recovery in him. The message that the Prophet brought him, consisted of two principal partes; and both of the Lord: one, to put his house in order; the other, the reason why so he should do, namely, that he should not live, but dy. A good order to bee observed of all, and 2 King. 20: 1 Isa. 38: 1. so much the rather, seeing the direction is from God himself, that wee should set things in order when we see that God is about to ●ut us off here: and, because that time is ever uncertain, therefore ever to bee in a readiness for that point also. In that hope of recovery that soon after arose unto him, wee haue noted unto us, first whereupon it arose unto him: then, what was the thing itself. It arose unto him( as out of a secondary cause) out of his great sorrow thereon, and prayer to God, that 2 King. 20: ●, 3 2 Chr. 32 14 Isa. 38: ●, 3 it would please him to deal more favourably with him. The thing itself was, that first he had assurance given: and accordingly did recover indeed. His assurance was, first by the word of the Prophet; then, by a sign: and both of GOD. The word was, that before the Prophet was yet gone out of the house, the Lord willed 2 king. 20: 4-6 2 Chr. 32: 24 Isa. 38: 4-6 him to return again, and to tell the King, that on those his tears and prayer he had taken compassion on him: and both would give him fifteen yeares longer; and deliver him besides from those his enemies the Assyrians. The sign that was given him, was given vpon the Kings demand; and wherein himself had some choice too: 1 kin 20: 8-11 2 Chr. 32: 24 Isa. 38: 7, 8, 1● and it was, that the shadow in a Sunne-dyall there, should go back ten such spaces or portions as in that dial were noted. But of what quantity of time those spaces were, whether full houres, or more or less; as also, whether but onely the shadow went back so far( which was sufficient for that purpose, being miraculous enough in itself) or whether the Sun itself went so far back too: as the Text itself doth not declare it, so neither are the learned agreed on it. According to 2 King. 20: 7 Isa. 38: 21 which promise before, and confirmation after by the sign that was given, the King taking a Medicine that the Prophet prescribed, he did recover. That one other thing hereunto appertaining, is, that writing of Hezechiah which he made upon this his Isa. 38: 9-20 sickness and recovery again: wherein he seemeth to haue it a principal part of his meaning, to confess against himself the great infirmity of his mind therein, taking it so discomfortably, yea and so vnquietly as he did, that having been so careful as he was to serve God, nevertheless he must then bee so soon cut off in the flower of his yeares, when he was not yet forty yeares old, and had not reigned full fourteen yet; but in the end he acknowledgeth the goodness of God therein, and promiseth to be thankful for it. Wherein it seemeth, that we may very well note( as indeed it is true, that all men haue there wants, even the best that are) two special defects in this good King; one, that he had no better comfort in that his way-gate; the other, that he did no highlier extol that so special favour of God in his recovery. For as touching that Way-gate of his, or that his departure that was threatened unto him, God be thanked there are so faire promises made,& so great good things assured unto us, in the estate next after ensuing, that although the flesh may well be allowed by course of Nature, to abhor and repined at our dissolution, especially if wee haue some good estate here, as he, it may bee, accounted he had: yet may the faithful bee very willing, if so it please God, to leave and abandon whatsoever they haue here, to attain unto that which is provided for them there; and not onely willing, but even glad and joyful, whensoever they see the time approaching, that they may bee allowed that happy passage. So likewise, that he could not so rest in the word of the Prophet for his recovery, and yet could so easily do it for his departure before, but that now he must needs haue a sign, when nevertheless that Prophet was now of very special reckoning, and long had been a known man among them, and known that God was wont to deal by him( for he had prophesied all the time of Ahaz his Father, Iotham his Grand-Father, and part Isa. 1: 1. of the reign of Uzziah his great Grand-Father also, all kings of judah) when as God now not only bare with that his great infirmity, but yielded unto him and gave him a sign, and that a very rare one too; and not onely gave him a speedy and a full recovery but added fifteen yeeres more to his life( a savour that he never heard to bee vouchsafed to any before, nor wee since:) howe likely a thing is it, that any man( lightly) would in such case bee so affencted with so strange and admyrable favour, that he could not tell, either how to begin, or how to take up in extoling of it; especially such an one, as was so troubled to hear of his departure before. 17 nevertheless these are none of those infirmities that we spake of before: these latter being but onely defects; and that other( his fear of death) so incident unto the nature of Man, that it is to be easily censured in any. But those infirmities that we spake of then, and of which wee are to consider now, are but onely those, where-with he is afterward charged: and in those wee are to mark, not onely what those his infirmities were; but withall, how the lord did remember him for them. Such as they were, they are, some of them onely noted generally: but one of them, more specially. Those that are noted generally, are two: one, unthankfulness; the other, as the fountain whence it proceeded, loftiness of mind. Wherein he 2 Chr. 32: 25 was unthankful wee haue not noted unto us, nor plaiuely to whom: but in that it is said, that he did not render according to the reward or favour that on him was bestowed, and wee red not of any such special favour bestowed on him but onely by God, and part of it by the ministry of Isaiah the Prophet; out of this it may seem that it may bee probably gathered, that one way or other he was not so dutiful to God as be ought to haue been, or not so regardful to Isaiah. And true it is, that experience teacheth, that good Princes can hardly brook sometimes, to bee in any thing crossed by a Prophet, as wee saw in Asa and Amaziah before: and this Story 2 Chr. 15: 10. 25: 15, 16 2 Kings. 20: 16-18. Isa. 39: 5-7 that now we are in, doth plainly show, that shortly after this Prophet wee speak of came to Hezechiah, as sent from the Lord, and reproved one special thing he had done. So likewise, wherein his heart was so lifted up, or wherein he had that loftiness of mind, we haue not set down unto us: but an usual thing it is, and very incident unto the Nature of Man, either in prosperity, or upon any special endowment( yea and vpon a vain conceit of our own too, that some such matter is in us that is not) in all such cases to take vpon us, not onely before men, but ouer-often, even before God too. For these it pleased God so to remember him and his people 2 Chr. 32: 25 26. too, that wrath came both vpon him, and vpon judah and jerusalem withall; notwithstanding, that they humbled themselves when they had so done: but not in the dayes of Hezechiah; neither is it declared what that wrath was that here is spoken of. But seeing that much wrath did afterward indeed fall vpon them, in the daies of all the kings that followed, even in the dayes of josiah, the best of them all( in the end of his reign) but then especially when the people and their cities were for the most part destroyed, and such of the people as remained, carried away captive to Babylon: hence may we learn, that even the best men we haue, may by their slidings be some part of the cause, of those heavy judgements that others more wicked do pluck vpon them. That one infirmity of his, which is more specially noted unto 2 Kings. 20: 12, 13. 2 Chr. 32: 31 Isa. 39: 1, 2 us, is, that he was so open unto the Ambassadors of the King and Princes of babel, who came to congratulate his recovery unto him, and to inquire of that wonder that was a little before done in the land( that, it seemeth, which was given him for a sign that he should recover) acquainting them very unadvisedly with his whole estate, even with his very treasure too: but noted withall, that the lord left him therein to himself; and so may teach us, how vndiscreetely the best of us all may carry ourselves, when we are not specially assisted by God. The punishment that he had for this, was, that the Prophet denounced unto him from the lord, that a time 2 Kings. 20: 14 19. Isa. 39: 3-8 would come, when all those goodly rich things of his, and all that his Progenitors had to that day gathered together, should go as a prey to Babylon; and that his seed should bee brought into subiection and service there: nevertheless, that this should not be till after his time; and the King was glad that it pleased God to vouchsafe him that favour. A faire warning for all others much rather, not to rouse ourselves in those earthly things that God doth give us; but to bee so much the more careful to serve the giver of them, and ourselves to fear, or in humility of mind to bear a low sail in them: as also, that whereas we get so immoderately such things together to make our Children great, if ourselves glory in them in the mean season, we may thereby overthrow all that provision unto our Children, and bring them to slavery too. nevertheless, Hezechiah for his time had such peace, and did so shut up the course of his life, in so good account with his people, that in his burial they did him the most honour they could. 2 Chr. 32: 33 CHAP. 18. 1 THE kingdom of judah being thus recovered again by the government of this good King, and this recovery being begun while yet the kingdom of Israell stood, and continuing many yeares after: now are wee to see, in what case they stood, after that they had so faire a warning in their Bretheren( and so strong, they being now cast off for ever;) and when God, after that rejection of their Brethren, had given themselves about one hundred thirty& three years to settle them in, and to take better hold. But herein we shall see, that neither this sharp warning that now God had given them, neither this good time that after it they had to settle themselves unto better, did much avail them; but that still they were afterward such as they were before: first, for the time that immediately followed; then, for all the rest of their time that after ensued. In the time that immediately followed, was the reign of Manasseth, succeeding his Father Hezechias in the kingdom. In whose time, Manasseh. 14. by the reason of their King that so did led them, they did notably fall away again; and were for the same accordingly punished: but how long that reuoulting of theirs continued, wee haue no where declared. It is plainly set down, that the King 2 King. 20: 21. 21: 1. 2 Chr. 32: 33-34: 1. 2 King 21: 1, 9, 11, 16. 2 Chr. 33: 1-9 2. Chr. 3●: 12, 1●. joan. wolph. in 2 Reg. 21. 1. himself did led them unto it: and that he did reign very long, longer than any of his Progenitors before, even five and fifty yeares; and, that he was but twelve years old when he began. But then we haue it delivered withall, that afterward he repented him of his Idolatry and loser ways, and restored the true worship of God again: but neither is it plainly set down, neither may it( so far as I see yet) by circumstance be gathered about what time of his reign it was that so he repented. The Hobrewes are of opinion, and S. Hierom, it seemeth, by them, that a long time he was in that his amendment. But seeing in the books of the kings there is no mention at all of his repentance, but altogether of his foul apostasy and sin, and 2 King. ●1: 6. 2 Chr. 33: 6 when he had Children( which for certain yeares after first he began to reign, he could not haue) he then committed foul Idolatry with them, it may se me rather thereby, that that his sin was the most predominant, or the most conspicuous thing in his reign, because it onely is spoken of there: and then, that his repentance and amendment is more likely thereby to haue been towards the end of his reign. So likewise, seeing himself was not able to govern his kingdom when first he came to it, being then but twelve yeares old; and we heard noted before, that Hezechiah his Father was not the man towards God that he ought to haue been, after al those favours received: hence may it seem, that Hezechiah himself, towards the end of his reign, did grow more careless of Religion than before; both for that he left so corrupt men behind him to haue the government of his son, as, it seemeth he did; and for that there is such probability as there is, that his son also was no better instructed. Who at those yeares, with reasonable industry or pains taking, might other-wise haue been brought to some reasonable good understanding and knowledge of the truth: and, if his Father had been resolute and forward it is most likely( by the usual course of Gods dealing) to some special good liking therof also. In what sort he offended, during the time( whether it were less or more) that he abode in that his since, wee haue not onely set down what his sin ●● itself was: but withall, how offensive it was unto God. That wee may the better see, what his sin itself was, we are to mark, that first we haue relation of that wherein he drew in the people also to offend with him; then, of such others, ●● did more specially concern but himself: and, that is order is twice observed. In the former of which, beginning with those wherein he drew in the people also to bee offenders with him, first wee haue his sin set down but generally: but then, in diuers particulars besides. Generally it is said, that he did evil in the fight of the Lord, after the ● King. 21: 2 2 Chr 33: 2. abomination of the Heathen, whom the Lord had cast out before the Children of Israell. In that which is set down more specially of him, first wee haue noted what he did else-where in all other places besides: then, what he did in the house of the Lord. In his doings else-where, he is first noted to bee contrary to his Father, building up the High-places again, that his Father had broken down before; Ibid. 3. 2 Chr. 33: 3 and to bee like unto Ahab, both in erecting Altars to Baal, and making a grove( a degenerate Imp in the mean season:) and that besides, he worshipped all the host of heaven, and served them. coming to the House of the lord, first for the House itself, he built Altars( to others) there( as we in our Churches, Ibid. 4, 5. 2 Chr. 33: 4, 5 haue worshipped others also) which house was ordained onely for him: then, in both the Courts of the house, he built Altars also, even to all the host of heaven. Such as in this place did more specially concern himself, are the next that follow: and therein haue wee noted, first what those things were; then, as it seemeth, in what measure he employed himself therein. They were, that he caused his Sons Ibid 6. 2 Chr. ●●: 6 Ibid. to pass through the fire: and gave himself to Witch-craft and Sorcery; and used those that had familiar Spirites, and South-saiers. The measure by which it seemeth he employed himself therein, belike was great, for that it is said he wrought much evil( therein it seemeth, or at least it may be so taken too, if otherwise it bee not more general) in the sight of the Lord, to anger him withall. In the latter of them, there is but one thing noted wherein he drew in the people to offend with him: but in this, wee haue not onely that particular fault of his; but also how the Lord was offended with him and the people, for this and the rest. In his fault we haue noted likewise, not onely what that fault of his was: but, more plainly here than before, how he drew in the people with him. His fault now was, that having made a certain Image of a grove, that did he set in house of the Lord likewise. Ibid. 7. 2 Chr. 33: 7 Ibid. 7. 2 Chr. 33: 7 Ibid. ●. 2 Chr. 33: 8 Ibid. 9. 2 Chr. 33: 9 Ibid. 10 15▪ 2 Chr. ●3: 10 Which sin of his, is again amplified by the original use of the place: first towards GOD, that it was properly dedicated to him; then, on behalf of the people, that it was a pledge unto them, that they should never remove thence again, if they observed for their part the covenant betwixt them. He so drew in the people with him, that they obeied not( according to their covenant before) but were lead out of the way by him, to do more wickedly than the Heathen people whom the Lord( for their wickedness) destroyed before the Children of Israel. The Lord was so offended with him and the people for this and the rest, that he took purpose to bring heavy iudgments on them for it: and to that end by certain of his Seruants the Prophets he acquainted them with it, and namely, that he would deal with them as he had done with Samaria and the house of Ahab before, even utterly forsaking them, and delivering them over to their enemies on every side; but they made no reckoning thereof. That which in this place did more specially concern himself, was, that he shed much innocent blood, and, as it were, even Ibid. 16. filled jerusalem with it. In which point, the Hebrewes do more specially charge him, that notwithstanding he had married the Prophet Isaies Daughter( as they also conceive) yet he spared not him neither, but most cruelly put him to death among others. But it may probably seem, that if it were so, it would haue been mentioned here, both for the strangeness of the fact, and for the dignity of Esaies person, being so notable a Prophet long as he had been, and of such Parent age as it seemeth he was. The punishment that at this time they had for this, is but briefly described; as if all were shut up in the person of the King: namely, that the Lord brought upon them the Captaines of the host of the King of Ashur, who 2 Chr. 33: 11 took Manasses, and put him in Fetters, and bound him with chains, and so carried him to Babel. But when as so they dealt with the King, wee may well conceive, that there were many others that smarted besides. In the rest of their time that after ensued, they were twice set up again; but stood no better than before: so that in either of them wee are to see, first how they were again set up; then, how ill it was that they stood. The former of these was in the daies of him that now wee speak of; and of his son who next succeeded him in his King 〈◇〉: they being again set up in the former of them; and falling down again in the latter. As touching their setting up again by Manasses the former of the● that now we speak of, we are given to understand, that in that his tribulation he humbled himself unto the Lord, and in such sort sought unto him, that the Lord was entreated of him, 2 Chro. 33: 12, 13. Ibid. 14-17 and so brought him home again, and restored him unto his kingdom: and that he thereupon( besides some other works that he did) ●●olished the Idolatry he had set up, and advanced the true worship of God again; and yet not ●o 〈◇〉, but that the people did sacrifice still in the High-places, though to none other now but onely to God. A kind of reformation that in some part 〈…〉 that is to be seen in over many of the greater sort of ours also: especially, so far as our several Churches may bee resembled to that Temple of theirs; and the greater sort among us to that whole people of them. For albeit, that among us also corrupt Religion be much abolished, and the true worship of God again restored: yet the greater sort among us every where almost, do but few of them, and seldom repair to their Parish-Churches, there to worship with the rest of their bretheren in the congregation, to help forward others by their example; but onely worship, or haue divine service at home in their own houses( and that sometimes by Lads too, or some base seruant of theirs) in such High-places as they haue there, yet( God bee thanked) doing their worship onely to God. But now for the people of judah generally, seeing Idolatry was now abolished, and the true worship of God restored unto them, they might not deny, but that now they were in good measure set up or restored again: though yet notwithstanding his credit was not so raised among his own people, but that( whatsoever conceit they had of him) when he died, they did not vouchsafe to bury him among the kings his praedecessors, but 2 King. 20: 18 2 Chr. 33: 20 onely in his own Garden at home. 2 Their falling away at this time is not plainly set down, but onely employed: namely, that Manasses being departed Amon his son succeeded him in his kingdom; Amon. 15. and reigned two yeares; and was a very bad one, after the former ways of his 2 King. 21: 18. 19. 2 Chr. 33: 20, 21. Father. So, for his departure or falling away, there is nothing spoken, but onely of the King himself: but when the King himself is so corruptly given, wee may easily conceive, that the people did soon follow after. As touching his Story, his reign, we see, was but short: and so we may easily conceive, that his Story will not be long. In it we haue, first how he sinned: then, how he was punished. His sin wee haue set down, first generally: then, more specially. Generally, that he did evil in thē 2 King. 21: 20 2 Chr. 33: 22 2 King. 21: 21, 22. 2 Chr. 33: 22, 23. 2 King. 21: 23, 24. 2 Chr. 33: 24, 25. sight of the Lord, as his Father Manasses did. More specially he is noted, to haue followed the ways of his father in his Idolatry, and that to haue done more& more; but never to haue repented himself thereof as his Father had done: and farther to haue added, that he quiter forsook the Lord God of his Fathers, and walked not in his way. His punishment was, that his seruants conspired against him, and slay him in his own house: which fact notwithstanding the Lord so avenged by others soon after, that when it had done his just iudgement on one that had so much provoked his wrath against him, it might not then stand as an unpunished example to others. 3 The latter of these reacheth throughout the Story of all that follow: and first again, how they were yet once more restored; then, how foully they fel away after. Restored they were by him who next succeeded, josiah his son, whom the josiah, 16: people made King in stead of his father: who being so taken to the kingdom when 2 King. 21: 26. ●2: 1. 2 Chr. 33: 25. 34: 1. he was but young, being then but a very child, of eight yeares age, held thē kingdom indeed a good time, one and thirty yeares; but yet by his own adventure was soon cut off in the flower of his age, so that he never came unto sorry. Of which his one and thirty yeares reign, eight yeares there are, in which it seemeth, we haue no Story of him, namely till he was sixteen yeares old, which was the eight year of his reign: during which time it may well be, that the estate of the people was but pitiful still, much like ●● Amon his Father did leave it; yet now( by likelihood) growing ●● better. Insomuch that whereas it is said of his whole government generally, ● King. 22: ● 2 Chr. 34: 2 that he did uprightly in the fight of the Lord, and walked in all the ways of david his Father, and bowed neither to the right hand nor to the left, it seemeth to appertain but to that part of his reign, wherein growing to discretion and iudgement, himself began to deal in the affairs of his kingdom. Which when he did, wee haue noted unto us, both how he made his entrance thereinto at the first: and how well he did employ himself therein afterward also. When he made his entrance thereinto at the first, the first thing that we read of, was, that he began to seek after 2 Chr. 34: 3 the God of david his Father: and that so he did while yet bee was but a child; which also is there noted to bee, in the eight year of his reign, when he was about sixteen yeares old. Those good employments of his that followed after, are sorted to two special times of his reign: some to the twelfth year of his reign, when himself was twenty yeares old; others, to the eighteen of his reign, when himself was six and twenty. unto the twelfth year of his reign we haue some things very plainly ascribed: but then haue wee some others besides, that are not known then to be done, but onely by something that followeth after. Those that are in plain terms to it ascribed, are, that he destroyed Idols and Idolatry, first in 2 Chr. 34: 3-7 judah and jerusalem: then, in many cities of Israell besides, such it seemeth as had joined themselves to judah. Those others besides which were done then also, or Tremel. jun. thereabout( betwixt that, and the eighteen following) and yet are not known then to bee done but by something that followeth after, is the order that was taken for a collection to get in Money for the repairing of the Temple. For in the eighteen year order being taken for the bestowing of it, being come in somewhat afore, 2 King. 22: 3-9 2 chr. 34: 8-13 there may be no question of it, but that order was likewise taken before how it might be first gotten in. unto the eighteen year of his reign, when he was of the age of six and twenty, are diuers things ascribed: some that the King had in purpose to do; others that fell out by occasion. That which he had in purpose to do; was, that by that time having gotten some reasonable quantity of Money in, 2 King. 22▪ 3. 23: 23. 2 Chr. 34: 8. 35: 19. they set in hand with repairing of the lords House: and that as themselves had so good a care of it, so it pleased God to bless them with such workmen, as dealt very well and faithfully with them in the business to them committed. In that which fell out by occasion, we are to consider, first, of the occasion we speak of: then, of that which was done thereupon. The occasion was in that the High-Priest, finding a book of the Lawe, as he was repairing or cleansing the Temple, acquainted the 2 King. 22: 8-10. 2 Chr. 34▪ 14-18. King therewith, by those Messengers that the King had sent unto him about other business. That which was done thereunto, was, first to understand the will and pleasure of God therein: then, to do thereafter so near as he could. To understand the will and pleasure of God therein, first he sought but unto the book that so was sent him: but then he sought farther to the Lord himself. He sought but unto the book that was sent him, when he gave ear to the reading of it: but that 2 King. 22: 10, 11. 2 Chr. 34: 16-19. it appeareth, he effectually did( a good example, of what force even Reading also is, with those that are zealous indeed) both for that he did conceive that sorrow thereon;& because he did so specially sent about farther enquiry. In that farther inquiry about which he sent, it shall be good for us to mark what course was held therein: and how to apply it to our use also. The course that was held therein, was, first on the Kings part, both that he sent very special men about it; and that his direction 2 King. ●●: 12-20. 2 Chr. 34: 20-2●. unto them was, that they should inquire of the Lord: then, on theirs, that they went to one Huldah, a woman, then also in the estate of Wedlock, it seemeth, but a prophetess, to inquire of her concerning this matter;& having conferred with her about it, they so returned to the K. again, bringing to him her iudgement thereon. To our use we may apply it, if we also do so resolve, that to inquire of those with whom we see the spirit of God in such sort to be, as that they haue a reverend regard to his holy word, and are of an humble and peaceable temper withall, first in the ordinary ministry that he hath given us; then also, if it fail there, in any other whatsoever, is to inquire of the Lord( at least, so far as there is nothing delivered by them, but that which agreeth with the word itself:) and here, in this Story, we may see, that we haue the iudgement and course of a sort of special men, chosen by a godly and a virtuous King, one of them also the High-Priest himself, concurring with vs. neither at this time did the prophetess herself say any more, than any of the Priests or levites, or any other that had diligently and in good manner exercised themselves in the Book of the Law, might out of it as fully haue done: saving onely, that shee applied the promise that was made generally to all, to him that now sent to inquire of her; of which another, onely by the word, might also haue given a very good hope, though not such certainty as she then did, in that particular, the heartes and truth of the ways of men being known onely to God, and to whom it shall please him to reveal them. For the Lord had so opened his mind before for such matters, by the ministry of Moses, in two several places, to that lieu. 26: 3-45 Deut▪ 28: 1-6● end specially directed( besides all others that else-where came in by occasion) that even out of those only might that censure be gathered, that the prophetess now gave unto them: especially, if we lay thereunto, that which God himself delivered to Salomon, when he had builded, and did dedicate the Temple unto him; which it( it may 1 King. 9: 2 9 2 chr. 7: 11-22 be) was then also written and added to that copy of the book of the Law, if not, yet must it of necessity bee of fresh remembrance of them, so many as had regard to such matters. It may be also, that God had not acquainted the prophetess howe josias should in the end overthrow himself, and by his folly fall into the hands of his Enemies: and that he opened no more unto her, but for those matters about which he sent, that none of those should fall in his time; but that, for any thing that thereof should fall vpon him, he should be brought to his grave in peace. Thus understanding the will and pleasure of God for that matter, and therein, that his wrath was sore bent against the whole Land for those idolatries of theirs, and other sins which they had committed, he setteth in had to make redress for those matters now: first by gathering the whole people to make a new covenant with God; then, by doing certain special services besides. To gather the whole people to make a new 2 king. 23: 1-3 2 Chr. 34: 29-32. covenant with God, he first sent for, and gathered together to jerusalem all the Elders, and the people great and small; and himself red, as it seemeth, or at least caused to be red, in the ears of the people, the book of the covenant: then, both himself first entered into the covenant, or made covenant with the lord, that thence-forward he would do according to the laws and ordinances in that Book prescribed unto them; and then caused all the people there assembled to do the like. In those special services that he did unto God besides, we are to consider, first what they were: then, that although they were special services indeed, yet did they not praeuaile so far with God, as we might easily conceive that they should. To find out that they were special good services to God, if we mark, we may note, that they were of two sorts: one, the abolishing of much of the evil that was among them; the other, that he likewise set in hand with some special worship of God. The evil that he abolished, was, for the most part, Idolatry, and such things as did belong unto it; but partly also, both that sin against nature, and diabolical Arts and practices 2 King. 23: 4▪ 20, 24. 2 Chr. 34: 33 2 King. 23: 9 besides: and not onely for Idolatry, but for other corrupt worshipping also, he was so resolute( for by his direction it is most likely to bee) that the Priestes of the High-places might not after minister in the House of the Lord( though they in those high places had worshipped none other but onely the lord, and not any Idols: for then had their case been all one with the others) but onely, on their conformity, were allowed to haue their sustenance with the rest of the Priestes, of the avails that out of the offerings of the people were allotted unto them. That special worship of God wherewith likewise he did set in hand now, was the ordinary service of God there in the Temple: and holding of a passover unto the Lord. But the former of these is in such sort interlaced in the Story of the other, that it seemeth, the latter of them was his principal intention: and the former of them, but for the better performance 2 Chr. 35: 2-6, 10, 11, 15, 16 Ibi. 1, 6-9, 11-14, 16. 17. 2 King. 23: 21 of the other. nevertheless it is plain, that he took good order for the former too: and that it was accordingly performed. But the latter of them was performed in very rare manner: not onely the King and his Nobles, the Priestes and levites being present at it, but the inhabitants of jerusalem also, and all judah and many of these Israelites that then remained; and what by the King and his Nobles, and certain other principal Fathers, there were given unto it three thousand eight hundred bullocks, and of lesser Cattle, sheep, Goates, lambs, and Kids, thirty seven thousand and six hundred. Insomuch that it is plainly said, that 2 King. 23: 22 2 Chr. 35: 18 since the daies of samuel, there was never the like: nor, that any of the Kings, ever at any time, kept any such. That nevertheless these good services of his, did not so much praeuaile with God, as we might easily conceive that they should, it shall be good for us not onely to note, what it is which here to that purpose is said: but that ourselves do mark likewise, whether wee may not spy some such defect therein, as that wee may the rather account that it is no marvell if they praevailed no farther than they did. That which here to that purpose is said, is, that when it is before acknowledged, that none of the kings before him were in godly disposition like unto him: yet doth it 2 King. 23: 25 Ibid. 26, 27 follow immediately after, that the Lord notwithstanding turned not from the fierceness of his wrath; but held on his purpose still to put judah out of his sight, as he had don Israell before( which was, after the time of Christ, fully performed) and therewith, even jerusalem the head city thereof, and the Temple itself. The defect that we may see in this his service to God, is no more but this: that whereas wee haue so special mention of this one passover held, it seemeth he held no more; especially, seeing he and others were at so great charges with it. But it is plain, that the Law of God required it to be yearly done: and so it may seem, that although himself were passing well minded( as he hath indeed notable testimony given him therein) yet the sway of former disusage dazzled his eyes so far, that himself also could rest contented, if he could obtain of his people, that they would hold one such passover unto the Lord, as now he had done. And true it is indeed, that when some general corruption hath once ouer-flowed any people, and for some time hath lain vpon them: then may there be among such, diuers of them sincerely given, and marvelous well minded; and yet notwithstanding very defective, even in their best services whatsoever. But then may this teach us withall, that it is not sufficient to be passing well mi●●ed in ourselves, unless wee farther endeavour, to get ourselves in all things( appertaining to our duty to God) fully intormed of the will and pleasure of God; and that then we set in hand to do accordingly: and we are farther to take heed in ourselves( though we find no reason to charge josias with it; but good testimony to clear him rather) that we never think to make some one pompaticall piece of service, that we will more specially do unto God, to stand in steede of such ordinary service as he requireth. love me a little, and love me long( a proverb oft times used among us) may well bee allowed to haue some place in such things also: experience itself so often teaching, that many( of the greater sort, especially) among us( and of the meaner too, that in their kind would, some way or other, be as great as they could) although after a sort they do profess, and seem to be well minded also, yet seldom do they frequent the public exercise of our Religion, but onely after a portly manner; and yet look that those seldom repairings of theirs unto it, should by the weight of the pomp or portlinesse of them, counterpois the usual repairings of others, nothing indeed so great in show, but in simplicity and plain dealing, every of them( for the most part) as good as theirs. 4 having thus reigned till he came to the point of one and thirty yeares, we are now to see, how by his own needless adventuring, himself was slain; and his kingdom surprised by foreign power: one of the most pitiful accidents, that ever befell the kingdom of judah; and such as was the very beginning of all their calamity, themselves never seeing so much as one good day after, so long as they stood a people or state in their own Land. But in it, it shall bee good to note, not onely the Story itself: but howe it may bee to good use applied. The Story 2 King. 23: 29, 30. 2 Chr. 35▪ 20-24. itself is in effect no more but this. The King of Egypt going to warfare against the King of Assyria, and purposing to go up against his enemy, even to Carchemish, a city near to the river Euphrates, and so to the heart( as it seemeth) of his dominions, or near unto it: the King of judah would needs impeach his passage by the way, on no occasion that the Text recordeth, being also by the King of Egypt specially warned to the contrary, and, as he pretended, from God himself; and taking his deaths wound in the field, he was carried home to jerusalem, and so dyed there, and was butted. In which his pitiful overthrow, the stranger that this iudgement of God is, that so good a Prince so soon miscarried, without any special offence of his that wee red of going before, though there be no question but that God had very just cause so to cut him off: yet is it good for us, so much the rather to look into it, and to see whether we also may not spy, that as the case was, there could bee no better end expected of it. That, it seemeth, wee may gather, first for that the Text itself doth not show, that he had any just cause so to adventure himself as he did: then much rather, for that some things it hath, that seem to convince him of inordinate dealing therein. Seeing the Text itself doth not show, that he had any just cause unto it, wee may well doubt that he had not: although it be the most mens judgements, that he feared( as in reason he might, if he Lyr. Va●a●. ●ib. A●●. jo. wolph. had not the better security one way or other) the surprising of his own realm thereby; and that thereupon he went and gave him battle. But what need he in such case to give him battle when as to that end it had been sufficient to haue been there with his forces where he thought there might be danger; or so to haue disposed of them, as had been meetest to such a purpose: and not to haue strucken, till he had seen there had been need? Those things that are in the Text itself, are two: one, how Pharaoh endeavoured to satisfy him therein; the other, the manner of Pharaohs passage. He endeavoured to satisfy josias in that matter, very orderly and carefully, as it seemeth: both sending him word that he meant no 2 Chr. 35: 20, 21. hurt unto him, and that GOD had sent him against those his enemies against whom he went( the Text also bearing him witness, that he said truly therein;) and warning him besides, not so far to oppose himself against God, least he sped thereafter. Now true it is, that josiah could not know him to say truly therein: but seeing he disclaimed to haue any purpose against him, and farther pretended that the lord had sent him about that business, and willed him to make hast therein; it had been no less than neighbour-hood or good dealing, betwixt man and man, had required, in such case to haue held of his hands, till he had seen farther cause to bee stirring. As touching Pharaohs passage, it is commonly taken, that he was to pass through the kingdom of josias, or some parte of it( as by those before recited:) and true it is, that judea did lye much in the way. But wee do not read, that he sent unto him for any passage that way as it is the manner of men in such case to do: especially such, as mean no hurt unto them by whom they would pass, as it was professed by the King of Egypt in respect of the kingdom of judah. So did Moses before: first of the Edomites; then, of the Amorites. Num. 20: 14-21. 21: 21, 22 And the truth is, that he had other passages besides: both on the right hand; and on the left. By the right hand he might haue passed, by the South end of the dead-Sea; and so haue left all judah on his left hand: but it appeareth by the place where they me● that he went not that way. By the left hand it is most likely he went: and that might he do, either by Land, or by Sea. If he would go by Land, then was he to go along by the Sea-side, called by them the great Sea, and is the same which is called the Middle-Earth-Sea with us, or the Lenant Sea, by the end of which all the Land of Israell is bounded on the West. Which way if he held, then he was to go by the country of the philistines, and through the Tribes: of Simeon and Dan, and by the west ends of Ephraim, and the one half of Manasses, before he should come to the place where josias was to stop his passage: and so all the way to haue had judah on his right hand. But I see no great probability that he went this way, becauses josias being purposed to be in his way, he might haue done that more to his advantage a great deal much sooner, even when first he came to the philistines, and all the way after: whereas now he was first to go clean out of the praecincts of all judah and benjamin, and to pass through the whole Tribe of Ephraim, and all that half Tribe of Manasses, before he could come to the place where he gave battle to the egyptians; but then could haue no colour at all to do it, when as they had passed all the way so near unto him before, and yet had never offered him any such dealing. So that the likeliest is, that whereas the Valley or plain of Megiddo, where the battle was given, was in the Tribe of Issachar, but indeed belonging to that half of Manasses that was nearest unto Ios. 17: 11. Christ. Adrichō i● Issachar. ●●●. 28. it, and near unto that Sea side that lay towards egypt, the King of egypt came with his Army thither by Sea: and that after he had taken Land to go on his journey( and this way lay very fit for him) he had this battle given by josias. This do I think so much the more likely, for that it is said by the King of egypt, 2 Chr. 35: 25 that God had commanded him to make hast in that his voyage. For so might he free himself and his Army of diuers cumbrances in passage that other-wise he was likely enough to haue by Land; and the better avoyde the rumour of his coming against his Enemies, which by this means was like to bee much less, than if he had gone all his journey by Land. If it were so, though Pharaoh, being landed there, might haue turned some-what back upon the kingdom of josias,( for such things are some-times in policy done:) yet by his landing so far off from him, he had the less apparent cause to doubt him: and wee read of no intelligence he had to the contrary. The knowledge of the place whither the King of egypt was going with his Army, were likely to help us much to know the way that he took, if wee could attain to the knowledge of it, near unto what part of Euphrates it stood. But that( I think) doth not appear, not onely by any of our commentaries, but also not by Pliny before, nor ptolemy after, nor by our late Geographers since. There bee that haue thought this Carchemish to haue been Tremel. I●●. Fra. I●●▪ Zeugma; but one of them since doth vary, and goeth to another which doth much near resemble the name: but neither doth he show in what part of Euphrates it standeth; and it is known unto all, that the river is of great length. But if it were Zeugma, as first they both agreed, it indeed stood very fit for the course that( it seemeth) Pharaoh was in: and it is noted, to yield a special good passage Plin. lib. 5. 6. 24 over Euphrates. For it standeth from the place where the battle was strucken, in a manner, in right line beyond Damascus: but that they say, it was the lowest Ortel. in Asia. Adric. in Theatro. ●●r saint. passage over Euphrates, belike they haue their authority for it; other-wise so standing, that it leaveth a greater part of the river( by far) beneath it, than it is above. As also it seemeth much to cross that other Cercusium which master Iunius rather leaneth unto now, for that by the selfsame place of Ammianus which there he recyteth, it is most likely, that there also was passage over Euphrates, for that it was made a border-fortification to prevent the damage that before they had, by the incursion of the peoples adjoining: and then must it either be above the other( and then was it farther out of the way, and more unlikely to bee the place that is spoken of here) or else the other must not bee the lowest passage over that river, but( rather of the two) leave this to bee most likely to bee the place( if it were the lowest passage) though the other bee in name more like unto it, at least if there bee no more than yet appeareth. endeavouring to apply it to good use, wee may so do, first generally to all: then, to one sort of people more specially. To all generally, first that such as are best of all given to the aduancement of Gods glory here, are yet to take heed, that they not so account of Gods protection for the same, as that any way they put themselves in danger inordinately; himself having a promise before, that for those evils that were to come vpon 2 King 2●: ●0 2 Chr. 34: 28 the Land after his time, and about which he sent to inquire) he should bee brought to his Fathers in peace: then, that the sin of men may bee so great, that though after they do never so well, as josias now did, yet may not the course of Gods determinate judgements ever bee stayed. That one sort of people whom it 2 King 22: 15 17. 2 Chr. 34: 23-25. concerneth more specially, are all Idolatrous and superstitious persons, who may take a special good warning here: namely, that they take good heed, that they conceive not well of their Idolatry or superstition, if at any time they see, that such as haue opposed themselves against it, as josias mightily did, haue some hard end in the iudgement of the world, as he also had; though otherwise, in many respects, every very favourable also. 5 But though josias himself now perrished; yet left he the people in good case for the truth of Religion, and of the worship of God among them: though very soon after they left it again; and so continued in the daies of all their kings that next succeeded. Concerning whom, such is the Story now succeeding, as may justly seem to require, first that it bee some-thing considered upon generally: but then that wee come to the Story of every of them more specially. Generally no more but this, that from this present, the estate of the kingdom of judah was very pitiful, and a right pattern of a people unto whom GOD did lay their sins to their charge, though nothing so deeply as they deserved, yet in great measure too. Now, that their own sins had so deserved, is a matter so plain, that no body can be ignorant of it. But another thing there is, that it may be, would not bee espied of many; and yet is right worthy to bee marked of all: namely, that all this calamity, after a sort, and in some respect descended from josias too; very plainly in respect of his own person, and to bee doubted too in respect of his Children. In respect of own person, it was very plainly, for that he was so prodigal of his own safety, or did venture it so far as he 2 Chr. 35: 24, 25. did: and therefore no marvel, that all judah and jerusalem generally, the Prophet ieremy, and many others in particular, did so much bewail that pitiful accident of his miscarrying. A very special good warning to all that haue charge, or upon whom the good estate of any dependeth, not to bee so careless of their own safety, as many are( even good Princes too some-times:) least that so they make themselves answerable, for whatsoever calamity thereby cometh in to others on them depending. In respect of his Children it may be doubted, because he had so many of them that came to the stand, and not one of them all of any value to that purpose: and yet had they better than two and twenty yeares among them, wherein to show forth what virtues they had, if they had any; the estate of the kingdom so long standing, though after that needless conflict of josias, but after a ruine-like and weltering manner. For this present Story maketh mention of three of them that came to the kingdom: and one other place there is that maketh mention of the fourth also sometime to haue reigned. Those three 2 King. 23: 30, 34. 2 Chr. 36: 1. 4, 10. are, jehoahaz( who is called johanan) set up by the people, and then Eliakim and Mattaniah called also Zedechia, both of them set up by foreign power: the one, by the King of egypt; the other, by the King of Babylon. The fourth that wee speak of, is Shallum, noted also to be the Son of josiah, and that he reigned for josiah 1 Chr. 3: 15. jer. 22: 11. his Father. But seeing the time that followed the reign of josias, till the time that the kingdom was clean overthrown, is by the Story successively ascribed to the other three, therfore is it conceived that it might be this was the eldest, although he be Laur. Codomā. in A●●ali●. in ā. 3512 fol. 38 1 King. 1: 5 last name in the former of those two places, or otherwise on whatsoever motive stepped up to the kingdom immediately after the death of his Father( as Adoniah did when his father seemed to be past recovery, so to prevent Salomon therein) but that it was held for nought, the people anointing jehoahaz so soon as they did:&, because it is recorded by a later Story, that the King of egypt, when he took away jehoahaz, took 1 Esdr. 1: 38 away withal, not onely such as he had placed in authority about him, but a Brother of his also( though there he varieth in the name) and that jeremy speaking of the carrying away of Shallum, and dying in the place whether he should be carried, seemeth jer. 22: 11, 12 to mean it of that passage into Egypt when jehoahaz was carried thither, therefore it may be so much the more likely that he also reigned some little time by his own usurpation, till the people did set up his brother against him. I know there be other interpretations of this Shallum, nothing at all agreeing to this; but yet thus much may be alleged for the sense aforesaid: and seeing we haue so undoubted warrant, both that josias had such a son, and that he reigned after his Father, put case it bee not in all poyntes the best exposition, yet is it sufficient for the matter that now we are in. So josias, that good King, had four sons; and they all came to the kingdom after their Father( three of them without exception, the fourth also by great probability:) and not one good of them all. It is a thing that may befall l●ne best man in the world: and we are to leave unto God the secrecy of his judgements therein. But it is much to bee feared, though josias was a good man himself, yet that he had not altogether so special care of the good education of his Children, as he ought to haue had: at least, it is over slightly regarded of us, not onely of the common people, but even of our great professors too. So may good men, if they take not special good heed, be noisome fountains of some special calamity to others. 6. But now to come to the Story of every of them more specially, of those three sons of josiah that without exception came to the kingdom after their Father, one there was, that came to the Crown somewhat disorderly, as it seemeth: but the others came more orderly unto it. He that, it seemeth, came unto it somewhat disorderly, was the next that succeeded, jehoahaz, one of the sons of josias, whom jehoahaz. 17. 2 King. 23: 30, 31. 2 Khr. 36: 1, 2 the people after the death of his Father anointed to bee their King: but that outward ceremony of their anointing could little avail, unless he brought with him a better title, or were of better mind towards God, than, it seemeth, the Story will yield him to be. As touching him therefore we are to consider, first of his coming to the kingdom; then, of his reign therein. His coming to the crown is therefore the rather to be considered, for that it seemeth he came not orderly unto it: and yet is not so noted by some. That he came not orderly unto it, may be gathered, first by the estate of the country at that present: then also, by the yeares of his age. The estate of the country at that present was such, as that by likelihood and common reason, none should take that title vpon them, without the consent of the King of egypt having then so lately prevailed among them somuch as he did. Yet I deny not, but that it may well be that they might. For the text doth 2 Chr. 35: 21, 24. witness these two: one, that Pharaoh was to make hast in that his voyage; the other that josias being wounded in the field, was had to jerusalem, and there died. If Pharaoh were to make hast, it may very well be, and is the likeliest, that having then cut in sunder that hindrance to his ready passage by his sword, he would not desire to make any longer stay there; especially, if yet he knew not, that josias died so soon of the wounds that there was given him( as it may very well be he did not:) and it is plain we haue no story of any thing he did there at this time; which is likely enough we should, if here he had done any thing else. His good success also that joan. wolph. in 2 Reg. 23: 31-37 is noted he had in this voyage( namely, that he prevailed against his enemy, and so returned a Conqueror homeward) may be some probability, that he made no tarrying here, but went on forward about his business. Which if he did, then was not he to take it so ill, if in that his absence the people did servppe another King: though it had been the surer and better way, seeing by his sword he had gotten that interest in them that now he had, to haue sent to him first to haue known his pleasure. And therefore that Ieoahaz might not in that case so easily take so much upon him though the people did freely so bestow it: for that they, in reasonable good intendment, were not their own men now to such a purpose, so far as might warrant that his acceptance of it, to stand by any good right unto him. By the yeares of his age it seemeth to be very plain, that though he also were the son of josias, yet had he then living an elder Brother, to whom by common right the kingdom did rather belong, than to him. So that in him wee may see a right pattern of many of us: especially where a second marriage so far praeuayleth( and else-where too) as that the heir of the former is put by from his Fathers possessions, and the child of the latter taken in to that favour. In all which cases lightly neither doth the Father nor Mother use that injurious or hard measure with so resolute mindes, as the Brother taketh the benefit of it, never making question of the lawfulness of his Title unto it: and yet there is a Story recordeth, that Tz●hanger a Turkish history, in S 〈…〉 turk, one of the sons by a second Wife, took it so heavily, that Mustapha his elder Brother by a former, was by the policy of his Mother, and so by the commandement of the great turk his Father made away, to make the way for some of those others to the Empire, that he cried out against his Father for that indignity, and himself rather choose to die with his dead Brother, than to reserve himself to those honours and treasures that in such sort were procured and offered unto him. And true it is, that receiuors oft-times do easily make theeues. Of those that do not so take it, I find as yet but onely three; but all of good iudgment, saving that in this I do not see what warrant they haue so to conceive: one of them going no farther, but onely as it Conr. Pel. in 2. Reg. 23-36, 37 were by the way, terming Eliakim who next succeeded the second Son of josias( it may be, not marking what years are ascribed unto the age of either of those two that are in question, but onely how they came to the kingdom, and making no doubt but that had been right;) the other two joining their labours together, do both Tremel. I●●. i● 2 Keg. 23: 30. 24: 1. of them well mark that difference of yeares, and yet conceive them so to bee taken, as that jehoahaz must needs be the elder, and Eliakim the younger. His reign was but short, continuing onely but three monthes: and so if he got it inordinately, it is plain that he had little comfort of it. nevertheless, in that short time that he had, he did sufficiently bewray himself what course he would haue held, if he might haue had longer continuance: and withall had of the fruit of his own ways in reasonable good measure for the time he continued. he bewrayed himself what he would haue been, by doing so ill in the fight of the Lord, even as his 2 King. 23: 32 elders before had done; and so making proof in himself, that such as are readiest to step to better rooms, are not lightly the meetest for them. In those fruits of his own ways that he reaped thereby, we may well note the equity of Gods iudgments vpon him: not onely for betaking himself to those bad ways of his corrupt elders; but also for that his ambitious stepping unto the kingdom. For the former, he could not be ignorant how much God was offended with the whole Land for those Idolatries and other abominations which they had already committed, and what judgements he had determined vpon them for the same:& therefore right worthy, so soon to be discarded, to be put in bonds, and to finish his dayes in dishonour and sorrow, for that he did not altogether abandon those ways that were so offensive, and not seriously follow the steps of his Father and those better elders of his, so to haue turned aside( if it had been possible, at least so much as in him was) those heavy iudgments threatened unto them. For the latter also( if he were an offender therein, as most do account him, and I see not how the Text may be otherwise cleared) whereas in that offence he had partners with him( for it is said that the people of the Land did anoint 2 King. 23: 30 2 Chr. 36: 1 him King, or made him their King) so may we see that the punishment ensuing did in some sort meet with them both: first with the King that so took upon him; then with the people that so much forgot themselves therein also, stepping in so far as they did betwixt that new Lord of theirs, and the right that he might account himself to haue over them by that overthrow that he gave them and their King when as vnprouoked by him, they crost him the way to impeach his passage. For this their new King he forth-with displaced, and put another in his room: and did not onely displace him, but also put him in bo●des, and took him away captive with him to egypt, where soon after he dyed. A reward good enough for those that so vnreuerently rush into that sacred place of supreme authority on earth: and meet also, that himself should with his own eyes see, to his own disgrace, his elder Brother by right placed; whom he had put to such disgrace before, by stepping into the place before him. Which also is a good warning to all in such case, to take heed, that they do not so inordinately press to the higher places with the injury of others, as that thereby they occasion God, that most high and righteous judge, to right those that were wronged by them, even to the depth of reproach to themselves. For that which befell unto the people( that fine, as wee term it, that was imposed upon them, of one hundred talents of silver and one Talent of gold, to bee 2 King. 23: 35 2 Chr. 36. 3, 4 assessed by him whom they had rejected, but now was made King over them without any thankes unto them) I know it is taken by some, as though it should bee a yearly Bibl. Angl. in 2 Chr. 36: 3. tribute: but it seemeth rather to bee in the way of an amercement or fine; for that their praesumptuous dealing( as he might take it) in so high a matter, not unto them, but unto him now appertaining; and so is it taken by one of good iudgement also. joan. wolph. in 2 Reg. 23: 33-35 As also diuers things in the Text do seem to incline that way rather, as that he praesently deposed him whom they had set up, and placed another whom they had refused; and that this imposition is not termed by the ordinary name of a tribute, but a punishment or condemnation, or as we term it, an amercement or fine, as imposed 2 Chr. 36: 3. Ari. Montan. vpon them for some fault that they had made: and wee read of none other but onely of this; besides that other of withstanding his passage, for which he had before a sufficient reuenge, in that he gave them the overthrow, and slay their King. Which doing of his, so amending by equity, that which they had done injuriously before, may likewise be a warning to all peoples ensuing, that they do not so injuriously behave themselves towards any( as many haue done and yet do unto the ministry, so often as they entitle others unto their needful and lawful maintenance) as that thereby they occasion God, to sand in strangers to right things again. And there is faire probability for it( for men are men, and he that wee speak of was none of the best) that seeing Eliakim whom they had rejected, had the sessing of them, when 2 King. 23: 35 now he came to the gathering of it, both that he would haue of them, much more than King Pharaoh was to haue of him: and that he would more specially remember besides, those that were the chief doers against him before, in praeferring his younger Brother to the kingdom, before him that was the elder. 7. Those that came to the crown more orderly, were the rest that follow: one of them, having it to him and his son; the other having it, but onely himself. He that had it to him and his son, was Eliakim, elder than he whom he succeeded, jehoiakim. 18. ( at least as it seemeth) as we saw before: placed by the aforesaid King, by the right that now he had gotten over them by his Sword; and himself, as it seemeth, being next unto it by order of nature. But it pleased the King to change his name: and so called him jehoiakim, as established of the Lord. But as the anointing of his 2 King. 23▪ 34 36. 2 Chr 36. 4, ● ●●. Broughton in an. 3370. Brother that went before him, having no better right than he had, did little avail him, but that he was more justly deposed, than he was set up before: so the glorious name that now was given unto this, will hardly bee found, by the Story ensuing, either to haue made him a better man, or to haue given any good assurance unto his estate. Which that we may the better perceive, we are first to consider of the ways that he held: then, of the fruit he reaped thereby. The ways that he held, as they are set down generally, were evil in the sight of the Lord, according to al that his Fathers 2 King. 23: 37 2 Chr. 36: 5 ( the worse sort of them) had done before. As wee are to consider of them more specially, one sin of his there is, wherewith jeremy doth charge him, still to haue had all his life long: others I see not but such as appertain to the time of his hard estate, wherein he was in subiection to others. That which jeremy doth so specially charge him withall, is, that he had but little regard to the word of GOD: jer. 22: 18, 21 and, that that had been his manner from his youth up. Afaire warning to al those that make so light of the word of God, as it is the manner of many ever to do. As touching those that do appertain to the time of his hard estate we are to note, that he served two Kings successively, or held his kingdom first under one of them, then under the other: the former of them being the King of egypt; the latter, the King of Babylon. While he held of the King of egypt, wee haue some matters of certain knowledge:& one other, that may probably be gathered. Those that are of certain knowledge, are two: one of them recorded here; another, else-where. That which is recorded here, is as touching that amercement or fine, that the King imposed 2 King. ●3: 35 vpon them: which he got up of the people; and made payment thereof to the King. whereunto what time was appointed, or what time he took unto ●●, we haue not delivered unto us: but we may easily conceive, that he had three yeares unto it, Ie●. 25: 1. Dan 1: 1. because Nebucadnezzer King of Babylon came not in vpon him, till the end of the third, and beginning of the fourth year of his reign; and, as it may seem, but only making his preparation in the third, and not coming in vpon him till the fourth, and such season of the year as was meet for the Warres. That which wee haue else-where recorded of him while yet he held off the King of egypt, is of one Uriah, another Prophet in the dayes of jeremiah, and in the beginning of the reign of jer. 26: 20-23 jehoiakim, whom jehoiakim flew for prophesying against jerusalem and against Ibid. 1. the Land, as jeremiah did: and hereupon he was so eagerly set, that when as Oriah understanding the danger that he was in, fled into egypt, so to escape it, he sent for him thither, and so got him( belike by the friendship that he had there) and then took his pleasure on him. That which may be probably gathered, is, that towards the end of the first year of his reign, or about the beginning of his second, he took his son Ieconiah or jehoiakim into the society of his kingdom with him, when his son was then but eight yeares old. The probability is this, that in one place it is said, that he was eyghteen years old first when he began to reign; and in another 2 King. 24: 8 place, that he began his reign when he was but eight yeares old; and yet both places 2 Chr. 36: 9 agree that he reigned but three months; the one place adding the odd da●e● also. Whereby it may probably seem, that the one place ●●aneth but onely that time which immediately followed his Fathers death: and the other, all the latter ten yeares of his Fathers reign partly, or in some respect; but chiefly and properly, but onely those three months and ten dayes, that next and immediately after did follow. To which end it is to good purpose noted, that there is mention made of one Zedechia Laur. Codoman jer. 27: 1. 3. King of judah, in the beginning of the reign of jehoiakim: at which time there was none such; himself only reigning there then. But this might well make him to doubt, that either his Brother who was so called, or some other of that name, was likely ere long to come in place, and to defeat his Son of the kingdom( as jehoahaz would haue defeated him before) unless in time he did provide the better for it: and that therefore he took it as the surest way, so to take him into the kingdom with himself before. When he held of the King of Babylon, we are first to see by what occasion he came to hold of him: then, in what sort he carried himself under his obeisance. The occasion was, that the King of Babylon, did now so much praeuaile against the King of egypt, that he quiter dispossessed him of all those Countries that he had betwixt Euphrates and his own country of egypt; and so consequently dispossessed him of Iudeah too: and this he did so mightily and thoroughly( for God himself, that is the Lord of all, had now determined to give them all into his hands jer.; 27: 4-8 to the third descent or generation; and so he caused word to be sent to many Princes in those partes) that the King of egypt came no more out of his own country, to 2 King. 24: 7 meddle with any of those Countries there. Being so atturned to a new Lord now, he so carried himself under his obeisance, that for three yeares he abode dutiful unto him: but then afterward rebelled against him. Yet in those three yeares wherein he professed his allegiance unto him, although the Text do plainly say, that he ● King 24: 1 became his Seruant those three years, one thing there is notwithstanding, which then he did, which yeeldeth a great probability, that even then also he was false at the hart, and so less marvell that afterward he burst forth into open rebellion: which was, that when there was red unto him, what the Lord had threatened unto them by the jer. 36: 20-26 Prophet jeremy, how the King of babel should come and destroy that Land, and take thence both man and beast, he both cut the scroll or book in pieces, and cast Ibid. 29. it in the fire that was before him( though by diuers of his Nobles he was entreated to the contrary) and commanded both Barak that wrote it, and the Prophet himself Ibid. 9. Dan. 1: 1, 2. to be apprehended. For this was in the fift year of his reign: and he became his Seruant before. Where also it is not amiss to note, that whereas at that time they had proclaimed a general fast at jerusalem for all the people that repaired thiither that, although in that outward manner they seemed much to seek to the lord; yet by this fact of his so dealing with she-word of God, and with his Seruants, he bewrayeth plainly, that so far as he joined with the rest in observing that fast, it was nothing else but hypocrisy in him: and sure it is, that whether he shewed any ill heart hereby, or not towards him to whom he professed allegiance, he out of doubt shewed an ill heart towards God. These being his ways, we may easily conceive, that the fruit which he reaped thereby, was correspondent: and first in that he was enforced now to change his old master, and to betake himself to a new: then, in that greater evil that he found, when he dealt ill with that new master of his. When he was enforced to change, and to betake himself to that his new master, 2 King. 24: 1 Dan. 1: 1, 2 seeing it was done by forcible means( for the city was besieged) we may easily conceive, that besides the dishonour, he received much damage thereby: and it is plainly recorded, that then the King of Babylon took away part of the Plate of the House of the Lord( which they neglected now) and put the same in the treasury of his own Idols. At this time also, it seemeth( namely in the first year of Nabuchadnezzar, that year of his being part of the third, and more of the fourth of jehoiakim) we are to begin the first captivity; and that daniel, Ananias, Azarias and Misaell, with the rest of their fellowes( those children or youngths of the Dan. 1: 3. seed of the King and of the Princes) were at that time taken away to Babylon: yea, and jehoiakim the King himself too, though soon after, yielding his allegiance, M. Broughton. he were for that time sent back again. As also the Text itself doth not onely testify that he was bound in chains, but sheweth withall, what was the intent or meaning therein: and that being the meaning then, it is like enough it was effected; at least, there is nothing in the Text against it. That greater evil that he found when he dealt ill with this new master of his, was first by the hand of certain peoples near adjoining; then by the King of Babylon himself, coming with main force against him. Those peoples adjoining were of the Caldees, Syrians, Moabites ● King. 24: 2 and Ammonites, no doubt the forces of the King of Babylon, as may be gathered by the first sort of them, and for that he had now subdued( three yeaes before this his rebellion) those Countries unto him: but yet specially sent in by the Lord, to the Ibid. 2-4 destruction of judah, for their sins before committed, which the lord would now no longer bear at their hands. When the King of Babylon came in himself with main force against him, and got him into his hands, wee haue noted unto us, first how he dealt with the persons of diuers of them: then, how he dealt with certain other things besides. Of the persons we speak off, the first was the Kings: then certain others. As touching the King, first it may be, that now also he did 2 Chr. 36: 6 put him in bonds, meaning so to carry him away to Babylon; but then it is sure that he altered his purpose, and both he slay him there, and did not vouchsafe his body burial: which latter member of his death,& of the despite don to his corps when he was dead, is reported but by Iosephus; but very agreeable to that which jeremy denounced unto him before: and if it be true that he there reporteth likewise, that Antiq. lib. 10. cap. 8. jer. 22: 18, 19. 36: 30. jehoiakim made no resistance, but did readily open unto him in peaceable manner, it must needs argue, either great injustice and cruelty in Nebuchadnezzer, or( which is the more likely) that there was much infidelity and disloyalty found in jehoiakim, that being a King, and letting Nebuchadnezzer peaceably in, he nevertheless first clapped him Irons, and praesently after both put him to death, and cast out his body in despite besides. As touching those others, we haue a report( and it is not more joseph. Ant. lib 10. cap. 8. jer. 52: 28 joseph. ●ntiq. lib 10. cap. 8. Bar●k. 1: 2. La●●. Codoman in 〈◇〉. 3523. ● Chr. 36: 7. than in such cases is often done) that he slay withall a great sort of others besides of special reckoning: and at this time also, or at the least soon after, he took away with him three thousand and three and twenty Iewes captive to Babylon. For other things besides, it seemeth that at this time also they set fire on jerusalem and burnt some part of it: but it is out of question, that he took away with him certain of the Plate or vessel of the Temple, and put them in the Temple of his Idols at home. All which( and no doubt much more that accompanied these, as all such cases commonly are) did the King bring on himself and others, by that breach of his allegiance before, though afterward( not of true remorse of that his infidelity, as it may seem, but to escape such farther mischief to him and his, as by ieremy was before denounced unto him) he yielded and opened unto him. 8 That son of his who next succeeded, was jehoiachin, otherwise ●ise called 〈◇〉. 10. 〈…〉 24: 6. 〈…〉 8, 9 ●●●r. 3: 16 〈…〉 24, 28 〈…〉 10. ca. 8 Lyr ●● ●. Reg. 24. ● La●●. Codoman 〈◇〉▪ in anno. ●523. ●r. Vata●l. 〈…〉. ●●●me●. jun 〈…〉 Angl. Ieconiah, and Coniah, who reigned but onely three moneths and a few daies besides: as touching whom wee are to consider, first how he came to the kingdom: then what was his estate therein. The former of these I do more specially ●o● but onely because it is conceived by diuers, that the King of Babylon did ●●ke him K●●g in steede of his Father: and one there is, who guesseth also at the time when he did appoint him, as that the King had been there with his Army about three weekes or better, before that he made Ioconiah King. What ground they haue for it I see not, unless it bee, for that Iosephus having so lead the way, others make that reckoning of him, that they also do follow therein. Otherwise there appeareth nothing in the Text itself, nor in diuers of our Interpreters, that yet I find, that inclineth to that opinion: but that he came to the crown by descent or succession( yet indeed these times were troublesone) as his other ancestors commonly did; his coming to his kingdom being there none otherwise delivered unto us, than the coming of others unto it commonly is. His estate therein was pitiful too, God ha 〈…〉 dy determined to set loose his judgements vpon them: and yet notwiths●●n●●●g his own sin concurring withall. So, first of his sin: then of those judgements, ●hat( in his time) came in vpon him and his. His sin is plainly noted to be, that he 2 K●n●. 24: 9 2 C●● 36: 9 did ill in the sight of the lord, according to all that his Father had done before: a matter that is so much the more to bee noted in him for two special considerations. One, that in this time of affliction, having his Fathers great calamity so fresh and green before his eyes, he nevertheless in so short a time as this, could so fully utter himself, as that this censure might go vpon him: but a very good pattern how brittle we are; and how little affliction doth mend us, unless it please God, that his special grace may also go with it. The other, that whereas Iosephus giveth a Ant. li. 10. ca 9 better report of him, as that he was both good and just, we will not stand to reason it with him, but hence may wee gather, that men may bee of special good account with men, even with the wiser and better sort; and yet be very odious to God: and therefore, that ever we ought for such matters to examine ourselves by his undoubted word; and never rest satisfied but onely by it. Those judgements that fell in his time, were indeed very grievous: but yet notwithstanding mingled with some comfort withall. grievous they were, both unto the King himself; and unto diuers others besides: first, in their persons; then, in diuers things to them appertaining. In their persons, the King himself having reigned but very little, had his enemies the 2 King. 24: 10-12. 2 Chr. 36: 10 Babylonians coming-in so forcibly vpon him( and that without any desert of his towards them, that we red of) that he saw no better, but to yield himself and al that he had into their hands: an hard case, that he who had newly begun his reign over others, sometime a most flourishing people, and acquainted with the ways of truth; should now subject himself and his people to a new vp-start people, ignorant of the truth, and altogether possessed with error. Those also that were nearest unto the King in blood or degree of honour, accustomend to be rulers themselves, and ever to bee attended by many, and all others besides, especially the chief and principal of them, the more nobly-minded they were, so much the more to their greater grief must they now themselves yield if not to soul and intolerable abuse, yet at least to a yoke a great deal more grievous to the nature of some▪ than many deaths. The things these had to themselves appertaining were, the Temple, their cities, their Treasure and substance: all which must lye open unto the paws of the greedy gripers, without repining to serve their pleasure. All which being orderly done, nevertheless 2 King. 24: 13-16. 2 Chr. 36: 10 it might nothing avail them, but that needs they must( ten thousand of the chiefest of them) go into captivity: not sparing their treasure, nor precious things of the Temple itself. In all which bitterness the comfort they had mingled therewith, was, for the time present, that nevertheless God made better reckoning of those I●r. 24: 1-10 Ibid. 25: 11, 12 that went into captivity than he did of the others that remained: and for the time to come, both that themselves( in their own persons, or in their Children) should at seuentie yeares end return again; and that the wheel should then be turned unto their enemies. 9. He that had the kingdom but onely himself, and no issue of his to succeed him, was Mattaniah, one of the sons of josiah, and uncle to the King that last Zedechiah. 20. 2 King. 24 17, 18. 2 Chr. 36: 10, 11. jer. 37: 1. 52▪ 1 was, now carried away to Babylon( or at least towards that doleful journey:) but he came not to it as heir to his Nephew, but for that the King of Babylon bestowed it on him; and therewithal( belike, the rather to keep him true unto him) gave him a more honourable name, calling him Zedechiah, as the iustice of the Lord( such men lightly never accounting of any other iustice of the Lord, but such as altogether goeth on their side so much as may be.) Being so come to the kingdom, he held the same eleven yeares: and so, being the last himself, he shut up the course of the Kings of judah. Wherein that wee may the better see the iustice of GOD cleared, in so dealing with him, in his dayes letting down that noble kingdom, so potent and glorious as in time it had been, having also so faire promises as( above all others) it had: it shall be good, in his story also to mark, first what ways they were that he held; then, to what proof they came in the end. Generally his 2 King. 24▪ 19 2 Chr. 36: ●● jer. 52: 2. ways were, the same and no other, that his brethren and nephew held before: he also doing evil in the sight of the Lord, as those others before him had done. More specially wee may find, that the evil of those dayes restend not in his own person: but( even from him, as it may very well be conceived, for the most part of it) did much spread forth to many others. In himself was found, first towards God, that 2 Chr. 30: 12, 13. jer 37: 2, 3 he greatly neglected the word of God by the Prophet jeremy, and never would be ruled thereby; and yet, on a time in his distress, sent to jeremy to pray for him and the people: then, towards the King of Babylon his Lord and master then, rebelling 2 King 24: 20 2 Chr. 36: 13 against him, against the trust reposed in him, and against the oath that himself had taken. In the people it was found likewise, that even all the sort of them generally; and both the chief of the Priestes and of the people, and the Kings seruants, 2 Chr. 36: 14. 16. jer. 37: 2. more specially, did make light of the word, that GOD by his Prophets did sand them: and withall( for many of them) mocked and misused the Prophets themselves. So perilous a thing is it when Princes, and the greater sort among the people, are themselves ill affencted towards the word of God: for that it cannot be avoided then, but that the people will be such likewise, or rather worse. The proof 2 King. 24: 20 25: 1-●2. 2 Chr. 36: 16-21. jer. 52: 4-27 whereunto those ways of theirs came, was, though suitable unto them, yet doleful enough: even the utter destruction of themselves, almost of the whole Nation, without regard of sex or age, and without any compassion; to the overthrow likewise and rifling of all their chief houses and cities, even of jerusalem, and the Temple itself. So that even the whole Land was at this time brought unto utter desolation: saving that some few, and those but of the poorest sort, were left to inhabit and Till the ground; and a governor with them to keep them in order. And so here is an end of the kingdom of judah, and the story of that whole people, so long as they were a kingdom themselves: which was after the kingdom of Israel about one hundred three and thirty yeares. But whereas the story of them doth oftentimes refer us to such other monuments, as now we haue not extant among us, both in the kingdom As of Reho●o●m. 1 King. 14: 29 Abiam. 15: 7 A●●. 23 N●dab ●1 Baasha. 16: 5 Elah. 14. Z●m●. 20. Omrie, 27 Ahab, 22: ●9 Ahaziah 2. King 1: 18. Ioram, 8: 23. jehu. 10: 34. joash 12▪ 19. jehoahaz, 13: 8. joash. 12. jehoash. 14: 15. Amaziah. 18. Ierobo●m. ●8. Az●●●ah, 15: 6. Zacharia. 11. Shallum ●5. Men●hem, 21. Pec●●ah 26. P●k●h 31. Iothā. 36 Ahaz, 16: 1● Hezechiah, ●0 20 M●nase●, 2●. 17 Amon. 25. josiah. ●3: 28. jehoiakim, 24: 5. So in the Books of Chronicles also. of Israell, and in the kingdom of judah too: out of it I note no more but this, that even that consideration onely, may well serve our turn both to withdraw ourselves from the immoderate love of the world; and to acquaint us with such a care of God towards us, as is expedient for us to know. It may help to withdraw us from the immoderate love of the world, for that thereby we may see, that even as a mighty earth-quake, doth easily shake down such buildings as were set thereon specially the slighter and weaker sort of them: so may Kings wee assure ourselves, that tract of time will so deal much rather with us, and with all our pomps and labours here; seeing we see that it hath already so dealt with the Kings of Israell and judah, whose memory in all things was as like to be preserved, as of any others whosoever. That care of God towards us which is expedient for us to know, and wherewith it doth acquaint us, is, that God would not haue us overcharged with ouer-many Stories, Monuments or writings: and therefore preserved but onely such, as his wisdom saw to be needful for vs. Out of which we are to learn this moderation: that as wee are not to long after those that his wisdom hath thought good to miscarry; so wee neglect not any of those that his wisdom hath thought good to preserve unto vs. CHAP. 19. 1 WHen now they came to be in subiection to others, we are first to see, who they are of whom the Story goeth for that matter: then, what was their estate therein. That we may the more certainly find who they were, we are to know, that some of them are now gone before: and some come after. Those that are gone before, were taken away at two several times: and either of them, it seemeth, at the closing up of one year of Nebuchadnezzars reign; and in the beginning of the next ensuing. And that is( wee see) an usual thing in many cases, when as the thing that is done, is not of so ready dispatch, but that the doing of it doth ask some time, and cometh to hand towards the end of the year then being; and taketh up some of the year ensuing before that it can be performed: which, in this matter, the conferring together of sundry places of the Text, doth plainly teach vs. The former of 1 King. 24: 1 jer. 25: 1. Dan. 1: 1 2 King. 24: 10▪ 16. jer. 52: ●8. those was in the end of the seventh, and in the beginning of the eight yeares of his reign, after that he had put jehoiakim to death, and that jehoiachin his son had for a time reigned in his room: then carrying away with him to Babylon, of the Tribe of judah( who are the seed that now wee speak off) three thousand and three and twenty persons. At which time notwithstanding there is mention made of ten thousand first, and seven thousand soon after, and of one thousand besides, then to bee 1 King. 24▪ 14, 16. carried captive away: the former of which is noted, and so seemeth to bee, the total sum both of Israell and judah mingled together; and the seven thousand of Israell onely, besides those others of the Tribe of judah. And as for that one odd thousand, the Text itself sheweth that they were all of one Mystery or Trade: and belike of both sorts of the others. The latter of them was, when Zedechiah had 2 Kin. 25: ●-11 jer 52: 29 rebelled against him, and thereby he in a rage against them, in the end of the eighteen, and beginning of the nineteenth yeares of his reign: at which time, he gave so free liberty to the sword now, and made such havoc generally of all, that he 2 Chr. 36: 17 took away but eight hundred thirty and two; and belike could then find no mo that he thought worth the carrying. Those that came after, were by occasion that after this was given to the King of Babylon to sand in his forces again: at which time he took those thence that now we speak of. So first the occasion: then, of this effect that came thereon. The occasion was, that many of the greater and meaner sort, who for fear of the Babylonians had fled the Land, and so remained in other 2 King. 25: 2●-24. jer. 40: 1-43: 7. Countries, till the host of the Babylonians was gone home, now began to come in again, and to behave themselves very disorderly and seditiously too: first Treacherously killing the governor and his adherents whom the King had left on behalf of those that yet remained; then, dissembling first that they would bee ruled by God, if it were sure that he would haue them there to tarry, when they understood that so he would, utterly refusing so to do, going down into Egypt themselves, and forcibly taking down with them, the Prophet jeremy and Baru● his attendant withall. This occasion being given, the king of Babel sent in his forces again( it is not particulatly so recorded in the Text, but so to be gathered, because of that which now was done, and because it is plainly set down, that Nebuzar-adan his chief Steward was there about it) in the three and twentieth year of his reign, and then took jer. 52: 30. thence seven hundred and five and forty persons. These they are that were taken captive to Babylon, on whom the Story now following doth treat: all of them being new no more, but onely four thousand and six hundred. But whereas now wee understand of another sort of them gone down into egypt, and that they are none of this company, it shall be good that first we consider of them: and then come to the Story of those that are gone to Babylon. In their Story that are gone into egypt, first it is good that we note the effect of the whole: then, that we consider of one particular more specially. The effect of the whole is, that they continued in jer. 43: 8-44: 30. their wonted sins; and would in no wise bee by the Prophet reformed: and that God thereupon, by that his Prophet denounced unto them, that the King of Babylon should come thither also, and that none of them should ever return to their Land again, but one way or other perish there in the Land of egypt. That one particular which is good to bee marked besides, is, that they also had a queen of jer▪ 7: 8. 44: 15-19. jer. 44: 25, 26 heaven, whom they would worship as before they were wont, whosoever said nay:& that the Lords iudgment vpon them for the same, was, that his name should not be called vpon thence-forth by any of them; belike to teach them and us too, that those two never stand together. 2 having thus found, that they were onely those that went to Babylon, on whom the Story hence-forward goeth, and being now to see what was their estate in that their subiection, wee are first to consider of their captivity: then, in what case they afterward stood, until the coming of Iesus Christ. Their captivity was to reach out unto the space of threescore and ten yeares, from the first beginning of it, unto their deliverance again: which is by diuers diversly reckoned, because there were captives taken from jerusalem, at diuers several and sundry times, as the Story itself declareth; but the odds that is betwixt them, is not great, nor to the substance of the thing itself much material. As when the day doth first break in the morning, or close up at night, or in a Sunne-dyall the sun entereth into any hour, or doth first leave it again, it is hard for any, though never so attentively marking, so to set down the very moment or instant of it, but that others attentively marking too, may be notwithstanding of other iudgement. As touching their captivity in Babylon, because it was finished by their deliverance thence; therefore it shall not be amiss, that we couple these two together: first considering of their captivity itself; then of their deliverance also. In their captivity itself we are to note two special things: one, that as it was meant a chastisement unto them, so may we look to find it none other; the other, that nevertheless it pleased God, some-thing to mitigate the same unto them, by the comforts that he gave them therein. That as it was meant as a chastisement unto them, so it was indeed, wee haue it not set down by any special Stories thereof( as, in what things they were hardly dealt with there) but left as plain enough of itself: the Babyloniaus being now so mighty a people, and by their great success being grown so insolent as they were, and as by the infirmity of our common Nature all men are; and being besides so ignorant of the truth, and of the true worship of God, that the Iewes, who onely had the truth among them, and by it were more odious to all Idolaters whatsoever, must needs be odious also to them. The comforts that he gave them therein, were some of them under the King that now reigned over them: others, under those that followed. under the King that now reigned over them, wee red of some comforts that they had soon after they came thither: and some again in the time ensuing. soon after they came thither, the comforts that were given them were, first by raising up some of themselves to good place among them; then by abasing those that were their enemies. Those whom he advanced soon after they came thither, were, daniel, and certain others: first praeparing them unto it, then bringing them to the aduancement itself. An order or course that is so much the rather to be of us observed, for that we ever covet to be advanced, but care not to be enable unto it before: that being ● that pleaseth our humour well; but this being painful, and therefore on all hands declined of vs. prepared unto it they were, first by the order that the King himself did take for them and others: but then much more, by the good course that these did more specially take. The order that the King took for them and others, was, that such youths of the Issue of Princes and Noble-men as now he had gotten together Dan. 1: 3-5 out of the Countries that he had subdued, so many of them as were likely and towards, should haue an ordinary, like Noble mens Children, and bee instructed both in language of that country, and in all such wisdom and learning as was meet to enable them, to be about the King himself, and to attend him: Among these there were four that were taken out of jury( whether there were, of this sort, any more or Ibid. 6, 7. not, wee cannot tell) daniel himself, and three others with him: who were Hananiah, Misaell and Azariah; but then having these names changed, and others given them. The good purpose that they did more specially hold, is first attributed Ibid. 8. Ibid. 10, 12 to daniel onely; but then communicated to the others also: and so it may probably seem, that it began of him; but then, that the others, being stirred up by his example, did readily join themselves unto him. As we also find by experience sometimes, that the good example of one, doth led on others:& so may we learn, that ever it is good that some be doing; and more honourable it is, in goodness to be the beginners ourselves, than followers of others. The purpose that they took, was, that they would rather Ibid. 8-16. fare hardly, than( even in that their captivity) eat of such things as God by his law had forbidden unto thē: which by the favour that Daniel had with their keeper, soon after vpon some trial they obtained. Whereby it came to pass, that as the Kings desire Ibid 17-20 was to haue all those youths well instructed: so were those four especially, and far exceeded al the residue therein; and Daniel besides, specially endowed with the understanding of visions and dreams. They being thus prepared, and the time now being near, that God would bring them to the aduancement itself, first he occasioneth the King to do it: then, the King accordingly doth it. He occasioneth the King to do it, first by bringing him into some special want of help: then, by daniel, yielding that help unto him to his full eontentment. The want of help that he was in, was by Dan. 2: 1-12 that his dream which troubled him much, for that he conceived it to bee a matter of special importance: and yet neither did understand the meaning of it; neither could he call to his mind again the dream itself. In the help that herein it pleased God by daniel to give him, we are to consider of it, first as it was an help unto him: then, as it is instruction to vs. As it was an help unto him, first it is set down generally: then, more specially. Generally, daniel doth tell him, that Ibid. 13-45 whereas he was revolving or casting in his mind, what should bee after him: it pleased GOD, by that great Image to repraesent the same unto him; it bearing a resemblance, both of that mighty State of his then, and of such as( for a good time) should afterward follow. That which he did impart unto him more specially, was, either to show the manner of those States while they stood: or else as touching the abolishing of them. While they were to stand, he noteth two things: one, that they were terrible all; the other, that still they declined to bee base and base. And true it is, that all such empires lightly are grievous to the people over Ibid 31-43. whom they are; and the longer they do enjoy them in peace, the more do they ever grow upon them, and ever devise occasions to hawk them in, more and more: and that such as succeed in the room of the former, as in time they follow the others, so are they often the base also. In that which he speaketh more specially of the abolishing of those States, he noteth two things: one, that they should bee abolished; the other, that it should bee by a mightier State than any of those. As it is instruction to us, to our great comfort we may conceive, that Ibid, 44, 45 as those mighty earthly powers were abolished by the coming of Christ, when nevertheless he came then but in great weakness, in comparison; so will all other such like, and the whole power of the World whatsoever, much rather give place, as having no power at all to stand then, when he shall again come in power and glory: and that the power and glory of the World being swallowed up in the power and glory of the kingdom of Iesus Christ, so many as are in Christ haue no loss but gain thereby. The King being thus far occasioned, was very greatly affencted thereat, Ibid. 46-49 and did much advance not onely daniel himself: but, at his request, those three fellowes also of his besides: not to be doubted, but to the special good comfort and help of all the residue of that Nation; but of those that were there already, and of those that shortly after were brought unto them. 3 In the Story of those their enemies that were about this time abased, first wee haue the occasion thereof delivered unto us: then, how they were thereon abased. In that which was the occasion of it, we haue some part of it plainly recorded: some other again, that is but implyed. That which is plainly recorded, was the setting up of that rich& glorious Image: and, that so strait commandement was given, that Dan. 3: 1-7 all sorts of people there, at once, should, at a sign given, al together fall down and worship it. That which is not so plainly set down, but yet may seem to be plainly implied, is whereupon, or for what cause, this Image may seem to be erected: which may well seem to be, in truth to overthrow the most of those that were now advanced; and yet as on a needful policy on behalf of the State. That their intent might well be, to overthrow or undermine the most of those that were so advanced, it may seem, Ibid. 8-12 because they did so readily accuse them; as conceiving before, that because their Law did so plainly forbid the worshipping of Images, and these were men of so special reckoning for their regard unto the Law, therefore they were likely enough to catch them hereby: and the experience of all ages teacheth, that great men that ly at receipt of Courtly paeferments, can hardly brook it that strangers should be praeferred before them; especially such as these, being of so base a reckoning as these were now with them, being in captivity unto the. That they did not then accuse daniel too( for we may well hope, that he also did not worship, though in their accusation they make no mention of him) it may well be, that they did but that in policy onely: as fearing that his authority and credit was so great with the King, as that so they might haue marred all, if they had taken him in with the rest. Those that were abased hereby, were of two sorts also: some, of whom we haue such matter plainly recorded; others of whom it is again but onely implyed. Those of whom wee haue such matter plainly recorded, are all the company generally: and one above others more specially. All the company generally had no small abasing in this, that that their new and glorious God, and their worshipping of him, yea and that whole solemnity itself, was by those three Seruants of God so much crossed, yea and by God himself( in so miraculous defence of his servants) so plainly disgraced. More specially, the King himself, who now in this did make himself their Enemy too, and was accordingly dealt withall for it: first while he persisted in that course wherein yet he was; then, in that he was forced in the end to yield. While he persisted in the course wherein yet he was, he fustayned a kind of abasing first in his own person: then, in certain to him appertaining. In his own person he was so far abased Ibid. 13-18 based in it, that notwithstanding his grievous expostulation with them for that they had not already worshipped, as he had commanded; and his second charge that now they should do it, or other-wise incur even the utter-most of his most grievous displeasure: yet notwithstanding, for all his own greatness, and that all the others did readily obey him generally, he nothing at all praeuayled with any of them. Those that did appertain unto him, were of the most valiant in all his Army, and had the charge to bind them, and to cast them into that fiery Furnace which was for that purpose provided: which when they accordingly did, they were slain with Ibid. 19-23 the fire whereinto they did cast those others; and so, whether they were of his Captains or Souldiers, the King did lose them. But whereas these Seruants of God were not burnt, and had no hurt at all by the execution of that terrible sentence of the King against them, it so wrought with the King, that God had thus miraculously Ibid. 24-30 delivered those his Seruants, that he not onely now gave glory to God, and made it death for any to speak any blasphemy against him, for that none other could so deliver as he now had done: but now also, did specially advance those whom he had condemned before. In the time that 〈…〉 ed in the reign of this King, one other story there is, out of which there might ●●se much good comfort to the people of God, and most likely it is, that so there did: namely, that great and rare ab●sing of the King himself, which befell him towards the end of his reign, and as it seemeth, in the last ten yeares thereof, which also continued the space of seven Dan. 〈…〉 33. 4: 1 Termel 〈…〉 borough 〈…〉 an. 344●. yeares together. For in that the King himself was so abased, it is most likely, that such people as were in captivity under him, had the more ease thereby: and comfort withall to see how God revenged their cause vpon him: and whereas God foreshowed that unto him before, by a dream that he sent him, and none could expound the same unto him but daniel onely, of all those peoples that were in captivity none more likely than Dauiels people to haue such favour as that would yield. Those other kings that followed, in this mighty State that now we speak of, during the time of their captivity( such as are by undoubted authority noted unto us) were two: Euilmerodak; and balthasar: Euilmerodak succeeding Nebucadnezzar his Father, so soon 2 King. 25: 27. 30. jer. 52: 31-34 as he came to the kingdom, discharged Iehoi●●hin or I●●honias out of prison; took him to his own Table and advanced his Throne above the Thrones of all the Kings that were with him there: a matter that could not bee but to the comfort and case of that people, when as their King was in that reputation with that mighty Monarch under whom they were. In Balthasars time we haue some, while yet he had longer time to govern: and one immediately before he was to lose both his kingdom and life together, Those that we haue while yet he had some longer time to govern, are two: one, in the first; the other, in the third years of his reign. In the first year of his reign was that vision that Daniel had imparted to him, as touching the great troubles which Dan. 7: 1-28 after their deliverance out of captivity should befall them, and he upon them a long time after; and which daniel did likewise declare to the people: by the which they were given to understand, that when their captivity should be ended yet should not their afflictions and exercises thereupon cease; but then withall, both that such as did molest them should be remembered, and that a King or deliueret should be given unto thē, who should be most mighty, and whose kingdom should endure for ever. In the Dan. 8: 1-27 third year of it, was that other vision of the overthrow of the Persian state:& how deeply the people of God should be exercised by the Gracian succeeding: especially, by an ungracious Imp in the latter part of it. And the comfort they had in this, was, that it pleased God so familiarly to deal with one of themselves: and that by him, both they were fore-warned of those their troubles; and were assured withall, that God would be avenged on those that should so trouble them. That one that went immediately before he was to lose his kingdom& life together, was that hand-writing Dan. 5: 1-29 seen on the wall, that made the King and all his company astonied at it, even in the midst of that great feasting of theirs, whereby the imminent ruin of that present State was denounced unto them: and none but Daniel was able to expound that same unto them; for which likewise he was then rewarded with special honor. Both which in all reason must make that little time of their captivity much more easy unto them, than otherwise it was likely to haue done. 4 The time of their captivity being now in a manner expired, the end of Balthasars 2 Chr. 36: 22, 22. Dan. 5: 30, 31 Esr 1: 1-4. reign closing up the time of the Babylonian State, and almost the full term of the twenty yeares of their captivity, we are to consider, in what sort it pleased God to work their deliverance, so that having accomplished the time of their captivity, they might return to their country again. To that end it pleased God, first to make a way unto it: then, to perform the thing itself. To make a way unto it, he would first abolish the State that then stood: and then set up another in steede thereof. The State that then stood, was that mighty State of Babylon, as wee haue seen already: and for it, wee may do well to consider, not onely that it was removed, but some points also of the manner of it. In that it was removed, they having before made such havoc of the people of God as they had, and yet holding them in subiection: wee also may haue good hope to see this Babylon of ours, which hath so embrewed itself in the blood of Gods servants, and yet keepeth many of them captive still, in his good time to be removed, that his people may again return; and not onely the main body of it, but the several arms and branches withall, that, according to their power, do yet keep some of the people of God in captivity, as Princes their Subiects, Parents their Children, Maisters their Seruants, and Land-Lordes their Tenants. That with us also, every depth bee filled up, every height brought low, all crooked and intricate turnings bee made strait, Isa. 40: 3-●. and all rough ways bee made very plain, that the people may haue so ready a way to return, that it may be evident to all, that GOD doth now deliver his people, to his glory: and that though the power or glory of some of them in particular Ibid. 6-8 may yet bee great; yet that it shall soon show itself but as the Flower of the field, even melting away, by that breath of the LORD that now cometh on it. In the manner of it wee may note, that they were surprised in the midst of their jollity: and, as they were profanely abusing those holy vessels. And so the enemies of the Gospel may be in their jollity, set vpon mischief, doubting no perils, casting no dangers, but making merry, and accounting all their own sure enough: and yet even then also haue their destruction to rush in vpon them, when they do least fear it; and when they haue accounted themselves the farthest from it. In that it came vpon them when they were profanely abusing those holy vessels, it may be a warning to so many of us as yet with-hold such maintenance or livings of the ministery, as by right are due unto them, and both they and the people haue need of, to Gods glory, and their own souls health: that wee also are liable to the selfsame judgements; and that, if we haue them not now, there bee heavier that abide us hereafter. That other that he did then set up in stead of that which thus he abolished, was of the Medes and the Persians: the Medes being of greater reckoning before, but the Persians growing to be the mightier now; and at this time both concurring, or uniting themselves together. Who when they came Isa. 13: 17 Mat. Beroald. Chr. lib. 3. cap. 6. pag. 145. in place, did indeed( not long after) give the people leave to return, and very good help thereunto besides; yet not in such sort, but that first there were some difficulties, of the people of God to be devoured: having certain story of some that befell unto daniel; and of others that it seemeth many of the people beside conceived. Those that besell unto daniel, we find to be two: one, his casting into the Lions den; the other, that their deliverance came not so readily, but that he was fain first to pray for it. That he was cast into the Den of Lions, is recorded before that other of his praying, and allotted to the reign of Darius: and so it may well be, that it was soon after the Medes and Persians came to the kingdom; and that finding daniel in special place then, and( it may bee) hearing of his worth Dan. 5: 29 before, the new King did now think good to use him in such place of credit in his Ibid. 6: 1-3 affairs also, and thought to advance him farther too. Wherein it shall bee good to mark, how it pleased God to deal with him, that so we may be better warned as touching ourselves. It pleased God so to deal with him, that first he brought him into great danger: and then did sand him great deliverance. He was brought into that danger, nothing at all of his own default: but altogether by certain others. himself held so good a course in all his ways, that when the great men of the Medes and Persians( belike on envy of the great place the King had given him, especially, he being but a stranger and a captive among them) would gladly Ibid. 4, 5, 10 haue found some fault with him, yet could they find none at all in any of all his ways whatsoever: so that they were fain to make their quarrel, and to ground their accusation vpon the exercise of his Religion, in that as it seemeth, they had noted him diuers times, in his own chamber, to make his supplications and prayers to God; as the godlier sort in all ages, as occasions are at any time offered, haue now and then used to do. But vpon this ground they went to the King, and obtained Ibid. 4-18 such a decree or law to be enacted by him, as unwitting to the King might entangle the life of daniel: and so stiffly did urge the execution of it when they had obtained it, that daniel was cast in the den of the lions, though the King himself would fain haue delivered him. As touching which one point, that the King would haue delivered him if he might( which he might not do for that the laws of the Medes& Persians were such, as that no decree confirmed by the King might be altered) it is good to note, that although it bee good and needful for all states generally, that the Laws they haue made be well observed: yet is it both good& needful likewise, that there be a power reserved to dispense therewith, so oft as the letter of the Lawe may entangle, such as the Law-makers did not mean, and are not within the ●quity of it; and that there is none so meet with whom ●● leave that special power, as the King himself, or such as are in sovereign place. The deliverance that in this case God did sand him, was, that he was extraordinarily Ibid. 19-28 preserved from the mouths of the Lions; and his aduersaries with their Children and wives, cast-in i● his s●e●de● belike to teach this new people, who were so lately come to the fruition of this state; what manner of God he was whom that people professed, how able and ●●ndf●l he was, both to preserve those that served him, and to punish those that opposed themselves against them; as also the king himself did so take it, and both warned others of it, and thenceforward accordingly esteemed of daniel. That their deliverance came not so readily, but that Daniel was fain to pray for it, we are first to consider, how that appeareth: then, what ourselves are to gather out of it. It doth sufficiently appear, for that the Medes and Dan. 5: 30, 31 Persians were then fully possessed of Babylon, and of the whole State thereunto appertaining: and yet did it not so readily come in then, but that Daniel, though but in the selfsame year, in great heaviness addressed himself to prayer about it, even with fasting Ibid. 9: 1-19 Sack-cloth, and Ashes. As also it is noted by one that is precise in calculating the time, out of Herodotus, that this their getting of Babylon, was in the spring time of the year( who likewise supposeth that Daniels Prayer was about their Feast of Passeouer: Laur. Codoman in. Annal. in an. 3603 ●● 3604. and setteth down their gaining of Babylon, and their licence to depart in two several yeares of the world; one, in 3603. the other in 3604.) and wee haue no time mentioned in the Text itself, of any sooner aryuall of theirs in their country, but a Ezr. 3: 1-6 little before the seventh month of the year; as also there bee some circumstances there, that do most import, that then they were but newly come thither. That which out of it wee are to gather, is some part of it of that time present: but some part again of the time ensuing. That which is of that time present, is, both that Princes( though other-wise good) are but seldom in such things so forward as were to be wished: and that for such things as God hath promised and meaneth to give us, nevertheless he doth not make such hast therein, but that he leaveth us time to seek to him for them, and occasioneth us so to do. That which is of the time ensuing, is out of the answer that daniel had on that his prayer: wherein though Dan. 9: 20-27 he had certain comforts given, yet both those comforts were not in so plain speeches delivered unto him, but that it was some-what hard▪ to understand them( and so are they yet, even to these dayes also;) and he might( even at the first sight) see, that much more trouble did yet abide them. Belike, a resolved course with God, for all his people; ever, in this world, to bee under the cross, that so he may do them the more good in the world to come: and that it may never( lightly) bee sufficient for the Children, that their Fathers had suffered much; but that, as they also were his people, one way or other they should drink of the same cup, that so they might be partakers with them in glory. For therein we may plainly and undoubtedly see( and yet not entering into any particulars of it, but leaving them to others, that haue better helps, to be by them decided, as indeed there is great variety of mens judgements therein) that now this people, for whom daniel was so careful to haue them restored home again, were not any long time after to stand or to bee a people: but that whatsoever promises they had of GOD, to themselves and their State, their promises and praerogatiues, were now very shortly all at an end. In queen Maries time, when Images came in requaest again, and a carver was busily occupied in repairing some that in King Edwardes time had been some-what defaced, as making new Noses to such as had their former strucken off before, one espying how he was occupied( one, that herself detested Idolatry, and The wife of one Prest. Acts and Monument pag. 2051. 1. belike had some knowledge, as it pleased God: for other-wise she was but a simplo Woman, but ready and bold in the cause of Religion, that their date then was but short) gave the carver plainly to understand,& in the way of ascoffe, as that case required, that he was very fond occupied, in making new Noses to those, that shortly after should loose their heads. The matter that now we haue in hand is of much greater importance: but that taunt of the woman, may some-thing open a readier way to the understanding of this matter also. For daniel, wee may plainly see, by the earnestness of his prayer, that he was very careful for them, and by the occasion he took unto it, that it was for that distressed people, and for the desolation of the city that had so notable promises, and nevertheless was so desolate now; wishing now return to the people, and the building again of jerusalem: and so goeth it directly unto the matter, that GOD doth give him to understand, that the people and city for whom he was so careful, were not such as he s 〈…〉 ed thereby to conceive them to bee; but that for their great vnthankefulnesse, when GOD shortly after should perform the rest of his promised favours unto them, should come to a final and pitiful end. To which end also it is not amiss to mark, that it is not delivered unto him, as to go and wame the people thereof, least those heavy judgements come vpon them: but a thing already determined and impatred to him as a secret, and for the special favour that God did bear him. The order the Angel observeth therein, is first that he doth it but generally: only showing, that then there was but a short time wherein God would dispatch whatsoever Ibid. 23. Ibid. 24. he had to do with them,& not seeming to talk of years but of weekes, so to note the time to be short, but yet that God would afford them the time that he spake of in very good measure. Then more specially, that although they now returned, yet Ibid 25. would it bee long before they should attain to haue any good estate among them: and that when they had attained thereto, yet should they haue many troubles Ibid. 26. withall; and when it had so stood but a short time to speak of, then should it suddenly, and, as it were, in a moment rush down at once, never to bee set up or repaired Ibid. 27. again. That there were other difficulties also, which it seemeth, were conceived of the people, may probably bee gathered, for that by the Story of easter following, where we haue mention of so many of the Iewes there remaining still, when nevertheless they had free leave to return: they belike seeing some reason to move them, not to be so forward yet, and thereupon staying behind as they did. It may well be, and is most likely, that for most of them it was no more but worldly respects that did so stay them: but it may likewise be, for many of them, that they saw( as they thought) just cause to doubt, that it was no wisdom yet to be doing. 5 To perform the thing itself unto them, it pleased him so to work in the heartes of those to whom it appertained, that soon after it was effected. Those to whom it appertained, were first those that were in Babylon, to whom as yet they were in subiection: then the Iewes or people of God that were now to be delivered. Those that were in Babylon, to whom the people were yet in subiection, were first( as their Story in this, doth occasion us to consider) King Cyrus himself: then, certain of his people besides. Betwixt these the matter proceeded, as it were by two degrees: and so are we to consider what was done, first in the former; then also, in the latter of them. In the former of them King Cyrus himself, soon after that he 2 Chr. 36: 22, 23. Ezr. 1: 1-4. 2 Esdr. 2: 1-7 came to the crown, by open Proclamation first acknowledging the goodness of God towards him, and the charge that he had given him to build him an House in jerusalem: both giveth free liberty to the Iewes to return( so many as would) there to build the House of the lord; and besides willeth his own people among whom they dwelled, to be helping unto them. That which hereupon was done by the people of God, was, that the chief Fathers, and the Priestes and levites, together Ezr. 1: 5. 1 Esdr. 2: 8 with all such of the people, as whose spirit God had moved thereunto, assembled themselves together to make their return, according to the licence or leave that now was given them. This mercy hath God in this present age, vouchsafed likewise to many of us, that we may return( to the free profession of the truth in Christ) again if we will: and so ought wee to address ourselves again to return: as also those do, in some kind of measure, to whom it hath pleased GOD to vouchsafe them such mercy, as effectually to move their hearts unto it. In the latter of them we may see the readiness of the Iewes herein to be well required, and encouraged withall to proceed: first by the people among whom they dwelled; then also, by king Cyrus himself. The people among whom they dwelled, bestowed liberally upon Ezr 1: 6 1 Esdr. 2: 9 them towards their journey: and, as it seemeth, sent with them besides; a free-will offering, towards the work that they had in hand, the rearing up of that Temple to God. A special good token of the favour and goodness of God towards them, that so did frame the hearts of their enemies, to bee helping so well to themselves and their business: whereas wee are but seldom able, to obtain the like of out friends, that are of the same profession with vs. King Cyrus himself did likewise bring forth and deliver unto them, all the rich Plate at the Temple of God at jerusalem, Ezr. 1: 9-11 1 Esd 2: 10-15 which Nebucadnezzer had taken thence long before, which he also and the other Kings that followed had hitherto kept and used as their own; even five thousand and four hundred parcels of them( wee haue else-where set down threescore 1 Esdr 2: 14. 1 King 3: 13. 7▪ 48. 50. 2 King 25: 15, 16. and nine more) massy and faire, being such, we may conceive, so nere as they could, as Salomon had made to the use of the Temple, and he made them in his great abundance, in the glory, and to the glory of that great and glorious kingdom of his) and all of them either of Gold or of silver. Which Story is, as it seemeth to me, of very rare and special note, first if wee look no farther but onely unto Cyrus therein: but then especially, if in it we cast our eyes unto God. If wee look but unto Cyrus therein, soon may we find, that as he was but a natural man, he might easily conceive, that as the case now stood with him, he had more reason still to keep them, than so to part with them. For himself never took them thence; but one of his praedecessors long before: and he might easily come to the knowledge of this, that for the sin of the people God had given them, and all that they had into his hands; jer. 20: 4, 5. 27: 1-7. 40: 2, 3 so that he was but Gods executioner therein, and that in duty he was to do him that service, and might lawfully take, to his own use, all the spoil of them. Being also so rich a booty as they were, so faire an ornament unto his State, and so needful an help( if need should bee) to further his warres, there was sufficient ground or warrant, for a natural man, still to haue kept them: and no way at all, to escape the note of unadvised dealing, withall his States-men that were about him, so easily to part with such a booty, so arising or coming as that did to him. again, if himself were disposed there-with to furnish the Temple of God at jerusalem, yet what need he to bee so forward when yet there was no Temple builded, nor yet in building: and, though it were builded, and the same very stately too, and were magnificent; yet that even the best wisdom of natural men, and such as are but mere Politicians, might easily resolve, that half of those parcels, or a much less part, might easily serve them. Whereunto, if such as might seem to haue a care of Religion, and of the aduancement of it, as much as any, should put in their vie, that Religion needed not those earthly ornaments, and that they might make the teachers of it to forget themselves, or to degenerate, in what perplexity might we conceive this King would haue been, if he had been any thing doubtful before? But he was resolute, and heroical too: and accordingly carried himself in all that action. God, indeed, had made him great; and that he confesseth: but wee understand of no farther charge that he had for this matter( at least, that himself doth take with) but only that he was to build him a Temple in jerusalem. So it may be, he needed not at all to go any farther: and seeing there was not such use of those things yet, he had no great cause so soon to haue sent them. If in it we cast our eyes unto God, 2 Chr. 36: 1. Ezr. 1: 1▪ Esdr. 2: 2. Esa. 44: ●8 seeing that this doing of Cyrus is so much ascribed unto the Lord as it is, out of it we may gather, that it was of the Lord, that howsoever God before had given the people themselves, and those holy implements, unto those work of Babylon; yet now he would haue all returned home again, not onely the people themselves, but those holy vessels withall; and that God did not direct Cyrus now, seeing they had so long had them, therefore to keep them still; much less, to make some part to serve them. When the spirit of God doth in such case move any of us, then be we sure, that all such things must ever bee carried in more honourable manner, and much more agreeably to the rule of equity, than otherwise ourselves should think that we needed to do. ourselves haue had, and yet haue, in this our age ours, a case much like. Monasteries and chantries had gotten away, almost all those holy Vessels, from most of our Churches, all christendom over; and namely, in this Land of ou●●: I mean; that ancient, due, and needful maintenance unto the ministry; such as God himself appointed to his people of old. The sins of the people had( no doubt) so first deserved: and so did God in his just judgements, then give them to others. But when those houses had filled the measure of their sin also, then did God strengthen the lawful Magistrate, of long time unable to deal with them before, to look into their doings, and to with-draw from them again, what God was content they enjoyed before, and to that time held▪ to the just chastisement of us his people▪ and they; according as God hath enabled them, haue with-drawn those things from them indeed. But whereas Cyrus did not onely be●●●ue those Babylonians of them, but forth-with sent them away to jerusalem, herein most of the Princes of christendom haue not yet attained unto the pitch of his example. In this realm of ours it pleased God to raise up a notable Cyrus for the first part of it with great power, and terror to them all, he wrested them out of the hands of those Babylonians of ours; but then, the Nobility and Commons thinking good to bestow them on him, to the use of the whole, he also thought good so to take them. Wherein if in his own conscience he had found he had done amiss, or at least not so well as he might haue done, to the glory of God& good of the people, he had time enough after to haue bettered his course therein. His son succeeded; but under age: yet in those tender years of singular hope. But those that sat at the stern then, seemed to haue taken( for diuers of thē) such sweetness in those they had gotten before, that they seemed rather to cast in their heads how to get mo, than how to return those again that once they had gotten. This held but a while; God himself soon taking away the ground that they stood on, when they did make it so to serve them: and it may be, that even it was as great a cause as any other, that so soon we lost so great a comfort. Of that line we had another then next following, who made towards it marvelous well; elder in yeares, but latter by sex: such a princess, as excepting but two things onely, all true subiects might to their comfort haue well enjoyed. But even in those also she might be held somewhat excused: being, as she was, brought up in the one; and near allied unto the other. But for the matter we speak of, shee readily gave so good an example in her kind, that I know not yet to be matched by any, and may prove to to be a condemnation to many. Since that wee had another of the same, a very rare jewel indeed, whom also it pleased God to bless( for above his endowments of her, though those also were very great) with long continuance and great success: but then were wee so far from going forward with that good work to our hands begun, that even then it was brought clean back again; and a way left open to many( that would) to proceed farther therein, so oft as such opportunity should bee offered, as themselves thought good to work by. So it hath pleased God to make an end of that line, and ●●w hath begun on another next unto it: and God every bless the purpose itself, with the instruments and means whereby it pleaseth him to work. Otherwise notable Princes no doubt wee may haue; furnished also with men of great depth for wisdom and learning: and yet our sins may justly deserve, that this example of Cyrus be nothing near followed of them; nor so much as found by many of them, that it were to be followed. 6 That which the Iewes hereupon did, was, that as before they were setting in hand with their journey: so now, being better holpen and encouraged unto it, than in likelihood might be expected, they do more readily betake themselves unto it. And so they returned, to the number of two and forty thousand, three hundred and threescore persons: then also having among them, of men-seruants and Ezr. 2: 1-64 1 Esdr. 5: 7-41 Ezr. 2: 65 1 Esdr. 5: 42 maidservants, seven thousand, three hundred, thirty and seven. At which time it seemeth they brought cattle with them also to stock their grounds, both great and small, because the King had willed his people to help them with cattle; and we red that the people so did: but we haue no Story but of such as were for burden. But of such sorts we red, that they had Horses, seven hundred, six and thirty; Ezr. 2: 66, 67 1 Esdr. 5: 43 Mules, two hundred forty five; Camels, four hundred, thirty and five; Asses, six thousand, seven hundred and twenty. There is in these places of Esdras alleged some little odds in the numbers recited: but these are to be overruled by the other. As for the other, that Darius sent those forces with them to safe conduct 1 Esdr. 5: 1-3 them home, and sent them in so favourable& comfortable manner with instruments of music, not as captives, but as beloved and special friends, as unto a wedding because there is nothing against it,& is not( in the nature of it) a thing unlikely, we may probably conceive, that so it might be indeed. But sure it is, that their term being now expired, Babylon was no longer-able to keep them: they might with good will part with them, as cheap as with ill. Part with them they must, whether they would or not. And then as Laban at least pretended, that he would haue Gen. 31. 27 sent jacob home with melody also, had he made him privy to his departure: so it may bee that these now did, when they saw they could keep them no longer. Which if wee mark wee may find to bee verryfied in these dayes also: first, in that that now they returned, very plainly; then partly likewise, in that manner of it. For as it could not be withstood then, but that they returned, when the time was come that God had appointed: so do we see it now in these dayes of the gospel, that whereas wee haue long been in captivity under the power of darkness, spreading itself upon us, from the corrupt and decayed estate of the Church of Rome, not twenty yeares onely, but even twenty times seven yeares, and those in just and full measure( for, for the space of five hundred yeares, now not long since accomplished, they haue in a manner taken their pleasure all christendom over, though nevertheless at no time to speak of, at least in no age without resistance) our return unto the truth of the gospel again is already begun, and daily enlarged, yea and comfortably advanced too. daniel and his three Dan. ●: 18. 49. 3: 29, 30. Dan. 4: 26-30 fellowes were highly advanced in that estate of Babylon before; Nabuchad-nezzar himself abased towards the end of his reign, for seven yeares together; jehoiachin or Iechoniah( the captive King of the Iewes) let out of prison by evil merodak, 2 King. 25: 27-30. and in special great favour with him; and daniel again, in the reign of Balthasar was in that reckoning, that he was vouchsafed the palace of Susan, and there employed in the Kings businesie: and yet none of these, nor altogether, by any force or favour they had, could at any time work their deliverance before. But now, when the appointed time was come, it was not those mighty entrails of babylon, that were able to keep them; nor able so much as to help themselves neither: they were from heaven proclaimed before, to be but grass, and the glory of them, to be Isa. 40: 6-8 but as the flower of the field; and no more able, in all their power, in that day to stand, that God in his secret purpose appointed for them, than the flower against a sharp nipping wind. Wee also haue had, all christendom over, at times, here and there, and namely in this land of ours, many notable Princes, godly and great learned men, who a man might think, had been able, long before this to haue delivered themselves and their people, from that babylonish captivity of theirs wherein they were; as also attempts sometimes haue been made: but the time was not then come, and so they could not; and so were they fain to lie down again under the Altar, and patiently to await, till the number of their brethren were accomplished revel. 6: 9-11 with them. In these dayes of ours, God hath so well begun our deliverance already, that thereby we may probably conceive, that now he doth mean to go forward with it, and not to break of till he haue done it. himself hath told us, that after those evil and heavy dayes, when the Sun should bee darkened, and the Mat. 24: ●9. 31. moon loose her light, and that there should be of the stars th●● should fall from heaven( all which things are plainly done, in that power of darkness that late reigned over us) he would then sand his Angels( which also may be his seruants in the ministery of the word) with a great sound of a trump( and the gospel is now in great measure delivered unto us) to gather together his elect from where they were scattered under the heaven. Saint Paul doth tell us, that the second coming of Christ should not be, till there were a departing first; and, that it should be 2 Thes. 2: 3, 4; 8. in the Temple or Church of God: but then that he by whom it should come, should be revealed, and consumed with the spirit of his mouth, or, as it is commonly termed, by the preaching of the gospel. In the revelation it is plain( besides many things else concurting therewith) that the illuminating or lightning of the earth going Apoc. 18: 1, 2 before, the utter ruin or fall of Babylon followeth immediately after. Which course also seeing himself hath hitherto held, we may well hope, that he will not vary now. When he did set in hand with the deliverance of his people out of their bondage in Egypt, after that once he began to do it, and did not leave of till he had done it. Moses did seem to make towards it before, conceiving his bretheren Exod. 2: 11 Act. 7: 23-26 would haue understood, that God by his hands would give them deliverance; and thereupon( it seemeth) left the Court, and offered himself so far to his bretheren as then he did: but God would not that way do it, nor at that time neither; and so it did not prosper with him. The Egyptians also, when once they were gone, and before they got out of their Dominions, when as likewise( as the case stood then) it seemed to bee a most easy matter to get them again, made after them a-pace with main force, and endeavoured the best that they could, to bring them back unto their former bondage: but they had had their time of them before, and they had used them then as themselves thought good; and never might they look to haue them again. themselves they might overthrow in the Sea; and so they did: but they must bid the people of God a due for ever. The Babylonians did not use( that wee read of) so hard measure towards their captives the Iewes: but God indeed changed the svit, and set others in their rooms. Had they stood: yet the date of the Iewes was out; and were not there to bee kept any longer. Our Babylonians are of a stiffer kind: still would they keep such as they haue; and get again those that are gon. They make after a-pace, so oft as they may; and mightily threaten, as though whatsoever they would, they could: but wee know, that the Sea of their power is ebbing already; so that flash in they may, but then must those waves of theirs suck-up, and ever sink-in, or settle downward more and more. While they were to bee flowing, there was no power to hold them out, but that needs they must come to their height: they are to ebb now; and there is no power can keep them in, but that needs they must hence away to their depth. CHAP. 20. 1 IN what case they afterward stood until the coming of Iesus Christ, being now to be seen, it shall be good not onely to search out what that estate of theirs was: but also to enter into some consideration withall, how to resolve ourselves, as touching certain doubts which out of the same may arise unto vs. Searching out, what that estate of theirs was, it shall be good likewise, that here again wee consider, first but generally thereof: then, that wee come more specially unto it. Generally it is no more but this, that still they were in subiection to others. For though now they were sent home from Babylon, yet were they still to bee in subiection to those that did deliver them from thence: and so, to pay them tribute; and to hold their allegiance to them. When afterward also it pleased God to pull down any of those States that for a time bare sway in the world, and to set up others in their room, then were they also to atturne( as it were) unto them, and to bee in allegiance to them. So, this people of God themselves, albeit they had that prerogative, that they were the onely people of God: yet never were they vouchsafed that earthly favour( in all this time that now we speak of) that they should grow to be a mighty State over others( as diuers there were, in this time that now we are in) but that others should haue that pre-eminence, and these should be in subiection unto them. So may we be the people and children of God; and so out of question, very dear unto him: and yet never bee vouchsafed such earthly favour, as others are. Which consideration some-times hath satin so hard to diuers, that they haue been much dismayed at it: for which cause it is so much more needful that it be we well digested of us; least we also thereupon doubt of his favour towards vs. God meaning those that are his indeed, much better things than are these matters here, he therefore bestoweth these vpon others, but ever reserveth the better things to those that are his. Highnesse of mind, such as ariseth from the corruption of our nature, is that which maketh us so to press unto praeheminence: but that is to bee abased and humility to bee planted in steede thereof. Another highnesse of mind there is, vnfainedly joined to humility here, which descending from above, maketh small reckoning of those things that are beneath: and so teacheth those with whom it lodgeth, not much to care in how mean estate they are here; but to set their most affections on those better things that are promised there. 2 More specially it seemeth needful here, that first we consider, somewhat of the compass of time that this Story doth lye in: then, of the estate of the people therein. The compass of time that this Story doth lye in, is not so plainly set down in the Text, but that the learned do yet vary about it: and it would ask a special treatise, to beat out the likelier opinion of them. Which because the course that now we are in, doth not allow, therefore it shall be to our purpose sufficient, but onely to consider of the Story, and of such time as we noted therein: especially seeing we make no question, but that so much onely is sufficient for us, as it hath pleased God to leave vs. As touching the estate of the people therein, wee find, that for the most part of that time, we haue it set down by the word of God, and in the way of History, as for other matters besides: but, for the residue of it, but by the way of prophesy, and the same very briefly too. While we haue it set by the way of History, whereas but part of the people now returned, and many of them yet tarried behind, we haue some Story of both sorts of them: first of those that now returned; then, of those that yet tarried behind. As touching those that now returned, their Story first noteth in what estate or case they were generally: then doth it deliver unto us, one special employment of theirs besides. Generally no more but this, that they had under them both the freedom of their Religion and laws; and a Deputy or governor, one of themselves: but yet that they were in subiection unto them, and did pay them tribute withall. That one special employment of theirs, was the re-edifying or building again of the House of God. In the Story of which we haue delivered unto us, first how themselves were occupied about it: then, how it pleased God, in the end to finish it. themselves were so occupied about it, that they did for a time marvelous well; but nothing so commendable, a little after. For, when first they came home, we read of diuers things very well done, both of certain of the chief among them: and of all the whole company too. certain of the chief among them gave towards the building of the House of God, of their own accord, Ezr. 2: 68-70 1 Esdr. 5: 44, 45. threescore and one thousand drams of Gold, five thousand pieces of silver, and an hundred Garments for the Priestes to use in their ministration: the sum of which Gold and silver that so they did so willingly give, being accounted, in our coin, to Bibl. angl 1594 amount to somewhat above fourscore and fourteen thousand, four hundred fourscore and thirteen pounds; a notable contribution, if wee mark, in respect of those that gave it. For they were but newly come out of captivity: and men are not wont to let those that are of that sort, to grow to any special wealth among them: and whereas they were, besides their seruants, but a few above two and forty thousand, this came to above forty shillings a piece, one with another. An example to bee marked of us so much the more, for that it seemeth it would be hard to match it with any such liberality of the greater sort among us: though we also haue now these many yeares had in hand the building up of Gods House among us again. Many of the greater sort among us, it may be, we might find, and too too many of the meaner too, who one way or other haue possessed themselves of many of those things that should go to the setting up of the house of God among us, or at least were needful for it: but for any such liberality wee are so defective, that it may bee very well doubted, we haue no great meaning to get up that building. Of all the whole company of them there are good things noted likewise, both of their present devotion towards God: and of the care they had too, of the business or work they had in hand. As touching their present devotion then towards God, it is noted, Ezr. 3: 1-6. 1 Esdr. 5: 47-53 that against the seventh month the first of their festival times, it seemeth, they had, after that now they were returned, they all came together to jerusalem, made ready the Altar, offered thereon in very good manner, and kept withall the feast of Tabernacles according as by the law was appointed: and though it seemeth it was the fear of the people among whom they were, that much quickened up their devotion Ezr. 3: 3. now; yet seemeth it likewise, that with good courage they did perform 1 Esdr. 5: 50 it, though the people of the country did seek to trouble them much therein. As touching the business they had in hand, then also they gave money, and made provision, Ezr. 3: 7. 1 Esdr. 5▪ 54, 55 that so they might set in hand with the work so soon as might be: and in the second month of the next year, they began the work itself, laying the foundation Ezr. 3: 8-11 1 Esdr. 5: 56-62. and building thereon; joining withall, in very good manner, giuing of thanks and praises to God. At which time there fell out among them an accident very strange, till it be seen what reason it had. For when they had laid the foundation, and reared up some building thereon, as it was a joyful sight to most of the company, Ezr. 3: 12, 13 1 Esdr. 5: 63-65. who shouted so for the ioy they conceived, that far off it was heard: so was it likewise so sorrowful a sight to diuers of the company, such as were of the most ancient of them, who had seen the former Temple, outlived the captivity, and were now come home again, that they wept a-pace for sorrow, to see that this was never like to come near to the former; and the cry of these( many of the others no doubt now joining with them, for the reverence of their yeares and place among them) was likewise so great, that it could not bee discerned, whether the noise of their mirth, or sorrow were greater. Wee also haue had many yeares now, the house of God rearing up among us: but so very unlikely ever to come to that beauty that were to be wished, for that the maintenance thereof is so strongly with-held by many; and that which remaineth, so hauked in still more and more, that although many rejoice for that which is already done( and good cause haue we, God be thanked, so to do) yet many of the godlier and wiser sort, who see well enough that this kind of building will never grow to any such beauty, as great reason it were it should, and can rightly decipher whereunto such glorious shows as sometimes we haue do closely tend, do hearty sorrow, to see it so entangled in a kind of fatal necessity, that they can never look to see it out of the briars. But God be thanked, that whether wee rejoice for that which is already done, or whether wee sorrow for that which wanteth and is like to want still, all is on behalf of the Church of God. For we haue certain others among us, that haue herein no sorrow at al, but to see the house of God advanced among us so much as it is: nor any ioy, but to see it rise up so slowly as it doth,& not likely neither to make better speed. That they did nothing so commmendably a little after, was that they grew could and slack in this their business: which notwithstanding we do not find in the story, in that compass of time that now we are in, namely, soon after they were returned; but yet are assured that so it was, because the Prophet Agg●●s or Haggay doth afterward from the lord so charge them. But that we do not lay any more to their charge Agg●. 1: 1-4 than justly wee may, we must withall confess, that indeed they had some occasion given that they went not forward: but yet not such, as for all that time might hold them excused. The occasion they had, that they went not forward with the building that they began, was for the fore-part of the time but easy: but stronger after. While the occasion was but easy, nevertheless it seemeth, they suffered themselves to bee very long hindered thereby, even threescore and ten yeares, or thereabout. For as yet I see not the time so cleared by the Learned themselves, that wee may safely set down the certainty of it: as neither the Text itself doth tell us( as a matter belike that the wisdom of God did not think so needful for us) what time it was that they left 〈◇〉 building. But seeing it seemeth to bee so long an intermission as now wee haue 〈◇〉, it shall bee good, that so much the rather wee do consider, both of the occasion they h●●de unto it; and of their fault that thereon they made: that so wee may( ●o our own instruction) more distinctly see, first, how far they were occasioned to surcease from that their business; then, how far we may account they offended therein: They were occasioned to surcease from their business, but more easily( as I said) at the first: but after, more strongly. When they were but easily hindered we are again to consider, first what the same hindrance was: then, what use the Iewes made of it unto themselves. The hindrance that they had, was by certain neighbors of theirs near unto them, those mungrel-Israelites that we spake of before: the people that Salmanasor 2 kin. 17: 6, 24 brought out of his own countries, and placed in the cities of Israel; taking away those that were left of the Israelites in dead, and placing those in certain cities of his. These, as we heard had the hand of God in such sort vpon them at their first inhabiting there, that thereby they were brought to the fear and worship of the Lord: but yet not so fully not so sincerely, but that they worshipped then wonted Idols withall. The business that these did make to the Iewes, was first as friends: but then, as enemies. As friends, they came unto them offering themselves to help to build with them, as being of the same profession for Religion that the Iewes were Ezr 4: 1, 2 1 Esdr. 5: 66-69. of: themselves belike seeing no odds, but that seeing they worshipped after a sort the Lord too, their profession was as good as the profession of the others, though they worshipped their wonted Idols besides. And wee haue diuers such among us also, professing Christianity, but mingling their Idol-woorshipping withall( though, it may be, not altogether in so a high degree as those others, and yet in effect not far of from them) who nevertheless themselves will not seem to see but that they are as good Christians as any, yea and the onely catholics all christendom over. But the people of GOD were wise enough, for them, and so gave them their answer accordingly: namely, that they had nothing to do Ezr. 4: 3. 1 Esdr 5: 70, 71. in that business, but that it was to them the Iewes onely committed; and so that themselves onely would accordingly do it. Apoynte of wisdom and resolute dealing that hath been long overmuch wanting with us, allowing those mungrell-Christians of ours to bear overgreat sway in the Common-wealth among us, being now as it is so worthy a member of the house or Church of God. For woe worth the building, that they would haue builded: it would soon haue been seen, what kind of building theirs would haue been. For so are wee sure, by plain experience, that ours haue done. being once allowed to bear any sway, in Court or country, on Bench, or at bar, the truth of the gospel, and the better professors of it, were ever sure, if they came in their way, to haue the shrewdest nip that they could give them. God ever keep them from the Counsell-Table: it is not to say, how wonderful much mis-chiefe they might do there. When these good catholics saw themselves so plainly deciphered, and could not that way attain to any part of their desire, then did they not stick to show themselves as thty were indeed, themselves pulling of their vizards then, and showing themselves to be plain enemies, that seemed to be such friends before: and that which they did, first by themselves; then also, by others. By themselves, they so terrified and discouraged the builders, and so troubled them in their business, that Ezr. 4: 4. 1 Esdr. 5: 72 the building of the Temple was thereby very much hindered. As we also haue seen by our companions of that rank, that when they might not themselves haue been fingering as they thought good, then would they be so troublesome unto them one way or other, and cast in their way such terrors withall, as that thereby our building also hath thriued but ill, in comparison of that which otherwise it might haue done. By others they did it, first by hiering counsellors against them: then, by seeking to Ezr. 4: ●. weigh the King himself to their bent also. That they hired Counsellors against them, it was that they should bee a means to hinder the building: themselves belike seeing, that they did hinder it nothing so much, as their good catholic hearts desired; and therefore seeking unto those others, that( they knew well enough) could give it a deadlyer gripe than they. And let Princes haue any such about them, wee need not to doubt, but that our catholics too, will bee sure to wage them: and the gospel may beshrew their unhappy Pates, that haue spied that advantage so much as they haue. To weigh the King to their bent also, it seemeth, that first themselves did writ: then, that they got the Gouernours of those partes to do the like. For first it is said, that themselves wrote an accusation against the Inhabitants of judah, and of jerusalem: then it followeth immediately after, that the Gouernours of those partes did also writ against them. Of that which is attributed unto themselves, wee haue no more said, but onely that they wrote to the King against them: but the other is set down at large; and is indeed a grievous letter against them. Of the former, though there bee no more said in particular: yet, as the effect thereof is set down unto us, it implieth matter enough against ●●●. 4: 6, them, and that they spared not any particulars that might seem to make for their purpose. But in the other, the Gouernours of those Countries, do so charge that city with rebellion and troublesomeness to kings and Princes before, and ●●●. 4: 6-23 put the King in such fear of losing all his Dominions there, if that city get up again; and so refer themselves to the ancient records therein, that they readily obtain inhibition to stay it: and when they haue gotten it, do as readily speed themselves to jerusalem, to compel the Iewes to stay their building; and so the work now for long time ceaseth. Ibid. 23▪ 24 3 The Iewes, being thus far occasioned, did now give over( wee may may easily conceive) at least for a time, their building there. But if wee mark, we read of no inhibition till now; and this seemeth to bee much longer since they returned, than dyvers do take it: and then had they time enough, to haue finished their work long before this. Whereas therefore the Prophet doth charge them, that they had lingered in their business; and for that cause it was, that God Ag. 1: 1-4 Ibid. 5-11. had sent him a Famine among them: hence wee are very probably directed to gather, that first they had a long time lingered; then, that they were forbidden besides. Which is so much the rather to be considered, that we charge them no farther than justly we may. So it seemeth, that that charge of the Prophet after, appertaineth but onely to that time, when as yet they were not by sovereign authority forbidden to build: and that then it was, that they so busily went about their own private; and accounted it no time as yet, to build on forward the house of the Lord. A matter, so much the rather to be considered, first, for the better avoiding of one piece of danger that is in our way here: then for certain other general doctrines besides. That one piece of danger that is in our way here, is a note in some of our bibles that may seem to import, that although sovereign authority Bibl. ●●gl 1594 in Ezr, 4: 24. ●, did forbid them to go any farther yet in their building; nevertheless being willed by their Prophets still to be doing, it was their partes in that case, rather to disobey their King than their Prophets. indeed it followeth immediately after, that a couple of Prophets did encourage them to bee doing: and that accordingly they did then set in hand with their business again. But that is another Chapter, Ezr. 5: 1, 2. though next to it ensuing, and so not necessary to be understood of the time that is spoken of in the Chapter before; as also we haue in the Text itself diuers good reasons that do other-wise direct us to take it: both in these two Chapters that now we are in; and in the Story of those Prophets themselves that are spoken of here. In these two Chapters that now we are in wee haue two reasons, one, arising out of them both: the other, in the latter of them. That which ariseth out of them both, is, that neither wee haue the same King, nor those Gouernours in the one that we haue in the other: as by conferring them together doth plainly appear. If Ezr. 4: 6, 7, 11, 23. Ibid. 5: 5, 7. there bee not the same King in the latter that was in the former( as, though otherwise it bee very plain, yet if there were no more but that alteration of Gouernours that there wee find, even that onely were sufficient to direct us to Ezr. 4: 7-9, 17, 23 Ibid. 5: 3, 6 gather, that they were two several times that were spoken of here) then though the former did forbid them to build, yet had they no such cause to stay under the latter: especially, being then so called upon by those their Prophets as they were. That which ariseth out of the latter of them, is, that the time Ezr. 4: 6. 7. 5: 3, 5, 7 when those Prophetes did encourage them to bee doing, and they thereupon did return unto it again, was the same, when Tatnay and his Fellowes came to question with them about it to inform the King, which was Darius, and not Ahash●erosh or Art●sh●sht then. In the Story of the Prophets themselves it is plain, that it was in the dayes of a new King that they did prophesy▪ not in the dayes of Ahash●erosh or Art●sh●sht that did command their building to cease, but in the dayes of Darius succeeding; and not till the second year of his reign neither, and the sixth month of the same for the one, and the eight for the other. H●g. 1: 1. Zach. 1▪ 1 In which time there might bee some reasonable good knowledge had, whether he were like to incline to their favour or not: at least, when GOD was disposed to set these Prophets a-work, then could he frame the kings heart also, to be correspondent thereunto. Which consideration of the variety of times and the reign of those Princes, might easily haue shewed, that such a note there could never seem to haue any sufficient warrantice for it. But some, not other-wise evil, were then also,( it may seem) so possessed with that opinion, that people were so much to regard the Presbyteries, that in such things the regal eminency was to yield unto it, that even that point of praeiudyce onely, might make them the rather stumble at this: and so made themselves some-what bold, in such sort to lay down that note, as if men need not fear to take that from the one, and to give it unto the other. A point so per●●lous, that it might not in duty bee omitted, but that others were to bee warned of it. Those other general doctrines besides, that arise out of this, are two: one, appertaining to all; the other, to the greater sort chiefly. That which doth appertain to all, is of two principal branches: one, the notice of a special point of infirmity in us; the other, a course that God in such case, may be doubted, will take. That special point of infirmity in us that hence we may learn, is, how easily we slip( if wee take not the better heed) our greater business, in respect of some less: and not onely such as are but of ordinary or common temper therein; but even of the better sort too. For this people, when first they returned, did marvelous well: with great devotion they first worshipped God; and then for that their peculiar business, they liberally made provision for it, and readily set in hand with the work itself. And yet soon after wee find they were very slack therein: and( it seemeth) a long time too. If a people for that time so forward and zealous, could nevertheless so soon fall off from it again, a great deal more are many of us in danger of it. If wee inquire what it was that hindered them, wee do not find them other-wise charged, but with that unseasonable regard of their own private: but that doth imply withall, that they had but a slender regard of the public; for that a special regard, both of the one and of the other, do never in any( or but very seldom) inhabit together. This may wee easily see in all public good things whatsoever: but especially, as this case was, whensoever the house of God decayed, is to bee reared up among us again. For then( say wee) the time serveth not yet, that so we may with better colour go about our private. Since the time it pleased God to vouchsafe us the gospel, wee had plain experience of it: then, being brought home again from the captivity wherein wee were; and, for a while, at the first beginning well. But then our proceedings( saving that still we upheld, what wee had done at the first( were nothing so answerable to that beginginning as were to be wished. There was no time then( thought we) to proceed any farther: and yet before God, there was nothing at all, it seemeth, that hindered indeed( other things, I grant, might then be pretended) but onely the immoderate love we had then to our private; but that may we see was thoroughly followed▪ by those that were in any place of such advantage. Of that which since hath been so busily followed to the use of the whole, more than in the daies of those our elders th●● lived before, I grant there may be some doubt conceived, for that it might ever seem to be carried by a care of the public good of v● all: and so was ●● indeed, so far as there was no more done, than for the defence, maintenance and honour of the State was needful to be. But if there were any needless burdens imposed on the lower, to raise up some needless helps to some higher( a doubt that in these our daies lay not far of to be conceived) then was that public but private also. The course that in such case God useth to take, is, that when folk will not, they shal not: as here we may see he dealt with the Iewes. For when as having such time as they had, they nevertheless were so easily hindered, that so they might the rather go about their private, God then so ordained, that they should bee hindered indeed, which was by that inhibition given them. A general warning to us all, to take time when it pleaseth God to give it; else not to think much if he also take it from us again: and to haue this circumspection, as in all things else, so especially in re-edifying the Temple of God. We, in those daies that lately we spake of, had indeed many rubs cast in the way: but if wee mark, neither were they, till first ourselves lingered; and, from that time forward, they did still increase vpon vs. So that slipping time when we might, hardly came it after so fitly again. God grant that yet, if so it may stand with the good pleasure of God, it may be ever taken as it ariseth. That which appertaineth to the greater sort chiefly, is, that the House of the Lord is not so easily repaired, as many it seemeth do think that it is. Cyrus, having given them leave, and some help unto it, and having done that in so good manner as indeed he had done, thought as it seemeth, that it would haue served: himself would prosecute his good success to the enlarging of those his Dominions; and so he did. himself acknowledged, that God had commanded him to build him an House in jerusalem: and he implyed a plain grant withall, that God had waged him already right well, to do it, having given him, as himself told us, all the kingdoms of the earth. And he having done that which he did, belike he thought, that therein he had done as much as God would haue looked for at his hands. But he was deceived: he was without question a notable Prince, and many good things we find in him; but he was not well acquainted( as yet) with God. He was but an Heathen man: and knew not how striktly God would look, that what he commanded, should with all diligence, and to the full, haue been performed. he did not consider, that God commanding that unto him, did withall imply a Supersedeas to all things else, or Sequestration from them, till that were don: he thought God would bee more easily answered; or that he might in the mean season prosecute those his other affairs, and greater too( as it seemeth he took them; and it is certain, that others do) and afterward do this at more leisure. But God would not be so dealt withall by him: seeing he no better did that which he should; he did soon cut him off from that which he would. God had given him so much glory already, that it was not for him now to look for any such augmentation thereof at the hands of him, whose glory in this so much he neglected: but rather to haue resolved on this, and to haue assured himself thereof, that herein advancing( the best that he could) the glory of him that had brought him thus far already, he should that way soonest haue attained to all that glory, and those Dominions that yet abode him. But he leaving this the open and the readiest way, and that which was to him enjoined, he took another much more suitable to flesh and blood, and thereafter, in pitiful manner, perished in it. This might he haue done, without any hazard at all of the blood of any, his own, or others( if not to the saving of very much which otherwise might be easily spilled:) that course that he took, could not be any way performed, but with much hazard of blood; and, as it fell out, there was very much blood-sheading about it. It was first indeed but the blood of others; but by and by after, even to the full, required with his: and that in dishonourable manner too, after that first the honour of God was so lightly regarded. A iudgement of God of special moment, ever to be before the eyes of those that haue charge: ever to account it their chief and principal business, to rear up an ho●● Temple to God, 〈…〉 of the 〈…〉 requiseth; and not to 〈◇〉 that any thing else should 〈…〉 they haue done, in some good 〈…〉, their duty in th●●. 4. having seen in what sort the 〈◇〉 themselves were occupied 〈◇〉 it 〈◇〉 that in effect they did ●● better but 〈◇〉 therein, 〈◇〉 what the 〈◇〉 they had thereunto at the first, and how long a time, as it seemeth, they had unto it afterward( but so do wee also in all good employments 〈…〉 that n●w we speak of) 〈…〉 God in the 〈…〉 to 〈◇〉 it; 〈…〉 i● seemeth he did, first 〈…〉 people occasion again after the●e 〈…〉; then, ●● very comfortable m●●ner, giuing to his the victory of 〈…〉 were▪ occasion the Enemies, after their 〈…〉 to 〈…〉 against them by that special dealing that no● it pleased hi 〈…〉 people: first in the subs 〈…〉 also in the manner 〈◇〉. The 〈…〉 that Ezr. 5: 1, 2 1 Esdr 6: 1, 2 Hag 1: 1-14 Zach. 1: 1. now in the reign of another King, he both s 〈…〉 his Prophets 〈…〉 them up, now again to be doing: and withall did 〈…〉 of the people ●o do accordingly. The manner of it was, that it was not confusedly b 〈…〉 done, but in such order as most beseemed: the Prophets being so specially directed to Hag. 1: 1. Zach. 4: 6 Fzr. 5: 2. 1 Esdr. 6: 2. Hag. 1: 12, 14 two of the chief Rulers among the people; and they being the chief Leaders unto the rest. And so is it a good token that the Lord also dealeth with us, when he both calleth upon us by his Prophets, and moveth our he●●●es do there-after: and when this is likewise done, not in any con●●sed or preposterous order, but according to this good pattern before vs. For some-times it cometh to pass, that we haue spirites among us, that pr●tending 〈…〉 nd reformation do nevertheless make but slendes account of their Superiors, though professors and maintainers of the gospel too; but rather turn to the rude and in constant people, working with them as they are able, sometimes against those their superious, and very often vn witting unto them: and this oft-times they do( for satan is coming, and so can deal when he is disposed) with such a show and resemblance of true zeal indeed, that it is hard for many to find them, to bee such as they art; being ●o better( for many of them) than deceivers indeed, and such as seek to draw men into parties to their 2 Pet. 2: 10 Iud. 8. own advantage. For not onely wee are taught, in plain terms since, that they are praesumptuous, and stand in their own conceit, that despise government or speak evil of those that are in dignity; but of old likewise God so coupled all true devotion and zeal towards him, in the Ten commandments so fast together, with the due honouring of Father and Mother, that though there were no more but that onely to decyphe● their meaning and course that they hold, yet that onely were ever sufficient whereby to know them: and not onely those of the Popish crew; but all others also whatsoever. The Iewes therefore did now no sooner, being thus stirred up, fall unto their business again, but that their enemies( not those that wee heard of before, but all of a Feather) the Gouernours of those Countries now( but all these were Heathen, and knew not GOD, and were no governors of theirs neither) were by and by with them, and would needs know of them, how it came to pass, that now again they would needs bee building. But now, belike doubting, that the inclination of their new Prince was more favourable towards them, than they would haue wished that it should haue been, they deal with them accordingly, not so imperiously, nor so saucily as other-wise they would,( for that is the manner of all the Enemies of God and his people▪ to bee too too Ezr. 5: 3, 9, 10 1 Esdr. 6: 3, 4 malapert so long as they are backed with earthly helps; but other-wise to bee, as therein they are of a base kind, as servile as may be;) but only asking whereupon they are afresh so building, and taking the names of the principal of them; so to terrify them the more, so far as they might. In the answer that the people do give them hereto it is good to mark, that they make no mention but onely Exr. 5: 11-16 1 Esd. 6: 13-20 of that which made for them, the authority of Cyrus which they had to build; and never speak of the inhibition afterward given that might easily seem to make against them, though that also might well be answered by them, as becoming ●o●d by the ●●●th of him that gave it: so the rather to avoid( it may seem) needless contention and business with them; all of that kind being ●uer ready to make Mountaines of molehills, so oft as they get never so little hold against them, or but onely some very shadow, where they fail of the body itself. The occasion being thus given and taken, and now being to see how comfortable manner it pleaseth God to give unto his the victory of them, that they we see that he plainly doth, first( if wee mark) in the accusation or charge that was laid against them: then, in the process of the cause ensuing. In the accusation or charge that was laid against them we may note it, for that God doth so overrule them that they 〈◇〉 but moderately in the cause: both with the people themselves Ezr. 5: 3-17 1 Esdr. 6: 3-22 that were building; and when they writ to the King about it. For that they deal no 〈◇〉 with the Iewes themselves, we are to conceive, that being of the kind they were of, so natural enemies to the people of God, and especially to the sincerity of their profession, there was some special hand of God in it that bridled them to that moderation. The like wee may see when they writ to the King, for that they did but plainly writ of the case as it was, without any mingling of any bitterness or gull against them: and very indifferently refer it unto him, whether it please him to cause search to bee made whether any such grant was made them, or not; and what his pleasure was in that case to be done. Some way or other no doubt they were muzzeld, being so cursed things as they were, and yet did so little offer to bite. In the process of the cause ensuing the most of Gods dealing was with those others: but some part of it likewise with the Iewes. Those others were, the King himself, and those that( so far as it was) offered themselves against the Iewes. The King, vpon that letter of theirs Ezr. 6: 1-12 ● Esdr. 6: 23-34. causing search to be made, and finding that Cyrus indeed had given them leave so to build, and out of his own Coffers had allowed the expenses of it, then giveth his iudgement, and setteth down his decree: first, for that time present; then, for all ages after ensuing. For that time present his decree was, that they should in no wise hinder it; but that whatsoever the Iewes should need thereunto, eyether for the building itself, or for the service of God after, that should be given unto thē out of the kings Coffers there, as themselves should require, that so prayer might there be made for him and his: and that if any should alter this order, himself should be executed, and his house both razed and made a Dung-hill. For all ages ensuing, he putteth all kings and peoples under a grievous and fearful curse, and the same to descend unto them from the selfsame God that had put his name there, whosoever should after put to their hands to destroy that house of God at jerusalem. A Story of great worth to be marked, not only in respect of that which he did: but also in respect of the person that he sustained. In that which he did, one thing we may note throughout the whole: another, out of one part of it. Throughout the whole wee may see, that in that cause( which was the building up again of the house of God in jerusalem) he did not temporize, but was very resolute: as not only Princes, but all others also, should ever be, in the cause of Religion. A matter so much the rather to bee marked, for that the undoubted wisdom of God hath here set down this for a pattern: whereas it is but onely the wisdom of flesh and blood that giveth that other direction unto us; here also approved by the effect that then ensued. That one part of it is, in that so he thundereth against whatsoever kings and peoples should afterward go about to impeach the house of God there: the truth whereof we haue in Iesus Christ, and in our Churches, wherein the name of God is called vpon, and wherein his people haue the use of his word and Sacraments. And seeing that it pleaseth God sometimes to use but mean instruments to great good purposes( as when he spake by Balaam himself, and by his ass) the matter itself is of that Nature, that leadeth us to conceive that it is of GOD: and then, both that it is a definitive sentence of God himself, though uttered but by that King then; and that it encloseth within the danger of it, all such as now also any way impeach the estate of the Church among vs. In respect of the person that he sustained, one thing is plain: another, very probable too. That which is plain, is, that he was but an Heathen man: and in that rude age of the World. A matter of just condemnation to many Christians: now in this great light of the gospel. That which is probable, is, that the King that wee speak of was a ●astard, or one that was but base born: the learned resolving that it was he that Fra. I●●. in. Ezr. 4: 24 was so called; and that so he was indeed. A very rare matter to haue any of that sort so well disposed towards God, as many things here do show this than to haue been. Many of them other-wise haue been notable then, and some in our dayes too, great ●●●kers or outward professors of the gospel: but very few good men of them all; and even those gospelers also( it may be feared for diuers of them) Church-robbers rather than Church-rearers. Let all sorts be careful, ever to keep both their bodies and beds undefiled. That part of his dealing Ezr. 6: 13-●2 1 Esdr. 7: 1-15 that was with the Iewes, was, that they being so far encouraged and holpen then( even those governors themselves readily and roundly now coming in to their help) and the Prophets so calling upon them besides, and so now having, as it were, both the sun and the moon to give them light, or both heaven and earth assistant unto them, the work was soon dispatched by them: and then, that being finished, and at such time of the year, as that the Feast of the passover soon after approached, they first solemnized the dedication of it in very good manner, and with great gladness and ioy; and held the Feast of the passover, and unleavened Bread very orderly too. In which Gouernours aforesaid wee haue withall a very good pattern, what hope we might haue of such like among us, Enemies yet to the gospel of Christ, and to the building up again of his Temple here: namely, that although yet, so long as they see that they are but dallied withall, they praetend full smoothly, that their conscience forsooth will not suffer thē to come to the church, or at least, not to communicate; yet were they kindly dealt with indeed, as these others were here, conscience or no conscience, then would they come. For though their praetence or outward appearance for the time bear a faire show, in certain of them, as though in no wise they might be moved: yet seeing that lighly they haue( among all the sort of them) no conscience at all, but such as resteth not on the word of God but upon policy, private combinations, and both unadvised and wicked oaths, we need not to doubt, but that that kind of conscience is of so good fellow-like a nature, that it will readily go with them whither soever themselves list, hither and thither, to this side& that, yea forward and back-ward, even as they will; and will ever bee loathe, go which way they list, to tarry behind them. 5 As touching those that tarried behind when these others returned, we are first to consider who they were: then, what is the Story of them. It is therefore good to consider who they were, because wee find some that are name for this return, whom notwithstanding we reckon to bee of those that tarried behind: namely, Nehemiah, and Mordecay. As touching Nehemiah wee haue indeed Ezr. 2: 2. 1 Esdr. 5: ●. good Story, that he came afterward: but it seemeth he came not yet, except he returned back again. For, being so great a man as he was, name here in the third place also, it is not unlike, but that now we should haue had some Story of him: and certain it is that long after this he was in the Court, in the palace Nehem. 1: 1. 2: 1. of Susan, attending the King there, in a special office. As for Mardocheus or Mordecay, we do not else-where find, that he came at all: but afterward we haue some Story of him there. So it is thought by some, that although they came Tremel. I●n. not now, yet they gave in their names at Babylon, to bee of the number of those that would return: and more specially for Mordecay, that the Mordecay that is Bibl. Angl. name here, was not the same of whom wee haue the Story after. Howbeit seeing the Text nameth two such here to haue returned with the rest, it is most likely that they also returned with their Bretheren, but then went back to Babylon again. It is the manner of the best natured men to accompany their friends in special journeys, at the least for a good part of them: and the wiser sort haue ever thought it wisdom, that so many as were men of special reckoning, should in all such actions as they would haue to go forward, be foremost themselves, or ●● least by their presence or partaking with them, to give some countenance ●● credit unto them. So it may very well be, that these also, either in kindness as they were bretheren and good men besides, or else for example to draw the mo with them, being of such account among them as they were, did now also return although we haue yet no Story of them: as also we may easily conceive, that there w●●e none others so called, that should be vouchsafed ●o haue such place here among the chief and principal Fathers, any thing so likely as those of whom wee afterward haue so special Stories. Yet because wee haue no Story of them yet; and that by likelihood when they had brought their bretheren home, they returned back again for the good of those their bretheren: therefore haue I also for this time thought good, to make no other reckoning of them, than as yet remaining behind; and of those the Story will afterward show, that there were many others besides of whom we haue no particular mention. 6 Now therefore as touching the Story of these, we may well conceive that there were two sorts of them: some that stayed there for the good of the people; others, but in worldly respects. Of those that seem to haue stayed there for the good of the people, one there is of very great and special account, that, for ought that wee read, stayed there still: but others, that afterward came home to their bretheren. He that was of special account, and for ought that we read of, stayed there still, was daniel the Prophet. On whom although wee haue already heard somewhat in the proper place thereunto appertaining, as then the consideration of him was but a part of the Story of the whole people: yet now that wee are to consider thereof as his own proper Story, in this place, in that respect, it shall not be amiss to consider somewhat more fully of it, his case therefore was such, as that soon after the Persian monarchy got up there, he was brought into great peril of his life: but wonderfully delivered again. So it shall bee good for us to consider, first of his peril: then, how he was delivered from it. In his peril wee are likewise to consider, first of the occasion of it: then, of the danger itself. The occasion of it consisted, if we mark, of two principal branches: one, the favour the King did vouchsafe him; the other, the envy of the Nobles against him. The favour that the King did vouchsafe him, was very great; and besides he meant greater unto him: and the reason was, the excellency of the spirit, or, as wee commonly Dan. 6: 1-3 speak, the great worth or worthiness that the King noted in him; as also it may probably be, that the famed that before might justly go on him, especially by his late repetition of Balthasars fall, might occasion the King first to cast his eye unto him. A matter so much the more worthy to be considered, if we mark what honour it was the King did vouchsafe him: and whereupon the King did vouchsafe the same unto him. The honour he did vouchsafe him was, to be one of the chief in the affairs of all his Dominions, having then an hundred and twenty kingdoms or provinces under him; so placing a Prophet in very high place in matters of state: a very absurd thing, in the distempered humors of many; but here not onely put in ire( and to great good purpose too) by that Heathen King, but left enrolled to our instruction by God himself. If we mark whereupon the King did it, we find that it was, not for any cunning or fetching head, or for that he could deeply dissemble, much less for any bad devises he had to wring in the wealth of others, and to keep all low but themselves; but for the excellency of the Spirit that was in him: a special good pattern to show unto Princes, in what rank of people they may soonest find such as are for them; so that withall they ever take heed of humorous mixtures oft-times concurring. Whereupon the envy of the Nobles did arise against him we haue not expressed, being belike left us as a matter of that facility, that every one himself may find it: but that it was great, is very plainly noted unto vs. In that it is left to ourselves to gather, whence it arose, we are by it onely sufficiently taught, that none lightly can haue any special place of honour or favour about a Prince, but that others will take it ill,& seek to undermine him therein; especially being such as he was, a stranger then, and a captive before: and that no worthiness of the party whatsoever, can bee against all a protection unto him; all others( to speak of) accounting themselves, though never so mean, yet to be of reasonable good worthiness too. How great this envy of theirs was against him, we haue by two things set down unto us: one, that they sought no less than his life; the other, that they did it, when nevertheless themselves could find no fault at all with him. In that no less than his life would please them, we may see how plainly they adventure their lives, that press to the higher places in Court: thereby making themselves a mark for others to aim-at. In that they did it, when nevertheless they could find no fault with him, and thereupon did cast otherwise to entrap him, we are not onely to mark, as afore, that innocency in such case doth not ever secure us; but farther to consider withall, of that special devise of theirs that they had to entrap him: and first, what they concluded among themselves; then, what they obtained of the King. themselves concluded, when they had wacht him long before, that they Dan. 6: 4, 5 should never find any fault with him, as touching the discharge of the trust to him committied in the place he was in: and that the onely way to entrap him would bee, some way or other to seek to do it by the Lawe of his God that he professed; and so resolved first to make a decree for their purpose, and then to move the King therein. daniel then was an happy man, that walked so even in all his ways, in so great a charge, in so high a place, over so many Countries, and in such favour with his Prince, that none of them all, though gladly they would, was able to lay any thing to his charge: a wonder rather than a Story to us, who cannot haue any so little such place of advantage, but that we are so far from walking so even that no body can charge us; as that wee haue much ado to stop the mouths of whole Countries, that they cry not out against vs. On the other side, if any would lay a plot to catch us, by any constancy or devotion in us in our Religion, and wee any way understood that that way were laid some plot to catch us, wee then could walk so just and even betwixt heaven and earth, that fowlers could never live by their Trade, if they could no better deal with the wiliest foul that is, than these other Birders could at any time prevail against us: Long might they fast, if needs they would still keep their stomach for so dainty a dish. That which they obtained of the King, was as touching the decree that they had made: and so are wee first to consider of that decree; then, how they did in the end obtain it. In that decree wee are to consider, not onely what it was in itself: but much rather what it was in respect of the use whereunto it was ordained. What it was in itself, is plain enough in the Text: namely, that none Dan. 6: 4-7 should for thirty daies space, make any request to God or man, but onely unto the King himself; and, if any did, that then he should be cast into the den of lions. In respect of the use, whereunto it was ordained, first wee may plainly see, that great counsellors sometimes, are but meanly occupied, and become trap-makers too: and not ever but some of them of less reckoning; but even all the whole company of them( for so they pled, that it was the doing of them all) and so consequently, even the flower of them withall. Then, that for the more easy obtaining of it, they stick not to seem to haue it their meaning, to defy their King, or to make a God of him: and yet that they do it in wisdom too, not urging to the people too much at once, and therefore appointing( for the first time yet) but thirty daies onely. In that these great counsellors here, do so lye in wait, by the help of the King to entrap daniel, Princes haue a reasonable good warning to take good heed, that of those that are the greatest about them, if any be more faithful than the rest, the others do not abuse their help to entrap them: and in the other, that if in their greatness they cannot bee content still to be men, lightly they haue such about them, as( for one purpose, or other) will not stick soon to make them to swallow. How in the end they did obtain it, that we may the better see, we are to note, that one part of it they easily got: but hardly the other. That which they did easily get, was to haue the King to confirm Dan. 6: 8, 9 it, or to establish it: which they did no sooner move, but that he readily granted, adding his confirmation or seal unto it. A pattern plain enough in itself, both how readily such as are in high place about Princes, will sometimes abuse them: and how easily Princes themselves if they take not good heed, are by those that they trust abused. That which they did more hardly obtain, was the execution of it: concerning which, first wee are to see how there was an offence found to bee committed; then, how the execution thereon was obtained. The offence that was found to bee committed, was, in that daniel used prayer still after his wonted manner: Dan. ●: 10, 11. and they purposely watching, took him so doing. Whereby it seemeth first very plain that daniel was wont to use prayer: and, not altogether unlikely( saving that none but himself, was thereupon accused or troubled) to bee with his Family also, for that they did so well know it, and wrought thereupon; and for that now they could so readily come vpon him when he was so occupied. Otherwise, if it were such prayer as himself used alone, it is not unlikely, but to such purpose he would haue taken some place more private: as both the nature of that kind of prayer requireth; and it is the manner of the best men to do, as Christ also himself doth afterward teach. For that the window towards jerusalem in Mat. ●: 6. the place where he was at prayer, was open, it is not needful that so wee take it, as if purposely he did it not caring who saw what they did; or that so he would do, purposely to cross that wicked decree: but that the place where he was wont to bee at prayer, was so coasted, that it was open towards jerusalem, that so he and his Family using to direct themselves towards it in their prayer( as Salomon had 1 King. 8: 46. 53. conceived before, that in such case the faithful would do, and withall had desired that God would then hear them) might more earnestly bee stirred up thereby unto prayer, and seek to meet with such favour of GOD in the way that for it was thus far prescribed unto them. Where also it is to bee noted, that now they were in their enemies Land, where there was no public prayer or exercise of true Religion to God: and that therefore it was more meet for daniel to haue it at home, for him and his. For where Religion is professed and the public exercise thereof allowed, there should the public place by all bee frequented: and the rather, both to the better leading on of others; and to prevent the wiliness and distempered zeal of some, who under praetense of prayer in private houses, undermine the peoples regard to the public, and besides breed in diuers things, sects and division. The execution hereon was obtained, by their great importunity with Dan. 6: 12-18 the King, who otherwise would gladly haue delivered daniel, but that they were so importunate with him, urging the stricktnesse of the laws of the Medes and Persians, that being once made, they might not for any mans cause bee broken: and so in the end daniel according to that new Lawe, onely for that cause purposely made, was cast into the den of the lions; but sore against the mind of the King, if with the consent of his Nobles he might haue done it. In which strictness of the laws of the Medes and the Persians it shall bee good for us more specially to mark, one thing that is very commendable in them: another that is as defective too. Commendable it is, that they had so special care of putting their laws in due execution when once they were made: not sparing the greater sort therein, apartiality that is too usual with vs. But defective they were in that there was not prerogative left in the hands of the King, to dispense with such things, as came not within the sense or meaning of the Lawe; but onely within the letter of it. Not that wee may account this Lawe that wee speak of to be altogether of that nature: but that the resolutnesse of their speeches importeth that there was no such help reserved. For in this Law that we speak of, it was the chief meaning of those Nobles, to give that stranger such a chirt among them: and though it were sore against the Kings mind, that when daniel was come within the danger of it, it should bee executed on him; yet can we not so properly thereupon say, that the King had no such meaning, as that the King was by them overreached, and did overslip himself in it, including that he never thought of. His deliverance out of this danger was such, as very effectually wrought with the King besides: but first of that his deliverance; then, in what sort it wrought with the King. again his deliverance itself was such, that he was not onely delivered from those savage lions: but also to the destruction of those that caused him to bee cast in unto them, as savage as they. That he was delivered from the lions the King himself found the next morning betime;& Dan. 6▪ 19-24 so was he taken out from them again: and, on the other side, the others cast in, not onely themselves, but also their wives and Children with them; to whom the Lions then gave no sparing, but made a ready and quick dispatch of them all. Which example of Gods great and wonderful protection of daniel, and the severity of his Iustice on those his Enemies, so wrought with the King, that not onely himself gave glory to GOD: but also commanded all his Dominions to do the like; acquainting Dan. 6: 25-27 them with that which at this time he had for daniel done. A great condemnation to many of us, that an Heathen King should bee so ready for this one great work to publish the name of the Lord: and we being Christians, and thereby made acquainted with great numbers of such works of his towards us and others, nevertheless are nothing so ready to acquaint others there-with to his glory, not onely such as are farther of, but not so much as our nearest friends or neighbours, no nor those of whom we haue charge, our Children and Seruants. 7 Those that after came home ta their Bretheren, were two: Esra the one; Nehemiah the other. The Story of Ezra is in effect no more but this, that considering Ezra. of the case of his Bretheren, and being himself able to instruct them in the knowledge of God, and having some favour, as it seemeth, already with the King, he thought to see if he could be able to compass, that so he might bee by the King employed: and speeding very well therein, he then got others unto him, and did make his repair accordingly; so to bestow his labour among his Bretheren that were already returned. So are wee first to consider of this his coming unto them: then, what he did when he came there. In this his coming unto them, we are likewise to consider; first, what was his purpose or meaning in it: then, howe it pleased God to prosper him therein. His purpose or meaning was for their good, much like to that of Moses, when he left the Court to go and see how his Brethren did under their burdens: and no doubt a special work of Gods holy spirit in him. For having studied Exod. 2: 11 Act. 7: 23. Ezr. 7: 1-10 1 Esdr. 8: 1-8 before the Law of God, and having attained unto good knowledge therein, he now resolved, or took purpose with himself, or, as there it is said, prepared his heart to some special service of God: namely, to seek the Lord, or to do him, as the case was then, the best service he could; and so determined, to go into jury to his Bretheren that were gone home before, and to teach them the knowledge and fear of GOD. A rare, and a special good Story: well to bee considered of all; and an example to great good use in all ages among vs. For his purpose was, to leave the place where now he was seated( as we may probably conceive, for that he tarried so long behind his Bretheren that went home first) and well too, it may seem by his so long tarrying there, and the favour we find a little after he had with the King: and to go into jury to his Bretheren there, to bestow his labour, in that aforesaid instruction, on them. If wee mark the Story( and he was not like to bee ignorant of it) whereas there went not down full out fifty thousand in all, of themselves and their Seruants, we find, that four thousand six hundred and thirty Ezr. 2: 64, 65 Ibid. 36-42. of them were Priestes and levites, all of them, by Gods ordinance and their own profession, teachers of the people. So falleth it out, that they had so many Teachers( by profession) among them already, that every of them, one with another, had not full out five persons of all the rest to teach: and so might this purpose of his seem to be needless; and to some, but onely a weak conceit of his own. But Esra belike, did much more deeply consider, than many others: both of that late desolation that was among them;& of their present estate at that iime also. For the late desolation that was among thē, having no exercise of their profession, conversing with those that were Idolatrous,& overruled by them, must needs make such a dissipation of Religion, and all good order among them, as could hardly bee recovered again many yeares after. Their present estate also could in no wise be, for such matters, but pitiful yet, the building of the Temple itself being hindered, and being in so great an hazard, whether ever it should go forward or not. For so we may be sure, the Priestes and levites were not yet restored to their needful and wonted maintenance, but were compelled otherwise to help themselves, and to supply their own necessities so well as they could: as also there may be no better hope conceived, but that such as did employ themselves in the ministry(& those by likelihood but few) neither had the people any thing well attendant, nor were themselves but faintly occupied, or but after a secondary manner. Esra therefore might well conceive, that in such case some body had need to bestow some special labour about them, and thereupon did yield himself to that service. And so among us it were to be wished, that seeing in the most of the greatest Parishes, the due and needful maintenance of the ministry is so strongly with-held from those Churches, that there can bee no maintenance had for an able man among them; and many of those able men that otherwise wee haue, seeing their people,( for want of stronger order taken) so careless, and all the whole sway of the people about them, so universally carried to the present things of this world, do but easily follow their function also: it would please God to stir up, and to sand forth some such store of Esraes among us, as that at least the most desolate places might in some good measure be relieved thereby; and that some of the Issue or stock of those, that so with-hold the right of these Churches, would buckle themselves unto the ministry,& on their own charges make so good supply, as God should cable them to do. This extraordinary course of his, especially being so universal, or bending itself towards the whole people generally, might bee some check unto the easier labour of others, and by them therefore the hardlier censured: but it was the hand of God that was upon therein, both a sufficient warrant Ezr. 7: 6. 1 Esdr. 8: 28 in his own conscience, and a strong defence against others. It pleased God to prosper him therein, both while yet he was in Babylon: and in his way home-ward too. While yet he was in Babylon, it pleased God so to work( in a manner) in the hearts of all, that on every side he had great encouragement and help to that his good purpose, in plentiful measure: first of the King himself; then, also of others. It pleased God so to work in the heart of the King himself, that he dealt marvelous graciously with him: insomuch, that although it seemeth, that Ezra desired very much of him; yet was the King nothing behind in liberal granting. For that it was the request of Ezra, we need not to doubt, for that the Text itself doth doth so term it: and that the King was as free in granting, it appeareth Ezr. 7: 6. 1 E●dr. 8: 4. likewise, for that the Text doth also witness, that the King did grant him all his request. First therefore it shall be good to see what it was that Ezra desired, and the King did grant him: then, to mark what use we may make thereof to ourselves. What Ezra desired, wee haue not in particular noted unto us; but onely what the King granted unto him: but seeing we understand already, that both are one, we need go no farther, but onely to that which here wee haue delivered unto vs. The King therefore we find to haue dealt very graciously with him, both in the authority& credence he gave him: and by the aid that he did afford him out of his treasure besides. Authority and credence are in nature so linked together, especially the latter of them unto the former, that where it goeth before, there doth the other necessary follow. Yet is Ezra in so special good liking with the King, that besides the authority that he doth give him, he diuers times in plain terms doth express how worthy a man he accounteth him to be, and what special Ezr. 7: 12, 14-16, 18, 21, 25 Ibid. ●7. 28 1 Esdr. 8: 9-28 trust he reposeth in him: as Ezra himself doth afterward also very plainly aclowledge. A large proportion for the wisest and godliest Ministers of the gospel, at any time to attain unto, not onely with the most Christian Princes that our age breedeth; but even with much meaner men than they, yea with the meanest of all too: and therefore not amiss, that such examples should show forth themselves unto us, when we come in their way, that so wee may the better learn what we are indeed, profane or godless a great deal more than we are ware of. In the authority that now he gave him, wee may see the King had a special good care, that Ezra might be very well furnished unto his journey first: and then to do the business itself, when he came home. To furnish him to his journey first, Ezr. 7: 13, 15, 16. 1 esdr. ●▪ 10-18 he gave him leave to take home with him, both so many of his countrymen the Iewes as were themselves willing to go: and all such contribution and free-will-offering as either the King himself, or any of his Nobility or counsel, or any of his own people or of Iewes, should bee induced to give towards the lords House in jerusalem. It is not here set down what the King himself did give, nor in particular that he did give any thing at all; and so of all the others besides; but when hereupon it was gotten together, and afterward delivered to certain of the company of trust, to take the charge to carry it home, then it doth plainly appear that they all had given very liberally. The better to do the business itself when he came home, he gave him authority, from himself and his seven counsellors Ezr. 7: 14. ( the highest authority of all that was there) to make first such inquiry and search how all things stood there: as that so finding al such wants or griefs as thē did urge them, he might then so much the better provide remedy for them. having gatheted him to such advisement first, then it seemeth by the course of the Commission itself he leadeth him, first to such things as concern certain of them more specially: rhen, unto such ●● concern all generally. Those whom the Commission doth respect more specially, are first, such as appertain to the Land of jury: then, certain that confine vpon them. Of such as appertain to the land of jury, a couple there are that are so specially regarded: the Temple itself,& the due worship of God therein;& so many of the Iewes themselves as were employed thereabout. For the Temple itself and the due service of God therein, the king doth by this his Commission, first provide for certain things more specially: then, for all together generally. Those that he provideth for more specially, are, first for the right employment or use of certain things they had already: then, for some others that might be wanting. The things they had already, were, the Treasure and Plate that they brought with them: of which treasure they were praesently to lay forth Ezr. 7: 17, 18 1 Esdr. 8: 15-17 what should be needful, for al such sacrifices as were from time to time to be offered, and all the rest to be disposed as Ezra himself, and his Brethren should think good, to the use of Gods service;& all the Plate or holy vessels, were to be placed Ezr. 7: 19 1 Esdr. 8: 18 in the temple to the use of Gods service, as to every sort of them should appertain. Those otaers that might be wanting, were such as the King and his counsel conceived might be mo than they could think of; and therefore took order for those Ezr. 7: 20-22 1 Esd. 8: 19-21 things also: and that in such sort as is worthy the marking, both for the proportion in such case prescribed; and in what sort it should bee delivered. For the proportion was very liberal: making no stay, so long as it did not exceed an hundred Talents of silver; and the like proportion( in their kind) in Wheat, Wine, oil, and Salt. For the manner of the delivery of it, the Deputies in the Countries adjoining were commanded, in such sort to do it, as that the Iewes could never haue wished a readier nor a better way: they being commanded, that it should forth-with bee delivered without delay; even onely upon Esraes requaest, or when he should call for it. Not so content with these limitations, he farther commandeth generally, that whatsoever by Gods appointment is to bee Ezr. 7: 23. 1 Esdr. 8: 22 done for the House of the Lord, that it be speedily done, least otherwise the wrath of God be bent against them: thereby seeming to imply, that already they had felt some hand of God vpon them; and that it was, for that they had no better regard to the house of God. For so many of the Iewes as were employed about the House of God, the order that he took, was, that no toll, tribute, or custom should be Ezr. 7: 24. 1 Esdr. 8: 23 Ezr. 7: 25 1 Esdr. 8: 24 laid vpon them. For those peoples that did confine vpon them, he authorised Esra to appoint such Gouernours over them, as he should like of: the King himself directing him therein to appoint such, so near as he could, as already knew the law of the Lord; and to teach it to others that knew it not. Those things that concerned all generally, either the Iewes themselves, or those peoples that confined vpon them, as also the Officers and governors of either of them( but especially, it seemeth, of those other peoples) were none others but diuers sorts of punishments, Ezr. 7: 26 1 Esdr. 8: 25 which at his own election or discretion, he had power to inflict on those that were disobedient, either to the Law of God, or unto the Law of the King: giuing him both authority and charge, to punish all such without delay. And those punishments were, some to remove the offenders from them, either altogether taking them away as by death; or but chasing them away out of the country, as by banishment: or more easily punishing them within the Land, as by confiscation of goods, or imprisonment. This being the effect of the kings Commission, and the authority and credence that he gave unto Ezra, and we being now to see what use wee may make hereof to ourselves, wee are to know that best we may do it, if herein we shall duly mark, how far the King condescended to him on the behalf of the House of GOD: and what authority it was wherewithal he did invest him. On the behalf of the House of God, it is plain, that the King did yield marvelous far: a special good matter to be considered upon, both for all generally; and for certain of us more specially. All generally may note a very rare and a special zeal in this Heathen King towards the House of God in jerusalem: a great condemnation to all such Christian Princes, and other great ones besides, whom God hath enabled to such purpose, and yet, neglect their duty therein; and a faire pattern for all such men( and for all others in their measure) to lay before them, and out of it to learn, to what pitch or degree they ought to come in that case especially, if they would haue the Testimony of a good conscience, that they haue performed any thing near that point of duty. certain of us more specially might out of this learn, that wee should not be so Meale-mouthed as many of us are, so fearful and doubtful of any good success in any motion for the House of GOD, that other-wise gladly wee would exihbit to the greater sort among us, but that wee doubt wee should not lose our labour in it: and then lightly wee cull out some odd trifle or other( a matter, I mean, of no moment to speak of in comparison of that which indeed were to bee done) and make our motion or svit for it, as being the utter-most that wee may in any wise hope to obtain. So cometh it to pass, that when wee are so fearful in moving or demanding that which is due, even that onely doth much enbolden those that are the detainers of it to do nothing at all; or at least with much ado, and as it were of great liberality, and much more than they needed, to grant us those trifles that so we demand. Ezra did not so: but made a right large demand indeed( and yet no more, than was needful for the business itself, and due to bee by the King performed) and God so prospered him therein, that, setting himself so well as he did to glorify God, and no whit yielding to part stakes therein, that he obtained all he desired, finding the King as ready to grant, as himself was to demand. Wee had a matter some-what like in Moses before, when Pharaoh could bee content they went, so they left their Cattle behind: Exod. 10: 24-26. when Moses notwithstanding would not yield therein neither, not so much as to leave any one of them all, so to redeem passage for the rest. And being so resolute, God did prosper him there-after: forthwith giuing most open and free passage to all. On the other side, it was not the dignity of Moses and Aaron, nor the favour that God did bear them, especially to Moses( no not when he earnestly prayed to bee released of it) that could acquit them of a special Nū. 20: 7-12 chastisement that GOD would needs lay upon them, onely for that they were but doubtful or timorous in an hard piece of service that he had enjoined them, being a thing very unlikely to come to pass as he had directed them to expect: even for that they did not speak to an hard dry rock thereby, even in the presence of the people, and as it were with authority, or imperiously commanding it, to give forth abundance of Water to the use of Gods people; as hard a case, as this of ours that now wee speak of. For, GOD bee thanked, our Princes and great men haue been so long, and now are so well acquainted with the truth of God, that we may well hope, that there is more ability and readiness in them to yield whatsoever is needful to the aduancement of the glory of God among us: than in a dry rock, to yield forth, on the sudden, such abundance of water. The nature of the authority wherewith the King did invest the person of Ezra, was for the most part, merely civil; himself being but an ecclesiastical person onely: a faire pattern, n●● onely that such persons may be invested with such authority; but also, that the King himself, and his seven Counsellors( the flower, belike, for experience and wisdom, so far as he was able to judge) in al his Dominions, which were many& great, in wisdom thought good to make choice of that man,& so to furnish him to that business. A matter of reasonable good satisfaction to those, that so hardly digest, that such persons should at any time haue any such power to them committed: and reasonable plainly emplying withall, whence it is that the cause of the Gospel, and estate of the Church, haue yet no better success among us; and that it is never like to be better, so long as such as were likeliest to do it, are so carefully held off from the assembly of those, whence our hope is, that it might be obtained. 8 Those others whence he had encouragement and help besides, were partly other peoples there: and partly his own countrymen too. Those other peoples there, were such as were of the Kings Dominions; who for many of them Ezr. 7: 16, 8▪ 25 were Contributors, and gave their Offering to the House of the Lord: Namely, the Kings seven Counsellors, certain of his Princes, and of the people. What any of them in particular gave, we haue it not noted; and no marvell, when wee haue not any note of that which the King himself did give, as wee saw before: but by the total following it will appear, that they bestowed very well, either all of them generally, or certain of them more specially. Of his own countrymen in those partes diuers there were, that were Contributarie too, bringing in Ezr. 7: 16. 8: 25 their Offering also: but many of these gave him greater encouragement than so, for that they joined themselves unto him in that his good purpose, in some good measure, addressing themselves to depart from thence, and to go home to their country with him. Wherein the most commendable part of that actions of theirs, was not, that they did accompany him home: but in that, he going about so good business, they were as it seemeth in that respect willing, in their measure to be partakers with him. For, by likelihood, but few or none of all this company, were born in jury, but onely in Babylon, and in the provinces adjoining, where their parents and they were a long time in captivity, though by this time it is not unlikely, but that they had gotten better hold among them. What time it was that Ezra came down, it is not indeed by the learned agreed: but there is none, that probably doth reckon so short a time, but that these which now go down with Ezra, must needs be altogether another generation( some few particulars it may bee, onely excepted) than those that came into captivity. Which being so, then it is not so likely, that these were so ready to go into jury, as to their native country( in which respect they might rather haue had a desire to haue stayed where they were already:) but that, being of that people, to whom not only that land was given, but also this prerogative withall, that they were the onely peculiar people of God, in duty it seemeth, and in godly zeal, they resolved themselves now to go with him; so to help forward the worship and service of God( or as we do often term it, the cause of Religion) together with the good of their Bretheren there, the best that they could. A thing that must needs be marvelous comfortable unto Ezra, to haue so many, so far to join with him, in so good a purpose as it: pliable hearts in the people, with whom in such case wee are to deal, and readiness in them to take part with us in any good labour, being a greater comfort indeed, than outward helps were at any time lightly able to reach unto. But in this wee find, that he had not this help of them all, of their own accord: but that he was fain to haue some farther business for certain of them. For when as he took the view of those that were assembled unto him( having first a little entered into his journey) he found that they were about 1486. persons: but none of the levites among Ezr 8: 1-20 1 Esd. 8: 29-48 Conr. Pellic. them all( besides such as were of the Priests;) nor it seemeth any of the others that were to do inferior services about the House of God. But then specially sending for some of both sorts of them, he got two hundred and eight and fifty of them: and so had in all one thousand, seven hundred forty and four. But that these especially were no more forward ●● themselves, but that Ezra was fain so to sand for them, it seemeth necessary to argue one of these two: either that they were exceeding slack in that point of duty; or else, that some way or other they understood, or at least themselves conceived, that the estate of their bretheren that were already returned, was yet so hard, that they durst not adventure yet to go thither. Sure it is, that oft-times wee haue experience of both: namely, that such as by their function or charge ought to be of the foremost, are oft-times of the slackest; and that the maintenance of the ministry is so kept from them, that they are fain to leave of their calling therein, and otherwise to shift for themselves so well as they can. How it pleased God to prosper him in his way homeward we soon may find, first in the beginning of that his journey; then, throughout the whole course of it besides. In the beginning of that his journey, we find it in two principal matters: one, about his whole journey; the other, about one special charge he had with him. That which was about his whole journey, was for the safety of their passage or getting home, in Ezra. 8: 21-23 1 Esd. 8: 49-52 respect of such as might haue assaulted them by the way, as the journey was long, and the world loose then: and this so much the rather, because they had omitted one help before; and so was God very good unto them, to put into their minds to take hold on another now. That which they had omitted before, was to haue desired forces of the King to haue conducted them home against their enemies: and this doth Ezra aclowledge that he was ashamed to do, for that he had before born himself so much on the assistance of God, on behalf of those that were his, against all their enemies. The other, that God did put in their mind, now to take hold of to make supply, was, that they held a Fast to the Lord, and joined prayer withall, that it would please him to defend them, and to bring them safe home: the better way of the two, and more seemly for those that profess God; and yet the other in no wise to bee refused neither, when the case doth so require, or it pleaseth him to offer it to any. A good pattern also, how the children of God in their distress do seek unto him: whereas the manner of others is, ever to secure themselves by earthly helps, and never lightly to haue any mind of the other. That special charge of theirs wherein they took some order also, was about certain treasure that they had with them, Ezr. 8: 24-30 1 Esd. 8: 53-59 and were to carry unto jerusalem, being dedicated thereunto already; now making choice of certain special men of the Priestes to whose trust to commit the carriage of it: which when they did, then did they see, how notably God prospered them therein. For so they found, that they had a notably rich offering given to the Temple: namely, one hundred and fifty Talents of silver, and in silver Plate one hundred Talents more; in Gold both one hundred Talents, and twenty fa●re Basins besides, and two other parcels, but whether of Amber, or of some other rare mettall, very faire also, and as precious as Gold itself. A notable and a rare contribution or free-will offering, of those Heathen people towards the House of God in jerusalem; being, no doubt, mindful enough( at least, as many be probably conceived) that it was richly furnished already by that faire and beautiful Plate, which we may conceive, came as near as well they could, to that which Salomon in the midst of his glory made for Ezr. 1: 11 1 Esd. 2: 10-15 it before, no less than five thousand and four hundred parcels of it, that Cyrus had sent home already, all of them being either of Gold or silver: but a great condemnation withall, to those that spoil the Churches of God of things most needful; or but as vnrighteously with-hold them now, as they were taken away before. In which place, that one there is, of special account for his knowledge in the tongue, who contrary Ari. Montan. to all others whom yet I haue seen, interpreteth those twenty Basins of Gold to be but ten, I think it is very hard to conceive whereupon he hath done it: especially, whereas himself, doth elsewhere Interpret the self same word to bee twenty, as others do; and addeth nothing in the margin, as otherwise his manner is, to clear Gen. 18: 31. 23: 1. his interpretation therein. The roote, indeed, it seemeth, is onely of ten: but where that is noted, there also we find that the word which we speak of, is used for twenty; Sa●●. Pagni. and so I thought it a point not unworthy to be commended to the consideration of others. Throughout the whole course of his journey he found the blessing of God likewise, for that he came home, he and his company, and all that they Ezr. 7▪ 1. 9. 8: ● 20, 31, 32. 1 Esdr. 8: 6, 7. 60 I●●ab. Asia 4. ●. In ●ab. Asia, ●● regni. T●r●●●●. had, so safe as they did. That they were four moneths in their journey, the distance of the places, or length of the way, may justly require it. For though ptolemy make it( the streight line I mean; but none lightly can go any set journey, though much shorter than it, but much farther about than so) but about eleven degrees: yet Ortelius, findeth it to bee about fourteen or better; which easily will make a journey long enough for such a company as those, with their Goods, wives, and Children, to dispatch in four monthes space, though they might go all their way as straite as might bee. But as in those dayes it was not unlikely but to bee very daungerous for naked people together with their Familyes to make iournyes, and to take their way by so many peoples as lay betwixt( which themselves also doubted, as we saw before) they also( being separate from others in Rites of Religion) being therefore more abhorred than others: so the Text itself doth seem to give us to understand, that some there were Ezr. 8: 31 1 Esdr. 8: 60 that did lie in wait for them by the way; and therefore no marvel if they were fain to make their way some-what longer, so to avoyde the danger of them. 9 What Ezra did there, when thus he was come, being now to bee seen, we are to know, that we haue but part of it in the Story that now wee are in, which we haue in the book of Ezra: but then haue we more in the book ensuing, which is entitled to Nehemiah. So are we now but onely to consider of that, which we haue in this book entitled to him: and to take the other where we haue it delivered unto us, in the Story of Nehemiah. That which we haue here delivered unto us, doth some part of it seem to appertain to the time of their first coming thither: and some part again, to the time some-what after. Of that which seemeth to appertain to the time of their first coming thither, most of it is altogether among themselves: but some part of it, betwixt them and others near adjoining. That which was among themselves, restend in two principal points: one, the discharging of a point of trust to them committed; the other, a farther duty by them performed. The trust that was to them committed, was, that when they should come to jerusalem, then should they make true delivery of those things that were committed unto them to the use of the Temple, and of the service of God among them: which Ezr. 8: 32-34 1 Esd. 8: 61-63 they truly did, the fourth day after they were returned; taking the mean time belike, some-thing to refresh themselves after that long journey of theirs, and to get those things in some better readiness against the time that they should be delivered. A notable pattern for Princes, and all other Patrons of the Church-liuinges: who haue indeed nothing else before God, but onely a trust to them committed to preserve and keep them to the use where-unto they were appointed; and then without impairing( of that which is due and needful maintenance) delay, or corruption, to bestow them again. This had been a faire booty for Ezra, and the chief of that company, to haue concealed and shared among them: especially, the Temple being so richly furnished, as by the other it was already. But they haue given a better example than so. They did not embolden themselves to be doing with it, because the Temple had enough already: but belike they considered, that what God had thought good to move the harts of the King, Princes, and people to bestow vpon it, that were not they to turn aside to other uses, much less to pelfer it unto themselves; nor so much as to envy or think much, that the Temple should haue it. We also ourselves( so many as are of any moderation at all) do not think much one with another, if it please God to give unto any, of earthly blessings, a much greater measure than he giveth to us: though Noble-men haue many Lordships& honors; and though Princes heue many rich and mighty kingdoms. Those that are but in weak measure endowed with godly wisdom, nevertheless do not allow, that any of the greater sort whatsoever, should( after the usual worldly manner) be: at any time striving to make themselves greater, by laying Lord-shippe to Lordeship, or kingdom, to kingdom: but what it pleaseth GOD by discent, or any orderly means whatsoever, to bestow upon any( as on Nabuch●dnezar the kingdoms jer. 27-3. of Edom, Moab, Ammon, Tyrus, Sidon and judah; besides Babylon and many others that came in with it) that do they, be it never so much, with al their harts, and in all dutiful reverence leave unto thē; wish them good of it,& long to enjoy it. And such moderation ought to be in us al, one towards another for al such matters: much more in those things that it pleaseth God more plentifully to bestow, towards the aduancement of his glory, and the eternal good of his chosen people. Yet in these things we not onely use our freedom to censure them as we think good, to apportion them also, and to mince them at our own pleasure: but also wee think, that therein we may lawfully do it; and that some there are that in duty ought so to do. Not in such sort working on those things that were unjustly, or, any way ill bestowed on the Church( for that is not the case; and there is no question, but that such things may, and ought to be amended) but thus grating at those things that came as orderly to the Church, as wee haue any other right in the world: such as good Kings, Nobles, and others, yea, even whole Synods and parliaments too, moved by the good spirit of God, and laying before their eyes the example and word of God himself, in good zeal and uprightness of heart, to Gods glory, and souls health of others, did willingly offer unto the Lord to bee his for ever. So did not these: and beware that they be not condemnation to others. That farther duty that they performed, is of that nature, that in it also we might do ourselves some wrong, if wee should not but superficially or slightly consider of it: and yet I trust wee need no farther than this, first to consider of it as it standeth by itself; then, as it is joined unto another. As it standeth by itself, it is, that when they were come home, they religiously worshipped God, both for themselves, and on the ●●r. 7: 35 1 Esd. 8: 64, 65 behalf of all their bretheren. For they were burnt-offerings that now they offered, altogether abandoned from their own private use: thereby condemning themselves, and all the whole race or stock of them to haue been most worthy of the just wrath that was vpon them; and now making actual confession of such great guiltiness in them. That other whereunto it was joined, was, that their faithful delivery of those holy things, that were to their trust before committed: of which when in good sort they had discharged themselves, then might religious worshipping kindly and orderly follow thereupon; and when they did not reserve those things to their private use, out of which the blessing of GOD was to be derived to their bretheren also, on that so good a care of their bretheren, they might well worship for them likewise. But wee, still failing the trust committed unto us, and turning to our own worldly lucre, that which by right should bee the maintenance of others now, and those no meaner nor less needful, but that by their ministry much people should bee instructed now in the knowledge of God, and afterward lead to eternal glory, can never truly either give thanks or pray for them: and, where equity and vp-right dealing goeth not before, there will never any sound devotion follow after. Wee may so gloriously prosesse, and bear such a show of godliness and zeal, as that indeed wee may thereby deceive others, and ourselves too: but so long as we do so strongly with-hold, but in earthly respect, that which others by right should haue to much better use, it will bee hard to find any one ounce of sound devotion, in great heaps of such profession. In that which was betwixt them, and others adjoining, wee are to note the good success that now they had. For they did no sooner acquaint the governors and Officers of Ezr. 7: 36 1 Esdr. 8: 66 those parts with that their commission, but that thereupon promoted or had in honor not onely the people themselves: but also, which was much harder to them, even that house of God likewise. We on the other side, haue wrestled long, and stil do, with those that with us haue been enemies to ourselves and our buildings, ever since wee haue had in hand the building of the house of GOD among us: and yet never obtain that courtesy of them; nor so much neither, that they would bee but quiet and let us alone, without their trouble and molestation. But belike they espy, that wee go not so kindly about the work that we pretend, as did those that now we speak of: belike they note, that we strongly with-hold those holy vessels,( to us committed) to profane use still, and daily are embeseling out of the Temple such as were brought home before; and so conclude, that whatsoever wee praetend, we haue no regard indeed, to build up that house of God among vs. So is there, on either side, a kind of conclusion implied: on the one side, that wee may still keep those to our private use, and yet haue it our meaning, well to build up the house of God too; on the other, they still with-hold things that were to them committed, and daily seek to get into their hands such as were brought home before, and therfore cannot haue it their meaning well to build up the house that they speak of. Now betwixt these it may well be doubted, that if the latter of these be logical indeed; then is the other but sophistical onely: a matter for the Reader in that faculty, to think vpon, and to determine. 10 That part of the doings of Esra; which seemeth to appertain to the time some-what after ensuing, was about those unlawful marriages which many of the people had made since they returned from the captivity, before that Esra now came unto them. Concerning which, part of the Story we haue delivered unto us as set down by Ezra himself: the residue of it, as set down by some other. In that which is set down by himself, first he sheweth us, how he came to the knowledge of it: then how sorrowfully he took it when first he heard of it. he came to the knowledge of it by certain of the chief and principal men among them: giuing him to understand, that whereas many of the people, yea and of the Priests and levites themselves, had before married contrary to the Ezr 1 9: 1. 2. 1 Esd. 8: ●7▪ 69 Law of God( matching themselves with such of the ancient Inhabitants of the Land as yet remained, and others such like, forbidden by GOD as much as the others) they had not yet reformed themselves therein, but even to that day abode in that their iniquity: and not onely the meaner people among them; but even the greater sort of them too, and those with the foremost. When wee are to see how ill he took it, we are not onely to mark how he behaved himself thereon: but withall, what may seem to bee his reason that so he did. he, no doubt, so behaved himself thereon, as doth sufficiently witness, that it was exceeding grievous unto him: first, but sorrowing by himself; but then soon after praying to GOD. While he did but sorrow with himself, we are again there to mark, what his sorrow may seem to be then: and how far it wrought with others. His sorrow then doth very plainly seem to be great: he so fared with his garments and with his hair; and was so greatly Ezr 9: 3, 4. 1. Esdr 8: 70, 71. amazed at it. It wrought so with others, that such as feared God among them, did thereupon repair unto him: themselves( belike) being sorrowful also, that so reverend a man as he, should be so far disquieted by any of them. When he set himself to pray unto God, it was at the time of the Euening-Sacrifice of that day when he heard it; not hearing of it, belike, till after the time of the Morning-Sacrifice before: and then going to the Court of the lords house, there falling down on his knees, and stretching forth his hands to the Heauens, he so made his Prayer to God. Wherein it shall be good that we consider, not onely of the effect of his prayer: but withall, of some circumstances thereunto appertaining. As touching the effect of his prayer, it seemeth, that then he did not utter all that be meant: but that some of the company, pitying and sorry to see such a man so vexed by them, and thereby the better perceiving the foulness of their offence therein, made so bold with him, as, after a sort, to intterupt him; professing readiness, therein to be said and ruled by him. For in all, that at this time he said, he desireth nothing of GOD: but onely acknowledgeth how grievously they Ezr 9: 6-15. 1. Esdr. ●: 72-8●. Ezra. 9: 5. 1 10: 1, 6. 1 Esdr. 8: 71 haue offended therein; exaggerating the same diuers ways also. The circumstances are two: one, of the time; another, of the place. The time was, the Euening-Sacrifice-time; the place, the house of the Lord: both of them seeming to insinuate, that he had a meaning, in godly wisdom, besides the confessing of the sin unto God, in such sort to do it, as most effectually might touch the harts of the people, especially of those that were the offenders. And to that end it seemeth likewise, that he rather twineth his speech so as he doth, from the lord himself to the people then present, speaking then of the Lord but in the third ●●r. 9▪ 8, 9. 1. Esdr. 8: 79, 80 person onely: so appealing( as it were) by the way, unto their own consciences therein, whether it were not so as he then had confessed, and would yet proceed some-what farther in it. The reason why it may seem, that he did take it so ill, was not onely( as I conceive) the greatness of that fault, with all the evils and inconveniences thereto appertaining; but withall, that he was so crossed; as thereby he might soon see himself to bee, in that good course wherein he was: and that, both in respect of that▪ which he had already done; and in respect of that which now he came among them to do. For probably we may conceive, by that great liberality of the King, his Nobles and people, and both those other savours besides that the King vouchsafed to Ezra( of which we haue already heard) that he had already brought the King in great good opinion of that people, for holinesse, and all good carriage besides, in all their other ways whatsoever. Great honour also had he procured to the House of the Lord; and many faire and rich Ornaments to it besides: matters of too great a price, for such degenerate, and mungreell worshippers, as now they were. He meant now to haue delivered unto them, some exact knowledge of the Lawe of the Lord: and so to haue raised such a people to God, as should be an ornament of that age, and a pattern to the ages ensuing. But now there is no matter to worke-on: they are so far degenerate already, that it is impossible to make any such workmanship of them. He meant likewise, what by his industry in teaching them all the Lawe of God, and by the civil power that now he had gotten, to haue brought all the people confining on them, yea and all their Gouournours& great men among them, in some good measure to haue joined themselves unto thē, even in the profession of their Religion. But now had they( and he wist not of it) so abased and corrupted themselves, that in no wise they were any meet people, to haue any such addition unto them: much less, so honourable an augmentation. These or such like, so mainly crossing that special good course that he was in, might very well bee a great part of the cause, that he was so exceedingly grieved at those ill tidings, and strucken with such astonishment with them. A matter that speaketh plain English to us, and that goeth not behind the door to tell us, that Popish matchings, by such as nevertheless profess the gospel, do ever lightly bewray all such to be, and for their Issue much more do bring in, but a sorrel people: never but cyphars in the Church of God, and unworthy the least of those favours that not onely God, but good Princes also do sometimes give forth to the use of his people; a matter too untoward, of whom to make any good workmanship, and none of those men to whom others may be joined to any edifying of theirs towards God. 11 That part of this Story which we haue set down unto us as by some other, is all that followeth: and it may wee account to bee set down unto us, not as by Ezra himself, but as by some other, because in this, Ezra doth not speak unto us as in his own person, as he did before; but, as it were some other besides, relating unto us more matter of him. The effect whereof is, to show unto us, how effectually it wrought with others, that he took this so ill as he did, in that he prayed so earnestly against it: and first, what effect it took at that present; then, vpon some farther deliberation. At that present it took such effect in that company then gathered together, that Ezra himself might take great comfort in it, and plainly see that God had much blessed his travell therein: first in respect of that which then was done; then, in respect of the parties that did it. That which then was done, was first no more in effect, but onely( and yet that was much, and a special great blessing of God, that it came so readily as it did) that they yielded conformity unto him: but then soon after there followed a confirmation or assurance of it by their corporal Oaths. When it was no more but onely a conformity yielded unto him, yet then also came it in very good manner: showing their readiness Ezr. 10: 1-4. 1 Es. 8: 90-94 unto it, and encouraging him to set in hand with it. When they yielded assurance Ezr. 10: 5 1 Esdr 8▪ 95 Ezr. 10: 1. 1 Esdr 8: 90 Ezr 10 ● 26 1 Esdr. 8. 91. 9: 27. thereof by their oaths, we find that Ezra now took heart to require it of them, and thought it wisdom so to do: then that the others did as readily yield it. As touching those that were parties in these two actions, in the former of them it is noted of all the people generally, that they wept and made great lamentation: otherwise it was in a manner but one man onely, nor he any of the Priestes and levites, but one of the people whose Father also was one of the offenders in the matter now called in question, Shecaniah, the son of Ithiel, one of the sons of Elam; but one whom it pleased God so to bless in this his good and ready zeal, that it seemeth by that which followed, that they all accorded unto him, and sure it is, that no body( so far as we red) stepped up against him. A good comfort, in such case, for all to bee doing; and not still to tarry on those that should rather do it: God sometimes not opening the mouths of such at all; but stirring up more unlikely persons, yet giuing a special blessing unto them. In the latter of them, it was an Ezra that did move them unto it( and such had they need to bee among us, men of special good reckoning themselves:) and then, even the chief of the Priestes, and of the levites, and of the whole people besides, both gentle and simplo, did readily yield it. A special good example to teach us, how good success may be expected of an earnest and faithful prayer: and a wonderful thing to see, how it pleased God thereupon to bend, even the harts of them all unto him. But it cannot lightly be, and in peculiar and special cases, but onely in some certain of them, wherein there may be prayer conceived in such sort as it ought to be: the case requiring some special necessity, that it may bee earnestly craved; and that it bee very agreeable to the will of God( a matter that is not in such particulars so easily found, but when God is disposed by such means to effect it: but then doth he specially raise up the Spirit of him by whom he will do it, to a special good hope to obtain it) that so the prayer may be faithful also. A matter to be the rather marked, that as on the one side we never slip the benefit of prayer when occasion is offered: so, on the other, wee do not lightly attempt it, at the pleasure of others, whereby men haue been( in their facility and good inclination) some-time abused. In the effect that it took vpon some farther deliberation, we are to consider, what course it was that then was holden: then how it pleased God to bless it. The course that then was holden, was partly in Ezra: and partly in the Princes and chief of the people. In Ezra we find, that when he and the Ezr. 10: 6. rest had done( for that time) with that service of God in the Temple, and had now withdrawn themselves to some convenient place, there to take their meate( as it seemeth) and other-wise to refresh themselves, he nevertheless did neither eat nor drink with them: but still mourned, for that the people had so grievously sinned. They had given good tokens before, that they meant now to amend it: but belike he could not yet worthy himself therein, for that he knew their brittleness also. It may likewise, that he doubted some special wrath of God to be towards them which he would not revoke( for so had he dealt with the whole people before) for that which they had already done: notwithstanding Num 14: 39-45. these tokens of amendment that yet they had given. In the Princes and Elders of the people we find, that they, moved belike by that sorrowing of Ezra, yet continuing, presently made proclamation, both in jerusalem itself, and in all the Ezr. 10: 7, 8. Country besides, that all those that were of the captivity, or of their own people among them, should within three dayes repair to jerusalem to the Princes and Elders there; or other-wise to forfeit all their goods; and themselves to bee separated from their wonted society with all the rest. And truly, even Princes, and the chiefest Elders of all the people ought to haue special good regard to the sorrowing and vexation in spirit of the better sort among them. Ezra, I grant, was a rare man, and a great parsonage too; and therefore the more to be regarded: but more likely it is, that it was not so much for his great authority wherewith he came furnished unto them, as for that godly disposition that they saw to be in him, that they had so good regard to that his sorrowing. he had indeed good cause to sorrow: but it may probably seem, that the godlier sort among us haue more. His sorrow was, that so many of the people, had so dangeously matched themselves in marriage, with the women of those sinful nations that dwelled among them: and especially, in respect of that sorrel race, that was in such towardlinesse to bee raised up therein. Ours may bee, first in the same kind: then, in another much like unto it. In the same kind it is, that so many of our people, Gentle and simplo, haue so mingled and matched with the Popish race: and haue thereby( in profession of the Faith) such a sorrel seed. The other that is much like unto it, is, that we see so many of our women, Mothers, wives, and Daughters, to be now also matched as badly as they be; and this distasteful and pitiful disparagement, still to grow vpon us more and more, even in these daies of the gospel: the alienation I mean of our Church-liuings, such as were the due and needful maintenance of the ministry; occasioned by the example of that allowance that God himself did set down to his people of old, and accordingly laid-foorth by our better Elders, than those that since haue so clean withdrawn them from all ecclesiastical use so much as they haue. For so many of them, as by the help whereof wee ourselves or any of us haue been won to the knowledge of God, wee may well, at least not absurdly, account our Mothers: as by their help, born and brought forth children to God. wives they were also, in respect of their former marriage to holy uses: and Daughters likewise, in respect of those from whom they descended. There is likewise another grievous disparagement among us, of the wonted maintenance and livings of those, that time out of mind haue been well employed in good and needful labours; which others of the greater sort since haue been suffered to incorporate unto themselves, either to more homely or at least to less use a great deal, than before: to the utter dispeopling of many Granges and Villages, and of diuers whole towns besides. Now there is no question, but that the better sort among us, in all estates whatsoever, do sorrow at these: as also that our Princes and Elders cannot be ignorant of the sorrow that is hereupon conceived; at least, that such sorrow there is, though, it may bee, they conceive not the greatness or the bitterness of it. But whether any due regard hath been had unto it, or not, if we refer the deciding thereof, to that which yet hath been done for the mitigation of it: I nothing doubt, but that this pattern of the Princes and Elders of judah doth give unto us a farther light than yet we used. How it pleased God to bless this good course of Ezra, the Story ensuing doth sufficiently witness: first, in that which was done at jerusalem at this repair of the people thither; then, in that which was done there and elsewhere as that their business lay, in the three moneths next ensuing. At this repair of thirs unto jerusalem, first it is noted, that they orderly came, according to the commandement given them: then, that when Ezr. 10: 9. Ezra did reprove them for those bad matches of theirs, and required amendment thereof, they readily yielded thereunto; onely requiring, that whereas it was a Ezr. 10: 10-14 matter that would ask some reasonable time to do it, and the weather was unseasonable then, they would take some farther time unto it, and that it might be enquired vpon in their cities at home, their meaning belike being therein, not onely that themselves were not troubled more than need should be, but also for the better dispatch of the business itself. That which was done in those three moneths next after ensuing, was the dispatch of the business itself: wherein also we haue a particular note of many that were offenders therein. The business itself was, that Ezra and certain of the principal Fathers, together with those that were appointed, Ezr. 10: 15-17 in those three months and one day more, going unto the cities themselves and sitting there, did make a separation of all those women and of their children, whom they had so married against the Lawe of God, and was now the matter in question. Such Commissioners, as that, the mo at any time we haue in our needful causes, that are like unto them, the more are wee beholding to God for them: the fewer we haue of that kind, the more may we find, that certainly God is offended with us, and doth not mean us that good as yet; but will rather suffer us to runne-on still, until wee haue filled our measure so full, as more fitly requireth the stroke of his iustice. As for those unkindly and hard matches of ours, that before we spoken of, though there be such order taken for those that are of the same kind as wee may hope will in time do much good in that matter: yet neither do those our Church-liuings( even where the greatest multitudes are) nor those so many habitations of the meaner and common people, wherein, time out of mind, their praedecessors and elders did comfortably pass their daies before, find themselves so blessed, as yet to haue any such Commissioners to them allotted. The offenders that then were Ezr. 10: 38-44 found in that case among the Iewes, were not ful-out( as their note is left us) six score in all: and yet would not Ezra( not the rest of the Fathers, when they saw how grievous a thing it was unto them) suffer those to enjoy that place among them. Yet were the Iewes that first returned, better than two and forty thousand in all, besides Ezr. 2: 1-42 all such as( by likelihood) would afterwards be dropping in unto them. Our Parish-Churches are not found to bee ten thousand in all; but to want some few hundreds Chr. Saxton. thereof: yet were it good news( as I do take it) whosoever could assure us, that the number of those that smart by our unkindly hard matches, were not much greater. The like also, it is not unlikely, may be conceived by the other. Those Iewes were but several persons: those others of ours, are, one sort of them, of the most populous Parishes of all; and the others, oft-times great companies also. Could we bee in heart indeed inclined to that we profess, it were no matter of any great difficulty, to do exceeding much good therein: and such service in these, would never be thought, any way inferior unto the other. 12 Not long after Ezra, came Nehemiah; and we haue Story of him, that he Nehemiah came thither twice, and both times after this coming of Ezra: but wee haue no Story at all of him before, when the first company of the Iewes returned under zorobabel. So that although he be there also name, as one of the chief of those that Ezr. 2: 2. then returned( as we saw before:) yet doth no part of the Story that now we haue of him, appertain to that time, but onely to the time that now we speak of. The former of those two times that he came to jerusalem, was, about thirteen yeares after the coming of Ezra( Ezra coming thither in the seventh, and Nehemiah in the twentieth year of the same King) and unto this his former coming thither, doth Ezr. 7: 8. Neh. 1: 1. appertain the most of his Story: first showing us, in what sort he now came thither; then, how he was occupied when he was there. That now he came thither, it was vpon a special occasion given him: and so are wee to consider, first of the occasion that so was given him; then, how himself followed vpon it. The occasion that was Neh. 1: 1. 2: 1 given him, was, that certain of his bretheren that came from jerusalem, vpon his requiring of the estate of the people there, gave him to understand, that the estate of Neh. 1: 2, 3 the people there was yet very hard: and withall gave him in some such particulars, as out of which himself might be able plainly to see it. The he enquired of the estate of his bretheren, he hath given a good example to us to do the like. he was an Officer in Court, and in special favour with the King: and so though ourselves bee well, yet should we remember those that are not. That jerusalem also was in so hard case as yet, having such favours as already it had, may bee a sufficient notice and warning to all, especially to such as are in Authority, how hardly the Church of God( being once brought down) getteth up again, unless it be specially holpen, with rare and extraordinary favour. The particulars were, that the people were in reproach: and that jerusalem itself lay open to the enemy, without either Gates, or walls. The reproach that they were in seemeth to be, that the peoples and Nations among whom they dwelled, did upbraid them with their misery and weakness, as serving such a God, as either was not able to do them good, or did make no reckoning of them. So when Princes and the great men of the world, do not yield convenient and needful help, to raise up the Church again being once decayed, they leave the faithful to the open reproach of all about them: whether known enemies, or no more but false bretheren onely. But the matter is strange, that Ezra coming down with so great Authority so few yeares before, the people and the city were yet in so pitiful case as they were. We haue not the Story whereupon we may account should arise so great a change in the daies of one and the selfsame Prince: so well minded when he sent down Ezra in the seventh year of his reign; and so well minded again when he sent down Nehemiah thirteen yeares after. And needs it must be, that there was some special bad accident in it: but such is oft-times the estate of the people of God; one deep calling another. But though wee haue no Story of it; yet haue we Story of that which may probably seem to haue given a good part of the occasion of it: namely, that by the means of Ezra, they did so abandon from them, both the women of those peoples whom before they had married, and the children they had born unto them. For this, if we mark it, was such a matter, as might very sore nettle all the people among whom they were placed; and, with most men, much sink the credit of Ezra besides: and then less marvell, if thereupon they all sent up to the King against him; and that the King and his counsel, not thinking so well of him now as they did before, revoked the Authority which before they had given him, and thought the worse of all the Iewes too. For it might seem to all that people, that this was for that present a very hard and vnneighbourly part: and that for the time to come, they might never look for any good neighbour-hood or friendship of them. There might be also of the people of God themselves that might hardly censure him therein, and that whole action: first, as being done clean out of season; then, as being more too, than absolutely was at any time needful. It might seem to be done clean out of season, for that he had such Authority to teach them all, and to punish those that should disobey: teaching first, being( in all wisdom) to go before all such actions, as by the ignorance of any might be offensive. himself also might see, that he could not so deal in that matter, but to the offence of all those peoples: and that those, of whom he had all those great favours so lately before, were not themselves so well acquainted with the necessity of any such dealing, but that if those peoples should thereupon desire them to bethink themselves, whether he were such a man as they took him to be, it might very well hazard all those savours that now he had gotten. And then; how much better had it been for him first to haue dispatched all such things as were of special importance among them, while he had been teaching them withall the necessity of that other: and, when he had both dispatched those, and shewed the needfulness of the other too, then to haue set in hand with that matter? It might seem likewise that it was more than at any time was absolutely needful, first by some practise they had among them: then, by the nature of the inhibition itself whith for that matter was given them. Their practise was, first of sparing the Gibeonites, who by the virtue of that inhibition josh. 9: 18, 19 should not haue been suffered to live among them: then, of Salmon that married Rahab a Canaanite, and of Booz that married Ruth of the Moabites; yet did not after put them and their children away, but, in process of time, had Christ by them. The nature of the inhibition itself seemeth not to bee such, as might in no wise haue Mat. 1: 5. been broken: but onely made for their good, and to haue given them both aduise what was best for them to do; and thereby to allow them so to haue done. Otherwise wee see not how the people might haue kept their league with the Gibeonites: neither could wee find the sin of Saule( in destroying certain of them 2 Sam. 21: 1 after) to bee so great, as the punishment of the whole Land three yeares together for it, did show it to bee. That Ezra had a very good purpose, and meaning with him, when he came among them, there is no question; nor that now this doing of his proceeded of a godly zeal: but it may bee, that as Christ commended the ill Steward, that he made shift in time, but not the manner of it; so in the doings of Ezra now, the prosecuting of that his good meaning and zeal, in that particular that now, wee speak of, it may well bee, was not so answerable to that his good meaning and zeal as was to bee wished. howsoever it was, wee see that the case was with the Iewes altered now: the estate of them being so very pitiful, and yet both the self same good King that gave Ezra so great Authority both living and reigning as well as before; and Ezra himself living yet, and as it seemeth( for there wee find him shortly after) being at jerusalem also. That Neh. 8: 1. these strangers do farther tell Nehemiah, that the Wall of jerusalem was broken down, and the Gates burnt with fire, and this seemed so strange to Nehemiah, and that now he was so affencted with it: it seemeth thereby, that they do not speak of them as they were left hy Nebucadnezzer before; but rather, that they had some-thing repaired them since they returned, but that their Enemies would not suffer the same to stand. There is a plain Testimony( though not so undoubted authority) that the same Darius who was of the Medes, and came in with 1 Esdr. 4: 43, 47, 48. Cyrus to the Conquest of Babylon, first himself vowed to build jerusalem; and soon after gave special charge, that it should bee done: and else-where it appeareth, by undoubted authority, that the same Darius did make great reckoning of daniel; and was well persuaded of the true God too, whom daniel worshipped, Dan. 6: 1-3, 14, 16, 25-27 and whose city peculiarly jerusalem was. But by reason itself we may conceive, that coming home there to dwell, there would they likewise build or repair not onely some houses to dwell in, but their walls and Gates likewise after a sort, such as urgent necessity did most require: and seeing they were by authority allowed, there again to inhabit, it is a necessary appendent thereunto, that that there also they were allowed to haue reasonable defensive helps, though not of power to make any special resistance( which would be suspicious) yet such as was needful for convenient habitation; and seeing wee find not that inhibited unto them, wee need not to doubt, but that so far some-times they were doing though the Enemies also would bee as ready to ruinated all again, so oft as they might. So it seemeth, that it was of such breaking down of the Wall, and burning of the Gates of the city, that those did now speak of; rather then of that which was done so many yeares before, as of which no body could bee so ignorant, nor haue the force of their affections so durable, as to think so strange, and to take it so heavily, as Nehemiah now is noted to haue done: as if their meaning were to let him understand, that their Bretheren were yet so trodden down of the people about them, that neither Wall nor Gate could yet stand for them, but that still they broke down the one, and burnt the others. But I am not ignorant, that others there are of special account, that do other-wise take it. This occasion being given him, and wee being now to see, how he followed Lyr. Conr, Pel. Tremel. jun. thereupon, first wee find, that he was occupied about that hard estate of theirs that now they were in: then, about some remedy for it. That which he did about that present estate of theirs was, that he sorrowed for it, and did much lament Neh. 1: 4. the same: a good example to us, that so far as our case is like unto theirs, we also should do the like. For our jerusalem also is not yet so fortified, by strength of laws, and by concurrence of authority with them, but that in some things of special moment, wee may find good cause to bee hearty sorry. To obtain a remedy for it, wee are to consider, what course he taketh: and how he speedeth. The course that he taketh, was first with God; then, with the King: and this he doth twice. In the former, unto GOD, first he acknowledgeth his Justice therein: but then withall desireth his help; and even to Ibid. 4-11. obtain the favour of him, whose favour his place itself might witness, that he had in good measure already. So should we first seek unto God: and not onely when other-wise wee haue no hope; but even in the best hopes that wee otherwise haue. When he was to deal with the King, first himself gave some occasion unto the purpose he had in hand; and, as it seemeth, not of set purpose neither, but that he could not other-wise do. For it was by the sadness of his Neh. 2: 1: countenance, which it seemeth he could not dissemble, no not in the kings presence, though fain he would for fear of displeasure. But few there are of us, that so take to heart the hard estate of the Church, but that wee can easily put on a good and cheerful countenance whensoever wee will: and yet, of one and the selfsame body, when one member is pained indeed, all the other members, less or more, do suffer with it. A matter so much the sooner espied in him, for that it was not his manner before to be sad in his presence: a very good token, of a good member of the Church, that would so easily digest the discontentments of Court; and yet on the behalf of jerusalem, could in no wise put it of, but must needs be so heavy. Then, when by occasion hereof the King asked him of the cause of it, he plainly told him, that it was because the chief city of his native Ibid. 2, 3. country, in which likewise the sepulchers of his Fathers were, could as yet haue no walls but they must be ruinated, nor any gates but they must be burned. In the latter, when the King thereupon did ask him what was the thing that he desired, Ibid. 4. he first again prayed to God, before he laid forth his suite to the King. He sped so well, that whereas he besought the King, if so it might stand with his pleasure, Ibid. 5-8. 5: 14 to grant him, by the help of his Officers and Captaines in those parts, both safe conduct for his own passage thither, and to be furnished with things needful when he came there: the King did readily grant him all his own desire therein; and withall both made him governor of judea, and sent certain Captaines and Horse-men with him for his better safety in the way, and belike to do him that honour in the sight of others. All which Nehemiah, looking up, higher than so( as in such case wee all should do) attributeth to the good hand of God upon him. In the way as he went, he acquainted the Gouernours of those partes with the grant of the King, that so far as to any of them should appertain Neh. 2: 9, 10. to be assistant unto the business he had in hand, they might so perceive, what was the kings pleasure for them to do: and two of them he found to bee much grieved, that there was a man come, which sought the health of the Children of Israell; Samballat the one, and Tobiah the other, the former of them being the governor of the Moabites, the latter of the Ammonites, and both those peoples being near on the East to the Land of jury. 13. being so come to jerusalem, and wee being now to see what he did there, soon may we see, that first he employed himself to hold out the enemy: and then to get the people in good order at home. The better to hold out the Enemy, he now at this present thought good to get the city fenced: and afterward was careful, to haue it better peopled also. That it might bee fenced, first he endeavoured to get the walls repaired, and the Gates to bee like-wise renewed: then, to be well and orderly kept. To get the walls repaired, and the Gates to bee again renewed, that so jerusalem might bee fortified, it is not unlikely, but that himself did see, that it was a work of that Nature, as that the Enemies would bee much grieved at it, and therefore hinder it so much as they could. That the people had their being there, and there did exercise their Religion, it was not so grievous a thing unto them, so long as they lay so open withall, that when they would, they might haue been on them: but now so to bee fortified, that afterward they could not hope, to haue so open a way to wreak their wrath upon them so oft as they would, that goeth sore against the wool with them. So may wee see it, with us too: that Religion may be professed, and the due maintenance of the ministry for the time, in some measure yielded, when Superiors will needs so haue it; but, by strength of Law to bee so fortified, that when they would they might not impeach it, that can many in no wise like of. This that he might the better do, for a while at the first wee find, Ibid. 11-12 that he kepr himself close: but afterward he shewed himself plainly enough. In that he kept himself close, coming unto them, it may seem, but onely as a private man, and for a time not imparting unto them what he meant to do, wee may reasonable plainly see, that he did not altogether after the manner of the great men of the World, coming to jerusalem in so private manner as it seemeth he did. Others lightly are close enough all, if they haue any secret purpose with them: but few there be, who at their first coming would not haue the honor done unto them which in such case they might,& account to be due to the person they bear. Yet is it for the most part seen, that such as least seek to be honoured of the people, do nevertheless most good unto them; and so deserve most honor of them: Christ himself afterward coming thither also, in much more private estate than, he and a great deal more meanly; but blessing them with everlasting peace, and deserving much more honour of them, than they could yield him. But while he kept himself so close, he by night, and having but few with him, secretly Ibid. 12-16. viewed the ruins of the city and Breaches of the walls: doing it secretly, and having so few with him therein, it might very well bee, either of wisdom; or of modesty, or of both. In wisdom he might doubt, that Enemies had their spies among them: in modesty, it is very likely, he could not make show of doing any thing, till he did it indeed. And wee see by experience, as reason also plainly teacheth, that such haue readiest dispatch of their business, that can best keep it from their Enemies knowledge: and that such as talk most of what they will do, least of all do it; the greatest part belike of their purpose being spent in a few words, and so having little remaining to bee spent in deeds. He shewed himself plainly enough when he had in seceet viewed in what case those things were, that were of them to be repaired. Which when he did, then are wee to see, not onely how himself dealt with them about this matter: but what it was also, that on all hands was thereupon done. His dealing with them was, that first he did put them in mind of their present miserable Neh. 2: 17, 18 and reproachful estate in that they saw that city of theirs, the Head-Citty of all the Land, even the city of GOD himself, to lie so wast, and so open to the spoil of all; and then, both acquainted them with that special opportunity of helping themselves therein that GOD now had given them; and moved them to buckle themselves unto it. That which was on all hands thereupon done, was for a time without interruption or trouble: but then soon after they had some business withall. Without interruption or trouble it was, that praesentlie upon that good news and motion of his, they set in hand with it: and dividing Ibid. 18. and 3▪ ●-32. themselves into several companies, as to such purpose was meetest, they were building round about the city all at once. How long they were so occupied, and how far they raised their building before they were interrupted or troubled therein, we cannot tell: but it is most likely, that such as were so grieved, that any man should bee careful for the good estate of the people, would also haue such an eye unto them, as that they could not bee long about so needful business as it, but that they would quickly be with them. And wee haue it plainly set down; that at certain times they did trouble them indeed: but themselves began to be afraid of them. They troubled them first, while the walls were yet but in building: then again, when they were builded. While the wall was yet but in building, we find that they troubled them before it came to half the height of them: and then again before the residue of them was finished. Before the walls came to half their height, we find that they troubled them twice. For first Samballat, Tobiah,& Geshem Neh. 2: 19, 20 the Kings Deputies over the Moabites, Amonites,& the Arabians, first, as it seemeth by the answer that Nehemiah gave them, made show, as if they also would haue holpen them: but when that would not bee accepted, then both they would haue made them believe, that without their help they could never do it, and both mocked them as not building to any purpose, and yet in their own weak conceits as if by the strength thereof they might be able to stand, even against the King himself. But Nehemiah making no reckoning of those their scornings, and directing his answer but to such points as were material, doth plainly tell them, that in trust that God will prosper them, they willbe doing: but as for them they had nothing to do in that business, neither did they belong unto it. Then again we find, that when Samballat Neh. 4: 1-5. and Tobiah were on a time together, and, as it seemeth, but at Samariah, much nearer to the Iewes than their own countries were, and there having an Army too( but to what purpose wee do not find) they, both of them scorned at the Iewes building, as never able to bee of any force, not so much as to bear the force or weight of a fox, if he should happen to leap up thereon. At which time we find that Nehemiah turned himself to prayer: yet not as it seemeth in fear of that Army, but against those bitter scorns of theirs. As wee also diuers times see that the forces of the Enemies of the gospel are nothing so fearful, as their scornings, being against the truth, are bitter to those that themselves do love it. Immediately after both which Stories it followeth, that by this time the Ibid. 6. walls were joined and reared up to half the height of them. Before the rest of the walls were f●●nished, we find not onely that their enemies were brogging at them: but also that there was such an hindrance among themselves, as in reason might well haue impeached the finishing of them. The enemies wee speak of, were first those two Captaines again last remembered: then also certain peoples Ibid. 7-23. joining with them, the Arabians and Ammonites, and part of the philistines( such as were of the city of Ashbod.) All which were determined secretly on the sudden to rush in vpon the builders and to slay them, and so to make the work to cease: the fortifying of jerusalem being such a thing as the enemies can never brook. But the Iewes getting understanding of their intent, first sought unto God, and then so provided for them, that the others thought it would be to hot a piece of service for them to attempt: and so gave it over, thinking it better sport of the two, to sleep in an whole skin, if so they might. At which time it is good to mark, that the Iewes were fain to stand to their defence when they were fortifying jerusalem, the one half of them to be armed, ready to receive the enemy, the others also that in the mean while builded, yet to build but with the one hand onely, and to haue their weapon in the other: but that so taking courage unto them, and buckling themselves, in that quarrel to cope with their enemies if needs they would, their enemies then were quiet enough, and would not meddle. Both which in these daies experience hath often renewed unto us: namely, that such kingdoms or other States as take with the gospel, must also provide against the enemy; but that so doing, their enemies then grow wily enough to look ere they leap. 14 That hindrance that was among themselves, that in reason might well haue impeached the finishing of this work among them, was certain hard dealing of the greater sort with the meaner: many of the people being by it discouraged, till it was by Nehemiah amended. In the hard dealing that here is noted, it shall bee good to consider, not onely what is reported of it: but also to what end there is such remmbrance of it here. That which is reported of it, resteth in two principal points: one, that the people complained, that it lay very sore vpon them; the other, to note whence it came unto them. In that they did so much complain that it lay very hard vpon them, and yet the burden( it seemeth) was no greater but onely the hundreth part of the loan for one month, which cometh no higher but onely to twelve or thirteen in the hundred( but others there are, that do otherwise take it) such as are in Authority are to take good heed, that so near as may bee, there be no such oppression among their people. And seeing this was so grievous unto them, and did so sore whereby them, when it came unto them but onely from the richer sort among them, and not from him which was then in chief Authority under the King, which at that time was Nehemiah himself: then, any people must of necessity be much more grieved, or born down with such burdens, when besides the toleration of those, even their Deputies themselves, lye heavy vpon them. For so is it their manner sometimes to do, and to account it a needful point of wisdom too, that thereby making them unable to stir, they may afterward impose vpon them whatsoever hard measure they shall think good,& haue the others quietly to take it: in which case the people, howsoever they might haue prevented the other before, or at that present might turn a-side from it; yet this kind of burden can they in no wise avoid, but needs must bear it how unable soever they are to do it. That there is such remenbrance of this hard dealing here, it may likewise give us to understand, that such things tolerated in the richer sort of the people, and immoderate impositions from higher Authority also, may, wheresoever they come together, much more hinder the fortifying of jerusalem, in any of our Christian kingdoms likewise, and therefore no marvell, if the course of the gospel do not in such places so effectually proceed as were to bee wished; especially there, where impositions( though smart enough in themselves) were notwithstanding but an easier burden, so that the things, themselves remain, out of which they were to be raised. In that Nehemiah did go so readily about to amend it, first it argueth, that he did think it a mattet needful to bee amended▪ then, because wee see that he did it, it shall bee good to mark what course he observed therein. That he did think it needful to be amended, is not( I grant) of force to infer, that we should be of that opinion also: but yet it is a faire warning to us to take heed, that his dutiful regard in that matter, be no just condemnation to any carelessness of ours therein. The course that he observed therein, is, that first he was much grieved at it: and then did labour to haue it reformed. In that he was much grieved Neh. 5: 6. at it, both it was a good token that he was a good Magistrate: and yielded withall good hope of amendment. And yet it may not be denied, but that he might seem unto some, to bee ouer-populer therein: yet not justly but onely to such, as would rather allow much more than needeth unto the greater, than very needful unto the meaner. When he laboured ro haue it performed, first he dealeth with the parties whom it concerned: then he entereth into some special consideration of his own ways in such matters, belike to clear himself in his own conscience, that in this matter he did not lay a greater burden on others than himself did bear as well as they. Dealing with the parties whom it concerned, first he endeavoureth to obtain their good will therein: then, after that once he had obtained, he laboureth to confirm them in it. When he laboureth to obtain their good will in it, it is not in vain, for that they very well did yield unto him. So first how he did deal with thē in it: then how far they yielded unto him. His dealing with them was at two several times, in either of them praeuayling some-what with them: first striking them mute, so that they held their peace; then obtaining what he desired. When he did but so charge them, that they had Neh 5: 7, 8. nothing to answer, he both reproved, even the chiefest and greatest of them for that they had done: and, the more to convince them, he both set before them, as it seemeth, a great number of those with whom they had dealt so hardly;& his own better example. An happy man, in the mean season, that could so do. When it so Ibid. 9-11. fell out in the end, that he obtained what he desired, again first he reproveth them, and commendeth an example of his unto them: and then requireth, but by entreaty, what he desired. At which time they yielded fully unto him: a rare example Ibid 12. if we mark it, and seldom to be matched among us all; our private lucre, howsoever we get it▪ ever hath that interest in vs. When now they haue thus far yielded, Ibid. 12, 13. then to confirm them in it, both he took oath of them, or at least of certain of them: and withall pronounced a solemn curse to so many of them as should refuse to do as themselves had promised now; with a great and general applause of all the company. Entering into the consideration of his own ways during the time he was governor there, and to this end, as it seemeth, that he might better clear his conscience towards God, in that which now he required of the chief men among them, first he meditateth of those his ways by himself: and then directeth his speech unto God. In that his Meditation by himself, Ibid. 14, 15. first he considereth as it were but simply, that he had not been so chargeable unto them, as by the example of other Gouernours he might haue been: then by comparison, that though his charges were greater than theirs, yet had Ibid. 16-18. had he not taken the benefit of that advantage. When he doth it but simply in itself, his reason is, for that he feared GOD. When he doth it by way of comparison, because of the greater charges that he was at, more than they, both in fortifying some part of the Wall himself, and in more chargeable House-keeping besides, his reason then is in commiseration of the people, as being brought ouer-low already. A notable pattern for all Gouernours of provinces whatsoever: both in his whole course generally; and in certain particulars besides. In his whole course generally wee find, that he was very careful for the good of the people: and that he would not bee chargeable unto them. Whereas for the most part the good of the people is not by such much regarded: and yet themselves are very chargeable to them notwithstanding; as obtaining a people on whom they may prey at their own pleasure. Those particulars are, some of them such as do concern but either himself, or else his company: and one that doth concern them both. That which concerneth himself, is, that albeit the other Gouernours before him had given him example, or made him a ready way to large allowance: yet he, fearing GOD, could not follow their steps therein. Many of ours think, that they can fear God well enough for their purpose: and yet be so far from remitting any thing that was wont to bee had; that they think they bestir themselves but ill, if they do not yet raise it higher. That which concerneth his company, is, that whereas the servants of other Gouernours did rule over the people, he suffered not his so to do: but brought them all to the work that then they had in hand. Notwithstanding which good example of his, it is a wonder to see, how imperious over the people, and how deeply exacting of them, not onely the Bretheren, kinsfolk, and friends, but even the basest of the Seruants also, of many of our Gouernours and diuers other Officers can bee: especially so oft as their lords and masters haue not a good eye unto them for all such matters; or( which too too often is their case indeed) that those masters of theirs do not themselves maintain them in that service of theirs, but let them haue their countenance onely to prey vpon others, and some-times sell them those rooms besides, yea even at an excessive and merciless rate. That one that did concern both him and his company, was, that none of them were any Purchasers, or bought any Land: a point that seemeth to be clean abandoned by most of ours( whether they bee Gouernours or Officers themselves, or but their attendants) and to be left as a point of notable folly; all of them in a manner, choosing rather therein to be like to Gehazie, even to the obtaining 2 King. 5: 20 of his leprosy too, than to be so grossly ouer-seene, as in their iudgement Nehemiah here was. Yet is it no rare thing, nevertheless right worthy the marking, to see, howe, if the governor, or Officer himself, be a man of that bent, and in such sort leadeth before, then, all his retinue doth follow after: every follower heartily shaming in that course not to hang on; if nor to the foremost of all, yet at the least unto his immediate leader. Directing his speech unto God, he, Neh, 5: 19 desireth him to remember him in goodness, according as he had been sincerely careful on behalf of his people: both a good token, that he had done his part sincerely indeed, when as he so pleaded to God himself; and a comfortable example to show, howe readily wee may haue recourse unto God, so many as haue had any special care of his people here, and haue dealt truly therein. 15 When the walls were now builded, and the Gates not yet set up, the trouble that then was, was chiefly to Nehemiah himself: partly by his enemies; and partly by diuers of his own people. In the trouble that he had by his Enemies, he first relateth the same unto us: then he turneth his speech unto God. As he relateth the same unto us, we find the trouble that was intended against him, was first, by more of his Enemies together: then, by one of them onely. When it was by more of them together, as by those three Captaines before mentioned, and others with them, their devise was then, to entice him forth among Neh. 6: 1-4 them, and then, having him there, to do him some mischief: but Nehemiah did refuse to come at them, in respect of his business he had at home( as also it is both best and safest for us too, ever to stick fast to our business;) and so persisted vnmooueable, though four several times they sent about it, very desirous to haue had that Collop, if by any means they could haue it. When it was but by one, which was Saballat, the ceefe man among them, he also sought to get him forth, and belike to the same end that before, but now showing Ibid. 5-9. some cause why: but Nehemiah made no reckoning thereof, but counted them as vain& false allegations, and so refused to come unto him; and giveth his iudgement of these their doings, that they were done to fray him and the rest, that so they might be discouraged to proceed in their building. When he turneth his speech unto God, it is, that God would strengthen him against all such discouragements Ibid. 9. whatsoever: the way that all the people of God haue in all their necessities, and much more ready and sure, than any of the children of the world haue of those that they best like of, and where-unto in their distress they fly. Of his own people we red of diuers that were bad members to such a purpose, and no doubt wrought no little trouble unto him in this his business: but yet haue we this difference betwixt them, that of some of them we haue relation what hurt they did; of the residue no more, but that they were such as might well be accounted dangerous members. Those of whom we haue relation what hurt they did, were certain that were endowed with the spirit of prophesy, or at least so professed: and of these we haue some Story, before we haue relation made howe the work was finished. So first of their Story: then of the finishing of that his business. The effect of their Story is, that he was so troubled by one of them, that he prayeth against those that did set him on work: and against the others much like unto him. That one by whom he was so troubled, was Shemaiah a Prophet, who would haue put him in Neh. 6: 10-13 fear: but Nehemiah would not; and then perceived that Shemaiah was hyered by Samballat and toby, so to work on him, thereby to bring some reproach unto him. Praying against those two Captaines that would haue brought that shane upon Ibid. 14. him, he then also together with them putteth Noadiah by name, a prophetess also, and other Prophets too, all endeavouring to haue put him in fear. As touching Ibid 15, 16. the finishing of that his business, he recordeth unto us, that notwithstanding those impediments it was in good time dispatched: and that all their enemies about them were now afraid, because they saw that it was of God, that the Iewes had so good success in it. Those others of whom wee haue no other story, but onely such as well may convince them to haue been dangerous members, were as it seemeth for the most part of them that were of any note, but onely of the Princes: but it is noted, that there were many of them; and then we may be sure, that there were some store of the others too, though we haue none others name. But in the story of these also, we haue one such matter noted withall, as might well be some trouble to Nehemiah, and may seem, though it be not certain, that it came by their means also. Of those Princes, and such others as were of that sort( if there were any more, as it is most likely there were) it is noted, that they had much enter course with Tobiah aforesaid, or on his behalf, both by letters, and by word of mouth too. When it is noted, that it was by Letters, there are two Reasons Neh. 6: 17, 18 thereof given: one, that many were sworn unto him; the other, that he was of affinity with certain of them. When it was but by word of mouth, there it is noted, Ibid. 19. that even in the presence of Nehemiah, they spake good of him: and reported to him again whatsoever Nehemiah by such occasion did at any time deliver of him. That other matter which we haue noted withall, which might be some trouble to Nehemiah, and may seem to come by their means too, was that Tobiah Ibid. 19. likewise did seek to put him in fear, by certain Letters that he sent unto him. Out of which we also may learn( as in this land we haue had experience, in these dayes of ours, in plentiful measure) that when Christian Princes endeavour to fortify their jerusalem, there will be even Prophets, or such as are of some special account of wisdom, or of prudent fore-sight of dangers ensuing, that will cast perils, and put in fear; such also as are sworn to the enemy, haue intelligence with him, and speak good of him till he may come and spread his net over us: and that of all others, such as haue affinity with the enemy( as many of ours haue for ever and a day wedded to that usurper of Rome) are in such case, and for such practices, most to be doubted. 16 The walls being now all repaired, and the gates in their places renewed and set up, his next care was, to haue those gates orderly kept; and shortly after the city to be better peopled also: these wauls likewise and gates would he haue, in some solemn and public manner, to be dedicated unto the lord. Al which are so near of kin the one to the other, as that we might look, that in course of history they should follow immediately, and each one of them after another: but so they do not. That the Gates bee orderly kept, he taketh care praesently, soon after that they were erected: but then, advising himself next, of getting the city better peopled, the Story twineth, as it were, a-side to other matters first; and then afterward cometh both to the peopling of the city, and to the dedication of the walls now lately erected. For the orderly keeping of the Gates, it followeth immediately after, that ste committed the opening of them in the morning, and the shutting up of them at night again, unto certain men of special Neh. 7: 1-3. trust: and appointed Warders besides throughout the city. When he next advised himself of getting the city peopled, the Story continueth in this course but a while: but, like to a river that sometimes leaveth the wonted channel, and a good while holdeth that new course, before it return to the wonted channel again; so doth this Story now take unto it another course than wherein it first began, and yet aftet returneth unto it again. For hitherto it hath gone in the name of Nehemiah, himself all this while speaking unto us in his own person; and so yet goeth it a little farther: but then altogether it leaveth that course, and although diuers times after it speaketh of him( thrice out of question in plain Ne. 8: 10. 10: 1 12▪ 26. Neh. 7: 65, 70. Bibl. Angl. terms, and twice more, as it is the iudgement of some of good reckoning) yet never is it but onely in the third person until it come to the one and thirtieth verse of the twelfth Chapter; which I do not yet find that others haue noted. Yet true it is, that some there are that note five Chapters here to come in by anticipation Tremel. jun. or praeoccupation as it is commonly termed: nevertheless not noting unto us which they are; whereas indeed those that wee speak of are al-most six, being the most of this seventh Chapter, and most of the twelfth, and those four that are betwixt. But if Ezra were the writer of this book also, as it is by the learned resolved, and farther, if this were all one with the former among Bib. An. in arg. the ancient Haebrewes, these two books with them making but one, then the likeliest seemeth to bee, that Ezra, in compyling this whole Story, took Conr. Pellie. his light from Nehemiah himself for so much of it as most properly concerned him, and that desiring himself to set it down as most privy thereto, and then he setting it down after his manner in his own person, but in such sort as notably testifieth an excellent spirit, and great simplicity withall, Ezra then did so insert it, even in his own words, into his story, in such places as himself did find that most conveniently it might come in. So may wee take most of this that cometh betwixt, as a kind of digression: and so are wee first to consider of it; then of the residue, when the Story cometh to that his former course again. While it is yet for a time in the former course, as before I noted, Neh. 7: 4, 5 Nehemiah first noteth that the city was large, and the people but few: then, casting how to amend it, he acknowledgeth that GOD did show him a Ibid. 6-73 good way unto it; and, for the residue of that Chapter, doth make recital of it. The effect whereof is( for although some there bee that allot the four last Verses Vulg. edid. Tremel jun. joan. wolphius. Lyr. Con. Pellic to the time of Nehemiah, that now wee are in: yet seeing others are of other iudgement therein, and Saint Hierom himself noted to bee so too, I thought it the safest, so to leave it; so much the rather, because our bibles do so likewise) that getting a Catalogue of those that with zorobabel came from Babylon, first, he conceived that by the help of it, seeing it sorted them into their several Families, he might be able to find, who might best bee called upon, and urged too( if need were) to come to jerusalem to inhabit there. But we do not afterward find, that which was done therein, to be done by the help of that catalogue, nor by Nehemiah neither, as, when we come to the place, wee are then farther to see. But now, whereas the people yet were so few in jerusalem, yea even when the walls were builded, and the Gates set up( for it was less marvel, if they made no hast theither before) when as notwithstanding the Temple( and so the only place of worshipping) was there,& the same( as we saw before) richly endowed, it plainly argueth one of these two: either, that the daies were very doubtful yet, there to inhabit, notwithstanding all those grants they had before; or else, that the people were nothing religious, so generally planting themselves so far from the Temple. We also may haue by our superiors, in some sort, very good countenance born in Religion, when nevertheless in diuers things wee find no security to be any thing forward therein: as also on the other side, many of us regard but little to be any thing forward in the sincerity of our profession, how plainly so ever we see, that we most safely do it. 17 In that digression that we speak of, first we haue religious, and then civil matters intended. As touching religious, I see not whereon one of special reckoning should account, that now they solemnized the Feast of Trumpets, jo. Wolph. in Neh. 8. in ●●gum. Neh. 8: 2. lieu. 25: ●-10 this that here is spoken of being the first day of the seventh month, and that being appointed to be on the tenth day of the same. True it is, that blowing or sounding of the Trumpets did, as a solemnity, fall for that day too, as it was the New-Moone, or first day of the month: but the other was it, as I take it, that properly Num. 10. 10. was so called. But it is clear, that now the people were very religious: and that the special zeal where-with they were touched then, did soon after sort itself to special good effect too. That they were religiously given, it appeareth first in all the people generally: then in certain of them, and the residue again joining with them therein. In all the people generally it appeared the first day Neh. 8: 1-12. of the month, they all desiring Ezra to read the Law of God unto them, and to acquaint them with it: and, when they had heard it, being so effectually touched therewith as they were. For they did so weep and sorrow, belike in respect that their Elders and they had so much offended, that whereas at that time, as their case was then, they were in duty to rejoice and give thankes, that both Nehemiah and Ezra themselves, and many others of the chief men besides, were fain to stay them, and to turn that their mourning, unto a public ioy and rejoicing: and, it seemeth, had much ado to obtain it of them. In certain of them, and in the residue again joining with them therein, it appeareth, in that Ibid. 13-1● the chief Fathers of all the people, together with the Priestes and levites, came the next day again to be farther instructed: and then understanding that the selfsame month there was a special feast to bee solemnized, both they and the rest of the people now did very well hold it; and onely making their abode for the time in Bowers and Arbours( as the Nature of that feast required, being as it was the feast of Tabernacles) but in daily exercise of the word of GOD, wherein it varryed from other such feasts held before, and did much exceed them. How this good zeal of theirs did soon after sort itself to special good effect too, is likewise very plainly declared, in that within very few dayes of that solemnity already passed, Ibid. 9: 1-10: 29. they in such sort presented themselves again, abandoning their unlawful marryages( so many of them, belike, as yet remained) and confessing all their other sins generally, so diligently exercising themselves like-wise in the word of God, that thereby perceiving, now better then before, that they had exceeding much on their part broken the covenant, they now thought good, on their part to renew it again, in some actual and solemn manner: which also they did, accursing al that did not; and binding themselves, both by sealing and swearing unto it. In which it shall be good more specially to consider, first of that their exercise in the word of God: then, of the points of this their covenant. Of that their exercise in the word of God, seeing it seemeth to bee implyed to haue been daily for the time, whether three houres at once, or the fourth part of the day, as some do take it, may not as well stand by the propriety of that tongue: as four times a-day, which is for the Tremel. I●●. Lyr. Vatabl. Ari. Montan. Bibl. Angl. jo. wolph. most part conceived by others. For four times a-day, is without example; and as it seemeth double to that which God appointed, he not urging his people, by sacrificing, to any public worshipping of his, but onely twice aday, morning and evening: hard also to be drawn into use, or to be followed by others, for that our bodily necessities are so many and great, as by strict necessity can hardly afford at any time lightly( for any space together) so much leisure to that kind of exercise. But the fourth part of the day, or three houres together, is so much the more likely, as it may be more conuenently had( especially, at some time of more urgent necessity) even for many daies together, if need so require. One there is, that seemeth to conceive it to haue been, not that all of them so came four times a day: Conr. Pellic. but alternis v●cibus, one sort of them, as it seemeth his meaning is, after another, As with us also it is diuers times in our Cathedrall Churches and Colleges, in some of our Parishes also, and in houses that are of greatest Families, especially for the morning, that there is, and to very good purpose, divine service celebrated twice: once, somewhat timely for Officers and seruants; the other more lately, at the most convenient time of the morning, for all others generally. But this seemeth to haue no sufficient warrant in the Text: and much less, that he, following belike another before, taketh in the night, to this reckoning also. Another there is, that now by himself( for he did not so, when he joined with his fore-man before) is Lyr●●. ●●●. I●●iu● of mind that they took out two fourth parts of the day to this exercise, one three houres in the time of the Morning-Sacrifice, till High-noone; the other, from thence to three of the clock in the afternoon, close to the time when the Eeuening-Sacrifice was to begin: allotting the former of them to the hearing of the word first, and the latter of them to their worshipping of God after; so disioyning the hearing of the word of God to one part of the day, and their worshipping to another. An opinion more odding from the iudgement of others, than standing on warrant of the Text itself: or can well agree with the nature of those Sacrifices that were of thanksgiving, wherein, after the oblation, they were to dress for themselves, and therewith to Feast before the Lord. Those points of the covenant, were, one of them more general: the others, more special. That which was more general, was, that thenceforward they would walk in the Law of God, Neh. 10: 29 and observe and do all such things as he appointed. Those that were more special, were concerning certain duties, whereunto, as their case then was, they need to haue some special regard: some of them being but concerning their own private ways; others, the public service of God. Those that concerned their own private ways, were one of them to prevent that they did not degenerate into a base or sorrel people; the others, of certain duties to them appertaining, as they stood clear the people of God. To prevent that they did not degenerate, they now did covenant, that they would not thenceforward make any marriages with Ibid. 30. the people of the Land. Those other duties to them appertaining, as they stood clear the people of God, which now they make part of their covenant, were two: one concerning one special day; another concerning one special year. That special day, was the Sabboath: concerning which they now did covenant, that if Ibid. 31. the people of the Land should thenceforward bring any wears or victuals on the Sabboath day( as before they were wont) they would in no wise take any of them; a very good kind of check to such profane Merchants, victuallers and to all such as use to sell, if, when themselves will not be ruled, the people then would take nothing of them, but make them carry it home again. That special year was the Ibid. ●1. seventh, wherein their land was to lye, and to be common to all: and yet even then also were they to forbear their debters; and as some do take it quiter to forgive them, at least, if they were poor, which in like sort they promised to observe from that time forward. But whether, either themselves promised, or the Law required, utterly or clean to forgive what was owing unto them, and they could not get up before, or but onely for that year to spare them: that is a point that seemeth not perfectly yet to be cleared. For most of our Interpreters that yet I meete-with, Con. Pel. Vatabl, joan. wolph, Lyr. Bibl. Angl in D●●●. 15 ●2. seem to take it of clear acquitting and forgiving: but some of them there be, who interpret that onely for the poorer sort, such as are unable to pay; and some of them seem to restrain it too, but for that year. Now it is plain, that that which they promise here is for all their debts indifferently; not excepting the rich more than the poor: and it seemeth they were in so good mind now, that indeed they yielded to that which the Lawe required of them. But by all likelihood there were many of them whose estate was not able to bear to forgive all, both one and other, even the great as well as the small: and so it was not their meaning, and yet that they meant so much as the Lawe required of him. In the Law also itself, though our translations seem to import, that such a kind remitting is meant, as that he to Deut 15: 1-4. whom it was due, might never so much as afterward ask it: yet the Hebrew word is noted so to bind vpon hard and streight dealing, that it seemeth there is no asking Ari, Monton. of it after forbidden, but such as hath hard dealing in it. So it seemeth rather to be the safer of the two, that wee go no farther herein, than to conceive, that the Lawe did before require, and that they now did covenant, but onely, that, as for that year they would not take benefit of their own Land to their own private use, but forbear it then; so, whatsoever debts were owing unto them, they would not that year urge them of any: but then, on the other side again, that as the Lawe did not forbid them, afterward to take use of their Land as before, neither did they mean to abandon their right to the use thereof farther than so; so neither did they take it, that the Law did require, neither did themselves mean, but afterward in good manner to look for such debts as were due unto them, where they might conveniently and orderly haue them. And this so much the rather, for that there is another Law for relieving of those that were decayed or in need among them. Out of which notwithstanding it may bee objected, that the respect of the seventh year is so mentioned there, as if it might seem that it should bee the loss of it clean. It is so indeed: but yet may it as well signify no more, but onely the drift of time, that so he should be put of a year longer, before he should see his own again; which with Money-men, is itself a matter irksome enough. neither yet is it to bee denied, but that, as in the fiftieth yeares institution, God would so moderate the desires of such as would buy Land out right, or take for yeares, as that they should not extend their desires therein but onely unto that fiftieth year: so, it might please God to haue it his mind for this also( as a rudiment, or point of discipline, wherein he would haue his people to exercise their obedience unto him) that such debts as they could not well get up before, they should then clean remit; which if they could not well bear, then might they accordingly moderate their lending before. But in respect of that which already is said, it is not amiss to take heed to a marginal note that wee haue in some of our English Bibles, seeming to import, that of the richer sort even in the 1594. in Deut 15●4. b. seventh year might men require their debts, and that such might be then also constrained to pay them: whereas if that note go no farther but onely to the time ensuing, it may so very well stand; for that so there is no question of it. So likewise, that it is conceived, that such debts should be to the poorer sort clean remitted, to preserve Lyr. in Deut. 15. them from Idolatry, for that poor men being hardly urged, might easily take occasion thereby to flee the Land, and to seat themselves among Idolatrous people, and so become Idolatrous themselves: first there is no such thing set down in the Text; then also that consideration doth not infer, that men may not look for their own, but that they may not, to get it again, deal hardly with any. Of those that concerned the public service of God, there be two sorts: the former of them for neh. 10: 32-34 Ibid. 33-39 the performance of the service itself; the latter, for the maintenance of those that should do it. These matters are plain enough in the Text, and leave two good lessons unto vs. One, that we do not truly repent, or turn unto God, but so far as we haue care that his worship bee well performed among us: the other, that wee haue no sufficient regard of it neither, but so far as we restore to the ministry the maintenance that is due unto them. 18 Those that were civil, were chiefly two: one the peopling of jerusalem; the other, about the dedication of the walls lately builded. unto the peopling of jerusalem wee haue some other things annexed, by occasion thereof, as it seemeth: so that first we are to consider of that matter itself; then, of those others, that by occasion here of seem to be thereunto annexed. As touching that matter itself, as it did of old appertain to the Tribes of judah and benjamin, the city itself standing part of it in the one Tribe, and part in the other: so it was for them to haue a special regard unto the inhabiting of it, as their own proper possession. The Priests also and the levites were to haue the like regard thereunto, because the Temple was by Gods appointment erected there, and because the service therein to be done, did by the same appointment of God belong unto them. So, what by natural inclination to our ancient right, that commonly reigneth in us: and by the duty that in such case, men of any reckoning do acknowldge they owe unto God, it is very strange, that jerusalem the head city of all the Land, and so specially graced by the Temple there, should nevertheless haue special care employed about it, to get so many people there to inhabit, as might bee convenient to furnish the city. But such is the rage of enemies oft-times against the people of God, and so dogged displeasures they ever cast to do unto them so oft as they may, that many good men are thereby driven, both to abandon their own right, and that which otherwise they could most comfortably of all other things enjoy: and withall to withdraw themselves from such duties in Gods holy Temple among us erected, as otherwise neither in conscience they could, nor, if with any quietness they might be so employed, willingly would. nevertheless diuers there were, both of the chief and principal Fathers of all sorts of Neh. 11: 1, 2 them, and of the people that of their own accord willingly yielded there to inhabit: but yet was it a thing, though otherwise needful, so full of danger and trouble, that all the rest thanked them much, and counted themselves beholding unto them therein. But because these were nothing near enough, they were fain to take some farther order: and because to do it by lots, culling out the tenth of them all, was most indifferent, they so resolved, and did accordingly. At which time we find that by this mean there were taken-in of the people to dwell there, almost three thousand: Ibid. 3-19. 468. 528. 119●. 40●. 2994. of the Tribe of judah, four hundred threescore and eight; of the Tribe of benjamin( greater it seemeth now than the other) nine hundred twenty and eight; of the Priests( in three several companies) one thousand one hundred fourscore and twelve; and of the levites( in two companies) four hundred and six. Elsewhere wee haue a reckoning of mo that there did now inhabit, of some of the other Tribes also( such belike as escaping the evils that fell on their bretheren now in conscience and zeal 1 Chro. 9: 1-13, 17-22 assembled themselves thither:) and greater numbers of these also that now we haue spoken of, for certain of them. But it seemeth, that not onely such as were taken in by lot, are there name, but others also that voluntarily inhabited there. In which Tremel. jun. Ibid ●. Ibid. 9 Ibid. 13. Ibid 22. place we haue note of six hundred fourscore and ten persons of the Tribe of judah; nine hundred fifty and six, of the Tribe of benjamin; one thousand seven hundred and threescore Priestes; and of Porters( but one company of the levites, the others not being numbered there) two hundred and twelve. Those other matters that are hereunto annexed, and, as it seemeth by this occasion, are two other recitals or Catalogues: one, of those that dwelled in the country( when the city was thus far furnished) the other of those that were in the priesthood among them for a certain season. That which is of those that dwelled in the country, is, first of the Neh. 11: 20-24. Ibid. 25-30. 31-36. Ibid. 23, 24. Priestes and levites: then, of those two Tribes judah, and benjamin. In the former of which, towards the end, there is a relation of some things more particularly: one, the regard that the King had for the maintenance of music in the divine service of God; the other, of special Authority, as it seemeth, committed to one Pethahiah of the Tribe of judah. music in divine service, is not by many thought to bee so very needful, but that well enough it might be spared. But then, if this Heathen Prince could haue that regard to the service of God, that he would not onely haue such things as are absolutely needful, but even that also that in the iudgement of many( and those not ill) might well bee spared: how can it bee, but that Christian Princes that profess the gospel, and yet do not farther it with things most needful, and( sometimes without any urgent necessity) still with-hold that which in aequitye it ought to haue, may find their zeal by this example of his shrewdly checked, if it bee not even mated also? In that the said Pethahiah is noted to haue had so great Authority from the King, if the meaning may bee restrained as it is commonly taken, to the maintenance of those that were so to bee employed in divine service, then is there no difficulty in it: the meaning then being plain, that the King had such care thereof, that he would haue his Officer there ready at hand, still to give their pension unto them, that so there might be no default therein, for want of it in due season. Which belike was a more easy and readier course for those Pensioners or Stipendaries then( and a great deal less chargeable too, when the K. was so careful to haue it so readily done) than such pensioners& Stipendaries as in these daies we haue in the ministry, do find by such kind of Officers now. But if as the words seem to import, he was for the King in all affairs toward the people, then is it somewhat hard, that there should be any other in the times of Ezra and Nehemiah, in so great authority there: unless it should be understood of some time that toucheth not their aforesaid government; or else be restrained as afore, which for this cause also it may seem so much the rather to be. 19 That which is of those that were of the Priest-hood is, as it seemeth, but onely certain several notes of them, in this place recorded, that so the memory of them might the rather continue,& the same to very good purpose, as the case may diuers times be: some conceiving, that therfore they are recited here, for that the dedication of the walls which next after followeth, was to be performed especially Lyr. Conr, Pel. joan. wolph. Tremel. jun. by them, and that therefore they were to be recited first; others, and the more likely of the two, as I do take it, that it was by occasion of reciting those others before, that inhabited jerusalem, and of those also that dwell in the country. But it is the manner of the Scripture very often, while it is in other matter of Story, to Gen. 5, 10, 22: 20-24. 25: 12-18. 36: 9-30 break off for the time, and then to take in matter of Genealogy: and so less marvell, if we haue it here, or any where else, not on present occasion offered there, but to serve the purpose some where else. But whereas here we haue so special recital of the Priest-hood, thus much may we bee bold together, that for that time,(& so likewise so oft as we haue the like testimony for any time else) it pleased God to be gracious unto them in that he had his ministry among them, and a continual succession of it. As we also may in like sort reckon of the favour or displeasure of God, as it pleaseth him to vouchsafe us that external mean of our good estate in him. For the order of these notes here, we may note thus much, that whereas those that appertained to the Priest-hood, were either Priests or levites, we first haue relation of both together; then of certain of them a-part by themselves:& that this order is observed twice. In the former of these our first note is, both of Neh. 12: 1-7. Priests and levites, such as first came with Zorobabel out of their captivity from Babylon: first showing what the Priests were who then returned; then coming to the levites also. Those others of whom we haue note here apart by themselves, Ibid. 8, 9. are onely Priests: and first of the High-Priests onely; then of others, such as were of special reckoning too. The note that is of the High-priests, is of so many of them Ibid. 10, 11. joseph. Antiq. lib. 11. cap. 7, 8 as successively did reach the whole time from their return out of captivity to be beyond the time that yet wee are in, even to the time of Alexander the great, a few yeares after the Story of Nehemiah: who in all that time were six, one after another by lineal descent. The note that we haue of other Priestes besides, who also were of good reckoning among them, is not of any such large compass of time, Ibid. 12-21. but of such as lived, in a manner, all together: and were in place, in the time of joakim, the second of those six High-Priestes that we spake of, the son of Ieshua, Ezra. 2: 2. who was the High-Priest when they returned; that time being noted to be twenty and eight yeares, joakim himself being High-Priest so long after the Fanct. Chronol. in an. 3492. death of his Father, in whose absence he had occupied the place before. But in it wee may note two things: one, as touching the estate or degree that they were of; the other, of the number of them. For the estate or degree that they were of, they are plainly said to be chief Fathers: and yet were all these under others, and such as were no High-Priestes neither. There are if we mark, in the note of those that returned with Ieshuah( as wee saw in the first note here placed) two and twenty several persons that were all Priestes: and all said to bee chief Priestes or principal men in that function, and yet not the High-Priestes Ibid. 7. neither, as there also is noted. And these others that now wee speak of were all under them; every of them under one of those others: and all them in the selfsame order, but for some varryance in some few of their Names; and in one of them it faileth clean. The names do vary most, in the fift, seventh, eight, and ninth of the first note: and a little in two or three afterward following. That, wherein it faileth clean, is in the sixth of the first note also: all the others being s●ed, even in the same order after, wherein before they are set down. Which variety of their names, in two places so near together, and wherein the latter hath so special relation unto the former, may well bee thought to give great probability, both that these are several notes, and that they were not put together by one and the self same person; yet both of GOD, sometime using one instrument in such service of his, and sometimes another: the variety of many of the hebrew Lir. in N●. 120 Conr. Pell. in Neh. 12: 10-26 jo. Wolph. Ibid. names, making no difference in the person; and that there should bee more doers herein th●n one, being also conceived before by others. But that these are said to haue been under those others, it is not to be denied, but that it is not so taken of all. For some there bee that so setteth them down, as coupling together indifferently, Lyr. Conr. Pel. both those that came at the first with Ieshua, and those that now we speak of, as if they were all alike: others again, some that seem to make these the issue Tremel. jun. of those others; others, that do plainly set them down, as being theirs, belonging unto them, or being under them. So much the harder to bee conceived, Vulg ●●i. Vat. Ari Mon. Bib. Angl. 1594. jo●●. Wolph. that one of special good reckoning for his learning, and labour in that book of Scripture, notwithstanding this variety in others, yet passeth over those ten verses of the Text, with onely two lines of his commentary: and plainly professeth that he seeth no difficulty in them. In that one wherein that course faileth clean, that otherwise is observed in them both throughout, is that note of the number of them: and it is no more but this. That whereas david ordained four and twenty courses for the better service of GOD, and that so it might bee less 1. Chro. 24: 1-31, 25: 1-31 troublesone to the parties themselves, in the former of these two notes that now I speak of, there bee but two and twenty; and but twenty and one in the latter: the sixth in the former, having none under him in the latter, as all the residue of his fellowes haue. Whereby it may seem, that some of their courses were yet wanting, till they were supplied or renewed again: and a faire blessing of GOD it was, that in so troublesone and corrupt times as they were in, there was no greater decay than so. Yet on the other side, seeing they had one fewer in the dayes of joakim the son, than they had in the dayes of Ieshua his Father, and even then, when that Father of his came first from Babylon, when as notwithstanding himself was afterward High-Priest( as it is noted) thirty and six yeares by himself, and F●n Chr. in an. 3427-3490. eight and twenty yeares more, his place being for the first eight of these supplied by his son, for the other twenty himself serving the place again alone, unless he took his son in with him: hereby it seemeth, that they made no great hast to fill up those courses that then were wanting. But it may seem rather to be, that Religion and the worship of God was by those Princes so little advanced, when as it was so long before the Temple might bee builded: rather than by any slackness in them; but that already they were enough and enough to that purpose there, yea and twenty times mo than were needful yet for any such business as was there to bee done. As with us also, if learning bee not so followed as it should, where most it ought, so to supply the rooms that want, the fault is not there where it seemeth to lie, but in those that give the occasion of it, discouraging much good proceeding in learning, by keeping away so much of the reward thereunto appertaining, and impairing the rest so fast as they do. A matter so much the rather to bee marked of those, that seek to the author aforesaid that found no difficulty herein( and sure an author right worthy to be sought unto, both for learning and godly wisdom, both in this book and diuers others: but Homer himself slumbereth sometimes) for that in the same place also he professeth, he saw nothing worthy the marking for our instruction. In the latter of those, our first note is Neh. 12: 22. both of Priestes and levites together, as before; but now wee haue no recital of them here, as in the others, but onely a remembrance that such a note there was taken of them; and therein the levites( who were the inferiors, if they were no more than levites; but many of them were) first name, before the Priestes that were the superiors. In this note wee may mark, first that whereas already wee haue note of such as were in the dayes of Ieshua and joakim two of the first of those six High-Priests whose Genealogy or lineal descent we had before, now is this of all such as followed after in the daies of the last four of them, Eliasib, joiada, johanan, and Iaddua: and that, seeing this note was taken in the reign of Darius King of Persia, it referreth us to the last of that name whom Alexander overthrew, none Tremel. jun. other of that name reaching unto the time of Iaddua, one of those that here is name. Then that seeing it did not please God here to recite them; nor to reserve unto us that note where they were entered into record, it is not absolutely needful for the Church of God to haue the Story of succession, in particularities to bee still continued. having promised that he will be with his even to the end, so we make vndonbted assurance of it, the matter is less if we do not ever distinctly know by whom he hath done it, or from time to time doth it yet. Of the levites, a-part by themselves, we haue two notes more: one, much like to this other of the levites& Priests together; the other, therein varrying from them. For the former of them Neh. 12: 23. is no more but only a remembrance here, that such a note is else-where taken; and that, of the chief and principal Fathers of the levites: but this note here, both referreth us to the book of the Chronicles; and telleth us, that there we haue all, even to the time of the last but one, of those six High-Priests afore-said. What book of Chronicles is it that here he meaneth, himself doth not show. But true it is, that in the Book of Chronicles which we haue extant, there haue we the principal Fathers of the levites expressed, and their courses withall; by the rule and pattern where of such as followed were ever to repair their courses decayed: and so is it by diuers taken, that that is the meaning of the Text here. But seeing he doth so precisely note by the person, a man well known, how far that Register Lyr. Trem. jun. should extend; and seeing those other notes are of the chief Fathers in particular: it seemeth rather, that he pointeth to some such book of Chronicles as now wee haue not; and that God hath not thought good to reserve it unto us, as wee know it hath pleased him to deal with many other Monuments besides. Another Testymony, that particular succession need not to be so known unto vs. That which herein varryeth from both those last before, is the same that followeth next, and is the last of them all: it both noting the persons themselves, and their several functions Ne. 12: 24-26 ( one sort of them to be employed in giuing of thankes and such like, and the others to keep the gates;) and showing besides, in whose daies they served, namely, in the daies of Ioiakim the second of those High-Priestes afore-said, and in the daies of Nehemiah and Ezra that now we speak of. 20 About the dedication of the walls we haue some-thing noted unto us( before Neh. 12: 27-30 the Story doth yet return unto his wonted course again) concerning diuers of those that should be special Agents therein:& first what was done, as touching them; then, what certain of them did. Those that should be special Agents in this business, were the Priestes and levites; and that which was done concerning them, restend in two principal points: one, that against this time, and against this business, they were from all places diligently gathered together unto jerusalem; the other, that they were purified also. That they were so diligently gathered together, it seemeth to arise, not onely of those that so did call them together: but also, of themselves that so readily came in thereupon. Those that called them together, seem to bee all the Princes, Fathers, or Leaders of the people generally, or the whole Congregation of them: as yet having no mention( as soon after we haue) of Nehemiah, as any doer in this matter. Being then the deed of the whole company generally, it is a very good example to all: in all our special& chief affairs, to ta●e our light and help and course of action of those, whom it hath pleased God to give us to such purpose, and whose labours wee may best hope wee will bless therein. david( they might remember) had been about such a work before: he 2 Sam. 6: 1-10 1 Chr. 15: 11-●●. and all the Nobles of Israell, and much of the people: but missed in this point; and so had his success according, till he had taken better advisement. Th●se having the like business in hand now, do take a better order therein: even seeking out the Priests and levites, wheresoever they dwelled in the country about them. There were many at jerusalem already, as we heard before: but those will not serve( such is their zeal now;) they will haue all. Yet was it but thanksgiving and prayer, that was the substance of this business: a matter that many think they can sufficiently perform, even by themselves; some conceyuing farther, that those services are of the kind, that they need not be so careful to perform them in best manner, God himself being ever ready, by the very Nature of them to take them, though ourselves bee not so careful to present the same unto him so well as wee might. It may be likewise, that even Dauids company, at least many of them, made no great reckoning to haue the Priests and levites with them, in that first attempt of david. For the Text itself doth witness, that david at the first so ordered 1. Chr. 13: 1, 2 his speech to his Nobles and Captaines about that matter, that it seemeth his plain meaning was( it seemeth I mean, by the original, Vatablus, and our English Translation; and is plain by others) to haue the Priests and levites with the rest to haue been assembled unto it: and yet in another place notwithstanding, that david chargeth the chief of the Priests and of the levites, that they were not 1595. Vulg. edit. Lyr. Con. Pellic Tremel jun. 1. Chron. 15: 11-13. at that time with them. Being then so, that david would haue had them,& yet that they were not there( and both these by very good warrant) that they were not there, it seemeth to lie betwixt the Priests and levites themselves on the one side: and those Nobles and Captaines of david, on the other. First for the Priests and levites, it is not likely that the fault was in them: first because the honor& nature of the action and all probability besides, leadeth us to think, that if they had been sent for or called to that solemnity, they would not haue failed but to haue come; then also because david was no more offended with them, which by all likelihood he would haue been, if they had so far disobeyed, especially the case falling out as it did, that by their absence the good action itself was defeated, and all that whole solemnity pitifully disgraced besides. But then as touching the Nobles and Captaines, albeit we may well hope, that many of them also were very honourably minded herein: yet may it well like-wise bee doubted, that many of them were yet irreligious; and such not unlikely some way or other to disapoynt the having of the Priests and levites with them in that piece of business. That many of them were yet irreligious was likely enough to bee, for that david was but new come to his kingdom: and that in the dayes of Saule few or none sought after the Lord. If many of them were irreligious, it may be, that some of them were otherwise 1. Chr. 13: 3. notwithstanding in such favour with david, having so lately yielded their allegiance unto him, or for some other good parts in them, that they might ouertreat david therein, by arguments of the needlessness of their company, or some such like: or else so frame the Letters were sent, or so deal with the Messengers that went, that the Priests and levites should bee sure to haue no warning. For such is the general corruption of us all, that wee haue a natural dislike of those that are on the behalf of God towards us; even as people that are under obedience to a foreign Prince against their wils, do hardly brook his Officers also: and when any earthly praeheminence, cometh in withal, as of blood, possessions, favour& such like, then do such things stir up that natural dislike that is in us to be the more vehement,& when occasion is offered, or we haue fit matter, to work accordingly. If any of thē so defeated the Priests& levites at that present to be partakers of that solemnity, both david himself and all the company were little beholding unto them for it, as the matter fell out in the end: and yet fell it out none otherwise, than such dealing had justly deserved. God indeed had made special choice of these to such purposes; and david had distributed them into certain courses, and assigned to every one wherein more specially to employ themselves: but yet all this to the use of divine service, publicly to bee performed, first in the Tabernacle, then in the Temple after. This should be public too; yet but voluntary, and in nature inferior some-what unto the other, and so more freely left to the liberty of themselves: yet such as were appointed for the other, those thought they( and so let us conceive too) would be meetest for this also; and those would they haue, even in the best plenty they could, to be their chief Leaders and dealers herein. As this ready assembling of them together, came of the Priests and levites themselves( as we may probably think, because it was their own cause also, that partly it did) therein haue they given all of that sort a good example in all such cases to be ready to put too their hand to al good actions( though none of those whereto they were chiefly ordained) and to help forward the same the best that they can: and that so much the rather, for that the good and orderly performing of such actions cannot be intended to proceed from any, more than from them. In that it is noted they were purified also, though the action or doing of it lay altogether on themselves: yet the manner of speech seemeth to import, that it was the desire and motion of others also. As also it doth very naturally arise, that when people are bent to any good action, and would haue it performed so well as might be, then to call vpon such as are to bee the special actors, to address themselves unto it in the best maner that they are able, and to be earnest with them therein: and that the others being so stirred up by the whole company, as accounting themselves to be interested in it, and then considering their own duty strongly to urge it unto them besides, do thereupon more earnestly stir up themselves to set in hand with their business in the best manner they are able. A very good example to us, both for the whole company, and for all our principal agents, in all our actions, that are of moment, to bee careful to perform them in the best manner wee may, and each sort therein to put to our hands the best that we can. That which these did, when thus they were gathered together, and when thus they had purified or prepared themselves, was, that they did the same to certain others also, to whom in that case it appertained: praeparing them first, or making them ready unto the business they had in hand. Concerning which, the truth is, that by the Lawe of God both men themselves, besides the uncleanness they got by sin, might other-wise also be Legaly unclean before God:& so might other things about them besides, as their houses, garments, and vessels; as we do more fully show when we haue those laws in hand. True it is also, that by such ceremonial or legal uncleanness, either in people themselves, or in things to them appertaining, if any such should be by their default, men might very grievously offend God, and pluck down on themselves some heavy iudgement: not because such things( for many of them) were otherwise ill of themselves; but onely that God had set that burn vpon them& thereby would teach them, in all things to depend on his will and pleasure to them delivered, and ever to take notice of their uncleanness. Now therefore was it the part of these Priests and levites, thus gathered together to this solemnity, so soon as first they had cleansed themselves, then to aduise themselves of others also: and then, seeing the people especially, then also even the walls& the gates, might some way or other be in some pollution, they were likewise to haue an eye unto them, and to see them all prepared in the best manner they could; least that otherwise, by the slip of some one, it might so fall out, that God might be offended with all. So first, beginning with the people, they were to put them in mind of all such things as might in such case defile them, and earnestly to labour them to put away all such things whatsoever: and then were they themselves also to cleanse them as was appointed. Then coming to the walls and gates, there were they to see, there were nothing that by Law might make them unclean, nor those that should bee employed about them: then to cleanse them also Legally, as they did the people before. All which it is here said that they did. A good example for us too, in all our assemblies, and in all such actions to take good heed, that nothing be, so near as we can, offensive to God: but ever first beginning with ourselves; and then after coming to others. 21 The Story now returning to his former course, bringing in Nehemiah, speaking unto us again in his own person, having a while used that course, it seemeth soon to turn from it again. So are we again to consider, what it is that in the person of Nehemiah it delivereth unto us: and what it giveth unto us besides, as in the person of some other. In the person of Nehemiah it delivereth unto us, how, when the preparation was in such sort made as we heard before, then he dedicated Ne. 13: 31-43 the walls, and with them, not onely the Gates, but even the whole city also unto the Lord, as committing the same to his protection, and desiring him to extend his favor towards it. But as touching the maner of doing it, though some things there be plain enough; yet others there are somewhat hard to be conceived: and in this case, as I do take it, it shall be good more specially to consider of both. First, as touching that which is plain, their purpose was, in some set and solemn manner to give thanks and praise unto God, for that which he had done for them already; and to solace themselves therein, even in the face of all their enemies round about them: and to make prayer withall, for the continuance of that his favour towards them and that city, and even to the walls and Gates thereof which now in some sort they had repaired. This did Nehemiah conceive might best be done, for some part of it, by dividing themselves into several companies: and other some part, by uniting them together again. Seeing some part of it may best be done by dividing themselves into several companies, and Nehemiah did so accordingly, we are first to consider what he to that end did: then, what was done therein by them. he first divided them into such companies; and then sent them forward about their business, appointing to each of them the way they should take. The companies were, first of the Priests and levites: then of the residue of the people. The Priests and levites he divided into two companies: the residue of the people likewise, at least the chief and principal of them to other two. Those two companies of the Priests and levites were to go before, and in the name of all the company to give thanks and praise unto God, both with their voices& Instruments too: and those other two compaaies of the people were to follow after; one part of them following the former, Nehemiah himself and the residue following the latter. That which was done by these companies therein, is no more, but that they did as was appointed. That which was to bee done, by uniting them together again, was, that both companies both of the Priests and levites, and of the rest of the people, coming all to the Temple, there they worshipped in very good manner, and to the special rejoicing of all. These things are plain enough unto al: and these are the substance of all their doings. But now whereas the Text doth farther tell us, which were the ways that each of these companies took, and we haue certain reports& descriptions of the form and manner of that city, some of them of more ancient time, others more late; whereas also diuers of the learned haue commented or written hereon, both in former ages,& in these our daies also: yet the way that these companies kept, is not onely, not as yet described by any of them( that yet I haue seen) but not so much as meddled withall neither, but slipped of all, as past their reach, and yet not so acknowledged neither. And there is no question of this, but that time is ever wont to make such alteration of Cities, either to the better, or to the worse, or some way or other transposing the particular estate of most part of them: as that it may well be, that this report that here wee haue of certain particular places of that city then, can in no wise agree to such descriptions thereof as haue reached to us, for that when those descriptions were taken, it was not in those particulars such then, as it was at the time that now we speak of. It may be also conceived, that it is not material or needful, to haue this direction that we haue here, to be answered by such descriptions as we haue of that City since: as indeed it is not, absolutely. But seeing it hath pleased God, that wee should haue these particular places so specially noted unto us, it is not unlikely, but that he would haue us make use of them also: and, it may be, that as it was a figure of a better city above, ordained for us in Iesus Christ, so would I haue the form thereof, so much the more carefully to that end preserved, albeit, that now we otherwise haue little use of it. And seeing there be diuers of the learned that haue travailed to describe the same unto us, and it may be, that yet there are others that will bestow some labour therein: it is not amiss, in that respect also, out of this to note, what defects may bee already in those that we haue, and how some others might be therein amended. Of those descriptions that we haue, although there be diuers commended unto us: yet is it not unlikely, but that that wee haue of Christianus Adrichomius, as it is of faire and jo. w 〈…〉 Neh.〈…〉. fol. 26. ● Theat●●m ●● sa●ct. seemly workmanship, and well furnished( for the most part of it) with the authority of the word of God; so is it also the best of those that yet are extant. Which if it be, then might those others and it also, by this be amended, as it seemeth, in diuers of the particulars of it that here are remembered. It may be also, that being in diuers things, in that description of his, more superstitious, than becometh a man professing learning in the light of these daies of the gospel, both that he, the more he hath headed that, the less hath he headed matters more needful: and that GOD hath the less prospered his labour in some part of it, the less that he hath set God before his eyes in some other. In it therefore if we examine how those particulars are answered that are noted unto us here, we shall soon find, as I take it, that as in diuers of them it doth well answer the Text; so seemeth it likewise much to vary in diuers others:& this to be, both in the way that was appointed for the former of these two companies; and especially in the way of the latter of them. Which that we may the better find, I think it the readiest way first to set down some little model whereby such as haue the Map itself may more easily go to such places therein as whereunto the Text will direct us; and such as haue not, may yet somewhat perceive in what sort they are placed there:& then to consider of those two ways that now we speak of. The model I speak of may well be this. jerusalem. A. Sion, or city of david B. Daughter of Sion, or 〈◇〉 neather city. C. The Temple. D. The second city. E. The New-Cittie. F. The Dong-gate. G. The gate of the fountain or Water-gate. H. The place, whence, it seemeth, they went. I The tower of the Furnaces K. The gate ● Ephraim. L The Old gate. M. The Fish-gate. N. The tower of H●n●neel. O. The tower Meah. P The Sheep●▪ gate Q. The gate of the Ward. R R. The Sta●●es to the city of david. 22 To find out those two ways that we speak of, first we know that the Rendyvous, or place of meeting again, was the temple or house of God, there to worship: and then if we can find, where they did first set forth, we may so much the more easily guess at the way, though we had no other direction unto it. Where they did set forth or began to enter into that solemnity, we haue not by name or particularly set down unto us: but yet it seemeth, it may well be gathered. For Nehemiah plainly telleth us, that he brought the Princes of judah(& the rest withall, as that which Neh. 12: 31 followeth of appointing his two companies there, doth imply) up, unto some part of the wall which stood high: and from whence, that one of the companies that he appointed to go towards the Dung-gate, should go on the right hand of the wall, as they held their way thither. To find out likewise what cost should lie to their right hand, we must conceive how then they stood, which by all likelihood was, their faces bent towards the Temple, whither now they were to take their way. So falleth it out, that now they were come together to the North end of the city, near to the wall there, thence to set forth in that their intended solemnity unto the temple. But whereas the most of our translations, and the very original itself, do so speak of the wall here, as if this company stood, and thence went forward, on the Wall itself: it is more significantly set down by others, that they were but Tremel jun. brought up unto it, and not upon it. For neither could any such part of quantity of the Wall contain such a multitude of people, all to stand at once vpon it: neither doth it agree with other words of the Text itself, setting them to go on the right hand of it; and then not vpon the wall itself. The other company also, by that strict interpretation should go( and Nehemiah himself) upon Ibid. 38, 39. many Gates and Towers that were in their way, before they came to their journeys end. But it standeth by good consent, that the North end of the city that now joan. wolph. ●ol 26. b. Adrichom pag. 166. col. 2. 〈◇〉 14●. Trem. jun in Neh. 12: 31. we speak of, was high; being one of the chief hills( those being four in all) that jerusalem did stand on: and so that Nehemiah his bringing up of the people unto the wall, was not according to the strictness of the words themselves, upon the wall, but onely up to the side of it. By which also we may see, that it was not the out-side of the wall by which they went, because so the first company should haue gon on the left hand of it: and the ditches being so broad as they were, would haue kept them a good way from the wall, and haue given opportunity to the enemy, both against themselves and their city. So are they yet at the North-end of the city, near to the walls, but yet within them. again, seeing the former of these two companies must make their way by the Dung-gate, and the latter of them was to go by the Tower of the Furnaces, thereby are we lead to conceive, that now they Tremel. jun were betwixt both those, when as parting companies they were to take their way by them. Whereas therefore the Dung-gate is noted to bee on the East-side of Adrichom. pag. 168. ●●●. 163. the city, and as it were somewhat better than at one quarter of the length of the city from the North to the South, and the Tower of the Furnaces in the north end Ibid. num. 172 of the city, and somewhat better than at one half of the length of the end from the West towards the East, so are we lead to conceive, that now the whole company was, as at the North end of the city, so in that part of it which lay towards the East: and true it is that there was a special height of the city, where the assyrians before, and the romans afterward pitched their Tents, after that once they had Adrichom. pag. 160. num. 148, 149. gotten within one of the walls. having so found whether they were assembled from thence to begin that their solemnity, now are wee to consider of the w●● of either of these two companies. The first place that we haue name to the former of them is that Dung-gate before mentioned, being in their way towards the Temple, ever keeping on the right hand of the wall by which they went; and the gate of the fountain and the Water-gate, are the next: both which Adrichomius doth Neh. 12: 37 make but one, and placeth it on the East-side of the city; but, from whence they set forth, about half so far beyond the Temple, as they wanted of it when they Pag 167 num. 158. were at the Dung-gate aforesaid. Which may seem to imply, that they were to hold on their way by the wall, farther than the Temple stood from them at their first setting forth. So likewise, as touching the stairs of the city of david, and those at the going up of the wall beyond the house of david, of such Adricomius maketh no memtion in the outmost wall, which notwithstanding was beyond the house of david( from whence they set forth:) but it may seem and mean, as if they had for their part to go about the one half of the walls from whence they set forth; yet not full out the one half of the walls neither. But true it is, that if from the gate of the Fountain or waters, they twined then into the city and left the walls, then had they stairs just before them in two several places going up southward to the city of david. But that seemeth not to haue been their course, for that so they should haue left the walls, when they had gon but the quantity of one side onely, and should leave all the rest unto the others. In the way that the other company was to hold, the particular places that therein are name are many mo than in the other: and for a while fitly answered by Adrichomius in this his description; but not so in any of the others. For the tower of the furnaces, and the gate of Ephraim that first are name, Neh. 12: 38. 39 Adrichom. pag. 168. ●●●, 172 pag. 167. ●●●. 157. pag. 168. ●●●. 166. pag. 167. ●●●. 162 were both in their way( in the north end of the city) ●● they twined down west ward: the old gate also, and the fish-gate which are mentioned next, both in the west-side of the city; one, as it were, at one quarter, and the other at three quarters of the length of that side, from the north to the south. But now the others that follow, as many in number as yet we haue had of these, do nothing at all answer to the course that these were in: those being all in the east-side of the city, and not all so placed there neither, as here they are name. For the tower of Hananel is set to be, at scant the one half of the first quarter of the length of the East-side from the north to the South. So that by that course, when this second company had passed all their part to the North end, and three quarters of the West-side, then were they to come back, and to begin almost at the North-ende of the East-side, to take their way all along that side also, so far as the Temple itself did reach there: the Tower Adrichom. ●●● 16●. 174 165, 6●. Tremel. jun of Hananeel being, as I said, almost at the end of that side; the Tower of Meah( which out of the signification of the original, some do term as of an hundred, being indeed said to be an hundred cubits in height) almost at the midst of that side; The Sheepe-gate being indeed next to this but behind it, and so, turning them so far back again, North-ward; and the Gate of the Ward, where it is said they stood, being near to the South-east corner of the Temple, and almost as far as the Water-Gate, other-wise also called the Gate of the Fountain, the utmost point that by this description, we find that the other company went, so long as they held their way by the walls. By this reckoning also, the walls of the residue of that East end of the city, of all the South of it, and as it were of one quarter of the West-side also, should be by both companies omitted: even al the whole city of david, other-wise called Mount Sion, the principal part( but for the Temple) of all jerusalem. 23 The manner of the dedication being thus delivered unto us by Nehemiah himself or in his person, the Story now delivereth the residue that of this part remaineth, as in the person of some other. And the matters that so we haue delivered unto us, are two; both of them to the good commendation of the people: in the former of them, Nehemiah, towards the end of it, being spoken of( together with zorobabel) but in the third person onely; in the latter, nothing at all remembered. That wherein we haue Nehemiah in such sort remembered, is altogether about the ministry: and part of it appertaining to that present time: but part of it, unto other times besides. That which appertaineth to that present time; is likewise some part of it, of the people: and some part again, of certain of the ministry. That which is of the people, is, that then they took order for the gathering in of all such maintenance as was due to the Priests and levites: and Neh. 12: 44. the reason added withall, is, for that then the people reioyced that the Priestes and levites were now occupied in their ministration. A good cause for much people of christendom to rejoice likewise, that now the ministry, in these daies of the Gospel, we are also employed in the ministration to them appertaining: but whereas the Iewes were careful thereupon to get in that which was due unto thē, so do not many of ours; yet many of them professors too, but still hold that which they haue, and scamble for more; than the which they need no better proof, that as yet they truly ioy not in their ministration. Those of the ministry, of whom we haue some Ibid. 45. 46 Story too, are certain of the levites such as were to attend about the Temple, and either to sound forth the praises of God with voice and Instrument; or as Porters to attend the doors, and to keep out all unclean whatsoever: as touching whom, both it is noted that they did well perform their duty; and that the use of music in such case did stand, by the example of godly ancients before. Those other times besides, whereunto wee haue some part of this appertaining, are, first a time that was before when zorobabel governed: then the residue of the time of Nehemiahs government among them. As touching both which it is recorded, that during their time, there was that regard to the worship of God, that even those Singers also were maintained: and that the levites had their due so truly paid, that they also were able to give their due to the Sons of Aaron; and that accordingly so they did. A report, as it may seem, importing, that so oft as there bee good Gouernours, the cause of Religion is so truly regarded, that even the matters of less importance, are not for sparing with-held from it; and that such as are of greater moment, are to the full, yielded unto it: and that they are never good Gouernours indeed, where that course is not observed. That wherein Nehemiah in nothing at all remembered, is, that the people( about that time) hearing ( out of the Law of God red unto them) how far they were to estrange themselves from the Ammonites and Moabites, or to stand of from them, did thereupon make a separation from diuers that were mingled among them. In which it shall bee good to consider, first of that point of the Lawe of God: then of that pliableness in the people. In that point of the Lawe of God we haue noted unto us, how far God doth exclude them from his people: and what was the cause why so he did. He exculded them so far from his people, as that neither should they ever haue any Neh. 13: 1-3 Deut. 23: 3-● special place among them, not so much as to bee any member of their society or body politically: and that the people of Israell were discharged, if never they did specially seek the good or welfare of any of them. truly a strange and heavy iudgement, that the people of God themselves, who are ever generally taught to be good unto all( and are not allowed to do those any hurt neither, nor to nourish in their hearts any malice against them) nevertheless are allowed to be so inexorable to these, that they never suffer them to get up among them, nor any way employ themselves, in any special maner, about the good of their earthly estate here: but that they bestow that care on others, to whom they are allowed to do it. The reasons are two: one, because they did not use them kindly as they passed by them when they came out of Egypt; the other, because they would haue done them hurt by Balaam but that they were not able to do it. Many of us use little kindness to such of our bretheren; and some of us would by the Romish Balaams of our time, haue done them hurt too, though one way or other we were not able: and then, so ●biding, we may hardly hope that God will at any time vouchsafe us to be( though but so only we had offended) of the society of his people; or that any thing that is in them, example, Doctrine, or such like, shall at any time be available to us, or sort itself to good effect in vs. The pliableness of the people was notable herein, that so readily they made such separation, as the case did then require: which at this time seemeth to be but from such society with those peoples as the Law of God required; though it may well be, that by occasion thereof they proceeded further to others also. Ezra wee saw before, was much troubled about such a matter; and hardly with many sobs, sighs and tears, could he obtain it in the end: but these now readily do it; and without any special Leader that we do read of. Wee also are many times called vpon in matters that concern us as much as this, and oft-times too, even for having over great society with such among us, or for being too inward with them: but seldom wee do so readily amend as these did here. In which pliableness of these, likewise wee haue a good experiment, how forcible even the Reading onely of the word of God is to so many as duly regard it: a matter that of late was much called in question among us; and, that is more strange, even by some of those that professed the gospel themselves; saving that themselves do sufficiently by their ways declare, that so far as they mislike such Readers, even themselves so far are no followers. 24 This being all the Story of his former being at jerusalem, and now being to come to the latter, one thing there is, that is not set down unto us: others there be, that are plainly enough declared. That which is not set down unto us, is, what time he now returned, and how long he was in place of government among them. Which I rather note, because some of special account, notwithstanding the great variety of iudgement as touching the certainty of the time whereunto these Stories do appertain( as not being certainly known that they do appertain to the daies of those kings to whom they are for the most part ascribed, but on the other side, that there is great likeli-hood that they do appertain to others) do nevertheless set down some compass of time, whereunto this Story must needs be referred as they do take it; and yet very diuers among themselves: insomuch that although they agree in the King( and that against a likelier opinion too) yet therein also they vary, one ascribing four and forty yeares to the reign of that King, and about twelve yeares wherein this Story is to be seated; joan. wolph. in Neh. 1316. Tremel. jun. in Neh. 13▪ 8. 〈◇〉, I●●●●s. Ed, 〈◇〉 in his Persian Chronologi●▪ others giuing but thirty and seven yeares to his reign, and five yeares for the seat of this Story. One of them since. I grant hath varied; and it, from us or one of ours, strongly confirmed therein: but th●● which ●●● set down before, in this greater light of the gospel, and by men of so special reckoning( for I speak not of others that had not the opportunity and means then, that are salve to others since) might easily breed some prejudice that were not privy ●ow the ma●●●r hath been farther examined sin●●. It pleaseth God, that we haue the story left unto us, and thereof may singular good use be made; though precisely wee know not the time whereunto it belonged: if any of us do as any time place it not so ●●tly as we should, it derogateth nothing from the story itself; and yet are wee farther beholding to God, when he sheweth us, to what time we may much better refer it. Those that are plainly enough declared, are of certain disorders that in his absence were crept in among them, and how he at his return did reform them again. Wherein, if we mark, wee may distinctly note, that first he dealt with one that concerned but some few several persons; but then soon after, that he dealt with another that concerned many, if not the whole people generally. Those few several persons whom that disorder most concerned, were Eliashib the High-Priest, and Tobiah Nehe. 13. 4-6. an Ammonite, and, as it seemeth, at that time also the governor over them under the King: and the disorder was, that part of those rooms that belonged to the Temple for holy uses, were by the High-Priest himself imparted to the said Tobiah vpon some alliance that was betwixt them. Not much unlike to that which in many parts of christendom, even in these dayes of the gospel we haue among us( but in much greater measure) that so many of our Church-liuings, both the houses themselves, and the maintenance thereunto appertaining( whereas Tobiah, that we red of, had no more but house-roome onely) are so invested as they are to profane and Lay-vses, and still so strongly with-held thereunto:& that many of the chief Fathers of the Clergy, haue had their hands deeply enough in that matter. But when Nehemiah returned, he was so grieved at it, that he could in no wise abide Ibid. 7-9. it: and so dispossessed that unnatural and unlawful occupier, and restored those rooms to their former use again. Such Nehemiahs are dainty Gouernours on earth among is. Tobiah indeed was an Heathen man, at least not known to bee a convert to sound Religion: ours, by general profession are; but otherwise many of them either known to bee corrupt therein, or at least not undoubtedly known to bear any friendly hearts unto it. Howbeit, that, wee may see was not the matter: for that when he took it from him, he did not then place some of their Nobles or Gentle-men in it; but onely restored it to the former use again. Tobiah likewise was a man of special reckoning: and he had, that which he had, by the authority of the High-Priest himself. Being a man of such reckoning, and yet joining affinity with one of them, it might argue some good-will in him towards them: and so give them better hope, of the more quietness, the better they held friendship with him; and reasonable plain notice withall, that if they did not, they should breed themselves more trouble by it. In that he had it by the authority of the High-Priest, it might seem to make a sufficient right; ●t least to let that pass for this once, and to take better heed to others: especially, seeing he had but only the room; and most likely that they at this time had more, than yet they could occupy. But these things do nothing move him; he onely considered, what equity and duty in that case required; that onely should be the course he would hold. Those many were the whole people to speak of, who now in the absence of Nehemiah were so slack in bringing in their tithes and other duties, that such as were to serve in the Temple were fain to leave their duty there, and to take to some other labour whereby they might be able to live. This when he went about to reform, of that which he did therein, he did but some part at this present: then more a while after. He did but part at this present, belike because he espied other matters also that might not be slipped: and so, as it were, stepped aside to them also. In that which at this time he did, wee find that he joined prayer thereto in the end. So first of that which he did; then, of his prayer also. That which he did, was of such force, that it wrought much with others; and so occasioned him thereupon to go somewhat f●●ther. That which first he did of himself, was, that he reproved the Ibid. 10, 11. Rulers, who had suffered the House of God to bee so forsaken: and gathered in the Priestes and levites again to their wonted business. In that which farther he did on occasion, first the occasion was, that the people then did well bring in their Tithes: Ibid. 12. Ibid. 13. then that which he did thereupon, was, that he ordained such as were accounted faithful, to be as Treasurers and Officers, to take those things into their custody, and to distribute the same to their bretheren. In his prayer, he desireth God so to accept Ibid. 14. of his service therein, that he remember him in mercy: so declaring withall, that he had sincerely dealt in that matter, when he could so appeal to God therein. We also haue a Nehemiah, who one day will reprove such rulers as haue so little cared to see his holy worship maintained; and, it may be, not forget them neither, one way or other, in the mean season: as also, though wee may haue, and haue such Gouernours, as are doing something therein, and think besides, that they do well; yet can they never pled on sincerity, unless they haue dealt according to their pattern given them. And while others are in effect but shadows, those are the kindly Officers of the kingdom of God indeed, that gather together the Priestes and levites unto their places and duties: and see that they haue their due maintenance also. Those other matters whereunto as it were he ●●●ppeth a-side before he deal any farther in this, are two: one, of the Sabboath; the other, of marriage. That of the Sabboath, was, that in his absence, it grew to bee much profained among them: in which likewise, first he sheweth us what he did therein; and then falleth again to prayer. That which he did, was first about the abolishing of that present profanation: then, for the praeuenting of the like afterward. For the abolishing of that profanation which already was, he found the fault both with his own people: and with strangers. His own people he roundly reproved: and yet not onely for greater profanations that he espied, even in jerusalem; but also Ibid. 15. even for buying and selling of victuals. For that which he found in strangers, he first reproved but the Rulers for bearing with them therein, and caused the Gates to be shut against them: but then, when diuers of them were yet unruly, he threatened Ibid. 16-21 the next time to lay hold on them; and so got them at length to give over. For praeuenting of the like afterward he caused certain of the levites to keep the Gates: Ibid. 22. and thereto also to sanctify themselves first, so to bee more careful therein. His prayer now again was, that God would remember him in this, and padon him according Ibin. 22. to his great mercy. That other of marriage, was, that in his absence likewise diuers of them had taken strange wives again: and one man of special account among them. Concerning whom, first he noteth, what his dealing was with either of them: then what was the effect of his dealing with them all. Setting in hand to show what his dealing was with either of them, in those that had made this fault Ibid. 23-27 generally, first he noteth what mungrell-children they had thereby: then also he reproved and punished certain of them, and took an Oath of them, that they should no more do it. That one of special reckoning among them, was one of the Sons of joiada, the son of Eliashib the High-Priest; whom therefore he chased away Ibid. 28, 29. from him: and accounted that dealing, so great an indignity offered to that holy function, that he earnestly prayeth against all those that any way defile that holy calling. The effect of his dealing with them all, was, that he cleansed them from all the strangers that were among them. In that which farther he did about the divine service Ibid. 30. of God, first he sheweth what it was: and then again falleth to prayer. That which he did, was, first he appointed the Wards or courses of the Priests and levites, every one in his office( which belike was now more deliberately done, and better Ibid. 30. established, than he could do on the sudden before: and that herein it varied from that other:) then, that he made provision for them besides. Wherein, because he doth so specially name those two particulars that there he nameth, belike those were such things as came hardliest in: the country itself hardly yielding Ibid. 31. the former: and mens hearts as hardly yielding the latter. For as touching the former, Abraham many hundred yeares before this, coming to do sacrifice there, is Gen. 22: 3, 6, 7 noted to haue taken wood from home with him( which by likelihood he would not haue done, but that then also it was scant in those partes:) and we haue Story of our time, in some of those hotter Countries, of seeing Wood thirty miles, and In the English Nauigations: in the story of Tho. Sanders pag. 196 Ibid. 31. plucking up juniper, and such like by the roots, and laying the same on Camels backs, for the scantness of it. And as for the other we may easily find our hearts so strait laced for such matters, that we may bee expositors to ourselves, wherefore Nehemiah took so special order about it. His prayer now is, much like as before, that God would remember him in goodness. Wee also, when we haue done all that we can, and though we haue done unto God special good service, in comparison of thousands of others: yet never do we any thing at all, that is worth remembrance with God; or any other favour at his hands. Insomuch that even the best that is, needeth earnestly to entreat God to remember him, and those poor iobs of service that he hath done him; and none otherwise to deal with him, not with the service that he hath done him, but onely in the depth of his mercy: Nehemiah, a notable pattern, having so plainly lead us the way hereunto. For whosoever considereth of those services that this Story recordeth of him, shall quickly find( if his sight bee any thing good; and, in this last Chapter especially, it is by one very worthily noted) that he was a most excellent joan. wolph. in arg●ment●. man, and a notable Mirror to all Princes and Gouernours, and that he did unto God very rare and singular service: and yet that himself findeth nothing worth memory with God, nothing of that quantity that may bee discerned, nothing of that worth that may be regarded, unless it please God, in the depth of his mercy, to vouchsafe him that favour. 25 As touching those that came not down at all, neither yet tarried there for the good of the people, but rather in some other respects( at least, for the most part of them) wee haue, as it seemeth, two Stories of them: of one there is no question at all, that I do know of; but of the other there is. That whereof there is no question at all, is that Story of the people in the dayes of easter: a special good Story in itself; and such as giveth us good occasion to easter. consider of one other thing also. The Story itself is first, and for the most part, of a notable danger that all the whole company of the people of God were in that tarried behind; and how it pleased God to deliver them from it: but then, we haue some farther Srory of that State, though much it be not. As touching that their danger and deliverance out of it again, because it pleased him to do it by one special mean, that he to that purpose ordained, therefore doth the Story show, first, how it pleased God to provide that mean: then, how it pleased him thereby to work their deliverance, when they were fallen in the danger wee speak of. The mean was, that easter being by her lineage or people, a jew, or one of that peculiar people of God, other-wise( for any thing wee know) but a young Woman, of no special reckoning more than others, was nevertheless advanced to bee queen, the King Assuerus or Ahashoerosh, called also Darius, taking that liking of her, that he joined himself in marriage with her. he was married to another before: but as matters fell out, shee was dyuorced, and easter taken in, in her room. First then we are to see, how it fell out, that the other was divorced: then, how this was taken in, in stead of that other. The other was divorced, for that on a time shee did not obey the kings commandment, which notwithstanding was not imposed on her, as she was his subject; but only as she was his wife. For on a time being purposed to show forth the power, and riches, easter. 1: 1-11 and glory of his kingdom he thought good to do the same by honourable& magnificent feasting of his Princes and people: and one special point of his glory then to be, that they then also might see the Q. in her magnificence. In all which excessive roialty of his( which indeed was great, as there it is to us described) there was notwithstanding one good point of sobriety too. In that his royalty, it is good to learn to know, what is the uttermost pitch of al earthly pomp& glory: and so that there is no more nor greater matter, at the hands of the world to be expected. He was indeed a mighty Monarch, having an hundred and seven and twenty provinces under him; many of those having been great kingdoms, and so after became again, and yet could his great magnificence reach, but onely to such trifles as those. An experiment of sufficient proof in itself, that the World in that respect is like to a great glorious Merchant in show, who is a very Banckrout and beggar indeed. But if, when that earthly Prince was disposed, to show his magnificence, he could so gloriously furnish his Feast, as it is noted in this that he did; and so long continue it too: what then may wee look for at the hands of GOD, when he shall be disposed to show his glory, to all his Saints, in that most glorious kingdom of his? That one special point of sobriety that was there in that excessive feasting of his, was, that none should be compelled to drink, but onely as themselves would: a great condemnation to many of us, that make such wast of the good blessings of GOD: so immeasurably load the weakness of others; take such pleasure to see them overtaken there-with; and yet profess Christian sobriety too. In that his queen must come in too, in her magnificence, to help to set forth this pomp of his, wee may note another use of marriage, than the Children of GOD do know, or than Christian sobriety teacheth: but yet such, as experience so bewrayeth in many of us, that ourselves might well enough see( at least the wiser sort do) that our glory therein is no better than shane indeed; and that so much the more, as all men may see, how great good might redound to others, by the example of such moderation in such as are of chief reckoning among vs. That the queen refused to Ibid. 21, 22. come, when the King had so sent for her, is not any way, I think, to be excused: and yet it may seem, that their sentence against her, was not altogether allowable neither. Her refusing, for any thing we know, was in no wise to be excused, for that he was not onely her Husband( which in most cases had been sufficient) but her sovereign( which lightly allowed no exception at all) who then sent for her: and for that he did sand for her by so known men as he did; every of them, as wee term it being a sufficient warrant himself. their sentence against her was, to bee divorced from the King; and the King to take his choice of some other to his own best liking; and this, first because herself had so disobeyed; then, because thereby shee had given so daungerous an example, to all other married Women besides. Whereunto the King farther added, to haue it proclaimed in all his kingdoms, that in every mans House, the authority of commanding there, should ever rest with the man; an order, that it is marvell if it did seem strange unto any, when as not onely the word of God,( wherewith it may be they were little or nothing acquainted) but even the Law of Nature itself, and all civility and good order too requireth the same. Yet are there diuers married women of so head-strong a Nature, especially if any way they excel their Husbands▪ as by possessions, birth, or wit, or but in their own conceit, that it is no great marvel though this King thought good to publish such a Law to his people. Yet in that their decree against Vashti, we do not find, that they first enquired any farther of the cause why she came not:& it may well be, that she had good cause to be loathe to haue gon, if it might please the King to spare her. If first they did not make any farther inquiry what reason shee had why she came not, then marriage being so indissoluble a knot as it is, hardly could they excuse themselves, but that they were some-what too hasty. The cause that shee might haue, why shee might bee loathe to come, if it might please the King to spare her, was in womanly modesty or shamefastness for herself; and some reasonable good regard of the other Ladies and Matrons that so should attend her. For it is noted not onely of the Babylonians before, but also of the Persians who Q. C●●t. lib. 5. were come in their places now, and are the people that now wee speak of, that in their feastinges they were too too lascivious oft-times, even in open presence, with such Women as feasted with them; as certain of their ambassadors on a time bought it deere in Greece, in the dayes of Amyntas, even with the loss of C●●i●● lib. 2. pag. 145. their lives: and the Text itself noteth, that then the King himself, when he so sent for her, was merry with Wine. But whether the sentence were either too hasty or to hard, it proceedeth against her, and so is shee thereby dyuorced, and deposed from that her dignity. Howe easter was taken in, in her room, is likewise set down at large: but in such sort withall, as that by the Story it appeareth, there was there great liberty given to the flesh by most part of them: and some infirmity much to be doubted in the better sort also. Great liberty was given to the flesh by the most part of them, and some infirmity much to bee doubted in the better sort too, first in that they made no reckoning of getting such a number together to such a purpose: then in proceeding to take unto them the use of them too. Of getting such a number together, it is plain, that the most easter. 2: 1-4 part made no reckoning: first, those that gave that aduise; then the King that liked thereof, and did accordingly. The better sort that had to do herein, were Mordecay and easter: Mordecay an ancient man, taken to Babylon with Iaconiah, and out-liuing all the captivity; and easter his Cozin-Germane, yet at this time but a young Woman. The infirmity that may be doubted in them, was, Ibid. 5-8. that he, it seemeth, consented that shee might be one of that company; and that shee agreed unto it. For that company was such, as out of question were all likely to be abused( at least till the King should light on some such, as whom he could be content to mary:) but to come to the estate of marriage with him as uncertain as might bee; and such as could light but on one of them neither. In that course that was held to haue the use of them, when so they were gotten together, they again gave great liberty unto the Flesh, both in that they took the use of their bodies: and in that there must bee so nice and daynty praeparing of them unto it so long before. In which also it seemeth the consent of both these was in some measure present too: and yet a matter, that by the Nature of it should haue been more grievous unto them, than for the one so to haue been penned up unto death, and every moment to haue been under the danger of it; and for the other, being so ancient a man as he was, and such a Father to her( his near Kins-Woman also, as could bee) as he had been, rather to haue followed her an hundred times to her grave, than in such case so to attend the Court as he did to understand of her estate therein. But lo heere-withall, the unsearchable depth of the inaestimable goodness of God. They haue thus far yielded, and yet, no doubt, but only their infirmity) to foul pullution: she, that should haue kept her body, in holinesse and honor; and he, that should haue been her Shield and Buckler, yea even her Knight or Champion in such a quarrel, even unto death. And yet it pleaseth GOD, both in the mean season to give her special favour in the sight of the Eunuch that had the charge of her and the rest; and in herself that good moderation, that shee held herself contented with that favour and Ibid. 9-20. beauty that God had given her, and so did not seek such other helps as others, to commend their persons so much the better unto the King: and in the end to reward that abuse of her body first, with Matrimony immediately after, and that in so rich and honourable manner as then he did, and to the praeseruation of so many thousands as not long after followed thereon. 26 The mean being thus before hand provided, the Story of their danger and deliverance therein, doth follow next after: but first of one man onely; then of all the whole company of them. That one man onely that was first in danger, was Mardochaeus or Mordecay: for whom like-wise it pleased GOD first to lay a Ground-woorke of his favour: and then thereby to set him safe when he was in danger. The Ground-woorke of that his favour was, that whereas two of the kings Seruants thought to haue killed Ibid. 3: 1-6. the King, Mordecay getting understanding of it, so discharged his duty therein, by the mediation of easter, that the King was preserved: and a note was entered into record, of Mordecaies good service therein. In the danger he was in, we first haue delivered unto us the occasion of it: then, what the danger itself was. The occasion of it was, that Mordecay offended Haman, a man of greatest reckoning Ibid. 3: 1-6. with the King, in that first of himself he did not that reverence unto him that others did: then much more, when he understood that others did put him in mind thereof, and yet then also he would not do it. As touching which reverence, if it were so excessive, as( for Mordecaies sake, belike) it is conceived to be( otherwise praesupposing, that Mordecay would never haue denied to haue done that which duty required) then is Mordecay to be therein excused: but if it were but ordinary duty, and yet Mordecay had so big an heart( for men are men, even the best of us al) that, because he was of the race of the Amalakites, ancient enemies to the people of GOD, he could not find in his heart to do it, then by omitting that point of duty, himself was occasion of that his danger, though it pleased God of his goodness to help him therein. The danger that thereby he was in, was no less then death: and not only of himself, but of others withall; even many thousands of his bretheren the people of God. But it shall be good for us to distinguish them yet: and, for a time, but to consider of his own peril onely. And this his death did Haman so eagerly go about( but as I said, of many others withall) that first he did cast for an happy day to set in hand with his great and cruel design: but then, Ibid 3: 7. when he had found out a day to his liking, yet he could not tarry so long for Mordecay, but must needs bee doing with him before; and so came in a morning betime to the Court, to beg that he might make him away, and made no doubt but to obtain it. The danger that others were in with all, was, that for his sake he would destroy all the Iewes in those parts besides: and to that end first did cast for a lucky day( as before is said) and took time largely unto it; and then, having sped thereof, sent out Commissions into all quarters, to haue the other people in a readiness against a day, every where to set on the Iewes, and to make a clean riddance of them, having first gotten the Kings consent also unto it. But if it were so publicly and openly done, as by the Text it may seem it was, it is then a good pattern how God did infatuate the ring-leader in this mischievous purpose and all his company, that they had not the wit to go no more warily about it, but accounted themselves so sure of accomplishing their whole desire, that although the Iewes should thereby see, many dayes before, their fearful and utter destruction coming vpon them, yet should they no way be able to scape it. This being the danger that they were in ( Mordecay more specially, and all the rest generally) now are wee to see how it pleased God to work their deliverance: and first, how he gave them grace to seek unto him for it; then, how he did accordingly help them. That he gave them grace to seek unto him, wee haue but onely a probability of it, if it should be strictly taken: but otherwise it is most likely that so they did, for that so they employed themselves, as can no way else so well bee taken. Yet with this diversity notwithstanding, that in all places else that which they did was of their own accord, for any thing that we find to the contrary; but, in Shushan the chief city, by order appointed. That which in all places( where the Iewes dwelled) was done of their own accord, was, that they rent their clothes and did put on sack-cloth and Ibid. 4: 1-3. ashes, sorrowed, fasted, and wept( at least many of them) as their manner in such case was, when they saw how heavy a sentence was come forth against them, and in what danger they were thereby: and this is noted to haue been done, both by Mordecay himself in Shushan; and by the rest of the Iewes any where yet remaining in those parts. In that which was done in Shushan itself by order appointed, wee first haue noted the occasion of it: then, the thing itself. The occasion of it was, that Mordecay did so show himself to easter( yet but a far of, for that in such mourning Ibid. 4-15. sort he might not come into the Court: and then are the people of God, having cause to mourn so oft as they haue, barred thereby of much help that otherwise they might hope to obtain at the hands of their Princes, if they might haue access unto them) and by messengers both acquainted her with the case as it stood, and required her help, first but after the usual manner, then more roundly. The thing itself was, that thereupon easter, vntertaking to assay what shee could do, Ibid. 16, 17. required first a public fast of all the Iewes in that city for three dayes together; herself promising that shee and her company would join with them therein, and then go to the King about it: which fast was held as shee required; yet, as it seemeth, but onely such in effect, as of their own accord many of them had done before, saving that it may bee they did not so precisely limit it to a special time. In all which wee do not read in plain terms, that they sought unto God, or called on him: but it cannot bee otherwise better understood but that they did, the chief end of all their sorrowing being to entreat his favour and help. neither do wee find that they acknowledged that fault of theirs, for which it seemeth that GOD did thus shake the rod at them: as being so worldly or careless of the worship of GOD, as that thereupon they stayed in those parts and went not down into jury with Zorobbabell to build the Temple. And though afterward Ezra came down with some company with him: yet considering what a favourable Commission he had to help forward their business, his company was but small to such a purpose, in respect of those that this story sheweth to haue been there still; neither do wee find, that those that came with him, did the rather for this join themselves with him. Nehemiah likewise came into the country a few yeares after, an Officer in Court, and in great favour with his Prince on behalf of the Common-wealth or estate of the Iewes: himself also being a notable man, and very thoroughly and faithfully employing himself in that piece of service. And yet wee read of none, but his own retinue that came down with him. Certainly a rare and wonderful thing, that when they were so roundly put in mind of that profane carelessness of theirs before, and so quickened up to a better regard now, yet doth it work so little with them, and still they abide so senseless therein. So by that which followed after it, may reasonable probably bee gathered, that as wee do not find, for all their sorrowing, that they acknowledged their fault herein: so indeed they had no remorse thereof; but rather that their sorrowing was, that they saw so fearful a iudgement coming upon them so fast, and so strongly as it did. GOD again, as he is a most gracious GOD, and exceedeth therein, far above that which any heart created is able to conceive, doth not stay, or delay his help towards them, till they yield to humble themselves unto him therein, for the which he laid his hand upon them: but holdeth himself contented with this, that they are somewhat daunted, and that in some measure they humble themselves, when thus he knitteth the brows unto them. neither do wee now plainly find, even in these the better sort of them, that Mordecay did direct this Kins-woman of his, whom himself also had brought up before, to seek first unto GOD, but onely would haue her help to the King: nor in either of them, that they find any defect in themselves, that they had not been more careful to advance the glory and worship of OOD at home in their own country, and to the farther comfort of that his peculiar people; and themselves to worship there with them. So that on all hands that matter may seem to bee far from them: and that if GOD will show them any favour, it must bee of his own goodness onely, neither the whole people generally, nor any of the better sort of them that wee do read of, acknowledging to haue offended therein for which now he seemeth to lay his hand upon them; and yet that sin being so plain in itself, that a blind man might easily find it, and such as were of any remorse could not choose but sorrow for it. Howe nevertheless it pleased GOD to help them, being now to be seen, we may the better perceive it, if we haue any reasonable eye to these two: first how weakly it may seem to be set in hand withall by them; yet how strongly( by the goodness of God) it did proceed. It may seem to be but weakly set in hand-with( by easter I mean) first for that shee was so unwilling, at all to meddle with it: then also, when shee had undertaken to assay what shee could do. When she was so unwilling at all to meddle with it, it is good to note, whereupon it was: and how she was informed therein. It was for that it lay vpon the peril of her life, by the reason of an order the kings of Persia had, that none Ibid. 10, 11. should come unto them unless they were sent for, except that it pleased him to pardon them when so they were come. The praetense whereof( no doubt) was for the safety of the Kings person: but the secret or chief meaning of it might bee, that his seven counsellors, and such as were nearest about him, might without interruption do what themselves would; yea and readily cut of such as they list, if they should repair to the King to inform him of any thing against them. For, but saying his arrant( as wee term it) before, in such sort as they on their credit might, even that onely might be enough to cut off any when he should come, though he were as saklesse as might be. When she stuck vpon that danger, he sendeth her such word Ibid. 13, 14 again, as might better inform her what she had to do therein, first urging her by strict necessity: then using some other reasons that were of force likewise to persuade, but yet not so forcibly urging, as gently leading her thereunto. For first, he putteth her out of doubt, that it is her own case as well as others: so that shee could not escape, if it proceeded against them, and were not stayed. Then also making no doubt, but that God would sand them help one way or other, that if she would not assay to do it, some other should haue the honour of it: but that it might be, that purposely God had brought her to that place, that shee should do it. A good and needful consideration for all those that are in place of special opportunity to do any good: such place itself witnessing unto them, that therefore God hath given it unto them, that they out of it should yield to the people of God, what such place will at any time afford. When now being hereby resolved to take it in hand, she set in hand with it, it seemeth she went but weakly about it, in that she had( as it might seem) special good opportunity unto it twice: and yet each of those times shee did differ it to some time ensuing. It is taken by others, as having some special policy in it, or as assured that God would afterward give some better opportunity: but considering Lyr. Con. Pellic Tremel. jun. how timorous naturally we are, when wee are to deal with personages of so special account, and so much the more if the cause be weighty, it seemeth to me, that timorousness was more likely to be the cause of that her delay, than any thing else; save onely for the former of them. For when at the first she found herself so welcome unto the King, that she had promise to haue granted unto her whatsoever she would Ibid. 5: 1-4. ask, even to the one half of his kingdom, but that Haman was now away, whom it seemeth shee thought good to haue in a readiness when the matter should come in question, so to make the readier dispatch of the business, this might seem to bee as fit a time as she could haue wished: but seeing at this time he was not there that we read of, nor as it seemeth, therefore to such purpose, and in the course that shee intended, she might at this time very well think, that it was not so fit opportunity as she hoped ere long to haue. But the latter of those two times, when shee had Haman Ibid. 5-8. at hand, altogether as ready and as fit to her purpose as she could haue wished( for any thing that appeareth to the contrary) and the King likewise now renewed his former offer unto her, to grant her request, even unto the half of his kingdom: that now she put it of again till the next day, when as delay is in all reason, and experience too, so very dangerous in all such attempts, as hang on tickell and rare opportunities, it cannot by any circumstance of Text, or by the best approved judgements for the sounder course in such kind of dealing, bee so fitly ascribed to any thing else ( as I do take it) as to the common timorousness wee haue in all such cases, or as wee term it, that as yet her heart did not serve her. For that she had any purpose, so to Lyra●. make Haman more odious to the other Nobles, in that he was twice by her entreated to attend the King banqueting with her, and none but he; or that it was any Conr. Pellic. deep point of wisdom in her, and withall a notable moderation of her affections that could yet put of that, which full fain she would haue had: I for my part cannot conceive, that either of them is so like as the other; as also, that shee was given to understand from above, that within that time that she had now set down, she should haue opportunity fit for her purpose, hath no warrant at all( that I can see) in the Tremel. jun. Text itself. True it is, that next day she had( as things fell out in the mean season) a fitter opportunity then before, or yet shee had: at least the opportunity as fit as now( for such was the favour of the King towards her still, and in the self same easter 7: 1, 2. terms delivered unto her) and much greater encouragement, by the honour that was done unto Mordecay the same morning. But this was more than shee could know of, unless it were extraordinarily imparted unto her: but that wee find not; and then is it not for us so to determine. It seemeth rather, that God would thereby show us, how weak we are, and how readily our heart doth fail us, to take such opportunities as God doth give us; especially, in such things as are good services to him, though those also do much import ourselves: and yet, that he doth not reject us in this our weakness, but onely leaveth us so far to ourselves, as is sufficient to show it unto us; and then himself worketh after his manner, to his own glory, and to our comfort withall, and very admirably in both. 27 Now therefore to see how strongly by the goodness of God it did proceed, notwithstanding that great weakness of hers, as the danger they were in did first concern Mordecay more specially; then also, all the Iewes or people of God generally: so the course or manner of Gods working for their good, was such, as first respected Mordecay more specially; then, all the rest of the people generally. For first as touching Mordecay, he will not onely save his life; but also bring him to great honour: and both these, in rare and special manner. His life he praeserueth with the destruction of him that sought it; and he bringeth him to the self same place of honour which his enemy had, but yet not all at once, but as it were by some degrees: first giuing him but some little taste of it; then, putting him in full possession thereof. When he gave him but some little taste of it, yet was it such( all things considered) as was a great and special benefit: being at such time bestowed on him, when his enemies had thought to haue swallowed him up. Which that wee may the better perceive, first wee haue set down unto us, how they were devising against him his utter ruin: then, how God notwithstanding did even then begin to advance him. In their devising against him, wee haue delivered unto us, how among them the matter was first debated: then, concluded. In the debating of it, himself doth first propound it unto such company as there he had: and then do they give him such aduise as they thought meetest. That he did now propound it to his friends there, it arose vpon a new discontentment that then he took. That new discontentment of his was, that coming from the Feast a glad man, that the Ibid. 5: ●-13 queen had vouchsafed him that honour, to be her onely guest with the King, again he espied that Mordecay did him not that honour that others then did: whereat again he was much grieved, but yet bridled his affections for the time. But coming home, and calling his wife and other friends unto him, there he disgorged all unto them: namely, that whatsoever earthly things he yet had( which himself recounted unto them, and acknowledged the same to bee great) yet they all did give him no such contentment, but that the discontentment he had by that stifnesse of Mordecay, still persisting in doing no such reverence unto him as others did, was more irksome unto him, than that he could take any comfort in any of those things he had besides, or in all together. A very good pattern, both how a man may be enraged on the behalf of his own glory, when it is touched, though never so lightly( for so was this case of his, being but one man among many thousands, that did not give that honour unto him; nor he of any special reckoning yet; nor doing any farther disgrace unto him, but onely that he did him not that honour:) and how little contentment there is in any earthly external goods, against a small perturbation of the mind among men; and then is there much less in them, against the clamorousnesse of a guilty conscience towards God. The matter being thus by him propounded, his company then were not long before they gave in their verdict thereon: and it was, that he should first rid himself of that his grief: and then might he more Ibid. 14. merrily go with the King to the banquet. To rid himself of his grief first, their aduise was, to get a Gibbet set up( to be in a readiness) and, the same of great height( according to the desire of the reuenge that was in him, so the better to satisfy the ranc or of it:) then, that he should go the next morning betime to the King, and beg Mordecay to bee hanged thereon; a matter that they( belike) did take to be most easy by the favour the King did bear him, little acquainted( as it seemeth) with that higher overruling power in heaven, or if they knew it, yet in this case making no reckoning of it. This was no sooner moved by them, but that it was liked by him: and so on all hands concluded among them. Woorke-men are presently set on work to make the Gibbet: they were now to wait but the next morning; and that night( no doubt) was long, yet short enough if they knew all. They having now gone almost as far ar they can, and so wee being to see, how God even now began to advance him, the King that night, not being able to Ibid. 6: 1-12. sleep, and by that occasion causing some of his Chamber to read unto him, they light on the place where it was recorded how Mordecay had saved the Kings life, by detecting a conspiracy that two of his servants had against him: whereupon the King demanding, howe that Mordecay had been rewarded, and finding that nothing had been done unto him as yet, he demanded of Haman( who now was come to beg Mordecay, to bee graced with that high gibbet of his, the person of Haman now groaning for it) if in case he were disposed to grace any man with special favour, in what sort, by his aduise, he best might do it. Haman then, conceiving it must needs bee himself that the King did mean of, as if all the world were fully disposed still to go with him, he made the stake so fair as he could, making no doubt but he should get it. The King well liked of his devise, and bad him do so to Mordecay; and not to fail in any thing that he had spoken: and he on the other side( but no doubt with an heavy heart, if he might haue done otherwise) was fain to do it; but when he had done, he liked so ill of his game then, that he cast up his cards, and got him away as fast as he could, a sorrowful man. A special good pattern, howe the providence of God worketh here on earth among us: and that he faileth not those that are his. For as touching his providence, when it still followeth the course of secondary causes, it is so ouer-shadowed with thē, that we do not lightly perceive it: whereas here, though al things be done by men, yet see we nothing in al these matters but such as sheweth itself to be the peculiar work of God; al things do so concur together, and so fitly answer each other without any help( as it were) of any. That he faileth not those that are his, though it bee also in his dealing towards all his people there then; yet wee note it but only in that which is towards Mordecay now: and that especially to be a mean to stay us from all inordinate aspiring to help ourselves, when as that which God doth mean us, himself doth so readily bring in when himself thinketh good, that ourselves do not at any time need to slip any service to God to go about it. God had saved the life of the king by Mordecaies means; yet do we not find, that he took any occasion thereby( as using the means which God had given him: for that is the thing, under which we shrowded our greedy scamblings) to make svit for any recompense for that his service. When God again did now, unwitting to him, put the king in mind of that his service, and framed his heart to show himself thankful for it, so that he had special honor done unto him, and that by his mortal enemy, so that in it he might plainly see the hand of God extended to his preferment; yet, when he had all that honor done unto him, he did not follow on that vain to work farther on it( so to prosecute his good fortune, as men do term it) nor bear himself the higher for it; but returned to the kings gate again, not any place of credit or charge as it seemeth, though some haue made such reckoning of it( for besides Tremel. jun. in easter 2: 19. that we red of no such matter yet bestowed on him, we afterward find, that when the king asked his seruants whether he had any recompense yet, they plainly answered, easter. 6: 3. that then he had none) but the wonted place of his attendance, such as before was noted. But when he did no better follow on it, then did it so follow on Ibid. 2: 11.) him, that even that day, it seemeth, it presented itself fully unto him. When Haman was so gotten home, he recounted to his Wife and friends howe sorrowful an accident had that morning befallen him: and they on the other side were now so far from giuing him any comfort in that discomfortable case of his that now they plainly acknowledged they had no hope but he would fall more and more, if that Ibid. 6: 13. Mordecay were a jew before whom he had begun to stumble already. A good sentence to be marked in these dayes also: that they made such a reckoning of the favour of God to that his people, that though God did afflict them some-times; yet when he began to vouchsafe them his favour again, and for their sakes to call their enemies to account of their doings, then must the Enemy daily more and more be humbled, and his people more and more advanced. For the gospel in these daies hath an Haman in Rome, who long hath endeavoured to abolish it clean( so far as they haue thought good to stand against it) and to extinguish the memory of it. But in these dayes it pleaseth God to set in hand with the aduancement of the gospel again; and that Haman hath stumbled already. And his wiser Friends no doubt do see, and haue told him too, that the Gospel being of the Seed whereof it is, it is unpossible for him to stand against it, and may look for none other, but daily more and more to fall before it: While they were thus casting their losses at home, the time of the second dayes banquet approached, which Haman so little attended now( it seemeth, he liked his game but ill) that Ibid. 14. the King was fain to sand for him to come away: indeed a dismal banquet to him( though yet he saw nothing near to the bottom of it, nor any others as yet: neither the King whom the Issue of it was to pass, nor so much as Mordecay nor easter neither, who were to reap much benefit by it) but a joyful banquet to others: and that very time, when God would now give to Mordecay the full possession or fruition of that, whereof he gave him but a taste before. For at the banquet, Ibid. 7: 1 10 when the King again would know what was the svit that easter had, promising now also as great favour therein as before he had done, and easter thereupon told him, it was but the assurance of her own life, and of her people that she desired, showing him withall in how present danger they were by Haman there present: the King then was so thoroughly moved against Haman, who had so much Ibid. 8: 1. abused him therein, that praesently he took his Signet from him, and so put him out of authority, and office thereby, and soon after gave sentence of death on him, and to be hanged( at his own doors) on that very gibbet, that himself had provided to hang Mordecay on. The Enemy being thus taken away, then the King both gave unto easter Hamans house:&, when she acquainted the King how near Mordecay was unto her, he then committed his Signet to him, and put him Ibid. 8: 1, ● in the place that Haman had. 28 Thus far did the course of Gods working respect Mordecay chiefly: and now are we to consider of it, as it respected the rest of the people generally. Concerning which deliverance of theirs, the Story doth so deliver it unto us, as occasioneth us to consider, not onely what it was in itself; but also what it was unto them, or as they esteemed of it. As it was in itself, it resteth in two principal points: one, as it was granted of the King; another, as it was wrought forth by by them. As it was granted by the King, it was not the revoking of that heavy Ibid. 8: 3-14. sentence that by Hamans means had passed against them before( the King himself acknowledging that he might not so do, that being a thing that was altogether against their laws or manner of government) but an authorizing of them also to stand their own defence against those that by the virtue of the former decree should go about to suppress them; and not onely to defend themselves against them, but also to bee avenged on them, giuing them liberty therein both to destroy their persons, and to make spoil of their goods. As it was wrought forth Ibid 15-17 Ibid. 9: 1-16 by them, it is noted first, that it was great comfort and ioy unto them that Mordecay one of themselves was so greatly advanced, and that they had that liberty given them against their Enemies: then also, that according to the liberty given them, they every where assembled themselves to be avenged on those that meant evil against them. As touching which matter wee haue it more specially set down what was done, first in all other places besides, throughout all the Dominions and provinces to him appertaining: then, in the city of Shusan itself, the royal city or seat of the kingdom. In all the other provinces it is noted, that even the Rulers and governors themselves were favourable to the Iewes in this business, for Ibid. 9: 1-5, 16, 17. that they understood of the greatness of Mordecay, and so were afraid to come in any suspicion with him: and that the Iewes destroyed of those that would haue destroyed them, to the number of threescore and fifteen thousand, but that they never meddled with the spoil, though they were unto it authorised also( though many of ours without authority do fall to the spoil where least they should) and that this they did, all on a day, on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, the self same day that their enemies had gotten by the former decree, on which to haue destroyed them. In Shushan that which they did, may seem to be the stranger, unless there Ibid. 9: ●-15 be some reason conceived. For there when they had taken their pleasure, as it were, on the day appointed, and therein destroyed five hundred persons, and the ten sons of Haman besides( but here also not meddling with the spoil) by queen easter they craved, that they might haue liberty, the next day also to do the like: and having that granted unto them they then destroyed three hundred mo; and hanged up( for example and terror) those ten sons of Haman that were slain the day before. The reason why they desired another day there, and had it granted, is not set down: but it seemeth to bee implyed, that their enemies there, were not yet quieted or set down, by the first daies work; and therefore that another was thought to be needful. And very likely it is, that the Iewes being strangers there, and but captives but a little before, were not suffered much to inhabit there, that being the chief city and the seat of the kingdom then: and so that the Iewes being but few there in comparison, and their enemies many, another daies execution there was needful for them, to haue rest from those enemies that the former decree had set up against them, which being obtained, then qucikly they got them rest from them all. What this deliverance was unto them, or how they esteemed of it, it is a matter plain enough in itself: and yet is it good that wee do more specially consider, in what sort themselves did testify, how they were affencted at it. For if we mark, we may note, that in such sort they did it, as both might witness what comfort and ioy it was unto them; and withall might scorn the folly of others. What comfort and ioy it was unto them, they shewed, first for that present: then also for the time to come. For that present they shewed it, in that they kept the next daies ensuing, the fourteenth Ibid. 17-19 and fifteenth of that month with so great festivity or rejoicing as they did: the fourteenth, for that rest they got from all their enemies generalry, on the thirteenth day before;& the fifteenth, for that farther assurance therein, that they got in the chief city of all, the fourteenth day of that month also. For the time to come they did it, in that their Superiors ordained, and themselves agreed, that thence-forward Ibid. 20-32 they would keep those two daies with ioy and gladness: Mordecay first at that present writing to all the Iewes in all the provinces so to do; and then, both the queen and he again the second time, setting down a plain decree for the due observing of them, to all their posterity ensuing. Those others whose folly therein they would scorn, were those their enemies, and especially Haman, the very ring-leader unto them all: and that which they would scorn in them, was that their busy cyphering Ibid. 24, 26, 28, 31, 32. or casting of lots for a lucky day, wherein to do this their intended feat, running over almost a twelvemonth therein, that so they might light on a lucky day wherein to dispatch it. So they called these two feastiuall daies, Purim, or the daies of Lots, in scorn to those that had light on such daies, as whereon their own devise turned to bee so bloody, and reproachful unto themselves. A good example to us, both to be careful to commend the special favours of God towards us, to all out posterity ensuing: and what account to make of that heathenish superstition, that some daies are such as afford no good success unto such business as wee haue to do, and therefore to cast for some lucky day when we haue any special thing to do. 29 That farther Story that we haue of that state( indeed, not much) is partly of the King himself; and partly of this great Officer of his now, Mardochaeus, or Mordecay. Of the King himself there be two things reported: one, that he laid Ibid. 10: 1, 2 a tribute on all the main Land, and on the Islands of the Sea that were any part of his Dominions; the other that his power and greatness, were in the Chronicles of the Medes and Persians, recorded. Like lips, like lettuce again. If there bee no worthier matter in him, but readily to lay vpon his people the burden of such payments, as Princes are wont sometimes to do( more than they need, but to keep their people low, that so themselves may so much the easilier impose the yoke of some kind of servitude on them) even those Chronicles of the Medes and Persians, are sufficient records of all his greatness: Chronicles, that are not extant now, nor haue been these many ages already past; and if they were, yet of small credit, and in no great request, even in the world. And whereas the iudgement of those daies was, that in comparison of those two other Kings of Persia that went immediately before him, Cyrus the one, Cambyses the other, allowing Cyrus to haue ruled as a Father, and Cambyses as a Lord, they did set down this Darius to be, as it were, an Huckster, or one that made Money of all: it may bee, that the Spirit of God did now note that in him, as a principal part of his government among them, to see that none of his Dominions escaped those payments that he meant to impose vpon them. Men, indeed, are wont to bee discontented with such payments as are justly required; and so their censure may oft-times in such case be of no great reckoning, to touch the conscience of any: but if the Spirit of God do concur withall, improving the course that of any is taken therein, then is there no question, but that that censure is indeed to be feared. Much better had it been( so far as he had no need to urge them) rather as a Father, to haue been so giuing unto them, than taking of them, that his goodness might rather haue been recorded in the hearts of his people, than his greatness in the Chronicles of the Medes and Persians. Of Mordecay who was but his seruant, nevertheless there bee more honourable things reported: and first what he was with the King; then what he was with his own people. With the King he was Ibid. 2, 3. in so special favour, that he did so greatly advance him, that it also was entered into those Chronicles together with the greatness of the King himself: an argument of great probability, albeit we had no farther knowledge of him, that he was a man of special great worth, whom so mighty a Prince as he, should so greatly advance as to make him next to himself, being still a stranger unto him, and, a little before, a captive too. With his own people the Iewes he was not onely great, but acceptable Ibid. 3. too, or of great price with them: and no marvell, because it is noted of him, that he procured the wealth of his people, and used to speak peaceably unto them. A very good token, that such of our great men are good, as are in special Authority under their Prince, when they are of great price with the people also. But that can they not be, if they seek above measure to gird them in daily more and more: or, if but in speech they deal roughly with them. We are all their own people and bretheren now: but though we bee( so far) all in one case: yet ever there are some, more specially to that reckoing appertaining( as the ministry often, and the poor Commons ever) of whom there is more special regard to be had therein,& in whose estate it is( lightly) undoubtedly seen, whether those that are in special place under their Prince, be good or not. Which the more that at any time we find, the better may we see, that God then doth draw us unto him by love; and wee are so much the more to thank him: and the less again that we do at any time find it, the more plain it is unto us, that God is then offended with us; and therefore, that in such case, we are the more to examine wherein we are wrong, and then, amending the same so far as we can, so to seek unto God for his farther favour. 30 That one other thing, of which this Story of easter doth give us good occasion likewise to consider, is not appropriate to this Story onely: but something appertaining to diuers other Stories of Scripture besides, as the people of God haue had some special dealing with foreign peoples. But because it is very pregnant here, and the last of that sort( that are of any special moment) as I do take it, therefore thought I it meetest here to be remembered. It is no more but this, that whereas there be diuers Heathen writers, that do purposely writ of the Persian Story, and of this Darius that now we speak of: yet is it noted, that none of them all do make any mention of this Mardoch●●●; and so, not of any such place given unto him. But Conr. Pellic. ●n easter. 10: 2. so is it for diuers others besides, in the times both of the kings of Babylon before, and of the Kings of the Medes and Persians after. In all which it seemeth, first that there was some fault in those writers: then also, that God may haue other meaning therein. The fault that may seem to be in those writers, was, either of negligence, or else of malice. Of negligence it may be, that they being ignorant of God, and that the Iewes were his peculiar people, they did not regard to cast their eyes to any such matters: so that God might do many great things among them, and yet little or nothing regarded by them. Of malice it may be, that, because the Iewes were, for the most part, very odious to all other peoples, for that they were so divided from all others in religious rites and ceremonies, and were in such sort to destroy the Canaanites as they were commanded, and might not haue any special society with diuers other peoples besides: therefore, whatsoever might tend to their commendation, or credit with others, that would they pass by and see not, and of the two rather choose to suppress it, than to commend it to the knowledge of others. GOD also might do it of special purpose, both to show us the defect of all such writers, that wee should not overmuch trust unto them, when they are so defective, as the omitting of such matrers doth show they are: and that he would make trial of us, whether we can trust that which it pleaseth him to deliver unto us, though there be no body else to avow it besides. 31 That other Story that wee haue of those that tarried behind, of which notwithstanding there is some question, appertaineth to the time when the Temple was builded, and is concerning that question moved of those two fasting dayes that the Iewes had taken vpon them to observe during the time of their captivity, but now made question thereof themselves, whether they were bound to observe them still or not. Concerning which matter, the question is not, whether there were any such thing or not; but onely by whom the question was moved: whether by those that yet tarried behind in Babylon, and in other places of those Countries: or by the Iewes that were already returned to their own Land, but did not dwell at jerusalem( near to the Temple) but onely in other places of the country farther of. Now those themselves that move the question do grant, that all Tremel. jun. in Zach. 7: 2. others generally are of opinion, that they were those that yet tarried behind, who sent about this matter: and yet themselves do peremptorily overrule it, to be those that were returned already. They profess likewise, that the occasion and argument of that demand do led them to bee of that opinion: and yet bring no other matter for the occasion or argument of it that they conceive, than the same whereon the others also do build; saving, that they account the nature of this demand to bee such, as that in open sight it doth no less, but much more appertain, to those that were already returned, than unto those that tarried behind. This they say; but bring no farther proof of their opinion: and so is it so much the stranger, that they do so easily sunder themselves from the iudgement of all others besides. Concerning which, it seemeth to me, that for sufficient resolution herein( that it should rather bee the question of those that tarried behind) wee need go no farther, but onely to mark the question itself: and in what manner it was demanded. The question itself, may seem rather to respect those that tarried behind, than those that were come home, because the doubtfulness of the question doth not noely stand vpon the knowledge of the estate of those that were returned: but much more on want of the knowledge of it. For if it were known, that the Temple was builded, and the common-wealth set up again( though but in some meaner measure) the doubtfulness of the question were then no more, but onely on this: whether, seeing they took up those two fasting-days, one of them for the ruin of the Temple, the other for the slaughter of Gedaliah( by whose unseasonable taking away their whole estate then fell flat to the ground) i● 〈…〉 that yet they 〈◇〉 observe them, or might not rather give them up no●, when the Temple was builded, and the common-wealth in some measure reared again. But thus much of the question concerned both sorts of them, as well those that were returned, as those that were not, and both alike. But now, if we go farther, to consider whether of these two sorts were more likely to know the 〈…〉 y, whether the Temple were yet builded, or any reasonable form of a Common-Wealth obtained: there is no question, but that those that were returned, were the likeliest to know best in what case those things were among them, and so needed they least to inquire for that matter. So falleth it out, that though in the former of th●se respects, it stand indifferent to either of them; yet in the latter it leaneth altogether to the one sort of them: nothing at all fitting those that are at home, to move any question that should depend vpon the not knowing of their estate there; but fitting the others marvelous well for that they were many hundred miles of, and might well be doubtful in what estate they were there, if they were not( for many of them) altogether ignorant of it. If we go to the manner of demanding that question, that beareth witness much more clearly, that it was the question of those that yet were behind; and not of those that were already returned: even only because they sent to the House of GOD in jerusalem about it. For first there is no question at all, but that this question came from the whole body( as it were) of them: either of those that were returned; or of those that yet tarried behind. It could not so come from the body( or in common) of those that were returned, because many of them, and the chief part of them( for so many) did dwell in jerusalem itself: and as for the residue of them, they also dwelled in such sort round about jerusalem( every one in their own cities at home) that if they would confer of any matter in common, there were no place so fit for them all to meet in, to confer thereof, as jerusalem itself. For since the time that Salmanassar placed those other peoples in the cities of Israell, we need not to doubt, but that they still kept their hold in those. So that when these returned, they had( to speak of) but their wonted cities to dwell in, those that belonged to judah and benjamin: and those, it is known, compassed jerusalem on every side; and had their combining or coupling together, as they were all but one body, no where so much as in jerusalem itself. And when, a little after this, wee haue it more specially set down, where the Iewes Neh. 11: 25-30. Tremel. jun. that returned did now inhabit, even those that are of opinion, that this question was moved by those that returned, do nevertheless mark, that the cities there name, did all appertain either to judah, or to Simeon who mingled with them: as on the other side for benjamin, the Text itself doth witness, that Ios. 18: 11. their cities did lie betwixt judah and joseph,( as indeed Ephraim lay on the North-side of them, even as judah did on the South) closing up jerusalem Chr. Adrichom. as it were in the bosom or midst of them both. But these cities of benjamin that now wee speak of, were I grant those that were their portion before: which nevertheless doth not altar the case, for that wee haue no reason to conceive they got any others now; but rather might bee glad if they had all those, or so many of them as now they needed. Then also, seeing it plain, that they sent, even that very sending doth not so well square to those that returned, and in person so often repaired thither themselves as unto those that yet were behind: all those being at jerusalem already, as touching the body of them all, and none being distant thence but onely as they were particulars, and yet so very often repairing thither too; and these onely, both in particulars, and in the whole body or community of them all, being absent from it, and the nearest of them far distant also. Being then resolved who they were that sent to jerusalem about this matter, and so having the readier way now to come to the matter itself, wee are first to consider of the question moved by them: then of the answer that was given them from God. In the question moved by them, we are first to begin with the occasion of it: and so to come to the question itself. The occasion of it was, that they had taken up certain fa●●ing dayes before, which every year of their own accord they would observe: themselves moving the question but of one; but the lord himself directing Zach. 7: 1-3 his Prophet to remember them of others also, praesently of one more, and a little after of two other besides. Which fasting-days of theirs are by the help Ibid. 5. 8: 19 of jeremy noted to be, one of them towards the end of one year: the others, all in the next year ensuing. That which was towards the end of the year, was in the tenth month thereof, what time the King of Babylon did first begin to besiege jer. 52: 4. jerusalem. The others that were all in the next year following, were some of them by occasion of farther grief for that which after befell to jerusalem: and one of them for the pitiful slaughter of a worthy parsonage among them. That which befell to jerusalem after, were two special calamities: one, to the city; another to the Temple. That which befell unto the city, was in the fourth month Ibid. 6, 7. of the new year following: and it was, that then the enemies broke into the city and got it, it being greatly distressed by Famine before. That which befell unto the Temple, was in the next month following; and it was no less than the Ibid. 12. 2 King. 25: 8 utter ruin or destruction of it by Fire: the enemies putting fire unto it; and it burning four daies long, before it was consumed with it. That worthy parsonage that was slaughtered so pittyfully, was Gedaliah, whom the King of Babylon had left to bee governor to the people that remained: who accordingly governed them so well, that as then they stood a people yet; so there was good hope that under him that they might haue done so long, and haue been in reasonable good case too. But then certain loose Gallants came treacherously and slue him, as jer. 41: 1-3. being too much for the Babylonians: whereupon soon after the Land was clean rid of all the rest of them; and, so were they there, not only no Common-wealth, but also no people at all. Which calamity befell in the seventh month next ensuing. So their four Fasting-daies, that now for many yeares they had every year kept, were on those daies, it seemeth, on which those calamities befell them: the siege begun; the city gotten; the Temple burnt; and Gedaliah slain. As touching the question itself, whereas they had four fasting-days in all, and yet move the question but of one of them onely, it shall bee good to consider, whereupon they may seem to do it: then, what it is they move concerning it. They may seem to make choice of that their first months fast, as most concerning God, because it was on behalf of his house then consumed with Fire. For such is the nature of hypocritical, that is, of all our common or ordinary devotion, to pled most on such things whereby it may most seem, that wee haue made God beholding unto vs. That which they move concerning it, is, whether they were stil to continue that wonted fasting of theirs, or whether now( as the world was mended with them) they might not leave it; implying thereby, both that themselves made no doubt of it, but that so long as the House of God lay wast, or was butted in the ruins and persuasive of it, so long as they had to observe such a general set and solemn sorrowing for it; but that now the cause of that their sorrowing being taken away, that in their judgements they were tied unto it still, but yet that they thought it to be their duty, first to acquaint him with it, and therein to do as he would haue them. Wherein we haue a plain example, first that we may in time so entangle ourselves in such voluntary observations, as that in the end, though they were but voluntary first, yet wee account them necessary after: and that then wee readily obtrude them to God, as for his sake being done; and that, so if it please him, we are ready to continue them also. The answer that hereunto was given them of God, consisted of two principal points: one, concerning this that they speak of; the other, as touching some other things, nothing at all here remembered by them. Concerning the matter that now they spake of, the effect of his answer is, that he never willed them so to do,& so will haue no dealing at all with it now: but that it was their own doing before, and that( for him) they should now determine of it as they thought good; himself would in no wise meddle with it. As touching those other things nothing at all remembered now by them, they are in effect, that they Zac. 7: 4-12. should haue had special regard to the word of God sent unto thē by his Prophets before,& haue behaved themselves well one towards another; and that so they had pleased him indeed: but that they could never like to do therein as he would haue had them;& therfore that he careth as little, for this their voluntary service in these. A notable place to teach us two very good and needful points: how careless we are of those things that concern true godliness indeed, and nevertheless not without devotion in such ways as ourselves do like of; and how little God regardeth those ways of ours, and ever turneth us unto those others that he requireth. And yet were it hard to find any one work of our voluntary worshipping whatsoever, that in our own iudgement were likely to bee more acceptable to God, than these fasting-days of theirs in such sort as they did take them up at the first, and afterward use them. For they took them up at the first upon several great and pregnant tokens of the great displeasure of God against them for their sins: their head city besieged; soon after taken; their Temple burnt; and the land dispeopled. In all which and in every of them, they had good cause to stir up themselves yearly to some special sorrow for so heavy an hand of God, so many ways then laid upon them. Their manner of doing it was to separate or withdraw themselves for the time, from their delights and pleasures, and from their usual affairs besides; and to give themselves to some set sorrowing and lamentation; and many of them even in sackcloth and ashes, putting on such homely and base apparel, and so deforming themselves besides, as unworthy any better reckoning with any. In all which their fasts, forbearing of meat for the time was an appendent, as the forbearing of their lawful liberty in other things also for that present: but neither it, nor any of the others being so for the time forborn were of the substance of their fasting, no, not in their own iudgement) but onely their weeping and sorrowing, as their own very words do reasonable plainly witness unto vs. For they do not pled upon their abstinence from meat, or on the forbearing of those other things that otherwise they might lawfully haue employed themselves about, as but resting therein: but on that they wept and sorrowed, and that they Zac. 7: 3. separated themselves from all other things, not as resting therein, but the better to help them forward in that other action which at such times they chiefly intended. Whereas on the other side our fastings, though the glory or flower of all the devotion that many of us haue, do not consist of the substance of fasting: but onely in some appendent of it; and for the most part, but in slight or easy manner. But if God did look so strangely on these fastings of theirs, and would haue nothing to do with them: both the usual fastings, and many other voluntary worshippings, which were used in the power of darkness, may go whistle, as they say, for any favor they are like to find at the hands of God, for any thing they find in this pattern that now we are in. CHAP. 21. 1 HItherto we haue the Story set down, both in the word of God, and by the way of History, so far forth at the least, or in such particulars, as it pleased God to deliver unto us: but hence-forward wee haue it not set down in the word of GOD but onely by the way of prophecy; and the same very briefly too. The effect whereof is, that they should never bee but in hard estate, until the coming of their messiah: and that some-times they should bee very much afflicted; and yet then bee holpen, but with some Dan. 11: 34. little help neither. As touching which hard estate of theirs, to the end that we may the better perceive it, it shall be good, that first wee consider some-thing of it generally: and that then we come to the more special consideration of it. That which we are to consider thereof generally, is first within what bounds our matter lieth: then what is the matter itself. The bounds of our matter are, partly in the time, and partly in the parties thereunto appertaining. The compass of time that now we speak of, is some part of it while those yet stood under whom as yet they were: the rest, under others. Those under whom as yet they were, were the Persians, whose state is noted to haue stood somewhat better than two hundred yeares in all: but, about one hundred thirty and five of those being now spent already since their return, it remaineth, that wee haue no more of that state of theirs but onely about threescore and twelve. All which though Nehemiah be thought to haue outlived, 〈◇〉. in an. 3633. or very near thereunto: yet those stories that we had of him before do all appertain to the former time of the Persian state, and not unto this that now wee are entering into. Those others under whom they afterward were, were the grecians first: and the romans after. under the grecians they were soon after that that state got up: and it stood about two hundred threescore and seven yeares. under the romans they were likewise soon after that they came to their height; and much longer than that part of their story that now wee are in, doth reach unto: but after that these got up, it was about threescore yeares, before that the story of Christ beginneth. So may we note, that the compass of time that this our story lieth in, is almost four hundred yeares. The parties hereunto appertaining are the people of God: and those that were so grievous unto them. As touching the people of God, we are to note, that now they all go under the name of Iewes, though of the other tribes besides there were diuers mingled with them; and not unlikely, but that some of the Canaanites did so likewise: but, of whatsoever people or Nation any of them were, it seemeth they were all of one profession, and so were accounted all one people. Wherein it is not amiss to note, that whereas in Salomons time when the Temple was to bee builded( and that being the time, when that state of theirs was at the highest) there were found to be in the Land one hundred fifty and 2. chr. 2: 17, 18 1 kin. 5: 15, 16 three thousand strangers( which seem to bee all, or the most part of them, Canaanites, the ancient inhabitants of the Land) and now we haue no mention of any of them; but that the peculiar people of God were now the inhabitants of that land: yet nevertheless, as the people of God together with those Canaanites before, had according to the prophesy and curse of Noah been servants to the posterity of Sem; so the people of God onely now, inhabiting that land, were under that part of the curse to others of the posterity of Sem at this present, and afterward again to two other states of Iaphets progeny. And seeing they offended so much as they did, less marvel it is, that they inhabiting that Land now, haue part of the curse that was given forth against their predecessors before: as also it may seem, by that which followeth after, that that part of the curse was so far laid on the Land itself( for the others were in no such subiection yet to any of the posterity of japhet) as that it might be of force against those inhabitants also. Those that were so grievous unto them, were, first the latter of these two states or Monarchies, that were in the East part of the world, of the posterity of Sem: then these other two that were in this North-west part of the world( which wee inhabit) both of them being of the posterity of japhet; the other part of the known world, being peopled most by the posterity of Cham, having none of those four Monarchies in it, but so far partaking( in effect) with that curse aforesaid, though by name it were laid on Canaan onely, no ancestors of theirs, but onely having one and the self same ancestor common to them both. The latter of those two States or Monarchies that were in the East-part of the world, and of the posterity of Sem, was that of the Persians, under which they were yet: and the estate of the people of God under these is no more in effect( some few particulars only excepted) but that so long as these did yet stand( which we heard, was but about threescore and twelve yeares more) they were in subiection unto them; but yet both had a governor of their own people, and were allowed the freedom of their own profession. The particulars wee speak of, are but two; and both of them such as much respected the whole estate of the people: one of them, of a tax or fine imposed on them; the other, of a great stumbling block in Religion reared up among them. That tax or fine that was imposed on them, was by occasion of a foul murder committed by John the High-Priest himself, on IESVS his own brother, and that even in the Temple too: the occasion being for that he which was slain, did set joseph. Antiq. lib. 11. cap. 7. Fanct. Chronol. in an. 3598. but light of his Brother the High-Priest, on an hope that he had to get that office from his brother unto himself by the favour of Bag●ses a Persian governor; and so in contentious altercation provoked him much to his own death. That governor therefore both polluted their Temple, and imposed a fine upon them for seven yeares together. That stumbling block in cause of Religion that was reared up among them, was near upon the end of the Persian State: done also by a brother of the High-Priest that then was, a bad man; and the very same, it seemeth, that Nehemiah for his profane marriage chased away from him. The matter Neh. 13: 28 Ant. li. 11. ca. 8 was, that Manasses being Priest also himself, and having before administered the Office and dignity of Priest-hood with Iaddus his brother, but afterward being in great disgrace at jerusalem for that his bad marriage, by the help of Sanballet his Father in lawe the Lord of Samaria, he erected another Temple in Mount Garizin near to Samaria, like to that which was at jerusalem, and himself was High-Priest there: many of the Priestes such as had polluted themselves with such unlawful marriages,& others of the people such as either had so married, or otherwise for some bad parts of theirs were called to reckoning at jerusalem, and finding ready entertainment there, leaving jerusalem and the true worship of God behind them, and joining themselves to this vp-start profanation, arising out of the proud heart of that grand sectary the High-Priests brother. 2 Of those two others that were of the posterity of japhet, the former of them was that of the grecians: the other, that of the Romaines that followed. That of the grecians, for a while, was one entire State: but soon after, much divided among themselves. It was one entire state but onely for the time of Alexander himself, who reigned in all but about twelve yeares: part thereof, but in Macedonia and Greece whence he came; the residue in Asia, where he overthrew the Persian State, and set up his own. In whose story, or in the compass of whose time wee haue no more to consider, that doth properly appertain to our present purpose, but onely in what estate the people of GOD were under him: but seeing he was at the first so notable a Prince, and for his conquests was set on by God himself, it shall not bee amiss, first to consider of some few other stories of him going before; and then of the estate of the Iewes under him. Those other stories that now I speak of, are two: one, while yet he was in macedon; the other, so soon as he was arrived in Asia. While yet he was in macedon, being then purposed to go to warfare in Asia, he either took short, while he was there, or took away with him when he went thence, all such as he doubted to bee aspiring, and might hazard him of his kingdom at home, while he was abroad: a good example for all the servants of GOD, the soldiers of Christ, first to take short all their inordinate affections of flesh and blood, or to keep a strong hand on them, when we go forth to the warfare of a Christian life. In Asia as soon as he arrived, and considered on the goodness and largeness of that part of the world, making no doubt but to win it and make it his own; he thereupon then partend and freely gave macedon his former kingdom to his Captaines and friends, as having enough and enough in Asia for him: another faire example for the children of GOD, after that by the knowledge of Christ, they understand how good things are laid up for them in the world to come, more easily to part with these earthly things here, to go and gain others unto that other fellowship with them; at least to take heed, that in the love of these earthly felicities they do not moow-vp or bury themselves. The estate of the Iewes under him was good, for that although he came towards them with great displeasure, for that( on allegiance to their former Lords) they sent him no aid to the winning of Tyre, as he had required them to do: yet after perceiving it was the God whom they professed, who had set him a-work, and had prospered him so far therein, he was very gracious unto them, and bestowed great immunities on them. 3. When the grecian State was divided ( Alexanders Captaines, after his death, he having no issue, parting the same among themselves) though they were more at the first, and afterward the chief of them, four: yet were they but two( themselves, and their successors) who had such dealing with the Iewes, as that we need to repair to their story, to find out in what estate the Iewes then were. And those two were, such as had, one sort of them, egypt on the South; the other, Syria on the North of the people of God: not, that either of them had no more Countries besides under their government; but that those were the chief to either of them, besides such others as they had withall, sometimes more, sometimes fewer. Of these Dan. 11: 5-9 11, 13-15. 25, 40. two( whom the angel in daniel calleth, the one, the King of the South; the other, the King of the North) it was the King of the South, or that Southern part of the grecian Monarchy that had dealing with the Iewes first; but that other Northern part soon after: and so I hold it best that we consider of either of them severally. So beginning first with that part of the grecian Monarchy which lay towards the South, there may we note, that sometimes the Princes thereof did make head against the Iewes to do them some hurt: and that once the Iewes themselves did so provoke them, as that they were in great danger thereby. Those Princes made head against the people of God to their hurt, twice: the hurt that both times they made, being requited, as it were, with some special favour towards them soon after. The former of those hurts was, that Ptolomaus Lagi, the first of those Princes joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, cap. 1 that enjoyed that State, coming to jerusalem as in peaceable manner, to offer Sacrifice, and on a sabbath day, surprised the city, and both dealt hardly with them there, and took away many of them captives also: a matter that was by Agatharchides an other Author of those dayes reproachfully laid to the charge of the Iewes, as though they had of superstitious cleaving to their own ease that day, suffered him so to possess himself of their city; and so had dearly bought that little ease of theirs then, by taking vpon their shoulders so uneasy and heavy a Lord, as he was afterward like to prove unto them. The favour wherewith this was, as it were soon after requited unto them, was partly by himself: but more by him that next succeeded. himself conceiving by the answer they gave to Alexander before,( when he sent unto them to come into his aid, they refusing so to do, on the oath they had made to their former Princes) that they had good regard to their oaths, put many of them in so special trust with his holds, and did so much enfranchize them besides in the head city of all his kingdom, that many others of the Iewes besides, on this good dealing of his with their brethren, of their own accord, came and yielded themselves to dwell under his allegiance. The favor they found in him that next succeeded Ptolomaus Pliladelphus, was such, as that I can hardly think that any in these dayes of the gospel that wisheth well to the aduancement thereof, can read it, without a sound and special shane of these our dayes. Being a joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 2. Prince that was given to the love of learning, and having then already gotten two hundred thousand books to his Library, and being in the way soon after to get five hundred thousand more unto them, or at least to make them up so many in all; and yet not so content, but farther desiring to get unto him besides all the books of the Law of God by the help of the Iewes, and to haue them translated into the tongue that was then most common to all: to obtain his desire therein( of which notwithstanding as yet he had but heard by report of others, nothing answerable to the worth of the things themselves) it may stand for one of the chief miracles of the world, to see how that heathen Prince behaved himself therein, how graciously and liberally he first dealt with those Iewes that then were in bondage in those his dominions, redeeming out of his own treasure above an hundred and twenty thousands of them; howe great and rich gifts he sent first likewise to the Temple at jerusalem: what Interpreters, and how many he sought to haue thence; in how good manner he sought to haue them; how welcome they were unto him when they were come; how honourably and howe carefully to that purpose, they were entertained when they where there; how liberally they were rewarded; and how graciously dismissed when they had done. Wee haue better knowledge in these dayes of ours( or more shane for us) of the gospel of Christ; we need not open our own treasuries, of that which is( by undoubted right) clearly our own; we need but restore that which( no doubt) many of us do, in our own consciences unjustly with-hold; they are no foreign people to us, but our our own bretheren, that need to be by us redeemed; their bondage is incomparably much greater, and more to bee pitied, than was that of those others: and yet how untoward wee are herein; how little desire we haue of any such help; and how little we esteem of those by whom we might haue it, and by whom we haue whatsoever of that kind it is that we haue, no man can be of mind to deliver, but that presently he findeth himself overwhelmed with it. The latter of those hurts was about an hundred yeares after the former, or somewhat better; this latter of them, by the course of the story Tremel. jun. being at it were confined to about the fourth year of the reign of Antiochus the great, King of Syria( for this Story itself is without any so special date) which fourth year of his is noted to bee, the year of the world, three thousand seven hundred fory and five; the former of them being set so near to the beginning of Funct. in an 3745. Funct. Ibid. 3 Mac. Chap. 1. 7. his reign that first began this egyptian state, that it falleth not to be about the year of the world three thousand six hundred forty and two. The thing itself was, that this King Ptolomaus Philopater coming peaceably to jerusalem, and orderly offering his sacrifices there, seeing the Temple so beautiful a building as it was, and thereupon offering to go into it, and even into the inmost place itself, because he was first but dissuaded by those that were present, but then forcibly stayed by the strong and strange hand of God himself, he grew so greatly discontented thereby,& so deeply displeased with the Iewes, as that thence-forward shee resolved utterly to destroy them all, within his dominions, and that with a cruel and a strange kind of death. Which being twice attempted, was as often in easy manner by the providence of God defeated: first the king himself ouer-sleeping his own appointed time; then, by a strong and strange oblivion, of that which he had before determined. When the third time notwithstanding he would yet set in hand with it again, and more eagerly than before, he was then not only by outward forcible means defeated: joseph. Antiq. lib, 12. cap. 4. but inwardly in his former purpose, altered clean. The favor that after this did follow vpon them, was, not onely that he remitted and utterly abandoned all that his displeasure against them: but also vouchsafed them diuers special favours. When the Iewes themselves did so provoke them, as that they were in great danger thereby, it was in the daies of this king also: Onias the High-Priest, the Iewes chief governor then under him, being so strongly given to his own private, that very much he had wronged the public cause; had not another in his room stood up in the gap ( Iosephus a Nephew of his, of special good parts) against that danger. 4. coming to that Northern part of this grecian Monarky, which, soon after the other began, had likewise dealing with these,& afterward much more than the other, we do not find to the contrary, but that the Iewes were in reasonable good case under these also for a time: but that afterward these were very grievous ●nto them. What time they were in reasonable case under them, it is notwithstanding noted, both that the Samaritans( a people of those parts, and near to the Iewes) joseph, Antiq. lib. 12. cap, 1. Ibid. cap, 3. were very troublesone unto them; and that when these two states warred the one on the other, the Iewes were then much afflicted by them, even as a ship tossed betwixt mighty and contrary waves, and especially by the Samaritans at that time also: but then it is noted withall, that two special Princes of that state were very favourable unto them; one of them the same, that first after the division began that State, the other, who governed it a good while after. He that first after the division began that State, Selencus Nican●r building certain cities in his Territories, Ibid. cap, 3. is noted to haue allowed the Iewes their liberty and privileges there; even in the Head-Citty itself: and that so he did, for their good and faithful service done unto him. He that a good while after succeeded Antioc●●● the great, was a Ibid. Prince of special note, and having variable success at the first, notwithstanding in the end he much praevailed against Ptol 〈…〉 s Epiph●●es, his opposite southern Prince, in the clearing of those Territories that to him of former time appertained, bet since had been by the other surprised. At which time the Iewes, fiding themselves more specially to him, were vouchsafed special favours( and those by good record) both at home and abroad. When afterward the Princes or Gouernours of this northern State were grievous unto them, first it was, but, as it were, a push for the time: but afterward it sate nearer unto them. While it was but a storm of small continuance, and soon after blown over again, it was no more 2 Mac 3: 4-40 but that one Simon, a treacherous person from among themselves, was, by Apollonius, the occasion, that a special attempt was made by Heliodorus, sent from Selercus Soter, and so even by the higher power itself to haue made a spoil of the Temples treasure: which notwithstanding is noted to be so very strongly and strangely resisted, not by the people themselves, but by a strange extaordinary protection, that such as came for it, went away without it, and were glad too they had so escaped. When it sate nearer unto them, and had longer continuance among them, their dealing then grew to be so grievous and so intolerable, that it made an alteration of the State itself: and so are we therein to consider, first of that dealing of theirs against them; then, what alteration in the State it was, that came in thereby. Their dealing against them, though exceeding bad in itself; yet may it seem to be justly occasioned: and so are we first to note how it was occasioned; then, what itself was. justly occasioned we may account it to be, for that in those dayes 2 Mac. 1: 12-16. 2 Mac. 4: 1-17 joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 6 mingling with the Heathen, many of them now gave up their former profession of the Lawe of God, and betook themselves to the ways of the Heathen: and that mnny of the Priestes themselves did now make no reckoning of the Temple, nor of the service of God that was there to be used; and were besides foully given to much disorder. What the dealing itself was, whereof they had experience now, that we may in few words the better see, wee are to know, first that it was whatsoever mighty and grievous enemies are in such case wont to do: then, that there was much more evil inflicted on them, than such dealing of the Enemies doth( for the most part) reach unto. That which was but such as in such case grievous enemies are wont to do, was, that they did exceedingly spoil, even the Temple itself, both of the treasure and ornaments of it: and that they did 1 Mac. 1: 21-24, 20-42. 2 Mac. 5: 11-16, 21-26. joseph. Antiq. lib 12. c. 7. 1 Mac. 1: 43-67. 2 Mac. 6,& 7. joseph. Antiq. lib. 2. cap. 7. et 8 put both the city and the people to Fire and Sword in very cruel and barbarous manner. That which was more, was, that both they forced them from the Law of God; and destroyed, both so many of the Books thereof as they could get, and so many of the people( without respect of age or sex) as would not yield: and both advanced most detestable Idolatry; and strongly urged( nay, violently rather) the people unto it. 5 The alteration in the States that came thereby, was great: and such as much respected, not onely these their enemies; but also, even the Iewes themselves withall. As it respected the Syrians their enemies, first it was, as the Iewes did now oppose themselves against them: then, as they decayed even by themselves. As the Iewes did now oppose themselves against them, they were so roundly and roughly dealt with, first by Mattathi●●, an old Priest himself for a while, then by some others of his line, that, after these took them in hand they were able then to praeuaile no farther: but were daily beaten back more and more, from that course that before they were in. The old Priest( a man of good reckoning among 1 Mac. 2: 1-70 joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 8. his own people) seeing so great wrong, yea and indignity offered to the Law and people of God, and being farther provoked besides, by ● loud part of 〈…〉, by one of the Iewes, and at that present before his eyes, so inflamed with ●●●l 〈◇〉 he could not abide it, suddenly stepped up, slay that vile Apos●●●●, and those that from the King were there employed in that business, and th●● by open Proclamation offered himself to join with all such of the people, ●● in that case, against those their enemies, on the behalf of the Law of God, and of their own ●●st defence, would now resolve to stand on their guard: and as th●● he made the● that offer, so did he after perform it unto them; and many did repair unto him, to take part with him therein. Of those that were of his line( who also before his death were stirred up and encouraged by him) Iudas one of his sons, commonly called Maccabaus, by his appointment did first begin: and then was followed by others of them. he so beginning, did notably for a time praeuaile against them: but a few yeares after he was overthrown. He did so notably praeuaile against them while he trusted only on God; and for that time he very strangely 1 Mac. 3: 1-7: 50. 1 Mac 8: 1-25: 40. joseph. Antiq. li. 12. cap. 9 18 1 Mac. 8: 1-9: 18. joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 19 1 Mac. 9: 19▪ 16: 24. joseph Antiq. li. 13. cap. 1. 18 Chro. Cario. a. Ph●l●p. Melan● p●●. 1. ●. lib. ●● pag. 246, 247. and wonderfully praevailed: and that so far, that he put down their Idolatry, and restored true Religion again; and afterward stood to the defence of the same, against all the force of his enemies. overthrown he was, soon after that he sought to haue the Romans confe●derate with him: leaning some-what then, as it may seem, to an arm of Flesh. Those others that followed him, were some of them collateral to him, two of his Bretheren, the one of them succeeding the other in those affairs; one other descending, who was the son of that his Brother who last succeeded: all which went forward in that course, and maintained that cause so long as they continued, and in many things did very well stand to the maintenance of it; but the two former of them were in the end treacherously slain. As the enemies decayed even of themselves, it is noted unto us, that after they so opposed themselves against the Law of God, making the people to abandon the same, and to betake themselves to Heathenish vanity, they went backward ever after more and more: he that first began it, and most did urge it, Antiochus Epiphanes, coming to a miserable end;& his successors after, much warring among themselves, and slaughtering one another, till the romans at length came and overthrew their State, and made that country a province of theirs. As it most respected the Iewes, it was, first as touching certain sects that were among them: then as touching their civil estate from this time forward. The chief Sects that were among them are noted to bee three; all growing up among them while thus they mingled with the Heathen; and afterward having joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. cap. 9. 18. lib. 18. ca. 2 Idem de bel. In lib 1. cap. 4. et lib. 2. Cap. 7. mention of two sorts of them, but not of the third. Those two whereof afterward we haue mention, are the Pharasees and the Sadduces, both which were troublesone to Christ and his Apostles: both of them being accounted of the most careful sort of men among them▪ in all their ways generally, and Teachers of the Law of God to the people; but the former of them strictly observing certain traditions of their own withall, the latter erring in certain special points of doctrine. The third sort of them, of whom wee haue no mention after, were the Esseis, who lived more privately a-part from others; as of purpose shunning contentions abroad, so the better to give themselves to the exercise of godliness at home: and one special part of their profession was a single life. A matter the rather to be marked, for that as satan had then provided these sects,& had gotten them into great credit with the world, for opinion of learning and holinesse, a little before the coming of Christ; so to fore-stall the people before, and to make them hang off farther from him, when he should come and labour to win them: so wee haue found the much like sects of our late cloisterers, stolen in among us, and gotten to credit, before this more plentiful light of the gospel was sent unto us that now we enjoy; and these( no doubt) to the hindrance of many, who other-wise wee may hope would haue believed long ere this. Their civil estate from this time forward, so long as the race of the Maccabees stood, was hard and Iosaph. Antiq. lib. 13. cap. 1●▪ lib 14. 〈…〉 troublesone: and it stood till the romans, occasioned by their contentions and disorder, did step in among them, and appointed other Gouernours unto them. So that although some of that stock had done much good to the people before; or that God( at least) had used them as a scourge to the proud and insolent enemy: yet, stepping up as they did, onely because of the great outrageous dealing of the enemy, and not being otherwise called unto it( the sceptre for that people being before given to the Tribe of judah, these being all of the Tribe of levy) it is less marvell, that now at length they were a burden rather unto the people than any benefit( insomuch that now even the people themselves were likewise weary of them) and that by these, the Romaines were first brought to be somewhat towards them, and now to ouer-maister joseph. Antiq. lib. 14, cap, 5. them so much as they did. 7 As touching that other monarchy or State of the Romaines that followed immediately after that of the grecians, it also praevailed against the people of God, and had them in subiection, about three score yeares before the birth of Iesus Christ: not, but that, long after that, they had them in subiection besides, even so long as they were a people; but that then our Story must leave them and go on Christ, and on those that belonged to him. How for that time they came to bee in subiection to the Romaines that wee may the better perceive, we are first to consider of that which may seem to be the occasion: then of their subiection itself. That which may seem to be the occasion, was, that they were so disorderly among themselves, that thereby themselves did open the passage to foreign power to step in among them: of which foreign power there was no other in those daies that in those parts bare any sway( to speak of) but onely that of the State of Rome. The disorder that wee speak of, we find in two of the sons of the last of those Maccabees that we spoken of before; and in one other that descended of the latter of them: some part of that disorder being common to them all; some other more proper to every of them a-part by themselves. Common to all it is, that henceforward they took joseph. Antiq, lib. 13. ca, 19, 20. ●● lib. 14. cap. 1. vpon them the name and dignity of Kings: that kind of dignity being of such nature as none should take vpon them without some special calling thereunto of God, which they could not haue there, God having already bestowed the sceptre on that Tribe of judah, all these being but onely of levy. When we are to consider of such disorder as was more proper to every of them apart by themselves, we are first to begin with those two bretheren: then to come to the other that descended of the latter of them. Of those two bretheren, the former of them. Aristobulus, reigning but one year, yet in that short time both did imprison his Mother, so to exclude her Idem. li. Antiq. 13. cap. 19. from meddling in the government of the Land( which authority and honour his Father notwithstanding had appointed unto her) and there did famish her in prison: and without any just cause, onely vpon a bare and false suspicion, slay his own brother, a man of great worth, whom himself also before so tenderly loved that he made him partaker with him in his kingdom. The latter likewise, Alexander Ianneus, first began with the slaughter of another brother of his: and though he were by the just joseph. Antiq. li. 13. ca. 20, 21 iudgement of God reasonably well requited with blood again( leezing a field, and thirty thousand of his Army at once, to one of his neighbour Princes besides him) yet afterward also did he so exceedingly rage in shedding the blood of others, even of his own people too, and by those his doings he grew into so extreme hatred with them, as that on a time, as willing to content them for whatsoever he had offended them before, with one consent they plainly told him, that there was no way whereby to please them, but onely to make an end of himself. But he did so little regard, that he was fallen into so extreme hatred with them, that shortly after getting Ibid. ca. 22 the advantage of a great number of the better sort of them, he purposely choose an higher place wherein himself and his Concubines might banquet together; taking order before, that in the time of their banqueting, eight hundred of those should haue their execution in the sight of him and his Concubines: their execution then also being, first to haue their wives and children slain before their faces; then afterward themselves to be hanged. He that descended of the latter of these called Aristobulus also, was so like to the stock whereof he came, that whereas he was but the younger son to his Father, and that his Mother, by the Kings Testament succeeding Ibid. lib. 14. cap 1, et de ●●l, I●● lib, 1. cap, 8, 9. him in the kingdom, had appointed the High-Priesthood( the kingdom then being annexed unto it) to her elder son H●rcan●●, he praesently warred vpon him about the same:& by the treachery of his Elder Brothers people praeuayling, would needs be the King, and that his elder Brother must live a private life under him. But yet the contention between these and their partakers was so great about this matter, that it occasioned the romans( always ready to such opportunities) Ibid. lib 14, cap 2. 8, 25, et lib. 15, cap. 9. to step in, and to take up the matter among them, nothing at all to the advantage of any of them, to speak of: jerusalem itself being by this occasion forcibly taken, and this usurper had away Prisoner to Rome; the elder Brother only getting the High-Priest-hood again, but afterward, about the same, leezing his ears, and shutting up his old age with a bloody death besides. 8 The romans having now by this occasion gotten that people in subiection to them, for a while deal more easily with them: but soon after, much more roughly. They dealt more easily with them, when, notwithstanding they got the City by force, yet did make it but tributary unto them: leaving unto them joseph. Antiq. lib. 14 cap, 8. the liberty of their Religion and Laws; and restoring the High-Priesthood( and so the chief government of the whole in effect, under them) to Hyrcanus, one of their own that had it before, and to whom they all generally did wish it again. And though soon after there was some farther order taken for the readier determining Ibid. cap, 10. of their matters, yet was that in very good manner also for them. Of their rougher dealing with them, some part thereof is not to be laid to the charge of the whole State of them but onely to one of their principal Gouernours: but some part again is to bee laid to the charge of the whole. That which was but the fault of one of their Gouernours, who at that time was Crassus, is, that he coming Ibid. cap. 12 into those partes, and going to warfare against another people, himself being general then of those forces of the romans, understanding great treasure to be in the Temple at jerusalem, and coming to get it into his hands, notwithstanding Eleazar he who had the charge of the Treasury, dealt so liberally with him, as that thereby he got him to swear, that he would rest himself contented with that which he should bestow vpon him, and might well so haue done, for that it was a beam of gold of very great value, which the Treasurer so did, that he might thereby redeem the other ornaments and Treasure of the Temple: yet he, contrary to all sense of Religion, and contrary to his own Oath too, took not onely it but the residue also. But seeing therein he was, and needs would be, so great a Church-Robber, it was not amiss, that he and his Army did so miscarry as they Ibid et de Bel. Iud. li, 1 cap. 6 Ibid. de Bel, Iud lib, 1. cap, 8, et 12. et Antiq li. 14. ca. 17. et 26 et lib, 15, ca, 10 Ibid. l●b, 15, cap 3. 9, 11, et lib. 16, ca, 17, et lib 17, cap. 8. et Chro. Cor. Parte ● lib, 2. ●, pag. 332. did: so to teach, not onely Church-Robbers howe much they offend; but others also, how they deal with them, or commit any charge of State unto them. That hard dealing of theirs, that is to be laid to the charge of the whole, is, when( for some service that they had done) they appointed foreigners ( Antipater, and his Issue) to bee their Gouernours: and of such a people too( the Edomites) as were ancient Enemies to the people of God. Which act of theirs was so much the more grievous to that people of God, for that Herod, one of them, to establish the kingdom to his own line, and to roote out those that had better right than he unto it, did many grievous and execrable things among them. A faire warning, if it can be taken, to reward such as haue deserved well, but onely with such things as are meet for them: and not with any place at all in the Church of God, if themselves be but profane or careless of that, which of such as haue charge of it, is chiefly required. CHAP. 22. 1 THose special doubts that may hence arise unto us, are two: and in either of them it shal be good to note, first what is the doubt itself; then, how we may best resolve as touching the same. In the former of these, the doubt itself is, that in diuers places of the Prophets there are such speeches given forth to the people, as may seem to import, that after their return from Babylon, or in the compass that now we are in, they should haue another manner of estate than yet wee haue heard of: and such may we find, both while jerusalem and the Temple yet stood, before the captivity; and when the people were delivered thence, and returned home again. While jerusalem and the Temple yet stood, one place onely may bee sufficient in steede of the rest, appertaining to the compass of time, wherein Iotham, Micah. 1: 1. Ahaz and Hezekia, kings of judah, reigned: the two former of whom( especially the latter of them) were such, as committed such things, as for which the judgements of God came vpon them; but the last of them taking a much better course. For Iotham was the last of the three that did show the State to bee declining, they being so given to their private, that it is no marvell though the greater sort following their example, became so grievous in that kind unto the meaner sort of the people, as diuers others, and this our Prophet doth much complain: the other was both Idolatrous, and bloody too. The place itself is, that charging them first to haue much offended, and for the same denouncing great desolation to their chief city and 3: 9-12. Temple itself( by which he afterward sheweth himself to mean, that selfsame desolation, which a while after from the Babylonians did befall them) immediately after he telleth them of a marvelous happy& comfortable estate that they should be 4: 1-8. in: and so the one following so close on the other as it doth, even that very order may seem to direct their expectation of it to be, when they should haue their return from Babylon again. When the people were delivered thence, and returned home, Haggay or Aggaeus the Prophet, encouraging the Elders of the people that then were,& the people themselves, cheerfully to build the Temple that then they had in hand, Agge. 2: 5-10 assureth them of a strange beauty whereunto that Temple should shortly attain; and of a State they should haue above all the kingdoms of the earth: and for the latter of these, they are by another likewise assured, that it should bee such a State, as both 22-24. Zac. 9: 10. should give place unto others( and then must it needs bee superior unto them) and be of so large limits itself, as that it should be from Sea to Sea, and from the river to the end of the Land. Diuers such other places there are: in all which our resolution must be to sequester our expectation from all earthly and momentane things, which are but shadows; and to fasten it on those that are glorious indeed,& those eternal( according to the nature of him that made the promise of them:) a full accomplishment whereof we haue in Iesus Christ. 2 The latter of them is of a principal part of that blessing, that jacob, in the spirit of prophesy, gave unto judah his fourth son: namely, that the sceptre( or Gen. 49: 10 Tribe) should not depart from judah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, till Shiloh should come, and that the people should be gathered unto him. The doubt that hence may arise unto us, is out of the common understanding of it: and the Story thereunto laid. For the common understanding of it is, that the meaning of it is to signify, what time the promised saviour should come into the world: and that the time should be, when the authority or government should bee taken away from the Tribe of judah, which it had from Dauids time, either more or less, till a little before the coming of Christ; but that being clean taken away then, it was a token, that Christ was at hand. And true it is indeed, by good warrant of Scripture, that david was of that Tribe; and that he or some of his line reigned over some of the people of God, until the captivity, and that he who was their governor( under the Persians) when they returned, was likewise of that Tribe, and of Dauids line: and that our best authors for those matters do show, that afterwards also, till the Maccabees stepped up, those that were their chief Leaders under the Persians and grecians, were of that Tribe and line too; and that, while the Maccabees were in place, that their Bench of those threescore and ten Elders, were of the House of david likewise, and that they stood till towards the very end of Herods reign. But now if we lay the Story to this sense of the place, we do not find, by undoubted warrant, that which may so fully clear it: and so are we therein, first to consider how far the Story attributeth the government to others; then, how this place that wee speak of may safeliest be taken. The Story we may note to attribute the government of the people, as by the appointment of God, but onely once before Dauids time to the Tribe of judah: we knowing none that was any governor of them so long as they were in egypt after the death of jacob( who is out of the compass) but onely of joseph for his time, then Moses and Aaron after, who were all three of other Tribes. When they were come out of egypt, for a time they were a free people: but afterward, so many of them as remained, under foreign powers. A free people they were, first in the wilderness: afterward in the Land of promise. In the wilderness, for most part of the time, we haue but Moses and Aaron again as chief( and of them for civil government, in a manner, but onely Moses) but of others of an Exod. 18: 13-26. Num. 11: 11-17, 24, ●5. Inferior sort, first those Officers over thousands, hundreds, fifties, and gins, afterward those threescore and ten Elders as assistants to Moses, indifferently chosen out of all their Tribes: but towards the end of their being there, wee haue josuah after the death of Moses, who also was not of the Tribe of judah. In the land of promise for this matter their estate was diuers: first, under Iudges; then, under kings. under Iudges, first for Iosuahs time: then, for the rest. For Iosuahs time, he onely was the chief, and all that we red of: saving, that by likelihood those other inferior Magistrates then also stood, even both sorts of them. But for the time of all the rest the case is altered: great odds being betwixt him who next succeeded; and those that followed. As touching him that next succeeded, both the people asked of the Lord who should be their Leader then; and Iud. 1: 1-3. the Lord according to the Oracle of jacob before, appointed judah thereunto,& told them how he would prosper him therein: and yet judah neither meddled with the whole( that we red of) and took not vpon him alone, but took in his Brother Simeon with him; and seemed to lean much to their own private. As touching Iud. 3: 9. 1 Sam. 8: 22. those that followed, neither did the people( that wee red of) any more ask of the Lord who should govern them: and God himself appointed from time to time such as should govern them, not of any one Tribe, but some-times of one, some-times of another. under their kings wee find, that for a time they were all one people: but afterward divided. While yet they were but one people, the case is plain, that GOD gave them a King of another Tribe. divided they were, first but of themselves: then, of the ordinance of GOD concurring. When they were divided but of themselves, they came soon together again: and for the time of their division, the greater part of them had their King of that other 2 Sam. 2: 8-4: 12. 2 Sam. 5: 1-1. King. 11: 43. Tribe, and but the lesser of the Tribe of Iadah; but when they came together again, then were they all under that King of the Tribe of judah, and under another of that line, even he that next succeeded. When they were divided again, not onely of themselves, but of the ordinance of God concurring, the greater part of them had their Kings again of other Tribes; and but the lesser onely, of the Tribe of judah: 1. King. 12: 1- 2. King. 17: 41 1 Kin. 12: 20-2. Chr. 36: 21. 2. kin. 11: 1 21 which succession( even in it too) was likewise interrupted or broken off, for a: 'bout six yeares, by a bad Woman, and a mere stranger unto them. under foreign powers were that lesser part of the people( who were all that now remained) first out of their own Land: then also, at home. Out of their own land, while they were in captivity, that estate of theirs is not like to afford, that they had any of their own Nation gouernours over them: their King himself for most of that time being in prison. At home, it is plain, that still they were under foreign powers: and then is it not much more material, that for part of that time they had vnder-gouernours of their own; than that afterward they had none but others, first but of another Tribe, then mere strangers unto them. How we may best resolve as touching this also, to the end that we may the better find, it seemeth to me, that the best and the readiest way is, first to go to the original itself: then to make what sense it is, whereunto it most inclineth. In the original itself most of the matter hangeth on one word onely, which may be taken, either for a Rod, staff or sceptre; or else for a distinct Tribe, stock or Family: and so is it accordingly interpnted, or taken diversly. If we take it for a sceptre( the chief and principal of those rods or staues, which also it may signify) then we plainly see, that the Story discovereth, that since that Oracle was uttered, both the Tribe of judah hath often been without it; and that it was bestowed on diuers others: then may wee in like sort note, that the words which next do follow of the lawgiver that should ever be among them, do import, in a manner, the self same thing; and therefore that those may seem to discharge that former of that conceived sense, and to allot it to that other, if so it may be conveniently taken. But on the other side, if we take it for a Tribe, as if those words did note, that howsoever it should bee with them after, yet should they bee a distinct Tribe till the promised saviour should come, both it hath a sufficient difference from that which followeth next after: and every where doth the Story accord therewith, throughout the whole. 3 Howbeit, whethersoever of these two readings we take, there is no question, but that it may very well stand, and be strong against the Iewes, to show that their promised saviour is come already, whether wee take that word to mean a sceptre; or, whether we take it to mean a Tribe: and so it shall bee good in either of these to consider, first, how that sense itself will arise; then, of what force it may be unto others. In the former of those that sense will well arise, if wee can take it, that by that sceptre and lawgiver, he would haue them to know, that God would so order the matter, or haue so careful an eye towards them, as that howsoever it went with the other Tribes besides; yet should they haue a tolerable estate, even unto the coming of Christ: and that doth the Story thoroughly witness. The force of this sense towards others, is such, as that it giueh good instruction, first to them all in the mean season: then specially, to so many of them as remain, after the desolation of that common estate of them all, that long they enjoyed. The instruction that it giveth to them all in the mean season, is, that seeing that Tribe should be in so good, or at least in tolerable estate until the coming of Christ: therefore neither should they refuse to take vpon them the oversight or government of the rest, when it should orderly come unto them, nor divide themselves from their bretheren, least that so they deprived them of such benefits as by their society or union with them, they might enjoy; neither should any of the others especially, withdraw themselves from them, for that so they should deprive themselves of that good( or tolerable estate, even at the worst) that with them they might haue enjoyed. Whereby if we examine certain passages of theirs, or some of those matters that already were passed among them before, wee may find, first that it may seem, the Tribe of judah, or at least the chief Fathers or Princes thereof were at one time much to blame: and that others of them very plainly offended. The chief Fathers of judah were much to blame, when Iud. 1: 1-3. soon after the death of Ioshua, enquiring of the Lord who should be their Leader against their enemies, and the Lord answering that it should bee judah, nevertheless( so far as wee read) they did not take vpon them over the whole, or on behalf of them all: but onely after a more private manner, making head or addressing themselves against their own private enemies, such of the Canaanites as yet remained within their Borders; to that end both desiring the help of the Simeonites against those( whereas now they were put in such place, as by virtue whereof they might haue commanded over all) and promising the like against those those that yet were within the Simeonites Borders. Whereunto if we lay, how troublesone and pitiful estate the people had all the time following( in a manner) till it pleased God again to set the Tribe of judah in place to such purpose, their oversight herein may appear so much the greater: especially, if they could call to mind withall, how jacob had behight them such a prerogative so long before. Those others of them that plainly offended, were, partly Abner, the general of Saule( who was the occasion) and all the other Tribes besides yielding thereunto, in that they divided themselves 2. Sam. 2: 8, 9. then from the Tribe of judah; especially, when as now they plainly saw, that God had set up one of the Tribe of judah to bee their King, and that the same was a man of great worth, and of great Atchieuments already: but most of all, ten of those Tribes again, immediately after the reign of Salomon, making such another division 1 King. 1●: ●●, 19. again, after that now they had united themselves, and had stood therein above threescore and twelve yeares; and now, from that line of royal succession besides, whereunto they( no doubt) knew, that there were very gracious( and those very 2. Sam. 7: 12-16. great) promises made. The instruction it giveth to those that remain, after that now their former State is long since so clean overthrown, is an irrefragable conviction unto them, that there messiah is come already: themselves not being able to deny, first, but as God hereby did promise them some reasonable good estate, till their messiah should come among them, so they had it till Christ in his own person had been with them, and till by his Apostles and Disciples he had farther acquainted himself with them, and drawn in many of the Gentiles unto him; then also, that soon after that time, all the good estate they had, went backe-ward daily more and more, till it fell down clean to the ground, and so hath ever since remained. In the latter of them, the sense likewise doth well arise, not onely, because the oryginall itself giveth that sense also as well as the other, and is so likewise interpnted by diuers of very good note: but also, because that people had diuers ways good cause to haue special respect to the distinction of their Tribes; and to the Tribe that now we speak of, most of all others. Which sense also is of like force, as the other before, to show that Christ( whom yet they expect) is long since come against them already: the word of God being plain, that they should not fail to bee a Tribe till then; and themselves knowing, that for that time they were so indeed, both in that relation they had to others of their Brethren, and in themselves too, but that so they are not now in respect of either. Insomuch that the Iewes themselves( as one of their own company hath noted) are not able now to discern, who are of that Tribe, and Tremel. jun. who are not: themselves, and the remnants of those other Tribes that were left, so intermingling marriage together, as that neither can they distinguish their Tribes now, neither haue themselves any care so to do. To the Reader. AS touching all such faults as haue escaped, either literal, or otherwise, they are therefore the more favourably to be censured, for that the Printer was by diuers so discouraged, after he had taken it in hand, that in that doubtfulness, many such escapes might the easier be let pass. And again, whereas the Reader shall meet with sundry places which wanteth the Hebrew Characters, the reason thereof is, that we had not one so little, furnished with the points: wherefore, the Learned Reader, may easily make that supply with his Pen, either by writing them in the Hebrew Character, or turning them into latin letters, as thus: Tomim, Tabagh, Tabaath, &c. FINIS.