A REPLY UNTO a certain Libel, lately set forth by Fa: Parsons, in the name of united Priests, entitled, A manifestation of the great folly and bad spirit, of certain in England, calling themselves secular Priests.  
With an addition of a Table of such uncharitable words and phrases, as by him are uttered in the said Treatise, aswell against our parsons, as our books, actions, and proceedings.  
proceedings Pro justitia agonizare pro anima tua, et usque ad mortem certâ pro justitia, et Deus expugnabit pro te inimicos tuos.  Ecclesiast. cap. 4. 
¶ Noli esse humilis in sapientia tua, ne humiliatus in stultitiam seducaris.  Ibidem. cap. 13. 
❧ Justitiae, et innocentiae permissu. Anno Dom. 1603.   

The Epistle to the Priests, said to be united with the Archpriest. * ⁎ *  
Reverend and my dear brethren, whom with my soul I love, and honour with my heart, I cannot but be sorry to see you so unjustly abused by the slights and cunning devices of the jesuits: and more, to see you, (whom wisdom and discretion should make perfect and expert in the affairs of our poor afflicted Church, so applaud their proceedings, that work your bane, or at the least, by holding your peace, to approve such actions in them, as tend to the overthrow of yourselves. Tell me I beseech you, in your own understandings, are you not highly abused in bearing the name of these two late Libels, viz. the Apology, and Manifestation: in both which, not only the honour of priesthood is impeached, and our whole Clergy disgraced, debased, and sought to be held in slavery, and subjection to the jesuits & their creatures, but also such undutiful actions and practices, as have been attempted by them, or any other Catholic from the beginning of her majesties reign, until this day, are maintained, defended, excused, or justified: whereby your lives are engaged, as accessary to all treasons, plots, & practices done, or attempted against our Sovereign and Country, by such parsons: in that to approve, defend, or maintain any action, is (as you know) to make the approver, defender, and maintainer, accessary thereto: judge then what cause you have to thank such Masters, for this their good office, in laying snares to entrap you withal: and think whether this devise be not a plot of purpose to bring you into as great obloquy with your Prince, (as through their own undutiful practices) they have brought themselves, thereby to turn the sword of persecution upon all (as heretofore) for some particular men's offences. Dear brethren, if you regard not the wrongs, and oppressions done to us your brethren, and nearer unto you in all right of reason, than the jesuits are; if you regard not the dejection and oppression of your Clergy, which they violently seek; if you respect not their actions, and attempts against your native country, and nearest friends: yet regard yourselves, respect your own lives, have a care to the common, and general good of altogether, insiduated, and betrayed by them: disclaim from such actions, wherein you have no part, neither desire (I think) to have. I know your hearts to be loyal, let them not be stained by a false imputation from a deceitful jesuit. Believe me, her Majesty doth make difference betwixt practisers in matters of state, and religion, and therefore suffer not your names to be brought into question for such odious dealings, by the cunning policies of Fa. Parsons, inrowling them to the approbations of such hateful treacheries. And if there were n● difference at all made (as I know there is) yet were it glorious to die a Cath: priest, in profession of the Cath: faith, without taint, or imputation of those foul crimes. But some of you happily may be ignorant, how far you are abused in this kind: vouchsafe but the reading over of this reply to the latter Libel, & you shall easily perceive more danger to be couched therein, than you are aware of, and thereby see the better what wrong is offered you, in publishing the same in your names. If in the perusing hereof any word may seem oversharp, which yet I have endeavoured to avoid, consider I beseech you the deformity of some matters unjustly & uncharitably averred against us, & that all such sharp words touch only one man, the Author of these injurious Libels, and Architect of this whole business, and then I hope you will with more ease yield pardon to such excess: If any other faults either in style, or defective handling of matters objected occur, bear with the author, this being his first work, and huddled up in haste, without such helps, as longer time might have afforded him, yielding him in all things as favourable a censure as you may: who is ready to protest in the sincerity of a Catholic priest, that neither malice, anger, passion, nor desire of revenge, drew him to undertake this work, but only a sincere opinion of justice, and innocency, so much impugned by Fa: Parsons, in defence whereof he thought himself bound (as well in respect of the common cause, as his own particular interest therein) to show his best endeavours.  
Your friend and brother W. C.   

❧ The Preface general to Catholics.  
COurteous, and benevolent Catholics, I present here unto you a reply unto a certain Libel, entitled, A manifestation of the great folly, and bad spirit of certain in England, calling themselves secular Priests: which happening into my hands, I diligently read over, & having without passion perused it, and with indifferency (as to myself seemed) poising and considering as well the matter delivered, with the form and manner of the delivery, as also the verity thereof, I could not but a little wonder, to see a man so mightily inveigh against passion, and bitter writing in others, showing so much choler, passion, yea and impatience, as he doth here. And did I not descry the Author thereof to be one particular Parson, not many priests, (under whose names falsely, yea and uncharitably it is published, thereby to bring them into obloquy with their Prince, and state, unto whom the jesuits practices in state matters, here defended, are odious) I should much admire to see so palpable untruths defended, so manifest unjust actions maintained, and such apparent verities with such boldness denied: but the work proceeding from the party it doth, hammered in the forge it was, I could expect no other, than I found; & therefore my wonder was the less, and my admiration sooner at an end. For why, the man is well known to be of such a natural disposition, as that if he once enter into any course, he will with infinite violence prosecute the same. Upon which headstrong carriage, & irremovable wilfulness, many strains (you know) and overstraining, must needs follow, and many feigned inventions, with concealments of truths, yea and in the end, open impugnations of verities, the better to justify former proceedings, least happily otherwise, the fault might seem too light, where it may in no case be endured. Pardon me dear Catholics, in delivering the truth with such plainness: let not your antecedent conceits of Fa: Parson's worthiness, prejudicate your censures in matters so apparent, and such, as will admit no refuge, for that were to blind yourselves wilfully with affection beyond reason. I remit the judgement of this my discourse wholly unto your discreet & indifferent censure; if you find not just cause to condemn the aforesaid Libel, and author thereof, for the faults above cited, then blame me justly of wrong done, and I will yield to satisfy at your discretions: if you do find true, this which I have said, give not over yourselves hereafter to be abused with too much credulity in father Parson's proceedings. And here I must a little crave pardon, if in this my discourse you find me more plain, and bold with the said Father, than you would wish, imputing the same to the extremity of matters falsely, and unjustly by him delivered; and to the desert of his actions, as being in very deed, the Arch-plotter of all such disgustful affairs, as have caused all these troubles, and garboils from time to time amongst us: which thing enforced me a little to presume to display and discover him plainly unto himself, and the world, if happily thereby either he may reduce himself unto better courses, or otherwise remain loathed, & rejected of all good English Catho: (as he deserveth) whereby he shall be no more able henceforward to deceive (through undeserved opinion) the best meaning minds: nor plot hereafter against our Prince & country with the convivence of any. If herein my desires may either way take effect, I shall rest satisfied, and think these my first labours happily bestowed.  
Your affectionate servant in Christ to the shedding of his blood. W. C.   


An answer to the first chap: concerning our pretended manifest folly, & apparent bad spirit, in choosing the argument and subject of our former Books.  
IT is a world to see the boldness of F. Parsons in all his writings, concerning these our late garboils in England, but especially in this his last railing Treatise, entitled A manifestation of follies, etc. I must needs lay the work unto his charge, so evidently doth it show itself, both in the manner of style, phrases, particular words, usual in other his writings, as also divers things related and excused, which could proceed from no other forge, than Vulcan's.  
In this his Treatise, as he immodestly, and most falsely dealeth against us, yea and contrary to his own knowledge, and conscience, (as you shall most evidently perceive by this reply) so also, after his accustomed manner, doth he deal with no small cunning, as well in concealing of truths, sometimes totally, sometimes in part, as also by covert, and fine colouring, and fashioning of the falsehoods he delivereth in such sugared, and pleasing manner, as with ease he may deceive the well-meaning mind, especially drawn by affection towards his habit, and religion, from whence nought else, but verity and justice should flow. But as this kind of poison is most dangerous, and infective, because tempered with sweet mixtures, and show of compassion, where indeed nought else but deceit lurketh; so I hope it will be with more care, and diligence avoided, and rejected of all sorts, when by this our reply, his cunning deceits shall evidently appear in their proper colours, the poison being extracted from the honey, and the subtle deceiving untruths, sequestered from the sugared and smooth sentences, 
Declaratio motuum.  wherewith they are cloaked.  
First therefore concerning our first book entitled Declaratio motuum et turbarum, he saith it containeth nothing, but a certain intemperate invective against many good, and worthy men, etc. and is proved by no other reasons, authorities, or testimonies, but the words of passionate writers, etc. Let every indifferent man, that understandeth the Latin tongue, read our aforesaid discourse, and but indifferently judge thereof, whether it be without proof, authority, or testimony. First it was published not by one man, but by divers, and in the right and name of many, which were men worthy to be thought sufficient, whose testimonies might pass currant in law.  
Secondly, the matters related, were matters of fact, and even then in practice, and too too well known unto all our Country at home, if not to all the world abroad. For proof whereof, I refer myself to all Cath: in England, concerning the matter of schism maintained by the jesuits, & Archpriest against us, with infinite violence, much infamy for the time, and innumerable particular wrongs thereupon, not unknown to the meanest Cath: in England. All which several injuries are touched in that discourse, besides divers other particulars, as of intermeddling in matters of state, discovered by their own foolish books, pamphlets, evident practices, letters, & messages, which I omit as needless to rehearse, referring the Reader to the book itself.  
Thirdly, that book was but a declaration, or setting down of many things in general to be particularly proved in time, and place convenient, where reformation was expected: as I doubt not, but they have found to no great advantage since; and therefore not to contain particular proofs of every assertion, though for the most part they be evident (as I have said) in themselves.  
Fourthly, I wish the Reader to consider the weakness of this Calumniation, besides the untruth, and folly thereof by this one Consideration, that the book was dedicated to his Holiness, in a quarrel which we meant to pursue (as you see we have done) and therefore not like to contain such injurious, and manifest false slanders, with an intemperate invective against good men, (as this good Father affirmeth) unless we were mad men, and clean deprived of wit, and common sense. For in so doing, we should have provided whips & scourges for ourselves, and overthrown our cau●e (though otherwise never so just, and honest:) when we had come to the tribunal of his holiness. Add to this, that the book having been presented to his holiness, and perused, and by us justified still: no condemnation thereof hath yet come from thence, but it passeth currently without imputation of such slanderous falsehoods, and invectives against good men, as this man would make you believe. See by this what weight his assertions carry, and mark how worthy of credit he will prove hereafter.  
Of the second book, 
The copies of discourses.  entitled The copies of discourses, etc. he affirmeth that the first part is contrary to the second, & so doth both answer and confound itself, etc. And why (forsooth) are they contrary to themselves? Because (saith he) in the former discourses, we stood only upon the Pope's own Letters to confirm those of Cardinal Caietane, assuring them that when any such should come from his holiness, there should be no more controversy; and yet in the next ensuing discourses, his holiness breve of approbation being then published, he saith we were much farther of from obeying the Archpriest, than before. This is the worthy contradiction which answereth and confoundeth all therein written.  
Believe me I do stand here at a non plus, doubting whether I should excuse this poor man, by imputing some strange weakness of brain, or distemperature in his head of late befallen him, which bereaveth him either totally of his wit, or partly impaireth his judgement, or wholly depriveth him of his memory: or whether I should flatly condemn him of overmuch impudency. feign I would that some of the former defects in nature might excuse his folly: but I fear me, that if I should go about so to excuse him, I should not be believed. Wherefore I must of necessity leave him to himself, as he is, and let the burden light upon his shoulders, as it may. For having undertaken it, I must needs open the truth, though to his shame and loss.  
You shall therefore understand, that in very deed the first occasion of our standing out from the Archpriest, was the strange and unusual bringing of him in upon us by the jesuits, and the just doubts, and difficulties which we conceived in his pretended authority, as well concerning the manner, as the substance thereof: yet were we content, and offered (though to our wrong) to submit ourselves, when by any Apostolical writ we might be assured of his holiness pleasure that so he had appointed, & would have it so to be. And to be informed hereof with more speed, we sent two of our brethren to Rome, to propose our difficulties to his holiness, & expect his resolution.  
We will omit here to speak of their good entertainment by Fa: Parsons, their jailor, being else where sufficiently discoursed. In the interim how we were used at home, you both saw with your eyes, & have heard often related. Whilst our brethren were in durance in Rome, Fa: Parsons procured this Breve he speaketh of. To the which we all presently without delay (as himself knoweth, and in the Apology professeth, though with uncharitable interpretation) submitted ourselves, as we had promised: but that there would be no more controversy, neither could we, neither ever did we promise; for that was more in the Archpriest, & the jesuits to hinder or perform, then in us. All cause of former controversy had been occasioned by them by intermeddling in our affairs, and appointing supervisors for us, and in raising, and maintaining the note of schism against us most unjustly, as all the world now seeth. And therefore, although we might promise for ourselves, yet could we not make any such absolute assurance, the greatest stroke thereof lying in them, and so little hope given us of true performance of sincere peace indeed.  
But to proceed, having thus submitted ourselves, a general peace (as we thought) was concluded by each party, and order taken, that the note of schism should perpetually be buried in oblivion, and no more urged against us. This the Archpriest promised, both for himself and the jesuits, aswell at the atonement, as also to some afterwards in particular. But yet so well was this performed on his, & the jesuits parts, that within one month, or six weeks, the same was a fresh set a float against us, as well in places, where we conversed, as in other places also where we never had been. And to confirm, and concur with these proceedings, the Archpriest sent his directions into all parts, that none of us should be admitted to the sacrament, without special acknowledging that we had been Schismatics. Whereupon we were indeed refused in sacraments, rejected from the Altar, and accounted as infamous persons: and Lister's Libel was defended, as sound and true doctrine, which charged us with disobedience, rebellion, and I know not what.  
The Archpriest spread Letters against us, made Decrees, refused conference, commanded us silence, and forbade us to appeal, etc. All these things are not unknown to Father Parsons, and that by these uncharitable courses, we were enforced against our wills, to seek for remedy to the Sea Apostolic, by course of law, and justice: from the which notwithstanding the Archpriest, and jesuits sought against all law and order of justice to hinder and forbid us. How can it then justly be said, that the ensuing discourses, which proceeded upon this second wrong, were contrary to the first, that proceeded only upon difficulties of the institution of the Archpriests office: or how do they show, that we were much further from obeying the Archpriest then before? or do they not rather show the unjust & yncharitable proceeding of the jesuits, and Archp: in reviving after the atonement their old calumniations of schism etc. against innocent priests, and their obstinate violence in prosecuting the same, notwithstanding the evidence of the matter, and the resolution of the most famous University of Paris against them? Where were then this man's wits, or his honesty, that he could shuffle up such contradictions, and gather out of our due proceedings, such great repugnancy in us from obedience? What way in the world I beseech you, (if you be of any judgement or capacity) could Catho: priests rather take in these so great difficulties, and controversies, to show their duty and obedience to God's Church, then by seeking humbly unto her bosom and lap, for evidence & reformation in such doubts and troubles? And now add to this the effect thereof, clearing us from all note of disobedience in those proceedings, which may give sufficient testimony of our sincerity, and of their juggling.  
To the other two books, viz. The hope of peace, and Relatio Turbarum to the Inquisition: 
The hope of peace.  he saith so little, but yet so uncharitably, 
Relatio turbarum.  as it well discovereth more envy, (of which he speaketh so much in the Preface) than either sufficiency, or modesty. For well he might have left the approbation, or condemnation of the book to the holy Inquisition, unto the judgement and censure of those worthy persons (whom his holiness hath made precedents, and judges in such affairs) and not have arrogated the same by prevention unto himself. But the poor man saw well enough, that the acceptance thereof was not so ungrateful or hateful unto the wisdom of those Fathers, (who proceed not ordinarily in such cases after his will, but maturely, with judgement, justice, and discretion) and that no such censure or reprehension was likely to come from thence against the book; and therefore he thought it good to begin betime to play his part, lest the Comedy should die for want of Actors.  
For the hope of peace, let them of judgement, that have read it, censure whether it be nothing but vanity & scurrility, or doth not rather open much bad dealing of the Archpriest, in those Letters. Now let us come to the discourse of the stirs begun at Wish: concerning which matters, as he refers you to the 6. chapter of his Apology, so to countermand him therein, we refer you to our relation, being more large and perspicuous. But (saith he) in the sixth chapter of the Apology, matters are set down plainly, sincerely, with order and perspicuity, without amplifications, or exaggerations, as in our discourse happeneth. To this we retort the same in effect for our answer: that in our discourse, howsoever the method misliketh his Mastership, there is more sincerity, more plain dealing, & perspicuity used, then in his Apology, and not so much amplification and exaggeration as the matter itself required. Who now shall be judge in this, whether this good Fa: or we say truest? But (saith he) we have this with approbation by Letters under the Priests own hands and testimony: Yea but (say we) this is but good Fa: Parsons own saying, and to us unknown, howsoever believed. But to control this vanity, we say that our relation was writ by the Priests themselves that lived in these garboils, and are yet alive, and ready to prove, what they have writ. Yea but (saith he) they be of the contrary part, and partial relaters. And who I pray you (good Fa:) were your informers? were they not of the other side, and as partial in their own cause, as the other? Besides, your informations were in fragments from this man, and that man by flying Letters; in which it is probable men will speak the best for themselves, and excuse the worst; which others will be advised, how they do in publishing things to the world's view, that every man may control as they find occasion.  
And it partly appeareth, that our friends dealt somewhat more faithfully than this Fa: would have you to think; in that they omit no words, or circumstance, or action in the adverse part, which might make show of any excuse for them: as appeareth in that this Fa: collecteth some matters thereby to excuse his friends intentions, even out of the discourse itself, which might have been either omitted, or otherwise related, if our friends had studied falsehoods, as he affirmeth. Furthermore, we have testimonies of those proceedings by such, as were dealers in the composing of matters there, and heard both parties; which this good Fa: wanteth. And for myself, I can say somewhat in that behalf, both for the proof of that discourse, as also the detecting of this Gentleman's shufflings in the setting down of matters, (as ye shall hereafter see) having been myself present, and a dealer with my poor endeavours to have helped forward, the composing of matters there, by which both he, and you shall easily see (if you will see) where the truth goeth, and where the discredit will lie.  
And now to his first question: That if all had been true, that Fa: Weston had sought, or accepted the agency, how that odious consequence might be inferred: that, if they had prevailed herein, by the same platform they would have governed the priest abroad. To this question: because the good Fa: will make himself ignorant in his own plots, and policies, I will help him forth, to put him in mind thereof, that you may see a little into their dealings, and the cunning of their proceedings. First you must understand (as I imagine you will easily conceive) that no Statist in the world (in which degree the jesuits will give place to none) will openly set forth to all men's view, the last end, and intentions of their workings, or plots: For that were to discover their drifts to their opposers, & to procure prevention, which no man that intends a work would willingly find. Suppose then, that the jesuits should have had such an intention (as I will easily demonstrate them to have had) would you think them so simple (being such exact politicians) as to make known this their drift and intention unto us? Well then means they must find fittest, and most convenient for the secret compassing of this design, that their policy might not presently be spied, before the matter were cock sure.  
Now let me but ask you in your reasonable settled judgement without partiality; could there be a better means devised, than first to begin in that place, where the gravest, and best deserving Priests of our Country were in durance for God's cause; by the presence of whom, the very house was a Zion unto our Country, and a Lantern unto all Catholics abroad? For why; if once they had settled their government there without check, or control, what Priest durst to have gainsaid their dominion abroad, but strait way he should have had his mouth stopped with the voluntary submission of those grave priests, and designed Martyrs? Which, how great a check it would have been to any contradiction in that case, and how sufficient a reproof unto the contradictor, I leave to every indifferent man to judge. And he which is not willing to conceive hereof, let him but read the annals of the Primitive Church, and he shall find what authority the actions, and examples of Confessors in prison carried with the Christians in those days: insomuch that what was done by them, was held as inviolable, yea heinous to be contradicted of the Bp: himself, as may well appear by the dissension in Africa, about the receiving of some lapsed Christians by the Confessors, & examples of peace delivered them, and the rejecting of the same by S. Cyprian & other Bishops: whereupon grew great garboils, both in the Clergy, and Laïtie, with parts-taking, and running, and writing to Rome about the matter. But you will say, that although indeed this had been a probable course, to have attained unto that scope: yet doth it not prove, that the jesuits had any such intention, neither is it likely they should go about any such matter, being indeed odious in the sight of any indifferent man, as also Fa: Parsons here confesseth. To this I answer, that not my words, but their own actions, and words shall discover their intentions. And by the way I request of you, but open ears, and indifferent judgements to think, but what you shall see more than probable, yea evident, and judge accordingly. Let not the conceit of a religious habit abuse your understanding, where reason convinceth the contrary. The habit is not to be blamed if men abuse it, but rather the man to be condemned, that abuseth the habit. We judge all those to be sheep, which carry wool on their backs: yet experience saith, that sometimes the fox clothes himself in the sheepskin. Shall we therefore cry out against the wool, or not rather chasten the fox, which abuset the pelt? If then an exorbitant religious person be found, condemn not his habit: for that is innocent; but correct his manners, which proceed not from his clothes, or profession, but his person: neither let your judgements fall, where experience is too manifest: for that were but overmuch simplicity, and to give place to all hypocrisies.  
Consider therefore two things, the religion with the habit, and the man invested in both. The religion, & habit, challengeth reverence, but the person, as he deserveth. He is a mad man, I think, which should deem ambition, to be no ambition, because it is covered with rags: so shall he be no less foolish, who thinketh a man to be no man, because he is a religious man. No no, they are men, and therefore may err, & erroneous were the contrary conceit, yea mere foolishness. Wherefore, I request but indifferency, to measure their intentions by their manifest actions, and open words; and than if you find not the spirit of a Monarchy to have reigned amongst them in these their endeavours, blame me of rash judgement, and no understanding at all.  
First then (as I have manifested unto you) Wisbitch was the fittest place to assay this enterprise, and to lay the surest foundation of such intentions. Now would I but fain know, what other intention, than government, & sovereignty they could have in that practice? You will answer (I dare say) as this good Father doth, that they were requested unto it: yea, and over-pressed too, by the importunity of the rest, living in that place, and that Fa: Weston unwillingly accepted thereof, yea also refused to be any Superior, but only a spiritual director unto the rest, and therefore rejected all names of superiority. Oh Sir, let me come a little nearer unto you: you may not run away with this fair smooth tale; there is more in the wind then so. I pray you good Fa: if dominion were not hereby affected in your fellows, how chanced it, that your subject Fa: Weston, when he was scarce well warm in the house, at his first coming thither, had dealing secretly underhand for suffrages to get the government of the rest? If you will not believe there was any such matter, let them speak which gave their names, and your subject Ma. Pond the Collector: let Ma. Wigs ghost come in against you, who perceiving the drift thereof, after he had given his name, called to see the paper again, and tore it in pieces, and so overthrew that first practice. What else could this show, but an affectation of rule and government? But you will say to countermand this illation, that Fa: Weston being named afterwards one of the three, which should govern the rest, utterly refused it, as a thing against his institute and order, which argueth that he affected no such matter.  
Alas, he should have had copartners, which is no small check to sovereignty, joined with ambition: and therefore refused not the thing, but the manner of the thing, not suiting his humour. Yea, say you, these are but words: what proof, or judgements have you, to draw you into this conceit? Marry sir I have his own actions sithence, in the last garboil, more than manifesting his former intentions, wherein he not only sought the sovereignty, but maintained it with such violence, that no man might alter, or move him to let fall those desperate attempts, begun with the scandal of all the world. Witness this, a Gentleman or two that came unto him upon their knees, entreating him with great grief of mind, to respect the general scandal arising by those proceedings, and to forego and reject that course; whom he answered in peremptory manner, wishing them to content themselves, for that it was gone further, then could be recalled: & that shortly it should be seen confirmed under hands, and seals. Witness this the directions given by his Provincial Fa: Garnet, that he should not begin the separation, but suffer his associates first to begin, that the envy (so it pleased him to say) might not fall upon him, but his followers. Witness his overmuch haste in beginning the separation himself, contrary to his directions; which showed overmuch desire of rule. Witness his backwardness to be drawn to any indifferent composition, being moved thereunto by such, as dealt about the composing of such stirs; of which myself can and will witness upon my oath. Witness his resisting of his own Superior, being commanded by him to surcease: which commandment he refused to obey, affirming that he was not bound therein to obey him, until such time, as his own associates began to draw back from him, and mislike him therein: Let Ma: Much, and Ma: Dudley testify this point, and the rest there present. If all these proceedings so evident, do not manifest both his, and their desire, of ruling their brethren, judge you.  
But you will say, that this affectation of rule, if it were affected by him, was not general over all in the house, but only over some voluntaries, who chose willingly to submit themselves unto his direction, and not to enforce any to submit themselves. To this I answer you, that in this lay more subtlety, and craft, than you will seem to perceive. Here indeed was couched the chiefest policy, and cunning of their plot, and intention. For although they made show only of a voluntary retire, leaving the rest to themselves, yet had they so involved them with calumniations, and slanders, (which is a common ground of the jesuits building) that, without manifest note of infamy, they could not, but submit their necks unto the jesuits new government; which you shall easily perceive, if you but consider all circumstances. For before they had made their separation, they gave out many rumours of heinous offences, practised in that house without specifying any particular person. And when they burst out into their separation, they published these causes in excuse of their fact; sct: propter scandala, sive peccata mortalia, etc. for scandals, & mortal sins committed, or like to happen amongst them, they were enforced unto that separation, & retire of government. Now would I but ask of you this one question; When such things are spread of a community, or house in general, and thereupon a retired life prescribed, and undertaken of some and refused of others, whom you would judge in your conceit, like to be those disordered companions, amongst whom such enormities were frequent? I doubt not but you will presently suppose the refusing part, to be of that bad disposition: for that loving liberty, they refused to submit themselves to discipline. This I assure myself you would answer, without scruple; and to confirm this to be so, even when these things fell out first, it so happened, the general voice condemning the refusing part upon the foresaid grounds.  
judge now (I beseech you) whether this was not a pretty policy to have enforced the rest to submit themselves, being drawn within these straits by this plot: and then had the breach been made, and way to the sequel we speak of. But you will yet say, that happily such disorders were in the house, yea, and amongst those men also, as they had not only reason, but were in a sort constrained unto that separation. To this I answer: first that such a separation from Communion at the table, and at divine offices upon such reasons, is not very far from Donatus the Arch-heretics case, who at the first upon the like reasons, refused (as he said) to communicate with other Bishops of Africa.  
Secondly, I say, that if such things had been, yet were they bound in conscience to have concealed them, because they were secret, and unknown abroad, as I appeal unto all the Catholics of England for proof hereof, whether any fame of such matters were heard, before the beginning of this ambitious separation. Thirdly, I answer, that of mine own knowledge, being present at the ripping up of these matters, general leave was given by the united part unto the separated, to say what they could, & accuse whom they could of any such crime, sub pena talionis, and they would admit any competent or indifferent judge, to have the hearing & censuring of the delinquents; and they refused to join any such issue with them. Furthermore, myself being present, and witness unto all this, I went unto Fa: Weston, and asked him, if he would accuse any man in particular, and he refused: whereupon I told him, that he, and the rest of his company, were then bound, to clear them of such injust suspicions; which if they would do, either by word before witness, or under their hands, the refusing part would suffer them, to go forwards with their course begun, which if they refused to do, being in conscience bound thereto, (as I told him my opinion was they were) then could not they suffer them to proceed in that manner, unless they would willingly undergo such infamy, as thereby redounded unto them, which none (unless they were cruel to themselves) would permit. But all was in vain; he refused & rejected all offers, without regard to my motion.  
By this you may see how guilty these poor men were of such crimes imputed unto them, & how injuriously forsooth the jesuits were charged with a purpose and policy, to compass a monarchial dominion, and government over them. And yet will the jesuits go about (as Fa: Weston then did unto me) to defend that no wrong hereby was done unto any, in that no man was named in particular. A cunning policy (which yet is common unto the jesuits) to spread general suspicions, and infamies abroad; and when they come to the touch, to excuse themselves by certain generalities. Did they not so in the matter of schism, first spread the infamy, and then excuse themselves, because no man was named in particular. Howsoever this shift may seem cunning, yet I am sure no man of judgement, or reason, will think it very honest.  
But saith Fa: Parsons, all that should have been in Fa: Weston, was but by way of direction, not by way of command, or superiority. First, if it were only so, then would I ask you, why he should so earnestly affect to direct others? had he not enough to direct himself, but he must needs intrude upon his brethren? Or must he needs think, that all the rest were either so simple men, or imperfect persons, as that none of them could direct themselves in spiritual matters, without the help of a jesuit? What arrogancy is this? If he object their congregations in Italy, Spain, and else where, unto which Cardinals, and great men resort: I answer, that there is no necessity, to infer an insufficiency in those parties, to direct themselves, or others, but rather a voluntary acceptance of such occasions, to exercise themselves in those places which they might else where perform, if it pleased them? But for a jesuit to challenge that peculiar prerogative unto himself, is not tolerable. And yet that this was more than arrogating a direction of others, yea a formal dominion & government over them, is not only manifest, by what we have here before reheased; but also by the very rules of this affected institution, or agency.  
For amongst others, one rule was, that matters of greater weight should be censured by common Suffrages, but those matters of less moment, by the Agent himself. And to judge which matters were of great moment, and which of small; that should be in Ma: Agent to determine. What greater privilege can a superior have, then to determine of matters, what they be, and how they shall be ordered? If this be not to give superiority and government, I must confess my wit is but shallow. For I would but ask you what he might not do by authority given him by this rule within the compass of that society, or brotherhood? or what partiality might he not use towards his affected pupils, and rigour towards his not well affectionated by this rule; sith the power was in him to judge what matters were of moment, or not of moment, and so to draw within his own managing what delinquents he would, and smother up their crimes in corners, and bring to public bar what petty matter he list, if the party delinquent were not of his affectionated? Would any man require more sovereignty than this, to bring all men under his check and control? Be judges herein with indifferency I beseech you. But saith Fa: Parsons, is it likely that Fa: Weston, a man of those parts, and looking every day for martyrdom, & one (as you say) who had been Provincial for the time in England, should seek so greedily for so poor a preferment, as to be servant and Agent to a few of his fellow prisoners? I confess there was no reason he should seek it; but that he did seek it, let the reasons alleged show the truth. And for his having been Provincial, it more confirmeth the matter to such, as know the natures of the jesuits: who having once been Governors, love not to be deprived of their sovereignty in no sauce. This by experience is best known to them that have lived amongst them. Witness all those that lived in the time of the expulsions of Fa: Alphonso Agazara, Fa: Creswell, Fa: Hieronimo Fierovante, out of the government of the Roman College, how heavily, and unwillingly they took their deprivations. Of which number one of them making a speech at his departure unto the scholars, used these words: Decedendum est, immó cras decedendum, and burst out so into tears, that he could hardly proceed in his speech. Witness this Fa: Parson's shuffling in Paris, (when he came out of England from his Provincialship) to get himself delivered from subjection, to the Rector of their College there.  
Now would I request the indifferent reader, to judge, whether these practices in Wisbich were ambitious or not; & whether the united Priests had not reason to stand out, & control such exorbitant and peevish insultations, which were acted with such a show of hypocrisy on fa: weston's behalf, as it hath made me often to wonder at his follies & puritan ostentations. A hobby-horse in time of Christmas, went to his heart forsooth, the public & bitter reprehension whereof, this father will have to be such zeal of virtue. I surely think he would also have found fault at a Maypole in Whitsuntide; if this be not a right imitation of puritanizme, let the world judge. And yet if you knew as much as I do; you would scarce excuse it from gross ostentation and hypocrisy; especially if you understood how frequent such shows of hobby-horses, and mountebanks etc. are with them in their Colleges in Rome. Witness this all such as have lived there, especially in Fa: Hieronimo Fierovante his time. Add to this Fa: weston's eating but one meal a day, so long as there was hope of his agency; but when his hopes were frustrate, he could find a stomach to eat 3. meals ordinarily in one day, and those sound ones too. As for Fa: Parsons insulting upon Ma: Bluets speech to Fa: Weston, concerning th'use of Sacraments, and his divers comments thereupon; It is but the superfluity of his own vanity. Ma: Bluets speech was both grave, and judicial in any reasonable man's judgement. For if the sacrament, and good counsel of the Confessarins, would not, or could not reform a Priest living in prison for conscience, & Religion; how should we think that Ma: weston's agency was like to effect it? whereunto no man could be tied in these times by force, but of free will, & so might refuse those remedies at his pleasure; his agency having neither power of life nor death, imprisonment, nor chains, and therefore not to be compared (as wise Ma: Parsons seemeth he would have it) with a common wealth or public authority, where justice may be executed in foro contentioso. But you will yet happily call me to reckoning further for my first assertion; wherein I affirmed, that the jesuits intended a general dominion over all the priests of England, by their attempt at Wisbich, for the truth of which assertion, although I have already given you sufficient reason, yet will I further satisfy you herein by observation of that which hath followed since.  
You know (I suppose) how the Priests were about a sodality amongst themselves, which was chiefly intended (as by the rules thereof you may gather) for the provision of such as came newly, and rawly over: for the disposing of them abroad to their better security; for the provision of prisoners in durance; for the better relief to Cath: abroad in matters spiritual; for the particular good of every priest; and for the checking of some exorbitant, and unnatural courses, taken by the jesuits against their Prince and Country: to abolish such meddlings in those affairs, as impertinent to our function, and vocation, and to strengthen and enable ourselves in these matters by a mutual union: this I say, was the end of our sodality, which we imparted unto the jesuits, that they should see our sincerity and honesty in those proceedings: but we were too sincere, and plain, to deal with such crafty crowders; for they well perceived, that this course would discover much of their jugglings in matter of state, & also put an everlasting block, or bulwark against their intended superiority. So that although openly they seemed to like of the course, (because for shame they durst do none other) yet they thought it high time to work some cunning means to delude our endeavours. Whereupon they secretly addressed Ma: Standish, (one that had been most forward for the association, (but a secret Traitor unto all the rest) unto Rome, and there by the working of Fa: Parsons, he was brought before the Pope, as having great affairs, concerning the Clergy of our Country. Wherein an oration furtive, unjustly, and untruly, in the names of all the Priests of our Country, he desired a government, and subordination. Which false office being by him performed, Fa: Parsons himself busily followed the matter, with many untrue suggestions unto his holiness, of great discord between the Priests, and Catholics in England, and we wot not what: for the suppressing and reformation whereof, some subordination & government was forsooth necessary.  
Upon these, and many other such like untrue suggestions, his holiness referred (as since we have learned) the whole disposition of this affair, unto Cardinal Caietane their Protector. Whereby Fa: Parsons had in effect as much as he desired, or could have wished. For the Cardinal ever stood at the jesuits direction in all matters concerning our affairs, as all the world knoweth. Thus was Ma: Blackwell, by the Card: commandment, and through Fa: Parson's practical devices, invested in his authority; a man wholly prostrated at the feet of Fa: Garnet, and standing merely at his devotions, and directions in all matters of moment, as by all his violent courses against us in their behalf, the world may see.  
But to manifest this point more palpably unto you, that you may see, we speak not of passion or emulation against the jesuits, but directly, as the truth is. In the instructions sent unto the Archpriest concerning the execution of his office, one and the chiefest proviso, was that he should in all matters of weight, be advised by the Provincial of the jesuits Fa: Garnet. Do but think hereby how matters were like to be managed here, when all the controversy was only between us the secular Priests, and the jesuits, & not between Priests and Catholics, (as falsely Fa: Parsons suggested) and that our Archpriest must be taught by the jesuits Provincial what he shall do in any matter of moment. judge indifferently I beseech you, whether this was not a trick to keep the managing of all matters in their own hands; and hold the Priests in slavery and subjection unto them. Which because they saw by experience they could not obtain immediately to themselves, they devised to procure it more cunningly by a third person, having a Secular priest in a corner wholly depending upon them. So that our superior being to be directed by their superior, all the sovereignty & government, should indeed have rested in the jesuits.  
Add unto this fa: Garnets' own words, delivered before Ma: Much, & Ma: Dudley, when they came unto him about the appeasing of the broils in Wisbich, unto whom showing himself discontented, that they had not concurred to the confirming of fa: weston's agency, he used these or the like words to this effect; That he saw no reason why the priests in England, should not as well be governed by the jesuits here, as they were, and had been in the Colleges beyond the Seas.  
Now let any man that is not overmuch blinded with affection towards the jesuits, (of which sort I know there be many, who will believe nothing that maketh against any of them) indifferently judge, whether all their endeavours and intentions from the beginning, were not to attain unto a monarchial government over the Clergy of England. And yet this inference seemed strange unto good Fa: Parsons. Believe me, I think he so much presumes upon his wit, and policies together, that he thinketh he may walk in a Net, and not be seen. But softly good Fa: other men have eyes aswell as yourself, and can discern such gross colours, especially when the sun shineth so clearly. But yet before I proceed any further, I cannot let pass an admirable show of a detracting spirit in Fa: Parsons, who in the close of his quipping, & carping against the foresaid discourse of the stirs raised at Wisbich, is not ashamed to note certain particular accusations, as whoredom, drunkenness, dicing, pewter stolen, which Mary the maid found in ones Chamber, etc. spoken of in the foresaid Relation. Which he so cunningly shuffleth up, and leaveth hanging so suspiciously, as if they were things evident without control, condemning the parties accused. Whereas in the aforesaid discourse, and place, where they are delivered, as accusations by his faction, they are so apparently, and invincibly confuted, as that I admire much at the man's brazen forehead, that he durst so palpably lay open his follies, if not his malice.  
Touching the pewter stolen, that matter was publicly convinced for a notorious calumny before Ma: Much, and Ma: Dudley, with great shame and check to his Pupil Ma: Pond, who urged the matter against Ma. Potter, and others. So that S. Paul's sentence brought by himself, may justly be retorted against him, set. Insipientia eius manifesta erit omnibus. I pray God in place of insipientia, I may not justly say malitia.  
By this time we are come unto the Memorial given up in Rome against the jesuits, 
The Memorial.  by one Fisher, which is printed in the end of the foresaid Discourse of Wisbich: and at which this honest Father seemeth much aggrieved, taxing the publishers of it with excommunication, and the Memorial itself as most false and calumnious by Fishers own deposition, etc. As concerning this Memorial, all men know that it was generally published here in England by the jesuits themselves, at what time they sought for suffrages abroad in their own behalf against it. Now therefore, if any excommunication or censure depend thereupon, not the Printers, but the jesuits, father Garnet, and others, the first publishers thereof, are within that compass. For I hope Fa: Parsons is not so simple a Canonist, or Casuist, but that he knoweth, that when any report is famous and already public to the world, he that shall afterward speak or write thereof, incurreth not the offence of a Detractor, or spreader of calumnies, nor by consequence any censure of the Church. For if that were so, then could no Historiographer relate the evil actions of any Ecclesiastical person, though never so pertinent and necessary to his history. Which is contrary to the practice of all Writers, both in profane and Ecclesiastical stories: yea the old Fathers themselves, as S. Jerome, Cassian, S. Bernard, and others. Secondly, the printing of those things, was but the bare setting down only of such accusations, as were spread abroad by themselves, without either gloss or comment upon them, but left indifferent, as themselves published them, unknown to us certainly, whether any such matter was delivered up against them, but by their own reports.  
Thirdly, that they are printed, as given up by some English residing in Flaunders, is but their own report here: for I will testify upon my oath, & so will divers others also, that they laid the burden thereof upon certain there resident, as Ma. D. Gifford, Ma. Char. Paget, and others. Fourthly, that it was also reported here by some of themselves and their favourits (of which report I am also an eare-witnes) that Fisher should confess, that himself not only penned the foresaid Memorial, but also collected divers of the accusations. Which report they gave out, when they were pressed with the injury done to D. Gifford, to lay the matter from him. Sometimes also they would report, that the instructions were given by some in England. So various and unconstant they were in their reports at that time, as unsettled (it seemed) in their opinions thereof.  
Now whereas Fa: Parsons saith, that by Fisher's examination, and deposition, as also by Letters of the Assistants, and divers other, the matters were proved mere slanders and untruths. To the first I answer, that Fisher being suiiuris, at liberty, (according to this Fa: own report) exhibited this Memorial into the Court against them as true accusations, but his denials thereof were at such times as he was imprisoned, where happily for fear of torture, he might be drawn to say or deny any thing, to procure thereby his liberty and safety. Add to this Fa: Parsons own words, spoken in the hearing of divers scholars in Rome, concerning the said Fishers examination, viz. that he thought in his conscience the fellow lied in many things. If this be true, and that Fa: Parsons may not be accounted a liar herein, then judge you whether the fellow was not drawn to say any thing through persuasions & fear together, sith that in this good fa: opinion, yea and conscience, many of his depositions were untrue. Besides consider the Fa: sincerity, in that he is content here to bring his deposition and examination, be it what it shall be, to be a bulwark, and convincing testimony in the behalf of himself, and his fellows innocency. But this is but an ordinary trick with him, and his complices: that every man, be he never so honest, if he once speak against a jesuit, must be esteemed a bad man, and a suspected companion; mary if he run along with them in their courses, let him be never so lewd a varlet, he shall be reputed for most honest. Witness this, Tomson, Coulson, Tunsteed, and many others of that rabble which I could name.  
Moreover, to confirm a very probable opinion of some juggling with this poor man, Fisher in his examinations: Fa: Parsons (as himself affirmeth) put him into very good apparel, being but in rags before, and gave him money in his purse, and dismissed him his troubles with great show of kindness, as they can witness, who were then in Rome. judge you but what suspicions this kind and over-kind dealing of Fa: Parsons, with this lewd companion (as he often termeth him) may give to the world of bad dealing in his examinations, and depositions. Seldom I think shall you find a man that will perform such extraordinary effects of love and kindness towards one, that came about such an hateful office, as to inform in public and open Court against him: neither can I yet be induced to think Fa: Parson's charity so superabundant towards his enemies, by any former example in his proceedings. But letting Fisher's action pass, and the rather because he is about, as I hear, to speak for himself: I will come a little nearer unto him, and canvas his other testimonies of the assistants and other letters. First, what letters the assistants writ concerning that memorial, I know not, only I had the view of one writ by Ma: Doctor Bauand, in their behalf, which was sent abroad into the Country together with the memorial. Which letter did not only free the jesuits, from matters imputed unto them in the said memorial, but also concerning those stirs in Wisbich, and whatsoever in England laid unto their charge. Unto which general, and free example, many were urged to subscribe; and divers did it diversly: some generally freeing them of all matters, others excusing themselves; only as unguilty of the concurring to the foresaid accusations. But what verity or justice was in the foresaid letters excusatory, give me leave a little to search. First, you shall understand, that no one man living in England, could in conscience write such a general excusing letter, neither could any generally without exceptions subscribe thereto (as but few generally did or had done, when the said letters came to my hands. For the most part of the subscribers used the subscription of the 2. class (as I remember) viz: Dicti memorialis conscius non fui, nec habeo que accusem: Although some were drawn by favours, fears, or persuasions, to subscribe generally unto the letter; which thing, that neither the writer Ma: Doctor Bauand, nor subscribers in conscience could do, I will manifestly show you. I suppose you will easily understand this one generality; that no man may justly in conscience hinder public justice, whereby an innocent party may be oppressed and unjustly vexed. This then being a just and most true ground, no such general testimony could be given in the behalf of the jesuits, to free them from all such accusations. For what one man in England, could tell whether any jesuit in England had wronged any particular person, Priest, or Catholic, or were faulty in any the foresaid objections or no? If then no one man could be certain of this; how could any in conscience give so general a testimony in their behalfs, sith thereby he exposeth himself at the least to probability of wronging some innocent or other, that might have just accusations against the jesuits, or some of them, in that by the credit of such a general patronizing example, fortified with testimonies, and subscriptions of priests, the hearing of a just cause might be deferred, delayed, or denied? And yet who knoweth not that an affirmative testimony sufficiently proved, de iure is available to overthrow, & control 20. negatives. As for example: if I will say that such a man hath defamed me, and bring 2. or 3. sufficient witnesses, & his own words, writings, or actions, shall they not convince against an hundred, that shall deny the same in all law and justice in the world? sith that a wrong may be done in the sight, or hearing of 2. or 3. of the which an hundred may otherwise be ignorant, and yet deem the contrary, either through good opinion, and conceit of the parties offending (as happened in this case) or deluded by some other circumstance, seemed probable to them. Seeing then that this might happen in this affair (as I will show it hath) neither could Ma: Doctor Bauand write such a general letter, to free them from all such imputations; nor any other subscribe generally thereto. For no man may give witness in any thing more than he hath of knowledge, and is able to depose. But no one man in England was able to depose, that no such crimes imputed, were in any jesuit living in England; because he could not be privy to all, and every action of theirs, and every one of them: therefore no man in England could so generally and peremptorily free them from all such matters objected against them.  
Consider now I beseech you, how rash Ma. Doctor Bauand was in writing this general testimony: as also the other Assistants (of whom Fa: Parsons here speaketh, if they did the like, as this Doctor did) and how unadvised those Priests were, who generally subscribed without any limitation at all. And this Position of ours, shall more evidently appear in the examination of the particular accusations, laid unto their charge; where we shall show you most evidently, that many things were, & are most true, whatsoever the parties were, that exhibited, & framed the Memorial against them. And this I will perform, not because I am over-willing to enter into other men's actions, or to take the burden of others upon my back: but leaving every man to answer for his own actions, I will only set down some proofs of certain particulars, which myself know, & will avouch before any judge in the world, that all men may see how this man's hasty posting over these matters, maketh more show of confidence, than there is cause a part rei, and that their actions have been, and are such, as cannot be justified, either in law, or conscience.  
But first concerning the subscriptions unto Doctor Bavands letter: I remember there were three testimonies of 3. Priests worthy to be heard, which gave no such glozing praise unto the jesuits actions, as freeing them from all such imputations, but manifestly insinuating the contrary. Marry for aught I could hear, their testimonies were never presented in Rome, or if they were, I see no reason, why they should not have taken so much effect, as either to be believed, or farther examined; neither of which followed as I trow. The reason perhaps was, because two of the aforesaid Priests dealt plainly and charitably with them in particular letters, after their subscriptions making Fa: Garnet acquainted with such things, as were amiss both in them, and their followers, which discontented divers.  
Now to the particulars of the Memorial. The first paragraph cited by fa: Parsons, is this. They hold no doctrine to be Catholic and sound, that cometh not from themselves, no dispensation available, that is not granted by them: and (which) is worse, they have beaten into the heads of most, that the mass is not rightly celebrated by any, but a jesuit. Because fa: Parsons saith no more unto this point, but only asketh a question: whether we believe this to be true. I will note some things not far unlike unto these, whereby you may guess the probability of them. At what time Master john Gerard lived in the East parts of England, such fame, and singular respect was had of him, because he was a jesuit, (for no other parts in this kind could make him famous, whose talents are known to be far inferior to the most of his time, as Ma. Oldcorne a jesuit likewise reported unto a Priest) as that when any case of difficulty came in question to be resolved in those parts, it was scant currant, until Ma. Gerard's sentence had passed in the matter. And sometimes it happened, that when Ma. Blunt (now a jesuit, but then a secular Priest only) had resolved a case; there wanted not such, as would make stand thereat, until Ma. Gerard's opinion was demanded therein. Upon what ground these fantastical conceits should arise, I know not, unless it were some suggested opinions, that nothing was currant, which had not vigour from a jesuits determination. For otherwise I think there be many, who know that there is so great difference betwixt Ma. Blunt, and Ma. Gerard, in matters of learning, as Ma. Blunt might well be a Reader in Divinity, where Ma. Gerard were fit to be a scholar. And as for dispensations granted by any Priest in any case whatsoever, it hath been a common practice amongst the jesuits, and their followers, to call such things in question, whether the priests (for example) had any such authority: yea, sometimes giving suspicious doubts abroad, whether they have any faculties at all, or not.  
This hath happened so often, & only towards such, whom they have had some aversion from; that I suppose few to be ignorant thereof. Witness their dealing with Ma. Clarke at his first coming over, & some others since the last stirs in Rome. Witness also to this point, their drawing of divers matters within the compass of particular faculties, and extraordinary dispensations, which are proper to all pastors in general: As for example, to give leave to eat white meats in Lent, or at other times, to dispense with such as have reasonable cause for fasting. Which cases they had drawn unto themselves, making Priests to seek for their faculties yearly at their hands, when as in very deed, this faculty belongeth unto the Priests, ex ordinaria potestate, quatenus sunt pastors, and not to the jesuits, but extraordinarily only, by way of indulgence, as coadjutors unto us, as happeneth in all other exemptions or faculties which they possess.  
As touching the third part of the first paragraph: that it is beaten into the heads of divers, that Mass is not rightly said, but of a jesuit: sure I am, and I think all the world knoweth it to be true, that they have such tricks, and policies to put some such extraordinary conceits into Catholics heads, that I see not, but in some part this assertion may be verified. For they have their men, and followers or precursors in places where they come, who must suggest it for a strange and extraordinary matter to be present at their Masses; and that every Cath: that shall come unto any of them to confess, & communicate, shall have (I know not what) plenatie indulgences for the first time. Let but the indifferent Reader judge, whether this kind of practice be not a pretty jesuitical trick, to suggest such strange conceits of them, and their administrations of Sacraments, or saying of Masses above others. And whether they have any such extraordinary indulgences, or no granted unto them, I know not. But this I am sure, that if there be any such, it savoureth somewhat of too much policy, as thereby to draw a greater opinion of men towards them then to others. Which might give sufficient occasion to suspect the verity of any such peculiar grant unto them from the Sea Apostolic. Yet this must be more than petie-treason, to call any faculty of theirs into question, though great reason may move me thereto, which in them to do by others, must be accounted but a religious care, and providence to avoid imposture.  
I might here also allege the seditious Treatise of Wiseman, called The three farewells, tending to no other end, but to draw men's conceits wholly to this one point, that nothing is sufficiently done, which proceedeth not from a jesuit, or such an one as is governed in all things by them. But because this is more particularly entreated of in the late book of Quodlibets, writ by Ma. Watson, I refer the Reader thither. Now will I leave you to judge, whether we have not some cause to believe the accusations of Fisher, (if the Memorial was of his devise) in part to be true, and not so void of ground, or reason as Ma. Parson's would have you believe. But to proceed yet farther with this confident Fa: in his own cause. Perhaps he thinketh every bare assertion that comes from his Mastership should be had, as an Oracle with all men, though otherwise never so absurd and untrue. Howbeit, let us tract him in his folly, and see what he can say to the Accusations following.  
No jesuit goeth to visit any in England, 
The fourth paragraph of the Memorial.  or travaileth from one place to another, but he is richly appareled, and attended on with a great train of servants, as if he were a Baron or an Earl. This paragraph also our good Fa: shufleth off with an interrogation, sct: whether in our conscience this be true? Would you not think by this kind of confident ostentation in Ma: Parsons; that this imputation were more than sottish, yea malicious without all ground, or show of ground in the world? Yet if by some examples I do not manifestly show this, to be grounded upon some true, and real experience; believe me not in the rest. First I will but refer you unto all the Priests & Cath: that lived in England in Fa: Hawoods' time of liberty, and knew him, and his manners, and fashions well: and if they do not assure you that his port, and carriage was more Baronlike, then priestlike, all the world will condemn them for most partial, and impudent deniers of the truth. Was he not wont to ride up, and down the Country in his Coach? had he not both servants, and priests attendants that did hang on his sleeve in great numbers? did he not indict Counsels, make, and abrogate laws? was not his pomp such, as the places where he came seemed petie-Courts by his presence, his train, and followers? See whether here be not one notable example of excess, at which Fa: Parsons himself was wont to carp, there being emulation between them about his superiority, and the others exemption. 
Fa: Parsons claimed the Provincialship, & Fa: Haywood an exemption, being sent immediately from his holiness.  Again, for present I refer you unto Fa: Garnets' pomp, and expenses, of which I have heard some honest priests (who have been much with him) report that he cannot spend less than 500 pound by the year. But we will not much stand upon his pomp or expenses, because being provincial of his order, he will claim a prelacy, and therefore more honour, and more pomp, although our times, and case (well considered,) will scant tolerate such excess. But let us come, I pray you, unto some private men of their order, and his subjects. The mighty, and extraordinary excess of Ma: john Gerard hath been such, and so notorious, that I suppose few priests (besides other Cath:) to be ignorant thereof. His apparel at one time hath been valued at a higher rate than I will for shame speak of, which he hath had in store, as it hath been reported by such, as were well acquainted therewith; 
One Gentlewoman gave him a vest: of needlework valued at an 100 marks at one time.  his church stuff was worth no less than 200. marks, and the last time he was taken, losing but such stuff, as was only portable, I refer me to the officers, that seized thereon for the value thereof; his horses were many, and of no small price. Myself have known him to have two Geldings in a Gentleman's stable at 30. pound a Gelding, besides others elsewhere, and horses of good use.  
S. Ambrose in times of necessity would break Chalices, and other precious vessels of the Church, to relieve the wants of poor Christians, but these men in the great afflictions, miseries, & wants of afflicted poor Cath: may possess not only superabundance of Church stuff, but also great excess of apparel, horses, jewels; et quid non? Whilst others starve in prison, and abroad without scruple of conscience, and this quia Dominus opus habet. You will imagine that the expenses of this man could not be very small; that was thus richly furnished: and I believe as much, and for experience thereof, I will set down his expenses, during his imprisonment in the Clink, well known to divers that lived there with him, by which you may guess at the rest.  
During his being there in durance (living as a close prisoner in show, though with more favour, than any other) howsoever the matter happened (which we will not wrest unto the worst sense, as Ma: Parsons dealeth with us) he kept a private Table, continually with great store of dainties, & much resort daily. Besides, he paid his ordinary commons at the common table, and chamber rend: let them which have lived in the Clinck, but judge what this would come unto in the year. But he will say that the company resorting unto him, provided the meats and wines: Be it so, that we may believe him in this (which is more credit, than we owe him,) yet the excess was no one jot the less, & continual. Which I think any man of judgement will imagine, that he might have (in some good portion at the least) employed better, and with more merit, and edification. But that you may not think this to have been the uttermost of his excess, and so excuse him as above; you shall understand that he ordinarily kept his Geldings in town, and his man, which I suppose to be some round charge unto him. He also so wrought the matter, that he road into the Country at his pleasure, and returned: which I think you will suppose cost his purse well in bribes to such, as were his Keepers, if to no other. He also maintained two houses in the town, with servants in them, and not this without great expenses, I ween. Now if you can spell, put all this together, and judge what it might cost this Gentleman by the year, whilst he lived in Durance, and by that guess at his expenses abroad, of the which there want not divers, who can sufficiently inform you. Sure I am, that such as lived with him in the Clink, were of opinion, that he could not maintain all this, I have spoken of, under 400. or 500 pounds by the year: See the pomp of a young Baronet at the least.  
I may not omit Ma: Oldcorne, though but a petty jesuit in this kind; I know that his apparel is seldom less worth, than 30. or 40 pound. He is always extraordinarily well provided for horses, and those of the best. An honest Gentleman, and one whom I think you will judge to be no liar, (besides that he is not evil affected towards the jesuits,) told me that he had 8. good Geldings at one time. I could allege you divers other examples in particular of their excess; but I esteem it very needless, to spend time in a matter so evident to the world. But at all adventures, I wish that every 5. of our ordinary brethren, had but as much to maintain them yearly, as an ordinary jesuit commonly spendeth by the year. As for their train, few of them are unwayted upon, wheresoever they go; which ordinarily is but to places of account, where their entertainment may be good, and with the best. This is a thing so usual, that all the Cath: in England of any account, as I suppose, do both see, & know it well. And such as have heretofore been secular priests, and were then wont to go on foot sometimes, & visit poor people willingly, to relieve and comfort them: becoming afterwards jesuits, have been so a cockhorse, that it must be thought no small favour to be worthy of their presence, and that not without their attendants, & other ceremonies; Witness this Ma: Banks, Ma: Blunt, and others now jesuits.  
They never send one Scholar out of England, to the College of Douai, 
The 5. paragraph.  to st●●●y there, etc. Nay, they have laboured by all means utterly to dissolve it. After his accustomed manner, he asketh us, whether this be true, and referreth us to the Precedent, and books of the College. But by his leave, whatsoever he may coin out of the College books, and father upon the Precedent; he must give us leave by the effects to judge the cause, and intention. We know that they never have been willing to send any unto Douai, that had any maintenance of his own to live on, but have always persuaded them to Saint Odemars. And this I can witness to be so. Besides, Doctor Barret did much complain, that such as had wherewith to maintain themselves, never came thither, and others who had nothing, were continually sent to him. Moreover, the opinion of all men of judgement is, and hath been from the beginning; that the first institution of Saint Odemars, would be the ruin, & overthrow of Douai. And their opinion was grounded upon good, and forcible reasons: for knowing by experience (as we do know) that in every thing the jesuits draw all they can unto themselves; we could not but assure ourselves, that they would hold the like manner of proceeding in this, as the sequel hath made manifest. For since the erecting of this Seminary, what Gentleman's son hath been sent over by any jesuit in England, but to that house? So that, under the pretence of a College with pension, they have drawn thither all the prime youths of our Country, and such as live of themselves. Whereby now it is come to that pass, that (notwithstanding all their pensions from the King, or others) there be few English youths there, whose parents do not largely pay for their educations; neither can any poor youth be admitted thither (for all the pensions) but he must either have annual stipend of 20. marks plus minis by the year, or 40. 50. or 60. pound portion in gross sum. And such will they foist into Spain, or Rome, within one year, or thereabouts, to give place to others. This is so common, and so well known, to all our brethren, and others also, that I need not to inculcate the same overmuch. And I would set down a Catalogue of many names, were it not to discover them, to the hurt of themselves, and their friends.  
Now judge you, whether the drawing of able youths, and such, as have to maintain themselves (& were wont in times past to be an ease unto the Seminary at Rheims) from the College of Douai, unto this new Seminary, be not a means to impoverish and utterly beggar that College. And even so hath it happened, as is manifest, and the last Precedent, Doctor Barret, was wont to lament it. Add unto this the stopping of the College pensions in Doctor Barrets time. Consider also the bringing in of a jesuit Confessarins over all the house: which was the first practice of their entrance into the government of the Roman College. Behold their putting down of the Lectures ever usually read with great credit, and applause in that College: Mark but the turning out of the house of all the Doctors, Readers, and Seniors, the chief pillars, and countenance of that house. What can any man think this tendeth unto else, but to intrude themselves into the government thereof, & utterly to dissolve it, as they have already not only beggared it, but disgraced, & discountenaunced it? Besides, as now it is, who knoweth not that it wholly standeth at their devotion, & that the Precedent dare not creak, but as they would have him to pipe, unless he will not only lose his place, but also depart with reproach, infamy, and disgrace? Into which extremities Doctor Barret was brought by them (as all the world knoweth) and had so departed unto his canonry at Rheims, if he had lived: howsoever this good fellow in his Apology, laboureth to make him their friend, & favourite at his death. The contrary whereof, those that were at his last end, best know, when he cried they had burst his back, and that he could no longer bear, and this not long before he died.  
The seventh paragraph is, 
The 7.  that women also are induced by them to become Nuns, and to leave such goods as they have unto them. How much need soever Nuns have of their own dowries, there be some that both have, and will tax them with this kind of fishing. For the which I refer you to what is writ of late in the discoveries of such their proceedings. But thus much I can say, that there have been Gentlewomen sent over by them, who have returned back, as wise as they went, with no small waste of their portions. I must conceal their names of necessity, to avoid their dangers.  
All University men, & such as have taken any degree in schools, the jesuits hate, despise, & contemn. Howsoever Ma. Parsons asketh you, whether this be true, or verifiable, we can assure you, that they so little esteem of any, who have taken degrees in schools, that oftentimes in open words, they will derogate both from the men, and their degree. Witness their dealing with D. Bagshaw, terming him Doctor erraticus, et per saltum: Witness their repining at D. Norris, and D. Hills taking degree, for preventing the like whereof hereafter in others, Fa: Parsons (as he said) procured a Breve against taking of that degree: Witness their contempt of the reu: Doct: of Paris, concerning their censure & judgement in our matter of schism, for which they derogated most disgracefully from them, as all men know: Witness their contemptuous dealing with the University of Louvain: Witness their arrogancy in all Universities where they come, and their insulting against all ancient customs and privileges, for the which never University did, or could affect them, as they do other orders of Religion.  
To conclude, Catholics stand in more fear of jesuits, then of the heretics, etc. and that indirectly they cause Priests to be apprehended. This he remitteth unto all good Catholics judgement. Which although I mean not to draw upon myself, as an accuser: yet must you give me leave to show you, upon what grounds or reasons such things might in part be objected against them. It is not unknown unto our world here, how uncharitably the jesuits have dealt, and do continually deal with all sorts of persons, as well priests, as lay; noble, as mean; if in any sort they stand in their ways, or seem to dislike any course of theirs. For manifestation whereof I will set you down some particular examples, by which you may guess, whether sufficient cause be not daily given by them, to make all sorts of Catholics stand in fear of them. I need not here to stand much upon their practices in countries beyond the seas; how, and in what sort they have dealt with all our Countrymen abroad, aswell Priests, as lay, secular as religious; the fame thereof being so loud, that almost the whole world doth ring thereof: Witness their dealing with Doctor Barret, in most notorious and infamous sort: Witness their dealings with the worthy Bishop of Casana, Doctor Lewes: witness their proceedings with Ma. Doctor Gifford, of which we shall have cause hereafter to speak more at large: witness their continual infamies cast upon Ma. Charles Paget, Ma. Robert Markham, Ma. Tho: Throgmorton, Ma. Nicholas Fitzherbert, Ma. Fran: Roper, Ma. Charles Browne, Ma. Tresham, Ma. Godfrey Foulgeam, whose untimely death was occasioned by Fa: Holt, as many men affirm. But to conclude, because a whole volume would be little enough to comprehend the Catalogue of such Gentlemen, & priests, as have tasted of this kind of whip from the jesuits, and their followers, being sometimes reputed for espials, sometimes termed seditious, othersome taxed with ambition, others noted as factious, and some worse. So that believe me, I know no one eminent man or person of sort, and quality living beyond the seas, whom they have not wronged in some degree, or other, by way of calumniation, especially if they have but so much as made any show of dislike in their proceedings. Let us see some examples within our Country: amongst the multitude whereof only some few I will name, well known to many: that thereby you may have a further taste of their proceedings in this sort. And first for such as have lately died Martyrs (as I think:) notorious were the jesuits calumniations against the Franciscan Friar Ma. jones, alias Buckley, I myself was particularly acquainted therewith, and his letters writ to Fa: Garnet after his condemnation, may be a sufficient testimony thereof.  
Ma. Harrington was so oppressed with such calumnies in like sort, that having honest means for his liberty offered him, he rejected it; saying, that then he should be accounted for no honest man, and that he must be hanged to prove himself honest, and free from such calumniations. Ma. Fixar was in such sort slandered by them, that he was forced to leave England, and they afterwards forced him with their bad usage in Spain, to lose his life, with grief and sorrow. Ma. Pibush, during his remain in Gloucester prison, was calumniated by them as unconstant in his faith, and suspicious of revolt: myself am witness thereto. It is not unknown, that Ma. Plasden was so wronged by Ma. john Gerard's dealing, and others of them in this kind, that he could not be received amongst his old acquaintance in London. By which means he fell into the officers hands, and was executed. Ma. George Beesley, was notoriously abused by them.  
The day would fail me to recite all I could, for proof of this one point. As for men yet living, how many be there, whom they have of late touched with defamations, both in Wisbich, and other prisons, as well as abroad? Witness this Ma. Wingfield, called into suspicion for Ma. Southwell his apprehension: Witness this all the Priests whom they have charged with schism, disobedience, and mortal sin: Witness this all the Priests that came from Rome during the time of the stirs there, defamed, and held as spies by them. Verily, I think the third priest now in England hath not escaped their spiteful tongues.  
And as touching lay men, what man is there, that hath in any matter taken course against any of their proceedings, and hath not felt their bitter sharp calumniating tongues: beside others of worth, not huing any dealings with them? Witness this their invectives against my old Lo: Montacute, when he lived: witness their disgraceful speeches against my Lo. Dacres of the North, my Lo. Paget in Flaunders, Sir Thomas Tresham, Ma. Talbot, Ma. Sheldon, and others, whom they have not spared to detract in very uncivil sort. Witness this Ma. Ashfielde now in the Tower, whom openly they made a spy. Witness this Ma. Antho: Copley defamed in the same manner. It were an infinite labour to set down all particular wrongs done by them in this kind. Assuredly to me it seemeth a common practice amongst them, to slander, defame, & detract whomsoever they affect not, or that opposeth their proceedings; which is no less than a Machiavellian practice. And that I have no small reason to press them herewith, one of their own speeches unto a Priest, complaining of the wrongs, done to Ma. Edward Bennet in this kind, import no less, which were these, or to this effect, that it was necessary or convenient he should be disgraced, because he was against their society. judge of the honesty of this necessity or conveniency, and then think you, whether Catholics, & priests both, may not justly stand in fear of them, holding such devilish principles whereby they may at pleasure defame; whom they please; and (their sway and power being so great at it is) may also drive the same into the heads of many, and infinite their followers, who are ready to believe, whatsoever they affirm, yea to affirm whatsoever they suspect. And this I think in my conscience maketh many of both sorts to fear to encounter with them. I know it to be true in some, who will spare to open no man's faults, (if he have any they know of) & invent or exaggerate, what they can devise against such as oppose them, as you may see by these last books of Fa: Parsons. Yet have not we dealt so with them, as to enter into their particular lives, and discover their imperfections (as you may not think, they be all Saints, unless you affect to be deceived) but only press them with their unjust proceedings, (which being not private to their own particular hurt only, as secret infirmities are, but tend to the hurt and ruin of many, yea the general damage of both our Country and Clergy) may no way be tolerated, because every man is more bound to provide for a general, than a particular good, and more bound to hinder a general, than a particular mischief.  
But to come at length to the second part of the conclusion, which is, that they indirectly cause priests to be apprehended, let the example of Ma. Plasden before cited, be duly considered, and their dealing with Ma. Edward Bennet, whom they so defamed with the note of espial, and the like, that he was thrust out of his residence, and the calumniation so generally spread in the Country about him, that had not a good old Gentlewoman been, he could not have told whether to have gone; being not very well acquainted in the Country. Besides, at that time he was so ill of an hurt received in his leg, that if he had one day rode, he had not been able to have stirred of a fortnight, or three weeks after at the least (as they can testify, who had the curing thereof.) judge you then what might have been likely to have followed, (if he had been rejected of that old Gentlewoman) through those reports, being but slenderly stored with money at that time, nor very well provided for his horse. Furthermore, I think there is no man so simple, but he must needs imagine that this kind of course of defaming priests for spies, etc. can do no less then hazard their liberties, and lives both; when as thereby they shall be rejected of Cath: and driven to shift for themselves at six, and seven, in these dangerous times. And thus we will end the pursuit of Fisher's Memorial, and leave the indifferent Reader to judge, whether there were not somewhat á part rei, to occasionate such accusations against them. And here I cannot choose but a little note good Fa: Parson's folly, (which he so much urgeth against us) in that he would call in question so slightly (besides simply) those accusations of Fisher only set forth simply, and barely by us, as themselves had divulged them, without further exaggerations; leaving the truth thereof unsifted; thereby to cause us to open those dealings, and practices in him, and his, which they will never be able to clear, whilst they live, and therewithal to give that light unto all men, not only to look into the grounds of these accusations, but also to look further into other their dealings hereafter.  
Now to the 2. and 3. Catalogue of chief points of accusations, wherewith many English men have justly charged the jesuits. These accusations (Ma: Parsons saith) were written by some of our friends, and sent to Rome underhand, to increase the flame of sedition there, when it was on fire, and that we have divulged them without scruple of conscience (being notoriously false) or respect to our friend's credit, who were authors thereof. As touching the falsehood or verity thereof, (whosoever was the author) we will examine by leisure. But for our divulging them, they were first published (as we have said) by themselves, & put in print by us, but as they came from their hands. And therefore for quotations, let good Ma: Parsons impute the blame thereof unto his own subjects, that sent copies abroad, without quotations of either the parties, or their letters, and not impute juggling or cunning shifting unto them, that printed but what they receau●d from his pupils. For that kind of juggling is not so common with any, as with his mastership, and his Scholars. Neither would it have made against us, or the verity of the accusations, to have named Ma: Doctor Gifford, or Ma: Charles Paget, for authors thereof, as he cunningly deciphereth in letters, with a seeming unwillingness to reveal them, though his characters make them no more known, than the nose upon a man's face. For if it may go current, that they were the authors thereof: I suppose that all men of wit, and judgement, that ever have either known, or heard of those two parties, would begin (at the least) to suspect something, when they should see such matters delivered by men of their sort, and calling. For whatsoever this Fa: pretendeth, the credits of these men will extend as far as his, in any place in the world, where all parts are known; and therefore there was no reason at all to have concealed their testimonies, if it had been known that they were authors of these accusations.  
But to speak a little of the imputation laid upon these two worthy men, concerning these Memorials. I would fain know of this honest Father, if Ma. Doctor Gifford were accessary hereto, how chanced it then, that master Blackwell, our Archpriest, publicly before witness cleared him, affirming that he was not Author thereof? Again, how happened it, that a commission being procured for his examination, nothing could be proved, Fa: Baldwine coming in against him in the behalf of Ma. Parsons, and all the jesuits? Furthermore, how came it to pass, that you Ma: Parsons wrote to Fa: Baldwyne to make an end with the Doctor, and in any case to procure peace with him? Whereupon he with great and earnest entreaty, urged the Nuncio to send for the Doctor again when he was gone, and persuade a mutual peace. Which the Nuncio performing, your Factor Fa: Baldwyne upon his knees asked forgiveness of the Doctor, both in your name (good Fa:) and in the name of the whole Society; and the Doctor afterwards in some sort, performed the like to him of humility, not as having offended, but if in any thing he had wronged any of you. Although it pleased you afterwards, against the Nuncio his commandment of silence, to publish the act out of the pulpit in Rome, as though the Doct. had asked you forgiveness, and not you him: & writ so both into Spain, England, and into other places, whilst the good Doct. kept silence upon conscience, which in such cases was yet never found in you. These are the ordinary juggling tricks which are too too familiar with you, good Fa. Now (my good Sir) was Ma. Doct. Gifford author of these accusations? If he were, why did you not then take your penniworths of him, and make him to do public satisfaction, these things being so notoriously false? I am sure you might have had justice, when the matter came to hearing before his holiness his Nuncio.  
Believe it, good Fa: these circumstances will make all the world think these accusations true, if you maintain the D. to be Author of them, sith that he not only went unpunished, but that you also by your Proctor asked him forgiveness. And as for Ma. Charles Paget, the world knows, you would never have spared him one jot, if you had found the least hole that might be in his coat. But (to let this pass) it skilleth not much from whom the accusations come, the author must bear his own burden. Yet will we perform our office, and sincerely examine the truth of every particular accusation.  
The first article is this. 
Artic. 1.  The jesuits are so ambitious, as not content with the bounds their Fathers had placed, they have in their insatiable desire, already swallowed up kingdoms and Monarchies. Ma: Parsons in a marginal note termeth this an absurd contumelious speech: and in the text asketh with what conscience we could publish this slander to the world, etc. To this I say, that being but printed, as themselves divulged them, whether the words may be stretched in worse sense, then in the original in Latin (if any such be) we know not, and might suspect (perhaps not without reason) the worst at their hands; yet, as they are, I will not say, that this is so absurd & false as Ma. Parsons affirmeth. For if you will but indifferently consider what we have said concerning their practices with us here, both in Wisbich and abroad, as also their plots and practices concerning matters of state, apparent by their own books, letters, and open actions, discovered in part, both in the Important considerations, & in the book of Quodlibets, and others of late printed; I do not see how a man can well avoid the suspicion of a desire in them of the whole Monarchy of England. Which suspicion is not a little fortified, by their forecasting of matters, both for general & particular affairs to be ordered by them, or at their discretion & directions, when the time serveth: as appeareth by Fa: Parson's proud pamphlet of Reformation, intermeddling with all estates. See more thereof in the Quodlibets. Which points considered, may not a man reasonably suspect, that they have swallowed already in their desires the kingdom, & Monarchy of England. Do not their late attempts in Ireland show as much for that kingdom?  
I will omit their stratagems in France, and Scotland, and that which is reported of japona, and other places in the Indies: where they keep to themselves the sole dominion, & will admit no other Clergy, but play Bishop, priest, and Monk themselves. Neither is it a sufficient answer to reply, that they take not upon them the name or title of King. For that importeth not, so they may govern and direct Kings, Nobles, Bishops, prelate's, and others. Therein consists their ambition, 
Artic. 6.  and swallowing of kingdoms here spoken of. And by this you may see the truth and verity of the sixth article of accusation against them. sct. That if this ambition do remain unpunished, the age that is to come, shall see that it will bring bondage, not only to Prelates, but to Princes & monarchs themselves. etc. judge whether this do not probably, yea evidently follow upon the first. And for the subjecting of Prelates, it is too too well known by experience, that many Bishops have much to do with them, their force is so great, and they stand so much upon their privileges. Besides, the foundation laid by Ma. Parsons, in the forenamed Treatise of Reformation, 
Artic. 7.  sct. of making all Bishops & Prelates pensioners, doth convince no less. For which they had cause (whosoever they were that dealt in this matter) to beseech his holiness, that he would lay the axe to the tree, and cut of the pride of this Society, etc. which we likewise pray & beseech (for their good) may be done by the axe of Reformation; that being brought within order, as other Friars and religious men be, they may attend unto the quire, and their devotions, and not to kingdoms, and Monarchies; which must needs either breed their own overthrow, or the destruction of kingdoms, and sedition to all Christian commonwealths, as by many examples in France, Swethland, England, and else where they have already wrought.  
The Pope can command nothing in all his Mandates, 
Artic. 9  but the jesuits find means to frustrate it by secular power. This is the 9 article of accusation, of which this our Fa: asketh whether it can be true, or probable. He hath forgot belike the notorious fact at Louvain, where the jesuits, by the power, and authority of the King of Spain, forbade the publishing of the Pope's order for the University against the jesuits. This fact belike this good father thought to have been so secret, as it was unknown to the world, or at the least forgotten. He likewise thinketh, that the world took no notice of their dilation even in Rome itself to admit the Pope's Breve against uti scientia habita in confession, making use of any thing, which was learned by confession (which all other religious men presently admitted without reply,) until such time as his holiness sent them a new Mandate, in virtute sanctae obedientiae, sub censuris ipso facto incurrendis, presently without delay to admit thereof. Many more examples in this kind might be produced, to show their aptness to resist the Pope's Mandates, and the little esteem, or reverence they bear towards such of them as check, or control their disorders. Witness this their irreligious irreverence towards Sixtus quintus, and open preaching against him in Spain: and railing against him else where, using approbrious, & irreverent speeches of him in Rome itself.  
That the jesuits do eagerly wait for the death of the Pope, and of the renowned Cardinal Toled, 
Artic. ●0.  that they may bring slaughter upon all, etc. What their desires have been concerning the death of his Holiness, I cannot affirm, but sure I am, they affected him but a little in the beginning of his reign, both for his proceedings against them, in the behalf of the Scholars in the English College in Rome, (as by the History thereof you shall shortly see at large) as also for his joining with his Majesty of France, that now is against the Spanish intentions, and designs, wherein their fingers were deeply plunged (as all men know) and they yet feel: but as for the worthy Prelate Card: Toled, I think few men be ignorant of their clamours against him of ambition, and partiality for his dealings in the affairs of the English College. Which might give a probable conceit of their desire, or expectance of his death. For they use not much to lament the death of their enemies. And if any man shall go about to deny, that any clamours or detracting speeches were ever used by them against this worthy Card: I will say, he is impudent, and hath a face of brass, and is as shameless as Ma. Parsons; who will affirm, or deny any thing. For myself have heard the foresaid irreverent speeches from some of their own mouths. Now for the sequel of slaughter, or bloodshed, I leave it as divulged by themselves, and to the proof of the author, if any such thing were laid to their charge by any. And for the truth thereof, their own consciences must answer, though they give no great occasion of our good conceit towards them, for their future actions by their former dealings, touching the 23. 24. and 25. art: of the jesuits, seeking the government of the College of Douai, or dissolution thereof; we have said sufficiently already. As concerning the 13. art: preposterously brought in here, that it is a known maxim among the jesuits divide et impera, set division, and them you shall govern at your pleasure. I think no man that is not wilfully blind can excuse them herein, if he do but half indifferently consider their proceedings from time to time, as well in the College at Rome, and amongst the English in Flaunders, as also in England at Wisbich Castle, and in these late general garboils. In all which stirs, their chiefest business hath been to set men first together by the ears, by strange slanders, calumniations, and other Machiavilian policies, and then to attempt their purposes, and designs of rule, and dominion. He that readeth what is already showed in this reply, and what hath been said in former discourses, concerning their proceedings both at home, & abroad, must needs confess as much, unless he will deny apparent effects to proceed from their proper and unknown causes.  
That the jesuits use to intercept all manner of letters, 
Artic. 10.  is so general an acclamation in foreign Countries, that it seemeth not to be clean void of verity, though for my own part I cannot say that I have seen them intercept any Card: or Princes packets. But for experience of this matter, concerning meaner men's letters, many a score will bear witness with me, that it is too too usual amongst them, not only in Rome, but also in the low Countries, and in England to, and some letters cited by this good Fa: in his Apology approve as much.  
As concerning the attestation in the 12. article, 
Art. 12.  see what we have said before to the conclusion of Fisher's Memorial, as also for the 13. article following. 
Art. 13.  For more proof▪ and verity whereof, consider but their late dealings both in the Roman College, low Countries, Wisbich, & now generally throughout England. Which I omit here to recite, because you may read more at large thereof in the former treatises, heretofore published.  
For the verity of the 19 article, touching the contempt of the Precedent, & the renowned Card: we refer you to what is said before to the 20 article.  
To speak much to the 17. article of the revolt of either priests or jesuits, 
Art. 17.  I am not willing, pitying, and lamenting as well the fact of the one, as the other. Yet this I must tell Fa: Parsons, that it is a very common practice amongst his people, and their followers, to note not only the revolt of any priests, but also whatsoever infirmity they can imagine to be in them: and this of purpose to the disgracing of priests, every where suggesting, that never any of their order fainted in the least sort. Which how contrary to truth it is, we know, & are rather sorry for them, than purpose in vaunting manner to press them with the ignominy thereof. But if they will needs prosecute such uncharitable courses to our disgraces, I promise this good Father, that I will note him above eight of his order that have incurred this disgrace, and bring him testimony thereof, sed qui stat videat, ne cadat. I pray GOD heartily never any of them may revolt.  
And by the way, I must tell you that it is but a juggling trick to delude your eyes, when they say that never any, sent in obedience of his superior, fell. For hereby will they exclude any one that shall incur this disgrace; either affirming that they had dismissed him before he fell, or that they came not from their superiors, but of their own heads. This is a politic shift which they have in their order, above all other religious societies; that they may dismiss any out of their order before his last vow, which few, in respect of the multitude of them, are admitted unto. whereupon it happeneth, that sometimes a man is 20. or 30. years a jesuit, and afterwards is dismissed. By which shift they put of many notorious things committed by them; dismissing the persons delinquent out of their order secretly, to avoid the note of their crimes, which other Religious orders cannot do. Yet cannot this justify them neither, if we would enter the lists with them in this point. Now to the other articles of English matters, and English jesuits, the first is of their dissension, and particularly of Fa: Garnet, and Fa: Weston, which this Fa: saith we contradict in our latter books, complaining that Fa: Garnet, Father Weston, Fa: Parsons, and the rest, are too much united, the one obeying the others beck.  
You have read I suppose the history of Sampsons' Foxes, who were all tied together by the tails, running with their heads divers courses, yet all into the Philistians corn. To let you therefore understand more, both of their own contradictions, & of their unity, it is with them, as it often times happeneth amongst children of one family, s●t. brothers and sisters, who will very ordinarily fall out amongst themselves, but when they come to a third controversy, or conflict, to wit, that any one of them falleth out with a third person, a stranger unto them, they will all take part together, and fall upon the foreigner: like as the seditious in Herusalem quarreled daily, and hourly one against another, to their miserable destruction by civil mutiny, yet would they always join together against the Romans. So the jesuits, howsoever they jar amongst themselves, yet are they all bend together, & united against all others that oppose any one of them, or their proceedings. Hereupon Sixtus quintus, of famous memory, was wont to say of them (as divers of credit in Rome reported) Qui tangit unum, tangit omnes, and themselves many times have affirmed no less, in the late stirs of the Roman College. But for this Fa: or any other to say, that they have not many and often jars, and those no small ones neither, is to fall into the depth of impudency. Witness the great controversy betwixt the Spanish and Italian jesuits not many years past: witness the jars between fa: Crighton and father Parsons, for Scottish, and Spanish affairs: the like betwixt him and fa: Haywood in England; him and fa: Holt, & divers others of them, as fa: Cresswell, and fa: Edmund Harwood, against fa: Hieronimo Fierovante, and fa: julio, the Confessor of the English College in Rome; whereupon the remove of the two latter followed, as all know, who were then in the College. This point is so evident to all the world, as I assure myself no one religious Order in God's Church cometh near unto them therein: witness their daily expulsions out of their order, and the multitude departing from them yearly.  
The 3. 5. and 7. articles are, that the jesuits be firebrands of all sedition, enemies to all secular priests: such notable liars as none will believe them, no not when they swear: that by the schismatics in England, they are called Horsleeches. etc. For the two first points, their late actions both at home, and abroad, do witness so evidently, that none, who are therewith acquainted, can judge any otherwise of them. For the last, concerning the imputation of lying, so famous and notorious are their equivocations, & so scandalous, that the very Protestants take notice thereof, to the great prejudice of our profession, always heretofore famous for our truth and sincerity. But such jugglings and shift of late have been used by them, that not only Protestants, but also Catholics, yea Priests can scarce tell, when they speak sincerely, when otherwise.  
I know they will usually make great shows of kindness, where they least affect: witness this a pretty cunning policy of one of them, 
Ma. jones.  not long since practised upon an honest gentleman: who being to have entertainment in a certain place, before his repair thither, this jesuit using great show of kindness towards him, would needs of courtesy bestow his Letters upon him for his better credit, and kinder entertainment: which the honest gentleman, receiving as a kindness, departed. But by the way (being somewhat acquainted with their tricks, and having no great cause to put overmuch confidence in their dealings) he thought good to see, whether he carried not hot coals, to burn his own coat. Whereupon opening the Letter, he found such stuff against himself, as had I not seen the same, I should hardly have believed it to have been true. But this trick of honesty was borrowed of worthy father Parsons, the cunningest politician in these practices alive, I think.  
Witness this his dealing with Robert Shepherd, in his commendations to Doctor Eley in Musepont: Witness this his dealing with divers scholars after the atonement in Rome. How soever this kind of dealing may seem excusable unto them, under the name of honest equivocations: sure I am that few honest men will excuse it from dishonest lying. I remember that a reverend 
* Ma. A. R.  honest Priest once told me, that he discoursed above an hour with a 
* Ma. joh. Gerard.  jesuit, and many compliments passed, but not on real intended verity from the good Father. A worthy practice in Religious men to affect such dishonest dealings, which tendeth to nought else, but to take away all society & conversation amongst men, which is hateful even unto Pagans and Turks. For how should a man converse with such a one, whose conceits and meanings he shall never understand, whereby he shall often conceive most good, when the other intendeth most knavery and villainy.  
But to make an end of these articles. Fa: Parsons collecteth one (in close and end of all) to make you laugh, to wit, that he, and his companions (as is reported) gathered fifty thousand pounds out of England to their own use. But Fa: Parson's merry jest is, the multiplication of this sum to 200. millions of Italian scudi. here forsooth he telleth you the people must laugh. I know some persons so merrily disposed, that eftsoons they can laugh at a feather; but if wisdom with discretion, and gravity, consider this multiplication, I verily think no such merry mood will move their conceits, but rather judge that error to have been either in the transcription to the press, or in the Printer, then of malice which were too too blind, or ignorance (which were as gross,) to mistake so much the alteration of the sum out of one kind of coin into an other. See now whether there were more malice or ignorance in the error, or more folly in the carping exceptions. But we must give him leave to snatch at the least advantage; for all will be too little to justify themselves, or excuse their actions. But let us come a little to the accusation about their collections. It is well known that collections in England have not been small, yet have the distributions been so scant, and sparing, that poor prisoners never lived in the like want, as of late years they have done: let them speak hereof, that have felt the smart; yet all the world knoweth, that such Collections have passed generally thorough their hands, what becometh thereof God knoweth. But sure I am that for themselves, (howsoever prisoners are pinched) they live in abundance, and excess, (as before I have noted some examples thereof, and something by the way I will tell you. It is not long sithence 22. hundred pounds in gold were taken going over the Seas, which being confiscate to her Majesty, never any came to claim the same, neither could it be known whose it was, and more than this; by some of the highest it was thought verily to be the jesuits money. I will not say absolutely it was theirs, because I was not of their counsel: but it was a wonder that the owners (if it belonged to any others) would make no means by way of suit, or supplication, to have got (at the least) some part thereof back again, sith the chiefest penalty was but the confiscation of the money taken; which no man going about, made the matter more suspicious to all men. But more will be said hereof, if there be any further occasion.  
Now I will only proceed by conjectures, and add to the rest some other probabilities, or inducements, in that the jesuits being religious men, and therefore poor, yet some of our English jesuits beyond the Seas, who have no revenues, or comings in any way known; will sometimes bestow largely in crowns, of their own purse, upon such favourites or factors, as they employ in their affairs, & practices abroad in the world. This is a thing not unknown to many of our English men, living abroad in the low Countries, and else where. How many did Fa. Holt deal withal in the low Countries in this kind, keeping correspondency with many needy fellows, and employing many bare mercenary men in his affairs? There be also that will affirm (and of credit) that Fa: Rich. Walpole in Spain, giving good store of crowns unto a certain English man (whom it was thought he meant to use in some honest piece of service,) was afterwards (the matter being known) examined how he came by so much money, and he answered, that he received it out of England from his friends: But we all know that Fa: Rich. Walpoles friends in England are not of such ability, as to send him such exhibition. Now would I ask Fa: Parsons whence this money came? But you perhaps will demand how such sums should come to their hands? I answer, that it is well known that they have had the disposition of the common purse for many years, and the receipts of almost all legacies in pios usus, yearly alms, extraordinary gifts, besides restitutions de bonis incertis, much for dispensations in divers cases, (every one running to them by reason of their large faculties▪) and for alienations, ad-vousions, etc. All which receipt rise to no small sum. There hath fallen by way of legacies within these few years of my knowledge (besides what other men can say) 2000 pound, (some affirm 3000. pound) from one man of worth, 500 pounds from an other private Gent: 800. pound from another, and some 100 pound yearly in lands, and rends beside. All which portions, besides infinite other legacies of less sums, have come unto their hands, and disposition: and whereof no man can say justly that he hath received one penny, I verily think. Besides, Ma: john Gerard for his part, got by one Gent: 200. pound at one time, (the bonds for which I once saw by chance) & 700. pound at another time, (as his nearest kinsmen will depose,) besides the disposition of 100 pound by the year: of which the Gent: (all accounts being taken to a pot of beer) never spent 50. pound yearly. The said jesuit had in another place by a priest's procurement, who told me thereof, Clx. pound, of another he received 500 pound in a matter of restitution, certa pro incertis, the party having compounded before by the advise of another priest, for 300. pound, which he should have given to the prisoners of Wisbich. But this young Father coming to the party hoist the sum unto 500 pound, and took it unto himself, depriving the said prisoners thereof. Furthermore, he received at times of a Gent: and his mother, by his means, above 1000 marks. All this to me is known, besides what I know not of, and what he hath gotten by the use of his exercises, in which kind many will say he hath got no small sums. judge then by these few examples, what great sums may soon accrue unto their purses: and with this do but consider how their factors, and such as have employments for them in this kind, grow from mean estates, and small expenses unto good shows in the world, and much increase in their yearly expenses. Of which number two for example are generally known (I dare say) unto many.  
There is a Gentleman in London, 
I. G.  whose estate we know to have been so weak, as that his show could not reach unto his rank; but shortly falling in with the jesuits to be a factor for them, since these late garboils, he is become a man of no mean reputation. His maintenance is sound, and large, insomuch that whereas xx. shillings hath been money in his purse heretofore, he can now hazard twenty nobles at play. I verily think you will say that this increase can come no other way then from their box.  
There is likewise another Gentleman, that hath been longer acquainted with the jesuits affairs, and a man wholly employed by them, especially as Dispensator, or rather receiver of such benevolences as have been given in pios usus, for the maintenance of poor prisoners. We have known this man sometimes of the Temple, not so largely provided for by his friends, as able to make half that show he now doth: yet did he then enjoy all that his friends had left him. For if he remember, when he used the Ordinary, at a kinsman's house of his own with other Gentlemen, his comings in were so small, that divers times, and (unless I be very foully deceived) for some years together, his kinswoman to maintain his credit with the other Gentlemen, gave him his ordinary money before meal to pay with the rest. Believe me, by the port he now carrieth, and the state he taketh upon him therewith, you would think him a man of no small revenues. Whereupon you may guess, that either his fortunes have been very extraordinary of late, and unknown too, or else he is largely beholding unto his good Masters that employ him in these affairs. But howsoever the world fareth with him, I would his charity, or justice, or both, were more indifferent in his distributions, than they have been: and that he would not at his pleasure, and small discretion, discern betwixt the deserts, or not deserts of prisoners, lay, or priests, and exempt at his will whom he list. If he will be an Oeconomus or Dispensator, he must one day reddere rationem villicationis.  
I remember once this Gentleman came unto Bridewell to certain poor prisoners there to see their wants, and finding them in extreme necessity, he began to examine them, whether they resorted, and to whom; and finding that they were acquainted with a priest in the Clinck, he turned his back in a choler, saying; that they deserved nothing, and that they should lie, and do as they would for him, and so departed leaving them never a penny. How true this is, the poor prisoners, that felt the smart, can tell; and one can testify that was within hearing, when this passed which I have declared. Many more hangers on this box, and those hungry ones too, could I name, if I would spend my time so idly as to unroll them here. 
Wats:  I could name one that was of late a prisoner (not for building of Churches) who (by his own confession) received 30. pound of the Archpriest, and jesuits. This man should have been employed for them in our affairs. All this, to any man of wisdom, and indifferency, can import no less, then that the jesuits be Masters of no small come in, when as, both themselves are so well furnished, and their followers, and hangers on so extraordinarily provided for.  
But you will say, that although much come to their hands, yet doth it not follow, that they either heap it up for themselves, or send it over unto their Society beyond the seas. For it is well known, that very much is sent by them unto prisoners abroad in all places. And sith there must be some to have care of those matters for prisoners, it is more befitting unto the jesuits, (being religious men, & therefore not of the world, nor to gape after worldly things, or to respect any thing in the world more than for necessity to maintain nature) then to any other, who have not forsaken the world, & preferments thereof. First I answer, that I take not upon me to charge them with sending over of sums beyond the seas, neither do I mean to draw upon myself the maintaining of these objections and accusations laid to their charge, (as at the first I said) but only to deliver sincerely such matters which I know to be true, and that even plainly as they were, leaving the judgement thereof unto the indifferency of the Reader; only to that end, that the world might see upon what grounds such accusations might arise, and that we have had more occasion in very deed to complain against them, than the world would take notice of.  
And for their large dispensing of alms given, & received, let any that hath wit and understanding, judge by that little, which we have set down, (which in very deed is very small, in respect of that, which hath been given) whether there be any proportion betwixt the receipts, & the distributions: beside, we talk not here, nor speak one word of the common Collections which are yearly made for prisoners, nor such yearly exhibition, as we know good devout Cath: do give to prisoners, and prisons, neither of private alms given in particular, from particular friends, unto particular men in prison: all which considered, I think it will not be found out, that very much more cometh to prisoners besides this. What then (think you) may become of that which we have spoken of, and such like sums?  
And touching the jesuits sending so largely to prisoners, let the Clink, Framingham, and other places, witness their great charity for these two years past, or there about. Concerning their abnegation of the world, and worldly preferment, whereby the credit and trust of such collections, & distributions, should rather be committed to them, than others; I would it were with them, as it is with other religious men, that forsake the world. But it is otherwise, for they are never without one foot in the world, and that deeply to. I might say (I fear me) hands, legs, body, and all, howsoever they make show to the contrary. And for to show you, that they too too much affect the world, and seek too earnestly after the wealth thereof, I will set you down one pretty Spanish example, omitting infinite other which I could relate.  
It fortuned that a rich man in Valledolid in Spain, lying at the point of death, had given largely unto the jesuits, & upon compassion towards the English men living in the English College there, he laid out a good sum of gold upon a table, by him in the chamber, where he lay, with order that it should be given to that College, towards the maintenance of the English there. This gold lying thus in view, in cometh a lay brother of the jesuits to visit the sick; and falling into discourse with the party deceased, began to relate unto him what care was had of him by their Fathers, and that there was continual prayer for him in their College. The sick man thanked him, and them for their mindfulness of him in those extremities, and told him that he had also taken order, that the poor English men which lived in the town for God's cause, should have such a sum of money, which lay upon the table, to pray for him. The lay brother perceiving the gold to make a fair show, repined that it fell not also to their share. whereupon he entered into a discourse with the sick person of the poverty of their Fathers, and that they being naturally borne in the Country, were forgotten of every body, and by that means were very poor: but the English men were very rich, and every man gave unto them, adding withal that their Fathers would be more careful to pray for him then the English men, and their prayers more effectual for him. By this discourse he got the gold into his fingers, and departed merrily: but the English jesuits, who were in the English College, when they understood thereof, were evil appayed, and complained thereof. If this be a lie, blame the English jesuits of Valedolid, who spared not to complain hereof to the Scholars. I should weary you, to relate all the stories I could tell you, of them in this kind: but to avoid tediousness, you shall content yourself only with this at this time.  
After that Fa: Parsons had done with these accusations, he bringeth in again preposterously a thing delivered in the 25. page of our Relation, viz. that after Cardinal Allens death, the students in the English College at Rome, felt no less oppression there by the jesuits tyrannizing Governors, than we did at home, etc. How true this accusation is, the story of those stirs shall show you, as in part hath already been delivered, neither will this Father's threats, and big words serve his turn, to outbrave innocent men for telling truth, and shaming the devil, and the authors, and actors in such unjust, uncharitable, and irreligious proceedings: which his Apology deceitfully shufleth of, and untruly relateth, as shall appear in the discourse thereof. Concerning Fa: Garnets' bestirring of himself for subscriptions against the foresaid accusations, we have already said sufficiently how unjust both the letters, writ in that behalf were; as also how undiscreet the subscriptions were of such, as without all limitation freely subscribed thereto. Yet here by the way, I may not omit Fa: Garnets' letter in that behalf, wherein (the rather to move all men to subscribe to a general acquitting them of all such things) he protesteth coram deo et angelis, that there was not mica veritatis, in those accusations; which yet Fa: Parsons durst not so peremptorily affirm: when he sayeth only that all was not true therein contained, covertly insinuating that some things were true. And I will refer myself, and all my poor credit unto the Reader hereof; whether many things in that Collection be not true, yea, all things either in whole or part; whereby you may note, what a dangerous protestation Fa: Garnet entered into, materially containing a manifest untruth; howsoever the formality thereof may seem to be excused by some hidden equivocation or other. And as for his modesty or scrupulosity in his triple division, (as Fa: Parson sayeth) you must give me leave to think it rather to have proceeded upon a guilty conscience, or policy, or both; thereby to draw every man to subscribe. For he might well imagine, that some men would look into the matter, at least so near, as not to subscribe more, than they could avouch, howsoever some few might be induced thereto. And what reason, or show of innocency there was in the performance of that office, on the jesuits behalf, I know not; neither do I see that necessity in the prosecution thereof, that Fa: Garnet could do no less (as Fa: Parsons affirmeth.) For I would but ask him this one question; why he did not procure a iuridiciall examination of matters, that men might speak, what they knew upon their oaths; but would shuffle them up in corners, and seek to draw men by favours, persuasions, & the like, to testify for them, as I am able to prove they did. This kind of covert dealing in any wise man's judgement, could not but yield great suspicion of guilty consciences in them: For all men know, that a man will conceal many things, which he could say, being but ordinarily thereof demanded; which he would not do, being examined iuridicè upon his oath. Besides, who is ignorant, that such as should have accused them by their subscriptions, should thereby have incurred their high displeasure, (which for aught I see many yet fear) and yet have done thereby small good, in that their subscriptions should have been concealed, or by some means or other frustrated of their ends, as the subscriptions of the three priests were, who subscribed somewhat disliking to their humours. But there was a farther policy in these matters. The procuring of these subscriptions, were but an introduction to other points, which they had in hand, concerning the Archpresbiterie. For by this means did they first sound the affections of priests towards them, & try what they could do with them, if the like manner of occasion should serve afterwards, as in the same sort they did, after the institution of the Archp: by priest's subscriptions to a congratulation procure his confirmation.  
After the end of all this, our good Fa: seemeth to lament our case for defaming of their order: and he citeth many Authors against diffamations, and defamors of others, & specially of Religious orders. But I would fain know to what end he so much laboureth, in quoting Authors to this purpose. Can he think that men, who profess to direct other men's consciences, can be ignorant of the sin of detraction, and penalties thereof? Well, in execution and practise men may err, but it were great folly & rashness for him to think them ignorant in the knowledge or speculation of it. Or is Fa: Parsons so unobseruaunt of his own actions & writings, that he doth not see that we can retort all that he hath said herein against himself? Is there any man living that hath more defamed Ecclesiastical men then Fa: Parsons? Was it not Fa: Parsons that defamed so many virtuous Priests & scholars in the Seminary of Rome, and divulged the same to all the world, and now in print in his Apology? Is it not fa: Parsons that in the said Apology hath defamed 12. or 13. reverend priests prisoners in Wisbich? Is it not Father Parsons that hath divulged in the said book, & by letters through the world, diffamation against all the priests of England, that refused to subscribe to the Archpriest? Was it not fa: Parsons that informed falsely unto his Holiness, against not only all the Priests of England, but also all Cath: suggesting to his Holiness, that they were at variance and quarreling one with the other? Was it not Fa: Parsons chiefly that defamed Ma: Doctor Gifford, and now reneweth the same course again in his Apology? Nay, who liveth amongst us, that ever opposed himself against any proceedings of the jesuits, & felt not this Father's good words? See now good Sir, what danger you stand in, through your unjust and slanderous calumniations. But as for that we have said or done, you shall see that we will sufficiently purge ourselves of all such dangers, which he shall never be able to do.  
First you know, it is a general received ground by all, that when the actions of any particular man or men, (be they of what degree they will be, secular or religious, Ecclesiastical or Lay) do tend unto any general, or common hurt of a community: (as for example, the actions of some particular servant in a family, to the ruin or overthrow of the family, some particular scholar or scholars in a College, to the subversion of the College, or some particular men in a common wealth, to the destruction of a Common wealth,) it is then not only lawful to disclose these particular men, and their particular actions, though otherwise private and diffamatory unto the said particular parties (as all such actions of their own nature must needs be) but also every honest servant, every faithful servant, every true scholar, and loyal subject, is bound in conscience upon his duty to his Master, faith unto his College, loyalty to his Prince, and love to his country, to disclose such persons, and their facts or intentions, with our regard or respect unto the hurt, or damage, that may redound unto the said particular parties so offending. The reason hereof is this, because a general good is always to be preferred before a particular, and a greater hurt to be eschewed before a less. As for example, when two evils concur so that both cannot be avoided, but that necessarily the one must happen, it is not only charity, but every man is also bound to prevent the greater evil with permission of the less rather than the contrary.  
This foundation being laid, which is grounded upon the law of nature; now will I easily make you see, that our divulging of some proceedings of Fa: Parsons, and other jesuits, is not only void of just imputation, but also lawful, just, and necessary, all circumstances considered, & therefore free from the danger of those penalties cited by Fa: Parsons in this work. And first, for the revealing, or indeed divulging of things already revealed by their own foolish open dealings. Concerning matter of state, who can be so ignorant, as not to know, that he is bound more to love his country then a jesuit, yea, the whole order of the jesuits: sith unto the first he is bound by the law of nature, to the second only by the law of fraternal charity. Now than the actions of the jesuits tending so evidently as they do, and have done to the ruin, subversion, and overthrow of our Prince, and country, both by secret practices, & open incursions of Spanish invasions, (as is manifest both by their own books, letters, & other dealings, as well in Ireland, as England) what good subject, or true-harted Englishman can do less than disclaim with his mouth, resist with his blood, and open with his tongue, all such unnatural and treacherous attempts?  
And if any man be so simple, or so deluded by their fair words, as that he hath not, or doth not see any such practice, or intention in them, let him not therefore blame us for speaking thereof, or divulging the same, who are too well acquainted therewith, and therefore bound to reveal, what we know therein, when it shall be necessary for the preservation of our Prince and Country. Neither let any man be so simple as to think, that because they are religious men, and Catholics, therefore they may be privileged the more in such courses, under pretence of Reformation, for such a conceit were very erroneous. If in a Lay person, (under what pretence soever) it be unlawful to work the ruin of his country, much more is it unlawful in a Religious person, unto whom such affairs belong not. But some will say, they tend not unto any subversion of their Country, but to a Catholic reformation. To such a fond objection (yet too too common) I answer, that whatsoever they pretend, they go about to effect it by extern hostile means. And how this should be without conquest and mutation, and subversion of all, is impossible to be conceived. Besides, he that hath wit will know, that the kingdom of England is a fair mark to shoot at: & therefore cannot be so fond or foolish as to imagine, that an invader having got the field, will leave the crown, which once possessed, he will seek to keep. And I suppose you will imagine that a Spaniard will rather put himself in trust to himself, and his force, by which he entereth, then unto the courtesies of those, whom he conquereth. If so, must he not do as William the conqueror did, erect his vassals, and Country men, and suppress the nobility, and other the natural inhabitants of the Country? Doth he not so in other places, which he hath got by the sword, transferring in some parts of the Indies, and rooting out all the inhabitants almost of the Countries, and planting Spaniards and Aliens? And can any Cath: be so simple, as to persuade himself of any regard to be had to him, in such an invasion, because he is a Cath: Truly I do wonder at such fond conceits. Have they forgot, or have they not heard that in the year 1588. all had gone to wrack, Cath: and others? If they will not herein believe me, let them believe Fa: Parsons affirming as much to divers. And that the Duke de Medina, general of the Navy, affirmed, that he knew no difference: let them believe Fa: Southwells speeches, uttered to the same purpose at Wisbich, amongst the priests there. Incredulous men herein do not certes understand of their proceedings at the winning of Antwerp, where they made no difference of murdering, & spoiling whomsoever; amongst whom were divers Cath: slain, and spoiled after their entrance; and the sooner when the Soldiers perceived they were Cath: (as I have heard) for fear of losing their prey: See what reason we have to press them with these matters.  
Secondly, for the opening of their proceedings concerning their Clergy, we have much more reason to disclose the same, because they tend to a greater mischief being against a greater, and more precious Commonwealth. Wherefore if those things by us divulged touching such affairs be true, there is no man of judgement, and understanding, can blame us for manifesting the same; sith it is more, then necessary, that such evil attempts, and endeavours, which tend to the overthrow, and destruction of the ecclesiastical Hierarchy, be known, and foreseen of all men; that thereby the universal mischief, which otherwise would ensue, might be avoided, and their insultations against ecclesiastical persons, and the privileges of the secular Clergy with more speed checked, and controlled.  
This is so true a position, that I suppose no man will deny it, in that the church of Christ cannot stand, without the secular Clergy, viz. Bishops, Priests, etc. But it is certain, that it may stand without any particular order of Religion, being magis ad ornamentum, et adiumentum ecclesie ex convenientia, quam ex necessitate. And therefore every man is bound in conscience more to the preservation of the secular Clergy, and privileges thereof, then to any particular order of Religion in the Church; yea, then to all orders whatsoever of particular observations. Now than the question only remaineth, whether the imputations of those things, objected by us against them, be true or no: which known, all the controversy of detraction, or penalties thereby incurred, is easily answered. And for the proof of this matter, I refer you to what we have already written, as well in this reply, & in our former books; as also to an indifferent consideration of their late practices here amongst us for a subordination, to depend at their direction, & devotion: and their attempts in Wisbich, together with Fa: Parson's new work of reformation. All which duly, and indifferently considered, I know you will say no less, than we have said, and condemn them, as deeply as we do, for such unjust insultations to the perverting of all true order in God's Church, tending to the defacing of that excellent Hierarchy, instituted by Christ himself. Neither have these practices been only attempted in England, but also in divers other parts beyond the Seas; and divers Cath: writers have taxed them therewith. If you urge yet the divulging of other particular actions, and proceedings, as particularly those matters of Rome against the Scholars, and also some particular proceedings against some private men: I answer, that those proceedings in Rome had the same end, and scope, which these in England have in seeking to impose a yoke of bondage upon the Scholars there, before they came into England, that they might tyrannize at their will without check, or control, & disgrace such as contradicted their desires, as you shall more at large see in the discourse of those stirs. Besides, Fa: Parsons, and the jesuits had defamed many Priests, and Scholars unjustly, and untruly: whereby they were enforced to enter into the opening of such their proceedings for the maintenance, and recovery of their fames, and credits by them unjustly assaulted, which course (justice and truth being observed) no man can deny to be lawful. And as for other particular wrongs done to particular men, they have for the most part tended unto one and the same end, and therefore upon one and the same ground revealed.  
Furthermore also, 
another case deduced out of the former grounds.  to acquaint you with an other case of conscience, whereby all such particular objections may be answered, & we easily cleared: you shall understand, that when any person or persons take such courses, as that thereby under feigned shows, or fair glofes, they obfuscate or blind the eyes of the people, whereby they cannot see into the miseries, or dangers whereinto they draw them, than is it lawful for any man that seeth into the general evils, which will ensue thereby, not only to open their said practises, but also (if it be necessary, and that otherwise the parties will not be seen into, and such mischiefs avoided) to open some other particular facts or practises more familiar, or apparent, thereby to give light unto such, as otherwise will not conceive the dangers, and mischiefs following the actions, and practices of such men, or be induced to believe any such manner of dealings in them, and thereby avoid them, as dangerous.  
As for example: If I knew any one man near to a Prince or general Magistrate, whose secret actions, & private workings tended unto the subversion of the Prince, and Country, or Magistrate, and City, and that this being unknown to the Prince, or Magistrate, affection would not suffer them to see their own danger, and the danger of their Country, Commonwealth, or City; it were not only lawful for me, to disclose the particular actions of the said party, though private, thereby to give occasion unto the Prince or Magistrate, to be more vigilant unto themselves, and their estates, and more observant of the aforesaid dangerous person, but also an act of allegiance to my Prince, and of love unto my Country, unto which every man is bound in duty and conscience. So in our case, if any particular actions of the jesuits be discovered, they are but matters of proceedings with particular men, that thereby you might learn by particularities, and matters of less moment, to conceive the better what, & how dangerous their practices be in matters of greater weight; and how their proceedings hold one and the self-same course, both in particular and general affairs, in matter of less and greater moment. And this (so long as we observe truth in our relations) is both lawful and necessary (as the case now standeth with the jesuits, and their actions in England,) and we are free both from the note of detractors, in revealing their exorbitant proceedings, & penalties thereby incurred. The like cannot be said in their behalf for defaming of us. For they have not only unjustly, and untruly detracted from our good names, and credits in these matters of our proceedings (as all the world now seeth) but also entered into our particular lives, most falsely going about to touch therein our good names, which no way is excusable, in that if any such thing had been true in any of us, yet could it not (being a secret infirmity) have tended to any general hurt of any whole body, or commonwealth, but only to a particular hurt of a man's self, which by no law of conscience could be revealed by them: Neither have we done so by them, though I think no man will reckon them all saints. But those secret diffamations proceeded doubtless of a machiavilian ground, and not of justice, or charity.  
Now let us come at length unto the book of Important considerations, 
Important considerations.  at which our dear Father spiteth no less than fire, with words of folly, frenzy, fury, mutiny, war, and defiance, parasitical, pernicious, erroneous, heretical, wicked, reproachful, traitorous, ridiculous, impious, base, and wickedly minded, proctor's for heretics, accusers against persecuted Catholics, transformed with passion, envy, malice, sold our tongues to the common enemy, united in wicked attempts, contemptible to all Catholics of discretion, & the like. Certes this good man's zeal was great, when in his heat of choler he uttered so many fiery and passionate speeches. But yet I must needs crave pardon at his hands to run over this matter a new, and request his patience, that we may examine the book again, and see, whether it deserve so mighty blame, as he maketh show of. Believe me, if it do, we will cancel it, and blot out his date: but if it prove otherwise, he must be content to let it pass with a more favourable interpretation, and not wrest matters into worse sense, then ever the Authors intended.  
In the very first entrance into this book, I wish you to note a cunning falsehood of this Father, in the relating of the title of this book, which he setteth down thus. Important considerations to move all true Catholics that are not wholly jesuited, to acknowledge all the proceedings of the state of England against Catholics, (since it excluded the Roman faith, and fell to heresy) to have been not only just, but also mild, and merciful. etc. In this altered title, (which is not verbatim with the title of the book) Fa: Parsons showeth himself not a little; first in foisting in of the world all before proceedings, thereby to take advantage of every petty matter, that hath happened perhaps sometimes by the knavery of some Pursuivant, or other odd fellow without commission, or warrant; as also in adding with a Parenthesis (since it excluded the Roman faith, and fell to heresy) thereby to make the matter show more hateful and heinous. Whereas in very deed, (as every man may see, that list to read over the Treatise) the intention is not to excuse, or justify every particular action of the state, as the action may be in itself considered without further respect, then to that particular bare action. For who will or can justify, or excuse the kill of a priest as a priest, or confiscating or hanging of a Cath: as a Cath: merely for religion. This (I say) is not intended in that book, as all the world may see, for therein is lamented the hard course taken, as well against Priests as Catholics; neither for aught I see, doth the state make show of persecution quo ad vitam et necem, for matter merely of religion, and conscience, but upon pretence of treason, or attempts against her majesties person, or state, or (at the least) upon the fear thereof.  
Now than all the end, and scope of this book, is none other than this; to excuse the state from such general imputation of infamy laid upon it, especially by the jesuits (who have been the chiefest causers of those vehement afflictions) as though the state without all cause, or show of cause, had made laws against innocent men, and thereupon persecuted them unto death, no true occasion of exasperation having ever been given from any such person, either to prince or state. To take away (I say) this undeserved infamy, this treatise was written of purpose, to lay the fault truly, where indeed really it hath been; humbly desiring at the feet of our Sovereign that we being innocent in such actions, may not sustain the burden of their offences; but may obtain so much favour in her gracious sight, as to be numbered amongst her loyal subjects, and those that hate such unnatural, and ever accursed practices, lest otherwise we be enforced to say (lamenting our case) with the Prophet patres nostri peccaverunt, et non sunt, et nos inquitates eorum portamus. This I say is the whole scope, and intention of this work, and therefore doth the author give reasons by particular men's actions, and undiscreet attempts, as well by writings, as practices, that the state hath had just cause to fear, when it perceived such dealings, and thereupon was moved to provide by laws, and premunitions against the like afterwards. And if by these laws, and provisions it happened, that innocent men sometimes were wronged (as in all general laws it happeneth sometimes) yet was not the state (all causes first given considered) so much to be condemned; nay, rather it was to be excused, in that it is most certain, that it hath not proceeded with that rigour, upon such causes given, as otherwise it might have done, to the extirpation of all such persons, from whom, or from whose degree, such actions proceeded. And I would but ask Fa: Parsons (because I know him to be a great statist) this one question, whether in his conscience he do think there be any Prince in the world, be he never so catholic, that should have within his dominions a kind of people, amongst whom divers times he should discover matters of treason, and practices against his person, and state, whether he would permit those kind of people, to live within his dominions, if he could be otherwise rid of them, and whether he would not make strait Laws, and execute them severely against such offenders, yea, and all of that company, and quality, rather than he would remain in any danger of such secret practices, and plots? I think Fa: Parsons will not for shame deny this; especially if he remember the examples of the French religious men, for the like practices expelled England generally, in a Cath: time, and by a Cath: Prince, and their livings confiscate, and given away to others. The like was of the Templars, both in England, and France. Yea, to come nearer unto him, was not all their order expelled France for such matters, and yet the King, and state of France free from imputation of injustice in that action? If these things proceeded from Cath: Princes justly against whole Communities, or orders of Religion upon such causes; we cannot much blame our Prince, and state, being of a different Religion to make sharp laws against us, and execute the same, finding no less occasion thereof in some of our profession, than the foresaid Princes did in other religious persons, whom they punished, as you see. But you will say, that there is no reason, that the innocent should be condemned for another man's fault; if some one Cath: or Priest were faulty in this kind, all were not so; how then can the actions of the state against such be justifiable? To this I answer, that you cannot think that every particular French Monk, was guilty of treason in that King's days, when all were expelled, nor is it like that all the Templars were so irreligious, as some of them were, neither do I think that all the jesuits were accessary, or consenting unto their practices in France; yet all (you see) paid for the delict of some. Princes are jealous, and have cause so to be, there depending so much upon their safety as there doth. When therefore they find treachery in any Community, they will be sure to provide for the worst, and rather extirpate that Community, then live in fear thereof. Doth it not so happen always, when the Governors or Magistrates of a City, counite, or concur unto any treason; doth not the City presently lose all her privileges, and the Prince seize upon the same, and take all into his own hands, & government, suppressing the whole state of the City, for the faults of a few only? what marvel then, if this hath happened in our case, where there hath been such difference in religion? And then judge whether we, that have been innocent in such practices, (as GOD and our conscience can witness, and yet have felt the smart of such proceedings) have not great cause to clear ourselves; to exclaim against such as will never leave to irritate our Prince, and state, and to make known unto her Majesty, and our state, the innocency both of us, & of our ghostly children (who have been pressed with the burden of afflictions, by reason of such undutiful attempts in some few unrestrained persons) most humbly craving at her sacred hands, some redress for such miseries, that the stroke may light where the offence hath been given, and not henceforth upon the necks of poor innocents. If there be any offence in us towards her Majesty, or her proceedings, it is only in matters of religion, which being a thing not only proceeding of man's will, but by a light from God, informing first the understanding, and then the will, (and therefore not to be altered or disposed as other indifferent actions or conceits may be,) we hope may, and will be more excusable in her gracious sight. But for matters of practising against her person, crown, or state, that is a thing only proceeding from a perverse, and passionate will, the understanding still remaining sui juris, able to discern ad utrum libet, either of the conveniencies or mischiefs of such affairs, which no way can be excusable.  
Now whereas some worthy men are touched with such undutiful proceedings in the aforesaid Treatise, you must understand, that thereby the persons of the men are not condemned, but rather their facts, or they only in those facts, yet worthy men in themselves. And you must understand, that good men, yea Saints, have had their errors, (as these proceedings in these worthy men must be acknowledged) neither may we approve such errors because the Authors of them were Saints.  
No man approveth the defence of rebaptisation in Saint Cyprian, because S. Cyprian is a Martyr, and yet whilst he lived he defended the same very earnestly, & practised it with great contention against other Bishops. David's fact of murdering Urias, must not be excused, because he was secundum cor Dei, and now a Saint: no, no, passions and errors have reigned in Saints whilst they were upon the earth, yea even amongst the Apostles, and disciples of Christ, whilst he was with them. Therefore let no man be scandalised, that good men and worthy persons are condemned in some particular facts, sith no man liveth on earth without error.  
But you will say, it is commanded in the Law non revelabis turpitudinem patris tui, & the two sons of Noah were cursed of God, for revealing and laughing at their father's nakedness: therefore we should rather have buried such defects of our worthy parents in perpetual oblivion under ground, then have published them thus to the world. Alas, I would to God it had been in our power to have hid these things, without the mischiefs before expressed, believe us assuredly the world than should never have had knowledge of them, but it was not in our power, their facts were so public to the world, & better known unto our state then to ourselves. But it will still be said, if such men of worth, and great virtue, dealt in such matters, why should we so much exclaim against the jesuits? Is their fault so heinous therein above the others? To this I answer, that the jesuits faults are much more, as you also will confess, if you consider all circumstances well. For first, what was done by these worthy men, was done almost in the first heat of change of Religion, wherein both more passion might move, and greater hopes of recovery of religion stir them up to such attempts. Besides, their hopes of sincere dealing in such as should have concurred in those actions merely for religion, & not of ambition, might draw them on to follow such devices. For as then the ambitious intentions of the Spaniards were not discovered unto them; which once appearing, such as lived, and saw how little sincerity or care of God's cause they had, (but merely sought after the Crown, and the subversion of our country) not only repent them of their former dealings, but also detested, and hated such proceedings: as was manifest in Cardinal Allen: and doubtless would so have happened in the rest, if they had lived to have seen the handling of matters since. But for the jesuits they are so headlong, and violent in these courses, that they seem no more to regard the good of our Country, or estate thereof, than the Spaniards themselves. For notwithstanding the manifest intentions of conquest, and subversion by the Spaniards intended, yet do they so concur with them, as whereas the Spaniard of himself seemeth slow, they prick him on continually with plots & suggestions. Witness Fa: Parsons actions concerning two several Navies which miscarried: in one of which Ma: Doctor Stillington took his death: of the other since he speaketh in a letter writ from Rome to Ma. Thomas Fitzherbert. Witness this the late attempt in Ireland, in which Fa: Archer, an Irish jesuit was a great actor. Who will not say now, that the jesuits are much more to be blamed then any of the former worthy persons, sith they desist not to prosecute that, which by some of them was afterwards disliked, & continue an offence begun, yea and upon knowledge of the infinite deformity thereof, into which the other saw not so deeply, as is probable.  
Having thus given you some light, whereby you may truly see into the drift & end of the foresaid Treatise of Important considerations, & the reasons we have to purge ourselves of such inexcusable practices, (for the which hitherto we have all smarted) and the causes we have, not only to condemn those facts, and attempts, (how worthy soever the persons were, that dealt therein) but also to exclaim against those, that still run such disloyal races, and with all our power and might, not only to disclaim, but also resist, and reveal such undutiful practices, and endeavours, of her majesties disloyal, yet natural subjects, be they what they may be, and of what condition, and quality they will be, (for no condition, or quality may patronize disloyalty:) having I say, given you some light hereof, let us now consider, what particular objections, (or indeed barren exclamations) this Father maketh against this Treatise.  
We will let pass his vain quipping at sundry: and secular: being both scurrilous, and irreligious, in abusing the phrase of secular priests used, and approved always in God's Church, with great reverence to the order of priesthood, which he not without note of contempt, joineth with an allusion unto secular minds and desires; saying, not only secular in order, but also in mind, heart, and desires, making the word secular in one sentence to be predicatum indifferently, and in like sense (as a man would think) unto order, mind, hearts, & desires, & so may a man say, ordo saecularis, mens saecularis, corda saecularia, desideria saecularia, in one, and the same profane understanding, which how irreligiously it soundeth from the mouth of a religious man, judge you. Verily if he had been careful of his pen, he might have severed the sentences at the least so, as the sense of the word might have appeared divers, and therein have showed a reverent respect to priesthood, howsoever he had otherwise despised our persons. But let us see I pray you, what he saith to our mislike of certain Treatises, letters, and reports written, & made in divers parts of the world.  
All that he saith to this matter, is nothing but a shuffling up of grave, and worthy men of our nation, who have writ or dealt in such affairs; but whether therein they did well or ill, he never showeth by any reason or proof in the world. Only he exclaimeth at us, as envious, and malicious, & such as have sold our tongues to the common enemy. This kind of shifting dealing is common, & ordinary with this father, but how simple in the sight of wise men, I leave you to consider. If it be a sufficient proof, or excuse in every particular fact, viz. such a grave, and worthy man did the like, what matter of fact may not be excused? Did not S. Cyprian rebaptize such as had been baptised before by heretics? Is it therefore upon this ground a sufficient warrant to any man to rebaptize such as are baptised by protestants? Have not divers Saints, and Martyrs, done divers things not to be imitated of the generations following? What good conclusion than is this? Grave and worthy men have writ, and dealt in this affair, therefore it is good, convenient, and lawful. If such grave and worthy men had infallibility in their actions, (which Saints in this life have not had) then such an infallible inference might be made, but not otherwise. Therefore good Fa: you should not only have produced the actions of such men, but also the reasons, and grounds of their actions, and proved them to have been good and currant, by some convincing reason and proof: but this you never touch. Any shadow seemeth sufficient to you to blear men's eyes, but this may not serve your turn.  
Wise and grave men have erred, and sometimes do err; and yet remain both wise, and grave. We are not Angels who intuitiuè see into the natures of things, what is convenient, or inconvenient; but we are men subject to passion, and mutability, gathering things à posteriore, whereof follow many errors, and imperfections in our actions. And heere-uppon it cometh, that posteriores cogitationes solent esse meliores; and we often find that by experience, which at the first we were ignorant of. A notable example hereof we have in this very matter by Card: Allen, both a grave, and a wise man, (as all the world knoweth.) For he was somewhat faulty in the beginning in this kind (as by a certain treatise wherein his finger was, is too too manifest,) yet do we well know, that in his latter time this worthy prelate was such an enemy unto those proceedings, as he never could endure to hear of them, and much complained of the proceedings of some jesuits therein, as many can witness. Now then either Fa: Parsons must condemn the former actions of this worthy man as erroneous (as well as we do) or else disclaim from his latter proceedings, being not in the same course with the first. Yet here by the way I must tell you, that I verily think, that this worthy man was drawn unto these proceedings, more by others, then of his own nature; and I have no small reasons to induce me thereto: For first you know the general expectance of the whole world, concerning the Armado of 1588. as well for the greatness thereof, as the opinion of the Spaniards sincere pretence of Religion, which was nothing so. This conceit might draw the good Card: to be deceived, as well as Pope Sixtus, who (it is well known) was drawn into a conceit thereof, and deceived by them. Secondly, you are not ignorant, that even against that pretended invasion, he was advanced unto the honour, and dignity of a Prince, which might move a right good man. And that he had an opinion of a moderate course to have been taken by the Spaniards in that attempt; his own words in the said treatise do plainly show, saying, that he was made Card: for the sweeter managing of things in our Country after the conquest. Yet I cannot, but much wonder at this honest Fa: that in his marginal notes upon this point, he was so blind, or so bold, as to cite Doctor Saunders works de visibili Monarchia, and de schismate Anglicano; which works contain so many irreverent speeches, and the divulging of such odious matters against her Majesty, and her noble progenitors, as the untruths of some, and the incertainty of others considered, could not but irritate the most Christian Cath: and patient Prince in the world. But because the things are not meet to be repeated, yea, are scandalous to proceed from an English man; I refer myself for proof hereof to every man, that hath read the books. I would to God so worthy a man had not stained his works, with such stuff in these times, then would I dare to say, that he had been the greatest honour to his Country, and the worthiest man of the world. The like I may say of Didamus veridicus: For it is well known, that although the man was most worthy, and one of the most famous Clarks of this age, yet was he very choleric, and would sometimes bite more, than was convenient. But as for Philopater and Perni, I scorn to think of such foolish stuff, hatched by this Fa: and Fa: Creswell. And this shall serve in answer of the first point, leaving every man of indifferency to judge, whether such proceedings in matters of state, to the ruin, & overthrow of our Prince, and Country, daily practised by the jesuits (wherewith they are charged in the treatise of Important considerations) be sufficiently justified by the example of such like proceedings in other men, & whether there be any wrong done by us, in disliking of such courses, in those worthy men, whereof some of themselves afterwards disliked.  
Although I was purposed to have omitted that point, because I think you shall shortly see a particular Treatise thereof, yet will I now say a word or two, briefly of it. And the rather I will so do, in that I see Ma. Doctor Ely in his notes upon the Apology somewhat distasting the mention thereof, induced (as I verily think) by this only respect, that our state, being only Protestants, and in nothing consenting unto the authority of the sea of Rome, therefore there should be no reason, why the Pope should in any thing (necessary, or convenient for our Church) stay, or respect the consent or permission of our Prince, notwithstanding the pretence of the said law of Praemunire. But to satisfy in part Ma. Doctor, and whosoever else in this point, I thought good to add this consideration or motion, which drew me, and others of us, to make the matter more weighty, & urgent, than it seemeth Ma. Doctor Ely, and others apprehend.  
You must therefore understand, that the chiefest occasion of this law at the first was, to prevent many mischiefs, & inconveniences, which happened here in our Realm, by divers privileges and indults, that were procured from Rome by surreption, unjust favours, and false informations, by virtue of which indults and privileges, many contentions arose, aswell amongst the secular Clergy, as the religious, yea often times to the spilling of blood. To avoid these so great inconveniences, our Cath: Kings, with the free and full consent of all the Clergy, and temporalty, enacted that no such grant, procured from Rome, should be executed within the dominions of England, upon the penalties specified in the said statute, until the King's consent thereto were first obtained.  
Now then to the purpose, if his holiness had instituted any usual authority, heretofore accepted by our Kings & Clergy, and in use in Cath: times amongst us, and by the ordinary course of law (to wit by election or otherwise) ex plenitudine potestatis, (so that we had had sufficient notice thereof, to bind us to obedience) it may be said, that herein the offence unto the Cath: law of praemunire, had been only a material offence, if any at all, because we may judge all Princes to be bound in conscience, to become Cath: and to accept, and concur with such ordinances of his Holiness, as are usual, or necessary for the upholding of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy of Christ's church. As now her Majesty, being a Protestant, and so persuaded in conscience, is bound to concur & accept of such Ecclesiastical subordination, as is both usual and necessary for the preserving of the Protestants Church, and Clergy. But to accept and admit of an extravagant jurisdiction, unusual not only in the Church of England, but also in the whole church of Christ, from the time of Christ himself unto these days, and such an one, as was altogether unnecessary for our Church, yea very hurtful both to our poor afflicted Cath: and state also, (as we will show at large hereafter, if occasion be offered) could not (in my opinion) but draw after it the penalties of the law aforesaid, & justly. For if that law were just, when it was first instituted, it not being abrogated, is still just, and in force.  
Well then, this authority of the Archpriest being such an exorbitant, unusual, and inconvenient jurisdiction, & therefore such an one as could not in conscience bind any Catho: Prince to admit thereof, or consent thereto (were the times Catholic) I do not see why the same reason doth not hold now with us in these times, and how any man can be excused from the penalty of that law, in admitting an external jurisdiction without the knowledge of their Prince, and against her consent, unto which if she were a Catholic, she were not bound to consent, but chose to repugn. This I say is wilfully, without all reason or necessity, to contemn her princely prerogative, and therefore no excuse of religion, conscience, or the like▪ can (in my conceit) free any man, thus accepting of this authority at the first, but mere ignorance of the law, and case which I think was invincible in most.  
The third point of the argument of this work of Important considerations, is so falsely & so maliciously related by him, that (believe me) it doth not a little amaze me, to consider so strange boldness in a man of his coat. First he saith, that in the said book we affirm: that neither the Pope, nor any other Ecclesiastical power, hath authority to restrain, punish, or repress, by way of force, or arms immediately, or by others, any christian temporal Prince whatsoever, for any delict of heresy, Apostasy, impugnation of Christian faith, extirpation of religion, or other crime whatsoever, though never so much danger, or damage should ensue by his default to the Common wealth, or the rest of Christendom. If any living man under heaven (reading the aforesaid discourse) do find any such speech, as this here delivered by this unhonest jesuit, let all that he hath said, be believed against us: yea I say moreover, if any man of indifferency, do gather any such meaning, or intention in the foresaid Treatise directly, or indirectly delivered, by any phrase or sentence whatsoever, I will say, what he will have me. How wicked, and spiteful a collection then this of Father Parsons is, judge you.  
All that is said to this purpose in that Treatise, is this, in the 37. page. Secondly, we do acknowledge by our learning, (secluding all Machiavilian Maxims) that Ecclesiastical persons, by virtue of their calling, are only to meddle with praying, preaching, and administering the Sacraments, and such other like spiritual functions, and not to study how to murder Princes, nor to licitate kingdoms, nor to intrude themselves into matters of state, successions, and invasions, as Friar George did in Pannonia, to the utter ruin of that beautiful Realm. Let any man of reason say, whether this be not a most Catholic and true discourse, or whether out of this, any such irreligious paradox (as fa: Parsons affirmeth) may justly be deduced. And note here by the way, that all this speech is of inferior Ecclesiastical persons, not of the Pope, for that is afterward touched precisely by itself.  
Note also that it is said, that Ecclesiastical persons, by virtue of their calling, that is, as they are persons spiritual, are only to meddle with praying, preaching, and administering of the Sacraments. etc. Which is so true a Position, and Catholic, as no Catholic dare to deny it, the institution thereof from Christ himself being to no other end. Yet you must understand, that many times ecclesiastical vocation, is also joined with temporal jurisdiction, as now in the Popedom, & in divers Bishoprics in Germany, and some here in England, if I be not deceived. We do not deny, but such ecclesiastical persons as they, being also temporal Princes, may execute temporal laws, and punish etiam quo ad vitam, et necem, their subjects, and those that live under their government: but as he is a Bishop or spiritual person, he cannot muster soldiers, bear arms, or march against his enemies in the field. But you perhaps will say then, that an Ecclesiastical person may not defend his right by force, when otherwise he cannot, & by that means he shall be subject to all incursions of thieves, murderers, & other barbarous and wicked people. To this I answer, that as he is a man, and therewith enjoying all the privileges of the law of nature, he may defend himself in such cases, not defensoriè only, but also offensiué, not only by bare resisting, but even by striking, wounding, slaying, etc. And hereupon he may take arms in his own, or country's defence: (such I mean as in their precincts have absolute authority) but this is not as he is an ecclesiastical person, but as he is a civil Magistrate, and enjoyeth the freedom of the law of nature, which he looseth not by being ecclesiastical, secular, or religious. And upon these grounds oftentimes have Religious men defended their houses, and Monasteries with arms, and justly.  
But that ecclesiastical persons, as they are ecclesiastical, should go about to reduce either Pagans, Turks, or heretics by force, and dint of sword, by poisoning, or murdering of Princes, by soliciting rebellions, or invasions, to the destruction of their Prince or country▪ leaving thereby the ordinary means of preaching, and teaching, with sufferings, and bloodsheddings commanded by Christ, and by himself, and his disciples, and all former Christians practised, is scandalous, not religious, Pagan like, & not Christian like. Could not Christ (think you) have enforced the jews to the Gospel, having so many legions of Angels at his command? Were not the jews as much bound to hearken unto him, and follow his doctrine, as the Protestants, or any other can be to us? Or can we think that Christ did not command the best way, when he said unto his disciples, euntes in mundum universum praedicate evangelium omni creaturae: qui crediderit, et baptizatus fuerit, saluus erit, qui veró non crediderit, condemnabitur? Did he not hereby leave it to the liberty, and freedom of the hearers, whether they would believe, or not? Or did he command them to murder or take weapons against such, as would not believe them? or could he not have subdued the whole world by force of arms, unto the Gospel, if he would? If then Christ gave these directions, why should we seek new stratagems for conversions of countries? But you will say unto me, that our Protestants have been of the Church, that they are Christians, & by their baptism borne true subjects unto Christ's church, and afterwards are revolted from their due obedience, which they owe unto her: wherefore, they may be constrained unto their obedience again as well, as any natural subject rebelling from his natural Prince unto his temporal obedience. To this I answer, first, that the case is not all one: for why, the obedience of a subject to his temporal Prince, consisteth only in the will, which is in every man's power within himself, but the obedience of every Christian catho: to God's church, consisteth as well in the understanding as the will, and chiefly in the understanding, which ought to direct the will.  
Now I think all men know, that the understanding of a man cannot be forced by any, to this, or that; but as it is informed and convinced by reason. For who is he that can enforce his understanding to judge it to be midnight, and extreme darkness, when the Sun shineth at noone-time of the day? Whereupon it followeth, that there is more reason, & less difficulty for a temporal Prince to enforce his subjects to temporal obedience, then for the Church by temporal force to constrain Countries and kingdoms unto the faith. But you will again object, that by the same reason, a Catho: Prince, or Bishop in his own absolute dominion, or sovereignty, may not, by the force of the laws of the Church, or state, enforce any subject to live a Cath: but he may follow what religion he list; which would breed both confusion in the Church, and commonwealth quickly. To this I say, that there are two things to be considered in this case; the first is his religion, the second is his example, whereby there ariseth not only danger, & hurt unto the Church, & sound members thereof, but also damage unto the settled Commonwealth, and prejudice unto the Prince in his quiet estate, in that by one, or two particular peevish men's example, division and strife may arise in his Commonwealth, to the ruin or subversion thereof by inward mutinies, and dissension, which ordinarily followeth novelties, and innovations. For the first part, which is his difformity in faith and religion, the Clergy, or Bishop, hath to look unto it, and reform it if he can; if he cannot, but findeth him obstinate in his opinions, he executeth the spiritual law upon him, by the sword of excommunication, whereby he is spiritually slain and cut off from Christ's flock. Which if he still continue, then doth the Church judge him not only withered in the branch, but also dead in the root, and therefore as a dead tree, delivereth him up unto the secular power, to execute law & justice upon him. Where note, that the Church taketh not away his life, but chose, delivering him up unto the secular power, entreateth for him: and then doth the Prince, or secular Magistrate, execute the sentence of death upon him, as a person dangerous to the state of his Realm, and his other good and loyal subjects for the reasons abovesaid.  
These kind of proceedings in God's church, show how far she hath ever been from so violent courses, as to plant religion, and faith, by blood; and that unto a Clergy person, as he is a Clergy person, the power of life and death belongeth not; neither do such proceedings in deed imitate the clemency of Christ, whom the Church and Clergy (framed unto him) should imitate. Neither did the Bishops in the primitive church, put to death such heretics, as fell from their faith, and taught false doctrine, (as they might have done many times, no doubt, especially if private murmurings in such cases had been tolerable.)  
S. Bernard, a religious man, dealing with S. William, Duke of Aquitaine, (a great persecuter of god's people at that time, did not seek to poison, or murder him secretly, to rid the world of him, and yet he had him privately for some time together in his Monastery, where he might with great facility have done it: neither did he seek to suggest practices against him in his own country, or invasions from the King of France, or other Princes adjoining, but to win him by wholesome instructions, spiritual conferences, and the like. Neither did the Pope at that time seek his subversion, but his reformation, sending persuasive messages unto him to desist, yea and embassages by the said holy Saint Bernard, to move him to better courses: and by these kind & wholesome means praying continually for his conversion with patience, and expectance, they won him from a persecuter, and a very wicked man, to become the rarest penitent, and strangest pattern of austerity in the world. Whereby of a vessel of ignominy and reproach, he became a vessel of glory, and of a bad man, a Saint. Why should we not have dealt so with our prince, and state, by prayers and supplications, if they had been never such cruel persecutors, which (all occasions that have been given them being well considered) we cannot justly affirm, who knoweth whether God by such prayers, and means, would not have converted their hearts to other courses, sith the hearts of Kings are in the hands of God.  
But saith Fa: Parsons, this paradox tasteth of Lutheranism & Anabaptism. We answer, that by God's grace, we are as far off from either Luther's, or the Anabaptists doctrine, as he, or any of his Society. Neither do we either deny external force, or civil Magistrate, or dispute (as Martin Luther is said to have done) to prove that it is not lawful to wage war against the Turk. We have not in all this discourse once gone about to affirm, much less to prove, that any one king may not upon just causes, make war against another. Nay, we did never say, that cause might not be given of such just war even in some case of religion: but leave that as a matter not pertinent to be handled of us at this time. This only we have said, and do say, that religious men or priests, have not to do with kingdoms, and those of our own Nation, which have dealt in such affairs against their prince, and country▪ we do therein condemn their actions, and disclaim from them, as undutiful and unpleasant to all true English natures. And we wish also with all our hearts, that no Pope, or other Clergy person, had ever meddled therein to exasperate our prince & state against us at home. Yet if we had generally kept our fingers from such matters, howsoever they had been attempted by foreigners, we are persuaded, that the wisdom of our prince, and state, would not have imputed their actions unto us, in whom we could not have had so much interest, as to infringe either their wills or endeavours. But it being otherwise too evident, that some have intermeddled in such matters (though sore against our wills) we can do no less, but acknowledge it to be a fault, and worthy of punishment: humbly prostrating our petitions at the feet of her Majesty, that it will please her to make distinction of the innocent, and such as never have offended in this kind, from those, that have entangled themselves in such monstrous, and unnatural attempts; that poor harmless innocents, and such as with their souls love her person, and with their blood are ready to defend her estate, and their country, (as I am persuaded all the Catholics in England are, which remain untainted with jesuitism) may not perish for the offences of others.  
Another falsehood of this Fa: is in relating another place in the 38 page of the aforesaid Treatise of Important considerations, which he thus reporteth, viz. The word of the spirit, and not the sword of the flesh, or any arm of man, is that which giveth life, and beauty to the Cath: Church, and that the promise made to Saint Peter, is a sure, and sufficient ground to defend Catholic religion without arms. Thus he relateth our words, and then exclaimeth against the paradox forsooth. How sincerely & truly he setteth our words down, you shall see, and thereby judge of his honesty. Our words are no other than these.  
The Catholic faith, for her stability and continuance, hath no need of treachery, or rebellion. The promise made to S. Peter is her sure ground, and is more dishonoured with treasons, & wicked policies of carnal men, than any way furthered or advanced. The word of the spirit, and not the sword of the flesh, or any arm of man is that, which giveth life or beauty to the Cath: Church. Confer I beseech you, this speech delivered as it was by us, & as Fa: Parsons relateth it, and see whether he hath played the part of a faithful and honest relator. First therefore before we enter into his false dealings herein, it is most evident in the judgement of wise men, that arms, & weapons never beautify God's Church, or the Catholic faith, howsoever they may be necessary or convenient, sometimes to defend the same from incursions of adversaries, or oppressions of Infidels, Turks, or Heretics, as in some sort is before expressed. For all beauty of the Catho: Church, consisteth in unity, and consent of doctrine, true, and reverend administration of Sacraments, true, and sincere preaching of God's word, holy observations of the rights, and ceremonies thereof, and the like. In these consist the beauty of the Catho: Church, and Religion, and not in any arm of man, or sword of flesh, as all men I think will confess. But see now his fidelity. In the place of this sentence, set: the promise made to S. Peter, is her sure ground, and is more dishonoured with treasons, etc. He putteth down these words: The promise made to S. Peter, is a sure, & sufficient ground to defend Catho: Religion without arms. Who would think a religious man would deal so falsely in relating one poor sentence? verily if he were not a jesuit, I would think it impossible. What unconscionable dealing is it in him to add unto our words (sufficient) thereby to make appearance, as though we excluded all means else of preservation of God's Church, but only relying upon that promise to S. Peter, without any other endeavours? Would he have the world to think us so simple, as that we do not know, that God useth secondary means, and men's particular endeavours, both for the advancement of his Church, as also the continuance thereof, as well as he did for the Synagogue of the jews? Or will he make it a necessary consequent, because we exclude treasons, and wicked policies of carnal men: therefore we exclude all honest, just, and lawful means of defending, or propagating of God's cause? How doth this follow, unless there be no other means, but by treasons, and wicked policies, which none but wicked persons will affirm, and such as will make treasons, and wicked policies acceptable sacrifices unto Christ? as though God delighted in wickedness, or had need of such means, to defend what he hath erected in manu forti, et brachio excelso: No, no; we say further, to confirm our former proposition, that although God doth use second causes in divers his works, and the help, or concurrence of man in the advancing of his Church, yet is his promise made to S. Peter so sure a ground, that if it were possible, that all men's endeavours should surcease, yet should not his Church fail. Ipse enim dixit, for he hath said, it shall not fail, nor hell gates prevail against it. And further we affirm to strengthen, and 'stablish the second part, that treasons, and wicked policies of men, are so far from advancing God's cause, that both he, and his cause are much disgraced: he dishonoured, and his cause much hindered thereby. Now let Fa: Parsons prefer these propositions to the Inquisition, and we will be defendants, and yet in all things submit ourselves, actions, and words, unto the judgements of Christ's spouse, as willingly, and readily as any jesuit, or Christian else (by God's grace) in the world.  
Furthermore, also he fosteth these words in the tail of our sentence, (to defend Catho: Religion without arms) which are his own additions, and no words of ours. These unfaithful dealings cannot hold out: God will not be mocked with his jugglings, and shift; truth will be seen do, what Fa: Parsons can do, with all his cunning shifts. To conclude therefore upon the ground laid, we say again, and with as great confidence affirm as before; that all arguments brought to the contrary of this we have said, whether by the jesuits, or any other disloyal subject, they be mere untrue Sophistications, and therefore not to be believed. And as for the labour which Fa: Parsons hath bestowed, in citing of authors, he hath done, but as Ma: Lyster did in his Libel of schism, labour about a matter not in controversy, always flying the true point of difference betwixt us. For in all the work of Important considerations, the Pope's indirect authority in temporalibus is not called in question, nor any one word spoken thereof; neither is the power of deposing Princes examined or meddled withal, only therein we complain of treasonable practices, and attempts against our Prince, and state, by some of her disloyal subjects, & of false subordinations, and informations to his Holiness; whereby some Popes have been drawn to consent, and enter into such inconvenient courses. And what we speak of resisting the Pope, is not in respect of his ecclesiastical authority (whereof we only speak,) but of hostile invasion, against which to defend ourselves, and Country, we are taught by the very law of nature, without respect of person, or intention of the invader, as I shall show manifestly in the answer to that point objected. By this you may see, whether the reasons, and authorities alleged by Fa: Parsons, be not sophistications, and false arguments (as he urgeth them, and draweth conclusions from them,) in that he proceedeth upon a false ground, and maketh thereupon untrue illations. Because forsooth the Pope hath indirectam potestatem etiam in temporalibus (according to the common opinion,) that is, such power as is necessary for the reformation of the subjects of Christ's Church; therefore if he go about to transfer gentem in gentem, (which is only a power belonging unto almighty God) or to invade with weapons in hostile manner, he is not to be resisted. This is the conclusion he would, and must infer upon the reasons, and authorities alleged by him; or else he proveth nothing against us. Which conclusion how false, and absurd it is, both against the law of Nature, and common practice of the world, I leave every man of wit, and wisdom to judge.  
Now whereas in the 4. point, he urgeth against us these words, that if the Pope should come in person with an Army, where we are, under pretence to establish catholic Religion by force: we would oppose ourselves against him, and spend the best blood in our bodies in that quarrel, etc. and termeth it a brave, and resolute protestation against the Pope. This fellow was ashamed to relate, what we had spoken concerning our obedience, and love to the Sea Apostolic immediately before, which was, that if either his Holiness should come in person, or send some Damianus or Augustine, etc. we would lie at his, or their feet▪ and defend with them the Catholic faith by sacred Scripture, and authority of the Church, though it cost us our lives. This saying (which cannot but show our sincerity towards God's Church, and Vicar general to all charitable men) this good Fa: left out of purpose, snatching only at our heels like a Cur, and taking the ends of speeches to comment upon at his pleasure.  
But to show you that Fa: Parson's cunning wit cannot infringe our protestation (as he termeth it) of resisting the Pope, if he come with Arms to invade, though with pretence of Religion; you shall understand first, that (as we have often said) every man is bound by the law of Nature, to defend his life, his Country, and freedom of both. Upon which irrefragable ground, I do infer this sequel: that if any man in the world, under what pretence so ever, do enter the bounds of my Country, with fire, and sword in hostile manner, (by which of necessity, spoil of my Country, subversion of the state, oppression of Innocents', loss of my life, or friends will ensue) I am not only patronized therein to defend myself, friends, and Country, opposing myself against such evils, but also am bound thereto. Neither therein can I justly be said to resist, or impugn the Catho: Religion, or defend heresy, in that I only stand directly for that, which the law of nature bindeth me unto. And if any hindrance thereby of Cath: Religion should follow, it were not to be imputed unto me, not intending any such impeachment, or damage to God's Church, nor doing any act, which of itself tendeth to any such end.  
Secondly, it is well known unto me, that Christ hath left other means, by preaching, teaching, and good example of life, for the conversion of Infidels, Heretics, or sinners, and to me it is not known, that Christ's will is, that my Country shall be converted by the sword, and not by his word, and such other holy means: Yea, it rather appeareth unto me, that our relapsed Country is to be converted by the way, and means that Christ himself, and his Apostles used, and not by such bloody, and desperate courses. Therefore I may, and am bound, rather to cleave unto that mean, then to any other extreme, or unnatural enterprises. Thirdly, we see by practice, that GOD hath ever disfavoured such attempts, to the admirable preservation both of her Majesty, and our Country, which may give us just cause to think, that God is not pleased with such violent courses.  
Fourthly, whatsoever cause may be in a foreigner, or in the Pope himself to impugn, or invade our country, which may make his quarrel just, and lawful on his part, yet am not I to take notice thereof. Yea, though the cause were evidently just in my knowledge, and conscience, yet I am not bound to leave my country, and assist him. For the common good of my country, and weal thereof, is to be preferred before the particular right of any person whatsoever. And hereupon it falleth out, that many times the invader or oppugner, hath just cause to invade with arms, and therein doth no injustice; and yet for all that, on the contrary side, the defendants may justly by force of arms keep, & defend themselves, and country, from such hostile incursions, their liberties and country being more dear unto them, than the righting of any particular parson.  
For if a private person, possessing goods or lands in controversy, be not bound in conscience to forsake them, and deliver them up unto the owners (who by sentence of law hath recovered them) until such time as by execution of the civil Magistrates or sheriff, the possession thereof be given from him, what reason is there that a whole country, wherein always are many innocents, not guilty of any just cause of such oppressions, should yield up their rights, and become slaves and vassals to foreigners, losing the rights and privileges of their country?  
But you will say unto me, that neither the Pope is a foreigner in respect of his authority, and dominion, extending over the whole world, neither is this cause, being Catholic religion, his particular right, but the right, which ought to be in every creature. To the first I answer, that notwithstanding that the Pope, according to his spiritual authority, might be said to be no foreigner, yet if he come as an invader, under what pretence soever, he may be said to us a foreigner, in that his power consisteth of foreigners, and cruel soldiers, by whose villainy, many miseries and oppressions, were sure to light upon innocents, and utter spoil upon our whole country. Neither were I bound to believe the Pope, though he should affirm the contrary; because the wills of soldiers, (by whom such villainies and oppressions would be committed) could not be in his power. And therefore I say, that if the Pope could bring Christ with him in person, or an army of Angels, whereby we might be assured, that reformation should follow without oppressions, or extreme miseries and calamities: then we might take part with him: but if he come with an army of men, (and such men as soldiers are, whom all villainies follow) he must not blame us, if to avoid such evils, we stick to the law of nature, and defend ourselves, our Prince, and country. And hereupon it is, that we say we be persuaded, that priests of what order soever, ought not by force of arms, to plant or water the Catholic faith, but in spiritu lenitatis, et mansuetudinis, to propagate and defend it: considering the inconveniences, which follow arms, and invasions, and the little fruit, that cometh thereof, or the small number of Catholics that arise thereby, so little good example of virtue being given by soldiers, especially Spaniards. Yet by the way I may not omit to note again Father Pars: his perfidious dealing, in displacing of the word defend, saying, that no priests ought to plant, water, or defend, which followeth not in our sentence. For a man may by arms sometimes defend a thing got, which by arms he could not justly get.  
As for example, Munks or religious men, may not get themselves Monasteries or lands by force of arms, but having justly got them otherwise, and having an absolute authority within their precincts, they may by force keep them from such foreigners, as unjustly invade them, if otherwise they cannot. So may and aught religious men, and priests, to defend catholic countries from the incursions of the Turk, Infidels, or heretics, as oft times they have done. But it followeth not therefore, that they may go into the countries of Infidels in hostile manner with arms, only to plant the catholic faith by force. But this is after the old fashion of Fa: Parson's just dealings.  
I could here urge him with an objection, which would please him but a little; to wit, that if every man be bound to assist the Pope, invading as he would have him, it is for that the cause he pretendeth is just. And then do I say secundum magis, et minus, that not only the Pope, but every Prince, or other person, coming with force of Arms into any Country is to be received, and assisted by the inhabitants, and subjects of the Country, if his cause be known to be just under pain of deadly sin. Which if it be true, why then did not his great Majesty of Spain, in Paul the fourth's time, restore Naples unto the sea of Rome, when as Caraff invaded the same with force of arms? The world will say, and the Pope himself will affirm, that he hath more right thereto, than the Spaniard: how chanced it then that he kept it by force from the Pope, & still doth? See what confusion would follow Fa: Parson's doctrine.  
But he will say, that religion is not only a matter of justice, but also of necessity, binding all men thereunto. To this I answer, that though it be a thing of necessity, yet is not this necessity of force, or compulsion, but upon election, as Christ left it: and every man hath in his free will, whether he will accept of God's grace offered, or no. Neither can any law, or necessity in the world, contradict or impeach the law of nature, borne with man, and always remaining in him.  
To the 5. point objected by Fa: Parsons, we have said sufficient already, for our honest and lawful excuse, in blaming or condemning of some actions, done by worthy men, not thereby defaming, or condemning such persons, but such acts, as errors, in these worthy persons. Which is not (as he falsely affirmeth) to cast any fault upon any worthy person or Martyr, or to defame them in any sort: sith the facts imputed unto them, were too too well known unto the state, and too public unto the world. Whereby we were but constrained to purge ourselves, as guiltless of any such matter; rather choosing that the fault that was, should fall upon particular men, dealers therein, and so known to be to the world, then upon the whole company of innocent priests, & Cath: which was (I think) but according to the rules both of justice and charity.  
And whereas it is said, that if some of us had been of the counsel, and knowing as much as we do know, we should have given our consents to strait laws, for the suppressing, and preventing of such wicked designments; you must understand, that this is delivered but as the particular speech of some few, and not of all in general (as Fa: Parsons falsely setteth down.) Neither did we say, that we would have given our consents to that, which hath been done against Catho: as he maliciously perverteth our words, but only to some strait laws, for the suppressing and preventing of such wicked designments. Which I think any good commonwealths man in the world, of what religion soever, would have done, and could have done no less, then have yielded, and given consent to make some strait laws for preventing the ruin, and subversion of his prince and country, unless he had been perfidious unto his prince, and traitorous to his country.  
But by your leave Fa: Parsons, these laws should have have been made to have bridled such good fellows, as yourself, and others, that have dealt so perfidiously with their prince and country, and not generally, against all priests and Catholics. And we persuade ourselves, they had not been made so general, if her Majesty, and the state, had seen into the roots of such proceedings, and known that they had grown only from some few particular persons, such as yourself, and not from the body or most part of priests, and Catholics. Which the state could not see into & discern from the beginning, being ignorant of the distinction which ought to be made between us and your fellows: and therefore is not so much to be cried out against, and defamed for tyranny (this ignorance considered) as by you her highness, her laws, and government have been traduced: making yourselves thereby, and by others, the wicked enterprises, the principal, and chief cause of all such strait, and bloody laws. But rather is her Majesty, and the state to be excused, and implored for more pity and compassion towards us for the time to come: sith they now see farther into the true roots, springs, and causes, from whence, and from whom such attempts have come.  
Neither is Fa: Parson's recapitulation of some laws made, and some executed before their coming into England, a sufficient excuse; because it is well known that her Majesty, and the state, was divers times (as by the Important considerations you may see) irritated by sundry undutiful attempts of her subjects, and foreigners together, before she made any bloody law at all. And there are many pregnant presumptions, that the jesuits fingers were meddling in some, or most of them. For there be Priests, who have heard Fa: Parsons (when they were Scholars in Rome) make set Lectures for a whole Lent, (as I remember) of all matters, which had happened from her majesties beginning of her reign: In the discourse whereof he was so ready, and could descend so far into particular plots, and intentions of plots, which never came to pass, and were unknown to her Majesty, and the state, (as in the practice concerning the Earl of Northumberland, and the like) that you would swear, he or his, had been in the bosom of every such plot, and devise.  
To the sixth, and last point brought in preposterously, as he commonly useth to do, taking his bits by snatches here and there to make up his gallimaufry, it deserveth no other answer, then hath already been given, it being no other, but a fond exaggerating of his old common points, with exclamation, and bitter words; without reason, or proof of any one absurdity, or unjust untruth delivered by us. Which argueth his spirit to be more fraught with spite, than power, or ability. We will not ask him, which of the seven devils raileth, and biteth with so many bitter words, and false calumniation unjustly, and untruly against us, but heartily pray God to deliver him from all incursions of the devil, and all Atheism, and Machiavelisme, that he may sincerely see, how he hath offended God by his plots, and practices in abusing his poor afflicted Church in our Country, and setting dissension, and division in his Clergy, for the compassing of his policies, and designs, which so long as he, and his shall practise, we cannot but still entreat Cath: to forbear the sending of their children unto the schools, where such masters, as Fa: Parsons, and his associates, shall be teachers, and governors: but rather to send them to other Universities abroad in other Countries, until God shall provide better for us. And thus we will end our answer, unto the first Chapter, in which we have been over long, and tedious, because of the diversity of matters huddled up therein by Fa: Parsons, after his accustomed manner, desiring the Reader to bear with us therein, in that we were willing to open some things more largely, that such as were ignorant, or not so well acquainted with these our affairs, and the true causes of them, might see the better into the very grounds of all, which being so largely delivered in this first chapter, we shall with more facility, and more briefly pass over the rest that followeth: always (as occasion happeneth) referring you to what is delivered at large in this first treatise.   

An answer to the second Chapter, concerning our pretended passionate spirit, in the manner of the handling of our former arguments.  
FA: Parsons his 2. Chap. containeth little in substance, but what hath been said in the former, and is at large by us answered: only he hath taken a little pains, in speaking largely in his own praise, & to the commendation of some others of his own order; because they want good neighbours to advance, and extol them; and in gathering together of some choleric words, here and there delivered, in some of our former books. In which kind of style, although he, and some of his deserve the garland; yet he omitteth not to make the best show of advantage thereby, that he can against us, not looking back into himself, and his own most bitter speeches, no less full of gall, and choler, & much more untrue. Wherefore to answer that point, without farther particular repetitions of every word spoken in heat, which yet are but to be attributed unto the natures of the Writers, or rather in very deed unto the unjust, unconscionable, and irreligious dealings of Fa: Parsons, and other his associates, with the Archpriest, against us, whereby the natures of very good men, sometimes may be stirred up to heat, and choler, (as you may see in S. Hierom against Ruffinus,) & not to the whole company of our brethren, though as the proverb is, losers should have their words. To answer this, I say, we will bestow a little pains in collecting this good Fa: patient, and charitable words, and phrases uttered against us, in this work of Manifestation, and place them by themselves in the end of this treatise; desiring his Fatherhood to set the Hare's head against the Goose giblets: and then considering the innocency, and justice on our parts, and the wrongs, and oppressions we have received from him, & his: I hope the indifferent Reader will the rather bear with the excess of choler, uttered by some of our brethren in zeal of justice; the injuries offered, exceeding far the measure of heat on our brothers part. But yet because some things may happily occur in this Chapter, which the Reader may be desirous to be satisfied in: we will briefly examine the chiefest points of moment therein, though (believe me) they be so confusedly huddled together, that the pains are greater to marshal them into any good order, then to answer them. In the entrance to this Chap: (after his old accustomed manner) he poureth upon us store of choler, out of his distempered stomach; as, spite, rancour, envy, malice, desire of revenge, insufficiency in wisdom, learning, and all other virtues, carried away with fury, passion, and rage of revenge; not caring what, or how, or of whom they say any thing, so they may utter their gall, and disgorge their choler, upon them whom they envy, fear, or hate. These are the preparatives to his discourse, whereby you may perceive, what cause this man hath to exclaim, or take advantage of the bitter phrases of some of our brethren. But to leave him in his fumes: in the 20 page, after he had related some speeches, delivered in the preface to the Relation of Wisbich, against a letter of the Archpriest, he setteth down the Archpriests words therein concerning that point, & calleth it a mild, and an humble kind of writing. Which being examined in the Hope of peace, and convinced to be full of untruths (and therefore rather to be termed, a cunning clawing Epistle, & coverture of falsehood, then mild or humble,) we remit the Reader thither for his further satisfaction therein. As touching the speech of Fa: Weston delivered to M. Dolman, which he allegeth in the 20 leaf, and of his recollecting himself with his associates unto prayer, his framing of his countenance to weep, and of M. Doct: Bavands like show; (which he most highly commendeth as religious, and full of piety, and humility, and blameth us of contempt, in the relating thereof, and disliking thereat) you must understand that there is no good thing, or action in the world, but it may be abused; neither do any men use more ostentation of devotion, and humility, than hypocrites, and such as seek most to deceive. Did any man show greater reverence in outward behaviour to Religion, and religious men, than Nicholas Machiavelli, as all men report of him? And yet he was, but an Atheist inwardly. Therefore not the bare actions of themselves, (which may be indifferent either good or bad,) but the manner, and intention, with all other necessary circumstances, must be considered. For if any circumstance be faulty, the action is thereby vitiated, though otherwise good of itself. Bonum est ex integra causa, malum autem ex quolibet defectu. If then the intentions, or circumstances of these extrinsical shows of piety, or devotion were to evil ends: how can the actions be said to be good, humble, or religious? Is it Religion or devotion to pray, that a man may meet with another man's purse by the high way side? Doubtless no, but an abuse of prayer, and yet prayer is good in itself.  
These actions then of Fa: Weston, tending to the oppression, & defaming of his fellow prisoners (as we have showed manifestly in the former chapter) could not be termed humble, devout, or religious; but an abuse thereof, and therefore justly taxed as such, in the relation of those stirs. And as for his fair show unto Ma: Doleman, that if the rest would be persuaded, he would give over, and meddle no further, it was but a mere shift, as the event afterwards showed, and as you may see by the former chapter. Besides, Ma. Dolman can well testify so much, and myself also, who urged this point precisely unto him, but could draw him to no indifferency. And when I had pressed him earnestly therewith, he shifted me of unto the rest, whom he knew to be so settled by him in that course, that it was bootless for me, or any other to deal with them therein.  
But I would demand of you Fa: Parsons this one question: If father Weston were so virtuous, so humble, and so religious, as you would make the world think him to be, why (I beseech you) did he not humbly imitate the example of S. Gregory Nazianzen, who being lawfully chosen Bishop of Constantinople, without either faction, or sedition, yet when he afterwards perceived contention to arise amongst the Bishops about him, (though unjustly) he voluntarily departed, using this speech of jonas the Prophet, Si propter me orta est haec tempestas, proijcite me in mare, rather choosing to prejudice himself, than that tumult and contention should arise in the Church.  
Doubtless, if Fa: Weston had been a man of so rare humility, as here Fa: Parsons affirmeth, he would have departed from that faction, how violent soever they had been, and rather than such scandalous stirs should have been caused by such emulation for him, to the infamy of so reverend a place, as Wisbich was before that time, and the infinite hurt of our poor afflicted Church in England, he would (I say) have withdrawn himself from them, and chosen rather to have lived in a hole, then to have referred the matter to his copartners, sct. if they be pleased, I am content.  
If S. Gregory had stood upon such terms, concerning those Bishops, that took his part, when (I pray you) would there have been an end of those contentions? No, no, there was no such spirit of humility in Fa: Weston as you talk of, but chose, too too much desire of rule, and pre-eminence. I pray God he may prove more humble in all his life to come, than he showed himself to be, in those garboils. Touching Ma. Doctor Bauand, I know he will not deny, but that the second, or third day after his being at Wisbich, he much disliked the violent proceeding of fa: weston's part, and complained of the impatience, and importunity of some of them, saying that they were ready to pull his cloak from his back, because he would not hear their clamours. Howsoever he grew afterwards to favour them, and their proceedings, let him look to it. It is true, that since that time he hath prosecuted some matters, further than any man in conscience could do, (so hath affection blinded, or overruled him) as by a letter written by him in the jesuits behalfs, I have showed in the first chapter.  
Concerning Fa: Garnets' politic dealing in those affairs, then, and in divers other since, I refer you also to the first chapter of this Reply, to the Relation itself: and to all those books that have been written of our late troubles. Wherein if you find not store of policies, and such as (I think) may beseem a right cunning politician: blame my judgement, as very mean, and weak. And therefore as in the beginning I said, so say I still, that no wise man will measure every man by every good action that proceedeth from him, or every good word he uttereth, but measure his actions and words by their sequels, & circumstances. Because every defect diminisheth the good, and corrupteth the best moral deed of man. Otherwise, we might truly say, hypocrites were the best men, because commonly they do (at the least publicly) the most moral good deeds.  
We may not omit here the great humility he also noteth in this Fa: Weston, for his promiscuall sitting at the table, sometimes here, sometimes there, as it pleased him, leaving his proper place, which was beneath Ma. Doctor Bagshaw▪ and Ma. Bluet, which in the Relation is justly condemned. For before this, there was much murmuring amongst his associates, that he was not preferred unto the highest place, before the foresaid two priests: which because he could not obtain, he framed that new fashion of sitting, (as novelties always follow pride) thereby (under a colour forsooth of humility) to take away the note of his minority, to the aforesaid Doct: and M. Bluet. And let not Fa: Parsons after his accustomed manner, say, that this is a malicious interpretation of his humble act; for novelties never follow humility, but pride, and disdain. Neither can he avoid the note of novelty in this action of fa: Weston, because religious men use such manner of sitting in their Monasteries. For to introduce into the secular Clergy, those things which may be fitly used of Friars, and Monks in their Monasteries, were both a novelty, and ridiculous. And so we account of this particular action of promiscuall taking place at meals, resembling the Puritans consistories, where there must be no Bishop, nor degree, but a democratical brotherhood all alike; which the Church of GOD hath ever detested in her Clergy. 
john as good as Thomas.  But if this humble Father would have showed true, and sincere humility indeed, he should have betaken himself to his true place (in that he was a religious man) & have set himself beneath all the priests there at the neither end of the table. Neither could be in justice challenge any higher place, being a private religious man in his order, and no prelate, as Father Parsons would have him to be, because he had been his substitute in England, over the jesuits, but never Provincial, though we termed him so, in that he was his delegate. For his said substitution surceasing, he was but as before, a private religious man, whereas the other priests were & are verè pastors. And every man knoweth, that the place of a pastor is above any private religious man, though of courtesy sometimes they may, upon opinion of their sanctity, give such a place unto them.  
In the 22. leaf he talketh of wonderful folly in us, and passionate proceeding, in telling you of the greatness of that society through all Christendom; that many great men, both of the Laïtie and Clergy were jesuits, & jesuited: and that fa: Parsons was an especial man with the king of Spain, the Pope, and Cardinals. All which make against us, as he saith, and show fa: Parsons virtues and good parts, and the great reverence, & esteem of the whole Society. A strange folly sure this is, Cardinal Wolsey was a great man with King Henry the eight, with the Emperor Charles the fifth, with the King of France, and other great Princes, and for a time he could do great matters with them all; ergo, Card: Wolsey was a virtuous and holy man. Stay there Ma: Parsons, you will not say so. Friar George in Hungary was a great man with the Emperor sometimes, and with other Princes other times, and ruled all the country at his pleasure, ergo, a good & virtuous man? It doth not follow. Fa: Parsons is, or hath been a great man with the King of Spain, deceived the Pope, abused Cardinal Caietane, and other princes, & many great men, have had a better opinion of him then he deserved, whereby he hath been reputed for a more honest man, than he proveth; ergo, fa: Parsons is a Friar George, or Wolsey. Doth not this conclusion follow as fitly, as the other?  
Have not many times bad & lewd men won great favour and credit both with Popes and other Princes? What great folly (I pray you) was it to tell you, that father, Parsons could do much with the Pope, or other great men with his juggling; or that he was great with the king of Spain, by reason of his practising unnaturally against his own Country in his behalf? or what folly is it to tell you, that his Order is very powerful in all Christendom? Indeed it is a bug to many faint-hearted Catholics, yea, and to some of our brethren to: who seeing their greatness, are afraid to encounter with them, though their cause be never so just. But let them be as great as they can: the greatness of their order, & power thereof, gaineth not sanctity to every member. I pray God that the conceit thereof, make not some of them be bold in going still forward with their most wicked designments: which howsoever they shall presume to attempt, they shall (by God's grace) find such, as both dare, and will, to their powers, withstand those their endeavours, notwithstanding all their greatness.  
As for the averring of some great men to have been jesuits, or jesuited it is certain, that many great men have too much favoured them, through an opinion of their sanctity. Whereby some times they have been the easier drawn to like of their proceedings. But that ever any of us said that Cardinal Allen was a jesuit, it is an untruth of a jesuit: and the same I think of Doctor Saunders, and Doctor Bristol, though they might be too much affected towards them, upon such an erroneous opinion. But as for Don Bernardino Mendoza, it is known, that he was wholly affectionate to them, and it is but an ordinary course with the jesuits, to bind both noble men and women, and others also unto them by vow, and yet leaving them in the world to be their instruments, of which kind in both sexes, I could name some in our own Country. And therefore it is no strange thing to charge the jesuits to have men in the world abroad that are theirs, and bound to them in vow, and therefore may be termed jesuits. For what doth incorporate into a religious body, but the vows thereof, amongst which obedience, is the chiefest.  
Touching the relation of matters objected against our friends in Wisbitch: there was no more folly therein, then is in clearing any innocents of false matters objected against them, or for Fa: Parsons to lay down objections, urged against himself and his friends, and to go about, to answer them. And as for the disorders objected, if they be not so to the full answered, that all note of folly thereby is sufficiently taken away, and that with the discredit of some of his subjects, chief actors in such uncharitable, false, and unjust accusations; let them urge them a new, and prosecute them, either iuridicé, or by writing, and we will be ready to answer him at every turn, to his discredit.  
In the 23 leaf, he setteth down certain propositions, given up unto the arbitrators in Wisbich, at the first meeting about those stirs; by which articles (he saith) the quiet part meant (as you may see) to have matters quietly, and secretly decided, and the defects, and disorders, which had been cause of the separation, to be uttered modestly by common consent, and no man's fame publicly hurt. This assertion is so false, as Fa: Parsons cannot but know it to be false. For (as in the former Chap: we have set down, and is declared in the Relation) before any separation was made by them, they had by letters, and messages spread abroad into all coasts, infamous slanders against the united part, and at their very separation, prefixed the cause of their retire to be for scandals, and mortal sins. How then was it possible, that matters could be secretly examined, without hurt of any man's fame, when as they had defamed them long before, & published the same to the world? And as for the articles, the very first of them (to omit the rest) contained such a condition, as might have tied the arbitrators to have stayed 7. years, to hear an end of their fiddle-faddles, every foot feigning new accusations, though nothing to the purpose, to delay time, and weary the arbitrators. Besides, by the course of their conditions proposed, they would seem but to have tied themselves to have been informers, and not accusers; so that the arbitrators should have proceeded by way of interrogations, to examine men upon questions without accusers; which kind of dealing how unjust, and uncharitable it was (being both against the law of justice, and charity, to urge men against themselves without accusers) let every man of understanding judge. To prevent these inconveniences, our friends set down four other articles, which he afterwards mentioneth. The first is this, viz: we require that satisfaction be made for the slander, and diffamation sustained by the breach, if sufficient cause cannot be proved for their so doing. Upon this Fa: Parsons maketh a marginal note of satisfaction desired for things past; and prosecuteth the same afterwards, as if it had been a heinous matter, for Priests being defamed, to require satisfaction, when the diffamation is past. I would fain know when men should demand satisfaction, if not when wrongs were already done. I am sure a man can demand no satisfaction before the wrong be past; for before it be past, it is no wrong. Whether then in demanding of satisfaction, when no just cause could be proved against them, they did otherwise then any men in the world might in conscience, and would do, judge you.  
The second article is as followeth. We require that every accusation be set down in writing under the accuser's hand, sub poena Talionis, if it be not proved. This in the margin he calleth a threat to all accusers; and in the same sort also prosecuteth it in his comment. Whereby you may perceive that the intendment of him, and his fellows, was nought else but to slander, and defame, and to be bound to no satisfaction, for never so great wrongs offered. This is, and always hath been a familiar course with the jesuits, they must be tied to no law of justice: to mention but the law Talionis, which punisheth the accuser, that untruly, and unjustly accuseth his brother, as a calumniator, was petty treason. Deem by this, I beseech you, whether it be probable in your conceit, that our brethren were guilty of such deformities, and notorious enormities, as this man affirmeth; when as the accusers durst not take upon them the part of accusers, with condition to do the satisfaction, if they were found to have wronged them by such slanderous accusations. I am sure where there is any justice in the world used, this condition will not be taken, as a threat, but as an honest, just, lawful, yea, and necessary condition. Howbeit forsooth nothing must be just, or lawful, which pleaseth not a jesuit.  
The third article ensueth in these words. We will answer in all things according to the Canon law, supposing these men to be our lawful judges. This condition Fa: Parsons noteth in the margin, for a mere evasion, and in the comment, a tedious progress, by reason of delays, and exceptions, which are ordinary in the course of the law. Belike this Fa: would have you think, that because our brethren would tie themselves, and the rest unto juridical, and lawful proceeding, as well in their answering to matters objected, as in the others accusing; therefore they meant to keep terms four times in the year about them, or have some set Court day, with Crier, and Sumner, once in a fortnight, or three weeks, or else to what end speaketh he of delays, and exceptions in the course of the Canon law? Or might not our brethren have the privileges of the Canons, not to answer, but sufficiently accused by sufficient witness in law, and not by every raggamuffin, suborned perhaps for the purpose? Or would they have every scullion in a kitchen a sufficient witness, and his testimony currant against a priest? Or would they have the accusers (as it seemeth) free to tax them, without bond of satisfaction for the wrong, if they failed? If this be not his intention; why might not the Canons have been observed, quoad substantiam at the least, and that speedily without delays, the arbitrators, and witness, and parties being all present? But it was not delays they feared, but the law, and justice thereof, which would have lighted heavy on their backs, if they had proceeded: and therefore in very deed they and not our friends sought all the delays, and exceptions they possibly could.  
The fourth article which he cavilleth at is this. We will sustain any censure with this condition, that being censured by these men, we may be secured thereby from all other censures concerning that matter. In the margin Fa: Parsons saith, this is a confession with a proviso; and in his Comment he addeth, that it showed their guilty consciences, and how gross disorders they had committed. A strange sequel this is, that this assecuration desired, should convince them guilty of all, that was objected. I verily take it in my understanding, that no men but fools would have done less, to prevent double payment for one delict, if any should have been proved. In a Community where many be, who could answer for every one in particular? Therefore lest any petty matter might be proved against any one, having overjoyed himself at any time (as in deed there was one, against whom they seemed to except very much at that time, as a disorderly person) yet afterwards returning to their part, he was a very honest man, though worse than before, although as I am able to testify upon my oath, when he was with our friends, they never defended his errors, yea, some of them, the Doctor especially, rated him more for them, than any in the house else did: for this cause, I say, and in the behalf of this person, they required security from farther censuring afterwards, being once censured by the arbitrators. And this I think was but a reasonable demand in the sight of any indifferent man. What needed the other part to have stood upon this quirk, as the times are now in England, but either to have censured the delinquent, and secured him, or if they could not have so done, (which was no difficulty) then to have remitted the censure, as they had pleased, which would have been sufficient for their purpose? Now what folly there was in the setting down sincerely of all these things in the Relation of Wisbich stirs, judge you, or whether indeed it doth not evidently note, both fidelity, and sincerity in the writer of that story, that he would omit no one thing of moment, whether making for the one side or the other, no shuffling, and shifting off of matters, concerning the truth, and delivering falsehoods, as Fa: Parsons doth. And here by the way, note a little folly in the good Father, that he would observe these matters as oversights, and advantages for his faction, which were indeed very real verities, & did lay out apparently the unjust, and uncharitable proceedings of fa: Weston, and his adherents. For hereby any man of wit or reason will see plainly, that the foresaid Relation of those matters is most true, and sincere, and thereby be secured, that he may not only read the same (which the jesuits most fear, and give warning of, as most dangerous) but also rely upon the fidelity and truth thereof.  
In the pages following, he gathereth together bundles of sharp sentences, and words used here, and there, as heat moved men's particular passions, against the Archp: and jesuits. Which although I wish had been omitted, yet all things considered, the wrongs that the parties have particularly received at their hands for many years together, as well as in general, may somewhat excuse their choler. But for the further answer to this point, they shall be paid with their own coin gathered out of this book (omitting the railings used by Ma. Lyster in his Libel, and fa: Parsons in his Apology, and else where) and laid up as in a treasury to be viewed together in the end of this reply, as before I have promised. Now as touching some of the imputations to the Archpriest, as that of writing false letters against his conscience, or knowledge, or both; his Letters to Rome before his institution, do manifest as much, and it shall be avowed when he pleaseth. For his forgery about his authority, term it how you will, Ma: Collington, and Ma: Charnocke, two reverend priests took him with the manner, and are ready to justify the same.  
And concerning that arrogant speech of Fa: Parsons, in the 25. leaf, the second page, that without the coming in of the jesuits, the most of us had not been Catho: much less priests: it savoureth of too too much pride in arrogating so much to themselves. For since their coming into England, where one hath been converted from heresy to catholic religion by the jesuits, I dare boldly say, above an hundred have been converted by the Priests: yet never were the priests an hundred for one of them. No, no, the jesuits scorn to meddle ordinarily but with great personages, and men & women of wealth, or great expectation. But the priests (making no distinction of persons) deal with all sorts, poor aswell as rich. Whereby they bring more to God's church, one of them, in a year, than any one jesuit in seven. I know some one priest that hath reduced above an hundred in one year. All the jesuits in England (I verily think) never brought in so many in the like space since their first entrance. See then what a proud and arrogant speech of father Parsons this is.  
Believe me, if never jesuit had entered England, I suppose there had been more Catholics, then there now are, and with less danger of laws. And as touching ourselves, for the most part of us, as we were catholics before we knew any of them: so might we have been priests though they had never been borne. There were priests in England before they came hither, and will be hereafter, when peradventure there will not be a jesuit in the world. But we must give them leave for their time to set out themselves.  
In the page 27. he taketh occasion to speak of our folly forsooth, in choosing our means to compass our intentions, and bring our matters to effect. And first of The hope of peace, he saith, that the means were contrary to the end, as tending rather to war, by laying open many untruths against our Superior. I verily think, that he understood not the cause of the title of the book, for if he had, surely he would not so much have mistaken the matter as he doth. It was not intended as a means to procure peace: but rather to show the jugglings of the Archpriest, and fa: Garnet, the latter writing letters unto a priest in the Clink, to deal with Ma. Bluet and Ma. Clarke there, and Ma. Collington and others abroad to come to a peace, with fair offers, and entertaining treaty of conditions by two or three several letters: and in the mean time the Archpriest writing abroad most false, and untrue things against us, and our books to his assistants: which several proceedings being so contrary, showed what hope, or expectance we could have of honest dealing at their hands, or of any true & sincere peace. This than was the intention of that book, to discover these jugglings, and therefore was it entitled The hope of peace, to show that there was no real hope of any true peace to proceed from them. As for the folly committed in the other book to the Inquisition, once more I would entreat his fatherhood, to refer the censuring thereof unto his betters, the worthy congregation of the Inquisition, unto whom it is dedicated and presented. And as for his carping at the similitude of the man casting out devils in Christ's name, I will let it pass for him to take his advantage as he list, and make his own exposition. For I verily think, that every wise man that readeth his interpretation thereof, will discover more folly in him for his application, not intended by the Writer in that sense but only a simili, then in him that first alleged the example. And for our accepting, or seeking of favour at the hands of Protestants, and our Governors in temporalities: I think no man can condemn us therein, unless he will also condemn the practises of all times of persecution, both in the time of the law of Moses, and also since Christ.  
In the 28. page he citeth certain words of the Epistle to the Important considerations, wherein it is affirmed, that there is no sin arising upon infirmity, and frailty of man committed by an Apostata, an Infidel, an Heretic, a Schismatic, an Atheist, cast out of the favour of God, and accursed out of his Church, but a Cath: may fall into the same, and yet remain constant in his religion to death. This father Parsons affirmeth to be a false assertion. And therein say I, that fa: Parsons manifesteth more folly, than all the follies he noteth in all our writings, put them all together; to say nothing of his ignorance or simplicity. For it is a matter certain, and de fide, that a man hath free will unto all kind of sins; and it is no less manifest, that sins of infirmity, and frailty, never cut a man off from God's Church. Neither can infidelity, heresy, or schism, be termed sins of infirmity or frailty, but of malice. For no man can be an Infidel, heretic, or schismatic, without obstinacy and pertinacity of will, which cannot be called frailty. Therefore may a Catholic commit of frailty any sin that an Infidel, heretic, or Schismatic committeth: remaining still a resolute catholic. And this we see daily by experience, all Catholics being not saints. See therefore what learning fa: Parsons dropped out here, and what store of wisdom he showed in contradicting so manifest a truth. Now will I leave the Reader duly to consider, whether our follies in relating such things as here, and in the first chapter fa: Parsons objecteth, being urged thereto upon necessity, in defence of our innocency, be greater, or his, in cunning juggling, and shifting, always flying the true and real point of controversy, and carping at by-matters, and for his advantage reporting our words, and speeches falsely, and otherwise then they were delivered by us. Whereby we have been enforced (as you see) to take him tripping, to his eternal disgrace (if he have any grace left) which we had not done, if his overmuch boldness had not made him run himself out of breath, forgetting all truth, honesty, and sincerity.   

An answer to the third ●●●pter, concerning our pretended folly, and presumptuous spirit, in making to ur selves such adversaries as we do.  
IN father Parsons handling of this chapter, I cannot but wonder at his exceeding oversight, in that he admiring so greatly our follies, would so palpably discover his own. For what man I beseech you of wit or understanding, would urge the contradicting of our Archpriests unjust oppressions; our exclaiming against the jesuits uncharitable courses against ourselves, and condemning their unnatural practices against their prince, and state; our resisting of the King of Spain's attempts against our Country, our displaying the cruelty of Spanish Soldiers, & the tyranny of their government, to avert the minds of all natural English men, from all vain, and mad expectations of any good, by their invasions; as foolish occasions given by us, to make to ourselves enemies of our Archp: the jesuits, and the King of Spain? What great potent person is Ma. Blackwell, in the world, that he may not be contradicted, when he doth amiss? Is it lawful to resist, and appeal from a Bishop, an Archbishop, a Patriarch, and is it not lawful to appeal from an Archpriest? Must justice be afraid of bugs? If any irreverent speeches have been uttered, where they should not have been, we are sorry for it; and let your payment made to the full, in the same kind cancel ours. But otherwise for our proceedings against Ma: Blackwell our Archpriest, we do, and will defend them; and you in all your discourse in his behalf, seem to draw more from us unto him, than ever was due to any subordinate Superior in the world, unless you would put infallibility in every governor, without the which, no such bands can be, but that just exceptions may be taken against them; and appeals thereupon framed, & prosecuted, as you see in our case is admitted. Concerning your potent order; such vizards are for children, and temporisers, and not for men of our profession: who should in every cause prefer justice, and right, before potency, and might. We know many in your order, to be apt to remember old quarrels, and to pay home when advantage, & time serveth, and we look for no other at your hands. But what then? Shall we therefore desist to prosecute justice, and hinder your exorbitant endeavours? Shall I hold my tongue, because Fa: Parsons may work me a shrewd turn, if I come into Spain or Italy? No, no, non confundar pro anima mea, dicere verum; I will (God willing) utter nothing but truth, and necessary truth, and that shall out; let Fa: Parsons threat, what he can. And touching the Spaniards, they are professed enemies to our Prince, and Country, and seek nothing more, than our subversions. As they are Cath: in Christian charity we will love them; but as enemies to our Country, we contemn them, and will with our bloods resist them. And (as I suppose) we have not only right so to do in respect of our Country's defence, but also iure gentium, in that they were the first breakers of the league betwixt us, and them, as by their attempt in Ireland, in the year 1579▪ may appear; to omit the plot of Robert Rodulphi, some years before. But in this Fa: Parsons plainly discovereth his love, and affection towards his Country, and what a treacherous mind he carrieth towards his true, and natural Prince: in that he seeketh to draw her natural subjects, to keep amity, and bear affection towards her professed adversary, and the only enemy of our Country: Howsoever false hearted he be, yet was it a point of exceeding great folly for him, so openly to discover the same, that now no man of wit or discretion, and love to his Prince, and Country (which every natural born English, is bound to have) can judge other of him, then as a professed enemy unto them both.  
And touching the Colleges, and Pensions that are maintained, and given by the Spaniard (which he so oft inculcateth) we no whit thank him for them, as things are handled, and occasions thereby ministered of our greater persecution at home, by reason of Fa: Parson's treacherous practices, thereby to promote the Spaniards title for our Country; and his hateful stratagems with such scholars, as are there brought up: enforcing them to subscribe to blanks, and by public Orations, to fortify the said wrested title of the Infanta: which courses cannot, but repay us with double injuries, and wrongs, for the benefits received. If they had been sincerely given us for God's cause, without any such unjust conditions; we should have cause to thank him, and ever pray for his regal prosperity. But being otherwise (as we have said) we cannot think it a point of ingratitude, not to respect his liberality therein. And whereas Fa: Parsons in the 31 page, laboureth to persuade us, that the King of Spain's intentions against our Country, were principally for the advancement of Cath: Religion; and that he never meant, or pretended in his life any temporal interest for himself, to the crown of England: he both iugleth with us, and also speaketh against his own knowledge, and conscience. First, he iugleth by a notable equivocation, in that he sayeth, he never pretended interest for himself, to the crown of England, because forsooth he meant it for his daughter the Infanta; a pretty shift to play bopeep with. I pray you what ease should have come more to us▪ by pretending it for his daughter, then if he had pretended it for himself? And as touching his intention principally (as you say) for Religion: did not you Fa: Parsons affirm to divers Scholars in Spain, (who are yet ready to justify the same against you) that if the Duke de Medina had prevailed in 88 he had made no regard of Cath: and that the state of our Country was not known unto the Spaniards, before you came to Spain, and made them therewith acquainted: and that it was Gods doing to prevent that attempt, for our Country's good? Have not you delivered the like speeches to the same effect since to divers Scholars in Rome? Did not Fa: Southwell coming over to Wisbich, use the like speeches there of that attempt? Have not our Scholars in Spain divers times heard the religious Preachers in open pulpit condemn their intentions, as not principally for God's cause, but for ambition, & the like. How can you then assure us of his principal intention for Religion? Have not you in the hearing of divers Scholars used these speeches, in talking of the Spaniards attempts against our Country, viz: It is no matter, let them alone, when they have once subdued our Country, and settled the same, we will quickly thrust them out again. A pretty persuasion to children; but sottish, and ridiculous in the ears of wise men. Yet did it show your great regard either to one thing or other, so you might draw all to your desire. You have certainly a very factious brain: and so that you may set men together by the ears, you care not. But to leave these Spanish intentions, let us proceed with you to other matters.  
From the Archpriest, jesuits, & king of Spain, he cometh unto the Popes, and fourthly he reckoneth that we should have abused his holiness that now reigneth, whom we have made (as he saith) our adversary. And why forsooth? Because we did not admit the Archpriest at his first institution by the Card: protectors letters: and that we affirmed, that a Breve might be procured out of some office, without his holiness knowledge: and that we said our two messengers, Ma. Doctor Bishop, and Ma. Charnocke, were ill handled by Fa: Parson's procurement in Rome: and that his holiness, being moved by the French Ambassador, or Agent, was once determined to hear our said two Agents, but afterwards dissuaded by the Spanish Ambassador, and other means wrought by fa: Parsons. These forsooth are the great matters that have made his holiness our adversary: which things because they are childish objections, and mere Pageants of folly in fa: Parsons, scanned & answered, and justified so oft in our several writings, I will omit to be wrapped up amongst other his follies.  
But concerning the other three Popes, viz. Pius Quintus, Gregory the 13. and Sixtus quintus, whose actions against our Country, by the inducements principally of the jesuits, and such like, we both dislike, and wish never had been: I see no how he can draw us to any inconvenience in the world, unless it be unlawful to dislike any particular action done by any Pope. For otherwise I am sure, that by those actions came no good, but much hurt: and I assure myself, that if the aforesaid Popes had foreseen the inconveniences, that have ensued such actions, they would never have been drawn thereto. But they were deceived & seduced by divers, Stukley, the jesuits, and the Spaniard, who should have been named first, as being the first and the last, in plotting of all mischiefs against our country. Neither is it strange to have Popes drawn to inconvenient courses by the advise & counsel of others. For in these matters they are but as other princes, depending upon their counsel and advise which may err: as in the attempt of Paul the 4. against Naples. But it may be lawful for the jesuits to tax Pope's actions in higher points a great deal, without danger, and yet we may not say this, or that particular fact in a Pope, had been better omitted.  
What folly, if not insolency, is this? Did not the jesuits generally condemn Sixtus quintus, and publicly one of them preach against him in Spain, because he would have changed their name to Ignatians, after the manner of other religious orders, taking their name of their first founder: and have brought them to the Quire. And for his dealing in the behalf of the King of France that now is; did they not say that his holiness, Clement the eight erred in absolving the said King of France, being therein deceived by his Divines? These are matters of a little more consequence, than our dislikes of particular actions against our country, or resisting a cardinals Letter. Yet ours argueth great folly, and must needs procure the Popes to be our enemies: & theirs great wisdom, meriting much at the Pope's hands for their good service done therein. What is this but to arrogate infallibility to their proceedings, and to draw all states, Popes, and Princes, both to be directed and ruled by them? But by the way, I may not omit his cunning leaving out of half a sentence in the 52. 
Imp. P: 40.  page, where relating our words out of the Important considerations, which are these; If the Pope had never been urged by them to have thrust the King of Spain into that barbarous action against our Realm: he leaveth out the first half, and citeth them thus: If the Pope had not thrust the king of Spain, etc. which maketh the sentence to sound more odious against the Pope, as proceeding of his own proper motion, and desire of our Country's overthrow, where by our words we show him to have been induced, and urged thereto by others, as indeed he was: but Fa: Parsons will never leave his old tricks of juggling.  
From these higher powers of Popes, by one step up, and another down, he cometh unto the greater part in Wisbich, which (he saith) we make our enemies, and he noteth 30. well near of them, and but seven or eight of ours: whereas when these contentions began in Wisbich, and during their most abode there, the number was not of such inequality, as he telleth you there; being 13. on the united part, and 19 on the other, and no more. How they may be increased, or diminished, since the end of those stirs, by new missions from other prisons, importeth little to the purpose. Yet we assure ourselves, and know it to be true, that necessity forceth some to hang on their sleeves there, lest otherwise they should starve in prison, by the uncharitable subtraction of exhibition, caused by the jesuits, as all men know.  
But to come nearer to the purpose: Be the number more, or less, what folly, I pray you, is it in prosecuting of a just cause, to make a few priests in prison our adversaries? Indeed if the cause were evil, I would hold with Fa: Parsons, that we ought to have respected the gravity, and merits of so many Confessors in prison, together with the injustice of the cause by us taken in hand, but seeing our cause is just, and most just (as in the chiefest point of the Archpriest, and matter of schism already is evident, and in the rest (I doubt not) will prove in the end) what oversight was it by such honest, and lawful means, to procure their enmity, if they will thereby make themselves unjustly our enemies, or adversaries. Marie saith Fa: Parsons, because theirs being the greater part in that house, every man of judgement considering the odds, and differences of these two parts, to wit, the number, and quality of each side, will easily incline to give sentence against them. To this we say, that every man that taketh father Parson's courses, and regardeth multitude, and strength more than equity and justice, will easily condemn indeed the lesser part: but every wise, and honest man, will look into the cause, and not to the number, or outward fair show of the persons, which often deceiveth the vulgar sort, but never any discreet indifferent person, not carried away with partiality.  
And as for the commendations of fa: Weston, they had been better out of another man's mouth then fa: Parsons, and we have sufficiently spoken thereof in the first chapter. But touching Ma. Pond, we can better commend his constancy in religion, and durance, than his discretion in his particular actions; which we will omit, not indeed intending the disgrace of any, rather attributing such things to a defect in nature, than otherwise: though I must needs tell Ma: Parsons, that he tasteth too too much of spite and malice, in disgracing ●oure reverend and worthy men our friends; to wit, first Ma: Doctor Bagshaw, whom in disdain he calleth a Doctor of his own procuring, without licence of his Superior. Whereas all men know there is no other licence required in taking degree in schools, but sufficiency in the party proceeding, which (all the world knoweth) was more in him, than any jesuit that ever came into England, and approbation of the University, where he taketh degree, which he had with great applause. See whether this savoured not of malice against the Doctor in particular, making him further the Author of all contention, because he opposed himself to their ambitious desires; and charging him with expulsion out of the Roman College, which is most false, and that he was of an unquiet spirit there. All these objections proceed of an old grudge, without any jot of verity.  
The Rector Alphonso Agazara, that then ruled the College, betwixt whom and the scholars was difference, was then thrust out for his troublesome, & unquiet government, and unjust dealings against the scholars, as is well known to all that lived then in Rome. You may find more of this matter in Ma. Doctor Bagshawes answer to the Apology, joined with Doctor Ely his notes.  
The second person whom he so much disgraceth, is Ma: Bluet, a man of great gravity, and for his long sufferance, the most worthy Confessor of our Nation: and whose person, and carriage hath been such, as thereby he hath been, and is venerable in the sight of all men, even amongst the Protestants. And as touching his having once been a Minister, it is a lewd objection against him, no more derogating from his virtues, and good parts, than S. Augustine's, being once a Manichè, derogated from his authority, and sanctity, when afterwards he was Bishop of Hippo. Who knoweth not that divers worthy men of our Nation have been Ministers, and yet doubtless are, whom we hope to see united with us in the body of the Cath: Church? Have not divers been called from the very Altars of Idols to become Christians, yea and priests to; and will you say that the office of the Ministry is more disgraceful, than the office of Idolaters? But this still showeth a spice of too too much malice.  
The other two reverend priests, are Ma. Champney, and Ma. Barnbe, whose parts, and virtues are known to be such, as all the envy in fa: Parsons cannot impeach. Ma. Bluet and Ma. Champney are now in Rome, if any just exceptions could be made against them, were it to touch their lives, I think fa: Parsons would urge it against them. But all that he, or any other saith to discredit them, is untrue, and feigned of purpose, to keep their ignorant affected here at home in jealousies, blinding them with muddy mists of detractions, that men should not see into their own sleights and deceits, and discover their bad proceedings in these affairs.  
The next rank of the enemies we have procured (as he saith) is Doctor Saunders, Ma. Moreton, Doctor Web: and Cardinal Allen: and with these he joineth Doctor Stappleton, Doctor Bristol, Ma. George Martin, and Ma. William Reynolds. It is a world to see how this man shuffleth and cutteth, to draw all famous men to be favourers of his fond and foolish courses, & by consequence adversaries to us; of some of which it was never heard, that ever they meddled in any matter concerning state. And if ever they did (which to us is unknown, & as we think to the world) we would as well dislike of them therein, as we do with all actions of that quality, proceed they from whom they will. Yet is not this to condemn or disgrace the men (as we have said) or to make them justly our enemies, no more then to dislike the fact of S. Cyprian in rebaptisation, is to procure S. Cyprian our enemy: but rather the contrary, to procure their amity, & greater love, (if duly and justly they consider it, speaking of such as are yet living) in that hereby we give them sufficient light, to see the errors of such proceedings, and what harm hath come to God's cause by such attempts. Into which the worthy Cardinal Allen looking more narrowly, saw right well, and therefore detested such proceedings in his latter days, as you may see more plainly in Ma. Charles Pagets answer for himself, 
I note the suspicious deaths of these two prelates, not as accusing him therewith, leaving it to God's judgement, but because he maketh no conscience what suspicions he casteth out of others.  in the end of Doctor Elyes book against the Apology: where also you may perceive, how far he was from joining with fa: Parsons, or favouring his proceedings, whom he held for a man of a violent, and headlong spirit, and much complained thereof. And if it had so pleased God that he had lived, fa: Parsons would have found, that he had disliked his courses, and would have kerbed him for them. But he lived not, and some say his death was not without suspicion. It is certain that whilst he lived, fa: Parsons kept himself aloof in Spain: but after his death, he hastened him as soon as he could conveniently to Rome. Where after the said Cardinal's death, and the death of the worthy Bishop of Cassana, which was by flat poison, (as many affirm) he reigned like a little King. But God that throweth down the highest Cedar tree, would have things fall out as they have done: that his pride, and ambition might be seen, and his secret, unjust, uncharitable, and disloyal facts, wherein he hath long steeped his practising fingers, to the oppression of many innocents, and increase of our domestical afflictions, might be seen on all sides, to his speedy humiliation (which God grant) or his everlasting infamy, which I wish he may by just satisfaction in true humility avoid.  
But to come 〈◊〉 our purpose, for the facts of Doctor Saunders, they have been sufficiently both in the first chap: and Important considerations proved to have been unjustifiable, and it little importeth, whether he did thrust himself into the Irish matters, or was commanded thereto (as Father Parsons affirmeth, which yet we believe not) the action itself being unnatural, and therefore not falling under command, and much less to him being a priest. Neither was he forced to justify the action of the nobles in the Northern commotion, or to defend any such courses, as he did, which no way were convenient; and therefore let Fa: Parsons hold his babble, unless he will still discover more his treacherous will towards his Prince, and Country, to make himself more hated of both, which need not, his deserts have been so good. As for the action of Doctor Web, and Ma: Morton, it was an inconsiderate, and unadvised act, irritating the Queen, and state, without any reason in the world. And assuredly had Pius quintus seen the inconveniences thereof, I assure myself he would have kept in that Bull. But many fair tales of great matters to be performed by the Nobles, within the Realm, drew him thereto: as in like manner the hopes of the Recovery of Ireland, buzzed into Pope Gregory's head by Stukley, provoked him to the like attempts afterward. Let any man of indifferency judge, whether we have not cause to dislike these course. But sure I think Fa: Parsons did long for a general massacre of Cath: throughout England, in that he would have us to justify these things, and favour still his wicked plottings, and practisings. As concerning the book set out in Card: Allens name in 88 it is the terriblest work, that hath been writ of that subject, and able to hang all the priests, and Cath: in England, if they had but the least finger in it, & yet this holy Fa: would have us to justify it. If the worthy Card: did so much over-shoot himself, we know it was much contrary to his heart, in his latter days; and therefore are verily persuaded (for divers reasons) that the work either wholly, or in the greatest, and worst part thereof, proceeded from Fa: Parsons, under the good Card: name; which made us to impugn it, not as the Card: work, but as Fa: Parsons. And such derogating words, as are used against it, touch not the worthy Card: but that unworthy jesuit. Neither is it the Card: that is called by the name of this jesuit; but Fa. Parsons, though he would fain shift it off, to the Card. Touching the Card: book against English justice, showing that Cath: did truly suffer for Religion, and were free from matters of treason, and treachery, and that priests were not sent in, to deal in matters concerning the state, but Religion only, is so little impugned by us, that every where in all our writings, and in the Important considerations itself, we aver, and defend the same in that point. But to say that no Priest, jesuit, or other Cath: hath practised against the sacred person of our Sovereign, and quiet of her state, as well by their dealings within the Realm, as by their procuring invasions, and laying the plots thereof without the Realm; it were mere impudency, and to deny a verity as apparent, as the sunshine at noon days, as both by divers public convictions thereof, and by books, letters, and pamphlets written to that purpose may appear; and Fa: Southwell in his supplication in part confesseth as much. Therefore these things being so evident, and public, as they be, we do no more, but seek to clear ourselves, and Cath: hereof, letting the burden light upon some particular persons, meddlers in such undutiful actions, and not upon the whole innocent body of Priests, and Cath. Which course how necessary it was for all Cath: in our Country, let themselves be judges, unless they would willingly have had their throats cut, or have been hanged for other men's actions.  
In the tail of this Catalogue of our made enemies, Fa: Parsons placeth himself, as the chief of all the rest, and I believe him to be the chiefest, and only, as the spring, & head, from whom all our miseries, and mischiefs, both temporal, and spiritual, in part, or whole, for many years, did and still do proceed, although he reckon up a farthel of Fittens, in his own commendations, wondering from whence all these imputations should come, and that in all our books he can find no one thing of substance, that we have against him. And then he reckoneth mountains of mighty great good things done for us, and many other matters, for the justifying of himself. All which praises would have sounded far sweeter our of his neighbour's mouth, than his own, unless such neighbours were scant in those coasts. First, he saith, his departure out of England is highly justified in the Apology, that no man without shame can object the same again. For this Fitton, read Ma: Doctor Bagshawes answer to the Apology, in Ma. Doct: Elyes notes. Then he talketh of his joining with Card: Allen in Flaunders, and Rome, for the promoting of the Cath: cause in England. It seemeth he was an ill copesmate; for I am sure Cardinal Allen quickly shot him off for a wrangler. After this, he reckoneth his Seminaries in Spain, and Flaunders. A goodly brood; he gave us a reward to break our heads, by his good deeds to bring men into treasons against their Prince, and Country, as is declared before, and more appeared by his soliciting some of the Priests brought up there, to come in hostile manner against their Country. So he dealt with Ma. Thomas Leake, and others: and such as refused, he fell out with them. Now he reckoneth his coming back to Rome, and saving of that College; but in very deed he was the destruction thereof, as in the History of that College, at large you shall see. Yea, he is so void of shame, that he is not afraid, to recount his procuring of us a Superior the Archpriest, (which with an impudently, he saith, was our own petition) as also his proceeding with Ma. Doct: Bishop, & Ma: Charnocke in Rome, as great benefits unto us, and merits in himself. Believe me, when I read this, I was amazed with wondering at this man's brazen visage. Never did I in my life (I protest) read, or hear so notorious wickedness, and injustice, so impudently recounted for just: nay, and which is more, for benefits unto us, and meritorious in himself. jesus whether will this man go, or what will he not justify and commend? Doth not all our little world know, that the erecting of the Archpriest, was the cause of all our dissensions? How then was he procured at our own petition? Did not Ma. Standish most falsely by his means, suggest unto the Pope in our names a desire of such a thing, we never dreaming thereof? Did any one priest in England, send his hand, or consent with Ma. Standish to solicit any such matter? Were not the jesuits constrained, cunningly to extort Ratihabitions from the priests themselves, by subscriptions unto a congratulatory letter, after that they had by forgery erected him, and saw him impugned? Diabolus est mendax, et pater eius, God send father Parsons more shame, more honesty, and more truth. Pardon my plainness courteous Reader, for the matter is most palpably gross, and such as I thought could never have proceeded from a Christian, much less a religious man.  
And for the usage of our two Agents in Rome, the heavens themselves cry out against his barbarousness therein. Even some of his own faction, yea, and as we have heard, himself hath since wished he had not dealt so with them. Read what is written of this matter in the copies of discourses, in the censure upon fa: Parsons letter, in Ma. Doctor Bishop his letter to fa: Parsons there, and in Ma. Doctor Elyes answer to the Apology. After these notorious untruths poured forth, he bringeth yet another rank, to wit, such as have died Martyrs, whom he saith we condemn as traitors, and there he calleth us in doubt of betraying our brethren, and thereby making of Martyrs. But I wonder not now at any thing he saith, for I well see he hath wholly given himself over to the trade of Fittening; with the which it seemeth he hath made sale of his conscience: how could he else call us into question for such bloody practices, in whom he never saw the least inclination to such villainies. Which of the jesuits hath hitherto been in danger of apprehension by our means, and yet we know all, or most of their residences in England, and their walks? I am sure he will say, that if we were so lewdly disposed, we would begin with them first. What malignant spirit is this in him, to call our names in question for such treacheries? And touching such as have died in these times, in whom such practices have not been found, we defend them for true Martyrs, notwithstanding whatsoever imputation of treason laid upon them by any. But others which have been tainted herewith, whether priests or jesuits, we cannot so affirm of them: but leave them to God's mercy, (as Ma: Ballard amongst the priests) and this is defended even in the book of Important considerations.  
Now concerning Ma: Sherwin: his words, or deferring to answer, are not brought in, to derogate from his martyrdom (as fa: Parsons falsely gathered,) but to show, what jealousies such doubtful speeches, or refusing to speak directly, did put into the Queen, or States heads, of general concurrence in those matters of state against them. Which made them more earnest in their proceedings, for fear of afterclaps, as not knowing at that time, the difference betwixt the affections of the Secular priests, and the jesuits towards their country. It is evident, that in the beginning some were scrupulous concerning Pius quintus his Bull, which might make Ma. Sherwin to desire, that the questions propounded unto him, might not be urged. Neither doth the story written by Cardinal Allen prove, that in his private examinations, he made no such answer; for he had not the Register of their examinations, but by relation, in which that might be omitted.  
Nor doth it follow, that if he had said those words, they would have been urged at the bar, or execution. For that every thing, spoken in every private examination, is not produced always at the bar: and whether it was or no, I know not. But sure I am, that such delay of answers in that case, concerning the excommunication, and the Pope's invading under pretence of religion, did much irritate the State. Yet do we not thereby condemn them, as not Martyrs, (as most falsely Ma. Parsons accuseth us) neither is there any word in our Treatise to that effect. And therefore he might with more charity a great deal have denied, that we rather imputed those taciturnities, and ambiguous answers, unto scrupulosity, and fear, what they might do in such cases (as doubtless it was) then to any inward treacherous affections towards their Prince & country. And for Ma. Haywood's forbidding of acta Martyrum, they that informed it, will avouch it in place and time convenient.  
Touching his running upon designed Martyrs, it might please him to remember, that there is a little difference between a man designed for a Cardinal in his own conceit, and our brethren that are in prison, subject by the laws of the Realm every day to be put to death. But to satisfy the good father, let him know, that for the name he so playeth with, it is not arrogated, by any imprisoned, to themselves, but attributed to them by their brethren abroad, as an usual name to constant Confessors in prison. S. Cyprian, whom he so much citeth about that phrase, calleth such, not only designed Martyrs, but Martyrs indeed. And the Church celebrateth some for Martyrs, that never shed their blood, but only died in prison.  
For his vaunting of Martyrs that favoured his faction and proceedings, where one hath liked them, of such as have died of late, I think 3. have disliked, and disclaimed them. Witness Ma. Fran: jones, Ma: john Pibush, Ma. Barkworth, and divers others I could name if I were disposed. Concerning Cardinal Baronius, that he should term our brethren refractarij, I verily think he abuseth him, and that the wisdom of that man would never utter such words of men, addressed unto Christ's vineyard.  
But I may not omit the advantage Fa: Parsons taketh at our saying, that some of our brethren, were sometimes as forward in liking some courses taken, and in pitying the cases of such as justly felt the smart thereof, as at the Northern, or Irish attempts heretofore etc. Howsoever Father Parsons list to wrest this saying, it doth show as much as before I have said, of the Martyr's answers: that our ignorance in such affairs was great, and therefore not to be imputed, as we hope to them it is not. But seeing and knowing, what now we see & know, no ignorance can excuse us, if we disclaim not. Matters were then carried under a mask of zeal, and religion, and the verities of plots and treasons were unseen of us; who ever detested disloyalty. But their actions have been since so open, that we could not but see, that religious pretences, were but fair shows to colour foul matters, which we detest and hate, as no whit proportionable to religious, or priestly vocation.  
And to conclude this chapter of adversaries, with father Parsons, I wonder that for shame he could note the Duke of Norfolk, as though any loyal person of the house of Arundel, having wit, or discretion, could be aggrieved with us, for detesting the disloyalty of the Duke. I assure myself it is detested, and hated of all the honourable generation of that line. For will any man love the sin, or iniquity of any person, because the said person was his kinsman or parent? what a ridiculous imagination were this?  
And as for our ask, what the state will think of such priests as come from the Seminaries hereafter, it is not (as maliciously this Calumniator commenteth) that we will do their errands before they come; but in respect of his treacherous, and traitorous dealings with them in the Spanish Seminaries, to draw them to treasonable actions: who now having got the government, and managing of Rome, Douai, and all, may work the like in those Colleges; so that no place shall be free from suspicion to our state, of such practices against them. And thus we will end this Chapter, praying to GOD to forgive all Calumniators, and draw them to more charitable courses, and then shall it be happy for Father Parsons.   

An answer to the fourth Chapter, concerning our pretended folly, in uttering open and manifest untruths, and contradictions to our own discredit.  
IT is a common practice amongst men, that meddle in broken matters, and such as will not abide the touch (especially if they be cunning, and of wit and policy that meddle therein) to seek helps by shifts, circumstances, and by-matters, (and those less to the purpose, when they are pressed, or called in question) for such evil or unlawful affairs; that thereby they may give some glozing show, and appearance unto the world of innocency, to justify their bad and corrupt dealing. And even so fareth it here with Fa: Parsons, who being taken tardy in his undutiful dealings, and unjust practising against his natural Prince, and Country, with such evidency, and apparent facts, that convince his guilty behaviour therein; to colour, and hide these his foul faults, and make some show of innocency he flieth to by-matters, taking hold of such things, as are of least importance, always flying, and shuffling, when he cometh to the point that toucheth, and substance indeed of the accusation. For whereas both he, and some of his associates, are in particular accused, as dealers in state matters, and practisers against their Country, and some plots, stratagems, and devices of his, and theirs, and specified particularly; he shuffeleth them off in haste, as though he were afraid much to meddle with them, only snatching at some circumstances now and then, he leaveth the matter unsatisfied, or fully answered. As where it is averred in the Important considerations, that we think in our consciences, they have been instruments, and medlars in all things which have been intended against her Majesty: here he keepeth great revel, and maketh such a stir, that he runneth over all the attempts, that were practised before their entrance into England, to show that there were matters attempted before they came hither, or any English jesuit was in authority. Which assertion being averred, but opinatively, as that we think, they have had their fingers in all matters, not absolutely avouching the same, is not a substantial accusation, but a thing left in doubt, and suspense, as all matters under opinion are. And therefore that was but a by-matter, in respect of the real facts, and attempts laid to their charge afterwards; yet shall you find, that he useth the canvasing of these by-matters, to discredit all other real accusations, and to make himself, and his associates, to seem innocent in all t●e rest. But this cunning must not serve his turn, we will plainly let you see, wherein they have directly offended in these kinds of dealing; that they shall never be able to deny the same, with any show of probability. And for divers of the former devices, we will give you some reasons, and probabilities, that induced us to think, that their heads have been hammering in all the rest.  
First, for his evasion in matters attempted before their entrance into England, or that any English jesuit was in credit, it doth not follow, that therefore no jesuits had their fingers in such attempts. Were there not jesuits of other Countries to step into such actions? In the action of Parry, you shall find there were. Secondly, was not Fa: Darbishire a jesuit, long before the English jesuits came into England? And I have heard men, that knew him very well, affirm that he was a great meddler many years ago in such affairs. Might he not then have his fingers in the French matters, concerning the Duke of Guise, and Queen of Scots? Some will affirm, that he was an abetter therein. Thirdly, were not the jesuits from the beginning, great with the Spaniards, whose fingers have been almost in all matters, as that of the Duke of Norfolk, that of Ireland, and divers others? Is it not somewhat probable by this, that the jesuits might be Counsellors, or abetters in these affairs, being men of such stirring spirits, and so forward to put themselves into Prince's matters, and dealings of state? Were they not likewise very great with Pope Gregory the thirteenth, their greatest benefactor, and most affectionate unto their order of all Popes? Might they not then be of counsel in Stukley's intention for Ireland? Are not these great probabilities to induce men to think, they have been hammering from the beginning; having had such fair offers, and so fit opportunities, and themselves being so ready, and desirous to deal in such kind of affairs, as all the world seeth, both by experience, of France, England, Ireland, and other places? judge by this, whether the assertion in the Important considerations, that we think they have been instruments, and dealers in all practices from the beginning, against our Prince, be so void of reason, or probabilities, as Fa: Parsons would make you believe: or whether it be malice in us to suspect the worst, upon such probable grounds against such men, whom we know to be settled enemies against our Prince, and Country's safety; as Fa: Parsons, and some other jesuits are, and ever have been, as by the practices following, you shall evidently see, if you be not over blind, with affection towards them; with which no man of wisdom in matters apparent, will suffer himself to be seduced. If you will excuse their intentions upon affection, be it at your pleasures: but deny not, that the sun is up, when it is noon, for so I shall think you to be either too much affectionate, or stark blind. But what if Fa: Parsons have falsified both our words, and our meaning? In deed he hath so done, very notoriously. For page 14. of his book, where we seemed to ascribe all the said mischiefs to our English jesuits: we did presently prevent this cavil, by a parenthesis, in these words: We mean both them, and others of that society, with some of their adherents. Now this plain fellow, leaving out this parenthesis, runneth riot ridiculously with open mouth against us. In deed the parenthesis was left out by negligence afterwards, page, 24. which was not greatly material, it being apparent, that we ascribed all the treacheries, and treasons we there spoke of, not only to the jesuits, but likewise to some of their good friends, that were then jesuited in those desperate designments.  
But now let us come to particulars, since their coming into England, which was in the year 1580. And first, we will begin with William Parryes action, which happened in the year 1584. his arraignment was the xxv. of February, and his execution, the second of March following. This William Parry departing England in the second year, after the entrance of the jesuits, (as appeareth by his examinations, arraignment, and letters writ with his own hand upon record, conferred in Venice with a jesuit, named Benedetto Palmio, of the hard state of England, concerning Cath: and by him was resolved, that he might lay violent hands upon her Majesty, and commended in that resolution, and encouraged thereunto. Coming afterwards to Lions in France, and communicating the same again, with some of the jesuits there, he was also resolved in divers points. And upon these practices after his return into England, being attached, arraigned, convinced, & condemned, he confessed the whole matter at his arraignment, and by letters writ with his own hand. Now let the world judge by this, whether the jesuits have not meddled in matters concerning her majesties person, and state. This fact of Parry, Fa: Parsons shuffles off with ask, whether it was by the plotting of any English jesuit, not daring, to ask the question of jesuits in general, because he knew them to be guilty therein; yet so handsomely was the question demanded, with a clearing of himself afterwards, by Parry's confession, that you would have sworn (I dare say) that no jesuit had intermeddled in that action. See by this (as at the beginning I told you) how he fasteneth upon circumstances of English jesuits, shuffling of the substantial accusation, that the jesuits practised with Parry in that action. Neither was it said in the Important considerations, that Parry dealt, or plotted with English jesuits, but with the jesuits. Nor that we think English jesuits to have had their fingers in all matters, but the jesuits in general, or some other infected with jesuitism, and their practices. And that Fa: Parsons had not his hand in this matter, was not for want of will (as may be presumed by other actions since,) or that he could not talk with the said Parry in Paris (as he saith,) but because Parry refused to confer with him, as you may see by his confession, even as Fa: Parsons hath set it down. But by his leave, I smell a Rat. Shall we think that any jesuit in Paris, would have dealt with Parry, Fa: Parsons being then in the City, but that he would first have acquainted him therewith? Are jesuits so sparing, to impart such matters one to another? It is well known they are not. Besides, is it likely that any man would have offered, that Fa: Parsons should have conferred with Parry, to have confirmed him in his most villainous plot, except he first had known his mind, and that he was ready for such a hellish conference? Shrug & shufflle good father Parsons as you list: I fear that all the water in the Thames, will not wash you clean from this so barbarous a designment.  
Now will we come to Francis Throgmorton, the next after Parry, (though fa: Parsons preposterously putteth him in the first place) for he was convicted the 21 of May following. First his practices were all communicated and plotted, with Bernardino Mendoza the Spanish Ambassador, wholly jesuited, if not a jesuit, and therefore it was not like, that these things should pass without their knowledge, privity, and consent. Besides, the plot was about one, and the same matter with that of Parries, especially concerning the Queen of Scots, in which (as I have showed) they were practisers. Add to this Mendoza his words, concerning fa: Parsons going to Rome about the matter, and that the Spaniard, & the Duke of Guise, were partners in these plots, with both whom (all men know) the jesuits were very great.  
As for Mop, alias Spring, whom he saith to be Ma. Charles Paget, Ma. Thomas Morgan cleared him by letters to Francis Throgmorton, from dealing to move any man in this attempt: but that he came only to view the country. By which it seemeth altogether feigned by fa: Parsons, that he should deal with the Earl of North: and Ma. Shelley, whereby followed, (as he saith) their overthrow. But in this I leave the farther answer to Ma. Charles Paget himself: assuring myself, that he is abused herein: although whatsoever he dealt in this affair, or any other, that might be prejudicial to her Majesty, or state, (if he have dealt in any) it seemeth to have been by the jesuits persuasions, as you may see by his answer to the Apology: where he hath these words: If I had dealt (saith he) in any matter of practice for our country besides you, (as I never did) but that you were the inventors of the same, and the persuaders of me thereunto (the more unfortunate that I had such directors.) By which words you may see, that if Ma. Charles Paget were any dealer in this matter of Throgmorton, he was urged thereunto by the jesuits. So that fa: Parsons bringing in Ma. Paget, must of necessity bring in himself, or other jesuits. Add also unto this, that Sir Francis Inglefield, had been urging Ma. Throgmorton for almost two years together unto this plot, as by his confession appeareth: & all men know that Sir Francis Inglefield was wholly at the jesuits devotion. And fa: Parsons in the first chapter of his Apology, the third leaf confesseth, that this Sir Francis Inglefield and he, were joined in the affairs of our Country: by which it is more than probable, that fa: Parsons was a dealer in this action likewise.  
As touching the Earl of Northum: all the probability we have that fa: Parsons was a stickler therein, or some other jesuits, is this; that in the Roman College, before divers of the students there, he could deliver the plot, and every circumstance thereof so exactly, that all men which heard him, adjudged him to have been in the very bosom of that designment. In which discourse, he delivered some particulars: as that it was plotted, that the Earl's son should travail upon licence out of England, and coming into Milan, should have been stayed (under I know not what pretences) that thereby the Earl himself might have been less suspected in England about his plot, and intentions. This fa: Parsons delivered there, (as divers yet will witness) which could not but demonstrate him to have been inward with that plot, in that also this intention concerning the Earl's son, was unknown unto the Queen and state, (as I understand) until by this his discourse it was made public. Note still (gentle Reader) how all circumstances bring in the jesuits to be accessary to all plots and devices.  
As concerning the plot of Babington, and the other gentlemen, it is not ascribed unto the jesuits directly, but only alleged as an undutiful practice, and treacherous against her Majesty and state, by those graceless jesuited gentlemen, whereby great hurt and prejudice arose unto the Catholics, and catholic cause in our Country. And (the matters being so apparently treasonable) fault is found with Ma. Southwell, for that he excuseth it in his supplication, going about to lay all the blame thereof upon the Secretary Sir Francis Walsingham, as though he had been the inventor, and layer of the plot, and persuader, or drawer on of the Gentlemen thereunto. Which is both false, and ridiculous to imagine, that he durst practise, in laying such dangerous plots of state without her majesties privity, howsoever his intentions were to break the neck of all in the end, with the overthrowing of the dealers therein. Neither could the Gentlemen be excused, if he had been the first author and persuader thereof, for that no man's persuasion may excuse an evil act, that in itself is evil: for so might a man lay all his sins perhaps upon the devils back. But howsoever Ma. Secretary Walsingham entertained the plot, (after it was revealed unto him by some of the confederates) to bring it unto the full perfection, wherein perhaps he did more, than he had thanks for of her Majesty, yet can it not be denied, but that the plot, & practise proceeded from themselves, and their own confederates, and was by them really intended, as appeared manifestly by their own confessions. And therefore to be excused afterwards by a jesuit, could not but yield suspicion unto her Majesty, and the state, of hollow loyalty in Catholics towards her: who would go about to excuse apparent treasonable practices against her person, thereby to persuade her subjects, and others, that such as were justly put to death for their treasons, were not guilty therein: but that they were only plots and inventions of the state themselves, which is to defame the public justice of a Prince: them which a greater wrong cannot be done, especially when matters are apparent to the contrary. And that this fact of Ma. Southwell was justly condemned, and disallowed as inconvenient (to omit injuries to her Majesty and state) the effects since have demonstrated as much: the state having been more exasperated therewith, then with any pamphlet writ these latter years: 
Collins.  as hath appeared by the execution of three several persons for only meddling therewith, 
Bullocks.  and divulging it. Thus you see, 
Ducket.  that what hath been said concerning Anthony Babingtons' matter, hath been spoken with great reason, and moderation, without any accusation at all of the jesuits therein, but only touching our dislike of the excuse of this foul fact, afterwards made by Fa: Southwell, by which the inconveniencies specified arose, as all men will witness. But sith Fa: Parsons is aggrieved with that little, sparingly set down in some five lines only; he must give us leave to deliver you some probabilities, whereupon we could have taxed them with suspicion of dealing therein. The plot was but a continuance (as it were) of Parryes' devise, and throgmorton's practices, in which (as you have seen) they and their favourites were Counsellors, persuaders, and abetters, and therefore not improbable, that they would prosecute the same, when any opportunity should be fitly offered; and a fitter than this (wherein so many resolute Gentlemen were combined) they could not have. That the jesuits were not taxed of this, at the arraignments of these Gentlemen, or accused by their confessions, imports little. For you must know, that the jesuits are wise, 
Their dealings in the affairs of our Archpriest, under the name of the Priests themselves, doth show as much.  and cunning politicians, and can tell how to manage matters by secondary, or third means, lying aloof off themselves, and being least seen or suspected, such as have been acquainted with their dealings know this, which I say, not to be void of truth. Having then had some experience in the fail of Parry his plot, and Throgmortons, in which (especially the first) they were nearly touched; it behoved them to be more wary, and deal with more cunning, and secrecy than they had done. That Fa: Parsons, Fa: Holt, and Fa: Creswell, were at Rome, and Naples, is little to the purpose; the intercourse of letters, and intelligences from all places, being so speedy, familiar, and common with them, wheresoever they remain, as it is known to be.  
Besides, at that time Fa: Darbishire lay in France, and (unless I be deceived) in Paris: a man fit (by the reports of men of judgement, to deal in such affairs, and with cunning enough. And to all this, the conference which Ma: Ballard had with their most entirely jesuited friend Mendoza: and the sequel also of Fa: Southwells defence, or excuse. This have we related, not to accuse the jesuits directly with this plot of Babington, and his confederates; but only to show you that less was said thereof in the Important considerations, than might have been, if the author had uttered those matters, of malice against the jesuits, as Fa: Parsons affirmeth. Some thing further might be said hereof, concerning Fa: Weston (that worthy wight) his inward acquaintance, and familiarity with Ma: Babington, that summer ●hat he was executed. But thereof we will be silent at this time: neither would I now have made any mention of 〈◊〉 but that I find our common adversaries to be acquainted with it. Now are we come to Sir William Stanlyes' yielding up of Daventry, condemned in the Important considerations, as a cause also of exasperating our Prince, and state, against Cath: at home. Father Parsons after his accustomed manner, carpeth at his knighthood, given by Sir William Drury in Ireland, and not by the Earl of Leicester in Flaunders, which being a by-matter from our purpose, little importeth, being that he received that degree by her majesties authority: and therefore it forced not by whose hands he received it. And for his holding the town in the right of her Highness, or the right of the States, it as little importeth, considering that he was put in trust with it by her Majesty, and upon his allegiance to her, should have discharged the trust, and fidelity, reposed in him in that charge. To dispute the case, whether he might in conscience, or aught in danger of mortal sin, deliver up the Town to the King of Spain, is not necessary to our purpose: yet this I will say, that all which Fa: Parsons hath said in proof thereof, is not worth a rush, unless he prove two points: first, that her Majesty is the person, that hath given the first cause of breach of the league with the Spaniards, which I think (if matters be well examined) will prove contrary, as you may see by the attempts made by the Spaniard, both secretly, and publicly, against her Highness, and state, before alleged, nothing being attempted by her against his Majesty of Spain, or any his Countries. Which being true, then might she justly, and in conscience, iure gentium, make war against him, win his Towns, and Countries from him, and in right and justice detain them. Secondly, he must prove that Sir William Stanley, knowing in his conscience, that she had no just cause of war against the Spaniard, (which I think he could not know) might deliver up the said Town, without a greater mischief to follow upon such restitution: for a man is not bound to make restitution of goods evil gotten, or possessed mala fide, when without imminent danger of his own, or other men's lives, he cannot do (as all Canonists will confess) because the life of a man is dearer than goods, and the less evil must be preferred, before the greater. As for example, if I should have unjustly taken away the weapons of another man, and had been malae fidei possessor: yet if I should perceive that the true owner were paratus ad homicidium, and thereby either my own life, or others, might be endangered (if I should restore his weapons unto him, which erst I had taken unjustly from him) in this case it is evident, that I were not bound to make restitution, although I were (as I have said) malae fidei possessor. So in this case of Sir William Stanleyes, if greater mischief might probably ensue thereof, than the detaining of the Town could be, he was not bound thereto. Which case Fa: Parsons hath not handled. Now will I refer the censure to other men, whether greater evil did not grow unto our common cause in England, by this particular fact of Sir William Stanley's, in that the state was thereby exasperated against all cath: for his fact, which great damage, and common hurt of his Countrymen, and Cath: he was in charity bound more to regard, than the restitution of one Town to the Spaniard. And therefore weighing, and considering the aversion, and alienation of our state from Cath: for such facts as these, of Sir William, and the like: we have often wished, that if his conscience had felt any touch, or scruple concerning those wars, he had otherwise quietly left them off, or withdrawn himself, without giving any such open occasion of complaint unto the state. But his not only delivering up of that Town, but also joining himself with the Spaniard in field against his Sovereign, and Country, may not be approved by any good subject. And therefore I wish that so worthy a martial man, had converted his sword against the Turk, or other common enemies, and not against his own Sovereign, and Country, that by his actions our Prince might have had no just cause to have been offended with us at home. Aliens and strangers may do what they will, and we yet remain blameless, if we have no part with them, because they are strangers; but when natural subjects of our own Country, and Cath: shall in these jealous, and suspicious times, practice or convert their weapons against their Prince, and Country: it cannot but incense their wrath, and indignation against all Cath: at home, as by experience we have felt.  
Touching Fa: Parsons urging of an Epistle writ by Card: Allen, in defence hereof, what might be his reason, or whether he did it of himself, or urged thereunto, by reason of the great expectance of the Spanish intention anno 1588. immediately following, (which we suspect) I cannot tell: but I wish with all my heart, it had been unwritten, considering the little good hath come thereby. Neither is this to dishonour the worthy Card: (as Fa: Parsons would make it) but chose to show our love, and honour, we bear towards him, in that we heartily wish such oversights, or inconvenient actions (as the best man in this life is not without imperfections, nor the wisest in his judgement without errors) had never proceeded from him. And whereas such things (as the book written in the year 1588. & this Epistle) are too too evident, and publicly known to our state, and all men else: we seek to excuse the same as much as in us lieth, that the fault, or rather the error, may by circumstances seem more tolerable, which no man of wit or discretion, can deny to be an evident demonstration of our love, and affections towards him, as our dearest, and worthiest Father. Which cannot be odious, and offensive in us to our Prince, & state, as we trust in that duty, and nature bindeth every man extraordinarily to love their parents, and founders either natural, or spiritual. And therefore to excuse them, is but a show of filial love, and affection; but obstinately to defend, and maintain that in a parent, which is no way approvable, were mere sycophancy, not love, mere peevishness, not any tolerable affection.  
Now come we to the great attempt made by the Spaniards in the year 1588. out of which action Fa: Parsons exempteth all English jesuits, because (he saith) himself, fa: Holt, and fa: Creswell, were then in Rome with Cardinal Allen: and that no English jesuit at all was residing at that time, either in Spain, or in the Low-countries. But all this proveth not, that therefore the jesuits had no part in this action. Neither can it be probable to any man of judgement, or understanding, that the jesuits being so great with the King, and so forward in attempts against our Country, having had their fingers in matters precedent, (as you have seen) would now sit still, having so fair an offer made, and so good opportunity to be doing? I confess that there was no great respect made to the English beyond the Seas in that action, (nor in any other of the Spaniards will be, if ever matters come to issue) nor perhaps were the English jesuits called to be counsellors therein, as since they have been, because indeed the Spaniard intended a most bloody conquest, and translation of our state, and people. But to think that the jesuits were not urgers thereto, and setters forwards (to their power) of that attempt, were to contradict all reason, and probabilities. For first it is most certain, that all the world had very admirable expectance of that army, and the jesuits more than any. Secondly it is plain by the Cardinal's book, (if it were his) written as a preparative to that action, that he was made Cardinal of purpose for that exploit, & to have been sent hither presently upon the Spaniards conquest. But Father Parsons saith, that he laboured to set forwards at that time the Cardinal's preferment (if you will believe him) which maketh it evident, á primo ad ultimum, that father Parsons was a dealer in this action. Thirdly, it is also certain, that the jesuits in Rome, were great with the Spanish Ambassador, liger there, and had great recourse unto him, when the matter was on foot. Doth not this then argue them to be concurrers thereunto? Fourthly, it is likewise most true, that the English jesuits in Rome, appropriated certain palaces in London to themselves, to fall unto their lots (when this matter was in handling) to wit Burley house, Bridewell, and an other, which I have forgot, making themselves cocksure of their already devoured pray. This all the students that lived in the College at that time will witness with me.  
Now would I demand of you, what reasons they might have to be their own carvers, if they had not had some interest in that affair? Fiftly we know, that they were more forward in Rome, concerning this matter, than the Cardinal, or any other, insomuch as at the first news of the Spaniards coming down into the narrow Seas, they would have had Te Deum sung in the College Church for joy of victory, if the Cardinal had not stayed it. Doth not this also show, that they were as far in the matter as Card: Allen, or any other? And to conclude, did not the posting over of fa: Parsons into Spain, presently after the overthrow of this army, for farther dealing with the Spaniard for the time to come, and his better informations in English affairs, and fa: Holt, posting into the Low-countries for the like purpose, to keep the Spaniard still in hope of future times, that this mishap might not withdraw him from ever enterprising the like afterwards, show that they were dealers in the former: doubtless all these circumstances cannot but sufficiently prove it that they were, in the judgement of wise men.  
Now, as touching the speech of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, we have already showed out of Fa: Parsons own speeches, that he made no respect at all of Catholics: neither knew he (as Fa: Parsons said) whether there were any Catholics in England, or not.  
The next point brought in by Fa: Parsons, is the last Irish attempt; but before we say any thing to that, we must put his fatherhood in mind of his practices, concerning two other preparations, wherein he cannot deny himself to have been not only a dealer, but also the very chief and principal actor? The first was that wherein Doctor Stillington & some others got their death, which miscarried by reason of the ignorance of their Pilots, or rather by the provision of God, 34. ships being shivered upon their own Bays. If he deny this, we have Ma. Thomas Leake a reverend priest, and others witness thereto, with whom he dealt to go in that Army. And because Ma. Leake refused, he entreated him accordingly. This preparation was intended (as then was thought) for Ireland. The second preparation was some three or four years after (if I be not deceived) of which Fa: Parsons maketh mention in a letter writ to Ma. Thomas Fitzherbert from Rome into Spain, desiring to hear of the success thereof, saying withal, that they had little hope of that attempt at Rome. This preparation (as I remember) was in the same year that the Earl of Essex went unto the islands: and it miscarried also by tempests. One of the ships (unless I be deceived) was driven into an Haven in South-wales.  
These two preparations are so evident, to have proceeded with his concurrence, and cooperation, as he no way can deny it without the note of impudency, so many witnesses and his own Letters, being in testimony against him. By this you may see how foolish, false, and ridiculous that protestation is, which he allegeth of Sir Francis Inglefield, & Ma. Thomas Fitzherbert, (if any such were) wherein they say, that never any conquest was intended by the old King of Spain, nor by his Majesty that now reigneth. For I would but ask Fa: Parsons to what end these preparations were? whether they were to catch Butterflies upon the seas? I think few men of understanding will think, that good King Philip meant to have only established Catholic religion by force of Arms, and when he should have seen himself master of the field, and Crown, would depart quietly: leaving all to ourselves, as he found it. No, no, the sweet Kingdom of England, would have been perhaps as precious unto him, as his best dominions in the world. No less absurd is the protestation concerning Fa: Parsons, and Father Creswell, that they did never treat in their lives, nor consent, that the King of Spain should have any temporal interest in the Crown of England: nor that the old King, or his Majesty now reigning, ever intended any such thing, but only the good of Catholics, and their ease. This is so frivolous, so childish, and so senseless a protestation, that I am ashamed to think of the folly thereof.  
What wise man will not laugh at Fa: Parsons, to hear him in such sober protestation affirm, that he never intended, that the King of Spain should have any temporal interest to the Crown of England, and yet by all his might & power seek to make him Master thereof, by invasion and force of arms; or that he pretended nothing but the ease of Cath: when he sought the cutting of their throats? These are strange contrarieties, in words to protest our good, and in action to seek our lives. Was the book of Titles, (wherein the King's daughter, the Lady Infanta was entitled to all her majesties Dominions) writ to no purpose, but to exercise father Parson's wit? Was it a vain speculation in the air, without relation to effect or end? Or if it be a sottish dullness for any man to think so, how then was there no temporal interest sought to the Crown of England? But because the interest was laid upon the Infanta, therefore belike father Parsons thinketh all inconveniences & absurdities salved, and himself excused. A simple shift to blind a buzzard. As though the Infanta could get, or possess the crown of England, without as much prejudice to our Country, as if the King should have taken the right to himself? Must they not both come in by force of arms, & must not that be with conquest & subversion of the state, debasing of all nobility, and translation of our English nation in the greatest part? Can we expect less by a Spanish conquest, than we found by the Norman, in the Conqueror his days? No certes. It will be far worse. Let any man but look back to those times, and see the miseries and oppressions, that fell upon the English, with the slaughters, murders, and expulsions of all the nobility almost, and gentry of the Realm; and doubtless he will detest the conceits of fa: Parsons herein, & hold him for the most deadly enemy that the English nation hath this day living.  
But to pass over this point, let us now come to his excuse, concerning Irish matters: which is but a mere evasion, and to little purpose. For whether his finger were not in the last practice (as may be somewhat probably conjectured, by the former attempt for Ireland, in which he was an actor) or whether it were not, it is evident that the jesuits were dealers therein, and Ma. Archer an Irish jesuit, a chief mover thereto, as appeareth by Letters written by Don john d' Aquila, & intercepted by the Lord deputy. There is a most traitorous letter of his extant, which in time may come to light. But should I labour to light a candle at noontide, whose positions good Fa: are these? The Catholics in Ireland, may favour the Earl of Tyrone in his wars, idque magno cum merito, et spe retributionis aeternae, and that with great merit, and hope of eternal reward, ac si bellum contra Turcas gererent, as though they warred against the Turks. 2. All Catholics do sin mortally that take part with the English against Tyrone, nec possunt aeternam salutem consequi, and can neither be saved, or absolved from their sins by any priest, unless they repent and leave the English. 3. Idem censendum est. etc. They are in the same case that shall help the English with any victuals, vel quid simile tribuunt, or any such like thing. 4. The most worthy Prince Hugh O Neale, and other Catholics of Ireland, that fight against the Queen, are nullo mod●, by no construction Rebels.  
How say you Friar Robert, out of what forge came these warlike engines? They were hammered in Salamanca the 7. day of March, 1602. and are as you see red hot. But what Vulcan was the workman of them? You shall hear every one of them speak for themselves. Sic ego. etc. So I john de Sequenza, professor of Divinity in the College of the society of jesus, in the famous University of Salamanca, censeo, do think. Idem conseo ego, I Emanuel de Royas, professor of Divinity in the same College of the society of jesus, am of the same opinion. Et ego, etc. And I jasper de Mena, professor of Divinity, & of the sacred Scripture in the same College, do assent to these Father's sentence, tanquam omninò certae, as to an assured truth. Ego, etc. ay Peter Osorio, Preacher in the College of the society of jesus, at Tire, am altogether in judgement with these Fathers. Now Fa: Parsons, speak out man, have any of your company been practitioners in the treasons of Ireland? The Catholic Author of the jesuits Catechism, telleth us, that all the late rebellious treacheries, & murders he there mentioneth, were plotted & contrived in the Colleges of the jesuits in France. And do not these jesuitical professors tell us as much of their own proceedings in their Colleges of the society of jesus in Spain, for our treasons, rebellions, and murders in Ireland?  
May I be so bold as to imitate these Spanish Divines style? Ego F. B. do profess in the sight of almigh●●e God, and to the whole Catholic Church, that I do veri●●e think in my conscience, the said four Propositions to be most false and unchristian: and that howsoever certain jesuits and their followers do dissemble, and equivocate for the time with some men here in England, who show too much weakness in being so greatly led by them, and what vain, and childish evasions soever this foxed Father of ours deviseth to shift of matters from himself, and his society, not of jesus, in these points, yet if ever they be able to procure another invasion, or to stir up any Tyrone in England, these traitorous positions, hatched in hell, will be again revived amongst us by them. If this concern the state to be considered of, it were well it were looked into in time. I can be but sorry, that the ancient Christian faith and religion of Christ, should thus be scandalised by Machiavillians, under pretence of the blessed name of jesus.  
As concerning Fa: Parson's letter to Fa: Holt here cited, out of the which he only noteth what pleaseth himself, but yet in such sort, as if his wits were breeched▪ or that the man had been building Castles in the air. In one part of that letter, he talketh of a Catholic Prince to be thought of after her majesties death, whether Spanish, Scottish, French, or other. Is it not strange that a Friar should thus bestir him? In any wise man's judgement, it includeth much folly, great ignorance, no small pride, and a world of factious garboils, and mutinies. His folly and pride appear, in that he will intermeddle in matters so far bejoind his reach, as though he could dispose of kingdoms, and successors to Crowns. We shall sure have a Nevell, Earl of Warwick of him, to erect and depose Kings at his pleasure. His ignorance is also as manifest, in that he is so simple as to think, that his plots or dissignements shall be like to take effect in those times; or that the Catholics (if they would follow his chimerical conceits) should be able to make a King at their pleasures, and dispossess the right successors, or frustrate the designment of the whole Commonwealth. And it is clear that his heart is possessed with a world of tumults, in that thereby he would make our cou●●●y a perpetual Camp of hostility. For doth he think, that ●ny true Competitor will lose his right for his invasions, or ●●at his Majesty, our neighbour Prince, will sit still, while he createth Kings? Or that the Commonwealth, will yield the dispose of the sceptre to his worship's designment?  
See what bloodshed this fellow would draw upon us, with his Machiauillian devices, to the utter ruin and subversion of the whole. Besides his folly, I say, which appeareth in this letter (as himself citeth it) and tendeth to the ruin of our Country, and Commonwealth, as you see: we have noted to him other Letters writ to Master Thomas Fitzharbert into Spain, concerning the King's preparation against England: which sufficiently discovereth his affections towards his Prince, and Country. And we can allege his Letter, written to the Earl of Angus the 24. of january, 1600. wherein he confesseth, that he had laboured eight or ten years for his Majesty of Scotland, and the preferment of his title, with the sum of twelve hundred Crowns a year for 2. years together from Spain, which were as he saith, disbursed in the year 83. & 84. As also 4000 crowns, procured to the same effect, from Pope Gregory the 13. by bill of exchange, which he confesseth he brought to Paris, and there delivered it. And he saith the same had continued, if any correspondency of gratitude, or hope had continued from Scotland: with no small assurance of far greater matters, & advancement to the King's person, if the enemies since of both our Realms (as he saith) had not overthrown, and altered that course.  
This he hath in that Letter, and much more. Whereby you may perceive, what his practices have been from time to time, against her Majesty, and state: seeking first (as you see) by large pensions got from Spain, to work with the Scots, and others, for the untimely advancement of his title, which must have been with the overthrow of her Majesty, or otherwise (you know) it could not have been. And here I request the Reader, to note these labours of father Parsons for the affairs of Scotland, to have been in the years 1583, & 1584., in which self same year, happened the traitorous plots of Parry, Fran: Throgmorton, and the Earl of Northumberland, and the practices with the Duke of Guise, Spaniard, and other English abroad, about the delivery of the Queen of Scots, and overthrow of her Majesty, and shortly after the treasons of Babington, and his complices. Which I note, that you may see how fa: Parsons courses concurred at the same instant with their attempts: and by this you may guess, whether it be not more than probable, that he was inward with all those devices, & perhaps some of that money was employed to the setting forward of those attempts, though he would seem clear in all things. But it is Gods will, that his own Letters and writings, should discover his dealings. There want not other Letters of his, and his complices, which show his good will towards our Sovereign & country: but these shall be sufficient at this time.  
Now will we come to the objections made against him, concerning his intituling the Spaniards to the Kingdoms of England, France, and Scotland, and of the Students subscribing in Spain to the Lady Infanta her title, as also concerning the Lord Dacres, and divers of our nation, discredited by fa: Parsons, to the loss of some of their lives, and lastly of the book of Titles, or succession: to all which we will answer in order. To the first, of intituling the Spaniard unto England, France, and Scotland, it is plain, & evident in itself, that by intituling them to England, consequently he entitled them to Ireland, and all her majesties dominions, and to France, because of the right we pretend to that Crown. Touching Scotland, it may follow by a sequel of neighbourhood: because (you know) the Spaniards creep ever forwards, loving rather to gain by their neighbours an ell, then lose an inch. For by reason of the imminent danger of that Crown, and the rather, because that King is a Competitor to England, and therefore sustaining great wrong by his invading of us; would no doubt stir and make war against him, which happily might occasionate his overthrow, and loss of that Kingdom likewise. So that fa: Parsons falsely entitling the Spaniard unto the Crown of England, doth also in effect, entitle him to Scotland likewise, in that he could not possess the one quietly, without the other, considering the wrong that of necessity must be done to the Scot, which would make him stir so long, as he were able to levy but a thousand men, or procure aid from neighbours adjoining. I do not take upon me to determine of any man's right, or title, praying with my heart, that her Majesty may long continued amongst us: but do note in a word, what bloody mischief fa: Parsons doth breath out in his famous libel of succession.  
For the proof of the second objection, of the scholars being urged to subscribe to blanks, and to confirm the Infanta her title to the Crown of England, is a matter very notorious and evident. We have divers priests yet alive in England, to confirm the same by oath, aswell of them, that were enforced to subscribe against their wills, as others that openly refused the same. I do therefore wonder to see the man's unshamefast denial of so manifest and apparent a truth.  
As touching the feigned matter of the cardinals devise for certain courses to be held in our country after her majesties time, and his proposing of the same to divers, it is a most egregious calumniation against the deceased Cardinal, & all men may easily see it to be but a mere invention of fa: Parsons, in naming only two persons deceased, Sir Francis Inglefield, and Doctor Stillington for witness, knowing what proof a dead witness may carry, either in Court or country. Besides, there were divers men of wealth of ou● nation, with whom he was as like, or more like to have communicated the same, as with the two dead persons named, who for aught I can learn, never heard of any such speeches from him. Whereby you may see by whom the worthy Cardinal is disgraced, and dishonoured now he is dead, being by Father Parsons drawn into all foolish, and fond devices, as an actor with so factious creatures, in matters by themselves devised. But they which disgraced him living in his latter days, will not suffer him of likelihood to rest quiet, now he is dead. Concerning his proposing the book of Titles to have been read, in the Refectory in Rome, in steed of a spiritual Lecture, used to be read at such times: there be divers yet that will depose the same against him; and Ma: Lowbery now a reverend priest, was the man should have read the same, but he rejected it, utterly refusing to meddle with such stuff. To the third point concerning the L. Dacres usage amongst them, we will refer the relation thereof to Ma: Charles Paget, best acquainted therewith, who hath promised (if Fa: Parsons surcease not) to discover his usage with others.  
To the fourth matter of divers disgraced by him, and his complices; it would make a huge volume, to set down the particularities of every one that hath been abused by them in this kind. And therefore we will reserve it for a particular treatise of purpose▪ if occasion enforce us hereafter, to discover more at large their particular dealings against particular men. Only at this time I will note unto you one or two notable examples. The first shall be of Ma: Barkworth, now I trust in heaven. This Ma: Barkworth being a priest in the College of Vallidolid, was by the jesuits suspected to be a furtherer, and concurrer with certain youths, that entered into the order of S. Benedict. Whereof Fa: Parsons having intelligence, did write to the Rector of that College, that he should be dismissed presently, showing in his letters some anger, that he stayed so long. whereupon the Minister of the College came unto him one morning (being sick of a fever, and not well recovered) and bade him to arise, and make himself ready to walk with him, saying, that it would be wholesome for him to walk, and shake off his Fever, and not to yield thereto. When they were departed out of the English College, he led him into the College of the jesuits, and leaving him in a paved room, he took occasion to depart from him, upon some affairs, to speak with one of his fellow jesuits in that house. And coming back again unto him, he brought the Rector of the jesuits College with him: who entered into an invective, and bitter discourse against him, and the conclusion was as followeth. He commanded him to put off his Scholars robes, to put on a suit of rags (which they offered him) to depart the College, and City, and to shift for himself; saying, that he was not worthy to stay longer there, neither should, and that for a viaticum to help himself in his travail, he should not have so much as a Spanish real, which is but six pence English. Ma: Barkworth perceiving their intentions, told them, that he would not depart with such disgrace, having not offended; in that if he had concurred with the foresaid youths, for their entrance into Religion, yet was it not such a fault, as could deserve such expulsion, their wills being not in his power to rule or command. The Rector seeing he would not despoil himself, and put on those rags to depart, called in certain of his lay brethren, strong fellows, to deal with him by violence, and to enforce him to change his habit. Whereof two coming unto him, catched him by the legs, and pulling them from under him upon a sudden, threw him backward flat upon the pavement, with such violence (being then sick, and weak with a Fever) that he was much bruised therewith, and in a great maze presently upon his fall, the rest of the lay brethren apprehended some a leg, some an arm, and so drew him into another room paved in like manner, as in those hot Countries, all rooms for the most part are. He being, as I say, thus amazed, and perceiving them to pull, and hale him, fearing belike, that they would murder him, used these words, but in the Spanish tongue: What will you kill me? will you kill me? let me first confess me.  
When they had thus dragged him into the other room, with struggling, and striving, he got upon his feet. No sooner was he up, and recollected, but that one of them gave him such a stroke with his first upon the face, that he felled him down backward again. With this blow he was so bruised in his face, that when he was cold, afterwards he was not able to utter his words, that one though near him, might well understand him, what he spoke. Whilst this was in hand, and the Rector of the jesuits College, and the Minister of the English College, Fa: Blackfan being spectator of this cruel, and inhuman tragedy, in came a Spanish jesuit, of a noble house in Spain, and finding them in this sort abusing so outrageously this priest, he reproved them for it; and told them it would be a great shame unto them, if the world should be witness thereof. Hereupon they left off, and having better bethought themselves of this fact so outrageously committed, they entreated him to keep silence thereof, and not to make the other Scholars acquainted herewith, and they would kindly entreat him hereafter: he should have large faculties, a good viaticum, when he went for England, and all the friendship they could show him else. hereunto he seeming to yield, they privily conveyed him back to the English College, & brought him to a sequestered chamber, where he lay until his recovery. But some of the Scholars, that then were in the College (as there were then not above 9 or 10. the rest being sent away to another place, for fear of the plague at that time in the City) seeing him come in all bruised, began to suspect some ill measure. So that notwithstanding their secret conveying him into a sequestered chamber, they found him out, and resorted unto him; which one of the jesuits perceiving, spoke unto them saying, Take heed, come not near him, for we verily think he hath the plague. This speech they gave out to fear the Scholars from resorting unto him, that they might not see, into what pleight they had brought him. But for all they could do, they could not hinder them but that they would, & did see him. The Physician being sent for unto him, and feeling of his pulse, not knowing what had happened, said, that he had suffered great violence; by which you may guess, how strangely he was handled in this combat. I know there be divers, that will think this History strange, and incredible; but if it chance, that Ma: Charles Paget do but set down the actions of Fa: Holt, especially concerning Ma: Godfray Foulgeam (the very cause of whose death he was) you shall see more strange matters than this. And for the proof of this History of Ma: Barkworth, myself have heard it related of three or four several parties witness thereof, and such as desire more certainty herein, I refer them unto those, that were then in the College of Vall●dolid, and saw him in this extremity, and heard him afterwards deliver the whole course of their proceedings with him in the jesuits College, as here it is set down. Of which number some are priests, who have upon their faith, and fidelity, delivered the story thus unto me, (as from his own mouth) and their own eyes being witness to part of it.  
Another example of their uncharitable dealing, was with Ma: Fixar (one of the most famous men of our Nation, for divers good parts in him) whom first here in England they disgraced, with the note of espial most unjustly. And afterwards he being in great credit in Lisbon in Portugal, with the Bishop (if I be not mistaken) was by Fa: Parsons means withdrawn thence under colour of greater preferment. And when they had him thence into Spain, they confined him into an out place, with such disgraces, & disgusts, that he shortly died. These two I thought good to set down, omitting infinite more examples of his, and other English jesuits, their uncharitable dealings against divers, yea most part of our Countrymen, especially the Gentlemen abroad in banishment. Believe me, it were far more ease, and tolerable for any Cath: to live at home, and endure the afflictions of our Country for their consciences, then to live abroad in Spain, Italy, or the Low-countries, and to suffer that at the jesuits hands, which I know divers to have done.  
To the fifth and last point of accusation, concerning the book of Succession, put out in the name of one Dolman a secular priest; whatsoever his frivolous excuses may be of vir dolorum, it may have a fitter construction from dolus, then dolour, in that the whole work is nought else, but a deceitful conference, and treatise, to bring an old rotten feigned title, never dreamt of before this vir dolorum, coined it out of a whole Tessaradecades of genealogies, and generations so long ago, that the very Island itself might have been turned, since the first spring or root of that title; and many a score, yea hundreds yet alive that do step before it. And no less a deceit it seemeth to be, that he would put it forth in the name of a reverend ancient Priest in England, to bring him into danger for the same. Whereas he sayeth, that he never knew Ma. Dolman, it is a manifest untruth. For he not only knew him, but also knew him to be one of the most principal priests of our Nation, both for the reverence of his years, gravity, judgement, and 〈◊〉 good parts, that hath always opposed himself against the unjust, and exorbitant courses of the jesuits, whereof 〈◊〉: Parsons having such continual, and certain informations of every man in particular, and their affections, could not be ignorant, especially he being the only man of respect, amongst the chief Cath: of account, in the East parts of England. And therefore it may well be presumed that this vir dolorum, as he calls himself, did dolo malo of purpose publish the same under his name, thereby to do him a good turn, if he could. We know the jesuits charity towards their back-friends, and such as stand in their way. And whereas in disgraceful sort he seemeth to excuse him from such an intention, because forsooth (as he sayeth) Ma: Dolmans talon is known to be far inferior to such a labour: you may gather his love, and affection towards him, & how willing he is to do him a good turn, if it lay in his power. We can assure you that all that know the man; and speak not of him in spleen and hatred (because he is not a favourer, but an adversary to the jesuits proceedings) cannot but confess, that he is a man of excellent good parts, and not inferior to most of Fa: Parson's faction in England: And therefore no unlikely matter, that a worthier piece of stuff, than this Libel of Succession, might proceed from his endeavours, if he would be so idle, as to busy himself about such ungrateful toys.  
After these objections Fa: Parsons by the mistaking of a word falsely printed, viz: greenewatt for greenecoate, of purpose maketh himself ignorant of the matter, which he knoweth as well, as a beggar knoweth his dish. For he cannot be ignorant of his own speeches delivered in Greenecoate, alias, Leister's Commonwealth; a book written by himself, to the disgrace of the late Earl of Leicester. Wherein he sayeth, that difference in Religion (speaking in the behalf of the Scottish title) ought to be no bar in the inheritance to the Crown. Thus you see him, like a weathercock, turning every way. But now he is become so religious, in the behalf of the Spaniard, that he will have them all to go together by the ears, and one to cut another's throat: yea, suffer all the villainies, and miserable oppressions in the world by the Spaniard, ●●cause he is a Cath: rather then to admit of the Scot for that 〈◊〉 is not so, or of any other in his case; and will needs have all men bound, without all temporal respects whatsoever, under pain of damnation to strive to bring in a Cath: Prince, against the true heir, and him that hath the best title. Which general proposition how absurd it is, and against the very law of nature, we have else where showed. For by the same reason were the Christians bound, being in great multitudes in the primitive Church; yea, and whole legions of them soldiers, and therefore in more likelihood to have prevailed therein, than a few unarmed Cath: here in England, to have joined their forces at every change, for the erecting of a Christian Emperor: the same being a thing of greater importance to God's Church, then for any King, or Prince of so small an Island to be a Catholic. Neither can the difference of heresy, and infidelity, the one being a subject to the Church, and the other none, much help the matter, for your Emperors many times went by election, and faction of the soldiers, and he that could get the force of the soldiers to proclaim him, and bring him in, was the true Emperor, without respect of blood, kindred, or lineage: and therefore there was more reason for the Christians so to have done at that time, then for Cath: in these. But yet they held no forcible courses, I mean the Christians, nor thought it lawful so to do.  
As concerning the letter to the Earl of Angus, we have already showed sufficient out of it to the same purpose, it was cited in the Important considerations. The whole course of the letter being somewhat long (after Fa: Parson's manner of writing familiar Epistles,) is to no other end, then to show his diligence bestowed 8. or 10. years, for the King of Scotland, his untimely advantage to the crown of England. And for the matter of the French Ambassadors going to the Pope, to procure audience for our first two messengers, Ma. Doctor Bishop, and Ma. Charnocke, he may ask Ma. Nicholas Fitzherbert thereof. I doubt not, but he can resolve him therein of the truth. Whether it was the French Ambassador or a Cardinal, it was an office agreeable to their humours & dignity. Neither is it to the purpose that the Duke of Cessa laughed, or is feigned to laugh by fa: Parsons, for all was but a Spanish laughter, and so must be reputed nothing discrediting any action of ours: unless he think gestures & laughters, can put us like children out of countenance. But he is much mistaken: for if laughing will serve the turn, we can laugh as fast as either Fa: Parsons, or the Duke either: be it spoken without touch to his degree, which we respect in him, and all persons of Majesty, grace, or honour.  
We will here omit the usage of our two messengers, because else where we have spoken sufficient thereof, but yet he hath heaped up such a farthel of untruths in the only relating of them, as that they were heard for three months together, that they were not cast into prison, that justice by that action was not violated. etc. that I am ashamed to see such palpable unshamefastness, not one word being true, as by our former discourse to his holiness (where things must be sifted to their verities) you may see: and also in the copies of discourses. If furthermore you please to read Ma. Doctor Bishops answer to fa: Parsons letter, and the censure upon the same, there you shall find the straightness of their usage, with a strange imprisonment under Fa: Parsons their Jailor, and that they were never admitted to deal about their business, nor heard: but only once, being accused before the two Cardinals. But these are the strainings and overstraynings of fa: Parsons, to defend his proceedings, which I told you of him in the preface. For his question, how the restraining of a couple of priests may be both blasphemy to the sea Apostolic, and to her Majesty, I answer him that this is a forgery, and an imposture of his own, and no such conjunction made in the Epistle by him cited. Only it is there said, that neither his holiness, nor any other competent judge, ever heard of the coggery, prejudice, and blasphemy done against the sea Apostolic, and the sacred Majesty of our Prince: not that their imprisonment was either coggery, prejudice, or blasphemy to her Majesty, but that by their imprisonment, his holiness could not hear of their prejudicial dealings against our Prince and state, nor of their coggery and blasphemy against the Sea Apostolic, all Princes and Prelates in the world, being in a sort abused by such dealings.  
As touching fa: Parsons return into Spain, whether by Mendoza his commendations, or not (which little importeth) we will omit, as not much to the purpose. All the world by experience seeth, that his going thither, was not for any good to our country, but to procure invasions, and to raise a new bloody title to the Crown of England. I will note but two circumstances in this father's discourse of this matter, not to be omitted: the first is, that no letter, or message passed for many years together between Mendoza and him, to wit, after the disastrous affair of Ballard, and Babbington. By this you see that Letters, and messengers were wont to pass between them before this disastrous affair: and so it is very probable, that fa: Parsons was made acquainted with all those practices, wherein Mendoza had dealt, concerning Throgmorton & Babington, by those letters, and Messengers.  
The second observation is, that when Mendoza some years after returned to Madrill, there passed great expostulation between them two, about that affair of Babbington, and some other such matters. Wherein the said Ambassador had been thought to have been overmuch led by the forward men, and their mates. Doth not this show first, that Mendoza was a subject to the jesuits by some hand or other; or else, why should Father Parson's a jesuit, expostulate matters with a Duke, a Prince, & an Ambassador to so great a King? How dared he otherwise have noted by way of expostulation (which showeth an authority) his being overmuch misled by the forward men, which insinuateth a dislike or check, for following too much the advise and directions of such men, blaming the manner, and circumstances, but not directly the matter. Do not these circumstances leave a suspicion of Fa: Parson's consent to that plot, though he disliked that Mendoza was overmuch led therein by the forward men. See how God will that father Parsons should bewray himself.   

An answer to the fifth Chapter, concerning our pretended folly: and malignant spirit, in objecting certain books to father Parsons, which tend to his commendation, and of his confutation of a little Treatise, in answer to his book of Succession.  
NOw are we come at length to the fifth chap: of books objected to Fa: Parsons, which he will have to increase his credit. Of these books he citeth 4. in number urged by us, to wit, Philopater, the ward word: the high counsel of Reformation, or Memorial, (as he termeth it) and the book of Titles, or succession to the Crown. These he nameth, but leaveth out the scurrilous pamphlets of Perneus and green coat, or Leister's commonwealth, with such other of that rabble; full of exasperations against the Queen & state, and very scandalous, as containing infamous slanders against both, and in particular against some of the counsel: which could not but give occasion to incense them (being in power and authority) against all Catholics, and priests in England. And all England knoweth, that the book against the Earl of Leicester, did mightily avert him from all Catholics in general. But it is a true saying, which often I have heard spoken of father Parsons, that he will rather lose his friend then his jest, & it is verified in all his proceedings. For if once he apprehend a course, he will thorough with it, though all the world smart for it: of so violent, and pernicious, and headstrong a nature he is.  
But to come to the books which by himself are cited. Of the two first, viz. Philopater, and the Wardword, he saith no more, but that they be in defence of the Catholic cause; the first, against the rigorous Edict, the second, against a bloody-minded Knight. As for the first, it is full of most bitter railing, & arrogant exasperations, as every man that hath read it can tell; besides foolish scoffings against great persons, which no man of wisdom and charity would have used in these times, unless he had meant to whet a double edged sword to cut Catholics throats. The second was a fond and foolish reviving of a dead matter, not worth a rush; no man either thinking, or regarding the follies of such a pamphlet. But by his raking again in the old forgotten dunghill, he hath raised up such new stirs, and drawn such persons into the matter, that (as every man may see) the dead matter is now new on foot, and alive again, and in a more hurtful sort then before. Let him see what the Dean of Exeter, Ma. Doctor Sutcliffe, hath written in answer of his Wardword, and judge whether the wound be not worse than before. The Knights obscure toy, no man regarded: but I dare not say so of Ma. Doctor Sutcliffs book. And this was the wisdom of this good Fa: in answering the Watchword, needs he must have his jest, though it cost him dear.  
As touching his third pamphlet of Reformation, it is a world to see the pride of the man to take upon him, to meddle with all estates, and give rules and directions, what must be done, as well in the Court, as Country: Clergy, as Laïty. And when, forsooth, must this be done? Mary when our Country is reduced again to Catholic religion. But when or how must that be, do you know? Presently forsooth by a Spanish conquest. For you must understand, that this work was hatched about the same time, or immediately after the book of Titles, if not before: so that you see the book of Succession was for the conquest, and this for Reformation to follow.  
What simplicity was it for a man of wit, or understanding, to think that after a Spanish conquest, he should have the managing of matters for our Country, to prescribe orders, & laws: as though the Spaniard would have delivered all matters into Father Parson's hand, and he must have been Lycurgus, to direct all. Alas poor man, or rather mad man, how great a conceit soever you have of yourself, and how much so ever you presume of your greatness with the Spaniard, you must give me leave to think, that when that time had come (as God forbid it ever should) Ma. Spaniard would have as little regard to Fa: Parsons, in those affairs, as to any of us. I will omit his fond supposal of easy reformation: because both our Clergy, and Catholics, having lived in persecution all this time, would willingly concur to a holy and perfect reformation: as who would say, that all difficulty in that point should remain in the priests, and Catholics of our own nation, and not rather in the Spaniards, who then must be our good Masters, and of like, the greatest number, at the least in all authorities, both in Court, & Country (as in conquests happeneth) and all men know the Spaniards to be the most licentious people in Europe: especially the soldier.  
Where is now your ground (fa: Parsons,) of an easy reformation? but commonly great folly, and blindness followeth pride, even in the wisest men. And if father Parsons say, that this Treatise of Reformation, was not intended upon any conquest (although it is evident that it was) yet is it both foolish, and arrogant: Foolish, in that he buildeth Castles in the air, knowing neither when, by whom, nor how the reduction of our country shall happen, and therefore an hundredth to one, that his foolish Chimaeras will be either forgot, or contemned when that time happeneth. Arrogant, in that thereby he seemeth to think, that at such times our country should want men of wisdom, or piety, or both, to see what will be then convenient, and put the same in execution, unless, he prescribe them before hand, & tell them what they must do. But to open a little more in particular his great folly herein, such as have read the said Treatise, (being priests and men of credit, unto some of whom Fa: Parsons himself showed the said book, as secretly as now it is kept) do report that his directions are, that the municipal laws of our Country shall be so altered, that the Civil laws must bear the sway. And this is the more probable, because he shuffleth it of, saying little or nothing to this objection, nor bringing in one word of the Memorial in proof hereof, or of the disposition of the Inns of Court, how they should be employed, though he toucheth both, but so as if he were afraid to show what he hath written thereof for shame. For our Clergy also, they say, that all men should be put to pensions in the beginning: and the Colleges both in Oxford and Cambridge, in the same sort deprived of their lands and revenues, and become pensioners. And this hath been maintained to myself by some of his favourites, as a thing necessary (with great vehemency) both for edification, as also the disposing of the overplus to other good uses, in the behalf of the Church. And that which is said here to this purpose in excuse hereof is so little, and nothing at all of Colleges, that it is apparent he was unwilling to manifest his follies therein. What he saith of the King and Counsel, he will not tell you, for doubtless it is good stuff. Of the nobility he leaveth out what he hath said concerning their pomp, train, revenues, and diet: & concerning the inferior nobility, (which is our gentry) as Knights, Esquires, and Gentlemen, he noteth her Majesty indirectly with oppression, and contempt thereof to her dishonour: which showeth his pride, and careless carriage towards all sorts.  
Touching religious orders, (which he noteth, as a member of his division of the Clergy, in his Epistle,) he saith not one word at all, but shuffleth it off as forgotten, because therein he should have discovered his love and affection to all orders of religious people, besides his own. All which orders; (one order only excepted) he excludeth out of England (as they affirm) for the first seven years or more, that Master jesuits in the mean time might have the sway of all, and enter into the houses, livings, and possessions of other religious orders, if they could. Thus he shuffleth and cutteth, sparing no estate; and yet here he citeth you some fragments of the best stuff he could pick out of that proud pamphlet, to make you believe that his endeavours therein, were holy, and zealous, merely for the good of God's church, & his country. Sometimes he calleth them excellent notes, and observations, and so proudly extolleth himself therein, as he dareth to affirm, (though like a stage-player he taketh upon him an other person than his own) that the contradictors of this his fantastical work, have neither virtue, nor ability to imitate him. Certainly, the man hath a great conceit of his own doings, and is too much overcarried with partiality, and overweening of himself. For otherwise, let any man of judgement and indifferency duly weigh even that, which he hath cited himself in the best manner out ●f the aforesaid Treatise, and he will judge it to be but ploughed and foolish stuff, and mere chimerical conceits, howsoever they carry a show of religious reformation: for that some of them are inconvenient, and all without his sphere. But to leave these his foolish vanities, let us see what he saith in the behalf of his book of Succession.  
First in excuse thereof he saith, that it came forth, with the consent of Cardinal Allen, and his liking and approbation: which we assure ourselves to be a malicious calumniation of the worthy Cardinal deceased. For is it like that he, who so mightily disliked the Oration made by a young scholar in Valledolid, wherein the title and right of England, was offered up into the King's hands, together with themselves, and their parents, is it like (I say) that he would approve this seditious book, wherein all right to the Crown of our country, is cast upon the Infanta of Spain? Who in the world will believe this? But it is a fashion with father Parsons, to father his seditious practices, and foolish actions, upon other worthy men, & commonly such as are dead, as you may see by the multitude of dead men's Letters, cited in the Apology. Howsoever he would draw the Cardinal into this work, we know that his affection in his latter days, was not so great towards him, as to concur with him in any such fond intentions.  
Add to this, 
Do: Cicill, Master Wright.  that Fa: Parsons having written this treatise, and showing the same to two reverend priests, when it was but in papers, one after another, both of them disliking, and dissuading him from the publishing thereof, he promised that it should not be printed. But you will easily think, that if he had obtained the cardinals approbation, he would little have regarded their opinions, or promised to have suppressed it, as he did: but would quickly have satisfied them with his good liking, and applause. And where he saith that some of ourselves at the first showed liking thereof: howsoever some one or other not seeing into the drift of it, might ignorantly like the discourse: sure I am that none of judgement, looking into it seriously, ever liked it. And I am sure that both my sel●●, and divers others of more experience utterly disliked, and condemned it from the beginning, as divers know. But 〈◊〉: Parsons wise and grave judgement, esteemeth our heads green: and therefore he saith, we carp at that we understand not. Indeed it is to walk in a maze, and a labyrinth of cares, to follow his turbulent brains, in all his seditious intentions. And yet by his leave, this was but a proud speech of his: for all the world knoweth, that some, if not the most part of those, who disliked this his heraldry, were in learning his masters, and in knowledge of the state of our Country, (what was convenient, or inconvenient, pleasing, or displeasing, pacifiding, or irritating,) better informed then himself, as being men, who lived under the burden of affliction, and were not fled the field, as he was, neither were their wits so weak, as not able to see Fa: Parson's cunning aim therein. Though like a Gipsy he play at fast and loose: yet men, that are acquainted with his old tricks, can guess at his new fetches. But whereas he saith, that as times stood when the book was written, it was necessary to handle that matter of succession to the crown: and that the first book is of such weight, that it is an irreligious point for any Cath: to be ignorant therein, concerning the matter of preferring a Cath: Prince; for the which, no good Cath: can dispense with himself, upon any humane respect, or consideration whatsoever.  
These his assertions are so headlong, fond, and desperate, as I know not well, how to deal with him. As the times than stood, you say. Mean you Sir, as the times than stood in Spain, or in England? If you were thoroughly pressed, to name unto us a fit time for xx. years past at least, when we might conveniently have dealt here with the point of Succession, I believe it would pose you. Such are our laws in that behalf, as silence in such matters had been much more fit for you, that live abroad; and less dangerous to us, who are subject to some storms at home. You must therefore needs have relation to the times, as they ran in Spain. And so we have descried the traitor. After the repulse 1588. this good Fa: hasteneth into Spain: and finding no likelihood, that the King would again attempt the like course against this Realm: he thought it was time to entitle him to the Crown, if so be he might set a new edge to his former desire thereof. If I miss of your meaning, you may expound yourself hereafter. Next: you commend unto us exceedingly, the first book of your treatise, like a very wise and a modest man. But when I perused it, me thought, I was reading all the while your Master in that art Buchanan the Scot his book, de iure Regni apud Scotos: unto whom you are very much beholden. If any will take the pains to read them both; let him condemn me for a seducer, if I have abused him herein. Their full scope is: how they may set up the people against their Sovereigns. Well, well, good Fa: when people are thrust into such courses, they are not easily stayed: and you are but a simple man for all your statizing, if you know not, that popularity in the civil state, doth not well digest a Monarchy in the ecclesiastical. You tell us further, that it is an irreligious thing for any to be ignorant, who shall succeed her Majesty: and therefore you (forsooth) thought it time to teach them. But the time was, when such traitorous courses were utterly forbidden, & that in Spain itself, by the fifth Counsel at Tolet, under pain of excommunication. But I know your shift: you will tell us: that there was no fear then in Spain, but that whosoever should succeed, he would be a Catholic: which is not so with us now in England. And if not so with us, how then Father?  
It is true I confess, that there is no competitor unto the Crown of England, that is Catholic, in whom any probability in the world of enjoying the crown can be imagined, as all men know. But what then? Are Catholics bound without all human respect, to dispose themselves for such a Competitor as must be a Catholic? Again, if Catholics would so dispose themselves, what probability is there, that they could direct, or make such a King, being the weakest and the deiectest number in our country, and are beside divided in themselves, through the jesuits honest practices, as every man seeth?  
And as touching the Infanta of Spain, neither is she a Competitor, more than every gentleman in England, that can any way derive himself from any noble house, that hath any way matched in the blood royal, (as the most ancient gentlemen's houses in England have done.) Neither is there any probability of her Obtaining the Sceptre, unless we be willing to become slaves to Spaniards, and aliens: as this unnatural English jesuit would have us. Now in this case, as all things stand with us in England, I think there is no man of judgement, that is not jesuited, and so Hispanized, but will say that we are not bound to oppose ourselves for a Catholic Prince.  
I might add some other reasons to this purpose: as that we may not do evil that good may come of it. The common rule of justice requireth, that every man should enjoy that, which by right and inheritance belongeth unto him. In ancienter times, obedient and dutiful Christians, living under Tyrants, prayed not only for them, but for their children, that they might succeed their fathers in the Empire, though they, their said children (for aught the Christians knew) were like to prove no better than their Fathers. We are to commit the cause to God, in whose hands the hearts of Princes are, and who doth make, and pull down Kings at his will, praying that whomsoever it shall please his divine providence, to invest with the Crown and sceptre of our Country, he will vouchsafe to incline his heart unto the Catholic Roman religion and favour of his Church. For where in man's reason, no possibility of things are, they are always to be referred unto God's holy providence, and disposition, who worketh beyond man's expectation.  
Besides, the reasons which the Council of Toledo yieldeth, why it was forbidden to name a Successor to the crown, as long as Chintillus the King lived, do fight with Fa: Parsons tergiversations. It was held an unlawful thing so to do. But you shall have their own words; Quia et religioni inimicum, et hominibus constat esse perniciosum, etc. Because it is both contrary to religion, and hurtful for men, to think of future things unlawfully, to search after the falls of Princes, & to provide for themselves for aftertimes, seeing it is written: It belongeth not to you, to know the times, and moments, which the Father hath put in his own power. We ordain by this decree, that whosoever shall be found to have sought after such things, and during the Prince's life, to have aimed at an other, for the future hope of the kingdom, or to have drawn other unto him for that purpose shall be cast out of the congregation of Catholics by the sentence of excommunication.  
By these things you may see whether the peremptory proposition of fa: Parsons, be not in our case a flat paradox: but he never looketh to circumstances of time, persons, or place, so he may by general propositions seem to make a fair show of somewhat.  
But to come to the second part, or book of Succession, he saith, and that with protestation, that he dealeth indifferently for all titles, impeaching none, but showing the true right of every one, without partiality of favour, more to one, than other. Which notwithstanding his protestations (that are more frequent, then faithful) is most false, and untrue. For first, what title is there, which he doth not invalidate one way or other, with bastardy, or the like, the Infanta her title only excepted? Doth he not bring the marriage of the Earl of Harford in question to debar that line? Doth he not exclude the Scot, by the association, and so in the rest? only he leaveth the Infanta sole heir, without spot, or stain. Again, hath he not raked up a title for the Infanta, from john of Gaunt, and before; never dreamt of in the world till his time, to bring in her as a Competitor. I am sure he might bring in 300 at the least within our own Country aswell, and with as good right and interest to the Crown. Is this to deal faithfully, and indifferently? But we will leave this point to be farther searched by such as I think have taken a little more pains herein for his sake.  
Now to come to the pamphlet forsooth against the said book of Succession, attributed to Ma. Charles Paget, but by Fa: Parsons not thought to be his, and (I verily think) justly. But howsoever weak it may be in answering particulars, by Fa: Parsons laid down in the conference about succession, (which I think it intended not to prosecute) yet doth it show the work to be inconvenient, as well for the King of Spain himself, as for our own Sovereign, or the king of Scots.  
He that shall diligently peruse that treatise, & consider the drift of the Author, shall find it to be of a farther reach, then fa: Parsons will seem to discern; as aiming at nothing, but to show his folly, his desperate and traitorous courses, which by arming subjects against their Sovereigns, may touch in time all Christian Princes▪ as well as her Majesty.  
It is pity that the Treatise is no more common, so as thereby the States in England might clearly perceive, what a gallimaufry he would make of laws, common, civil, & Ecclesiastical, and of the whole Commonwealth, if Parsons might have his will, according to the plot he hath laid in that his worthy work of Succession.   

An answer to the sixth chapter, touching our pretended folly, & deceived spirit, in persuading ourselves to get credit by the manner of our proceedings, with clamours and libels.  
IT is a common observation, and noted of all men, that when any person giveth himself to a custom of maintaining absurdities, he will in the end grow to persuade himself, that the things he maintaineth are true, be they otherwise never so absurd and false; yea and at the first so reputed by the maintainer. And even so fareth it with Father Parsons, for certainly he could not possibly with any face deliver matters as he doth, and so apparently false, with such confidence, yea and iterations, if the custom of wrangling, and maintaining paradoxes, had not persuaded his understanding, that what he will defend, must needs be as he saith, & so to be believed as he telleth it. Tell me (I beseech you) who would so peremptorily have affirmed, that we never meant to prosecute our appeal, but only to gain time. and liberty, (as he here doth) if such a custom of maintaining untruths, had not wholly possessed his understanding in such sort, as he cannot persuade himself otherwise, than his extravagant imagination conceiteth; and that a strong imagination did not assure him, that all he said should be believed? The world now seeth the contrary to this loud untruth. But to go further with him. What man that regarded honesty, and truth, if he were not possessed with the aforesaid humour, and custom, would say that one of our friends, sent before unto the Nuncio, falling into the company of an Irish man, should say he was a jesuit to win credit? Ma. Barnbee was the precurser he aimeth at; who protesteth that he neither was in the company of any such Irish man, neither ever used the name of the jesuits.  
Again, out of what other humour could he aver, that they showed divers passports to the Nuncio, viz: one of banishment; the other more large, general, and ample, full of favour, and privilege to pass, how, when, and where, and with what they would; sith it is most certain, they had but one only passport, and that of Banishment, this is the full truth therein. Some of the company being stayed at Dover, contrary to their expectation, they were enforced to send back to London: and thereupon procured a note to the searchers and officers there, that they should pass freely, without search, with such things as they had to carry with them. In the same sort doth he deliver you another untruth, that all that our friends could say, when they came before the Nuncio in Flaunders, was that the Archpriest had taken away some men's faculties, & did not equally distribute alms. There can be no men amongst you so ignorant, as not to see this to be an egregious fiction. Was the matter of schism, & all the wrongs therein done us, whereupon all our stirs, and contentions have risen, nothing? Were all our complaints of meddling in state matters, whereby the Prince and state were offended, and affliction increased, matters of no moment? Who doth not see the vanity of this untruth? And upon this followeth another as notorious; that the Nuncio, hearing they could say no more, took upon him to end the matter, writing back to the Archpriest to require his answer; but being afterwards better acquainted with our malicious books (as he termeth them) he wrote again into England in another style concerning their being with him, than he would have done (as after he said) if he had been so far privy to their doings, and meanings before.  
This is not only an egregious abuse of his holiness Nuncio, who most kindly entertained our friends, & being thoroughly acquainted with their business, approved their course, as most reasonable, and writ unto the Archpriest to restore all in pristinum statum, (which he contemned) but also a mere devise, in that never any such Letter appeared in England from the Nuncio, for aught we can learn, of different style to the former, nor can they produce any such. Besides that, the Nuncio wrote to his holiness concerning our affairs. But Fa: Parsons must have leave to belie us, when he dare to bely and abuse his holiness Nuncio.  
Like unto this, and out of the same humour of custom, is his often malicious comparing us to Luther, and sundry heretics: which tasteth of a malicious, & unconscionable spirit of defamation. I could say unto him, that this humour of maintaining paradoxes and custom of lying, is, and always hath been, the first step unto heresy. But God keep him from the spirit of Machiavelli and Atheism, which these courses too much ●auour of.  
another untruth alleged by him in this chapter is, that we affirm, that his holiness hath no authority to move war for religion against any temporal Prince. This is a manifest lie; for his temporal authority concerning this point, was not examined by us, as I have showed above. After this, in the 77. page, follow three untruths conjoined as in one, that we persuade all the world, that all is sedition, conspiracy, & rebellion amongst Catholics in England, and not matter of religion; that we make them the true Authors, and occasioners, of all their own trouble, vexations, and dangers, by their own indiscreet, and temerarious actions; and that we also justify the cause of the Persecutors, and lay the fault upon the persecuted. All these are so manifest forgeries, as impudency itself, without a brazen visage, could not aver it; we manifestly excusing the body of Priests, and Cath: and laying the fault only upon some particular persons, where the true fault was indeed, thereby to show the wrongs, and injuries that generally Cath: and Priests have sustained without just cause, only excusing the Queen, and state by ignorance, not knowing the difference between the innocent, and guilty; and not justifying thei●●ard proceedings. For it is one thing to excuse a fault, and another thing to justify the same: yea, we do say, that the extremity of affliction, exceeded in our opinions, the measure of the faults. But to deny occasions to have been given by Fa: Parsons, and his complices, and some other also, who we wish had been better advised, we cannot, unless we had, as shameless countenances, as perhaps he frameth to himself, when he denieth such apparent verities. And the same lie is iterated again in the page following; to wit, that we make sufferings in England, not to be for conscience, but for practising against the Prince and state. I do greatly fear he will prove in the end to have Laesam imaginationem in these matters: framing to himself a conceit, that all the calumniations which he can devise against us must be true, because he so dreameth.  
Another untruth is in the 79. page, that we have sent to offer ourselves to the King of Scots: which is only spoke of malice, to bring us into suspicion and jealousy, with our own state at home, a thing he vehemently laboureth to do, by all the means he can use, as well by lies and disgraces, as by his example of Constantius, alleged by him out of Eusebius and Sozomenus, you may perceive: which testimony in very truth doth more properly agree unto himself, in that he having been an open professed enemy unto her Majesty always; yet to purchase her favour, and his credit with her again, wrote a letter some few years passed unto her Highness, (a fact of no small presumption) offering her his service, and that he would give her intelligence out of all parts of Europe, what was intended against her, and her estate.  
This Letter in his own hand hath been showed unto some of our friends, who know his hand, as well as himself, that he may not say, it was counterfeited, which yet if he do, I think no man of wit or understanding will think probable. For what advantage should her Majesty or the state get by counterfeiting a Letter of Parsons, to such a vain effect? If you will say to disgrace him, I verily think, and assure myself, that her Majesty, and the Counsel no more regard the poor fellows credit, or discredit, than you regard your old shoes. And in reason do but think, whether it is probable, that so mighty a Prince, and so great a state, should respect so mean a fellow. I verily think he is altogether forgot of them, but when as at some times his practices make him infamous to them, as the burning of Diana her temple, made the obscure Cripple to be talked of. By this you may see, how fitly Constans his example may be applied to himself, or to the conceit of her Majesty, and the state. But as touching us, his malice cannot reach to his scope: her Majesty, and the State know well, that, as to them we profess ourselves most loyal, and faithful in word, and action, so stand we most resolute in the profession of our faith, & loyalty to God, and his Church: which God assisting us, we will continue.  
Another lying invention of his own, is, that we have devised a new discourse about Succession, and have dealt another way in England, for the entitling of the Crown, more to the taste (as he sayeth) of some great personages of our estate. This malicious falsehood he hath invented newly, to bring us into jealousy and suspicion, and thereby hatred to his Majesty of Scotland. See how this Robin goodfellow playeth his part on all sides, to work mischief, and contention. But he shall never find such shuffling dealing in us, about matters that concern us not, as himself hath practised. First, he began with the Scottish title, affirming difference in Religion no sufficient cause of bar in right to a Kingdom (as you may see in Greenecoate, or Leister's Commonwealth) howsoever now he inveigh against his majesties title, only for Religion. Then he practised with the Prince of Parma, to have his son Ranutius marry to L. Arbella, thereby to fortify his title, derived from the house of Portugal. And lastly, he practised with the Spaniard, and hath entitled his daughter the Infanta. These have been his mutable jugglings, by which his Cath: Majesty might see, how sure a staff he hath of him, who hath run through so many titles, ever shifting to the greatest, as occasions do require. And I am persuaded, that he will return again to his Majesty of Scotland, or any other, if he see them likelier once to win the spurs, than the Spaniard.  
Now as he maketh no conscience to slander us, thereby to work our discredits to the uttermost of his power, so to fortify his falsehoods against us, he doth arrogate unto himself, and his, whatsoever good, and laudable action is done by any of us, or our friends. As for example, the motion of a toleration, and mitigation of extremities in cause of Religion, known to be first effectually proposed by Ma: Bluet, and Ma: Clerks means, and as well the petition, as instructions thereupon, with informations of the manner of ease desired, drawn by them, and put into the hands of such of worth, discretion, and wit, as prosecuted the same: this (I say) he arrogateth to his favourites, and friends, though I know that some of them did in many places inveigh against the ●ute, and averted men, as much as in them lay, from hearkening thereto, framing strange falsehoods, and lies about our intentions, and the action itself. And I am half persuaded, that if the jesuits had not been, the matter had found better success: For it is well known, that they have always been enemies to all tolerations in Religion; because they think, that they should perhaps be expelled, or forced to retire themselves, upon the conditions of security, to be given unto the Queen, concerning her person, and state: which they perhaps are unwilling to be drawn unto, considering thereby all their plots, and practices should be cut of. Neither happily will the State trust them (in whom it hath found such treachery) by reason of their mutual bond, wherein they are all tied to follow the direction of Fa: Parsons, the Archeplotter of state practices against our Prince, and Country. And to prove this part, concerning the jesuits affection towards toleration. Fa: Parsons their ringleader, and square to the rest, openly in Rome before the Scholars (as divers will testify against him) made a long speech against toleration of Religion in England, (in that as he said) Cath: thereby would grow cold, and lose their fervency, they had got by persecution. See whether the motion of toleration, was like to proceed from these me●, and yet he insinuateth some motive unto her Majesty, and the Counsel to deal with him, or his party; because forsooth we being divided, (as he saith) have little credit. By this also indirectly you may perceive his mind to toleration in Religion, or any benefit to Cath: seeing he disgraceth to his power, such as deal for their good, when he knoweth that her Majesty, and Counsel, will not trust him, or any of his faction, in whom they have found so much sedition.  
But to proceed with the rest of this Chapter, Fa: Parsons would have you in the beginning, wonder at our friend's confidence in Cath: Countries, in that they durst not go to the Nuncio in Flaunders, without a passport. But he might more justly have told you, that our confidence in him, and his fellow jesuits was such, that our friends durst not commit themselves into their hands. For if they had so done, they had all been laid fast for ever coming at Rome; the jesuits had so earnestly practised with the Spanish Ambassador against them, affirming that they were enemies unto the King, and I know not what. In so much that (notwithstanding their passport) the Ambassador came posting down about them, and Fa: Baldwine, Doct: Cesar, Clement, and others, ran with open mouth against them to the Nuncio: whereby one of them (as it is known) had like to have been taken by a policy, if he had been in his Inn. His horse was seized on, until the Nuncio sent for the Governor, and gave him a check. Consider then whether they had not cause, to fear the jesuits, whose irreligious oppressions our former messengers had once tasted before. But more of this will be said in another treatise. And as for their telling the Nuncio, that they were in fear to come unto him: it was true, they said so, and gave their reasons, not as fa: Parsons setteth them down, but that we had been oft provoked by our Archpriest unto him, and threatened with him by these words, that he, the Archpriest had beaten us with rods, but the Nuncio would beat us with scorpions. These only were the reasons given to the Nuncio, which were most true. And for the breve, and his Commission, to end the matter, our Messengers were content, and did refer themselves unto him. Whereupon he writ to the Archpriest, to appear by himself, or Proctors, and the Doctor stayed in Paris to meet them. But the Archp: refused (as seemed) for he never appeared one way, or other, until his two Agents, some months after, went over to be his Proctors in Rome, who passed indeed by the low countries, but what they did there we know not. Only it was said, that being before the Nuncio, they could not deliver their tale, and that the jesuits were ashamed of them. Insomuch that one of the jesuits of that Country demanded, if the Archpriest had no more sufficient men in England to send about his affairs. This was reported, whether it be true or no, I will not aver.  
Touching the Breve, the Nuncio plainly told our brethren, that he had but a Copy thereof, and that the Archp: had the original sent him long before, marveling, as he said, that he had not published it: adding further unto them, that they were not bound to take notice thereof, sith the Archpriest had not divulged it. And whereas Fa: Parsons saith, that our friends being at Douai, were exclaimed against by the Rector, & seniors there, it is a manifest untruth. They found nothing but kindness at their hands. For English men of worth abroad, I think fa: Parsons cannot name one, that exclaimed against their journey. But I am sure, that all of reckoning have ever exclaimed against his unconscionable practices, as well lay Gentlemen & Nobles, as of the Clergy: and he can name very few of esteem of either sorts, which have not complained against him.  
As touching his reports written concerning a toleration, upon condition, the jesuits and Archpriest should be recalled, I would it were true. And if he had respect to the common cause, he would wish so to; but they use more to regard their private interest, than any public good. Concerning the matter of schism, he writeth three untruths in three, or four lines. First, that Lysters Libel was never published: secondly, that soon after it came forth, it was recalled by the Archpriest at the atonement. here are involved two falsehoods: first, that the atonement was soon after the divulging of that Libel, there being a full year betwixt them: secondly, that then it was recalled, which is a lie, for he promised only, the matter should never be urged, and that the Treatise should die, but he never performed either of those conditions. Thirdly, that it could not be said to infame any, which is an impudent assertion; above 30. de facto being defamed by it, and so held, and practised against thereupon, besides an hundredth at the least of neuters, & favourers, whom it concerned.  
But to leave these apparent untruths, his best refuges, let us come at length to Card: Sega his Catalogue or Memorial, alleged against the scholars of Rome. Fa: Parsons noteth the causes of those tumults in Rome, to have been raised upon the same causes, & against the same persons, that these here in England have been, and therein we yield he saith truly. And for the persons, to wit: the jesuits, we agree with him, that as they were the men impugned by them there, so are they also by us here. Touching the cause also, which he ascribeth to liberty, and freedom from subjection, as such liberty, and freedom excludeth tyranny, oppressions, & unjust insultations of the jesuits, we likewise grant it: but as he maliciously commenteth upon it, with hatred of order, discipline, and superiority, we say, and will convince him, that he speaketh of malice, and against his knowledge. For he cannot deny, but that the scholars in Rome, excepting justly against their violent tyranny, and oppressions, offered notwithstanding to admit of all the bonds, and rules, whereto any of themselves were bound by their order (their vows excepted) and to tie themselves to the observance thereof, during their abode in the College. If then this were in hatred of order, & discipline, he must needs grant, that there is no order, nor discipline observed in his own order. And if there be, let any man judge, whether for voluntary Scholars to live after the manner and order of religious men, be to contemn order & discipline. But this offer was rejected by the jesuits, intending a farther slavery, and bondage over them, as in the history of those stirs shall appear more at large. And for ourselves here in England, Parsons confesseth, that we were about a sodality with rules, and superiors. How doth it then follow, that we hated order, & discipline, who without constraint sought for both? But whosoever giveth not consent to jesuits inventions, and fa: Parsons order, and discipline, must be termed a libertine, and disorderly companion; though his inventions contain plain slavery, and tyranny, as is manifest in the Archipresbyterie.  
Now touching the fragments which he citeth out of Card: Sega his Memorial, all of them being squared to his own humour; they give great occasion to suspect that they were not his: for that he is made to say, that the jesuits have more force, skill, and use in managing of souls, than every other priest: and consequently to remove them out of the English Clergy, were as if one would let forth the best, & most digested blood out of a man's body, thinking thereby to cure, and preserve him. Is there any man of judgement, or understanding, that can think this speech could proceed from a Cardinal of gravity, and judgement, being so contrary to all practice of God's Church? Besides, it soundeth very ill, to prefer religious men (only dedicated to themselves) in managing of souls abroad, before the secular Clergy: whose proper function, is to give themselves wholly to the direction & help of others, and to be prepared even by their vocation (& that of justice) to give their lives for their flock, which no religious man (as he is a religious man) is bound unto, more than of charity at the most. And hereupon it is, that some Divines too probably defend, that to be a Pastor supposeth a state of perfection, aswell as to be a Bishop; as the Sorbonists.  
Again, this speech is to condemn the whole practice of Christ's Church from the beginning, as to have taken the worst, and weakest order for helping of souls. For she hath always preferred the secular Clergy to that office, and never suffered the religious to intermeddle therein, but upon special privileges, and grants, and by dispensation. Furthermore, the Church may stand without any particular order of religious, or all of them: but she cannot stand without the secular Clergy. How then is it true, or sound to say, that to remove the jesuits out of England, is to purge away the best, & most digested blood, a man would think that were the best, and most digested blood, by which the body were necessarily maintained, and without the which it could not live, and not that, without which it might live. And then must it follow, that the secular Clergy is the best and most digested blood, by which the Church of Christ liveth, and without which it cannot live, and not the religious, whom she may want.  
judge then whether this erroneous discourse were like to proceed from the Cardinal, or rather were not feigned by Fa: Parsons himself. Another speech of the Cardinal is said to be, that the jesuits, being united together, have better notice of the virtue, talents, and merits of every particular Priest, that cometh into England, and consequently can better assure Cath: what is in them, and how far they may rely upon each one of them. This discourse tendeth only to bring all into the jesuits hands, & to minister occasion of infinite oppressions of such Priests, as they shall not affect; as by many experiences of disgraces, done unto Priests at their first entrance by the jesuits, we have found, as also in that great extraordinary privileges have been granted to men of small talents, being their favourites. How like is it then, that these were the Card: words? Again afterwards he is brought in to say, that he that taketh away from that unfortunate kingdom of England, the labour of this society in these days, seemeth to me, not only to take away the salt of that Land; but even the sun of that afflicted Church. Are these speeches like to proceed from a grave Cardinal? I marvel how oft Fa: Parsons hath heard religious men called, sal terrae, or lux mundi, seu ecclesiae, they being, by their institute, properly to live in obscurity in Cells, and Monasteries, and not public in the world. When Christ used these speeches, he spoke unto his Apostles, whom he sent in to the world to preach, and instruct people, and to be conversant with them, as well to edify them, by example of life, as wholesome doctrine, and not unto such as were to live sequestered from the world, as religious men are, by their institute, and order. And if any way Fa: Parsons can writhe these Metaphors to appertain unto religious persons, it is as they are by particular privilege, and dispensation sent into the world, and not as they are religious men, sequestered from the world. judge then how the jesuits can justly be said, to be the salt of England, or sun of our Church, and not rather the Priests, unto whom the function of preaching, and teaching belongeth of office, and not unto the jesuits. This application therefore of salterrae, and lux mundi unto the jesuits, doth not seem to proceed from a Cardinal. Again, it is affirmed that he sayeth, that it was neither convenient, nor possible to remove the jesuits from the government of the Colleges, without over-throwing of all. This is so notorious a paradox, as it seemeth incredible to proceed from the wisdom of a Cardinal. Were there no sufficient men in the world, to undertake the government of the Colleges, with preservation of things, but that all must go to ruin, if the jesuits upheld not all? what pride, what arrogancy is this? Could the Seminaries of Douai, & Rheims, be maintained, & upheld almost 40. years without them, and must now all go to ruin without their managing? Are all our English men in the world abroad so insufficient, as that no one can be found able to take upon him the government of a poor College? I wish it would please Ma: jesuits, to leave the government thereof a while (which they say their General hath desired to do) and make trial, whether we could not find men sufficient, for the managing of our Colleges, yea more sufficient than any jesuit they have, which never yet could maintain that one poor College of Rome four years together, without some tumult, or other: which in twenty years happened not in the College of Rheims, governed by our own secular Priests, Doctor Allen, and Ma: Baily: But, for all their complaints, they find too great a sweetness, to forego the government of the Roman College. Neither doth the Counsel of dismissing some with these terms of wanton, or lascivious Colts, seem to proceed from the Cardinal; especially if we consider, that the chiefest of such, as were to be dismissed, whom he termeth wanton Colts, were 〈◊〉 be addressed for our Country, as they were. How unfitting such men were for such an excellent vocation, the world may ●udge, and think, whether in conscience they could give them faculties, yea, and some of them particular favours also for our Country. This convinceth that either there was no such speech uttered by the Cardinal, or else uttered without true ground upon partiality to the jesuits. Unto whom it seemed he leaned too too much, in that having another (one M Monsignior oro) joined with him, as Visitor in these stirs, and finding him inclined to equity, and no whit partial to the jesuits; he shaked him off, taking the matter wholly into his own hands. Which might make us to think, that he was somewhat partial in his memorial delivered up; but if he were so partial as Fa: Parsons relateth, it was admirable, and most unjust, as we have showed.  
After this memorial Fa: Parsons addeth two circumstances, which he applieth to the proceedings, as well of the Scholars in Rome, in those tumults, as to ours here in England. First, he saith, that whereas in those it was only suspected, that the heretics, & common enemy had their hands, as aiders, or abetters, to make these demands of removing the jesuits from England, and the College; now it is openly known, and confessed, that they are indeed the chief dealers, and stirrers therein. This is a common practice with jesuits, when any thing maketh against them, then to bring in the common enemy, as an actor with us, thereby to grace themselves, as impugned by heretics, and disgrace their opposers, as partakers with the common enemy: but it is as ridiculous a shift, as common. For who of wisdom, or understanding will think that the state of England cannot deliver themselves of a handful of jesuits, without the concurrence of a few poor secular priests, or that they respect, or regard such simple helps. These buzzes are for fools, and children, and not for men of judgement and discretion, to regard. The second circumstance is, that as the students in Rome sought to procure some Prince's Ambassadors to favour their cause, by making it matter of state; so in like manner we should deal with the King of France, that he may back us. But Fa: Parsons must understand, that we are not so simple, but that we do know it to be a matter of state. And that point is now most evident by the uniform banding of the jesuits, and Spaniards, in this our cause. The Spaniards do openly profess themselves to be for the jesuits, as in the behalf of their own interest, and to requite them, the jesuit doth openly profess himself in Rome, to be for the Spaniard, engaging him in the cause. Whereby come all the demurs and delays in that Court, wherewith our brethren are there now perplexed, and driven off from the deciding of our cause. What the strength of the Spaniard can work against them, they shall be sure of. Our cause therefore concerneth not only his Majesty of Scotland, but also of France, and all other Princes adjoining. For if the Spaniard should prevail against England, (whereunto all these endeavours of the jesuits tend;) then is not only his Majesty of Scotland deprived of his possibility, but also the King of France, and other states endangered by his mightiness, and neighbourhood. A thing which Princes will consider: say Fa: Parsons what he can to the contrary.   

An answer to the 7. chapter, concerning five other of our books, falsely termed by Fa: Parson's absurd, and slanderous Libels.  
I Remember that this father Parsons, in the discovery of john Nichols, saith, that the fellow when he came to Rome, went only to the Brothellhouses, canals, and base, and stinking corners of the City, where he might find most lewdest, and filthiest stinks, and not to any public places, as Court, Churches, or the like, where he might see majesty, order, reverence, or devotion, etc. And thus, or to the like effect he writeth of him, because of the venom, filth, and reproachful slanders which he disgorged afterwards against that holy place. And even so may it be said, that he himself, this good Father, in the survey of all the books that have been writ by any of our friends, hath employed his greatest pains to avoid all substantial, and sound matters, such indeed as convinced the understanding of the Reader, and to rake only in by-corners, and matters of least moment, carping at sharp, and choleric speeches, delivered in heat, running upon some such particulars, as were writ upon relation only. Where if he find any circumstance failing (as commonly in matters related at the second hand falleth out, though the substance thereof be never so true) there he fasteneth his hold, and maketh such clamours and outcries, as though the matters were mere inventions, really, and totally falsehoods, and never any such things had been in rerum natura. And so doth he deal in the seventh Chapter, as well concerning the book entitled, The sparing Discovery, as the rest. His first entrance upon the said Discovery, is with general invective; and then he carpeth at the posy, or sentence: vidi calumnias, quae sub sole geruntur, which he will retort upon the writers. But if you consider the proceedings of the jesuits, and their faction against us, in the beginning of the erection of Ma: Blackwell to his dignity, with what reproaches, indignities, and calumnious slanders they abused us; you will say we had reason to use that sentence in the discovery of such dealings. It is an easy matter to dally in this sort. We could with more show of reason catch at his sentence, prefixed to this libel of Manifestation, viz: their folly shall be manifest to all men: Which saying, how fitly it may be retorted upon fa: Parsons, you will perceive, if you do but consider his actions, and intermeddling in matters, as well unpleasing as unbefitting, and unbeseeming him; whereby he hath not only kindled a flame of sedition here in our poor afflicted Church; but also drawn a great burden upon his own neck, in opposing himself against our whole Clergy: which he needed not to have done, as also perpetual discredit thereby, and a note of a factious, tumultuous, seditious, headstrong man. All the world certainly that shall see the effects of this his turbulent spirit, as well in these our affairs, as in matters of continual practices against our Prince, and country, must needs say, that his folly is exceeding great, & apparent, in giving us occasion of publishing such his idle fancies, furies, and undiscreet attempts unto the world, which by moderate, & indifferent dealing, he might peradventure have avoided.  
His second sentence is, of the unclean spirit, which (if we consider his foresaid actions, and the great oppressions, wrongs, and unjust, and uncharitable injuries, & vexations wrought thereby) may not very unfitly be applied to himself. For the devil where he cometh, is always busy, thrusting the party on to mischief, and the greater & more mischief a man doth, the more do we suppose the devil to be busy with him. Now he that shall consider fa: Parsons continual contentions from the beginning, with all men, even of his own order (as hath been showed) as also his mighty, and great attempts in matters of state, (whereby hath risen great vexations of innocent Catholics,) his detestable diffamations, not only of our poor scholars in Rome, but also of our whole nation in them: his setting of our quiet Clergy together by the ears (a work proper to the devil) with infinite wrongs to particular men, may tell me at leisure, whether the parable of the unclean spirit, & seven more returning, might not be retorted upon himself. But we rather wish his reformation▪ then any such oppressions of seven spirits, as uncharitably he chargeth us with.  
His speech of S. Hillary, proficit semper, etc. might also be returned to the manifesting of his own follies daily more & more, in that notwithstanding the evidency of our cause, proved by us, and still by him reproved, he still opposeth himself: which in the end will prove wilful indiscretion. Also his often commending of himself, and urging of his own good deeds, and benefits done to us, argueth no great wisdom. Sure I am that many of us, neither ever saw, or tasted of his great bounty: but many have felt the smart of his exorbitant actions.  
But to pass over this trifling, induced thereunto by his example, in the progress of his discourse, he canuaseth an humble, and good religious petition of Ma. watson's, (wherein he desireth charitable remembrance of his poor sinful soul) in such sort, as he showeth very little charity, or religion, rather scoffing at the speech with words of disdain, as sinful suds, etc., then otherwise. And when he cometh to his person, he bewrayeth no small envy and gall, by describing him with such disdain, & so falsely also, (as all men that know him may see) that it seemeth it grieved him, that he was made a man, and within the number of reasonable creatures. Afterward, and conformable hereunto, doth he go about to tax his mind (an higher envy than the former) with a vain brag, and proud assertion of the jesuits in general, as men of contrary life, spirit, judgement, will, works, and manners to him, by a sequel, as it were involving suspicions (as usually the jesuits do) of I know not what imaginations of disorderly life; most falsely, and most uncharitably. But let fa: Parsons temper this kind of suspicious, and uncharitable writing, or we will promise him, we will open such matters of his holy brethren, as shall make both him and them ashamed thereof. Yet are we not willing to rip up the lives of any, knowing, that the infirmities of every Christian, should rather be pitied, and relieved by prayer, then rejoiced at, or revealed, as the jesuits use to do in what they can, by all that oppose their proceedings: discrediting the persons of those, whose cause they cannot infringe: which is a trick rather of a Machiavellian, than a good Christian. This course we have hitherto avoided (as all men can witness) never entering into the particular lives of any jesuit, or favourite of theirs: and we wish not to be urged unto it against our wills, by such kind of dealings, least happily fa: Parsons, and all his company, repent that they ever provoked us thereunto.  
After his uncharitable descriptions of his body & mind, he falleth to flat railing against him, calling him a lost lad, the stain of his religion, and order, permitted by God, and used by the devil, and the like uncharitable stuff: with no less uncharitable surmises of his peace made with my L. of London, as though it had been for some treachery, or other. All which calumniations discover envy, & malice without reason. For it is well known by such, as dealt for him, that his peace was made upon honest conditions, and most lawful, and that he stood both nice and scrupulous about the admittance of the offer at the first; which argueth, that it was neither sought by himself, nor accepted upon any base, or unlawful conditions. Besides, it is well known, that since his coming in, and his peace made, he hath done much good as well to divers in particular, yea and some of the jesuits friends, who little deserved it at his hands (if he had respected persons, or sought to requite wrongs) as also to the good of all the Catholics in general.  
And whereas father Parsons noteth out of Cominaeus, that in time of sedition the worst men grow fastest, who in a quiet state should not be respected, it seemeth to be a great touch of his own credit, who (as we have noted before) never loved in his life to be out of factions, and garboils, raising and maintaining tumults in all places in the world amongst English Catholics wheresoever he came, and continually tempering in our English affairs, as well against our prince, state, and whole country, as our Clergy, & Colleges: both which he, and his have tossed, and turmoiled from time to time with such seditious plots, practices, and garboils, that it is a world to consider his busy working humour in these affairs. By which means chiefly, he hath made himself famous, and infamous to the world. See how well father Parsons hath profited by his example out of Cominaeus. For Ma. Watson, all men know that he hath been in very great esteem amongst Catholics abroad, before these troubles, & more than now he is, by reason of the jesuits good words against him, calling him into suspicion, and jealousy of treachery, in respect of his supposed peace made with the state: which argueth, that he hath not so much grown by trouble, or factions (as indeed Fa: Parsons hath done.)  
After all this, to show more his particular malice against him, he runneth back unto his first going beyond the seas, and his coming to Rheims, whether coming (as he saith) a poor begging boy, he was taken in of charity, and his first allowance was, for a good time, pottage only, and licking the dishes, which other men had emptied before, and afterwards was admitted to serve at the Table, and carry away dishes, and then to make beds, and such other offices: in which kind he served one Ma: Boast a Priest, etc. All this he spiteth out against Ma. Watson, wherein you may note a particular malice against the man; as he showed before in the Apology against Ma. Doct. Bagshawe. For you must note, that those always, that most stand in this Father's way, on them he layeth load; as if all his powers were recollected to wreak his teen (as the saying is) or work revenge. But this kind of fashion will sooner discover his malice amongst wise men, then procure him credit in his railings. For if he were innocent, and not indeed really touched by Ma. Watson, where his sore lieth; what need he to kick so fast; reason and quiet reply would sooner have showed his innocency (if he had been innocent) then this outrageous scolding. Believe me if I were altogether ignorant in these affairs, I should suspect Fa. Parsons to be galld, and rubbed upon the old sore, by his intemperate invectives against him: for that he hath taken upon him to discover his actions, and practices, and so I think the like suspicion will these immodest invectives breed in all wise men's heads. Consider whether fa: Parsons impatience, & passions, make him not to forget himself, and show overmuch folly; but he that itcheth, must needs scratch.  
Now as concerning Ma. watson's first going over beyond the Seas, in such mean estate (as he reporteth) it is nothing so. For being descended of good, and honest parentage, both by father and mother; out of both which stocks hath descended worthy men, as the last Bishop of Lincoln, and two Abbots, one of the which was the Abbot of Blancheland, and one Lord Prior, out of his mother's line, it cannot be imagined, that he came of any base, or contemptible stock, though indeed his parents, through some disastrous fortunes, were not in their latter years in that abundance in the world, as they had, and might have been, had not such chances, incident unto men in this life befallen them, as might have made the richest monarchs mean, and poor: which notwithstanding was such, as always brought him up in good sort. And for his going over, it was with such difficulties, and so often repulses having been nine times upon the Seas for that purpose, that it might consume no small store of money, and exhaust a well lined purse. Yet notwithstanding, all this his resolution was such, and God's concurrence so effectual, that at the length he arrived according to his desire at Rheims, where he was lovingly entertained, when as by reason of the poverty of that place, divers others were rejected, and forced to retire to the Camp, or become serving-men elsewhere, and his entertainment was equal with other men's children of better birth, friends, and parentage, than ever Fa: Parsons was, and not as a beggar, or of charity, (but as the admittance of every one, that there was admitted, was opus charitatis) nor in such mean: and base sort, as maliciously without reason, or truth, Fa: Parsons affirmeth; but as a Scholar of the house with the same privileges, that other had, and so employed unto his book, wherein he profited, as all men see. Neither (as we understand) was he employed in making of beds, as this Fa: insinuateth to his discredit, although such an office in a College to a priest, as Ma: Boast was, and the other, but then a youth, was no disgrace, nor impeachment of credit, as all men know.  
But to the point, Ma: Pibush, now I hope a blessed saint, was the man that attended in that kind upon Ma. Boast, not Ma. Watson. Sed malicia, quò vades? Thus you see how blind Fa: Parson's envy towards this man is, in objecting things, as discredit, which if they had been so, had not been any discredit at all, if not honour: but being not so, doth manifestly convince him of an envious disposition towards the man. If we should now do, as Fa: Parsons here hath done, enter into the Genealogies of his fathers, and associates, we could emblazon 
* F: Parsons.  one for a blacksmiths son, if so well; 
b F: Garnet.  another, for a very poor, and mean man's child; 
c F: C●rrey.  a third, for a Tanner's son; 
d F: Oldcorn.  a fourth, for an Apothecary his Apprentice; 
e F: Percy.  the fifth, for a poor boy, sent over by a priest, one of our friends; 
f F: Banks.  another, for a tailors son, & heir, and in that yet somewhat. And how many more might we reckon of as meanestate, if birth should disparaged their degree, and function? but this is a conceit distasting the judgement of any wise, or indifferent man: sith not birth, but merits, and virtuous qualities maketh priests. Neither do we register these we have done, as any touch to their dignities, and priesthood, but only to check Fa: Parson's exorbitancy, and discover his folly in bewraying himself, and his best friends.  
After all these disgraceful speeches steeped in gall, he toucheth his lapse, with more envy, than all the rest, taxing him therein of many untruths, as is known to such as were best acquainted with all circumstances thereof, and unto whose refutation we will leave all particulars, as also the falsifying of his letters, which yet as Fa: Parsons allegeth them, taste of more true virtue, and humility, than he showeth charity, in prosecuting the same. He hath forgotten belike how dastardly he fled himself in time of persecution, as Ma. Doct: Bagshawe noteth in his answer to the Apology. Soon after this, he speaketh of his breaking of prison, which may worst of all be noted by him: sith it is a thing so familiar, and ordinary with his pupils, both with greater scandal, and less cause, than ever was in his; as may appear both by Ma. Lysters departure out of the Marshalseas, (his fellow prisoners having given their words for his true imprisonment to the Keeper, whereby they were left in no small danger) as also Ma. Barrows, and Ma. Rowse, their apprehension caused by his escape. Such danger, and scandal, by breach of faith, and promise, never happened in the others escapes. And as for the death of Mistress Warde, for cooperating to Ma. watson's escape, she might have avoided it, if she had not returned to the place from whence she came with the boat after his departure, by which overmuch zeal she was apprehended, examined, and thereupon executed. Her zeal of repairing to that place, to have him prayed for, and to hear if he were safely departed, being more really the cause of her death, than the cooperation to his escape, which she had avoided, if she had not repaired thither, whereof he also warned her before hand, and she promised him she would not: neither knew he of her apprehension, until news was brought him of her death, which grieved him sore, as being known to carry that stout, and grateful mind, as he would either by return have saved her life, with loss of his own, or else have offered himself to death with her.  
Now as concerning his gallantness, with chains, jewels, & I know not what, it will be a thing worth the noting particularly, for father Parson's credit, and his followers, and favourits. Thus then was the matter: There was a pettifogger of the jesuits, a fawner on their favours, and one that to his petty posse was a factor for them. This good fellow, a Goldsmith by his profession (and somewhat more) fold a certain jewel to Ma. Watson, which he prised unto him at ten pound, which jewel, when it came to be looked into by another Goldsmith, one Ma. Pareman in Tower street, it proved worth not above eight shillings. This was the great jewel that made Ma. Watson so gallant; in which how honestly he was used by this petty-factor of the jesuits, you may see, and not he alone, but others likewise: For he sold certain rings unto a Gentlewoman for gold, which in the wearing proved copper, and the best, but silver, and guilt. Was not this a pillory matter? and yet was this Fa: Gerard's man of old: against whom, as also against all the jesuits, he was wont afterward to exclaim most bitterly, until that after three or four cozening tricks played to Ma. Watson, and so many more brothers of our friends, some whereof might deprive him both of ears, & life, (were we so bloody, as perhaps others would be in this case) he being discarded for a base consening companion from amongst us, ran to the jesuits side again, to rail against Ma. Watson, and others, as at Framhingham he did of late: and is not this a credit for the jesuits, to have so famous a disciple of their own brood, to build upon in detraction? This (I say) was that great jewel; for other jewels, unless it might be a ring on his finger, he never had such store, as this Father reporteth, which argueth the honesty of Fa: Parsons, in taxing him so unjustly with Chains, jewels, Rings, Bracelets, etc. and those got by importunity, and shifts. How were such things gotten by importunity & shifts, which he never had, more than here I have noted? which indeed was purchased by a shift, but such a shift, as Fa: Parsons would be loath to purchase another such of the like price.  
He saith that he could recount divers other particulars if he had but half the desire to discredit him, as he saith Ma. Watson hath malice to bely the jesuits. But believe him not (good people) for he that would invent lies, as you see to discredit him: would sure never have omitted truths, if he had known any, that would have impeached him, either in fame or credit. And we know father Parsons not to be scrupulous in taxing men's fames, and credits, as you may see in his Apology, and this his Manifestation, wherein no one of his adversaries passeth without his blazon, either in general or particular, as well in the relation of matters in Wisbich and Rome, as also our late affairs here in England.  
He that taketh father Parsons, or most of his pupils here in England to be scrupulous in this point, is mightily deceived. For it is, and hath been the best weapon they fight withal, maintaining their unjust, and uncharitable attempts, and practices against Innocents' by diffamations, & disgraces cast upon them, by calumnious speeches, and untrue suspicions. And that appeareth even in the very next lines, where he affirmeth, that Ma. Bluet made Ma. watson's peace with my L. of London, upon condition that he should rail against the jesuits, the Archpriest, and their friends, and to write, and print books by the Bishop's direction. Which is a notorious untruth, besides the malicious intention of bringing them both into obloquy amongst Catholics for suspicions of treacheries, etc. no man better knoweth the falsehood thereof then myself, and the good he hath done to divers Catholics in distress, since his peace made, do convince the contrary. I may not omit this Father's blessing in the end and close of this untrue, & uncharitable suspicion, which is thus: This was William watson's holy vocation in the state, and dignity of perdition, wherein now he standeth. A learned censure of a jesuit, and father of all our English jesuits. I marvel how he durst thrust himself so peremptorily into God's chair. But of likelihood the man hath some gift of discerning of spirits, or else some other such superexcellent illumination, as Ma. Wiseman his friend speaketh of. Go to, go to, proud jesuit: remember who saith, that it is not lawful for thee to condemn thy brother in this sort.  
But now let us see, 
The Sparing discovery.  what he saith to the book of Sparing discovery. First of all he cavileth at a comparison made betwixt hypocritical religious men, such as live, in a religious habit, an irreligious life; which is so true a comparison, as no man will, or can infringe it. Neither was the example, or comparison brought in, as of all religious persons generally: but of such as inwardly, and in their actions, and life perform not, what outwardly they make show of by their habit. From this cavil he proceedeth to the justifying of Wiseman's seditious pamphlet, 
Wiseman wholly jesuited, if not a jesuit.  written in disgrace of priests, with a pharisaical extolling of the jesuits, commending by the feigned speech of an Angel, all Catholics to the jesuits direction, or to such, as are by them appointed: (for to that end, was it writ, howsoever he discourseth in general terms of such, as live under obedience) because forsooth they are more free from error, more familiar with God, more particularly illuminated, & more specially endued with the spirit of guiding souls. Which is both a seditious, a false, and erroneous speech, contrary to the practice of God's Church from the beginning (as we have showed:) which hath always committed from time to time, the guiding of souls to the secular Clergy, as both more fit, and more able, and not to the religious, but by special privilege, and as coadjutors only therein, and not principal Agents; and if at any time any religious person for his sanctity, & extraordinary discretion, have been called to take the charge of souls upon him, he hath thereby been made a member of the secular Clergy, and exempted from his religious order, as happeneth in all Bishops taken out of Monasteries & religious orders. Whereby you see that a religious man (as so) is not so fit, nor adjudged by the Church to be more specially endued with the spirit of guiding souls, than the secular Clergy. I will not say, that this hypocritical vaunt smelled of Lucianisme. Neither doth S. Bernard's words, rariùs cadunt, velociùs surgunt, securiùs ambulant, saepiùs irrorantur, prove that therefore they be more specially endued with the spirit of guiding souls. For than would it follow, that Paulus Simplex was more fit to have been a Bishop, than most Bishops in Saint Bernard's time, because of his excellent virtues, above any jesuit, that I know alive. But such is the fondness of father Parsons, when he will maintain paradoxes.  
Touching the confident speech, uttered in the priest's behalf, of God's sufficient direction in the execution of our function, it is no vain, nor proud brag, but an assured repose in the power of priesthood: which God in the execution thereof, by his holy spirit directeth to the effects intended according to the institution thereof; which is so far from Luciamsme, as it were heresy to deny the same. Neither do we say, as falsely Fa: Parsons affirmeth, that by the character of priesthood, we are made free from sinning, or erring, nor is there any assurance arrogated unto our persons, by that speech (as to the jesuits by the former,) but only unto the power, and authority of our priesthood, which hath the greatest assurance in the world. It is also false that he saith, we jest at familiarity with God, frequent meditation. etc. but reprove that vanity in such fond Priscillianists, as will arrogate unto themselves such privileges, and prerogatives, of illuminations, familiarities, (and I know not what) to the contempt of the secular Clergy, as Tertullian did after he fell to be a Montanist, using the very same text of Scripture against the Catholics and Clergy then, which father Parsons now useth against us, and to the same effect; to wit, animalis homo non percipit quae sunt spiritus dei: calling the catholic Clergy carnal men, because they reproved such fond illustrations, and illuminations, in their two Prophetesses, Priscilla, and Maximilla, whom father Parsons doth herein resemble.  
After this, in the 87 and 88 page, he reciteth a taxation of the jesuits in the aforesaid Sparing discovery: for their political devices, and Machiavilian rules, as also for their slandering the justice of our Country. For the first point, their devices political, & Machiauillian practices, (whether out of general rule of their order, common to all, which I believe not, or out of particular prescripts, to some of them by themselves, only for better compassing of their designments) they are sufficiently demonstrated, by their actions, true effects of such devices, and manifest proofs thereof, both in this reply, as also in all other discourses written of late. Wherein you may see, with what slights, cunnings, and policies, they first practised in Wisbich, then in Rome amongst the scholars, and lastly, in these late affairs here, for the erecting and maintaining of an Archpriest by deceit, and force amongst us.  
Concerning the second point, it is not affirmed generally of all the proceedings of our state, (which we go not about to defend, as even in the Important considerations you may see) but of some evident facts, both notorious & manifest, which they have gone about to deny, and colour, accusing both the Queen and state therein most falsely. As both in Fa: Southwells supplication, you may partly see, and also in other books writ by them, & by their continual rumours buzzed abroad, both in other countries, and here in our own also at home, as all men know. Which slanders being in things apparent, and by open confession acknowledged, (as that of the Duke of Norfolk, Parry, Throgmorton, Babbington, and his complices, Heskot, Squire, and the like) have done much harm, and averted the state very much from Catholics.  
And another thing, which followeth in the same page, of the jesuits ordinary practice in equivocating, when they have been examined; is so manifest, and notorious, as in very deed almost every ordinary officer under her Majesty, having been acquainted with examining of them, are so well acquainted therewith, as ordinarily they will urge them therewith; yea and commonly say, that they know not when to give credit to their answers, making all the exceptions of such equivocating they can: and this point they best know, that have come under their fingers, and have been urged therewith by them. But I have already said something of this point, concerning their common practice herein, by the testimony of a reverend priest, conversing with one of them.  
In the next page he denieth that Cardinal Borromaeus put them out of his Seminaries in Milan, which is a thing so evident, as the Bishop of Cassana (if he were alive) would justify the same; and there be others yet alive, that know the same also to be true. In the same page also he sayeth, we scoff at spiritual exercises, which is most false (as you may see, if you read over the pages by him cited) for only, their practices in such spiritual exercises, (whereby they make gain, and tie men I know not with what vows unto themselves) are utterly disliked; not the thing itself, if it be well performed, and sincerely, for the profit of the soul exercised, and not to other reprovable respects, as we know they have used them. And we see such as they have once had under their hands, in those exercises here in England, especially women, became so reform thereby, as they grow to proud and peremptory humours, taking upon them as Prophetesses, and Doctresses to censure Priests, and exclaim against them in open assemblies, a virtuous effect of a spiritual exercise. And of these I could name two notorious to all men in this kind; the one a married Gentlewoman, the other, a maid.  
In the next page 89. Fa: Parsons waxeth choleric in his own behalf, (being touched indeed to the quick,) with words, of fiery darts, hellish hatred, serpentine tongues, mad, and possessed men, etc. which he so fiercely thundereth out, as if he were jupiter Altitonans himself: and yet he saith, that in all our writings you shall find no one point of moment, alleged by us against him. If this be so, I would fain know of him, why he is so choleric? And why he taketh the matter so heavily to the heart. If the matters concern him not, what skilleth it what rage or anger is showed against him? For if the matters be of no moment, they will discover themselves, and then Ma: Parsons may rest patient, and not so much distemper himself with such outrages. A little more heat would verily have driven him into a burning fever: Certes his passions show he was pricked, and for trial thereof, whether the matters objected in our writings against him, be of no moment, I refer you to the evidences of facts, and proofs clearly set down, both in this reply, and the former books themselves. If happily you will retort the choler of some of our writers in like manner, to prove them guilty; you must know that the case is altered: For here Fa. Parsons showeth his choler in his own particular defence: which is both unseemly, and a note of touch; but our friends, if happily hot words have passed them, which we wish had not done: it is not in their own personal quarrel, but in a common cause of the whole Clergy, and to be maintained by all, in regard of the whole, and not of any particular. And therefore no such retorture can justly be made, unless by the same reason you will condemn S. Hillary, writing against Constans, in the common cause of God's Church, with many bitter invectives, and S. Hierome against Vigilantius, in the like manner. But he which showed so much choler in his own defence, showed little less pride in the lines following: where he compareth himself with Christ, by the words only appropriated to him by Simeon: to wit, that he was to be in signum, cui contradicetur: Also he draweth in Atheists, Heretics, Apostates, seditious, contentious, tumultuous, disastrous, and dissolute, to be inveighers against him; as though he were the only innocent, and pillar of truth, against whom all such people did inveigh; and that all those who did contradict him, were Atheists, Heretics, Apostates, seditious, or the like: A proud, arrogant, and contemptuous speech. For it is well known, that the best of fame, and reckoning of our nation, both beyond the Seas, and here at home, have, and do contradict his courses, witness the Bishop of Cassana, Doct. Gyfford, Doct. Pearse, Doct. Turner, Doct. Barret, and infinite more of the Clergy, with Cardinal Allen himself (as we have showed) & all our Nobility, & gentry generally beyond the Seas, only 2. or 3. excepted of their favourites.  
All these by this Fa: sequel, must be either Atheists, Heretics, Apostates, seditious, contentious, tumultuous, disastrous, or dissolute. Touching our Latin book to his Holiness: if there be nothing in it, but calumnies against him, I hope he will prosecute the same now in Rome, whilst our Agents are there, and make his advantage thereof; which yet we hear not, that he hath, or can do. Concerning Fa: Parson's illegitimation, I have oft wished it had not been urged, be it as it will be, being not much to the purpose. But sith it hath been urged, and that he denieth it: I will but ask him, why he was expelled Bailioll College in Oxford, and whether the chiefest matter objected, was not perjury, in taking the oath of the house to the statutes, amongst the which this was one, Volumus, ut omnes huius Collegij alumni sint legitimo thoro nati; which was urged against him, and offered to be proved openly. For the avoiding of which public infamy, he made his own resignation, writing it with his own hand, as is yet to be seen. This is more, than I meant to have said in this matter, being a personal touch; had not Fa: Parsons overmuch urged the objection, not only as an untruth, but also invented, and framed by us. Hereby you may see, that the matter was not coined by any of us, nor so void of verity, as he affirmeth. You may read more concerning his expulsion out of Oxford, in Ma. Doct: Bagshawe his answer for himself to the Apology. In the 91. page concerning the matter of Squire, whereby the Doctor, and others were brought into danger of their lives, he sayeth for Squire, that it was a mere fiction, & never any such matter: which (he telleth us) is already proved, and appeared so to be, by the fellows death: And that Doctor Bagshawe was never in danger about it, but in special favour with the state; testified by his friendly calling up to London, and usage in the Tower. In all this speech, there be almost as many untruths as words, if not more. First, that he was in danger of his life: I remit myself to all men's testimony, that were acquainted with his entreaty; being 11. or 12. weeks close prisoner, and direct order given to the Earl of Essex for his racking. Read more of this, in his answer to the Apology. Secondly, his assertion, that Squire's attempt is already proved to be a mere fiction, is an untruth, for aught I know. Once I saw a little Pamphlet, to clear Ma. Rich. Walpole, as actor, or plotter of such a matter: but that proveth not that the Doctor was not in danger; neither did I see in my understanding any convincing argument in the discourse to clear Fa: Walpole thereof; but that as vehement suspicions remained, as were before. The chiefest reproofs consisted (as I remember) in two points; the one, that he was named William Walpole, for Rich. Walpole; which being no essential point, nor circumstance of importance in the accusation, in that a man's name may be mistaken, his person being well known, and especially in the jesuits, who ordinarily are called Fa. Parsons, Fa. Creswell, Fa. Walpole, etc. without addition of the Christian name, doth convince nothing at all.  
The other was about the poison, which he affirmed, could not be made, by the opinion of all learned Physicians; which I affirm to be a very mere toy, and false, referring myself for proof hereof to any Physician of judgement; whether a confection of poison may not be made so strong, as that it shall infect through a Glove, or single garment, yea, or through the leather of a shoe, and yet be carried in some vessel, or thing for the purpose, in the palm of a man's hand, through which, it cannot work. Doth not Aqua fortis eat into iron, & not into lead, brass, or other metals? Hath not Quicksilver the like strange effects in some things, and not in other? Do not in physic divers potions work in divers humours, not hurting the contrary? Will not some venom, be contained in one thing, and not in another? Quicksilver will be carried safe in a quill, yet not in some other things. Why then may there not a confection be made, which will infect one way, though not another? Besides, might not Squires poison taint her majesties saddle, and so her hand, and yet himself have remained safe many ways. These things no Physician in the world of judgement will deny. And then what proof is this: that no such matter was, because no such poison could be made? If these be all the reproofs, (& as yet I have seen no other of weight) how is Fa: Walpole freed by this, and the matter a mere fiction? But for the vehement suspicions of the matter; consider first Rolls and Stanleys' discovery of it, a whole year after (for the which they remain in the Tower, and affirm as much still:) then that Squire at his death confessed the plot, though he denied his intention to perform it; so loud an untruth it is, that at his death (as Fa: Parsons saith) it appeareth to be but an invention. The fourth untruth is Doctor Bagshawes special favour at that time with the state; being as I have showed, 11. or 12. weeks in close prison, order taken to carry him to the rack, and daily expectance of arraignment about it, if miraculously God had not opened the plot. The fifth untruth is, his friendly calling up to London, the contrary whereof, even father Parson's friends, of the opposite part in Wisbich, can witness. For when the Pursuivant came, he dealt so rigorously with him, that he would neither suffer him to go into his Chamber, nor take his leave of his fellow prisoners; but carried him presently forth into the Town, neither would suffer him to write, or send any private message into the Castle back to any. Doth fa: Parsons call this kind sending for?  
A sixth untruth, is his friendly usage in the Tower, whether he was not committed, but to the Gatehouse (as all men can tell:) where his entertainment was for 11. or 12. weeks, as I have told you. And this last untruth convinceth this book of Manifestation, not to have been made by the united priests, (under whose names it walketh,) but by a foreigner, (whose intelligence herein failed him) for the priests in England could not be ignorant of his commitment to the Gatehouse, & not to the Tower. But God would have father Parsons discover himself, though he march under other men's colours. I pray thee (gentle Reader) tell me in sober sincerity, were there not 6. untruths well packed together in a small room? belike it was for the more easy carriage. But who now will believe Fa: Parsons henceforward by his own rule, though he say truth, sith he heapeth up so many untruths together in farthels, without blushing.  
In the same page, and the next following, he laboureth to extricate himself of an objection, concerning his offering to swear to james Clerk in London, that he never meant to be Papist, but only to go to Padua to study Physic. In which the cunningest shift he hath, is to rid the same by an equivocation: because forsooth the word Papist is odious in England, and not a term professed by us. This is the clenliest and best shift he hath, as there you may see. Whereby you may note, that he had learned Logic before he went over; and knew the difference betwixt univocum & aequivocum, which practise he hath not lost since, for aught I see. After this he braggeth of his good deeds, for fear they should be forgot; & in the next paragraph saith, it is a violent lie, that Cardinal Allens opinion was of him, that he was of a violent nature: but for that read Ma. Charles Pagets answer to the Apology.  
In the next paragraph he cometh to Stukley's matters concerning Ireland, which he layeth upon Doctor Lewis, saying that he had no part therein: which he confirmeth by that he had been then but two or three years of the society, and was not Priest. Of this we have spoken in the fourth Chapter: but that he had been but two or three years of that society, and was not priest, argueth not, that he was no dealer therein. For if he could be of that credit and respect, that he entered then into difference with Doctor Lewis, Archdeacon then of Cambray, and Referendary to Pope Gregory the 13. about some matters concerning that business (as here he confesseth) I see not but that he might in the same manner, be of like credit with his order to have a hand therein also. And all men know Fa: Parsons was forward enough at his first going over, in such busy affairs; and the greatness of the jesuits with Pope Gregory, might give occasion & way enough thereto.  
In the next page 92. he noteth Ma. Blackwells bewailing his coming into England; and his rising in his order by practices, and untruths, of which he saith, and many more if we can prove any one point, he will say we are honest men in the rest. Now then for our credits with fa: Parsons, for his rising by practices, or factious disposition, I will say no more, but what is justifiable à part rei, viz. that the most stirring, meddling, practising heads amongst all of our English nation, (to go no farther) have always come to credit & pre-eminency amongst them. Witness this per inductionem Fa: Parsons, whose factious disposition hath been every where sufficiently displayed with proofs sufficient. Witness father Haywood, and his busy factious inclination at his coming into England, of which fa: Parsons can bear witness, being at variance with him, and many other priests yet living in England, some of them having been present at his Synods, where he made himself Precedent in the Pope's name. Witness father Holt, of whose disposition you may read in Ma. Charles Pagets answer to the Apology. Witness fa: Creswell, as you may see in Doctor Elyes answer to the Apology. Witness father Garnet, the only chief actor in all our stirs here in England. I might add Fa: Crighton the Scot, with the rest; and father Holt (if he were alive) would take my part. These than are pretty inducements to think father Parson's rose in his order by his factious disposition.  
But for the other point concerning Ma. Blackwell, let him be examined, upon his oath, whether he came not unto Ma. Bluet, than prisoner in the Marshalseas, using these or the like words; What meant Doctor Allen to send this man over, he will undo us all. And being asked why: he answered, that his expulsion out of Oxford was so infamous, that it would be objected by the Protestants, to the disgrace of the cause. Let Ma. Blackwell (I say) be urged with this, & I adjure him, as he will answer it before Almighty God at the latter day, to say the truth: and then fa: Parsons shall see we have won our credits even in both these points, besides an hundred more already proved.  
As for his action in Paris, to get himself released thence, I have heard men of credit report the same thing, and that Verstegen alias Rowland, was one of the three that came to inquire late for him. For his evasion that he was not there subject, I would ask Fa: Parsons, whether when a jesuit maketh abode in any province, he be not subject to the Provincial of that province? for as then fa: Parsons was no Provincial, but a private jesuit, though he had indeed the superiority of such, as came with him into England.  
Touching the story of Doctor Gyfford, and father Baldwine, before the Nuncio in Flaunders, read Ma. Charles Pagets answer to the Apology, and you shall see the contrary to this fellows words from the Nuncio his own mouth. In the 93 page. b. he denieth the Bishop of Cassana to have been general Visitor over them, because he had an other, viz. the Bishop of Mont Real joined in Commission with him, which is but a cavil. For they were both Visitors general, & therefore the Bishop of Cassana had authority over them, to visit and reform them, if he would have put it in practice against them: which he would not do to avoid their clamours of partiality against them, for that they held him their enemy, although he had many memorials delivered him up against them, even of divers of their own order, which he showed to some priests yet living; God forgive him for his omission herein. Concerning the Letters writ against the said Bishop, containing these words, vel Turca, vel mors, vel daemon eripiat eum á nobis: there be yet witness thereof alive, who saw him burn it with his own hands, using these words, pereat memoria earum cum sonitu.  
For the poisoning of Sixtus quintus, Cardinal Allen, the Bishop of Cassana, and others: whether they were poisoned or not, God knoweth, and by whom. But for Sixtus quintus, it is notorious, that having been sick of a burning Fever, and being newly recovered, he suddenly fell down again, (and as was said) with drinking of a cup of Greek wine, 
This was the jesuit report in Rome.  he died within the space of six hours (if I be not deceived.) The suspicion you see is great, of his poisoning; and that the jesuits should concur hereto, the conceit may arise by their evil affection towards him; in respect of his resolution to reduce them to the form of other religious orders a little before his death. But that they did concur to this fact, I will not for any thing accuse them, as being a matter I cannot certainly know, & therefore will leave it to that day, in which all things shall be opened.  
Touching Cardinal Allen, the Physicians opening of him, and finding no certain cause of his death, might make the suspicion: and a Letter written unto the Cardinal out of the Low-countries not long before his death (as they say) intimating the danger of his life, might aggravate the said suspicion. Concerning the Bishop of Cassana, and Master Thomas Throckmorton, divers report their deaths confidently to have been by poison: and a man of worship▪ & good reckoning then at Rome, protested to me upon his conscience, that he thought them to be poisoned. And the Physician, after the death of the Bishop, being requested to open Ma. Thomas Throckmorton, used these words, á che proposito? è la medesima febre: to what purpose? it is the same fever. And at the opening of the Bishop, he being asked the cause of his death, said; besogno dire, che é una febre, we must say, it is a Fever. Which words, and the manner of their deaths, & the black stuff which came from the Bishop, made all men suspect, and plainly affirm: that they were both poisoned. The like Doctor Hugo the bishops nephew affirmed of himself: after that by the strength of nature he had overcome the dram.  
Sir Griffen Markham had there a little physic prescribed him by the Physician signor Marcello, which wrought with him so extremely, that he had like to have died of it, as himself I think will affirm: and sending for the Physician, he wondered at the effect of the physic, saying; that physic which I prescribed, should not have wrought thus: whereby you may guess, whether there were not knavery in the Apothecary at the least. I will not, nor do charge the jesuits herewith, but it is known that they affected none of these parties; and I remember what one said once unto one of them, My Masters you have very good luck, for I see not any man take part against you here, that liveth long after it.  
Touching father Haywood's sending to Calabria, which in the 94 page father Parsons denieth; it is manifest that he was sent from Rome (with great disgust, and discontentment) towards Calabria, marry indeed I think it was but to the utter parts of the kingdom of Naples: as his Letters in petition for reformation, writ unto his holiness did show. As concerning Cardinal Allens grieving at the Oration made in Valledolid to the old King of Spain: there is yet a reverend priest in England, to avouch the same, who presented the Oration unto him.  
To conclude this Chapter of scandalous Libels (as Fa: Parsons termeth them) he falleth into a miserable bitter invective, as though he had much choler yet undigested, in this sort, s●t: Wherefore to conclude, seeing that this whole Libel is nothing else, but a commixtion of monstrous lies, absurd prophanities, malicious fictions, and consciencelesse calumnations, we will follow them no farther, either in defence of the whole Society, or Fa: Parsons in particular, whose actions are so openly known, by apparent public facts, to the general good of our country, as these wretched, and miserable men's hearts, that write so despitefully against them, may sooner break with envy and rancour, than any least discredit, come unto them by these furious barkings, in the sight of wise and indifferent Readers. Thus he inveigheth on the one side, and claweth himself on the other. Do you think he was in perfect charity all this while? With himself it may be he was, by his good words: but you will never think he was so with us. And you would say so indeed, if I should recite, what followeth immediately, being much more fiery, and bitter, than his former railing outrage. But I will not answer him in that kind: God send him more patience, and better charity.  
After his quick, 
The Dialogue.  and scandalous dispatch of the former books, he cometh unto the Dialogue, wherein he will (as he saith) be the shorter, because he hath been overlong in the former; and I believe him, as well for the one as the other, for it is evident (by what we have already said) that he hath been overlong, having said little, or nothing to the purpose, abstracting from falsehoods, by-matters, impugnations of open truths, and uncharitable invectives. And in this, he both is, & must be short; unless by longer discourse he would prolong his folly. For so moderately, so charitably, and so patiently is it penned; with such regard of verity, and truth in every point, as for a man to contradict any thing therein said, were but to make the world to see, that he rather loved wrangling, and jangling, than manifestation of verities. All men of judgement, and indifferency, that ever read the book, do most highly commend it. And therefore Fa: Parsons extenuating the work, (thereby to give a touch unto the author:) showeth apparently unto all the world, that passion, partiality, and emulation hath weakened, or clean darkened his judgement; or else you must needs say, that only Fa: Parsons is wise, and all men else are sots, and fools, yea many of his own faction commend the book, both for moderation, charity, patience, and well composing thereof. But let us see, I pray you, what he saith thereto: first, we will begin with his most ridiculous comparing of Ma. watson's preface to this treatise (in that he showeth all men to be subject to sin, by the weakness of man's nature, happening by the fall of Adam) unto the discourses, made (as he saith, for you are not bound to believe him herein) in King Edward's days, to allure old priests to marry, by telling them, that concupiscence doth remain after baptism, and consequently all must have wives, or do worse. See how learnedly the man bringeth in his matters: man's nature being weakened by the fall of Adam, is therefore subject to sin; ergo concupiscence remaining after baptism, Priests must needs marry. Will not every child descry Fa: Parson's simplicity▪ or wilful folly herein, especially in that he further saith: that Ma. watson's discourse, and induction, is the more fond of the two. Surely if it be a better argument to conclude, that priests must marry, or do worse, because concupiscence doth remain after baptism: then to dispute thus: man's nature is weakened by the fall of Adam: ergo the jesuits may sin. You give a great blow to the Church, in maintaining an unmarried Clergy. I am sorry to think that he should open his weakness ●or folly so apparently to the world, having been hitherto thought so wise a man. But what think you (saith he) to the book itself, that hath said so little, and so wisely to the Epistle? Believe me, he saith never a word at all: but only raileth at Ma. Mushe, (whom he supposeth to be the author) for his ingratitude, taxing him with secret Apostasy, because he had forsooth a vow of their Society. And who is it, that having a vow of Religion, may not justly be dispensed therewith, upon divers reasons, and freed from the performance thereof in conscience? What reason then hath Fa: Parsons to tax him with secret Apostasy, that might have (as I think he had) a dispensation for it. For he was in Rome in Cardinal Allens time, and as it was said, about that matter. Besides, it is not Apostasy to leave the jesuits order, before the last vow, (which few of them have taken) upon just, and reasonable causes. How then could it be Apostasy in Ma. Mushe, to leave that vocation, into the which he never entered? He saith, that the five chief points, of which we are cleared by this book: to wit, Schism: dealing with the Counsel: our appeal to Rome: hatred to the jesuits: and dealing in matters of state: were never objected against us, by the jesuits; but that either we accused ourselves thereof, or else went about to purge ourselves before we were accused. Verily it is more than strange, to see such apparent verities denied, by so grave a man, a religious person, and one whom so many admire for wit, and rare qualities. Why? all the world will control him in the denial of these things, and himself, both in the Apology, and this book of Manifestation, shall be a witness against himself. Doth he not oftentimes tax us, with dealing with the state, Ma. Bluet by name, Ma. Doct: Bagshawe, Ma. Watson, and others? And doth he not say in the last Chap. 122. leaf, that we yielded to go farther with the state, in matters against Cath: doctrine, for favour, and credit, or to make others odious, then in conscience we could? Doth he not also say, that Ma. Bluet dealt with the state, to make Ma: watson's peace: upon condition, that he should rail against the jesuits? How oft doth he inculcate our dealing with the state in treacherous sort; advising Cath: in the last Chapter, to beware of us, and keep themselves out of our reach, for fear we betray them? What will not this man say, and unsay for his advantage? But his untruths are so common, and frequent, that it is impossible for him almost, but to contradict himself sometimes: for (as you know) oportet mendacem esse memorem: he that lieth often, must have an extraordinary memory. The reason is, because falsehoods have not the like foundations, that truths & verities have; whose ground is so certain, that the frame standeth sure, and straight; but chose untruths, being feigned, have no certain foundation, and therefore the frames and buildings thereupon, are uncertain, crooked, and apt to alterations. Again, for our appeal to Rome, doth not himself also say, that it was but a cavil, and slight▪ to win time, and purchase liberty, and that it was reversed by the Pope, and therefore not available? Doth he not in every Chap: both in the Apology, and this book, rail against us for malice, envy, and emulation against his Society in general, and divers particular men thereof? Were his wits on wool-gathering (where there are no sheep in the Country) that he cannot rememeber the very chief scope of his writing all this while? which hath been nought else, but of our hate, malice, envy, and emulation to the jesuits for the most part? Wherefore were all his discourses in the Apology of so many examples brought in of john of Gaunt, King Henry the eight, Queen Mary, etc. of hurt that came by the emulations against religious men? To what purpose are all his invectives in this Libel against us: if not in favour of the jesuits by us impugned? strange was his forgetfulness, or admirable is his folly. Again, doth he not tax us in the Manifestation, for dealing with the Scot, then with the French, and last of all, of a new plot in England, for the favour of some great person, to frame or invent a new succession to the Crown? And yet here he saith, that the jesuits never accused us of these matters, but that we accused ourselves, or went about to purge ourselves thereof, before we were accused. Besides, these open proofs out of his own writings against himself, I refer the matter to the Readers conscience: whether of his own knowledge (if he were not extraordinarily ignorant in these our affairs) he could with any conscience affirm these things, not to have been commonly objected against us. And for the point of schism, it is so notorious to all the world, that I cannot but blush in Fa: Parson's behalf: to think that he hath the face to deny so open, so apparent, so general, so public a thing. Thus you see Fa: Parson's honesty, and this is all he sayeth of the Dialogue.  
The next matter this Fa: 
Ma: A. C. his letter to his cozen.  handleth, is Ma. A. C. his letter to his cozen. In the discourse whereof, he so uncharitably inveigheth, against the supposed author, that you would much wonder if you read it. It is but short, yet so couched with pricks, thorns, and sharp needles of choler, so bitter, and so biting, that it is a world to see how he straineth himself to bring the honest gentleman into obloquy.  
He maketh me to remember a tale of a certain poor Catholic recusant now in prison, who having been a petty Musician, and a wild fellow in his young years, was for his pleasant conceits desired of divers justices of peace in the country, especially at Christmas time, and much made of. It pleased God to touch the heart of this Musician, and he became Catholic, and withal stayed, and reclaimed from his former madness, and wild behaviour. Soon after (being known to be a Catholic) he was apprehended, brought to Winchester gail, & called before the justices. Being convented before them, some of them began to rate him, and inveigh against him, exprobrating unto him his former course of life, and mad, and lewd behaviour. Whereunto the poor Catholic made this, or the like answer. It is a world (saith he) to see, how you now run upon me for these things: when I was such a fellow, as you speak of, I was a welcome man to all your houses, much made on; & who but I: now it hath pleased God to call me to better courses, you upbraid me with my old faults, which then you delighted in. And even so, in some part it fareth with father Parsons, in his railing against this Gentleman: seeking all the advantages that he can in his young years; which happily might have a taste of youth's vanity, yet never so unseemly, that his honour, or reputation might justly be called in question thereby, that ever I have heard: & all men, that now know him, will witness that he is both very stayed, virtuous, & religious: & without exceptions, a man of very good carriage: notwithstanding Fa: Parson's uncharitable, and unseemly speeches against him, being a gentleman of worthy descent. And therefore such base invectives, to wisemen, will seem to proceed, not from any generous disposition (which always regardeth men of sort, according to their birth and education) but from some dunghill of baseness itself, whose thoughts savour but draff, and swill.  
For the particulars which father Parsons urgeth out of this Letter, I will pass them over, assuring myself, that, if the Gentleman he noteth were the author of that letter, he will frame an answer to all, that here is objected, which (God knows) is but little and weak, as men of judgement will soon see. Only I cannot let pass his urging of the excommunication against him, because he defendeth the innocency of the priests in the matter of schism, which (he saith) was forbidden by the breve to be disputed of, under pain of excommunication. I wonder fa: Parsons could urge this, & forget that all books in like sort, whereupon odium dissidiumue, etc. in these affairs might arise, were forbidden in the same Breve, and then by consequence (if this Breve be of force, & general) Fa: Parsons hath incurred excommunication by this his Libel, without all excuse; because he taketh (as you see) notice of the Breve. But if he view the Breve well, he shall find that Lay men are not included therein under any censure. Besides that, the Bull was frustrated even by the Archpriest, and jesuits themselves, as is sufficiently proved in the Answer to the Apology.  
Again, where Master A. C. saith, that power was not given to S. Peter by Christ, to transfer gentem in gentem, it is both catholic and true doctrine: and in vain shall Father Parsons go about to infringe it. For the rest, I leave to the author himself, though there be nought else of importance against him.  
Of Fisher's Memorial sufficient hath been said in the first chapter. But where he affirmeth, that Doctor Gyfford hath been a flatterer of Cardinal Allen, in state practices, and showed the same in sermons in Rheims, 
After the action in the year 88 no man can say that the cardinal dealt in any attempt against our country.  and in his orations to the Duke of Guise, I do verily think all these to be mere calumnies. For first, Cardinal Allen was in Rome, when the action of 88 was intended, and there concurred in what he did concur. The other, (to wit, Doctor Gyfford,) was then in Rheims, where no concurrence in the world was, or could be given, (being far out of the way for concurrence either by advise, or otherwise) unless it were in private consent of mind, which I think father Parsons was not of counsel with. And for his sermons, myself have heard divers of them, yet never did I in three years space, hear him in his sermons deliver any, either undecent, or undutiful word against her Majesty or state, but only lament the times, and exhort to labour for the conversion thereof by preaching & praying. And touching his orations to the Duke of Guise, I heard one of them, and to my knowledge, there passed not a sentence in derogation to the state of England, or drawing to the hurt thereof. But I know the Doctor will sufficiently purge himself of all such uncharitable, and unjust accusations, which rather favour of malice, to draw him into obloquy (as himself is) then of truth, honesty, verity, or charity.  
Add also unto this, that if Doctor Gyfford had been a forward man in any state practices against our country, it is more than probable that he should have been a dealer, either in the action of Francis Throckmorton, being his near kinsman, or Babbingtons, by reason of Gilbert Gyfford, with whom he was very inward, and familiar; yet father Parsons cannot accuse him in either: for the first, he was in Rome a scholar when it was in hammering. For the second, the contrary appeared by his Letters writ to Gilbert Gyfford, whilst he lay in Paris: which (as I remember) were found in Gylberts' study when he was apprehended. Thus you see how improbable it is, that he should be such a forward man in state practices, as fa: Parsons without all proof affirmeth, beside, his protestations in his late Letters, are to the contrary, and utter dislike of such proceedings.   

An answer to the eight Chapter, concerning his directions unto Catholics how to discern the truth: & how to bear themselves in this time of contention. etc.  
WE will let pass in the first advertisement his dangerous terms of necessity and inevitabilitie, in these disgustful accidents: which in the first sense absolutely understood, taste unsavoury, if not heretically; to put absolute necessity and inevitabilitie in those actions which are subject to man's will, reason, and free election, as all the reasonable actions of man are. In the second understanding, taking the whole sentence together, it includeth a contradiction in ipsis terminis, in the very terms of the proposition. For to be necessary, and to be accidental, are opposite in the very terms, in that, to be necessary, or of necessity, is to exclude chance; and to be accidental or by chance, is to take away necessity, because that which is by chance, may hap, or not hap, but that which is of necessity, must needs be, and cannot be otherwise.  
As for example, where the sun is, there must needs be light, because light is a necessary effect of the sun; neither can the sun be without that effect: but that it shall rain at noon days, is by chance, according to the disposition of the air, and multitude of vapours gathered together in it. So that the air being indifferently subject to either disposition, viz. of much store of watery humour, or otherwise: it falleth out to be accidental, whether it shall rain at noon days, or not rain. And even so in the reasonable actions of man, being subject to the will, a man may freely make his election at his pleasure, this way, or that way, without constraint, or necessity, whereby you see this proposition of fa: Parsons, as he hath delivered it in terms, is either foolish, because contradictory in terminis, or dangerous, putting things under absolute necessity, & inevitability, which are subject to man's will, and free election, and therefore accidental.  
But though his proposition be delivered in dangerous, or ill terms, we will construe his meaning the best way, and as by the words of our 
* Math. 18.  Saviour, & the 
* 1, Cor. 11.  Apostle alleged, we think verily he meant; to wit: that although they be accidental, in the respect of man's free will, upon which they depend; yet are they necessary, secundum quid for the probation, and true touch of those that are Christ's, and so inevitable, not absolutely, but secundum quid, supposing the inclinations of men's wills, and the courses taken in these affairs, upon which scandals must of necessity follow. And this we have said to clear Fa: Parson's dangerous assertion, that no man mistake the verity of the Cath: doctrine: which putteth no reasonable action of man, nor effects thereupon following under necessity, or inevitability. For of the same nature are the cause, and the effect; so that if the cause be necessary than the effect depending in esse, et fieri, upon that cause, being a proper effect of the cause, is also necessary, quia posita causa surgit effectus, sicut posito sole resultat lumen: so in like manner, if the cause be accidental, the effect thereon depending, must needs be accidental. As for the wind to be in the East, or West, is accidental, because the being of the exhalations, which cause the winds, is accidental. The rest that followeth of the necessity, and utility of scandals, etc. is oratio communis, or exordium commune▪ and may, as it pleaseth the Orator, be applied this way, or that way, to this part, or that. But if any man of judgement will ponder, and without partiality weigh, what hath been done on either side, since these garboils, and which part it is, that hath suffered the greatest wrongs, and oppressions of the other: he will soon judge, that the utility of these scandalous afflictions, hath rather been on our part, than the jesuits; we having been so narrowly sifted by them, as we have been. Whereby a man may rather imagine by all probabilities, that the persons, whom God would have tried, and proved to the uttermost, have been amongst us; against whom the Archpriest and jesuits, raised such whirlwinds of slanders, infamies, opprobries, contumelies, vexations, insultations, clamours, outcries, penuries, and what else might be devised; that on their parts there was enough done against us, to have shak●n men of most constant resolutions. Was not the most hateful note of schism, and rebellion against God's Church, most unjustly, most falsely, and most opprobriously cast upon us by the jesuits, and Archpriest? Were we not by that slander rejected of Cath: driven from the Altar, forbidden the Sacraments, esteemed as outcasts from God's Church? Was not a seditious Libel with most uncharitable invectives, 
Lister's Libel.  of sin, schism, Idolaters, Sorcerers, publicans, ethnics, rebels, seditious, factious, and the like opprobrious, and contumelious names, framed against us by a jesuit, and allowed, approved, and published against us by the jesuits, and Archpriest? Were not our necessary friends forbid to entertain us, relieve, or help us, and threatened for the performance of any charitable office towards us? Were they not had in obloquy, & note, that resorted unto us, & threatened to be excommunicated, that spoke in our behalfs? Were not good Cath: told, that it was a mortal sin to send such of us relief, as lay in prison? Were not all Cath: generally taught by them, that they might not in conscience communicate with us, either at Mass, or in other Sacraments? Were we not taxed of espial for the state, treachery, and villainy against our brethren, and open betraying of Cath: when we were most ready to shed our bloods in their behalf? Were we not made almost odious to Cath: by these infamies, and opprobrious slanders, laid upon us by the jesuits, and Archpriest? 
Tompson.  Were not the basest of their vassals, and some of them, 
Coulson.  such as proved murderers, and thieves afterwards, yea, and then had been no better, maintained to rail, blaspheme, and inveigh against us, as reprobates, and outcasts amongst men? 
Wain.  Were not divers hired, and well feed to make faction against us? 
Cope.  Were not such as lived in prison, & known to be moderate, and indifferent neglected in divident, and alms, that should be given to prisoners, because they would not rail against us? 
Ma: Penchevell.  Were not generally all men accounted honest, and sound Cath: that could open their mouths to rail at us, and revile us, were they otherwise never so bad, or notorious in their behaviours? Of which sort I could name divers, besides the two first alleged; but that I will not discover them, to impeach their credits 〈◊〉 the world. And on the contrary part, were not all that held with us, called into suspicions, and jealousies therefore? Will not all wise, and indifferent men (justly considering, and pondering these wrongs) think that God permitted these things, rather to try, and manifest the virtues, and constancies, of some on our parts, (who endured these afflictions;) then on the jesuits part, who unjustly inflicted the same? doubtless they will. And now I would have Fa: Parsons to show the like wrongs, oppressions, and injuries done to them by any of us. Were they ever accounted Schismatics, Ethnics, or Idolaters by us? Were they ever brought into extreme wants, and miseries, by our means? Did we ever teach, that Cath: might not relieve them as priests? Did we ever hire, or maintain murderers or thieves, to rail against them? never in our lives. How when were they tried, and made manifest, as virtuous, or constant men in these troubles? If he say, because they held with the Archpriest, and subordination got by their cunning means, and against all law, conscience, and reason, thrust violently upon us against our wills; therein they show how much wrong they have done us; which doth rather manifest them, to have been the causers of all this mischief and scandal, then in any thing display their virtue, or constancy. If they urge choleric words, uttered in some of our brothers writings, they have paid us home for the same, both in words, and action also. If they urge matters laid to their charge, concerning state practices, and their proceedings in these affairs against us, we maintain them still, not as wrongs done, but as most true, & are ready to justify the same, as by this reply you may see. But as for the wrongs (above specified) which they did against us, all the world seeth them to be unjust; we being (as now is evident) most clear from note of schism, sin, disobedience, rebellion, etc. whereupon all those injuries arose.  
Thus you may perceive how well this exordium commune, of (utility) doth agree with our part; and how little reason there is, to apply the same unto the jesuits, Archpriests, and their followers. But let us consider how he applieth the fame to himself, and his associates; the first application is, that many as well abroad of other Nations, as of our own, and also in England, seeing this scandalous fact of division, set in our Church, have marvelously showed their compassion, love, and zeal in behalf of union. An application, which is so general, as may be applied to either part, according to the humour of the Reader, which side he will judge factious, and breaker of union, and by reasons above alleged, will seem more to note the jesuits, by whose action of intruding upon us an Archpriest against our wills, and all law, justice, and equity, this breach of unity arose. The second application is, that those that lived only to themselves before, by this occasion have stirred up themselves to knit, and join with others of the same zeal, to resist the enemy's malice herein. This also is a common assertion to be applied to either part; neither hath he named one quiet, or indifferent man beyond the Seas, that lived to himself, who hath been stirred up by this occasion, to join with him, and his adherents herein: only the jesuits and Spaniards prosecute this matter against us, and their faction. But now for our part: what quiet men have been stirred up to meddle, I will show you. First, Doctor Ely hath in our behalf written a treatise against the Apology; whom, all the world know to have been a quiet indifferent man. Secondly, Doctor Parkinson (as by his letters, cited in The answer to the Apology, you may see) hath showed himself for us. And thirdly, all men almost of worth, as well of the Clergy, as Laïty, that live abroad beyond the Seas, have pitied our oppressions, as it is well known. The second effect, by Fa: Parsons noted, is: that men's hearts, and inward cogitations hereby are made manifest, which otherwise might have lurked until better ability, and thereby have wrought more mischief, which now bursting forth, will be seen, and avoided, etc. This effect, being also as general, as the other, and admitting any application; so fitly agreeth with Fa: Parsons, and the jesuits, as all the world could not have found out an office more agreeable for the purpose. For may not (I beseech you) by this scandalous breach, and the occasions and circumstances concurring, every man of wisdom see what the plottings of the jesuits have been, and their secret workings underhand, as well for the overthrow, and subversion of our Country, by invasions, practices, and treacherous devices, as also the subjection of our Clergy, to an unheard of slavery: which if by occasion of these stirs, and fall out, they had not been made manifest, might have lurked, and lain secret, and unknown, until their plots, and practices had been ripe, and their ability, joined with the Spanish forces, able to have wrought the overthrow of both: which I hope by the providence of God, and concurrence of all good English subjects, as well Catholics as others, will be avoided: being, by these occasions made open, and manifest unto them.  
As for Fa: Parson's uncharitable prophecy, that the chief and principal of our part, are like enough to go farther, & become as Bell, and other Apostates: we hope in this he will rather prove one of the false prophets of Ball, than any true prophet of God. But such presages, as these, taste not of the greatest Christian charity, or modesty, which father Parsons might have had. These are all the effects and applications of his necessity and utility, which father Parsons maketh; which how general they be in themselves, and how weakly by him applied, or whether by this our returning them upon himself, and his, they carry not more weight & reason by odds, I leave the indifferent, and discreet Reader to judge.  
After these effects, page 122. he beginneth to direct Catholics how to bear themselves in this time of trial, as well in respect of the enemy, and persecutor, as the troublesome, as he termeth us. And for the first, he giveth so good directions and advertisements of humility, patience, longanimity, obedience, and true spirit of Christian sufferance; that if he, and his complices, and some few other had observed the same from the beginning towards their sovereign, and country: it had been (doubtless) far better for all catholics in England at this day, than now it is. But he can speak well, though he have done never so unhappily (as in the fourth Chapter you may see) and this is but a trick of a politician, to use the best words, when he meaneth least good. And whereas he taxeth us in general terms, to have yielded to go farther with Protestants in matters against religion, and Catholic doctrine than we might, it is a mere calumny, and for his life he cannot name the least particularity of this, but only (after the old manner) spetteth out general accusations, with out any particulars in the world, whereas we are able particularly to charge him, and some other jesuits, to have gone farther in their practices against her Majesty, than any Catholic doctrine, conscience, or religion can warrant them: concerning the taking away of her life by secret murdering, and conspiracies (see the fourth Chapter) and I farther say, that Fa: Parsons practices, first with the Scot, then with the Spaniard (and as they say, with the Duke of Parma also, but I am sure father Holt did) for invading his natural country, & subjection thereof by fire and sword (which must needs have followed) were and are unnatural, because against his native soil, and natural Sovereign: uncharitable, because the increasing of Catholics affliction at home: and unconscionable, because without that just, & due respect of either, which in conscience, he ought to have had. Now let the world see whether we deal in generality with fa: Parsons, as he dealeth with us.  
We will omit his invectives against us, as men in a frenzy, and possessed with violent, and raging spirits, and his warning to Catholics▪ to keep themselves from coming within our fingers, or reach (as though we were traitors, & would betray them:) which showeth his small charity, not to add malice. We will also pass over his long and tedious discourse of the spirits of men, & trying of spirits: which word spirits, he hath so canvased thorough all this his Libel, as if he had been some Zwingfieldian, or precise Anabaptist, endued extraordinarily with the spirit. But I will not omit his false & heretical interpretation of the place of S. john, Try the spirits, etc. thereby leading his Reader into a presumptuous error of judging all, both men and matters, contrary to the true meaning of the Apostle: as you may perceive by Gerson, & Ma. Gregory Martin upon that place.  
In the close, and conclusion of this his discourse of discerning of spirits, he doth so set out himself, as if he had no other mark, or aim: for all men know him to be (and as he might thereby be discerned) of a most violent, and headlong spirit. And for the humility, obedience, poverty, patience, and charity of the jesuits, which he noteth for effects and signs of the spirit of God, I refer it to the judgement of such, as have known their proceedings in these late affairs, with what insolency, and violence, they have prosecuted the matter of the Archpresbyterie, and schism against us; their insatiable desire of rule, and government over us, first in Wisbich, than abroad; their excess in apparel, expenses, horses, & attendants; possessing indeed the whole collections almost of all that is given in pios usus: their impatience in being contradicted, or controlled, rather moving sedition in the whole afflicted Church of our country, than they would be crossed of their wills, or let fall their unjust designs; their bitter invective writing against us, 
Lysters Libel.  with the most opprobrious terms that could be devised, before we ever put pen to paper, or gave them any choleric word. Whereby any wiseman may see, how fa: Parsons hath shaped the declaration of the spirit of Satan (which uncharitably he would impute unto us, and have all Catholics so to think of us) which by due, and indifferent consideration, might more fitly be applied unto himself, & his associates, if I were so uncharitable, as to prosecute it, and did not rather pray, that Satan may have no power at all over him, or any of his order.  
Now are we come unto the Quodlibets, 
Quodlibets.  the last book, and that which he most inveigheth at, being indeed somewhat sharp, and cholerickly written, according to the disposition as well of the matter, urging choler, as to the natural disposition of the writer, which being (if a defect) yet a defect in nature, is not to be so much condemned. But howsoever, fa: Parsons in this work hath cried quittance (as by the table of his words, and phrases in the end of this reply you may see:) and therefore he may the better rest satisfied therein. In his discourse hereof, he so ruffleth, as if it were a Pedante amongst his scholars, or that he had Ma. Watson on the hip to crush him at his pleasure: whereas indeed he hath for the most part, either altered his words in reciting them, mistaken and misconstrued his meaning, or stretched the words and phrases farther than their proper sense by him intended. I will allege you some examples. And first in the Epistle to the Quodlibets, page 8. Ma. Watson writeth thus: If that by way of quodlibet, or Thesis proposed, a man may without blasphemy, sin, scandal, or any offence in the world, ask whether God or the devil be to be honoured: whether our saviour Christ could sin, or no: whether our blessed Lady were an adulteress, or common woman, or not: and withal, to bring arguments pro et contra, for averring, or impugning the same: then to put forth a question, whether a Seminary priest, or a jesuit ought sooner to be credited, cannot justly incur any reprehension or blame. Which speech cannot be contradicted, all questions in schools being lawful to be proposed, and arguments brought on both sides, so that the conclusion be in the defence and approbation of truth, and verity. But mark how fa: Parsons citeth the said words. He setteth them forth in this sort: In this kind of writing it is lawful for him to dispute, whether God or the devil be to be honoured? whether our blessed Lady were an adulteress, or common woman, or not. etc. and then mightily inveigheth against him, as of an audacious, and impudent spirited person, for proposing and putting in print such questions. O the honesty of father Parsons! Whereas Master Watson by way of supposal, If a man may ask such questions without sin, scandal, etc., then (á fortiore) is it lawful to put the questions following: he maketh him to say, that it is lawful for him to dispute, whether God, or the devil be to be honoured, etc. thereby to turn the sense more odious, and evil sounding: which is but a very jesuitical trick. For although, even as Fa: Parsons saith, it be lawful pro et contra, to dispute those questions, if just occasion be offered, or in schools for the exercise of learning, etc., yet as he hath altered the speech, you see the sense more unpleasing then in the former. For he doth not propound them as questions, but only saith, that if in the schools such questions may be propounded. If he insist upon the naming of such things in print, he doth but cavil. For who knoweth not, that many such questions are disputed by the Schoolmen in print?  
Again, where Ma. Watson maketh a discourse of the fall of all religious orders in former times from their first purity, and fervency, (which discourse is most true, as we see before our eyes in the Benedictins, Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustine's, and other orders, where they are not of late reform, how far they differ from the purity, and piety of their first institution, in their founder's days) this discourse fa: Parsons will have to be distorted against all religious men, and their orders simply; as affirming them to be all corrupted. Thirdly, where he preferreth secular priests in England, before jesuits, and other religious persons, as well in preferment of degree, worthiness of person, and superiority in place, as also in the state of perfection, he saith it proceedeth of the spirit of pride, emulation, ignorance, temerity, and folly, and that the doctrine is against S. Tho. of Aquine, S. chrysostom, and others, not quoting the places where. But I will say to Fa. Parsons, and stand unto it, that for him, or any jesuit to defend the contrary, is therein to show their pride and ignorance. For in challenging place above their betters, both in degree, and honour in God's Church, is contrary to all custom, and law of the Church, as Ma: D●ct. Elye in his answer to the Apology, hath showed at large.  
Howsoever some men may make question between parochus in genere, and a religious person, and the states of both (which the Sorbonists defined on the pastors behalf:) yet no man can doubt betwixt a religious state, and ours in England, where we are daily prepared to give our lives for our flock, of which Christ himself saith; Maiorem charitatem nemo habet, ut ponat quis animam suam pro amicis suis. And therefore the state of jesuits, or any other order whatsoever, is not to be compared with the state of our Priests in England: let Fa: Parsons infringe this proposition, if he can. But to make the case more plain, and evident, we will put this general axiom, or ground, that no man may leave a more perfect state, to go unto the less perfect, being in vow bound unto the more perfect; but any religious man may leave their Monasteries, and domestical discipline, yea, and in some cases are bound thereto, for the health of their neighbour's soul: as for example, if there be no other means probable of his recovery: therefore to cooperate with Christ in the gaining of souls, is a more perfect state, than the profession of any particular order of discipline, or religion. For to that end, a state is said to be more or less perfect, because it supposeth more or less perfection: but that state of life supposeth more perfection, which supposeth such inflaming charity, as to be ready to give their lives for their neighbours spiritual good, then that which only seeketh his own good: therefore the life of a Priest in England, which supposeth such a charity, and such a resolution, as to be ready to die for the good spiritual of his flock; is more perfect than a religious life, which only attendeth to himself, and therefore supposeth no more, than obedience, observance of rules, and ordinary charity. Furthermore, religion is but the way or means to perfection, and therefore a man entereth into religion, because he would become perfect: but that state wherein a man hath dedicated his life for his neighbour's salvation, is not a way, or means to perfection, but supposeth the highest, and greatest perfection in this life: therefore the state of a secular priest in England, is more perfect than any religious state in the world. Yet doth it not follow, that every priest is more perfect than a jesuit, or other religious man: no more than it followeth, that every Bishop, because of his state of perfection, is more perfect, than any priest, or every jesuit, than any Lay man; because every man liveth not according to the state he professeth. And thus much for Ma. watson's propositions, in the grace & preferment of the state of priests in England.  
Fourthly, he citeth Ma. Watson, to say that their order is no religion, and the persons thereof neither secular nor religious. This is falsely averred against Ma. Watson, for in divers places of this book, he confesseth it to be an approved order: only here he saith, that as they now use the matter, according to the manner of life amongst some of them, and their politic courses in the world, they are neither religious nor secular, because they show themselves to be, the one in name, and the other in practice. And even in that place he doth commend their founder's principles, which (he saith) many of them pervert and corrupt in practice: see the place, page, 61.  
Fiftly, he allegeth places out of Ma. Watson, wishing some jesuits to leave the order; which he noteth in him, as counseling to Apostasy, which is most false: First, in that he doth not absolutely counsel it, but upon supposition of bad courses (that many good natures, and men otherwise of good parts are drawn into) to avoid so great evils, which is charity. Secondly, to counsel to forsake the order of the jesuits, is not to counsel to Apostasy, in that all jesuits may freely leave the order, before the last vow (which few in respect of the multitude have taken;) and such only he counseleth to come out of their order (as Ma. john Gerard, etc. For otherwise Ma. Wright, Fa. Arden, Cardinal Montalt● his Theologo, Fa. 〈…〉 were Apostates, which is malicious to affirm. Neither is the jesuits order, as other orders are, and were in S. Bernard's time; from whence after their first vow, which is after a years probation, they can never depart: and therefore S. Bernard's words cited, serve him to no purpose at all. We will let pass his uncharitable and slanderous suspicion, that a notorious Apostata or two, have had their fingers in compiling the Quodlibets: for these calumnations you see, are as familiar with him, as his familiar spirit. Sixtly, he noteth out of the Quodlibets, certain invectives against their singularity of choice, in the admitting of such, as would enter into their Society: which soundeth as if Ma: Watson had inveighed against the spirit of discretion, & probation in such, as are admitted; wherein he perverteth his sense, as all the precedent discourse showeth. For indeed he only inveigheth against their temporal, and politic respects in their admittance: 
Quodlibets, page, 137. 138.  which is too too frequent with them, if the party that would enter, be not either of great parentage and friends, much wealth, great qualities of learning, etc. or very practical in the world, and of extraordinary wit, he is not for them. But if he have any of them, or be of any extraordinary expectance, they will not only easily admit him, but earnestly seek after him. This partiality and these respects doth Ma. Watson speak against, which in very deed are not tolerable in any religious order instituted, not for policy, but for perfection, and therefore aught to be open to all sorts, the meanest as soon as the greatest, the simplest as soon as the wisest. 
Mark Fa: Parson's familiar spirit of prophecy.  And for his marginal note, that divers of that crew (meaning the priests) have been refused, by God's providence, and wisdom of the fathers, that foresaw their conditions. I will assure Fa: Parsons, for his better information herein, that divers of us have been particularly dealt withal by the jesuits, as well in their exercise, as otherwise, to have drawn us unto their Society; yea, and some of us have felt their aversions, because we refused. How oft hath this complaint been made against them in Rome, for soliciting the Scholars to become jesuits?  
seventhly, he saith, that Ma: Watson would have new laws made for the inflicting of grievous punishments upon such, as should send their children to the Seminaries, which is a notorious falsehood. Only he saith that Fa. Parson's dealing with the Student's, concerning the Infanta her title to the Crown of England (which is a matter of treason) may, and is likely to give occasion of more severe proceedings, or stricter laws concerning such, by reason that now he is head and director, and manager of all the Seminaries, and missions, read the place page, 179. 180.  
Eightly, he bringeth in a marginal note of Ma. watson's, against detraction, as a most dangerous sin, which he applieth against him, because of his choleric inveighing against Fa: Parsons a little before, concerning a letter writ by him from Naples. Indeed I confess that I wish he had not been so hot: but yet this I say, that having seen the foresaid letter of Fa: Parsons, it is so wicked, so uncharitable, and so vile a letter, that no man living (I think) but would spit at it, if he should but hear it read. You may see part of it, cited the 128, page of the Quodlibets, and I assure you verbatim: for I have read the letter itself, which if you read, you will excuse much Ma. watson's choler.  
Ninthly, he saith, that in the 134. and 135. page, Ma. Watson affirmeth the jesuits doctrine to be erroneous, and heretical, for that they teach the Pope's ordinations to be obeyed. This untruth is exceeding gross, for there is no one such word in the places cited (as you may read) nor any speech at all of the Pope's ordinances; only he calleth such doctrine, as to teach men to backbite, slander, and detract those that are opposite to the jesuits designs, (as also seditious meddling with the affairs of Princes, teaching innovations, rebellions, invasions, conspiracies, etc.) erroneous, false, and heretical doctrine, which no man dare to deny.  
Tenthly, he maketh Ma. Watson to say in the page 150. that we mean to abstract matters of succession for our Realm, from matters of religion; and this also is a notorious falsification. For he only saith, that matters of government, succession, & state affairs, are clearly abstracted from points of faith, and religion: which is a position so true, as no man can infringe it. 
Quodlibets. page 198.  I will omit his foolish cavil at a desired quiet in a frowned on state, as ridiculous, wishing the Reader to peruse the place, and he shall find it to be a most honest and a discreet speech I will also let pass his scoffing at Puny, and other speeches of Ma. watson's, concerning the preferring of priests, before jesuits, as they are only religious persons, which being a very discreet, and true discourse in him, is foolishly gybed at by fa: Parsons, as if you read the whole discourses, 51. and 117. you shall see.  
What he allegeth only by way of quotation, page 12, 13, 17, 38, 133, 194, 25, concerning the discovery of many Gentlewomen, and noble personages, or sedition set betwixt the houses of Arundel, howard's, & Dacres, or the threatening of Catholics: with new persecutions, or barking, biting, and leaping in the faces of the jesuits; is either false, & no such matter, or frivolous, and of no importance, tending to no such wickedness as he noteth. Read the places in the Quodlibets above cited, and then judge. eleventhly, he noteth the words of Ma. Watson, page 312, that the King of Polonia is defeated of the kingdom of Swethland, only by the jesuits treacherous, ambitious, and tampering aspires; whereas Ma. Watson only saith, that this defeating was occasioned by their ambitious, & tampering aspires. etc. which was a general report; viz. that their encroaching upon the Swethlanders, being sent thither to preach, made them to drive them all out of their Country. Whereupon the King (by their suggestions) making war against the Swethlanders to reduce them by the sword, they chose his uncle Duke Charles for their King, and so defeated him of his inheritance. If this relation be not true, (as it was for certainty averred to be true) take it as a relation of news only, & blame the first Author.  
He denieth also in the same paragraph, that ever he writ Letter to the Earl of Huntley in Scotland. But for that he may ask Ma. Much now in Rome. I verily think he can tell him something thereof. He also noteth for a forgery in the same paragraph, that Ma. Watson saith, he sent a jesuit to the Earl of Essex, for his taking a pension of the king of Spain. Indeed I think Ma. Watson might mistake in naming him a jesuit, but Rolls and Stanley had commission from him, to deal with the said Earl in that behalf, they are both in the Tower, about the practice of Squire, and have confessed the same as I have been informed. In the same §. also he noteth for a calumniation, that Ma. Middleton was cusened by him of 300. pound. If it be an untruth, Ma. Middleton is too blame, from whom (as I understand) the information came. Twelfthly, he bringeth in divers things▪ affirmed by Master Watson, out of his Memorial, alias his High counsel of Reformation, most of which things by him cited, I have heard reported by reverend priests, that have seen and read the work, and one of them, unto whom he showed it within his twelvemonth's in Rome. Somewhat more particularly we have spoken of this before.  
After all these collections out of the Quodlibets, (which you see to be either false, or not of any moment, he falleth into invectives, running again to prophecies, and predictions, page 113. where he also affirmeth, and saith: it cannot be denied that Priests, and jesuits, joining all together at the beginning of the Seminaries, both at Douai, Rheims, and Rome, did set our cause first on foot, & have promoted the same ever since, with conjoined labours, etc. Before in the fourth chapter, you have heard fa: Parsons say, that no English jesuit was in place, or credit, when some matters were in action against our Country, as that of Stukley, Doctor Saunders, and others, only to excuse them in those practices: now here he saith, that the jesuits joined their labours, with Doctor Allen, Doctor Saunders, Doctor Stapleton, Doctor Bristol, Doctor Webbe, and many others, at the beginning of the Seminaries, both at Douai, Rheims, Rome, and other places, to set on foot our cause, I would ask him if they concurred with Doctor Saunders in promoting the cause of our Country: wherein was it, if not in the Irish affairs, sith he dealt in no other for our country? Before in the fourth chapter he denieth it stoutly, being pressed therewith, oportet mendacem, esse memorem, God will still have him to bewray himself. 
Chap. 4. folio. 39  Again, if (as in the fourth chapter he said) no English jesuit was then in place, or credit, how did they then join at the beginning of the Seminaries of these men, for our common cause? I am sure no jesuit entered the harvest of our Country for some years after the missions of Priests, not until two years after the erection of the Roman Seminary, which was some years after the beginning of the Seminary at Douai. If he say, that the jesuits of other Nations joined their helps in this action, then say I by the same assertion, that in joining with Doctor Saunders, they concurred to the Irish attempts, which was the only affair for our country (or rather against our country) in which he dealt, and then I have what I intended; to wit, a proof that the jesuits have dealt in all actions against our Country, almost from the beginning.  
After this he entereth into a discourse about the erection of the Archpriest▪ & the writing of the Treatise of schism, 
Folio. 133.  neither of which (he saith) was a sufficient cause to make these garboils in such a time and place. But to this I answer, that both being the most unjust actions that could be, the one in prejudice of the whole Clergy, intruding a superior, without suffiicient warrant to tyrannize over us, as he did, (which is sufficiently showed, almost in all our discourses) the other in prejudice of our fames, and credits in the highest degree (as is abundantly proved, and dare not be maintained by any jesuit, be he never so audacious) how could we do less, then defend our rights, standing only upon justice? And judge whether the offence were in us of these scandals (standing but in the defence of justice, as now all men see) or in them that most injuriously against all law, conscience, charity, and equity, maintained the same against us, (as Ma. Doctor Ely proveth in his answer to the Apology.  
In the end of this chapter, and of this book, he maketh his conclusion, with the same charity he began, and hath hitherto prosecuted the same, in comparing us to Luther, and other heretics; and that all we have done, hath been upon ambition, liberty of life, promises and obligation to my Lord of London: which he saith we hold out in spe contra spem, against the remorse of our own consciences. These are his charitable speeches, which in part we could retort, and more justly upon himself, but we heartily pray almighty God to give him more light of conscience, that he may see what an abominable thing it is in the sight of GOD, to maintain injustice, and impiety, under the cloak and mask of religion, and piety: lest otherwise he pay summam mensuram delicti one day, for the manifold afflictions, and miseries he hath brought upon our afflicted church, and the infinite wrongs and injuries, that he and his have done against so many well deserving men of our English Clergy. And thus I will end this reply, submitting both myself, and it, unto the censure of Christ's holy spouse the Catholic Church, under whose banner I fight, protesting that if any thing herein contained, be in the least jot contrary, or dissonant to the Catholic doctrine, (as I verily hope there is not) I will be ready hereafter to reform it.  
DEO GRATIAS.    

A Table of the passionate, and uncharitable words and sentences, used by Fa: Parsons in his Libel of Manifestation, as well against our persons, as our actions and proceedings: with the Chapter and leaf noted, where you may see them.  
The preface is an invective discourse upon envy, which he applieth in his book unto us, with other reviling speeches, as sal infatuatus, infatuated priests, fuch as have lost not only all savour of priestly wisdom, & shining light of true understanding, but also the true spirit of Christian priests, and priesthood: with an application also of the unclean spirit departing from a man, and returning, entereth with seven worse than himself, and infinite other invective speeches, as proud, turbulent, ireful, impudent, etc.  

¶ In the first Chapter.  
Fol. 1. Passionate writers, of distempered humours: our books seditious, full of iniquity, vanity, scurrility.  
fol. 2. Passion and perturbation of mind, folly, imprudency, clamorous in writing with contempt.  
fol. 3. Men free of speech, and conversation given to liberty.  
fol. 4. Contemners of all helps for the increase of spirit, used by virtuous men, that we be de larga manica, of scandalous conversation: turbulent standing in defence of disorder, liberty, and dissolution: imputation of whoredom, drunkenness, dicing, pewter stolen, etc. all this against the priests in Wisbich.  
fol. 5. Extreme surfeit of unchristian malice, passion, levity, anger, high and odious malice, malice and stomach, perturbation of mind.  
fol. 6. Shameless Libelers: open, & apparent malice.  
fol. 7. Petulancy.  
fol. 8. Exceeding madness, impotent blindness of passion, slanderous tongue, malicious objection.  
fol. 9 Want of good conscience, envy herself, odious, and malicious stuff, impudence, and folly: railing, and reviling without stop, or stay, either of shamefastness, or conscience: men expressing the sins of drunken men, and cursers, or evil speakers, by their intemperancy of tongue, slanderous and malicious, ignorance or malice.  
fol. 10. Giber● fitter for Ruffians and Soldiers, etc., intemperate tongues, passionate brethren.  
fol. 11. Folly, frenzy, furious invectives, spite, highly envying others gifts and graces, private mutineers, public enemies, bidding war, and defiance to all, etc. madness.  
fol. 13. justifying the proceedings of heretics, and persecutors, etc. excluding all spiritual authority, etc. defenders of paradoxes, & absurd positions, parasitical adulation, pernicious, eroneous, and heretical, wicked, and reproachful: traitorous, ridiculous, impious, base, and wickedly minded, public proctor's of heretics and persecutors; open accusers against the persecuted Catholics, sundered in wicked attempts, secular in order, degree, mind, hearts, & desires.  
fol. 14. Transformed by passion of envy and malice, sold their tongues to the common enemy, ridiculous and contemptible, railing without modesty or measure, tied to no law of truth, probability, proof, or modesty.  
fol. 15. Libelers, by passion conspiring with heretics, defenders of irreligious paradoxes, compared to Anabaptists, and Luther: confident in follies, pride, ignorance, folly, falsehood.  
fol. 16. Base flattery of new fawning brethren, impious braving against the Pope.  
fol. 17. Of Priests made Soldiers, fight against their chief pastor; anger, envy, passion, giving consent à posteriore, to spilling of blood, etc. accusers of their brethren, flattering and perfidious, champions that will fight even with God himself, etc. perfidious to their own people, Sycophants, possessed with one of the seven wicked spirits.   

¶ In the second Chapter.  
Fol. 18. Discontented and distempered brethren, of indiscretion & bad spirit, odious arguments, defence & patronage of disorder and liberty; open railing, and rebellion against superiors, errors in doctrine, extreme passion, lack of judgement, modesty, and moderation: contemptible, and odious: no reason, desire of truth, zeal of reformation, love of union, spite, choler, envy, malice, desire of revenge, and other pernicious inductions, insufficiency in wisdom, learning, and all other virtues.  
fol. 19 Fury of passion, and rage of revenge, gall, choler, envy, hate, folly, and lack of discretion, venom, malice, gallings, and spiteful speech, simplicity, folly, want of wisdom, and more necessary virtues, folly, malice, contemptuous spirit.  
fol. 20. Outrageous injuries, rebellious subjects, intemperance, angry, contumelious censure, high folly, and higher malevolence, folly, frenzy, passionate people, troublesome, and dissolute, unchristian censure, spirit of scoffing.  
fol. 21. Clamours, odious brawls, disorders, contempt, scoffing at piety, scoffers, and scorners, foolish caviling and calumniation, against good things, malicious, interpretations, disdain.  
fol. 22. Folly, passionate proceedings, folly, simplicity, blindness of passion, folly, passion, simple, passionate.  
fol. 23. Wrangling, brethren, pickers of quarrels, cavil, calumniats.  
fol. 24. Cavillations to procure a worse breach, gross folly, gone in blind passion, egregious folly, highest folly, immodest scoffings, railing speeches.  
fol. 25. Pride, frenzy, comparison to Luther, rancour, malice.  
fol. 26. Malice, scold, insolents, and intemperate railings, notorious ingratitude, folly, bitter galling, and venomous speeches, bitterness of railings, spiteful, venomous slanderings, soft and delicate niceness in words, scandalous behaviour, disorders, discontented brethren.  
fol. 27. Passion, fury of passion, passion, blindness, & obscurity of passion, passion.  
fol. 28. joining with most bloody enemies impious.  
fol. 29. Malice, passion, folly, passionate spirits.   

¶ In the third Chapter.  
Fol. 29. Angry men, passion, lavished out, and bidding battle, all in their ways spiritual, sin, pride, and presumption.  
fol. 30. Disordinate brethren, contumeliously, presumptuous, and heinous sin●e, infinite discredit, folly, no credit but with heretics, great passion and folly, hate for religions sake, notorious inconsideration, hired by the common enemy, contumelious injuries, intemperate tongue.  
fol. 31. More impudent, than heretics intolerable spiteful insolency, barbarous ingratitude, inconsiderate and passionate people, pride, audacious, contemptuously.  
fol. 32. Contumely to the Pope, intemperate behaviour, make war against the Pope's highest authority, transported by the force of passion, intemperate speeches.  
fol. 33. divers false slanders against Doct: Bagshawe, and Ma. Bluet, Ma: Champney, and Ma: Barnebee, desperate, petty Doctors, young Masters.  
fol. 34. Younkers, malicious imputation, odiously, hatred and envy, passion, malice, folly, bid war to all good and learned men of our Nation, foolish assertion, absurd Libels, take upon them the parts and persons of heretics, rail, lie, diffame the actions and intentions of best Catholics, slanderous calumniation, contemptuously, most spitefully.  
fol. 35. Calumniation, rail extremely, contentious words, enemies in heart, hatred, and faction to Cardinal Allen, follies, madness, enmity, and principal hatred, intemperately, passion of hatred, conspiring and conjuring factious attempts, and desires.  
fol. 36. Clamorous books, slanders, scoffs, contumelious speeches, much malignity, shameful, passionate brethren, raging and raving, wonderful extreme passion, with open mouth, and most violent spirit impugn true Martyrs.  
fol. 37. Flattering the state, betraying their companions, like to make other men Martyrs by betraying them, false & malicious calumniation.  
fol. 38. Passion, hostility with Martyrs, troublesome and seditious, proud and disobedients.  
fol. 39 Pride, folly, lack of discretion, reproach, contempt, belied the Seminaries to make them traitors that come from thence, passion, enraged by force of choler, and impotent appetite of revenge.   

¶ In the fourth Chapter.  
Fol. 39 Follies, improbabilities, open untruths, passionate brethren, bad or no conscience at all, custom of telling untruths, not reflecting upon conscience or credit, falsehood uttered with facility, notorious falsehoods and untruths.  
fol. 40. Manifest and open untruths, slanders, and calumniations, forsworn.  
fol. 41. Lies, false calumniations, little conscience, poison of malice, malignant fruits, cries, clamours, oaths.  
fol. 42. Malice exceeding the malice of heretics, malignant proceeding, malignities, malignity exceeding malice.  
fol. 43. If they be brethren, if they be Priests, odious speech, malignant & false, calumniators.  
fol. 44. Seditions, joining with enemies and heretics, cynical, or sycophantical.  
fol. 45. Opprobrious and contumelious calumniations, seditious people.  
fol. 46. Barbarous insolency of slanderous companions, contempt, hollow hearts, oath, and consciencelesse protestation, spiteful and injurious arraignment of Catholics, perfidious, and unchristian malice, lost lads, apparent false calumniations, lie notoriously against their conscience.  
fol. 47. Blind rancour, wilful malice, lack of conscience, malignant passion, mad and furious invective, spiteful, calumniations, ridiculous, malicious sycophancy.  
fol. 48. Foolish malicious people, calumniations, malignant envy, malignity.  
fol. 49. Distracted passionate clamours of discontented people, calumniate, discompose, wrangle, trouble, cry, and curse, shameless calumniation, lies.  
fol. 50. Poetical fictions, false, slanderous, malignant untruths, open calumniation, seditious writer, makebate, manifest slander.  
fol. 51. Malicious fictions, lying detractions, malicious cavillation, absurd calumniation.  
fol. 52. Bold & ridiculous assertion, unprofitable wrangling people.  
fol. 53. Contumely far from wisdom, etc. extreme, audacity, absurd and ridiculous matters.  
fol. 54. Mere faction, audacity, little shame and conscience, wrath, rail, follies, open falsities, immodesty, passionate and inconsiderate brethren, folly, falsehood.  
fol. 55. Fond railing, without end or measure, exceeding folly and malice, conspiracy, seditious designments, folly, passion.   

¶ In the fifth Chapter.  
Fol. 56. Envy, emulation, anger, passion, boisterously, furiously, passionate people, outrageous dealing, envy exceedingly, rancour, malice, envy, railing and calumniation, all their virtue, & humanity extinguished with envy, grief, and envy.  
fol. 57 Falsity, falsely, calumniation, notoriously false, peevish, and malign calumniation, wrangling, and lying humour.  
fol. 58. Detractors, want of virtue, malicious envying humour.  
fol. 59 Impugn the very name of reformation.  
fol. 61. Calumniators, calumniations, odiously, malicious.  
fol. 62. Spitefully do malign and cavil.  
fol. 63. Great passion, intemperate folly, malapert sauciness, younglings, insolent dealing, indiscreet, rash green heads, devoued to carp, malign, cavillations, men of humour.  
fol. 64. Intemperately exclaim, dispassionate, heretical, Libel, contradicting company, counterfeit Doctor, impupudent caviller.  
fol. 65. Egregious foolery, wise Doctor, wise discoverer.  
fol. 66. Confederates of faction, revolted Priests, hatred and enmity, eager discoverer, seditions.  
fol. 67. Weakness and folly, calumniation, malicious empeaching of others, malicious, malignant, flattering malignant discoverer.  
fol. 68 Flattering discoverer, mutinous partners malevolous calumniator.   

¶ In the sixth Chapter.  
Fol. 68 Folly and blindness, deceived spirits, passionate if not possessed, perturbation of envy, emulation, malice, revenge, anger, and like enchantments, and sorceries of their souls, furies of spiritual madness, rage and run a desperate course of railing, and raving outcries.  
fol. 69. Clamours, mutinous and seditious people, outcries, stomach, soberness, notorious lie, flattery, false procupation, gross and odious untruths.  
fol. 70. False detraction, sedition, clamours, scandalous tumultuation, deceitful speaking & dealing, malicious books, scandalous and sinful action, folly, fury, shameless Libels, horrible scandal.  
fol. 71. Hired to make debate, and set division, spies, in way to be heretics, rebellion, tumultuous, scandalous tumultuation of turbulent students, tumults, broils, sedition, tumultuous people.  
fol. 72. Tumultuous, tumultuous students, tumultuation, hatred of order, discipline, and superiority, tumultutous, tumultuous people, troublesome, tumultuous, tumultuous, tumultuous.  
fol. 74. Tumultuous, troublesome, envy, emulation, malice.  
fol. 75. Troublesome, outcries, Horses, Colts, fiercely wanton, tumultuous, turbulent crew, folly and indiscretion, clamours.  
fol. 76. Troublesome sedition, seditious course, tumultuations, unchristian device, odious to God and good men, maliciously, malicious, set sedition, tumultuous, presumptuously.  
fol. 77. Passion, venom of stomach, indiscretion, intemperance, lack of conscience, modesty, shame, contumelious speeches, a most wicked and injurious devise, unfortunate men, hired by the public adversary, capital slander.  
fol. 78. Slanderously, injuriously, strife, contention, great and strange passion, intemperate spirit, revenge, envy, and precipitation, treason, traitors, contemptible.  
fol. 79. Betrayed, and injuriously vexed by our own, small consideration, mutable, weak and passionate.  
fol, 80. Folly, bad and mad course.   

¶ In the seventh Chapter.  
Fol. 80. Transported brethren, exceeding the limits of modesty, anger, emulation, passionate motives, no stay of conscience or religion, open breach to all licentious liberty of unshamefull railing, opprobrious, and contumelious scolding, breach of modesty, contempt infamy.  
fol, 81. Notorious lies, manifest slanders, false calumniations, scurrilous, immodest, neither modesty, shame, nor conscience, disgorging gall, wanton, malapert, & mad speeches, wicked Libel.  
fol. 82. Hideous and horrible detractions, slanders, and infamations, sinful dealing, sinful burden, horrible sins, unchristian calumniations, sinful lad, sinful suds, defectuous and sinful, wrong shapen, blinking aspect, looking nine ways at once, wanton imaginations, lascivious phrases, sensual and venerous apprehensions, contemplations, and desires.  
fol. 83. Sinful and wretched poor fellow, lost lad, true stain of his religion and order, falsely and wickedly, used by the devil, public reproach of our profession, infamous books, factious, base and absurd instrument, base instrument, mutined brethren, rebellion, begging boy, contemptible & ridiculous thing.  
fol. 84. Liberty & sensuality, dizzards, and absurdities.  
fol. 85. Bewraying; and betraying Cath: simple ridiculous, no learning, voluntary conspiring with the common enemy, mere malice, envy, pride.  
fol, 86. Miserable fellow, state of damnation, desperate case, licentious course, shifter, malice, disorderly life, notorious foolery, dignity of perdition, mutined and discontented priests, mutiny, dissension, no care of truth, rail, revile, and revel, as turbulent spirits, shameless, foolish, malicious, insolently, faction and rebellion, impudent lies, absurd, wicked, impious speech.  
fol, 87, Heretical objection, a most ridiculous companion, pride, as high presumption as any heretic can profess, few companions, impiety, Lucianisme, railings, lyings.  
fol. 88 Proctors for persecutors, wicked, impious, Herodians, wicked devices, bloody companions, odious dispute, impiety suggested by heretics, ribald speech, notorious lies, shameless, contemptuous and scoffing spirit.  
fol. 89. Infidelity, profane irreligiosity, lack of spirit & sense in God's affairs, outrageous detraction, fiery darts of hellish hatred, serpentine tongues, mad and possessed men, rave and rage, seditious, contentious, tumultuous, desastred, dissolute, malicious and envious calumniation, passionate emulators, malicious slanders, impudency, lies, and malicious inventions, miserable men, envy, setters on of heretics, malice, wicked men, unchristian and devilish devise, malicious people.  
fol. 90. Wicked companions, exorbitant malice, consciencelesse railing people, malice, scurrilous objection.  
fol. 91. Malicious cavil, counterfeit or caviling Cath: malignity, pure malice, swelling envy, pestilent books, violent and virulent people, without wit or honesty.  
fol. 92. Shameless books, false Libelers, wilful calumniations, fabulous lucianical narration, spirit of spite, lack of shame.  
fol. 93. Infamy, farthel of lies, impudency herself, brazen or iron face, desperate behaviour, a life of loud lies desperately faced out, monstrous lie, impudent lie, shameless, insolent, impious.  
fol. 94. Wild, mad, insolent, desperate course, frantic & possessed men, monstrous lies, absurd prophanities, malicious fictions, consciencelesse calumniations, wretched and miserable men's hearts, dispightfully, break with envy and rancour, furious barkings, outrageous Libels, hatred, hellish spirit, poisoned entrails, horrible puddle of lies, slanderous invectives, devilish detraction, base, vile, malicious, venom of life, and loose tongue armed with audacity, defended with impudency, stirred up with envy, enraged with fury, bounded by no limits of conscience, piety, or fear of God, etc. loathsome rags of a filthy dunghill.  
fol. 95. Unworthy rags torn and rend from the honourable Clergy by wilful mutiny and rebellion, wrangling Clergy, pride, arrogancy, ignorance, obstinacy, wicked & odious both to God and man.  
fol. 96. Malicious things, desperately, secret Apostasy, seditions, a scold, wanton idle headed boy, younkers, levity of the lad, unconstant head.  
fol. 97. Infamous invective, spleen, spite, malicious stomach, way to perdition, unsuited Gentleman, shuttle brains, lascivious companion, beastly and sensual imagination.  
fol. 98. Copesmate, and Apostata in heart, impudencies, deadly and devilish hatred, traitorous & judas like natures, slanderous lies and reproaches, malice, malicious devised calumniations.  
fol. 99 Seditious falsehood, forged and malicious, shameless creatures, ridiculous, impious, fond, furious, mad men, watt tumbler, contemptible and contumelious, audacious, rash, unlearned, fantastical, scurrilous, infamatory, a most lewd Libel fraught with foolery, ignorance, audacity, and notorious impudency, and irreligious impiety, egregious impiety, contemptibility.   

¶ In the eight Chapter.  
fol. 101. Scandalous, clamorous, contradictious scandalous fact, disordinate and discontented Priests, seditions, assault of sathan under Priests coats, sedition, dangerous, and poisoned humours, naughty will, railing broils.  
fol. 102. Become as Tho. Bell, passion, malice, brabbling people, unquiet spirity, envy, perfidiousness to God, passionate disordered brethren, friends in a trance, men possessed with violent and raging spirits.  
fol. 104. Spirit of pride, envy, revenge, clamours, slanders, calumniation, disobedience, wicked spirit, quodlibetical companion, profane, audacious, impudent spirit, wicked spirit, irreligious companions.  
fol. 105. Pride, emulation, ignorance, temerity, and folly, outrageous malice.  
fol. 106. Folly, madness, spiritus vertiginis, or arreptitius, enemies against the Pope, deadly hatred.  
fol. 107. The devil himself, railing, lying, malicious falsehood, calumniator, wicked forgery, malicious people, odious and ireful vain of railing, mad fellow.  
fol. 108. Contemptuous discourse, Pharisaical vanity, baseness, evil feature, contemptible qualities.  
fol. 109. Insolencies, vain, false, and wicked, without all conscience, modesty, or respect of Christianity, perfidious detractions, seditiously, rancour, malice, sedition, impudent forged lies, mere forgery, without remorse of conscience, spirit of sathan.  
fol. 110. Disorderly Scholars.  
fol. 111. Lying spirit, notorious slanders & lies, shameless assertions, notorious lies, blind Bayard.  
fol. 112. More than half frantic, mere madness, spirits of clamours, rage, revenge, envy, emulation, audacious speeches, disobedience, contempt, etc. discontented people.  
fol. 114. Ambition, liberty of life, etc.   
I have here set down only the words for the most part, not the sentences, for the avoiding of tediousness: referring the reader for trial, unto the Chapters and pages cited: yet have I omitted not only divers bitter words and sentences, and all his uncharitable predictions and forspeakings, but also all his contumelious, and disgraceful comparisons made very often and frequent between Luther, Anabaptists, and other heretics, and us: as also all his untruths & falsehoods, which if I should have compiled here together, would have exceeded the measure of this work intended at the first: wherefore I remit the Reader to the discourse itself, where he shall find them dispersed in great number throughout the book.  
FINIS.   

¶ Errata.  

FOl. 5, a. line 1, for examples, read epistles. Ibidem, b, line, 35, for judgements, read inducements.  
Fol. 11, a. line 10. for example, read epistle.  
Fol. 12, a line 2. for example, read epistle. Ibidem, line 15. for seemed, read seeming.  
Fol. 15. a. line 5. for, to be, read, to have been.  
Fol. 21, b. line 11, for unknown, read known. Ibidem, line 13. for acclamation, read exclamation.  
Fol. 26, a. line 29. for deceased, read diseased.  
Fol. 28. a. line 17. for servant, read Citizen.  
Fol. 67. a. line 7. for F. B. read W. C.